YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

AN
HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL
ACCOUNT
OF THE
LIVES AND WRITINGS
OF
James I. anti Cfmrles I.
AND or
THE LIVES
$lfoer towtoell an* Charles II.
AFTER THE MANNER OF MR. BAYLE.
FROM
ORIGINAL WRITERS AND STATE-PAPERS.

BY WILLIAM HARRIS.

A NEW EDITION,
WITH A LIFE OF THE AUTHOR, A GENERAL INDEX, &C.
/ IN FIVE VOLUMES.
53oS° • 
VOL. III.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR *. C. AND J. RIVINGTON ; T. PAYNE ; WILKIE AND
ROBINSON ; LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN ; CADELL
AND DAVIES ; J. MURRAY ; J. MAWMAN ; AND R. BALDWIN,
1814.

Cl. Woodpatx, Printer, Angel Conrt, Skinner street, London.

AN
HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL
ACCOUNT
OF THE
LIFE OF
Mttoer Cromtoell
LORD PROTECTOR OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF
ENGLAND, SCOTLAND AND IRELAND.

THE LIFE

OF

OLIVER CROMWELL.

OLIVER CROMWELL, son of Robert
Cromwell, and Elizabeth Stuartj his wife, was
born at Huntington, on the twenty-fourth of
April, one thousand five hundred ninety-nine.
His family, which was considerable, I shall
give some account of in the note \
1 I shall give some account of his family.] We are
naturally inquisitive about the descents and alliances of
those who have figured in the world. Whether they sprung
from new or old families ? whether their fathers were men
of renown? or they themselves first gave lustre to their
name? are questions usually asked by such as read or hear
concerning them. To gratify the curiosity of the reader
then, the following account has been collected.-  "That
his (Oliver's) extraction by the father's side, was from Sir,
Richard Williams, knight, a gentleman of eminent note
(says Sir William Dugdale) in the court of king Henry
VIII. and son to Morgan ap Williams (a Welchman) by
sister to Thomas lord Cromwell earl of
Essex, is not to be doubted. Who being by his uncle
preferred to the service of king Henry, was for that cause
(and.no other) called Cromwell, as iff apparent enough from
VOL. III. a

2 THE LIFE OF
He was educated in grammar learning in the
free-school at Huntington, under Dr. Thomas
Beard, a minister of that town ; from whence he
was sent to Cambridge, entered into Sydney-
Sussex College, April 23, I6l6, and placed
under the tuition of Mr. Richard Howlett \
What progress in learning he made in the
testimonies of credit b." If I have not been misinformed,
many gentlemen of the name of Williams, in Wales, value
themselves on this descent of Oliver Cromwell. Dugdale's
account has been lately contested by a gentleman who
thinks it "more probable that this family descended by the
females from Ralph lord Cromwell of Tattenhall in Lincoln
shire, the last heir male of which was lord high treasurer in
the reign of Henry VI. and one of his coheiresses married
Sir William Williams, whose descendents might afterwards
take the name of Cromwell, in hopes of attaining that title
which Humphry Bonchier, a younger son of the then earl
of Essex, who married the eldest of the coheiresses, actually
had, and was killed at Barnet field, fighting on the side of
king Edward IV c. — Which of these accounts is most
probable must be left to the judgment of the reader. — How
ever, ' this is certain, that Sir Richard Cromwell above
mentioned was sheriff of Cambridgeshire and Huntington-
shire in the time of Henry VIII. was a great favourite and
commander in the wars, and had grants of abbey lands in
Huntingtonshire to the amount, as they were then rated,
of three thousand pounds a year. His son, sir Henry, was
four times sheriff of the county. Sir Oliver, uncle to the
Protector, gave king James I. the greatest feast that had
been given to a king by a subject, had a great estate, and

" Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, vol. U. b, 1. p. 66. Wood's Fasti, vol. II. c. 88.
b Short View of the Troubles iu England, p. 458. Oxford, 1681. Folio.
c Biographia Britannica, vol. III. Article Cromwell, note a.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 3
university we have no particular account of,
but as he understood some Latin, and had
a taste for polite literature, probably his time
was not Avholly misemployed there \
During his continuance at Cambridge, his
was a zealous royalist3," but "had his composition remitted
by the parliament for his kinsman's sakeb." It is no wonder
then to find a family of such a rank allied to the Hampdens,
the St. Johns, and the Barringtons, names of some of our
most ancient and eminent families.  Mr. Coke tells us,
" his father being asked whether he knew the Protector, he
said, Yes, and his father too, when he kept his brew-house
in Huntington'." Dugdale will explain this. — " Robert
Cromwell," says he, " though he was by the countenance
of his elder brother (Sir Oliver) made a justice of peace in
Huntingtonshire, had but a slender estate; much of his
support being a brew-house, in Huntington, chiefly managed
by his wife, who was sister to Sir Robert Stewart of the
city of Ely, knight, and by her had issue this our famous
Oliver d." This every reasonable and considerate person
will think no discredit to the family. For in England trade
is not disgraceful tcr a gentleman. The younger brothers of
our best families engage in it, and thereby raise themselves
to fortune and independency, and advance the riches and
power of their country. A much more honourable method
of procuring a maintenance than following the levees of
ministers and favourites, and engaging to execute their
mischievous and fatal schemes!
* He understood some Latin, and had a taste for polite
literature.] Here are my authorities. Burnet says, " he had
no foreign language^ but the little Latin that stuck to him
from his education, which he spoke very vitiously and
" Biographia Britanniea, vol. III. Article Cromwell, note A. b Whitlock's
Memorials, 2d edit. p. 300. c Detection, vol. II. p. 57. Lond. 1694.
' Short View, p. 459.
B 2

4 THE LIFE OF
father dying, he returned home to his mother,
who after some time sent him to Lincolns Inn,
where, instead of applying himself to the study
of the law, he learned the follies and vices of
the town ?.
scantily V Another writer observes that " The usurper
loved, or affected to love, men of wit.-*Mr. Waller fre
quently waited on him, being his kinsman ; and as hroften
declared, observed him to be very well read in the. Greek
and Roman story b." The following passage I give at
length, not doubting the reader will be pleased with it.
" When Cromwell took on him the protectorship, in the
year 1653, the very morning the ceremony was to be per-
form'd, a messenger came to Dr. Manton, to acquaint him
that he must immediately come to Whitehall : the doctor
asked him the occasion : he told him he should know that
when he came there. The Protector himself, without any
previous notice, told him what he was to do, i. e. to pray
upon that occasion : the doctor laboured all he could to be
excused, and told him it was a work of that nature which
required some time to consider and prepare for it. The
Protector replied, That he knew he was not at a loss to per
form the service he expected from him; and opening his
study-door, he put him in with his hand, and bid him con
sider there ; which was not above half an hour : the doctor
employed that time in looking over his books-, which he
said was a noble collection c." Manton was ajudge. -
Theae passages do not indeed prove Oliver's application in
the university; but as- a taste for books and learning, is ge
nerally acquired in the early part of life, it is no way impro
bable that he formed it there.
3 Instead of studying the law, he learned the vices and

» Burnet's History of his own Times. Dutch edit. 12mo. p. 100. 1725.
' Waller's Life, prefixed: to his Poems, p. 30: Lond. 1722. 12mo. c Life of
Dr. Manton, p. 20. 8vo. Lond. 1725.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 5
This involved him in expences which his for
tune would ill bear, and reduced him to some
difficulties. But his vices were of no long con-
follies of the town.] His small proficiency at Lincolns
Inn, we may, I think, fairly enough conclude from the
following passage of a professed panegyrist. " He came
to Lincolns Inn, where he associated himself with those of
the best rank and quality, and the most ingenuous person's ;
for though he were of a nature not averse to study and con--
lemplation ; yet he seemed rather addicted to conversation
and the reading of men, and their several tempers, than to a
continual poring upon authors3." But this is by no means
sufficient to give us an idea of Oliver in his younger years.
We are by one writer furthermore told, that " the first years
of his manhood were spent in a dissolute course of life, in
good fellowship and gaming b." Dugdale is more large.
" In his youth," says he, " he was for some time bred up in
Cambridge ; [he omits his being at one of the inns of court]
where he made no great proficiency in any kind of learning ;
but then and afterwards sorting himself with drinking compa
nions, and the ruder sort of people (being of a rough and
blustering disposition) he had the name of a lloyster amongst
most that knew him; and by his exorbitances so wasfed.his
patrimony ; that, having attempted his uncle Stewart for a
supply of his wants, and finding that by a smooth way of
application to him he could not prevail, he endeavoured by
colour of law to lay hold of his estate, representing him as a
person not able to govern it. But therein he failed c."
Wood observes, " that his father dying whilst he was at
Cambridge, he was taken home and sent to Lincolns Inn to
study the common law, but making nothing of it, he was sent
for home by his mother, became a debauchee, and a boyster-
ous and rude fellow"1." Thus, according to these' writers,
1 Portraiture of his Royal Highness Oliver, p. a. 12mo. 1659. b Warwick's
Memoirs, p. 249. Svo. Lond. 1702. c Diigdale's Short View,.p. 459. d Fasti,
vol. II. c 88. 4

6 THE LIFE OF
tinuance. He soon recovered himself, and at
the age of twenty-one years, married Elizabeth*
daughter of Sir James Bouchier, of Essex,knight,
Oliver misspent his time* and fell into vice ; and though very
probably his faults are heightened by the authors here quot
ed, yet I make no doubt but there is some foundation for the
charge. For in a letter to Mrs. St. John, his cousin, dated
Ely, ISth Oct. 1639, he has the following expressions. " You
know what my manner of life hath been. O, I lived in, and
loved darkness,~ and hated the light; I was a chief, the chief
of sinners. This is true, I hated godliness, yet God had
mercy on me1." Which words undoubtedly imply some
personal vice or other to which he had been addicted, though
we cannot, at this distance, well tell what it was with cer
tainty. 4 He married Elizabeth Bouchier  who shewed due
submission to him.] The Bouchiers were ancient as a fa
mily; from hence piobably arose the spirit and pride of
Mrs. Cromwell. Whether these led her into any indecen
cies with respect to her neighbours, appears not even from
the foes of the family. With regard to her husband she had
merit, i. e. she was affectionate, obedient, submissive, and
desirous to please : qualities vastly beyond any which result
from birth, beauty, parts or wealth. What led me to con
sider her in this light, is the following letter to Oliver, which
will be read I dare say with pleasure, especially as it is the
only one of hers which has been handed down to posterity.
Desember the 27 th, 1650.
MY DEAIUST,
" I wonder you should blame me for writing nowe oftnir,
when I have sent thre for one : I canenot but thenk they ar
miscarid. Truly if I knog my one hart I should ase soune
neglect myself ase to the least thought towards you, hoe in
douing of it I must doe it to myself j but when I doe writ,
* Thurloe's State Papers, vol. I. p. I. fol. Lond. 1742.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 7
said to be a woman of spirit and parts, and not
wanting in pride \ though she shewed all due
submission to her husband. Soon after his
marriage he settled at Huntington, his native
country ; but upon the death of his uncle, Sir
Robert Stewart, who left him an estate of be-
my dear, I seldome have any satisfactore anser, wichmakse
me thenk my writing is slited, as well it mae; but I cannot
but thenk your love covene my weknisis and infirmetis. I
should rejoys to hear your desire in seeing me, but I desire to
submit to the providens of God, howping the Lord, houe
hath seperated us, and heth oftune brought us together
agane, wil in heis good time breng us agane, to the prase of
heis name. Truly my lif is but half a lif in your abseinse,
deid not the Lord make it up in heimself, which I must ac-
knoleg to the prase of heis grace. I would you would thenk
to writ sometims to your deare frend me Lord Chef Justes;
of horn I have oftune put you in mind : and truly, my deare,
if you would thenk of what I put you in mind of sume, it
might be of as much purpos ase others, writting sumetims a
letter to the Presedent, and sometims to the Speiker. In-
deid, my deare, you cannot thenk the rong you doe yourself
in the whant of a letter, though it wer but seldome. I pray
think of, and soe rest yours in all faithfulnise,

In conformity to the representations of others I have men
tioned Mrs. Cromwell's spirit and pride : how the latter ap
peared I know not. It is not said that she loved state and
magnificence, that she was delighted with flattery, or fond
of power. Nor do I remember to have seen any addresses
made to her either by the court divines, or poets of her age,
though her husband, and her son Richard had store of them.

a See Heath's Flagellum, p. i, * Milton's State Papers, by Nickolla
p. 40. fol. Lond. 1743.

8 THE LIFE OP
tween four and five hundred pounds a year, he
removed to the Isle of JEly. Here again it is
said that he fell into great straits and difficul
ties, through an excess of superstition ; though
the accounts given of it5 are, in my opinion,
far enough from being probable.
So that I should rather conclude her meek and humble, than
proud and high-spirited; though we have no facts given us
from whence we may draw the one or the other conclusion.
VI hat confirms me in the opinion of her real good character
is, that I)pgdale and Bates, who have drawn the most ugly
pictures of Cromwell, have left hers untouched, which lam
persuaded they would not have done, could they have found
any thing to fasten on. Bates, being physician to the family,
must have had opportunities sufficient for information ; and
after the Restoration it was making court to abuse any part
of Oliver's family.
I am confirmed in my opinion of Mrs. Cromwell, by the
following passage in Ludlow, which I observed not till I had
written the above. " He [the Protector] removed from the
CockTpit, which hop se the parliament had assign'd him, to
take possession of Whitehall, which he assign'd to himself.
His wife seem'd at first unwilling to remove thither, tho'
afterwards she became better satisfied with her grandeur '."
s He fell into straits and difficulties through an excess
of superstition.] Let us hear what is said on this head by
writers prejudiced against his memory. " Adolescens cum
fcemina nobili conferreavit; sed brevi postea turn sua turn
materna bona, (pater enim ante defnnctus erat) effusus in
luxum, funditns dilapidavit, adeo ut ad restim propemodum
redigeretur. Dein agens resipiseentiam, concionibussacris',
lectionibus piis, 8c mortificationis operibus torus vacat ; con-
ductoque zvthepsario, vehit rem familiarem quam ante de-
coxerat recocturus, eidem dat operam, simul et agriculture.
* LooMow's Memoirs, vol. IL p. 488.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 9
Certain it is, he was very regular at this time
Ab eo tempore, avunculo ilium summopere peroso, Roberto
Stewardo equiti, regiorutn quorundam & clericorum opera
conciliatus est, hrcresque tandem scriptus. Patrimonio
tamen paulo post ad assem pessundato, statuit Novam
Angliam proficisci, omniaque in hunc finem preparatV i. e.
" In his youth he married a gentlewoman, but by his pro
fuse and luxurious way of living, in a short time he squan
dered away both his mother's and his wife's estate, so that he
was almost reduced to beggary. Afterwards, assuming the
behaviour of a penitent, he gave himself wholly up to the
hearing of sermons, reading of godly books, and works of
mortification ; and having got a brewhouse, he applied him
self to the brewing trade, and also to husbandry. After that
his uncle Sir Robert Stewart, who had an aversion to him,
being reconciled by the means of some clergymen and cour
tiers, left him his fortune. But shortly after, having again
run out of all, he resolved to go to New England, and pre
pares all things for that end."
Dugdale, after having spoken of "his most formally cant
ing in their [the Puritans] demure language and affected
tone, and frequenting the sermons of the fiercest Beaute-
feaus," tells us " he was necessitated through his low condi
tion to quit a country farm, which he held at St. Ives, and
betake himself to mean lodgings in Cambridge b." This
necessity another writer lays upon his overmuch religion,
which induced him to have long prayers with his family in a
morning, and again in the afternoon, at which his plowmen
and all his country servants always attended. Mr. Hume,
after his manner, has improved upon all these writers. "All
of a sudden, the spirit of reformation seized him ; he married,
affected a grave and composed behaviour, entered into, all
the zeal and rigour of the puritanical party, and offered to
restore to every one whatever sums he had formerly gained
¦ Elenchi Motuum uuperorum in Anglia ab Georgio Bateo, pars secunda,
p. 219. Svo. Lond. T663. " Pugdale's Short View, p. 460.

*0 THE LIFE OF
in his whole behaviour, publicly addicted to nd
by gaming. The same vehemence of temper which had
transported him into the extreams of pleasure, now distin
guished his religious habits. His house was the resort of all
the zealous clergy of the party ; and his ljospitality as well as
his liberalities to the silenced and deprived ministers, proved
as chargeable as his former debaucheries. Tho' he had ac
quired a tolerable fortune by a maternal uncle, he found his
affairs so injured by his expences, that he was obliged to
take a farm at St. Ives, and apply himself, for some years,
to agriculture, as a profession. But this expedient served
rather to involve him in further debts and difficulties. The
long prayers which he said to his family in the morning and
again in the afternoon, consumed his own time and that of
his ploughmen ; and he reserved no leisure for the care of
his temporal affairs \" There is a deal of confusion in all
these accounts, and I believe at the bottom, but little truth.
For who can think that Oliver, though certainly an enthu
siast, had so little sense as to run himself out after such a
ridiculous manner ? No man better knew than himself that
there was a season for every thing, and though he loved to
pray, and preach too on occasion, yet he was never known
in any other part of life to neglect his affairs. Mr. Hume
should have known too, that the clergy with whom Cromwell
associated, were not of a temper to ruin even the most hos
pitable: good cheer was far enough from being their chief
object. But waving all this, I would be glad to know how
these accounts of his poverty are to be reconciled with the
known facts of his being elected a member of parliament in
1628; and the successful opposition he actually made to the
earl of Bedford, and other great men, in the business of
draining the Fens ?
Sir Philip Warwick, an eminent royalist, lived some
time near Huntington b, and conversed with Dr. Simcott,

• Hume's History of Great Britain, vol. II. p. 45. 4to. Lond. 1757. " Me
moirs, p. 249.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 11
vice, but a professor of religion even to a
degree of6 enthusiasm, to which through the
Cromwell's physician, from whom he learned many parti
culars: but he is totally silent on this head, and therefore
very probably there is no truth in what is above related.
Since writing the above, 1 find Cromwell speaking con
cerning his situation in life in the following manner: "I
was by birth a gentleman, living neither in any considerable
height, nor yet in obscurity." Words spoken to his par
liament Sept. 12, 1654, and abundantly sufficient to confute
the idle stories in this note recited. Milton also, speaking
concerning him, says, " Is matura jam atque firmata setate,
quam 8t privatus traduxit, nulla re magis quam religionis
cultu purioris, Sc integritate vitse cognitus, domi in occulto
creverat"  i. e. " Being now arrived to a mature and
ripe age, which he spent as a private person, noted for
nothing more than the cultivation of pure religion, and
integrity of life, he was grown rich at home*." — After
this, I hope, we shall hear no more of Oliver's extreme ^
poverty. 6 He was a professor of religion even to a degree of en
thusiasm.] The reader who has seen nothing but modern
manners, may wonder to hear religion made part of a great
man's character. He who should now even but make the
least public pretence to it, would go near to be ridiculed
for a fool or a fanatic. The Brutes, the Wrongheads, the
Fribbles have figured so long, that they are become very
familiar, and deemed top characters. But in the last cen
tury things were otherwise : a man's being religious was
thought one qualification even for a post in the army, and
mentioned as such by lord Strafforde b, and we well know
that the appearance of religion was kept up by gentle
men of the most distinguished rank. So that Oliver's re-
¦ Milton's Prose Works, vol. II. p. 395. 4to. Lond. 1753. See also the quota
tion from Clarendon in note 15. * Strafforde's Letters and Dispatches,
vol. I. p. 17. fol. Lond. 1139.

13 THE LIFE OF
remaining part of his life he seemed greatly
inclined.
ligion was meritorious in the eyes of those around him, and
tended much to advance his character.
And that he was really religious, seems to appear from
the following letter most generously permitted to be
transcribed for me, by the trustees of the British Museum.
It is written to Mr. Storie, and dated St. Ives, Jan. 1 1,
1635. "Mr. Storie, amongst the catalogue of those good
workes which your fellpwe citycenes and our cuntrie men
have donn, this will not be reckoned for the least that they
have provided for the feedinge of soules : buildinge of hos-
pitalls provides for mens bodyes, to build materiall temples
is iudged a worke of pletye, but they that procure spirituail
food, they that builde up spirituail temples, they are the
men truly charitable, trulye pious. Such a work as this was
your erectinge the lecture' in our cuntrie, in the which you
placed Dr. Welles, a man of goodnesse and industrie and
abilitie to doe good everyway: not short of any 1 knowe
in England, and I am perswaded that sithence his cominge,
the Lord by him hath wrought much good amongst us. It
only remains now that he whoe first moved you to this, put
you forward to the continewance thereof, it was the Lord,
and therefore to him lift we up our harts that he would
perfect itt. And surely Mr. Storie it were a piteous thinge
to see a lecture fall in the hands of soe manie able and
godly men as I am perswaded the founders of this are, in
theise times wherin wee see they are suppressed with too
much hast, and violence by the enemies of God, his truth,
far be it that soe much guilt should sticke to your hands,
who live in a citye so renowned for the clere shininge light
of the gospell. You knowe Mr. Storie to withdrawe the
pay is to lett fall the lecture, for whoe goeth to warfare at
his owne cost. I beseech you therefore in the bowells or
Christ Jesus putt it forward and let the good man have his

OLIVER CROMWELL. 13
pay. The soules of God his children will bless you for it :
and soe shall I, and ever rest
" Your lovinge friend in the Lord,
" OLIVER CROMWELL..
" Commende my hearty love to Mr, Busse, Mr.
Beadly, and my other good friends. I would have
written to Mr. Busse, but I was loath to trouble
him with a longe letter, and I feared I should not
receive an answer from him, from you I expect
one soe soon as conveniently you may. Vale. To
rny very lovinge friend Mr. Storie, at the sign
of the Dogg in the Royal Exchange London, dle-
theise." The importance of this letter to Cromwell's character will
excuse the length of it, especially as it is an original, and
now first published.
But he not only practised the external duties of religion
(real inward religion appears not to men, but by its fruits)
but he was carried away into enthusiasm. He fancied him
self favoured and distinguished by heaven; that God in
answer to his prayers afforded him supernatural illumination
and assistance.  " I had occasion to converse with Mr.
Cromwell's physician, Dr. Simcott, who assured me, that
for many years his patient was a most splenetick man, and
had phansyes about the cross- in that town; and that he had
been called up to him at midnight and such unseasonable
hours very many times, upon a strong phancy, which made
him believe he was then dying ; and there went a story of
him, that in the day-time lying melancholy in his bed, he be
lieved that a spirit appeared to him, and told him be should be
the greatest man (notmentioning the word king) in this king
dom. Which his uncle Sir Thomas SteWardy Who left him
all the little estate Cromwell had, told him was traiterous
to relate. The first years of his manhood were spent in a
dissolute course of life— but — when he was civil iz'd he
joined himself to men of his own temper, who pretended

14 THE LIFE OF
unto transports and revelations *."¦  The following ex
tracts from some of Oliver's letters will, perhaps, better than
any thing else illustrate this part of his character. " Truly
noe poore creature hath more cause to putt forth himselfe
in , the cause of his God, then I. I have had plentiful
wadges before hand ; and I am sure I shall never earn the
least mite. The Lord accept mee in his Sonn, and give me
to walk in the light, and give us to walk in the light, as
hee is in the light. He it is that inlighteneth our black-
nesse, our darknesse. I dare not say, hee hideth his face
from mee ; hee giveth me to see light in his light ; one beame
in a darke place hath exceedinge much refreshment in
it ; blessed be his name for shininge upon soe darke a hart
as mineb." This was written in 1638.  In a letter to
the lord Wharton, dated Sept. 2, 1648, we have the follow
ing passages. " I beseech the Lord make us sensible of
this great mercye heere [the victory over the Scots under
duke Hamilton, I suppose] which surelye was much more
then***** the house expresseth. I trust ****** the
goodnesse of our God, time and opportunitye to speak of
itt with you face to face. When we think of our God,
what are wee! oh! his mercye to the whole societye of
saincts, despised, jeered saincts. Let them mocke onn.
Would we were all saincts ; the best of us are (God knows)
poore weake saincts, yet saincts ; if not sheepe, yet lambs,
and must bee fed. We have daily bread and shall have itt,
in despite of all enimies. There's enough in our fathers
house, and he dispenseth itt as our eyes * * * * bekind,
then wee can * * * * we for him. I thinke thorough these
outward mercyes (as we call them) faith, patience, love,
hope, all are exercised and perfected, yea Christ formed,
and growes to a perfect man within us. I knowe not how
well to distinguish : the difference is only in the subject :
to a worldly man they are outward : to a sainct, christian :
but I dispute not. My lord I rejoice in your perticular
mercye. 1 hope that is soe to you ; if soe it shall not hurt
* Warwick, p. 24&. b Tanrloe, vol. I. p. V.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 15
you, nor make you plott or shift for the younge baron to
make him great. You will say he is Gods to dispose off,
and guide for, and there you will leave him*."
In a letter Jo the governor of the castle of Edinburgh,
dated Sept. 9, 1650, he thus writes: " We have said in our
papers with what hearts and upon what accompt we came ;
[into Scotland] and the Lord hath heard us, though you
would not, upon as solemn an appeal as any experience can
parallel. And although they [the Scots] seem to comfort
themselves with being the sons of Jacob, from whom (they
say) God hath hid his face for a time ; yet it's no wonder,
when the Lord hath lift up his hand so eminently against a
family, as he hath done so often against this [the Stuart]
and men will not see his hand, if the Lord hide his face
from such, putting them to shame, both for it and their
hatred at his people, as it is this day. When they purely
trust to the sword of the spirit, which is the word of God,
which is powerful to bring down strong holds, and every
imagination that exalts itself, which alone is able to square
and fitt the stones for the new Jerusalem; then, and not
before, and by that means, and no other, shall Jerusalem
(which is to be the praise of the whole earth) the city of
the' Lord be built, the Sion of the holy one of Israel V
The governor in his reply telling Cromwell the Scots mini
sters said, " that they had not so learned Christ as to hang
the equity of their cause upon events :" he reassumed his
pen on the same subject, and writes as follows : " In answer
to the witnesse of God upon our solemn appeal ; you say,
you have not so learned Christ, to hang the equity of your
cause upon events. We could wish blindnesse hath not
been upon your eyes to all those marvellous dispensations,
which God hath wrought lately in England. But did not
you solemnly appeal and pray ? Did not we do so too?
And ought not you and we to think with fear and trembling
of the hand of the great God in this mighty and strange
appearance of his ? But can slightly call it an event.
* Thurloe, vol. I. p. 99. » Id. p. 159.

16 THE LIFE OF
Were not both yours and our expectations renewed front
time to time, whilst we waited upon God, to see which
way he would manifest himself upon our appeals? And
shall we after all these our prayers, fastings^ tears, expec
tations,' and solemne appeals, call these bare events ? The
Lord pity you. Surely we fear, because it hath been a
merciful and gracious deliverance to us. I beseech you irt
the bowels of Christ, search after the mind of the Lord in it
towards ydu; and we shall help you by our prayers, that
you may find it out; for yet (if we know our hearts at all)
our bowels do in Christ Jesus earn after the godly in ScoN
land"."  Bishop Burnet tells us, "that when Cromwell
was in the greatest streights and perplexities, just before
the battle at Dunbar, he called his officers to a day- of seek
ing the Lord. He loved to talk much of that matter all his
life long afterwards. He said he felt such an enlargement
of heart in prayer, and such quiet upon it, that he bade all
about him take heart, for God had certainly heard them,
and would appear for them. After prayer they walked in
the earl of Roxborough's gardens that lay under the hill;
and by prospective glasses they discerned a great motion in
the Scottish camp. Ltpon which Cromwell said, God is de->
livering them into our hands, they are coming down to usb".
The event was comformable to his expectation.
Whitlock, who well knew the man, writes as; follows :
" From the council of state Cromwell and hi3 son Iretqn
went home with me to supper, where they were very chear-
ful, and seemed extremely well pleased; we discoursed to
gether till twelve a-clock at night, and they told me wonder
ful observations of God's providence, in the affairs of the
war, and in the business of the army's coming to London,
and seizing the members of the house, in all whieh were
miraculous passages c."
These passages are, I think, abundantly sufrcient to es
tablish the enthusiasm of Cromwell. However, that the'
' Thurloe, vol. I. p. 161. b Burnet's History of his own Times, vol. f.
p. 82, 12mo. Dutch edit. See Cromwell's Letter to Lonthall, in note 35.
' Whitlock's Memorials, p. 38 h

OLIVER CROMWELL. 1?
reader riiay determine the better, let him attend to the fol
lowing anecdotes which seem to indicate him an hypocrite.
"HiS rude cant and' spiritual simplicity were downright
affectation : than which nothing can be more evident from
Mr. Waller's observation, and his confession to him. Mr*
Waller often took notice, that in the midst of their dis
course a servant has come in to tell them such and such at
tended ; upon which Cromwell would rise, and stop them,
talking at the door, where he could over-hear them say,
The Lord' will reveal, The Lord will help, and several such
expressions; which when he return'd to Mr. Waller he ex
cused, saying, Cousin Waller, I must talk to these men
after their own way ; and would then go on where they left
off. This created in Mr. Waller an opinion that he secretly
despised" those whom he seemed to court"."
And the author of the Political History of the Age,
thinks " the enthusiasm of Cromwell entirely assum'd and
politic ; quoting the following anecdote from Oliver St,
John, in proof of it, viz. That being one day at table with
his friends, and looking for the cork of a bottle of cham
paign which he had opened, on being informed, that
some person attended for admittance to see him, Tell
him, says Cromwellj we are in search of the holy spirit b."
These are the passages which seem to destroy the enthu
siasm of Oliver; seem, I say, to destroy it— for allowing..
their truth,, in my opinion, they do not in reality do it. — >
For what do they prove, but that Cromwell sometimes talked
inconsistently with his principles ? or being at times less
under their power, he indulged himself in jesting, and
raillery, to which he was. naturally prone ? If two or three
casual' expressions are to determine a man's character in
opposition to his whole speech and behaviour, woe be to
those who think themselves virtuous and good. Whoever
will' consider the times in which Oliver lived; the part he-'
bore in the transactions of them ; his real principles with
respect to returns, of prayer ; and his opinion expressed
• Waller's Life, p. 30. b Montfily Review, for Aug. 1757.
VOL. III. C

18 THE LIFE OF
in his last moments, will not be long at a loss to determine
about his real enthusiasm.
1. The times in which Oliver lived were times of refor
mation. Now " a reformation is seldom carried on without
a heat and a vehemence which borders upon enthusiasm;
and as Cicero hath observed that there never was a great
man sine afflalu divino, so in times of religious contests,
there seldom was a man very zealous for liberty civil and
evangelical, and a declared and active enemy to insolent
tyranny, blind superstition, political godliness, bigotry
and pious frauds, who had not a fervency of zeal which led
him on some occasions somewhat beyond the sober bounds
of temperate reason. When men are thus dispos'd, and
have animated each other, and are inflam'd by opposition,
persecution, and ill usage,, they are strongly inclin'd to
suspect a divine interposition, and to explain every strange
appearance that way. The impetuosity spreads far. and
wide, and seizes even upon children a."
Another ingenious writer speaking concerning these times,
observes, " That in the high ferment of national spirit, not
only did the animosities usual amidst the flames of civil
war, spread violently, on both sides; but that which was
peculiar to the complexion and temper of the people
of that age; extravagant conceits of a religious kind,
operated in the most forcible manner imaginable. The
crude mixture of religious and political opinions which
is commonly found among the bulk of the people, being
then shook to the very bottom; it was no wonder, that,
together with the most shining instances of military skill
and bravery, of penetrating sagacity and judgment in
the management of particular conjunctures and events, of
boldness, vigilance, and address in planning and executing
the most dangerous enterprizes ; there may also be discern
ed many evidences of a wild and enthusiastic genius affect
ing the manners and actions of the popular leaders'5."
* Jortin's Remarks on Ecclesiastical History, vol. II. p. 370. b National
^Spirit considered, as a natural Source of Political Liberty, p. 40. 8vo. Lond.
1758. 2d. edit.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 19
£. Not only the times in which Oliver lived, but the cha
racters he bore, and the great and surprising actions he
performed, will lead us very naturally to suppose that he
might really think himself under the divine guidance. The
age of Cromwell was an age of wonders. The king and his
nobles were brought low ; the poor and the mean were
exalted; the foolish things of the world confounded the
wise, and the weak things of the world confounded the
things which were mighty; and base things of the world,
and things which were despised, yea things that were
not, comparatively, brought to nought things that were.
No wonder things so marvellous, were deemed by him and
others to be the Lord's doings in a peculiar manner, since
they were so much out of the usual course. And as to
himself, in particular, from small beginnings he had rose to
such heights of power and reputation, and done such very
extraordinary things, that it must have been very difficult
for a man of his constitution, to have forborne thinking that
he was personally favoured by heaven in his undertakings.
" A magistrate convinc'd of the being of a God and a Pro
vidence, and conscious that every purpose of his heart in
tends the honour of that God and the good of the people
he governs, cannot help believing himself under the special
care of the Deity. This flows from the very reason and
nature of things, and can never be otherwise : God, as
surely as he exists, must necessarily favour such a man, and
every such man must as necessarily be convinc'd that God
does so favour him.  And such a perswasion will always
have more or less influence on the mind, as it falls in with a
constitution more or less inclin'd to superstition or enthu
siasm, which is apt to impute every laudable thought, and
every successful action to the special suggestion and assist
ance of heaven \"
3. Cromwell's real opinion concerning returns of prayer
will clearly shew his enthusiasm. What follows may, I
believe, be depended on. " I had heard from several (and
* Middleton's Tracts, p.200. 4to. Lond. 1752.
C 2

30 THE LIFE OR
it had been confirrnM to me by Mr,, Jeremy White, who
livfd. at Whitehall at the very same time with Mr. Howe),
that the notion of a particular faith i° prayer* pievail'd.much,
in Cromwell's court; and that, it was a, common ppiniqn,
aniong them, that such as were in a special maimer, favojur'd
of God, when they offer'd up. prayers and supplications. tp
him for his mercies, either for themselves or others, often,
had such impressions, made on their minds, and spirits by a^
divjne hand, as signify'd to %m, not only in the general,
that their prayers would be heard, and graciously answered,
but that t,he particular mercies that were spughj, for, would,
be certainly bestowed ; nay, and sometimes also intimated-
to them in what way and manner they would, be, afforded;
and pointed out to them future events before liand, which
in reality is the same, as inspiration. Haying heard of mis
chief done by the prevalence of this notion, I took, the op
portunity that offered, when there was nothing to hinder
the utmost freedom, to enquire of Mr. Howe, what he, ha$>
known, about this matter, and what were his, apprehensions,
concerning it ? He told me the prevalence of the notion
that I mentioned at Whitehall, at the time when he lived
there, was too, nqtorious to be called in question; and that,
not a little, pains was taken to cultivaje and support it; apd,
tliat he once heard a sermon there, (from a person of note),
the avow'd design of which was to maintain, and defend it.
He said he was so fully convinced of the. ill tendency pf.
such a principle, that after, the hearing this sermon, he
thought himself bound, in conscience, when if capie next;
to his turn to preach before Cromwell, to set himself indus
triously, to, oppose it, and to beat down that, spiritual pride,
and confidence, which such fancied; impulses and impres
sions were apt to produce, and cherish. He told., me, he,
observed that while he was in the pulpit, Cromwell,
heard him with great attention, but wpuldfsprnetimes knit
his brows, and discover great uneasiness. When, thcser-
mpn was over, he told me a person of distinction, came., to,
him, and ask'd him if he knew what he had done? and
tignifyed it to him as his. apprehension, that Cromwell

OLIVER CROMWELL. 21
This, however, spoiled notvhis good nature,
not rendered him som% morose, or severe.
would be so incens'd upon that discourse, that he would
find it very difficult ever to make his peace with him, or
s'ecurfe his favour for the future. Mr. Howe replyed, that
he had but discharged his conscience, and coiild leave the
event with God. He told me he afterwards observed,
Cromwell was cooler in his carriage to him than before;
and sometimes he thought he would have spoken to him
of the matter, but he never did, arid rather chose to for
bear3." ^
4. His discburse iri his last sickness to his wife, plainly
manifests the enthusiasm of his temper. Take it as related
by his physician Bates. " Sed nee anirho solum aegrotat;
[he had been just speaking of his domestic vexations'] febre
sitjiiidem brevi post latica & lerita corripitiir, quee tandem
spUriairi in tertianam degerteravit. "' Provecto per septi-
manam morbo, absque dllis periculi indiciis, (utpote nunc
istam mali speciem, hiinc aliam prfe se ferente;) ut he pro-
hiberet securido die ab ambularido fdras. Post pralidium
astern accedentibus ad eum quinque quos habebat medicis,
quidam e± tactii pulsuni interrhisisse prohunciat : quo au
dita ille subito consternatus o're1 pallet, sudatiuriculas patitur,
& ferU delfcjftfiutri, jubeHque Se1 ad lectulum deportari ; atque
ibi cardiacis refocillatus, siipre'rnum cbridiait testamentum,
sed de rebuS privatis' 8c domesticis., Marie surnmo, culm
urius e cseteris visitatum veniret, percoritatur, quare vultus
ei adeo tristis. Ciirhque respohderet, ita, oportere, si cui
vit£e' a'C salutis ejus pOridu's incumberet; Vos (inq'uit) me-
dici me credltis1 interrrioriturum : dei'n cseteris amoti's (uxo-
rern manu1 corirplectens) ita' h'uri'c arratur, Tibi pronuncio,
non esse mihi hoc morbo morieridum; hujiis eriim ce'rtus
sum. £t quia intention aspeCtahterii oculo ad ista verba
Cerrieret, Tu rh'e(ihquit) ne credas irisanire; verba veritatis
" Calamy's Life of Howe, p. 21. 8vo. Lond, 1724.

22 THE LIFE OF
On the contrary, from most indisputable au
thorities, we are assured, that he was courteous
eloquor, certioribus innixus quam vobis Galenus aut Hip
pocrates vester suppeditat rationibus. Deus ipse hoc re-
sponsum precibus dedit non meis unius, verum & eorum
quibus arctius cum illo commercium & major familiaritas.
Pergite alacres, excussa penitus a vuitu tristitia, ineque
instar servuli tractate. Pollere vobis licet prudentia rerum;
plus tamen valet natura quam medici simul omnes ; Deus
autem naturam longiori superat intervallo a."  i.e. " But
all his distemper was not in his mind alone; for shortly
after he was taken with a slow fever, that^at length degene
rated into a bastard tertian ague. For a week's time the
disease so continued without any dangerous symptoms, (as
appearing sometimes one, and sometimes another kind of
distemper) that every other day he walked abroad : but after
dinner his five physicians coming to wait upon him, one of
them having felt his pulse, said that it intermitted: at
which suddenly startled, he looked pale, fell into a cold
sweat, almost fainted away, and orders himself to be carried
to bed, where being refreshed with cordials, he made his
will, but only about his private and domestic affairs. Next
morning early, when one of his physicians came to visit
him, he asked him why he look'd so sad? and when he
made answer, that so it becomes any one, who had the
weighty care of his life and health upon him : Ye physi
cians, said he, think I shall die. Then the company being
removed, holding his wife by the hand, to this purpose he
spoke to him, I tell you I shall not die of this disorder, — I
am sure of it. And because he observed him to look more
attentively upon him at these words, Don't think, said he,
that I am mad; I speak the words of truth, upon surer
grounds than your Galen or Hippocrates furnish you with.
God Almighty himself hath given that answer, not to my
* Bates's Elenchi pars 2da, p. 215.

OLIVER CROMWELL. «s
and obliging, affable 7 and condescending, and
prayers alone, but also, to the prayers of those who enter
tain a stricter commerce, and greater intimacy with him.
Go. on chearfully, banishing all sadness from your looks,
and deal with me as you would with a serving-man. Ye
may have skill in the nature of things, yet nature can do
more than all physicians put together ; and God is far more
above nature."
Burnet confirms this account of the assurance of the
divines concerning Cromwell's recovery \ I will rest the
evidence of the enthusiasm of Oliver here (though many
more proofs cantbe brought of it) not doubting but it will
appear strong and convincing; and account, in some de
gree, for those actions and expressions which we shall meet
with in the following sheets: account in some degree, I
say; for whoever thinks him wholly under the power of
this principle, will be greatly mistaken. Cromwell ranks in
this respect with Mahomet, and Aurengzebe, who were
great masters of themselves, though, by nature, strongly
tinctured with enthusiasm.
7 He was courteous and affable, and inclined to buf
foonery.]' Here are the authorities. Sir Philip Warwick
does honour to this part of his character in the following
paragraph. " In his conversation towards me he was ever
friendly; tho' at the latter end of the day finding me ever
incorrigible, and having some inducements to suspect me a
tamperer, he was sufficiently rigid b." Whitlock, even
under a sense of an injury done him by Cromwell, owns
he was " goodnatured c." His affability and condescension
will appear also from the same writer. " As they [Crom
well and Ireton] went home from my house, their coach
was stopped and they examined by the guards, to whom
they told their names; but the captain of the guards would
not believe them, and threatned to carry these two great
• History of his own Times, vol. I. p. 130. b Warwick's Memoirs, p. 247^
c Whitlock's Memorials, p. 627.

24 THE LIFE OF
even strongly, at times, inclined tP practise
some little arts of buffoonery.
officers to the court of guard. Ireton grew a little angry,
but Cromwell was chearful with the soldiers, gave them
twenty shillings, and commended them and their captain
fordoing their dutya." In another place he writes as fol
lows: "The Protector often advis'd about this [The petition
and advice] and other great businesses with the lord Brog-
hill, Pierpoint, myself, Sir Charles Wolsely and Thurloe,
and would be shut up three or four hours together in private
discourse, and none were admitted to come in to him; he
would sometimes be very chearful with us,tfand laying aside
his greatness he would be exceeding familiar with us, and
by way of diversion, would make verses with us, and every,
one must try his fancy ; he commonly call'd for tobacco,
pipes, and a candle, and would now and then take tobacco
himself; then he would fall again to his serious and great
business, and advise with us in those affairs; and this he
did often with us, and our counsel was accepted and fol
lowed by him, in most of his greatest affairs b." These pas
sages, snr.ply and artlessly told, strongly indicate the chear-
fulness and pleasantry of Cromwell, and shew how well
qualified he was to conciliate the affection and regard of
those whom he thought it worth his while to court'.
Let us now proceed to the buffoonery which is mentioned
in the text. " Mr. Waller lived mostly at Beaeansfield,
where his mother dwelt in her widowhood, and often enter
tained Oliver Cromwell there, during his usurpation, he
being related to her. But notwithstanding her relation to
the usurper, and Colonel Hampden, she was a royalist in her
principles ; and when Oliver visited her at Beaeonsfield, she
would frankly tell him how his pretensions would end1.
The usurper us'd merrily to throw a napkin at her in return,
and said he would not enter into further disputes with his
• Whitlock's Memorials, p. 384. * ft £• 856. c See note 63.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 25
But on necessary occasions he kept state to
aunt; for so he us'd to call her, though not quite so nearly
related \" Mr. Cowley speaks of "his flinging of cushions,
and playing at snowballs with his servants"."  And Mr*
Ludlow relates " that Cromwell contriv'd a conference to be
held in Kingstreet, between those call'd the grandees of the
house and army, and the commonwealths-men, in which the
grandees, of whom lieutenant-general Cromwell was the
head, kept themselves in the clouds, and would not declare
their judgments either for a monarchical, aristocratical, or
democratical government; maintaining that any of them
might be good in themselves, or for us, according as Provi
dence should direct us. The commonwealths-men declared
that monarchy was neither good in itself, nor for us.  —
Notwithstanding what was said, Cromwell — profess'd himself
unresolved, and having learn'd what he could of the princi
ples and inclinations of those present at the conference, took
up a cushion and flung it at my head, and then ran down
the stairs ; but J overtook him with another, which made
him hasten down faster than he desired0." This fact oc
curred to Mr. Hume, but he could not relate it as it was. —
Hear his words. "After debates," says he, "on this sub*
ject [government] the most important which could fall under
the discussion of human creatures, Ludlow tells us, that
Cromwell, by way of frolic, threw a cushion at his head ;
aad when Ludlow took up another cushion, in order to re
turn the compliment, the general ran down stairs, and had
almost broke, his bones in the hurry d." — But to proceed.
At the signing of the warrant for the king's execution, we
are told " that Cromwell with his pen mark'd Harry Marten
in the face; and Marten did the like to himc;" and also,
" that whilst Hugh Peters was shewing the lawfulness of

* Waller's Life, pi 4. b Cowley's Discourse concerning the Government of
Oliver Cromwell, p. 95. c Ludlow's Memoirs, vol. I. p. 240. 8vo. Swit
zerland, 1,698. d Hume's History of Great Britain, yot II. p. 74. e Exact
and impartial Account of the Trial of the Regjcides, p. 247. 4to. Lond. 1660.

30 THE LIFE OF
the full * ; appeared with the pomp and magni-
the said execution, and, in his way, exciting them to it from
the pulpit, he laughed*." I will add but one passage more.
" Minores ductores congiariis frequentius devincire, non-
nunquam in media cibatione, famenondum pacata gregarios
milites pulsatis tympanis intromittere ut semesas raptarent
reliquias. Robustos ac vere militares nocivis <k validis
exercitiis tractare, veluti prima candente nonnunquam
ocreis injecta, vel culcitris hiiic inde in capita vibratis.
Semel autem praeludiis hujusmodi probe lassos & risu lax-
atos prsefectos ad cordis apertionem provocavit; eoque
modo ab incautis elicuit arcana quasdam^ qua? perpetuis
tenebris optabant postmodum involuta; dum ipse, senten-
tias omnium scrutatus, celaret suainV i. e. " He would
often make feasts for the inferiour officers, and whilst they
were feeding, before they had satisfied their hunger, cause
the drums to beat and let in the private soldiers to fall on,
and snatch away the half-eaten dishes. The robust and
sturdy soldiers he loved to divert with violent and hazardous
exercises; as by making them sometimes throw a burning
coal into one anothers boots, or cushions at one anothers
heads. When the officers had sufficiently laugh'd, and
tired themselves with these preludes, he would wheedle them
to open their hearts freely ; and by that means he drew
some secrets from the unwary, which afterwards they wish
ed might have been wrapp'd up in everlasting darkness;
whilst he, in the mean time, pumping the opinion of all
others, concealed his own." Thus even diversions were
made subservient to his policy!
8 He kept state to the full, and appeared on proper occa
sions with pomp and magnificence.] Cromwell was one of
those geniuses who are ofttimes buried in obscurity, through
want of occasion of being known. Thousands spend their
lives in retirement who are capable of greater things than
\ * Exact and impartial 'Account of the Trial of tho Regicides, p. 168. 4to. Lond.
1660. k Bates's Elenchi, pare '2da. p. 179.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 27
ficence becoming the head of a rich and
most of those whose names are tossed from every tongue,
and voiced for wise, skilful, able, or valiant. In times
of peace these men are little noticed or known; but they
are overlooked among the herd, or treated with a cool
ness or disregard which damps their ambition, and estab
lishes their virtue. But when civil commotions arise, when
the struggle is for liberty or enslavement, " then a free and
active spirit is rais'd which overspreads the country ; every
man finds himself, on such occasions, his own master, and
that he maybe, whatever he can make himself: he knows
not how high he may rise, and is unaw'd by laws, which are
then of no force: he finds his own weight, tries his own
strength, and, if there is any hidden worth, or curbed met
tle in him, certainly shews and gives it vent. Accordingly
we see, that the genius's produced at these times, give great
proof of reach and capacity, especially in politic manage
ments and civil affairs in the largest sense1." Cromwell
verified these observations. I will give Warwick's account
at large as a proof of it, especially as it will afford pleasure
to such of my readers as delight in anecdotes, as, I believe,
most do. " The first time I ever took notice of him [Oliver]
was in the very beginning of the parliament held in Nov.
1640, when I vainly thought myself a courtly young gentle
man : (For we courtiers valued ourselves much upon our good
cloaths.) I came into the house one morning well clad,
and perceived a gentleman speaking (whom I knew not)
very ordinarily apparelled; for it was a plain cloth suit;
which seemed to have been made by an ill country taylor ;
his linen was plain, and not very clean; and I remember a
speck or two of blood upon his little band, which was not
much larger than his collar ; his hat was without a hatband :
his stature was of a good size, his sword stuck close to his
side, his countenance swoln and reddish, his voice sharp
and untuneable, and his eloquence full of fervour ; for the
» Enquiry into the Life and Writings of Homer.

g8 THE LIFE OF
powerful people, and behaved suitably to the
subject matter would not bear much of reason ; it being iri
behalf of a servant of Mr. Prymie's, who had disperst libels
against the queeh for her dancing, and such like innOCeiit
and courtly sports.; and he aggravated the imprisonment of
this man by the council table unto that height; that one would
have believ'd, the very government itself had been in great
danger by it; I sincerely profess it lessened much my
reverence unto that great council, for he was very much
hearkened unto. And yet I liv'd to see this very gentleman,
whom out of no ill will to him I thus describe, by multiplied
good successes, and by real (but Usurpt) power; (havltig
had a better taylor, and more converse anlOng good com
pany) in my own eye, when for six weeks together I was a
prisoner in his Serjeant's hands, and daily waited at White^
hall, appear of a great and majestick deportment and comely
presence V
Lofd Clarendon; in the accrtunt lately published of his
own life, gives us a representation of Oliver's behaviour iri
a committee, very little to his advantage. Here are his
words : " Mr. Hyde was often heard to mention one private
committee, in which he was put accidentally into the chair,
upon an inclosure which had been made of great wastes be
longing to the queen's manors, without the Consent of the
tenants, the benefit whereof had been given by the queen to
a servant of near trust; who forthwith sPld the lands in
closed to the earl of Manchester, lord privy seal; wh6, to
gether wi<h his son Mandevily were now most 'concerned to
maintain the inclosure ; against which, as well the inhabit
ants of other manors, who claimed common in those wasted,
as the queen's tenants of the samey Made loud complaints1, ast
a great oppression, carried) upon them With a very high'
band, and supported by power. The committee sat in' the
queen's court; and Oliver Cromwell being1 One of them,
appeared much concerned to countenance the petitioners,
* Warwick's Memoirs, p. 247.
5

OLIVER CROMWELL. 29
high rank in which he had placed himself.
who were numerous, together with their witnesses ; the
lord Mandeyil being likewise present as a party, and by the
direction of the committee, sitting covered. Cromwell
(who had never before been heard to speak in the house of
commons) ordered the witnesses and petitioners in the me
thod of the proceeding; and seconded, and enlarged upon
what they said with great passion; and the witnesses, and,
persons concerned, who were a very rude kind; of people, in
terrupted the council, and witnesses on the other side, with
great qlamour when they said any thing that did not please
them ; so that Mr. Hyde (whose office it was to oblige men
of all sorts tokeep order) was, compelled to use some sharp.
reproofs, and, some threats, to reduce them to such a tem
per, that the business might be. quietly heard* Cromwell
in great fury reproached the chairman for being partial,,, and
that he discountenanced the witnesses by threatening them ;
the other appealed to the committee, who justified him,
and declared that he behaved as he ought to do;, which
more inflamed him, who was already too much angry.
When, upon any mention of matter of fact, or. the proceeding
before, and at the inclosure, the lord;Mandevil desired to be
heard, and with great modesty related what had! been, done,
or explained what had" been said, Mr. Cromwell didanswer,
and reply upon him, with so much indecency, and rudeness,
and in language, so contrary,, and offensive, that every man
would'have thought, that as their natures and'their manners
were as opposite as it is possible, so their interest could never
have been the same. In the end' his whole carriage was so
tempestuous,, and his behaviour so insolent, that the chair
man found, himself obliged; to reprehend him; arid to tell:
him, if he proceeded in the same manner, he would) presently.
adjourn the committee, and the next morning complain to
the house of him, which he never forgave; and took all oc
casions afterwards to pursue him with the utmost malice
and revenge, to his death3."
* Life of Lord Clarendon, vol. I. p. 78. 8vo. Oxford, 1759.

80 THE LIFE OF
Elocution was not his talent. His public
If one were to judge by this, Cromwell's manners were
as rude as his dress uncourtly. But however, this same
writer in another place confesses the alteration which was
visible in him after he rose to dignity and power. " As hej
grew into place and authority," says he, " his parts seemed
to be raised, as if fye had concealed his faculties, till he had
occasion to use them ; and when he was to act the part of a
great man, he did it without any indecency, notwithstanding
the want of custom V
Whitlock has described him two or three times in his
public appearances : an account of these will explain what
I mean by his keeping state to the full. His inauguration
was magnificent. On the 26th of June, 1657, " a place
being prepared at the upper end of Westminster-hall, in
the midst of it was a rich cloth of state set up, and under it
a chair of state upon an ascent of two degrees, cover'd
with carpets ; before it a table and a chair by it for the
speaker; on each side of the hall were seats built one
above another, and cover'd for the members of the parlia
ment; below them seats on the one side for the judges, and
on the other side for the lord mayor and aldermen of
London. About two of the clock in the afternoon the
Protector met the parliament, and gave his consent to some
bills ; then the speaker and members went to their places
in Westminster-hall, and the judges and aldermen took
their places : a little time after this his Highness came
attended with his own gentlemen, arid with the heralds
Serjeants at arms: the officers, commissioners of the seal,
and of the treasury, and his council : the earl of Warwick
carried the sword before him, and the Lord Mayor of
London carried the city sword.
" His Highness standing under the cloth of state, the
speaker in the name of the parliament presented to him,
" 1. A robe of purple velvet, lined with ermin, which
the speaker, assisted by me and others, put upon his High-
" Clarendon's Hist, of the Rebellion, vol. VI. p. 649.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 31
ness; then be delivered to him the bible richly gilt and
bossed ; after that the speaker girt the sword about his
highness, and delivered into his hands the scepter of massy
gold, and then made a speech to him upon those several
things presented to him, wishing him all prosperity in his
government, and gave him the oath; and Mr. Manton" by
prayer recommended his highness, the parliament, the
council, the forces by land and sea, and the whole govern
ment, and people of the three nations, to the blessing and
protection of God. After this the people gave several
shouts, and the trumpets sounding : the Protector sat in
the chair of state, holding the scepter in his hand; on his
right side sat the ambassador of France, on the left side the
ambassador of the United Provinces. Near to his highness
stood his son Richard, the lord deputy Fleetwood, Claypole,
master of the horse, bis highnesses council and officers of
state; the earl of Warwick held the sword on the right side
of the chair, and the lord mayor of London held the city
sword on the left hand of the chair ; near the earl of
Warwick stood the lord viscount Lisle, general Mountague,
and I, each of us having a drawn sword in our hands. Then
the trumpets sounded, and an herald proclaimed his high
nesses title; and proclamation was made, and loud accla
mations of the people, God save the Lord Protector. The
ceremonies being ended, his highness having his train
carried by the lord Sherwood, Mr. Rich, the earl of War
wick's grandchild, and by the lord Roberts's son, accompa
nied by the ambassadors, and attended as before, went
in state to Westminster-hall gate, where he took his rich
coach. In the upper end of it himself sat in his robes,
in the other end sat the earl of Warwick, in one boot sat
his son Richard, and I with a drawn sword in my hand;
and in the other boot sat the lord viscount Lisle, and
general Mountague, with swords drawn in their hands;
Claypole led the horse of honour in rich caparisons, the
life guard and other guards attended the coach, the officers .
* See note 2.

M THE LIFE OF
and the rest following in coaches to Whitehall"."  C'rPtn*
well's reception of the Swedish amb|ss'ad©r will give US
still a clearer idea of his capacity for aeting in the pompous
scenes of life. Take it from the author just cited. " His
[the ambassador's] people went all bare, two and two before
him in order, according to their qualities; the best meri
lasts; and next to him, the master' of the- ceremonies next;
before him, I on his right hand and Strickland on his
left hand ; they made a handsome shew in this equipage,
and so- went up to the council-chamber, where the am
bassador repos'd himself, about a quarter of an' hour, and
then* word being brought that the protector was ready irt
the Banquetting4iouse, he came down into the coui't again;
and in the same order they went up into the Banquettihg-
house. Whitehall court was full of soldiers in good order;
die stairs and; doors were kept by the protector's guards in1
their livery coats, with haiberts, the rooms and passages in
veny handsome order; the Banquetting-house. was: richly1
hung with arras, multitudes of gentlemen in it, and' of
ladies in the galleries. The ambassador's people were all
admitted- into the room^ and made a1 lane within trier rails'
in the midst of the room. At the upper end> upon' a foot
pace and carpet, stood the protector -With1 a chair ofstate'
behind him, and divers of his council and servants 'about
him. Thte master of the ceremonies went before the- am
bassador on the left side; the ambassador in the middle,
betwixt me and Strickland" went up in the) open lane of
the room; as soon' as they came within the room, at the'
lower end of the lane, they put off their hats: the ambassador-
a -little while after the rest, and'when-he was-' uncovered*;
the protector also put off his hat, and1 answered the- am
bassador's ¦ three salutations in his cowing up' to hW, and1
on the foot-pace they saluted each other as usually friends-
do: and when the protector put on his hat", the' ambassador
put on his, as soon as the other. After a little1 pause, the*
ambassador, put off his .hat, and began to speak; and 'theft-
* Whjtlock's'' Memorials, p. 662.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 33
speeches in general are longwinded, obscure,
put it on again; and whensoever in his speech he named
the king his master, or Sweden, or the protector, or Eng
land, he moved his hat, especially if he mentioned any
thing of God,, or the good of Christendom, he put off his
hat very low; and the protector still answered him in the
like postures of civility. The ambassador spoke in the
Swedish language, and after he had done, being but short,
his secretary did interpret it in Latin. — — -After his inter
preter had done, the protector stood still a pretty while,
and putting off his hat to the ambassador, with a carriage
full of gravity and state, he answered him in English a." 
Though the ceremonials on these public occasions are, I
apprehend, ordered and appointed by the proper officers,
yet the man who (having spent forty years of his life in a
manner almost wholly in obscurity and remote from courts,
as Oliver had done) could act his part so gracefully in them,
must have had a genius of a peculiar turn, and greatly
superior to the common class of men. — Mr. Waller seems
therefore to have had reason for his compliment to him in
the following verses :
" Oft have we wonder'd, how you hid in peace
A mind proportion'd to such things as these ;
How such a ruling sp'rit you cou'd restrain,
And practise first over yourself to reign.
Your private life did ajust pattern give
How fathers, husbands, pious sons shou'd live ;
Born to command, your princely virtues slept
Like humble David's while the flock he kept."
I cannot close this note without observing the propriety
of the Swedish ambassador's making use of his native
tongue in his public audience, and the protector's replying
in his own language. It shews the value they each set on
their respective countries, and their dislike of putting such
a slight on them as to imagine theii' idiom uripolite or in
determinate. It would not have been amiss if the example
had been followed. » Whitlock's Memorials, p. 628.
VOL. III. D

34 THE LIFE OF
flat9 and ambiguous : but whether this was not
9 Elocution was not his talent, &c] Cromwell's want
of eloquence has been observed by many writers. " All
virtues," says Mr. Cowley, " being rightly divided into
rnoral and intellectual, I know not how we can better judge
of the former than by mens actions, or of the latter than by
their writings or speeches. And for these latter (which are
least in merit, or rather which are only the instruments of
mischief where the other are wanting) I think you can
hardly pick out the name of a man who ever was called
great, besides him we are now speaking of, who never left
the memory behind him of one wise or witty apothegm even?
among his domestic servants or greatest flatterers. That
little in print which remains upon a sad record for him, is
Such, as a satyr against him would not have made him
say, for fear of transgressing too much the rules of pro-
.babilitiy a."
Ml'. Hume says that " he was incapable of expressing
himself on this occasion [the crown's being offered him] but
in a manner which a peasant of the most ordinary capacity,
would justly be ashamed of." And after quoting a passage
from the conference at Whitehall to support this assertion,
he observes that " the great defect in Oliver's speeches
consists not in his want of elocution, but in his want of
ideas. The sagacity of his actions and the absurdity of his
discourse, forms the most prodigious contrast that ever
was known. The collection of all his" speeches, letters,
sermons, (for he also wrote sermons) would make a great
curiosity, and with a few exceptions might justly pass for
tone of the most nonsensical books in the world b." This
gentleman's great defects are want of consistency with
himself, and regard to truth. In the passage hepe quoted
he assures us that "the great defect in Oliver's speeches
consists not in his want of elocution, but in his want of
" Discourse concerning Oliver Cromwell, p. 87. Printed among his; Works i»
12mok Lond. 1681. ¦> Hume's History, vol. II. p. 79, 80b

OLIVER CROMWELL. S5
partly out of design, may be a question, seeing
he could speak and write well on some occasions.
ideas :" a few pages after he observes that Cromwell " was
not defective in any talent, except that of elocution"."
That he wrote sermons is a discovery of Mr. Hume's own;
I believe no writer worth naming ever before said it; it is
quite unsuitable to his character, and the times.
I have said in the text that his speeches, in general, are
longwinded, obscure, flat, and ambiguous : this will appear
to any who will be at the trouble to read his speech at the
dissolution of his first parliament, and his speeches at the
conference at Whitehall, of which I shall have occasion.
hereafter to give extracts. The reason of these defects seem
to be sometimes the enthusiasm of his temper, which pro
duced a kind of expression savouring of cant; other times
his being necessitated to find excuses for refusing what he
was desirous of; and most times a willingness to hide his
real intentions. To which, probably, may be added his
having been little used to speak in public assemblies, on
public occasions, before he seized the supreme power* 
But design I am persuaded had the greatest share in pro
ducing some of his oddest compositions'. 1 have seen, and
shall in the following sheets produce copies of original:
letters written by him, which shew that he knew well. how-
to express himself; his letters to the governor of Edinburgh
castle before mentioned are a farther proof of it ; and the
following speech made off hand to the Swedish ambassador
confirms it.
" My lord ambassador, I have great reason to acknow
ledge with thankfulness, the respects and good affection df
the king your master towards this commonwealth, and
towards myself in particular, whereof I shall always retain
" a very grateful'memory, and shall be ready upon all occa
sions to manifest the high sense and value I have of his
majesty's friendship and alliance. My Lord, you are very
* Hume's History, vol. II. p. SO.
j>2

3fJ THE LIFE OF'
Bigotry to made no part of Cromwell's cha
racter. Like an honest man, he professed his
welcome into England, and during your abode here, yon
shall find all due regard and respect* to be given to your
person, and to the business about which you come. I am
very willing to enter into a nearer and more strict alliance
and friendship with the king of Swedland, as that which in
my judgment will tend much to the honor and commodity
of both nations, and to the general advantage of the pro-
restant interest; I shall nominate some persons to meet and.
treat with your lordship upon such particulars as you shall
communicate to them1." Perhaps a better turned answer
than this is not to be found in England in Cromwell's age !-
— it shews what he could do : though he seldom equalled it.
10 Bigotry made no part of Cromwell's character J Bigot
ry ill becomes a great man, if a truly great man is capable
of it. In a politician it is a defect, in a sovereign a fault of
tbe first magnitude. Woe be to that country whose princes
and ministers are tinctured with it. There ecclesiastics reign
— and the rule of ecclesiastics has been always severe and
tyrannical. Bigotry produced the massacres of Paris and
Ireland; repealed the edict of Nantz; annulled the privi
leges of the Moriscoes in Spain ; drove the nonconformists*
out of England; and deprived Philip the Second of the'
United Provinces. These were the effects of this fiend,
black as the infernal pit where it first was produced, and
mischievous as Satan its parent. May all princes have it in
abhorrence ! may they keep its favourers and abettors fat
frqm their councils ! vain else will be their endeavours for-
the public, vain their hopes of perpetuating their fame. ISo
prince, it is well known, was ever well counselled by priests.
They have themselves too much in view ; their own order
too much at heart — r-They cannot sacrifice these though in
consistent with the welfare of the community, nor can they
forbear preferring them to the most useful members of it.

* WhKlock, p. 628. See also note 2 1 .

OLIVER CROMWELL. 3?
own sentiments, and adhered to the sect he
But the bigot is the tool of the priest. He must be so —
from him therefore is to be expected nothing truly generous.
AFe know what cardinal Granvall did in Spain ; what Laud
in England ; but they had never been in a capacity of ex
ecuting their mad and destructive schemes, had they had
masters less bigotted. But Cromweil had a mind superior,
he was above the sway of these kind of men; there was no
thing in him for them to work on, they therefore either
never attacked him, or desisted. This will appear from his
judgment concerning the natnre of the ministerial function,
and the bounds within which it ought to be confined ; his
fist opinion concerning liberty of conscience in matters of
religion : and his behaviour towards men of the most dif
ferent and opposite principles.
1. Cromwell's open and avowed judgment concerning the
nature and bounds of the ministerial function, clearly leads
us to conclude that he was free from bigotry. In his letter
to the governor of Edinburgh Castle, dated Sept. 9, 1650,
he says, " The ministers in England are supported, and
have liberty to preach the Gospel, though not to raile, nor
under pretence thereof to overtop the civil power, or debase
it as they please. No man hath been troubled in England
or Ireland for preaching the Gospel, nor has any minister
been molested in Scotland since the coming of the army
hither. The speaking truth becomes the ministers of Christ.
When ministers pretend to a glorious reformation, and lay
the foundation thereof in getting to themselves worldly
power, and .can make worldly mixtures to accomplish the
same, such as their late agreement with their king, and
hopes by him lo carry on their design, may know, that the
Sion promised and hoped for, will not be built with such
un tempered mortar V
In reply to the Scottish ministers saying, " they had just
cause to regret, that men of civil employments should
- Tnorioe, tqL L. p. loft.;

38 THE LIFE OF
most approved; — but he spoke at all times
usjirp the calling and employment of the ministry :" he
asks, "Are you troubled that Christ is preached? Is preach
ing so inclusive in your function ? Doth it scandalize the
reformed kirks, and Scotland in particular r Is it against
the covenant ? Away with the covenant if this be so. I
thought the covenant and these could have been willing,
that any should speak good of the name of Christ ; if not, it
is no covenant of God's approving, nor of the kirk's you
mention, in so much the spouse of Christ. Where do yon
find in Scripture a ground to warrant such an assertion,
that preaching is included in your function ? Tho,' an ap
probation from men hath order in it, and may doe well, yet
he that hath not a better warrant than that, hath none at all.
I hope he that ascended up on high may give his gifts to
whom he please ; and if those gifts be the seal of mission,
be not envious, though Eldad and Medad prophesie.  -
Indeed you erre through the mistake of the Scriptures; ap-
probation is an act of conveniency in respect of order, not
of necessity to give faculty to preach the Gospel. Your
pretended fear, least error should step in, is like the man,
that would keep all the wine out of the country, least meq
should be drunk. It would be found an unjust and unwise
jealousie, to deny a man the liberty, he hath by nature,
upon a supposition he may abuse it : when he doth abuse it,
judge. If a man speak foolishly, ye suffer him gladly, be
cause ye are wise; if erroneously, the truth more appears
l>y your conviction^ stop such a man's mouth with sound
•words, that cannot be gainsaid : if blasphemously, or to the
disturbance of the publick peace, let the civil! magistrate
punish him : if truly, rejoice in the truth. And if you will
call our speakings together, since we came into Scotland, to
provoke one another to love and gopd works, to faith in our
Lord Jesus Christ, and repentance from dead Works, to cha
rity and love towards you, to pray and mourne for you, and
for the bitter returns to, and incredulity, of our professions
of love to you, of the truth of which we have made our

OLIVER CROMWELL. 3Q
with honour of those who differed from him,
solemne and humble appeals to the Lord our God, which
he hath heard and born witness to ; if these, things be scan
dalous to the kirk, and against the covenant, because done
by men of civill callings, we rejoice in them, notwithstand
ing what you say\"  These are sentiments which, how
ever tinctured with enthusiasm, declare a mind free from
bigotry, and incapable of being deluded by the cant of
heavenly mission, uninterrupted succession, indelible char
racter, and the power of binding and loosing men's sins !
Oliver had a sufficient preservative in his own understand
ing against the principles and practices of these men who
make use of such magical terms:
2. Cromwell's fixt opinion concerning liberty of con
science in matters of religion, evinces his freedom from
bigotry. No bigot has had sense enough to see the plain
and just right which every man has to think and act for
himself in matters purely of a religious nature j or to be
convinced that unless men freely and voluntarily choose
their religion, they can have no merit in the eyes pf God
or reasonable men ; and consequently that they ought never
to be debarred from acting according to their own choice.
The bigot is always in the right ; every man of a different
belief is in the wrong; heaven is his own portion, but hell
and damnation attend those who thjnk, and act opposite to
him.  Oliver was not of this cast. He always. professed
it to be his belief that men had a right to think apd act for
themselves in matters of religion, and that as long as they
behaved peaceably they were free to dissent from the ma
gistrate and the priest. Mr. Ludlow tells us, '*. the liberty
that was to be extended to tender consciences» vvas an enT
gine by which Cromwell did most of his work V And Mr.
Baxter says, " Liberty of conscience he pretended to be
most zealous for c." What follows will I think plainly make
it appear that he was indeed so,
1 Thurloe, vol. T. p. 161. » Memoirs, vol. II. p. 509. c Reliquiae
jPaxterianas, by Silvester, part II. p. 205. folio. Lond. 1C96.

40 THE LIFE OF
treated them with much respect and decency,
Milton, in the following beautiful sonnet, which I believe
every lover of virtue and the Muses will read here with plea-
sure, addresses himself to him as the patron of this most glo
rious cause. Cromwell, our chief of men, who through a cloud
Not of war only, but detractions rude,
Guided by faith and matchless fortitude,
To peace and truth thy glorious way hast plough'd,
And on the neqk of crowned fortune proud
Hast reaiJd God's trophies, and his wort pursued,
While Darwen stream with blood of Scots imbrued,
And Dunbar field resounds thy praises loud.
And Worcester's laureat wreath. Yet much remains
To conquer still ; peace hath her victories
No less renown'd than war : new foes'arise
Threat'ning to bind our souls with secular chains :
Help us to save free conscience from the paw
Of hireling wolves, whose gospel is their maw.
Cromwell's own sentiments concerning this matter will be
best known from the following paragraphs in his speech at
the dissolution of the parliament in 1654. He is rebuking
them for their conduct, and among other things, says,
" When you were entered upon this government raveling
into it, if you had gone upon that foot of account, to have
made such good and wholsome provisions for the good of
the people of these nations, for the settling of such matters
in things of religion as would have upheld and given coun
tenance to a godly ministry, and yet would have given a
just liberty to godly men of different judgments, men of
the same faith with them, that you call the orthodox mi
nistry in England, as it is well known the independants are,
and many under the form of baptism, who are sound in the
faith, only may perhaps be different in judgment in some
lesser matters, yet as true Christians both looking at salva
tion, only by faith in the blood of Christ, men professing
the fear of God, and having recourse to the name of God as
to a strong tower ; I say you might have had opportunity
to have settled peace and quietness amongst all professing

OLIVER CROMWELL. 41
and openly declared for their toleration and
godliness, and might have been instrumental, if not to have
healed the breaches, yet to have kept the godly of all judg
ments from running one upon another, and by keeping them
from being overrun by a common enemy, rendered them and
these nations both secure, happy, and well satisfied.
" Are these done, or any thing towards them ? Is there
not yet upon the spirits of men a strange itch? Nothing
will satisfy them, unless they can put their finger upon their
brethrens consciences, to pinch them there. To do this was
no part of the contest we had with the common adversary;
for religion was not the thing at the first contested for, but
God brought it to that issue at last, and gave it to us by
way of redundancy, and at last, it proved to be that which
was most dear to us ; and wherein consisted this, more than
in obtaining that liberty from the tyranny of the bishops to
all species of protestants, to worship God according to their
own light and consciences ? for want of which many of our
brethren forsook their native countries to seek their bread
from strangers, and to live in howling wildernesses ; and for
which also, many that remained here were imprisoned and
otherwise abused. Those who were sound in the faith, how
proper was it for them to labour for liberty, for a just
liberty, that men should not be trampled upon for their
consciences ? Had not they laboured but lately under the
weight- of persecutions, and was it fit for them to sit heavy
upon others ? Is it ingenuous to ask liberty and not to give
it ? What greater hypocrisy, than for those who were op
pressed by the bishops, to become the greatest oppressors
themselves as soon as their yoke was removed ! I could
wish that they who call for liberty now also, had not too
much of that spirit if the power were in their hands. As
for prophane persons, blasphemers, such as preach sedition,
the contentious railers, evil speakers, who seek by evil
words to corrupt good manners, persons of loose conversa
tions, punishment from the civil magistrate ought to meet
with them ; because if these pretend conscience, yet walk-

43. THE LIFE OF
encouragement. Indeed he constantly was a
jng disorderly, and not according but contrary to the Gos
pel, and even to natural light, they are judged of all, and
their sins being open, makes them subjects of, the magis
trate's sword, who ought not to bear it in vain \"  In a
speech to the parliament, Ap. 3, 1657, speaking concerning
the provision made for liberty of conscience in the Humble
Petition and Advice, he made use of the following words :
" As to the liberty of men professing godliness under the
variety of forms amongst us, you have done that, which was
never done before ; and I pray God it may not fall upon the
people of God as a fault in them, or any sort of them, if
they do not put such a value on what was done, as never
was put on any thing since Christ's time, for such a catho-
lick interest of the people of Godb." — These extracts fully
evince Cromwell's judgment concerning liberty of. con
science, and make appear how zealous he indeed was to
restrain men from injuring each other on the account of it:
in a word, they shew the man, the Christian, the politician.
I must add, :„
3. That Oliver's practice was conformable to his. prin
ciples. Though he declared himself an independant, (1 sup-
pose as that sect avowedly appeared for civil and religious
liberty in its greatest latitude) yet he confined not his re
spect or his favours to them. He had great latitude of
judgment, and conceived 'that as it was very possible for
wise and good men to differ in their opinions about many
points of religion, yet being equally wise and honest, they
ought equally to be regarded. We.find Manton prayingat
his inauguration, Baxter preaching at his court, and Calamy
consulted by him on a point of importance. These were
all presbyterian$, little affected to him, but inclined to the
royal interest. The episcopalians, many of them, were
Jreated with equal favour and regard, though the party, as
such, gave him a good 4eal of trouble. He sent for Dr.
• Whitloclt, p. 614» " Thurloe, vol. I. p. 15%,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 43
friend to religious liberty, and an opposer of
Brownrig, bishop of Exeter, and treated him with great
outward respect; he saved Dr. Barnard's life at the taking
Droghedah, and made him his almoner; he invited arch
bishop Usher to him, and used him with much civility,
conversing with him about the advancement of the protes?
tant religion at home and abroad, and promising him to make
him a lease of some parts of the lands belonging to the
archbishoprick of Armagh for 21 years, and at his death,
ordered him to be interred with great pomp in Westminster
Abbey, where Dr. Barnard to a crowded audience preached
his funeral sermon a. Dr. Parr, from whom I have the above
particulars, imputes Cromwell's ordering this so honourable
an interment of Usher's corpse, not only to a desire of ad
vancing his own honour, but likewise to a design of punish
ing Usher's relations, by putting them to a great expence :
but as he owns the protector contributed two hundred pounds
towards it, it is no way likely he had any such view. He
probably thought, that sufficient for a very honourable bu
rial — those who exceeded it were to blame themselves, if
they were hurt thereby .-^-But it is very hard to please those
who are disposed to find fault.  Cromwell's behaviour was
also equally humane to such as professed opinions uncoun-
tenanced by the many in Britain. To J ohn Biddle, who was
an Unitarian, and the father of the English Unitarians, in his
banishment into Scilly, he allowed a pension of an hundred
crowns a year ; he admitted Jeremiah White and Peter Sterry
into the number of his chaplains, tiAph few speculated
more freely on the ends and designs ofrr.qjidence, or more
out of the then road ; and John Goodwirrf though hated by
the fashionable ecclesiastics, continued constantly in his
favour b.
Nor were even the Romanists that behaved well, destitute
of it. Sir Kenelm Digby, a man of quality, a philosopher
* Parr's Life of Usher, p. 73, # seqq. folio. Lond. 1686. b Life of Mr.
Thorn. Firmin, p. 10. 8vo. Londf 1698.

44 THE LIFE OF
spiritual tyranny. No wonder therefore that,
and a catholic, in a letter to Mr. Secretary Thurloe, dated
Paris, March 18, Ifi56, has the following passages. " My
obligations to his highness are so great, that it would be a
crime in me to behave myself so negligently as to give
cause for any shadow of the least suspicion, or to do any
thing that might require an excuse or apology. I make it
iny business every where, to have all the world take notice
how highly I esteem myself obliged to his highness, and
how passionate I am for his service, and for his honor and
interest, even to the exposing of my life for them.  1
should think my heart were not an honest one, if the blood
about it were not warmed with any the least imputation
upon my respects and my duty to his highness, to whom I
owe so much3." Mr. Prynne informs us, " that Sir Kenelme
was lodged by Cromwell at Whitehall; that he suspended
penal laws against Romish priests ; and protected several of
them under his hand and seal b." It is certain he wrote to
the governor of Virginia in favour of lord Baltimore, pro
prietor of Maryland, who was of the catholic persuasion \
I 'will add but one thing more. It is well known Crom
well (though a believer in the prophecies of the Old Testa
ment, equally, to say the least, with our modern contro-
vertists) was willing to harbour the Jews in England ; that
he appointed an assembly of men of several professions to
consider of the expediency of it ; and that it was not owing
to him or his council that it proved lost labour.  All these
considerations willjijif I mistake not, abundantly make ap
pear the' truth $>f the text, that bigotry made no part of
Cromwell's Character. It may be said this was all policy.—
If it was — it vyas not the policy of bigots, who break through
every tie, human and divine, in order to promote their im
planted nonsense and superstition.

* Thurloe, vol. IV. p. 592. " True and perfect Narrative of what was
ione, spoken by, and between Mr. Prynne, Seethe 7th of May, 1 659. 4to. without
name of place or printer. c Thurloe, vol.'l. p. 724.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 4.5
in the first part of life, he fell "in with the
" He fell in with the puritans, greatly oppressed.] The
controversy between the prelatists and the puritans will ap
pear in the eyes of most, in this age, as very trifling and
insignificant, and very unworthy of the attention which was
formerly paid it. They were a stiff kind of men, many of
them, of both sides; of weak capacities or uninformed un
derstandings; who imposed unreasonably, and resisted ob
stinately. But on the behalf of the puritans, it must be
observed that they always ¦ pretended conscience for their
nonconformity, and, probably, as they were very great suf
ferers, they were sincere. This recommended them, as well
as their regular behaviour, to the favour of the friends of
civil liberty, and the lovers of virtue. These gentlemen,
probably, saw many of their weaknesses, but they approved
their honesty and integrity, used their interest to bring
them out of trouble, and generously helped them in their
difficulties.  Another thing there was, which added not a
little to their worth in the eyes of many of the most con
siderable persons of those times, namely, an adherence to
the doctrinal articles of the church of England, in the sense
of the compilers, and a strong aversion to popery. The
gentry then read and wrote books of religious controversy,
and very many of them became converts to their party. 
But however, this is certain, the puritans were sufferers ;
sufferers for conscientiously refusing to practise things
which, in the opinion of their adversaries, were of no
worth or value; sufferers from men who pretended to be
rulers and governors in a protestant church, whose doctrines
they disowned in many points ; and sufferers from men
whose pride, ambition, avarice, and cruelty had rendered
them odious to the people in general, as well as to wise and
considerate men. These persons here meant were court-
prelates, in the times of James and Charles I,
Such as for their bellies sake >
Creep, and intrude, and climb into the fold.
Of other eare they little reck'uiiiy make,

46 THE LIFE OF
puritans, greatly oppressed on account of their
Than how to scramble at the shearers feast,
And shove away the worthy bidden guest
Blind mouths ! that scarce themselves know how to hold
A sheep-hook, or have learn'd ought else the least
That to the faithful herdsman's art belongs !
What recks it them? what need they? They are spedj
And when they list, their lean and flashy songs
Grate on their scrannel pipes of wretched straw ;
The hungry sheep look up, and arc not fed,(
But swoln with wind, and the rank mist they draw,
Hot inwardly, and foul contagion spread :
Besides what the grim wolf with privy paw
Daily devours apace, and nothing said. MiL'toffi
This is not merely a poetical exaggeration. Soon aftef
these lines were written, a polite writer, who declares him
self no puritan, speaks of these bishops in the following
terms. — " The more our prelates enjoy, the more still they
seek ; and all our three kingdoms are grown so sick of theif
pride, injustice, and pragmatical faction, that scarce any
remedy but blood-letting can cure them. We find in Scrip- -
ture the most high and holy offices of religion performed by
princes, even amongst and above the greatest of priests;
but we scarce find any instance at all where priests inter
meddled with any state affairs, either above or under princes :
and yet with us now the employing and entrusting of cler
gymen in temporal business, is held as politick as it was in
the times of popery : although no time could ever justly
boast of that use. But to pass over temporal businesses,
how violently have our bishops been in their own canons
about ceremonies, and indifferencies ? and what disturbance
hath that violence produced ? They strive as for the beauty
and glory of religion, to bring in the same forms of liturgy,
the same posture of the communion-table, the same gesture
at the communion, &c. in all our three dominions; as if
uniformity -were always beautiful : and yet we see all men
are created with several faces, voices, and complexions,
without any deformity to the universe." — This is a fine
thought, and has been frequently made use of by our best
4

OLIVER CROMWELL. 47
nonconformity, and appeared as their advocate
advocates for toleration. — The same writer, speaking of the
same men, asserts that " in the high commission, at the
council table, in the star chamber, and the chequer, church
men are now more active than in their own consistories,
and yet their ambition further aims (as it is said) to the
chancery, court of requests, &c. which could not chase to
redound to the scandal of religion,' the obstruction of jus
tice, and vexation of the subject. If there were not learned
and skilful men enough in policy and law to serve the king,
unless divinity were deprived of some of her followers, there
were some seeming umbrage why the king might borrow
of God; but when God's more holy office is neglected, that
the king's meaner may be the worse administred, the world
much gazes and wonders at }t\" We may naturally enough
imagine men thus ambitious of power and wealth were not
overstocked with real religion! and we may, with like pro
bability, conclude that pretences to conscience in their eyes
had but an odd and ridiculous appearance I and conse
quently that the persons who made use of them to justify
their opposition to their injunctions would fare little the
better for them. I will not enter here' into the particular*
of the hardships and oppressions which the puritans under
went from the prelates, and the high hand which was carried
by these latter over all who opposed them. I have given a
sketch of it elsewhere, and must refer such as may be unin
formed thither b- However, the following short litany may
not be unacceptable even to those who are best acquainted
with their transactions. It shews their behaviour, and the
sense men then had of it.
A SHORT LETANIE.
From this prelatical pride and their lordly dignities ;
From all their superstitious Vanities and popish cere
monies ;
* Discourse concerning Puritans, p. 36. 4to. Lcn& printed for Robert Bostock,
1641. •> Vol.1, p. 857.

48 THE LIFE OF
both in the country and the parliament ; that
From their late innovations and mischievous policies ;
From the cursed oath ex officio, and high commission'
cruelties ; '
From their Romish clergy, and the peoples unsufferable
miseries ;
From their greedy gainful visitations, and the church
wardens enforced perjuries ;
From their most corrupt courts, and their vexing sla-
, veries ;
From all their fruitless shadows, and hypocritical for?
malities ;
From their hatred and malice against Christ's appointed
ordinances ;
From their needlessly devised and troublesome confor
mities; From all their illegal proceedings, and oppressing tyran
nies ;
From their sinful synods, and all their papal hierarchy ;
From Abaddon and Apollyon, with their priests, Jesuits,
their favourites, and all their furious blasphemers;
Good Lord, deliver us \
From this little satire appears how ill beloved, yea hated,
these men were, how tyrannical and cruel they were deemed!
To oppose these then must have been meritorious ; to screen
such as were oppressed by them, humane and charitable.
Cromwell did, this as much as lay in his power. When the
puritans were like to come into trouble, he would attend on
Dr. Williams, bishop of Lincoln, at Bugden, and speak in
their behalf b. What his success was appears not: proba
bly but small, for Williams being jostled out of fayour by
the arts of Laud, and Buckingham, to the latter of whom
he had been a servile tool, was fearful of shewing favour,
lest his adversary might get a farther advantage over him.-^-
1 Short View of the Prelatical Church of England, p, 39. 4to.
b See, Phillips's Life of Williams, p. 290. Svo. Cambridge, 1700.
5

OLIVER CROMWELL. 49
he censured and opposed the court prelates ; and "
In the parliament 1628, we find Cromwell in a "committee
concerning the pardons granted by the king [Charles] since
the last session, to certain persons questioned in parlia
ment. And we are told that he infonn'd the house what
countenance the bishop of Winchester did give to some
persons that preached flat popery, and mentioned the per
sons by name, and how by this bishop's means Man waring
(who, by censure the last parliament, was disabled for ever
holding any ecclesiastical dignity in the church, and con
fessed the justice of that censure) is nevertheless preferred
to a rich living. If these be the steps to church preferment
(said he) what may we expect3?" But these efforts of his,
as well as of the greatest and best men in the house of com
mons, were ineffectual. They were protected by Charles,
who would rather dissolve a parliament, than degrade a
court-prerogative-bishop. 12 And preferred freedom in a foreign land to the slavery
and oppression which were continually increasing at home.]
Charles I. and his ministers were bent on introducing uni
formity in religion, and despotism in the state. They met
with opposition in parliaments — and therefore parliaments
for a long course of years were laid aside. Private persons
spoke and wrote against the measures" pursued; but they
got nothing for their pains but fines, imprisonments, or
barbarous corporal punishments. The courts of law indeed
were open — but they were properly the king's courts. The
prerogative was what they maintained and enlarged to the
utmost of their power, and no man had a chance to succeed
in them, who would not submit to it. In short, the judges
declared in effect that the king's will was law, and that the
¦" property of the subject, was iudeed his. After Hampden's
stand in the great case of ship-money, and the infamous
determination of the much greater part of the bench, all was
profound silence ; a dead calm succeeded ; every one looked
a Rushworth's Collections, vol. I. p. 655, fol. Lond, 1659.
VOL. III. E

50 THE LIFE OF
even preferred freedom in a foreign, land
about him for a place of refuge and retreat from the. iron
hand of powei\ For it was manifest there was no redress,
and that the men at, the helm were for an unrelenting severity.
Let us hear Laud, in his epistle dedicatory to his master.
" God forbid I should ever offer to perswade a persecution.
in any kind, or practise it in the least.-  But on the other,
side, God forbid too, that your majesty should let both laws
and discipline sleep for fear of the name of persecution, and
in the mean time let Mr. Fisher and his fellows angle in all
parts of your dominions for your subjects. If in your grace
and goodness you will spare their persons: yet I humbly
beseech you to see to it, that they be not suffered to lay
either their weels, or bait their hooks, or cast their nets in
every stream, lest that tentation grow both too general and
too strong.  Now as I would humbly beseech your ma
jesty to keep a serious watch upon these fishermen, — — so
I would not have you neglect another sort of. anglers, in a
shallower water. For they have some ill nets too. And if
they may spread them, when, and where they will, God
knows what may become of it. These have not so strong
a back abroad, as the Romanists have, but that's no argu
ment to suffer them to increase. They may grow to equal
strength with number. And factious people, at home, of
what sect or fond opinion soever they be, are not to be neg-,
lected. Partly because they are, so near; and 'tis ever, a
dangerous fire, that begins in the bed straw ; and partly, be
cause all those domestjck evils, whjch threaten a rent in
church or state, are with far more safety prevented by wis-:
dom, than punished by justice." Thus , speaks the great,
director of affairs to hjs^ master. A little afterwards, be.,
says, " I know it is a great ease to let every thing be as it,
will, and every man believe, and dp as he list. Bu};,, whe
ther governors in state or church do their duty.therewhjle,,
is easily seen, since this is an effect of no king in Israel.
The church of Christ upon earth may be compared to a hive
of bees, and that can be no where so steadily plac'd in this

OLIVER CROMWELL. 51
to the slavery and oppression which were COn-
world; but it will be in some danger. And men that care
neither for the hive nor the bees, have yet a great mind to
the honey. And having once tasted the sweets of the
churches maintenance, swallow that for honey, which one
day1 will be more bitter than gall in 'their bowels. ¦ Now the
king and the priest, more than any other, are bound to look
to the integrity of the church in doctrine and manners, and
that in the first place. For that's by far the best honey in
the hive. But in the second place, they must be careful of
the churches maintenance too, else the bees shall make
honey for others, and have none left for their own necessary
sustenance, and then all's lost. For we see it in daily and
common use, that the honey is not taken from the bees, but
.they are destroyed first. Now in' this great and busy work
the king and the priest must not fear to put their hands to '
the hive, though they be sure to be stung. Arid stung by
the bees, whose hive and house they preserve. It was king
David's case, (God grant it be never yours). They came
about me (saith the Psalm 118) like bees. This was hard
usage enough, yet some profit, some honey might thus be
gotten in the end : and that's the king's case. But when it
comes to the priest, the case is al'ter'd ; They come about
him like wasps, or like hornets rather; all sting, and no
honey there. And all this many times for no offence, nay
sometimes for service done them, would they see it. 
Now one things more let me be bold to observe to your ma
jesty, in partictilar, concerning your great charge, the
church of England. 'Tis in an hard condition. She pro
fesses the antient catholick faith ; and yet the Romanist con
demns her of novelty in her doctrine. She practises church
government^ as it hath been in use in airages,'and in all
places, where the church of Christ hath taken any rooting,
both in, and ever since the Apostles times ; and yet the
separatist condemris her for antichristiahism, iriber disci
pline. The plain truth is, she is between these two fac
tions, as between two milstones ; and unless your majesty
E 2

M THE LIFE OF
tinually increasing at home. But his intentions
look to it, to whose trust she is committed, she'll be ground
to powder, to an irreparable both dishonour, and loss to this
kingdom. And 'tis very remarkable, that while both these
press hard upon the church of England, both of them cry
out upon persecution, like froward children, which scratch,
and kick, and bite, and yet cry out all the while, as if them
selves were killed \" These passages, long as they are, will
be deemed curious by many. They discover the man, and
his measures, and shew what his adversaries had to expect.
Lord Strafforde, though of a much more elevated under
standing, came not a whit behind the prelate in rigour.
His own account of part of a speech at the council board,
in England, written to his intimate friend, Sir Christopher
Wandesford, master of the rolls in Ireland, will fully shew
this. I will give his justification of himself, on the accusa
tion of rigour, at large.—  " I craved admission to justify
myself in some particulars, wherein I had been very unde
servedly and bloodily traduc'd. So I related unto them all
that had passed betwixt myself, earl of St. Albans, Wilmot,
Mountnorris, Piers, Crosby, and the jury of. Gall way, that
hereupon touching and rubbing in the course of my service
upon their particulars, themselves and friends have endea
voured to possess the world, I was a severe and an austere
hard-conditioned man, rather indeed a basha of Buda, than
the minister of a pious and Christian king. Howbeit, if I
were not much mistaken in myself, it was quite the con
trary, no man could shew wherein I had. expressed it in my
nature, no friend I had would charge me with it in my pri
vate conversation, no creature had found it in the ma
naging of my own private affairs, so as if I stood clear in
all these respects,. it was to be confessed by any equal mind
that it was not any thing within, but the necessity of his
majesties service, which enforced me into a seeming strict
ness outwardly. And that was the reason indeed, for where
* Dedication to his Conference with Fisher, p. 10— 14. foU Lond. 1673.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 53
were frustrated, and, with the rest of the nation,
I found a crown, a church, and a people spoil'd, I could not
imagine to redeem them from under the pressure with gra
cious smiles and gentle looks, it would cost warmer water
than so. True it was, that where a dominion was once
gotten and settled, it might be stayed and kept where it was
by soft and moderate counsels, but where a sovereignty (be
it spoken with reverence) was going down the hill, the
nature of men did so easily slide into the paths of uncon-
troul'd liberty, as it would not be brought back without
strength, not to be forced up the hill again but by vigour
and force. And true it was indeed, I knew no other rule to
govern by, but by reward and punishment, and I must pro
fess that where 1 found a person well and intlrely set for the
service of my master, I should lay my hand under his foot,
and add to his respect and power all I might, and that where
I found the contrary, I should not handle him in my aims,
or sooth him in his untoward humour, but if he came in my
reach, so far as honour and justice would warrant me, I must
knock him soundly over the knuckles, but no sooner he
become a new man, apply himself as he ought to the govern
ment, but I also change my temper, and express myself to
him, as unto that other, by all the good offices I could do
him. If this be sharpness, if this be severity, I desire to be
better instructed by his majesty and their lordships, for in
truth it did not seem so to me ; however, if I were once
told, that his majesty liked not to be thus served, I would
readily conform myself, follow the bent and current of my
own disposition, which is to be quiet, not to have debates
and disputes with any. Here his majesty interrupted me
and said, that was no severity,, wished me to go on in that
way : for, if I served him otherwise, I should not serve him
as he expected from mea." Thus it was the welfare of the
church, and the necessity of his majesty's service, required
persecution and oppression, and forced these men, if you
" Strafibrde'i Letters and Dispatches, vol. II. p. 20.

54 THE LIFE OF
he was made to feel and fear the yoke of
tyranny.
will believe them, to act contrary to their own inclinations.
 But whatever was the occasion, the government, of
wh^ch they had the chief direction, was very severe. " The
severe censures in the star-chamber, and the greatness of the
fines, and the rigorous proceedings to impose ceremonies,
the suspending and silencing multitudes of ministers, for
not reading in the church the book for sports to be exercis'd
on the Lord's day, caused many of the nation both ministers
and others to sell their estates and to set sail for New Eng
land, where they held a plantation by patent from the king \"
" The lord Brooke, and the lord Say and Seale had actually
pitched upon a spot in New England, whither they pur
posed to transport themselves, when the excesses of the
court threatened destruction to the freedom of their country.
In 1635, the two lords sent over Mr. George Fenwicke to
prepare a retreat for them and their friends, in consequence
of which a little town was built, and called by their joint
names Saybrooke b." Among others, thus inclined, was the
patriot Hampden, and his cousin Oliver Cromwellc: but
being on board they were stopped by a proclamation, where
by " all merchants, masters and owners of ships were,
forbidden to set forth any ship or ships with passengers,
till they first obtained special licence on that behalf
from such of the lords of his Majesties privy council as
were appointed for the business of foreign plantations." No
thing could be more barbarous than this ! To impose laws
on men which in conscience they thought they could not
comply with; to punish them for their non-compliance,
and continually revile them as undutiful and disobedient
subjects by reason thereof, and yet not permit them peace
ably to depart and enjoy their own opinions in a distant
part of the world, yet dependant on the sovereign : to dp.ajl
"Rushworth, vol. II. p. 410. " Walpole's Catalogue of Royal and
Noble Authors, vol. I. p. 206. 12mo. 1759. c Neale's History of the
Puritans, p. 332. vol. I J. 8yo. Lond. 1733.
'"' 3

OLIVER CROMWELL. 55
We know little more of Cromwell's actions,
(his opposition to the draining" of the fens,
projected by a powerful nobleman, excepted)
this, was base, barbarous and inhuman. But persecutors of
all ages and nations are near the same : they are without
the feelings and without the understandings of men. Crom
well or Hampden could have given little opposition to the
measures of Charles in the wilds of North America. In
England they engaged with spirit against him, and he had
reason to repent his hindering their voyage. May such at
all times be the reward of those who attempt to rule over
their fellow-men with rigour : may they firid that they will
not be slaves to kings or priests! But that they know the
rights, by nature conferred on them, and will assert them !
This will make princes cautions how they give themselves
up to arbitrary counsels, and dread the consequences 6f
them. And may every minister, who forgets or tramples on
the laws of humanity, have his character at least as much
branded as are Strafforde's and Laud's.
*J He opposed the draining of the fens, &c] The fenny
country reaches sixty-eight miles from the borders of Suffolk,
to Wainfleet in Lincolnshire, and contains some millions of
acres in the four counties of Cambridge, Huntington,
Northampton, and Lincoln. The draining of it had fre
quently been considered and debated in parliament in
former times ; but, though deemed useful, was laid aside,
through fear that it would soon return to its old state, like
the Pontine marshes in Italy, after their draining*. " The
earl of Bedford, and divers of the principal gentlemen,
whose habitations confined upon the fens, and who, in the
heat of summer, saw vast quantities of lands which the fresh
waters overflowed in the winter, lie dry and green, or drain-
able: whether it was publick spirit, or private advantage,
which led them thereunto, a stranger cannot determine;
they make propositions unto the king to issue out commis-
• Cambden'sBritahniS, by Gibson, vol. I. c. 489, 490. foi. Lond. 1722.

56 ' THE LIFE OF
till the parliament summoned, through neces
sity, by Charles I. in November, one thousand
six hundred and forty ; a parliament ever me-
sions of sewers to drain those lands, and offer a proportion
freely to be given to the crown for its countenance and au
thority therein: and as all these great and publick works
must necessarilv concern multitudes of persons, who will
never think they have exact justice done to them for that
small pretence of right they bave unto some commons ; so
the commissioners, let ihein do what they can, could never
sausfv snch a bodv of men. And now the king is declared
the principal undertaker for the draining : and by this time
the vulgar are grown clamorous against the-e first popular
lords and undertakers, who had joined with the king in the
second undertaking, though ther had much better provi
sions for them than their interest was ever before: and the
commissioners must by multitudes and clamours be with
stood : and, as a head of this faction, Mr. Cromwell, in the
year 1639, at Huntington, appears: which made hi- acti-
¦vity so well known to his friend and kinsman, Mr. Hamp
den, that he, in this parliament, gave a character of Crom
well, of being an active person, and one that would sit well
at the mark3."  Dugdale tells us, "his boldness and elo
quence in this business gained him so much credit, as that,
soon after, being necessitated, through his low condition, to
quit a country farm, which he held at St, Ives, and betake
himself to mean lodgings in Cambridge, the schismatical
party there chose him a bnrgess, for their corporation, in
that onhappv Ions parliament, which began at Westminster
the third of November 1640 V What were Cromwell's
motives to oppose the drainings of the fens is hard, at this
distance of time, to say. Ignorance of its utility, supposed
injury to the common people, who pastured their cattle
there, or a desire of ingratiating himself with the country
to whom this project was odious, may separately or jointly
» Warwick, p. 250. ' b Dngdaie's Short View, p. 460.

OLIVER CROMWELL. '57
morable in the British annals ! ever to be cele
brated and admired by the lovers of liberty,
for its resolution, firmness, and public spirit!
have occasioned it. H owever his successful opposition gave
his enemies an occasion iifterwards to dignify him with the
title of "' Lord of the FensV The reader may perhaps be
pleased to hear, that, long since the times I am now
writing of, '' the county of Cambridge hath received a
very considerable improvement, by draining the fens in the
isle of Ely, a work that was carried on at a vast expence,
but has at last turned to double account, both in gaining
much ground, and mending the rest ; and also in refining
and clearing the air of this country b." It were to be wished
we had more of such improvements.  Since writing
the above, I find an act of parliament, passed in the year
16 i'J, for draining the great level of the fens. In the
preamble of this act it is said, " That whereas the said great
level, bv reason of freq uent overflowings of the rivers  have
been of small and uncertain profit, but (if drained) may be
improved and made profitable, and of great advantage to
the commonwealth, and the particular owners, &c.  And
whereas Francis, late earl of Bedford, did undertake the said
work, and had ninety-five thousand acres, parcel of the said
great level, decreed and set forth, in October, in the thir
teenth year of the reign of the late king Charles, in recom
pense thereof: and he and his participants, and their heirs
and assigns, have made a good progress therein, with ex-
pence of great and vast sums of money ; — but by reason of
some late interruptions, the works there made have fallen
into decay: Be it therefore enacted and ordained, that AVil-
liam, now earl of Bedford, &.c. in recompence of the afore
said charge and adventure, and for bearing the charge of
draining, and maintaining the works from time to time, shall
have and enjoy the said whole ninety-five thousand acres."
Oliver Cromwell, lieutenant-general, is appointed one of
» Mercurius Anlicus, Nov. 5, 1643. " Gibson's Cambdejr, vol. L p. 479.

58 THE LIFE OF
In this memorable period Oliver joined the
,glorious band1* of patriots, who wished well to
their king, their country, their religion, and
the commissioners, to hear, determine, order, adjudge and
execute all such things as are prescribed by this act. 
Another act passed May 26, 1654, under the protectorship
of Cromwell, for the same purpose a. From these acts of
parliament it plainly appears, that, whatever opposition was
made to lord Bedford, and the other undertakers, yet it
hindered not their proceedings; that the parliament of
the commonwealth of England was attentive to the pub
lic utility; and that Cromwell was wise enough to over
come his prejudices, and join in promoting the common
good. 14 He joined the glorious band of patriots.] It is well
known how hateful the measures of the Court were at the
meeting of this parliament. Everything unpopular, unjust
and odious had been put in practice, in order to be able to
do without parliaments, and to rule by will and pleasure.
Those who had suffered for their opposition to injustice
and tyranny, were now the favourites of the people. They
were applauded and caressed every where ; nor could any,
with safety, open their mouths against them. In this tem
per were the people when Charles, by dire necessity, was
compelled to call this ever-memorable parliament. The
people rejoiced; they hoped the time was now come when
they might utter their grievances with impunity, and expect
redress. Accordingly they, for the most part, took great
care in the choice of their representatives, as esteeming it
of the. utmost importance to their religion and liberties.
Whoever hoped for the honour of a seat in parliamerit
must, at least, have promised fair, and appeared hearty in
the cause of his country. Men of this character were not
wanting ; and though some friends to tyranny, and future"
• Schebel's Collection of Acts and Ordinances, May 1649, and May 1654. fol.
Lond, 1658.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 59
laws. Here, almost immediately, Cromwell was
appointed of a committee, with Mr. Hampden,
apostates found means to enter, the majority were honest
and upright, of fair intentions and firm resolutions.  Lord
Clarendon, speaking of them, says, " In the house of com
mons were many persons of wisdom and gravity, who being
possessed of great and plentiful fortunes, though they were
undevoted enough to the court, had all imaginable duty
for the king, and affection for the government established
by law or anticnt custom ; and, without doubt, the major
part of that body consisted of men who had no mind to
break the peace of the kingdom, or to make any considerable
alteration in the government of church and state; and
therefore all inventions were set on foot from the beginning
to work on them and corrupt them, by suggestions ' of the
dangers which threatened all that was precious to the sub
ject in their liberty and their property, by overthrowing or
overmastering the law, and subjecting it to an arbitrary
power, and by countenancing popery to the subversion of
the protestant religion;' and then, by infusing terrible ap
prehensions into some; and so working upon their fears 'of
being called in question for somewhat they had done, by
which they would stand in need of their protection ;' and
raising the hopes of others, ' that, by concurring with them,
they should be sure to obtain offices and honours, and any
kind of preferment.' Though there were too many corrupted
and misled by these several temptations, and others who
needed no other temptations than from the fierceness of their
own natures, and the malice they had contracted against the
church and against the court; yet the number was not great
of those in whom the government of the rest was vested, nor
were there many who had the absolute authority to lead,
though there was a multitude disposed to follow2." What
their views and designs were, the same author tells us 
," There was observed a marvellous elated countenance in
* Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, vol. I. p. 184.

60 THE LIFE OF
Mr. Stroode, Alderman Pennington, Sir Ed
ward Hungerford, Mr. Kirton, Mr. Holies,
many of the members of parliament before they met toge
ther in the house; the same men who, six months before,
were observed to be of very moderate tempers, and to wish
that gentle remedies might be applied, without opening
the wound too wide, and exposing it to the air, and rather
to cure what was amiss, than too strictly to make inquisi
tion into the causes and original of the malady, talked now
in another dialect both of things and persons; and said that
they must now be of another temper than they were the
last parliament ; that they must not only sweep the house
clean below, but must pull down all the cobwebs which
hung in the top and corners, that theymightnot breed dust,
and so make a foul house hereafter; that they had now an
opportunity to make their country happy, by removing all
grievances, and pullirig up the causes of them by the roots,
if all men would do their duties ; and used much other
sharp discourse to the same purpose \" And what is there
marvellous in this ? These men had, by very late and fresh
experience, found that the king was obstinately bent on his
old courses, cherished the same tools of tyranny, hated the
sons of freedom, and even dared to imprison men for doing
their duty in parliament : I say, they had lately had new
proofs of it, and therefore were not to be blamed for their
sharp discourse, or sharper-actions.
Immediately, on the opening of this parliament, we find
great complaints made of grievances, not only by Mr.
Pymme (alone mentioned by Clarendon, who has con
founded the business of grievances with lord Strafforde's'
affair) but also by Mr. Capel, afterwards lord Capel, sir
Henry Bellasis, Sir John Wray, Sir Hugh Cholmely, Sir
Philip Musgrave, Sir Francis Seymour, Sir John Packing-
ton, Sir Thomas Barrington, Sir John Colepepper, and
others. The grievances were threefold ; 1. some against
* Clarendon's History of tbe'JRebelljon, vol. I. p. 171.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 6l
Mr. Valentine, Mr. Peard, Lord Digby, Mr.
St. John, Mr. Selden, Mr. Rous, Mr. Pym,
the privilege of parliament; 2. others to the prejudice of
religion; and, 3. another sort against the liberty of the
subject. These were enlarged on with no unnatural
warmth ; their illegality and hardship manifested ; the
instruments of oppression pointed out, and their demerits
displayed ; and remedies for removing the grievances were
mentioned, viz. by declaring the law where it was doubtful,
and providing for the execution of the law where it was
clear*. And to the, honour of the house of commons it
must be said, that they went briskly to work, and accom
plished many of their good intentions, uninfluenced by
hope, unawed by fear. They impeached the king's chief '
ministers, Strafforde and Laud, and brought them deserv
edly to the block ; they declared the judgment of the
judges to , be false and illegal ; they abolished those vile
courts of the high-commission and star-chamber, in which
so many oppressive and cruel sentences had been passed ;
they gave liberty to those in captivity for their opposition
to the prelates; they provided for the frequency of parlia
ments, the disuse of which had given boldness to the cour
tiers ; they dipt the wings of the ecclesiastics, and brought
them nearer to their first institution ; and they would have
done many other things, equally useful to that age and pos
terity, had they not been deserted by some, opposed by
others, and hindered by royal authority. But they conti
nued their endeavours notwithstanding, and, for the public
good, exposed their fortunes, themselves, and their posterity,
to the civil war; in which, had they been overcome, they
would all have been treated as traitors and rebels. Mr.
Neville had reason then for characterizing them, at least
twenty or thirty of them, "as men of high and1 unques
tionable reputation, who having stood • their ground in
.jse-ven parliaments before, which, in the two last kings'
* Rushworth, vol. IV. p. 21—24.

62 THE LIFE OF
Mr. Bagshaw, and Mr. Grimston, to take into
consideration, the petitions of Leighton and
reigns, [this was wrote in the time of Charles II.] had been
dissolved abruptly and in wrath, and: having resisted the
fear of imprisonment and great fines for their love to Eng-
landy as well as the temptation of money and offices to
betray it, both inferred' by the wicked councellours of that
age, tending both to the ruin of our just rights, and the
detriment of their master's affairs ; I say, having- con
stantly, and with great magnanimity and honour/ made
proof of their integrity, they had acquired so great a repu
tation, that not only the parliament, but even almost the
whole people, stuck to them and were swayed by them
 without fear of being deserted, or^ as we say, left in
the lurch a."  ..Let us hear Milton rehearsing theif:
praises in 1642. Afterhaving mentioned their birth, their
education, and their virtue unsullied amidst great discou
ragements and temptations; he adds, " Thus, in the midst
of all disadvantages and disrespects (some also at 'last not
without imprisonment and open disgraces in the cause of
their country) having given proof of themselves to be
better made and framed 'by nature to the love and practice
of virtue, than others, under the holiest precepts and best
examples, have been' headstrong and prone to vice; and
having, in all the trials of a firm ingrafted honesty, not ¦
o finer buckled in the conflict than given every opposition
the foil; this, moreover, was added, by favour from heaven,
as an ornament and happiness to their virtue, that it should
be neither obscure, in the opinion of men,' nor eclipsed for
want of matter equal to illustrate itself; God and man con
senting, in joint approbation, to chuse them out,: as
worthiest above others, to be both the great reformers of
the church, and the restorers of the commonwealth. Nor
did they deceive that expectation which, with the eyes and
desires of their country, was fixt upon them ; for no sooner
3 Plata Redivjvus; p. 289, 12mo. 2d ed.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 63
Lilburn*, who had been so inhumanly used for
did the force of so much united excellence meet in one
globe of brightness and efficacy, but, encountering the
dazled resistance of tyranny, they gave not over, though
their enemies were strong and suttle, till they had laid her
groveling upon the fatal block : with one stroke winning
again our lost liberties and charters, which our forefathers,
after so many battles, could scarce maintain. And meeting
next, as I may so resemble, with the second life of tyranny
(for she was grown an ambiguous monster, and to be slain
in two shapes) guarded with superstition, which hath no
small power to captivate the minds of men otherwise most
wise, they neither were taken with her mitred hypocrisy,
nor terrified with the push of her bestial horns, but, break
ing them immediately, forced her to unbend the pontifical
brow, and recoil: which repulse, only given to the prelates
(that we may imagine how happy their removal would be)
was the prodncement of such glorious effects and conse
quences in the church, that, if I should compare them with
those exploits of highest fame in poems and panegyrics of
old, I am certain it would but diminish and impair their
worthy who are now my argument ; for those antient wor
thies delivered men. from such tyrants as were content to
inforce only, an outward obedience, letting' the mind be as
free as it could; but these have freed us from a doctrine of
tyranny that offered violence and corruption even to the
inward perswasion : they set at liberty nations and cities of
men, good and bad mixed together; but these, opening the
prisons and dungeons, called out of darkness and bonds the
elect martyrs. and witnesses of their Redeemer: they re
stored the body to ease and wealth ; but these the oppressed
conscience to that freedom which is the chief prerogative
of the gospel ; taking off those cruel burthens imposed not
by necessity, as other tyrants are wont for the safeguard of
their lives, but laid upon our necks by the strange wilfulness
and . wantonness of a needless and jolly persecutor called
"Journals of the House of Commons, Nov. 9, 1640.

64 THE LIFE OF
their opposition to the prelates : and we need
indifference. Lastly, Some of those ancient deliverers have
had immortal praises, for preserving their citizens from a
famine of corn ; but these, by this only repulse of an unholy
hierarchy, almost in a moment replenished' with saving
knowledge their country, nigh famished for want of that
which should feed their souls"." This is very just, and
admirably expressed; however, it is but justice to the
reader, to let him know that Milton altered his opinion of
these very men, on account that their after proceedings, in
his judgment, were unsuitable to these glorious beginnings.;
His words are worth recording. "A parliament being
called, to redress many things, as 'twas thought, the people,
with great courage, and expectation to be eased of what
discontented them, chose to their behoof in parliament,
such as they thought best affected to the public gobd, and
some indeed men of wisdom and integrity; the rest, (to be
sure the greater part) whom wealth or ample possessions, or
bold and active ambition (rather than merit) had com
mended to the, same place. But when once the superficial
zeal and popular fumes, that acted their new magistracy,
were cooled and spent in them, strait every one betook
himself (setting the commonwealth behind, his private
ends before) to do as his own profit or ambition led him.
Then was justice delayed, and soon after denied ; spight
and favour determined all : hence faction, thence treachery,
both at home and in the field: every where wrong and
oppression : foul and horrid deeds committed daily, or
maintained in . secret, or in open. Some who had been
called from shops and warehouses, without other merit, to
sit in supreme councils and committees, (as their breeding
was) fell to huckster the commonwealth. Others did there
after as men could sooth and humour them best; so he who
would give most, or under covert of hypocritical zeal, in
sinuate basest, enjoyed unworthily the rewards of learning
and fidelity; or escaped the punishment of his crimes and
" Milton's Prose Works, vol. I. p. 130.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 65
not doubt but with zeal he joined in it. The
misdeeds. Their votes and ordinances, which men looked
should have contained the repealing of bad laws, and the
immediate constitution of better, resounded with nothing
else, but new impositions, taxes, excises; yearly, monthly,
weekly. Not to reckon the offices, gifts and preferments,
bestowed and shared among themselves.  And, if the
state were in this plight, religion was not in much better;
to reform which, a certain number of divines were called;
neither chosen by any rule or custom ecclesiastical, nor
eminent for either piety or knowledge above others left
out, only as each member of parliament, in his private
fancy, thought fit, so elected one by one. The most part
of them were such as had preached and cried down, with
great shew of zeal, the avarice and pluralities of bishops
and prelates ; that one cure of souls was a full employment '
for one spiritual pastor, how able soever, if not a charge
rather above human strength. Yet these conscientious
men (ere any part of the work done for which they came
together, and that on the public salary) wanted not bold
ness, to the ignominy and scandal of their pastor-like
profession, and especially of their boasted reformation, to
seize into their hands, or not unwillingly to accept (besides
one, sometimes two or more of the best livings) colle
giate masterships in the universities, rich lectures in the
city, setting sail to all winds that might blow gain into
their covetous bosoms; by which means these great re-
bukers of non-residence, among so many distant cures,
were not ashamed to be seen so quickly pluralists and
non-residents themselves, to a fearful condemnation, doubt
less, by their own mouths. And yet the main doctrine,
for which they took such pay, and insisted upon with
more vehemence than gospel, was but to tell us, in effect,
that their doctrine was worth nothing, and the spiritual
power of their ministry less available than bodily compul
sion; persuading the magistrate to use it, as a stronger
means to subdue and bring in conscience than evangelical
VOL. III. F

66 THE LIFE OF
tyranny of the bishops had been long odious in
persuasion; distrusting the virtue of their own spiritual.
weapons, which were given them, if they be rightly called,
with full warrant of sufficiency to pull down all thoughts
and imaginations that exalt themselves against God. But
while they taught compulsion without convincement,
which, not long before, they complained of, as executed
unchristianly against themselves, these intents are clear
to have been no better than antichristian; setting up a
spiritual tyranny, by a secular power, to the advancing of
their own authority above the magistrate, whom they
would have made their executioner, to punish church-
delinquencies, whereof civil laws had no cognizance. And
well did their disciples manifest themselves to be no better
principled than their teachers; trusted with committee
ships, and other gainful offices, upon their commendations
for zealous, and (as they sticked not to term them) godjy
men, but executing their places like children of the devil,
unfaithfully, unjustly, unmercifully, and, where not cor
ruptly, stupidly. So that between them the teachers, and
these the disciples, there hath not been a more ignominious
and mortal wound to faith, to piety, to the work of re
formation, nor more cause of blasphemy given to the
enemies of God and truth, since the first preaching of
reformation*."  A stronger contrast, perhaps, never was
than what is formed by these two passages of the same
writer. However, in this latter, we may observe it is allowed
they began well, though their after-deeds are represented
as black, odious and detestable. Be they what they may,
I am not concerned in their vindication. Those of them
that fall in my way I will represent fairly, censure candidly,
and leave- them to the determination of the reader. That
there was a glorious band of patriots in the house of com
mons, in the beginning of the long parliament, is too
evident to be denied. Milton, by mentioning their actions,
" Milton's Prose Works, vol. II. p. 44.
6

OLIVER CROMWELL, 67
his eyes, and therefore he adhered to their ene
mies in all their attacks, on them : though he
known facts, has established their character beyond all
contradiction. Elated by prosperity, influenced by the
priesthood, ensnared by wealth and power, or heated by
opposition, it is very possible many things were done by
them which can never be justified, though allowances be
made for times of. disorder and confusion: more especially
the permitting their clergy to tyrannize over the con
sciences of men, like the prelates that wen£ before them.
This latter, indeed, seems to have given Mijtqn the greatest
disgust, who was a mortal foe to the dominion of priests,
and a zealous assertor of the rights of conscience- He
could not bear that the same kind of men should complain of
and exercise oppression; that those, in whose cause he had
drawn his pen, should defeat all his hopes, arid manifes,t
that it was not liberty, but power, they had been contend*
ing for. Because you have thrown off your prelate lord,
And with stiff vows renqunc'd, his liturgy,
To seize the widow'd whore plurality,
From them whose sin yeenvied, not abhorr'd;
Dare ye for this adjure the civil sword
To force our consciences that Christ se£ faee,
And ride us wifh a classic hierarchy. — ¦ —
Montesquieu seems to account well for a behaviour which
appears at first sight so unnatural. " It is a principle," says
he, " that every religion which is persecuted becomes itself
persecuting ; for as soon as by some accidental turn it arises
from persecution, it attacks the religion which persecuted
it ; not as a religion, but as a tyranny3."
The parliament however rectified their conduct, even on
this head, to the sore displeasure of the lordly presbyters,
and kept them from misusing and oppressing their brethren.
So that upon the whole, though they were not free from
* Spirit of Laws, vol. JI. p. 1^0.
F 2

68 THE LIFE OF
was far enough from having formed a plan of a
different government. "I can tell you, Sirs/'
faults, yet were they, in the eyes of the knowing and un
prejudiced, "the ablest noblest set of people this nation
ever produced." But let us appeal to facts. — " When Van
Tromp set upon Blake in Foleston-bay, the parliament had
not above thirteen ships against threescore, and not a man
that had ever seen any other fight at sea, than a merchant
ship and a pyrate, to oppose the best captain in the world,
attended with many others in valour and experience not
much inferior to him. Many other difficulties were ob
served in the unsettled state : few ships, want of money,
several factions, and some who to advance particular inter
ests betrayed the publick. But such was the power of
wisdom and integrity of those that set at the helm, and
their diligence in chusing men only for their merit, was
blessed with such success, that in two years our fleets grew
to be as famous as our land armies ; the reputation and
power of our nation rose to a greater height, than when
we possessed the better half of France, and the kings of
France and Scotland were our prisoners. All the states,
kings, and potentates of Europe, most respectfully, not to
say submissively, sought our friendship ; and Rome was
more afraid of Blake, than they had been of the great king
of Sweden, when he was ready to invade Italy with a
hundred thousand men. This was the work of those, who,
if our author [Filmer] say true, thought basely of the
publick concernments ; and believing things might be well
enough managed by others, minded only their private af
fairs. These were the effects of the negligence and igno
rance of those, who being suddenly advanced to offices,
were removed before they understood the duties of them \"
 Mr. Trenchard celebrates their actions in the following
manner. "The parliament governed for five years, who
made their name famous through the whole earth, conquer-
a Sidney of Sovernment, p. 222. folio. Lond. 1698.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 69
said he to Sir Thomas Chichely and Sir Philip
Warwick, " what I would not have ; though I
cannot what I would a :" the case of many
others I suppose at that time. He appeared
very zealous for the remonstrance ,s of the state
ed their enemies in England, Scotland, and Ireland; re
duced the kingdom of Portugal to their own terms; re
covered our reputation at sea; overcame the Dutch in se
veral famous battles ; secured our trade, and . managed the
publick expences with so much frugality, that no estates
were gained by private men upon the publick miseries; and
at last were passing an act for their own dissolution, and
settling the nation in a free and impartial commonwealth;
of which the army being afraid, thought it necessary to dis
solve them b." The bare recital of these facts is an elogium
sufficient : and every man who knows them to be facts, will
be disposed to think favourably of those who performed
them ; and to contemn a writer who has the insolence and
ill breeding (though a frequenter of courts and a lover of
the polite arts) to call them "a pack of knaves c."
15 The remonstrance of the state of the kingdom.] This
remonstrance deserves very particular notice, as it occasion
ed high debates in the house of commons ; divisions among
the members, and perhaps hastened the resolution of ,the
impeachment and intended seizure of the lord Kimbolton
and the five members, which soon issued into a war be
tween his majesty and the two houses. " The house of
commons," says Whitlock, "prepared a remonstrance of
the state of the kingdom ; wherein they mentioned all the
mistakes, misfortunes, illegalities, and defaults in govern
ment, since the king's coming to the crown, the evil coun
sels and counsellors, and a malignant party, that they have
* Warwick's Memoirs, p. 177. b Short History of standing Armies,
p. 19. 8vo. 1739. , And notes 34,' 35, 36. £ Lansdowne's Works, vol. 1L
p. 204. 12mo. 1736.

70 THE LIFE OF
of the kingdom, which, after long and sharp
debates, was carried in the house of commons,
and ordered to be printed December loth,
1641. On the sixth of this month he was ap
pointed of a committee with Mr. Pymme, Mr.
no hopes of settling the distractions of this kingdom, for
want of a concurrence with the lords. This remonstrance
was somewhat roughlv penned, both for the matter and the
expressions in it, and met with great oppositions in the
house; insomuch as the debate of it lasted from three o'clock
in the afternoon, till ten o'clock the next morning; and the
sitting up all night caused many through weakness or weari
ness to leave the honse, and Sir B. R. [Sir Benjamin Rnd-
yard I suppose] to compare it to the verdict of a starved
jury1." The truth is, this remonstrance contains a concise history
of the enormities of Charles's government, the evil coun
sellors who had, and did guide him, and the mischiefs
which they had been meditating against the house itself for
their opposition to, and correction of, abuses. " The op
positions, obstructions and Other difficulties," says the re
monstrance, " wherewith we have been encountred, and
which still lye in our way wilh some strength and much
obstinacy, are these : The malignant party whom we have
formerly described, to be the actors and promoters of all
our misery, they have taken heart again ; they have been
able to prefer some of their own factors and agents to de
grees of honor, to places of trust and employment even
during the parliament. They have endeavoured to work in
his majesty ill impressions and opinions of our proceedings,
as if we had altogether done our own work, and not his,
and had obtained from him many things very prejudicial to
the crown, both in respect of prerogative and profit*."
1 Whitlock'S Memorials, p. 51. * The Remonstrance of the State of the
Kingdom, p. 18. 4to, Lond. 1641.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 71
Lisle, Sir Guy Palmes, lord Falkland, Mr.
Strode, Sir John Strangeways, Sir * * * Ar-
inyn, * * * Hide ; to present some such course
to the house, as may be fit to prevent all
Again — " They have sought, by many subtile practices, to
cause jealousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren
of Scotland, by slandering their proceedings and intentions
towards us; and by secret endeavours to instigate and in
cense them and us one against another. They have bad
such a party of bishops and popish lords in the house of
peers as hath caused much opposition and delay in the pro
secution of delinquents, hindered the proceedings of divers
good bills passed in the commons house, concerning the
reformation of sundry great abuses and corruptions both in
church and state. They have laboured to seduce and cor
rupt some of the commons house, to draw them into con
spiracies and combinations against the liberty of the par
liament : and by their instruments and agents, they have
attempted to disaffect and discontent his majesties army,
and to engage it for the maintenance of their wicked and
trayterous designs, the keeping up of bishops in their votes
and functions, and by force to compel the parliament to
order, limit and dispose their proceedings in such manner
as might best concur with the intentions of this dangerous
and potent faction. And when one mischievous design and
attempt of theirs to bring on the army against the parlia
ment and the city of London had been discovered and pre
vented, they presently undertook another of the same dam
nable nature, with this addition to it, to endeavour to make
the Scottish army neutral, whilst the English army, which
they had laboured to corrupt and invenome against us by
their false and slanderous suggestions, should execute their
malice to the subversion of our religion and the dissolution
of our government. Thus they have been continually prac
tising to disturb the peace, and plotting the destruction
even of all the king's dominions, and have employed their

72 THE LIFE OF
abuses in the election of members to serve in
the house : and in particular to take into con
sideration the information given to the house,
concerning the election at Arundel in Sussex a :
emissaries, and agents in them all for the promoting of their
devilish designs, which the vigilancy of those who were
well affected hath still discovered, and defeated before they
were ripe for execution in England, and Scotland; only in
Ireland, which was farther off, they have had time and op
portunity to mould and prepare their work, and had brought
it to that perfection, that they had possessed themselves of
that whole kingdom — if their main enterprise upon the city
and castle of Dublin had not been detected and prevented.
 And certainly, had not God, in his great mercy unto
this land, discovered and confounded their former designs,
we had been the prologue to this tragedy in Ireland, and
had by this time been made the lamentable spectacle of
misery and confusion b."  Lord Clarendon gives a large
account of the passing this remonstrance,, and among other
particulars, the following : " They [the leading men in the
house of commons] promised themselves they should easily
carry it : so that the day it was to be resumed, they enter-
tain'd the house all the morning with other debates, and
towards noon call'd for the remonstrance ; and it being
urg'd by some, that it was too late to enter upon it, with
much difficulty they consented, that it should be enter'd
upon next morning at nine of the clock ; and every clause
should be debated ; for they would not have the house re-
solv'd into a committee, which they believ'd would spend
too much time. Oliver Cromwell (who at that time was
little taken notice of) ask'd the lord Falkland, why he
would have it put off, for that day would quickly have de
termined it? Be answered, there would not have been
time enough, for sure it would take some debate. The
» Journals of the House of Commons, b The Remonstrance, &c. p. 21 .

OLIVER CROMWELL. 73
as he was appointed of many others. So that
"what has been said of his being little known,
or taken notice of in the beginning of this par-
other replied, A very sorry one: they supposing, by the
computation they had made, that very few would oppose
it." But he quickly found he was mistaken. For the de
bates, as appears from the quotation above from Whitlock,
being very long, and the house consenting to adjourn,
" As they went out of the house, the lord Falkland asked
Oliver Cromwell whether there had been a debate? To
which he answered, he would take his word another time ;
and whispered him in the ear, with some asseveration,
that if the remonstrance had been rejected, he would have
sold all he had the next morning, and never have seen
England more ; and he knew there were many other honest
men of the same resolution. So near was the poor king
dom at that time to its deliverance a." This reflection is
added by his lordship on account of the small majority by
which the remonstrance passed, which he says Was by nine
voices and no more. It is but a trifle ; but those who are
very positive, should be exact. The numbers for passing
the remonstrance were 159 ; against it, 148 b; so it passed
by eleven voices. Sir Ralph Hopton read and presented it
to his majesty at Hampton-Court, who received him and
those who accompanied him from the house well, but de
sired it might not be published till the house had his
answer. But on the 15th of December following it was
ordered to be -printed by the commons, notwithstanding.
The above anecdote indicates the temper and spirit of
Cromwell, and clearly shews that he was determined no
longer to submit to illegal rule.  The remonstrance
itself was indeed a very bold thing, and little less than
.bidding Charles defiance: nor can it much be wondered at.
They who put it on fool well knew they were the objects of
a Clarendon, vol. II. p. 312. b Journal, 22 Nov. 1641.

74 THE LIFE OF
liament, must be without foundation. — When
the civil wrar .broke out, he adhered to the
parliament, raised a troop of horse, whom he
his majesty's hatred and aversion. What he had attempted
against them was apparent; what he intended, they con
jectured, and, perhaps, more than he intended. They had
no measures now to keep with him, and he used as little
ceremony with them. For soon after followed his going to
the house to seize those whom he deemed heads of the op
position ; his departure from Whitehall ; the disputes about
the militia; the erecting his standard at Nottingham ; in a
Word, the civil war. I cannot omit the following passages
from Warwick ; they shew the temper of the times, and the
zeal which on both sides was exerted on this memorable
occasion, "Upon the king's return out of Scotland, the
city of London's splendid entertainment of him, and the
discourses that flew in all parts, of the ample satisfaction
the king had given (both which they foresaw, before it was
put in execution) made them prepare so foul a remonstrance
to give the king his first entertainment amongst them, that
a blacker libel could not be framed either against his person
or government ; and it passed so tumultuously two or three
nights before the king came to town, that at three of the
clock in the morning, when they voted it, I thought, we
had all sat in the valley of the shadow of death ; for we,
like Joab's and Aimer's young men, had catched at each
others locks, and sheathed our swords in each others bowels,
had not the sagacity and great calmness of Mr. Hampden,
by a short speech, prevented it,' and led us to defer our angry
debate until the next morning \" This passage does honor
to Hampden's abilities. Mr. Hume says, "there are many
gross falshoods in this remonstrance b :" he ought to have
pointed them out, instead of inventing reasons, and suggest
ing them to have been offered for and against it. .
* Warwick's Memoirs, p. 201. b History of Great Britain, vol. I. p. 306,v '

OLIVER CROMWELL. 75
chose and l6 disciplined in such manner as
rendered them terrible to their enemies, and
'" He raised a troop of horse, whom he chose and disci
plined in such a manner as rendered them terrible to their
enemies, &c] Cromwell adhered to the parliament out of
principle and inclination. When therefore they found
themselves in danger, and that a war was unavoidable, they
put themselves in the best posture of defence, and gavC
commissions to such members as well as others, as seemed
most hearty in the cause. The earl of Essex, the earl of
Bedford, the earl of Stamford, lond Willoughby of Parham,
the earl of Denbigh, lord St. John, with others of the no
bility, accepted commissions, and set themselves with zeal
to levy forces to support their cause. Hampden and Holies
refused not to bear arms, but raised regiments, placed
themselves at their head, and encountered the enemy in the
field. As did Sir Philip Stapylton and many others of that
brave body. To these joined themselves some young gen
tlemen of rank and fortune, from a sense of duty and fidelity
to their country. Mr. Ludlow, who was undoubtedly an
honest man, delivers his own sense of it at that time in the
following manner. " 1 thought it my duty, upon consider
ation of my age and vigorous constitution, as an English
man, and an invitation to that purpose from my father, to
enter into the service of my country, in the army com
manded by the. earl of Essex, under the authority of the
parliament. I thought the justice of that cause 1 had en
gaged in to be so evident, that I could not imagine it to be
attended with much difficulty. For though I supposed that
many of the clergy, who had been the principal authors of
our miseries, together with some of the courtiers, and such
as absolutely depended on the king for their subsistence, as
also some foreigners, would adhere to him ; yet I could not
think that many of the people, who had been long oppressed
with heavy burdens, and now with great difficulty had ob
tained a parliament, composed of such persons as were
willing to run all hazards to procure a lasting settlement for

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78 THE LIFE OF
tained the .highest character.— The first action
that Cromwell undertook was to secure the
the publick felicity to be their end, they were the more en
gaged to he valient ; for he that maketh money his end,
doth esteem his life above his pay, and therefore is like
enough to save it by flight, when danger comes, if possibly
he can : but he that maketh the felicity of church and state
his end, esteemeth it above his life, and therefore will the
sooner lay dpwn his life for it. And men of parts and un
derstanding know how to manage their business, and know
that flying is the surest way to death, and that standing to
it is the likeliest way to escape ; there being many usually
that fall in flight, for one that falls in valient fight. These
things, it is probable, Cromwell understood ; and that none
woujd be such engaged valient men as the religious. But
yet I conjecture, that at his first chocking such men into
his troop, it was the very esteem arid love of religious men
that principally moved him ; and the avoiding of those dis
orders, mutinies, plunderings and grievances of the country,
which deboist men ^n armies are commonly guilty of:
by this means indeed he sped better than he expected.
Aires, Desborough, Berry, Evanson, and the rest of that
troop, did proye so valient, that as far as I could learn,
they never once ran away before an enemy. Hereupon he got
a commission to take some care of the associated counties)
where he brought this tropp, into a double regiment, of
fourteen full troops; and all these as full of religious men
as he could get : these having more than ordinary wit
and resolution, had more than ordinary success3." • ¦¦¦-¦
Cromwell's own account will confirm this. " I was a per
son," says he, f that from my first employment was sud
denly preferred, and lifted up from lesser trusts to greater,
from my first being a captain of a troop of horse, and I did
labour (as well as. I could) to discharge my trust, and God
blessed me as it pleased him, and I did truly and plainly,
and then, in a way of foolish simplicity (as it was judged by
* Reliquiae Baxterianae, p. 58.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 79
town of Cambridge, for the parliament. As
the king had requested a supply of money
verie great and wise men, and good men too) desired to
make use of my instruments to help me in this work; and I
will deal plainly with you, I had a verie worthy friend then,
and he was a verie noble person, and I know his memorie
was verie grateful to you all. Mr. John Hampden, at my
first going out into this engagement, (I saw) their men were
beaten at every hand ; I did indeed, and I desired him that
he would make some additions to my lord Essex's armie, of
some regiments, and I told him I would be serviceable to
him, in bringing such men in, as I thought had a spirit,
that would do something in the work: this is very true
that I tell you, God knows that I lie not. Your tropps,,
said I, are most of them old decayed serving-men and tap
sters, and such kind of fellows ; and, said I, their troops
are gentlemens sons, younger sons, and persons of quality,
do you think that the spirits of such base and mean fellows
will be ever able to encounter gentlemen, that have honour
and courage and resolution in them? Truly I presented
him in this manner conscienciously, and truly I did tell
him, you must get men of a spirit, and, take it not ill what
I say, (I know you will not) of a spirit that is likely to go
on as far as gentlemen will go, or else I am sure you will be
beaten still; I told him so, I did truly. He was a wise
and worthy person, and he did think that I talked a good
notion, but an impracticable one ; truly I told him I could
do somewhat in it, I did so, and truly I mpst needs say
that to you (impart it to what you please)! raised such men
as had the fear of God before them, and made some con*
science of what they did, and from that day forward, I must
say to you, they were never beaten, and wherever they
were engaged against the enemy, they heat continually V
1 Monarchy asserted to be the best form of government, in a conference at
Whitehall between Oliver and a committee of parliament, p. 38. Lond. 8*0.
1G60.

80 THE LIFE OF
from the University, and intimated his desire
of their plate; for its better security, they
— This religion of Oliver and his troops, whatever it was,
gave matter for raillery to the cavaliers. " As for Noll
Cromwell," said Marchamont Needham, "he is gone forth
in the might of his spirit, with all his train of disciples ;
every one of. whom is as David, a man of war, and a pro
phet; gifted men all, that resolve to their work better than
any of the sons of Levi, and run quite through Wales with
their two edged swords, to convert the gentiles a." I know
not what others may think, but in my opinion the character
given by Cromwell to his soldiers of religious men, and
such as had the fear of God, will be at least as much to their
honour in the eyes of posterity, as that which is contained
in the following passage is to the soldiery of  in much
more modern times. " It was remarkable in the late war,
that when all the different nations which composed the con
federate army, were performing their daily devotions, the
 soldiers only, seemed to have no sense of the being of
a God b." This gentleman does not say these daring men
were never beaten, or that they continually beat! The
follpwing passage from Whitlock is too remarkable to be
neglected. " Cromwell  had a brave regiment of horse
of his countrymen, most of them free-holders, and free
holders sons, and who upon matter of conscience, engaged*
in this quarrel, and under Cromwell. And thus being well
armed within, by the satisfaction of their own consciences, .
and without, by good iron aims, they would, as one man,
stand firmly, and charge desperately'."  Cromwell is cele
brated for his manner of disciplining his soldiers even by ,
an enemy. " Hi autem initio nee arma tractandi nee equos
gnari, ditigentia solertiaque bellatores acerrimi evaserunt ;
equis etenim curandis, nutriendis ac detergendis indies
assuefacti sunt, & si opus foret simul humicubando; arma
a Merciirius pragmaticus, May 30, 1 648. b Hanway's Travels, vol. I.
p. 73, in the note. 4to. Lond. 1753. c Whitlock's Memorials, p. 78.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 81
packed up the same, but were prevented from
insuper polire, nitida & usui expedita servare, loricas opti-
mas induere, seque ccetero armature genere communire
condocefecerat eos Cromwellius. Atque hoc exercitii mili-
taris genere, praa reliquis commilitonum omnibus emicuere
virtute bellica, pluresque ab hoste palmas reportarunta." i. e.
" His men, who in the beginning were unskilful both in
handling their arms, and managing their horses, by dili
gence and industry became excellent soldiers; for Crom
well used them daily to look after, feed and dress their
horses ; and, when it was needful, to lie together with them
on the ground; and besides, taught them to clean and keep
their arms bright, and have them ready for service ; to chuse
the best armour, and to arm themselves to the best advan
tage. Trained up in this kind of military exercise, they ex
celled all their fellow soldiers in feats of war, and obtained
more victories over their enemies." The following strata
gem to try the courage of his troopers in the beginning of
the war is related by more than one writer. "Upon the first
muster of his troop, having privily placed twelve resolute
men in an ambuscado (it being near some of the king's gar
risons) upon a signal, on the appointed time, and the said
ambush with a trumpet sounding, galloped furiously to the
body, out of which some twenty instantly fled out of fear
and dismay, and were glad the forfeiture was so cheap and
easy; and ashamed of their childish and disgraceful desert
ing of their station and colours, had not the confidence to
request their continuance in his service, or deny or scruple
the rendring their horses to them who should fight the
Lord's battle in their stead b." I am no judge of military
affairs : but I think it is a maxim " that good discipline
makes good soldiers.'' Cromwell was quite exact in this,
and the behaviour of his army was such as merited the
greatest praise, even abstracted from its valour. Let us
a Bates's Elenchi, p. 220. pars 2da. b Flagellum, or the Life} &c. of
Oliver Cromwell, p. 24. 12mo. Lond. 1663. Perfect Politician, or a full View •
of the Life of Oliver Cromwell, p. 4. 8vo. Lond. 1680.
VOL. III. G

82 THE LIFE OF
sending it, by the diligence of Oliver, who
hear an eye witness : a panegyrist he is ; but on this occa
sion seems to have adhered pretty much to the truth. 
" Quicquid effuciunt in te dementes Olivari, nauci non
facio, religiosissimum imperatorem, religionis mediis in
exercitibus dfefensorem, protectorem, propagatorem, nemo
nisi laudum tuarum supra modum invidushic reperitnr, qui
te non suspexerit, admiratus fuerit, observantia summfi non
coluerit. Enim vero ubinam terrarum tarn religiosus visus
est imperator, tamque religiosus exercitus ? Miratus ego
sum, varias Angliae provincias tunc pro negotiorum meorum,
vel principis mei Serenissimi Ducis Gueldiia Comitis Hasc-
mundas necessitate peragrans, easque militibus tuis refertas,
itaquietas, tranquillas, pacatas, quasi ne unus quidem in illis
miles esset, sic addictas pietati, quasi monachorum non mili-
tum legiones^ in pagis ipsarum dispersse degerent. Ita certa
singulis diebus turn fundendis Deo precibus, , turn audiendis
Dei praeconiis, erant assignata tempora, milites ipsos adeo
modestos, nihilque nisi Deum, pietatem, religionem, virtu-
tem respirantes, ut ingenue fatearcum stupore non mediocri
sfepe suspexi. Atque ne putet hie aliquis velle me blandiri,
oleum Olivario divendere, vel in illius aures instillare, testem
Deum adhibeo, quod ssepissime praesidiarios Olivarii, modo
supra dicto milites adiens,, ne vel inverecundum verbulum
unquam ab ullius ex illis ore perceperim, jusjurandumque
nullum, sed meram humanitatem, urbanitatem, pietatem,
verecundiam, modestiam animadverterim. Unde nequaquara
in Olivarii militibus locum habere potest quod de omnibus
aliis jampridem decantalum est,
" Nulla fides pietasque viris qui castra sequuntur,
" Sed de illis dicendum potius est,
" Multa fides pietasque viris qui castra sequuntur V
Warwick, speaking of his army, says, " they had all either
naturally the phanatick humour, or soon imbibed it : *
* PAallelnm Olivas.nec noB Olivarii per Lud. de Gand. Dom. de Bracner, &«,
Load. 16166. folio.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 83
on this, as well as other occasions, shewed
herd of this sort of men being by him drawn together, he
 made use of the zeal and credulity of those persons,
teaching them, as they too readily taught themselves, that
they engaged for God, when he led them against his vice
gerent the king: and where this opinion met with a natural
courage, it made them the bolder, and too oftner the cruel
ler: for it was such a sort of men, as killed brave young
Cavendish and many others, after quarter given, in cold
blood. And these men, habited more to spiritual pride
than carnal riot or intemperance, so consequently having
been industrious and active in their former callings, and
professions, where natural courage wanted, zeal supplied
its place ; and at first they chose rather to dye than fly ;
and custom removed fear of danger : and afterwards finding
the sweet of good pay, and of opulent plunder, and of pre
ferment, suitable to activity and merit; theiucrative part
made gain seem to them a natural member of godliness a."
Though many shades are thrown into Warwick's picture,
it is still beautiful in comparison of " a dissolute, undis
ciplined, wicked beaten army," which Clarendon tells us
the king's was, when lord Hopton took its command : " an
army, whose horse," he says, " their friends feared, and their
enemies laughed at; being terrible only in plunder, and
resolute in running away V Such would not have been
entertained by Cromwell. I shall close this note with the
last writer's character of Cromwell's army, given before
both houses of parliament, Sept. 13, 1660: I say Cromwell's
army, for it is well known they were the same men, for the
most part, who had been formed by him, and fought under
his banners. "No other prince," says the chancellor, "in
Europe, would be willing to disband such an army; an.
army to which victory is entailed, and which, humanly
speaking, could hardly fail of conquest whithersoever he-
should lead it. — An army whose order and discipline, whose,
¦ Warwick's Memoirs, p. 252. " Clarendon, vol. IV: p. 729.
Q S

S4 THE LIFE OF
himself an active partisan'7. In the course
sobriety and manners, whose courage and success hath made
it famous and terrible over the world.  :His majesty
knows they are too good Englishmen to wish that a stand
ing army should be kept up in the bowels of their own
country; that they who did but iri Bello pads gerere ne-
gotium, and who whilst an army lived like good husbandmen
in the country, and good citizens in the 6ity, will now
become really such, and take delight in the benefit of that
peace, they have so honestly and so wonderfully brought
to pass V What an elogium, before those who were best
of all able to judge of its truth and propriety! Nothing
after this can be added.
17 They were prevented by the diligence of Oliver, who
shewed himself an active partisan.] I intend not to par
ticularize the military exploits of Cromwell, they are suf
ficiently known. Europe sounded with them; and they
will be long talked of. However, as this was his first
exploit, it may merit some attention, as well as rectify some
mistakes. Great complaint is made of him in the Querela
Cantabrigiensis, in the following words: " Master Cromwell,
burgess for the town of Cambridge, and then newly turned
a man of war, was sent down by his masters above, at the
invitation of his masters below (as himself confessed) to
gather what strength he could to stop all passages that no
plate might be sent: but his designs being frustrated, and
his opinion as of an active subtile man, thereby somewhat
shaken and endangered, he hath ever since bent himself to
work what revenge and mischief he could against us. In
pursuit whereof, before that month was expired, down he
comes again in a terrible manner with what forces he could
draw together, and surrounds divers colleges, while we
were at our devotion in our several chappels, taking away
prisoners, several doctors of divinity, heads of colleges,
a Lives of the Lord Chancellors, vol.11, p. 126, 8vo.'Lond. 1712. Asbigha
character is given of these men in the continuation- of the Life of Clarendon,
vol. II. p. 40.

«LIVH (HHMWliLL. 85
of the war he gave full proof of his bravery
and good conduct : at Marston-Moor he-turned
the fortune of the day, and thereby obtained
 and these he carries with him to London in triumph *"
This story is repeated by the editor of Dr. Barwick's life,
but by the' extract from the journals, in the foregoing note,
it appears that his design of stopping the plate intended
for the king, was not frustrated, and therefore the former
part of the story must be without foundation. May writes,
that " the first action Cromwell undertook was to secure the
town of Cambridge for the parliament, about the middle
of January. Universities of all places were most apt to
adhere to the king's party, esteeming parliaments, and
especially this, the greatest depressors of that ecclesiastical
•dignity, in hope of which they are there nurtured. Upon
which reason they were packing up a large quantity of the
plate that belonged to all the colleges, to send it away to
the king, which would have made a considerable sum.
This was foreseen by Cromwell ; who by a commission
from the parliament, and lord general Essex, had raised a
troop of horse, and came down into that country, with
authority to raise more forces as occasion served ; he came
to Cambridge soon enough to seize upon that plate b." —
What the quantity of plate in the whole was, which was
packed up for the king, appears not: but the particular
pieces sent from St. John's College for the purpose, amount
ed to two thousand sixty-five ounces and three-fourths \
So that probably the whole was a good booty. But Crom
well seldom did things by halves. " Whilst I was about
Huntington, visiting old Sir Oliver Cromwell, his uncle
and godfather, at his house at Ramsey, he told me this
story of his successful nephew and god-son ; that he visited
him wfith a good strong party of horse, and that he had
a Querela Cantabrigiensis, Svo. p. 182. Lond. 1685. b May's Histosy
of the Parliament, b. III. p. 79. folio. Lond. 1647. c Barwick's Life, p. 24^
Svo. Lond. 17.24. , .

86 THE LIFE OF
great honour to himself, and advantage to his
masters. His courage notwithstanding has been
called in question l8 : I have no need to say,
asked him his blessing, and that the few hours he was
there, he would not keep on his hat in his presence ; but
at the same time, he n°t only disarmed, but plundered
him: for , he took away all his plate V* This was in cha
racter : the uncle was treated with proper respect ; the
cavalier prevented from doing mischief! Cromwell well
understood his duty.
18 His courage however has been called in question.]
It has been observed th,at there is no opinion so absurd
as not to have been embraced by some men. The im
putation of cowardice to Cromwell would, not easily have
been thought on, by those who had seen or heard of his
exploits. But prejudice works wonders, and in a trice levels
or exalts characters in the eyes of even wise and under
standing men. Lord Holjes was undoubtedly of this number;
but being opposed and oppressed by Cromwell and his
party, he could see nothing to admire, but every thing to
blame in him. " He engaged in a particular opppsition to
Cromwell," says Burnet, " in the time of the war : they haled
one aupther equally. Holies seemed to carry this too far,
for he would not allow Cromwell to have been either wise
or brave;, but often applied Solomon's observation to him,
that the battle was not to the strong, nor favour to the man
' of understanding, but that time and chance happened to
. to all menb." A fine way of levelling the acts of heroes!—
But ,let us hear Holies himself. " However lieutenant
general Cromwell had the impudence and boldness to
assume much of the honor of it [the victory at Marston-
Moor, in July, 1644] to himself, or rather, Herod like, to
suffer others to magnify and adore him for it (for I can
scarce believe he should be so impudent to give it out
himself, so conscious as he must be of his own base
* Warwick, p. 251. * Burnet, vol. I. p. 154.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 8?
without reason. — His success procured him
friends and reputation; but at the same time
cowardliness) those who did the principal service that day,
¦were major general Lesly, w'ho commanded the Scots horse,
major general Crawford, who was major general to the earl
of Manchester's brigade, and Sir Thomas Fairfax, who,
under his father, commanded the northern brigade. But my
friend Cromwell had neither part nor lott in the business :
for I have several times heard it from Crawford's own mouth
(and I think I shall not be mistaken if I say Cromwell him
self has heard it from him ; for he once said it aloud in
'Westminster-hall, when Cromwell passed by him, with a
design he might hear him) that when the whole army at
Marston-Moor wras in a fair possibility to be utterly routed,
and a great part of it running, he saw the body of horse of
that brigade standing still, and to his seeming doubtful
which way to charge backward or forward, when he came
up to them in a great passion, reviling them with the
names of poltro6ns and cowards, and asked them if they
would stand still and see the day lost? Whereupon Crom
well shewed himself, and in a pitiful voice said, ' Major
general, what shall I do ?' He(begging pardon for what he
said, not knowing he was there, towards whom he knew
his distance as to his superior officer) told him, ' Sir, if
you charge not, all is lost;' Cromwell answered he was
wounded, and was not able to charge (his great wound being
a little burn in the neck by the accidental going off behind
him of one of his soldiers' pistols); then Crawford desired
him to go off the field, and sending one away with him
(who very readily followed wholesome advice) led them on
himself, which was not the duty of his place, and as little
for Cromwell's honor, as it proved to be much for the
advancement of his and parties pernicious designs. This I
have but by relation, yet I easily believe it upon the credit
of the reporter, who was a man of honor, that was not
ashamed or afraid to publish it in all places. Besides I have
heard a parallel story of his valour from another person

&8 . THE LIFE OF
it was attended with the envy and hatred'9 of
very powerful persons, whom' he soon got the
[colonel Dalbier] not inferiour, neither in quality nor repu
tation, to major general Crawford, who told me, that when
Basing House was stormed, Cromwell, instead of leading
on his men, stood a good distance off, out of gun-shot,
behind a hedge. And something I can deliver of him upon
iny own knowledge, which makes passage for the easier
belief of both these relations, and assures me that that man
is as errand a coward, as he is notoriously perfidious, am
bitious, and hypocritical. This was his base keeping out
of the field at Keinton battle ; where he with his troop of
horse came not in, impudently and ridiculously affirming,
the day after, that he had been all that day seeking the
army and place of fight, though, his1 quarters were hut at'
a village near hand, whence he could not find his way, nor
be directed by his ear, when the ordnance was heard, as I
have been credibly informed, 20 or 30 miles off; so that
certainly he is far from the man he is taken for"." Mr.
Walpole, referring to this passage, says " from the ex-
tream good sense of his lordship's speeches and letters, one
should not have expected that weak attempt to blast Crom
well for a coward. How a judicatory in the temple of
fame would laugh at such witnesses as major general
Crawford and a colonel Dalbier! Caasar and Cromwell are
not amenable to a commission of oyer and terminer11."
,9 His success was attended with the envy and hatred of
very powerful persons.] The following passages will enable
the reader to understand this. " Colonel Cromwell being
made lieutenant general of the earl of, Manchester's army,
gave great satisfaction to the commons touching the busi
ness of Dennington castle, and seemed (but cautiously
enough) to lay more blame on the officers of the lord gene
ral's army, than upon any other. And the point of privi-
a Holles's Memoirs, p. 1& # seq. 8vo. Lond. 1699. k Catalogue (A
Royal and Noble Authors, vol. II. p. 32.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 8$
better of, by craft, dissimulation, hypocrisy,
ledge was debated touching the lords transmitting of a charge
from them, before it was brought up to them. This reflect
ed upon lieutenant general Cromwell, of whom the lord
general now began to have some jealousies, and was ad
vised to put to his strength to rid Cromwell out of the way,
and the means to be used to- effect this, was supposed to be
by the Scots commissioners, who were not well pleased with
Cromwell upon some words which he had spoken (as they
apprehended) derogatory to the honor of their nation. One
evening very late, Maynard and I were sent for by the lord
general to Essex-house, and there was no excuse to be ad
mitted, ndr did we know beforehand the occasion of our be
ing sent for : when we came to Essex-house, we were brought
to the lord general, and with hiin were the Scots commis
sioners, Mr. Hollis, Sir Philip Stapylton, Sir John Meyrick,
and divers others of his special friends. After compliments,
and that all were set down in council, the lord general, in
general terms having mentioned his having sent for them on
important business, desired the lord chancellor of Scotland
to enter into the detail, which he did in the following man
ner: Master Maynard and master Whitlock, I can assure
you of the great opinion both my brethren and myself have
of your worth and abilities, else we should not have desired
this meeting with you, and since it is his excellency's plea
sure that I should acquaint you with the matter upon whilke
your counsel is desired, I shall obey his commands, and
briefly recite the business to you. You ken vary weel that
lieutenant general Cromwell is- no friend of ours, and since
the advance of our army into England, he hath used all
underhand and cunning means to take off from our honor
and merit of this kingdom ; an evil requital of all our hazards
and services : but so it is, and we are nevertheless fully
satisfied of the affections and gratitude of the gude people
of this nation in the general. It is thought requisite for us,
and for the carrying on of the cause of the tway kingdoms,
that this obstacle orremora may be removed out of the way,

90 THE LIFE OF
and the usual arts of men bent on defeating the
whom we foresee will otherwise be no small impediment to
us, and the gude design we have undertaken. He not only
is no friend to us, and the government of our church, but he
is also no well-wilier to his excellency, whom you and we
all have cause to love and honour ; and if he be permitted to
go on in his ways, it may, I fear, endanger the whole busi
ness; therefore we are to advise of some course to be taken
for prevention of that mischief. You ken very wele the
accord 'twixt the twa kingdoms, and the union by the
solemn league and covenant, and if any be an incendiary
between the twa nations, how is he to be proceeded against:
Now the matter is, wherein we desire your opinions, what
you tak the meaning of this word incendiary to be, and
whether lieutenant general Cromwell be not sicke an incen
diary, as is meant thereby, and whilke way wud be best to
tak to proceed against him, if he be proved to be sicke an
incendiary, and that will clepe his wings from soaring to
the prejudice of our cause. Now you may ken that by our
Jaw in Scotland we clepe him an incendiary whay kindleth
coals of contention, and raiseth differences in the state to
the publick damage, and he is tan quam ¦publicus hostis palria ;
whether your law be the same or not, you ken best who
are mickle learned therein, and therefore with the favour of
his excellency we desire your judgments in these points"."
Whitlock in answer hereunto observed, " that the sense
of the word incendiary was the same in both nations; but
whether Cromwell was one depended on proofs ; if proofs
were wanting, he was none : if such were at hand, he might
be proceeded against in parliament." He moreover observ
ed, that it became not persons of their honour and authority
to appear in any business, especially of an accusation, but
such as they saw could be clearly made out, and be brought
to the effect intended. Cromwell's parts were then describ
ed; his interest in the house of commons, and even in the

* Whitlpck's Memorials, p. 114.
5

OLIVER CROMWELL. 91
designs of their foes, and advancing their
house of peers, and his abilities to manage his own defence
to the best advantage. He advised therefore that the matter
for the present might be dropt; that the proof's against hira
might be collected, and then they might consult and advise
afresh. Maynard concurring in ihe same opinion, the affair
was at a stand, and nothing came of it : " though Mr. Hollis,
and Sir Philip Stapylton, and some others, spake smartly to
the business, and mentioned some particular passages, and
words of Cromwell's tending to prove him to be an incen
diary; and they did not apprehend his interest in the house
of commons to be so much as was supposed ; and they would
willingly have been upon the accusation of hima." This
was at the latter end of the year 1644. Mr. Whitlock closes
his account of this remarkable conversation with the follow
ing words: " I had some cause to believe, that at this de
bate, some who were present, were false brethren, and in
formed Cromwell of all that passed among us, and after that
Cromwell, though he took no notice of any particular pas
sages at that time, yet he seemed more kind to me and Mr.
Maynard than he had been formerly, and carried on his
design more actively of making way for his own advance
ment15." This was the fate of Cromwell : envy followed his
great deeds, and deep designs were laid for clipping his
wings, ere he seemed to have done any thing to have de
served such treatment. We need not wonder after this,
that he opposed the Scots, Essex and Hollis, and that they
entertained a deadly hatred of him.  The charge advanced
against Cromwell here, was that he was no friend to the
Scots, and the government of their church, and no well-
wisher to lord Essex. The charge indeed might be true
enough ; though a poor foundation for a parliamentary pro
secution, at least if justice had taken place. Probable it is
he thought the business in which he was engaged might
have been done without the Scots; that they might bring
a Whitlock's Memorials, p. 117. * Id. ibid.

m THE LIFE OF
own; by deep dissimulation, I say, and his
about a peace in conjunction with Essex, very different from
his wishes; and as for their church government, he, with
many other sensible men, had a great disrelish of it. It is
well enough known, that when the parliament applied for
assistance to the Scots, it was granted among other things
upon condition of their taking a solemn league and cove
nant together with the Scottish nation, whereby they bound
themselves among other particulars) " to endeavour to bring
the churches of God, in the three kingdoms, to the nearest
conjunction and uniformity in religion, confession of faith;
form of church government, directory for worship and cate
chizing. And in like manner, wilhout respect of persons,
to endeavour the extirpation of popery, prelacy, (that is
church government by arch-bishops, bishops; their chancel
lors and commissaries, deans, deans and chapters, arch-dea
cons, and all other ecclesiastical officers depending on that
hierarchy) superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness, and
whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine
and the power of godliness.  And they were also by the
same covenant to endeavour w.ith their estates and lives
mutually to preserve the rights and priviledges of the par*
liaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms : and to preserve
and defend the king's majesty's person and authority, iri the
preservation and defence of the true religion and libertiesof
the kingdoms, that the world might bear witness of their
loyalty, and that they had no thoughts or intentions to
diminish his majesty's just power and greatness"." This
covenant was taken by both houses of parliament, Sept. 25,
1643, and all the officers of the army were strictly enjoined
to do the same, as well as the people throughout the king
dom. Cromwell therefore must have taken it; but in the
same manner as men take many other things, much against
his mind, though he had art enough then to conceal his
dislike : for it cannot be thought but it must be very dis-
" Parliamentary History, vol. XII. p. 397. Svo. Lond. 1753.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 93
interest in the army ", and the house of com-
agreeable to him to be bound to introduce a discipline his
large soul abhorred, and to preserve and defend a prince
whom he was to fight against, and whose power and great
ness were the objects of his dread. In short Cromwell came
not into the schemes of the Scots, either religious or politi
cal, and consequently was hated by them.
*° By craft, dissimulation and hypocrisy, he got the bet
ter of his foes.] No man was ever more taxed with hypo
crisy and dissimulation than Cromwell : his enemies, were
continually reproaching him with it; his friends could not,
deny.it; and the truth of history requires it should be fully
laid open. For every thing is useful : vices and follies instruct
as well as virtues : though wise men only profit by them. 
Let us hear the accusations against Oli ver on this head. " If
craft be wisdom," says Mr. Cowley, " and dissimulation wit
(assisted both and improved with hypocrisies and perjuries)
I must not deny him to have been singular in both; but so
gross was the manner in which he made use of them, that as
wise men ought not to have believed him at first, so no man
was fool enough to believe him at last ; neither did any man
seem to do it, but those who thought they gained as much
by that dissembling, as he did by his. His very actings of
godliness grew at last as ridiculous, as if a player by putting
on a gown, should think he represented excellently a woman,
though his beard at the same time were seen by all the spec
tators. If you ask me why they did not hiss, and explode
him off the stage, I can only answer, that they durst not do
so, because the actors and door-keepers were too strong for
the company. I must confess that by these arts (how
grossly soever managed, as by hypocritical praying, and
silly preaching, by unmanly tears and whinings, by falshoods
and perjuries (even diabolical), he had at first the good for
tune, (as men call it, that is the ill fortune), to attain his ends ;
but it was because his ends were so unreasonable, that no
human wisdom could foresee them; which made them who
had to do with him believe that he was rather a well-mean-

94 THE LIFE OF
mons, he got the better of all his foes : for it
ing and deluded bigot, than a crafty and malicious im
postor*." Another writer who also lived in Cromwell's
time, and wrote when he was in the height of his power,
expresses himself in the following manner : " Had not his
highness had a faculty to be fluent in his tears, and eloquent
in his execrations ; had he not had spongie eyes, and a sup
ple conscience; and besides to do with people of great faith,
but little wit: his courage, and the rest of his moral virtues,
with the help of his janissaries, had never been able so far
to advance him out of the reach of justice, that we should have
need tocallfor any other hand to remove him, but that of the
hangman \" And again — " He hath found indeed that in
godliness there is great gain ; and that preaching and praying
well managed, will obtain other kingdoms, as well as that of
heaven. His indeed have been pious arms; t\n- he hath
conquered most by those of the church, by prayers and tears.
But the truth is, were it not for our honor to be governed
by one that can manage both the spiritual and temporal
sword, and, Roman like, to have our emperor our high
priest, we might have had preaching at a much cheaper rate,
and it would have cost us but our tythes, which now costs
us all*." These are general declamations. Let us see what
facts there are to support them. Lord Holies speaking of
the mutiny in the army on account of some regiments being
ordered to go to Ireland, by the parliament, lias the follow
ing passages: " When they [the otheers] had wrought the
feat, Sir Thomas Fairfax himself came to London upon pre
tence of taking physick ; Cromwell, Ircton, Fleetwood,

* Cowley's bisconrse concerning Oliver Cromwell, p. PS.
b Killing no Murder, p. 6. *to. Lond, ltfSv1. Killing no Murder has been
alnv st universally given to Colonel Titus. But in a narrative tonoliiug- Colonel
fedward Sexby, [of whom there is an account in Clarendon, vol. VI. p. fl-SO] who
lately died a prisoner in the Tower, dated Jan. CO, 16.17. O. S. it is said, " that
he owned the book called Killing no Murder; and said he was still of thatjadg-
inent." See Mwenrins Polithius, No. 399. p. '.'3C. and Thurloe, vol. VI. p. 5GP-
c Killing: no Juurder, p, S.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 95'
was unsafe, as well as unpopular, to attack a
Rainsborongh, who were members of the house of commons
as well as principal officers of the army, keep the house, that
the soldiers might be left to themselves to fire the more, run
up to extreams, and put themselves into a posture to carry
on their work of rebellion with a high and violent hand,
which bad been so handsomely done : for either they must
have appeared in it, and joined with the soldiers, which
had been too gross, or have stopped it in the beginning,
crushed the serpent in the egg, which had been most easy,
but w-as contrary to their design. So now they give the
business time to foment, and the rebellion to grow to some
head, that afterwards when they should come amongst
them (for they could not but expect the parliament would
send them down) they might seem to be carryed with
the violence, and to give some way for preventing
greater inconveniencies, and to keep them from extremi
ties till the monster was formed, and got to that strength
as to protect itself and them, when they might with
out danger declare for it, which they afterwards did.
In the mean time disclaiming it, blaming the soldiers
at that distance (as Cromwell did openly in the house, pro
testing, for his part, he would stick to the parliament)
whilst underhand they sent them encouragements and di
rections-; for nothing was done there, but by advice and
countenance from London, where the whole business was.
so laid, the rebellion resolved upon, and the officers that
were in town so deeply engaged, that when the full time
was come for putting things in execution, my friend Crom
well, who had been sent down by the parliament to do
good offices, was come up again withorit doing any, and he.
who had made those solemn protestations with some great
imprecations on himself if he failed in his performance, did?
notwithstanding, privily convey thence his goods (which
many of the independants did likewise, leaving city and
parliament as marked out for destruction) and then without
leave of the house (after some members missing him and

96 THE LIFE OF
man crowned with victories, and applauded
fearing him gone, had moved to have him sent for; where
upon he being, as it seems, not yet gone; and having
notice of it, came and shewed himself a little in the house)
did steal away that evening, I may say run away post down
to the army, and presently join in the subscription of a
rebellious letter3."—  Burnet relates the following anec
dote on the authority of SirHarbottle Grimston. " When
the house of commons and the army were a quarelling, at
a meeting of the officers it was proposed to purge the army
better, that they might know whom to depend on. Crom
well upon that said, he was sure of the army; but there
was another body that had more need of purging, naming
the house of commons, and he. thought the army only
could do that. Two officers that were present brought an
account of this to Grimston, who carried them with him
to the lobby of the house of commons, they being resolved
to justify it to the house. There was another debate, then
on foot; but Grimston diverted it, and said he had a
matter of priviledge of the highest sort to lay before them :
it was about the being and freedom of the house. So he
charged Cromwell with the design of putting a force on
the house. He had his witnesses at the door, and desired
they might be examined. They were brought to the bar,
andjustified all that they had said to him, and gave a full
relation of all that had passed at their meetings. When
they withdrew, Cromwell fell down on his knees, and made
a solemn prayer to God, attesting his innocence, and his
zeal for the service of the house: he submitted himself to
the providence of God, who it seems thought fit to exercise
him wilh calumny and slander, but he submitted his cause
to him. This he did with great vehemence, and with
many tears. After this strange and bold preamble, he
made so long a speech, justifying both himself and the
rest of the officers, except a few that seemed inclined to
* Holles's Memoirs, p. 48.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 97
as a saint and an hero, by the soldiers and the
people.
return back to Egypt, that he wearied out the house, and
wrought so much oh his party, that what the witnesses had
sa*id was so little believed, that had it been moved, Grimston
thought that both he and they would have been sent to the
Tower. But whether their guilt made them modest; or
that they had no mind to have the matter much talked of,
they let it fall: and there was no strength in the other side
to carry it further. To complete the scene, as soon as ever
Cromwell got out of the house, he resolved to trust himself
no more amongst them ; but went to the army, and in a
few days he brought them up, and forced a great many from
the house3." In a pamphlet entitled " A true narrative of
the occasions and causes of the late lord general Cromwell's
anger and indignation against lieutenant colonel George
Joyce (sometimes cornet Joice) who secured the king at
Holmby," reprinted in the , eighth vol. of the Harleianl
Miscellany, we have several particulars, -which shew howl
dextrously Cromwell managed his mask, and practised.'
one of the maxims which the devi', in a late visit upon;
earth, left to his disciples, which is, when once you are gotj
tip, to kick the stool from under youb." " After the king,"
says this writer, " was seized by Joice, notice was taken
that Cromwell lifted up his hands in the parliament, and
called God, angels, and men to witness that he knew
nothing of Joyce's going for the king. Thereupon the
said Joyce asked "Cromwell what made him to speak such
words? And whether he intended to do as the king had
done before him, viz. swear and lye ? And bid him mark
what would be the end of such things; cautioning him to
take heed and beware of such actions : but he slighted those
warnings, and soon after flattered the said Joyce again
with tears of repentance.  The said Joyce protesting
against the purging of the parliament, was threatned by
* Burnet, vol. I, p. 67. » Tom Jones,
VOL. HI. H

Ofr THE LIFE OF
Though the parliament had. in many places-
been successful, the war was like to continue :¦
Cromwell to be destroyed, and when he gave him reasons
against dissolving the parliament he was Very angry. 
Being about to buy Finkley Parkin Hampshire, and having
generously offered to part with all or any part of it again to
Richard Cromwell; Oliver took him in his, arms, and- told
him that himself, and his son, and family, were more
beholden to him than to all the world besides, and there*
fore bad him go on and prosper. Upon this Joyce went the
n'ext morning about it, and there being a full committee
' [the Park belonged to the crown] he was just upon the
point of contracting for the said Park, when on a sudden in
Came Richard, his father then overtopping all in power,
with three lawyers with him, and required them to proceed
no further in it, in regard it was his own inheritance, and
no park, as was supposed. Whereupon Joyce informed
the committee of the whole discourse that had passed
between the genera], his son, and himself the night before;
tipon which he fell upon him in foul words; saying Sirrah,
sirrah, hold your tongue, or I shall make you repent the
time you were born ; which the committee perceiving,
desired' them to withdraw; and since that time never durst
meddle with the park any further. Whereupon, and his
bearing testimony against Cromwell's being made Protector/
endeavours were used to ruin him. And to that purpose
his lieutenant (who before had aecused him, but could mak£
nothing of it) was sent for by Cromwell, and encouraged to
prosecute him again, and contrary to the custom and course
of the army, privately appointed officers, and such as he
could- trust in such an affair, to take the lieutenant's then
deposition against Joyce: and they took his deposition,
who swore falsly that he should hear him say, that he was
sorry that Loekyer had not pistolled Cromwell ; and there
upon sent him to prison without bail, and order was given
that he should be kept close prisoner, which accordingly
was done ; and afterwards cashiered. The lieutenant who

OLIVER CROMWELL. 93
this was occasioned partly by the strength of
had prosecuted, applying to Cromwell for preferment as
he had been promised, was told that he had not dealt like a
Christian with Joyce: he thereupon replying, he had done
nothing but what he had been commanded by him, was
thrust out of his chamber by Cromwell, and bad go as a
knave as he was"."
I will add a relation or two from Ludlow, who knew
the man, and has drawn his character, in some things,
with great exactness. Speaking concerning Fairfax's de
clining to command the army against the Scots, who were
about to invade England in behalf of the title of Charles II.
he goes on in the following manner: " Upon this lieutenant
general Cromwell pressed, that notwithstanding the unT
willingness of the lord Fairfax to- command upon this
occasion, they would yet continue him to be general of the
army; professing for himself, that he would rather chuse
to serve under him in his post, than to command the
greatest army in Europe. But the council of state not ap
proving that advice, appointed a committee of some of
themselves to confer farther with the general in order to his
satisfaction. This committee was appointed upon the
motion of the lieutenant general, who acted his part so to
the life, that I really thought him in earnest; which obliged
me to step to him as he was withdrawing with the rest of
the committee out of the council chamber, and to desire
him, that he would not in compliment and humility ob
struct the service of the nation by his refusal; but the con
sequence made it sufficiently evident that he had no such
intention. The committee having spent some time in
debate with the lord Fairfax without any success, returned
to the council of state, whereupon they ordered the report
of this affair to be made to the parliament. Which being
done, and some of the general's friends informing them,
that though he had shewed some unwillingness to be em-
» Harleian Miscellany, vol. VIII.

100 THE LIFE OF
the king; partly by the divisions in parlia-
ployed in this expedition himself, yet being more unwilling
to hinder the undertaking of it by another, he had sent his
secretary, who attended at the door, to surrender his com
mission, if they thought fit to receive it ; the secretary was
called in, and delivered the commission, which the parlia
ment having received, they proceeded to settle an annual
revenue of five thousand pounds upon the lord Fairfax,
in consideration of his former services, and then voted lieu
tenant general Cromwell to be captain general of all their
land forces, ordering a commission forthwith to be drawn
up to that effect, and referred to the council of state to
hasten the preparations for the northern expedition. A little
after as I sat in the house, near general. Cromwell, he told
me, that having observed an alteration in my looks and
carriage towards him, he apprehended that I entertained
some suspicions of him ; and that being, perswaded of the
tendency of the designs of us both to the advancement of
the publick service, he desired that a meeting might be
appointed, wherein 'with freedom we might discover the
grounds of our mistakes and misapprehensions, and create;
a good understanding between us for the future. I answer
ed, that he discovered in me what I had never perceived in
myself; and that if I troubled him not so frequently as
formerly, it was either because I was conscious of that
weight of business that lay upon him, or that I had nothing
to" importune him withal upon my own or any other ac
count; yet since he was pleased to do me the honor to
desire a free conversation with me, I assured him of my
readiness therein. Whereupon we resolved to meet that
afternoon in the council of sf;ate, and from thence to with-!
draw to a 'private room, which we did accordingly in the
queen's guard-chamber, where he endeavoured to per&wads
me of - the necessity incumbent upon him«to do several
things that appeared extraordinary in the judgment of some
men, who in opposition to him took such courses as would
bring ruin upon themselves, as well as him and the publick
6

OLIVER CROMWELL. 101
ment, and among the commanders of their
cause, affirming his intentions to be directed entirely to the
good of the people, and professing his readiness to sacrifice
his life in their service. I freely acknowledged my former
dissatisfaction withhim and the rest of the army, when they
were in treaty with the king, whom I looked upon as the
only obstruction to the settlement of the nation ; and with
their actions at the rendevouz at Ware, where they shot a
soldier to death, and imprisoned divers others upon the
account of that treaty, which I conceived to have been
done without authority, and for sinister ends. Yet since
they had manifested themselves convinced of those' errors,
and declared their adherence to the commonwealth, tho'
too partial a hand was carried both by the parliament and
themselves, in the distribution of preferments and gratuities,
and too much severity exercised against some who had
formerly been their friends, and as I hoped would be so
still, with other things that I could not entirely approve,
I was contented patiently to wait for the accomplishment
of those good things which I expected, till they had over
come the difficulties they now laboured under, and sup
pressed their enemies that appeared both abroad and at
home against them ; hoping that then their principles and
interest should lead them to do what was most agreeable
; tD\the constitution of a commonwealth, and the good of
mankind. He , owned my dissatisfaction with the army
whilst they were in treaty with the king, to be founded
upon good reasons, and excused the execution done upon
the soldier at the rendevouz, as absolutely necessary to
keep things from falling into confusion ; which must5have
ensued upon that division, if it had not been timely pre
vented. He professed to desire nothing more than that
the government of the nation might be settled in a free and
equal commonwealth, acknowledging that there was no
other probable means to keep out the old family and govern
ment from returning upon us-; declaring that he looked
upon the design of the Lord in this day to be the freeing

102 THE LIFE OF
armies; and probably also by a desire of teF-
of his people from every burden, and that he was now
accomplishing what was prophesied in the 110th Psalm;
from the consideration of which he was often encouraged to
attend the effecting those ends, spending at least an hour
in the exposition of that Psalm3."— — Cromwell must have
had a peculiar knack at dissimulation, when he was capable
of thus imposing op Ludlow, who had many times before
found himself deceived by him ! And he must have been
a master in this art, who could still deceive, and still find
means to be trusted by the same persons : as trusted he
was by the republican party, and many other honest men,
till he broke through all forms, and boldly seized the sove
reignty. The arts made use, of to bring this about, will
tend to heighten our idea of his capacity in this respect,
and shew him in his true colours. " Though  he
eagerly coveted his own advancement, he thought it not
convenient yet to unmask himself; but rather to make
higher pretences to honesty, than ever he had done before,
thereby to engage major general Harrison, colonel Rich,
and their party to himself. To this end he took all occa
sions in their presence to asperse the parliament, as not
designing to do those good things they pretended to ; but
rather intending to support the corrupt interests of the
clergy and lawyers. And though he was convinced they
were hastning , with all expedition to put a period to their
sitting, haying passed a vote that they would do it within
the space pf a year, and that they were making all possible
preparations in order to it ; yet did he industriously publish,
that they were so in love with their seats, that they would
use all means to perpetuate themselves. These and other
calumnies, he had with so much art insinuated into the
belief of many honest and well-meaning people, that they
began to wish him prosperity in his undertaking. Divers
of the clergy from their pulpits began to prophecy thq
* Ludlow, vol. I. p. 315.

OLIVER CROMWELL. l©3
minating the war rather by treaty than the
destruction of the parliament, and to propose it openly
as a thing desirable. Insomuch that the general, who
had all along concurred with this spirit in them, hypo
critically complained to quarter-master Vernon, that he
was pushed on by two parties to do that, the consideration
of the issue whereof, made his hair to stand an end. One
of these, said he, is headed by major general Lambert,
who in revenge of that injury the parliament did him, in
net permitting him to go into Ireland with a character
and conditions suitable to his merit, will be contented
with nothing less than their dissolution : of the other major
general Harrison is the chief, who is an honest man, and
aims at good things, yet from the impatience of his spirit
will not wait the Lord's leizure, but hurries me on to do
that which he and all honest men will have cause to repent.
Thus," adds Ludlow, " did he craftily feel the pulse of men
towards this work, endeavouring to cast the infamy of it
on others, reserving to himself the appearance of tender
ness to civil and religious liberty, and of skreening the
nation from the fury of the parties before mentioned V I
have given these passages at length, to shew fully Crom
well's deep dissimulation. The reader may possibly be
apt to ask, how these things were reeoneileable with any
real sense of religion, or common honesty and fair dealing:
The answer is, that enthusiasm, to which Cromwell was
subject, as I have made appear, is a very variable thing;
it admits of much devotion and many crimes. Men who
think themselves under the special and extraordinary influr
ence of the Deity, attribute to him their feelings, senti
ments and desires, and whatever proceeds from him, must
be wise, just and good. And we are assured also, that
•" Cromwell and his adherents believed that there were
-great occasions, in which some men were called to grea|
services, in the doing of which they were excused from the
* Ludlow, vol. JL p. 445.

104 THE LIFE OF
sword. — But things soon took a very different
common rules of morality: such were the practices of
Ehud and Jael, Samson and David : and by this they fancied
they bad a priviledge from observing the standing rules3."
 Besides, we are to consider Oliver as a politician, as a
great man " who must, be master of much artifice and
knavery, his situation requiring him to employ, and to be
employed by so many knaves ; yet he must have some
honesty, or those very knaves will be unwilling to trust
himb." And it is not improbable Cromwell had learnt
from Machiavel, whom he is by some said to have been
well read in, " that men do seldom or never advance them
selves from a small beginning to any great height, but by
fraud or by force (unless they come to it by donation, or
right of inheritance.) I do not think," adds he, " any
instance is to be found where force alone brought any man
to that grandeur, but fraud and artifice have done it many
l;imes, as is clear in the lives of Philip of Macedon, Aga^
thocles the Sicilian, and several others, who from mean
and inconsiderable extraction, came at length to be kings c."
Accordingly the writers on politics observe, " that in the
transacting of great affairs, the rules of morality admit of
some relaxation ;. this is to be lamented, but not to be
helped. Such frequently are the exigencies of a state, and
such always the crookedness and depravity of the heart of
man, that were you to deal openly, to tell all that you
mean, all that you know, and all that you aim at, you
would expose your country to ruin, and yourself to scorn,
perhaps to the block. The most that can be done is to
save appearances, and be wary of what expressions are
used; for, upon these occasions, and many others, men
are not to be upbraided for their silence d."  De Solis,
speaking of the charge of horrible inhumanity brought
against the Spaniards^ gays by way of reply, " We are not
a Burnet, vol. I. p. 68. b Nature and Origin of Evil, p. 150. 12mo.
Lond. 1758. c Discourses on Livy, b. 2. c. 13. "* Gordon's,
Discourses on Tacitus, vol. IV. p. 329. 12mo. Lond. 1753.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 105
ignorant, that in some parts of the Indies, actions have
been seen worthy of reprehension, indeed contrary both to
piety and reason ; but in what just and holy undertaking,
|has it not been necessary to pass by some inconveniences3."
Thus, according to these writers, truth cannot be adhered
jto, at all times; piety and reason must be counteracted;
|and the necessity or importance of the end, render the
means, be they what they may, justifiable ! For my own
part, I will not defend this reasoning. " Truth is a sweet
thing," said some of the ancients : and every good man is pf
the same sentiment;  " Explica atque excute iutelligen-
tiam tuam, ut videas, qua} sit in ea species, forma, & notio
yiri boni. Cadit ergo in virum bonurn mentiri emolument!
sui causa, criminari praeripere, fallere ? Nihil profecto mi
nus. Est ergo ulla res tanti, aut commodum ullum tam ex-
. petendum, ut viri boni & splendorem, & nomen amittasf"
Quid est, quod afferre tantum utilitas ista, qua? dicitur,
possit, quantum auferre, si boni viri nomen eripueiit, fidem
justitiamque detraxerit ? Quid enim interest, utrum ex
nomine se quis- conferat in belluam, an in hominis figura
immanitatem gerat belluae V i. e. Revolve and carefully
examine your understanding, in order to see what notion,
jdea, or representation of a good man you find there. Is it
consistent with the character of such a person to lie-fbr his
own advantage; to calumniate, supplant and cheat? Cer
tainly, by no means. Is there any thing then so valuable,
or any profit so desirable, as to make amends for the loss of
honour and reputation in a man of probity ? Can that,
which we call profit, if it robs us of honour, justice, and
the character of a gopd man, give us any thing so valuable
in their stead ? For where, pray, is the difference whether
one be actually transformed from a man into a brute; or,
under the external figure of a man, carry with him all the
ferocity of the brute ?— — I will add no more on this sub
ject, after I have observed, that some persons will be apt to
make allowances for the craft, dissimulation and hypocrisy
? De Solis's History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. I. p. 349. 8vo. Lond. 1733.
" Cicero de Officiis, lib. 3. sect, 20.

105 THE LIFE OF
turn. The self-denying ordinance " which
of Cromwell, from the times in which he lived, and thp
persons he had to deal with : times of trouble, confusion
and difficulty, and persons. who, for the most part, were as
little slaves to their words as himself. James I. Charles I.
Charles II. and Moncke, to say nothing of a variety of
others, acted the same part (but with less art, and worse
grace) as he, though their praises have been high sounded
by such as have loaded Cromwell with obloquy.
11 The self-denying ordinance, &c] This ordinance was
a thing so specious and popular, and, at the same time, so
mischievous and hurtful to the affairs of the parliament, that
jt deserves a very particular remembrance. It did more for
Cromwell than he could almost have formed a wish for;
namely, the depriving his enemies of all command, whilst
he himself, by a very particular fortune, obtained the highest
power. In a word, it ruined them, and advanced him. After
the army under lord Essex had been in a manner ruined by
the king, the general began to lose much of the esteem and
reputation he had till then possessed. He was by many
looked on with a jealous eye, and they were fearful he and
his adherents were disposed to make terms with the king,
which might be prejudicial to many who had engaged with
them. In short, Essex and his party were accused by their
enemies of neglecting, by vigorous operations, to put an
end to the war, and of being inclined too much to his ma
jesty.  " There were some," says Whitlock, " who had
designs" against Essex, and were desirous to remove him
from his command, because they were jealous, that he' was
too much inclined to peace, and favouring of the king and
his party. I think, I knew as much of his mind as others
clid, and always observed him to wish for peace, yet not
upon any dishonourable or unjust terms. He was a lover
of monarchy and nobility, which he suspected some de
signed, to destroy, together with gentry, ministry and ma
gistracy, which humour then . began to boil up ; but h«
resolved to support them, and wanted not advice to thaf

OLIVER CROMWELL. 107
passed the house of lords, April 5, 1645, en-
end a."  Ludlow, who was engaged in the oppositibn to
Essex, will explain something more of this matter.  " The
enemy, contrary to all expectation, appeared again in a body
near Newbury, where our army lay, who drew out to oppose
them. Some small skirmishes happened between them, but
a general engagement was opposed in a council of war by
some of the greatest among us : whereupon the king, in the
face of our army, twice as numerous as his, had time to send
his artillery from Dennington-Castle towards Oxford, with
out any opposition, to the astonishment of all those who
wished well to the public. But, by this time, it was clearly
manifest, that the nobility had no- further quarrel with the
king, than 'till they could make their terms with him, hav
ing, for the most part, grounded their dissatisfactions upon
some particular affront, or the prevalency of a faction about
him. But though it should be granted, that their intentions
in taking arms were to oblige the king to consent to redress
the grievances of the nation, yet, if a war of this nature
must be determined by treaty, and the king left in the ex
ercise of the royal authority, after the utmost violation of
the laws, and the greatest calamities brought upon the peo
ple, it doth not appear to me what security can be given to
them for the future enjoyment of their rights and privi
leges ; nor with what prudence wise men can engage, with
the parliament, who being, by practice at least, liable to be
dissolved at pleasure, are thereby rendered unable to protect
themselves, or such as take up arms under their authority,
if, after infinite hardships and hazards of their lives and
estates, they must fall under the power of a provoked
enemy, who, being once re-established in his former autho
rity, will never want means to revenge himself upon all
those, who, in defence of the rights and liberties of the
nation, adventure to resist him in his illegal and arbitrary
proceedings V  Such were the principles which disposed
3 Wbitlock's Memorials, p. 108. " Ludlow, vol. I. p. 132,

108 THE LIFE OF
acting, That no member of either house, during
many at that time to wish for an alteration of men and
measures ; or, to speak more plainly, to put it effectually
out of the power of those, who wanted not inclination, to
conclude a peace with the king, on terms which might
leave him in possession of the regal power. — • — But to go
on. — " On the ninth of December, one thousand six hundred
and forty-four, the house of commons having resolved them
selves into a grand committee, to consider of the sad con
dition of the kingdom, by the continuance of the war, there
was a general silence for a good space of time ; many look
ing upon one another, to see who would break the ice, and
speak first in so tender and sharp a point: amongst whom
Oliver Cromwell stood up, and spake, briefly, to this effect:
That it was now a time to speak, or for ever to hold the
tongue, the important occasion being no less than to save
a nation out of a bleeding, nay, almost dying, condition,
whifeh the long continuance of the war had already brought
it into; so that without a more speedy, vigorous, and effec
tual prosecution .of the war, casting off all lingering pro
ceedings, like soldiers of fortune beyond sea, to spin out a
war, we shall make the kingdom weary of us, and hate the
name of a parliament: for what do the enemy say? nay,
what do many say, that were friends at the beginning of
the parliament ? even this, That the members of both houses
have got great places and commands, and the- sword into
their hands ; and what by interest in parliament, and what
by power in the army, will perpetually continue themselves
in grandeur, and not permit the war speedily to end;. lest
their'own power should determine with it. This I speak
here to our own faces ; it is but what others do utter abroad
behind our backs. I am far from reflecting on any ; I know
the worth of those commanders, members of both houses,
who are yet in power; but if I may speak my conscience,
without reflection upon any, I do conceive, if the army'be
not put into another method, and the war more vigorously
prosecuted, the people can bear the war no longer, and will

OLIVER CROMWELL. 109
the war, should execute or enjoy any military
enforce you to a dishonourable peace : but this I would re
commend to your prudence, not to insist upon .any com
plaint or oversight of any commander in chief, upon any >
occasion whatsoever ; for, as I must acknowledge myself
guilty of oversights, so I know they can be rarely avoided
in military affairs : therefore, waving a strict inquiry into
the causes of these things, let us apply ourselves to the re
medy which is most necessary ; and, I hope, we have such
true English hearts, and zealous affections towards the ge
neral weal of our mother country, as no members of either
house will scruple to deny themselves, and their own private
interests, for the public good; nor account *it to be a dis
honour done to them, whatever the parliament shall resolve
upon in this weighty matter3."  What the consequence
of this was will appear by the following vote in the journal
of the day above-mentioned. "'Resolved, &c. That, during
the time of this war, no member of either house shall have,"
or execute, any office or command, military or civil, granted
or conferred by both or either of the houses of parliament,.
or any authority derived from both or either of the houses :
and that an ordinance be brought in accordingly." Mr.
Solicitor [St. John], Mr. Recorder [Glyn], Mr. Crewe, Mr.
Pierpoint, Mr. Maynard, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Ellis, Mr. Lisle,
were appointed a committee to bring in an ordinance to the
purport of this vote; and likewise for the continuing of
such officers in their places as are no members of either
house, until the houses take further order; and to bring in
such clauses, as they shall think fit, for the perfecting of.
this vote. — In the journal of the 1 1th of December, we find
it " resolved, &c. That a fast shall be appointed for thiss-
house to observe on Wednesday next, to humble themselves
for their particular and parliamentary sins and failings,
whereby they may hope to obtain God's blessing in a better.
measure upon their endeavours for the future." On the next
, a Parliamentary History, vol. XIII. p. 375.

no THE' LIFE OF
or civil office ; as it obliged Essex, Manchester,'
day the lords agreed to the fast, to' the day, and to the per
sons. These were Mr. Marshal, Mr. Hill, and Mr. Obadiah
Sedgwick. On this day also it was ordered by the com
mons, that the ordinance, for disenabling the members to'
execute any office, should be taken into consideration, and
read the second time on the next Saturday peremptorily.
Accordingly it was then taken into consideration, com
mitted to a committee of the whole house, and adjourned to
the Thursday following. The fast accordingly was held be
fore both houses, and the preachers, if we believe lord- Cla
rendon, played their parfs to admiration 3. On the nine
teenth the ordinance passed the house of commons (after
having rejected the national covenant as a test for those
who held or executed any office, as they had a clause before
in favour of lord Essex) and it was ordered to be sent fo'thfei
lords, for their concurrence; and that all the members of the
house do go up with this ordinance to the lords b.. From
this short account of the progress of the bill through the
house of commons, which I have compiled from the jour
nals of that house, appears how absurdly lord Clarendon has
put into a speech, pretended by him to be made by Crom
well, the day after the fast, a desire, " that an ordinance
might be prepared, by which it might be unlawful, for any
member of either house of parliament, to hold any office or
command in the army, or any place or employment in the
state1:" for it plainly appears, that the ordinance was or
dered in the ninth of December; that it had been com
mitted to a committee of the whole house the Saturday
following, and actually passed there on the nineteenth of
that month, the day after the fast; and, therefore, could
not be desired at that time to be brought in by Cromwell.
Chronological tables, duly consulted, would have prevented
his lordship from falling into many a blunder. But the

Clarendon, vol. IV. p. 565. b Journals of the House of Commons.
? Clarendon, vol. IV. p. 567.

OLIVER CROMWELL. in
Denbigh, Warwick, and other chief officers, to
truth is, his account of the management of this matter in
the pulpit and the senate, seems, for the most part, inven
tion, at which his lordship had a very happy talent.  -
I have given Cromwell's speech above in behalf of this or
dinance. I will add to it a speech of Mr. Whitlock 's, as
containing, for the most part, the chief arguments alleged
by the opposite parties in the house, on this memorable
occasion. " Mr. Speaker, I am one of that number of your
servants, who have no office or employment, but such as
you are now about to except out of this ordinance, nor have
ambition for any, and therefore may the more freely and in
differently, yet with all submission, humbly offer my reasons
against it; as that which, I apprehend, may prove prejudi
cial to your service. It hath been objected, that your house,
and the house of lords, is thin and empty, and you the less
esteemed, having so few members here, many of them being
employed in offices, that they cannot attend the houses;
but that, by this ordinance, they will be at leisure and
liberty to attend the service of the parliament here, and the
houses be much fuller than now they are. I confess, Sir,
this is fit to be remedied; but, 1 apprehend, you have a
fitter way, than by this ordinance, to do it; that is, by issi}-,
ing out new writs for electing new members in the places
of those who are dead, or expelled, and this will satisfy the
vobjection, and engage divers of interest and quality the
more immediately in your service ; whereas this ordinance
will discontent many, and the houses will be but little the
fuller by the passing of it. Another objection is, that, if
this ordinance do not pass, the treaty for peace will not so
well proceed, and the particular interests of members of par
liament may retard the same; but will be all taken away by
this ordinance. I am to seek how this can be materially
objected, when I suppose, whether this ordinance pass or
not, yet you intend members of parliament only to be your
commissioners for that treaty ; and, in case some of them
be officers, they will the better understand your businesses,

MS THE LIFE OF
lay down their commands in the army (which
on which the treaty will be grounded. Another objection
is, that, unless this ordinance pass, the great work intended
of new modelling your armies, will not so well be carried
on ; for that, by putting all out, there will remain no excep
tion. I should rather have argued, that, by putting, out all
members out of their employment, the exception and dis
content would be the more general ; and, by leaving them
still in their employments, there would be the less competition
and sollicitation for new officers in their rooms. Another
objection or argument is, that the members of parliament,
who are officers, being of equal power in parliament, will
not be so obedient to your commands as others who have
smaller interests, and would not so much dispute one with
another. Surely, Sir, those whose interest is the same with
yours, have the more reason to obey your commands than
others, and have more to hazard by disobedience than
others can have; and, in your commands, all your members
are involved, and it were strange if they should be backward
to obey their own orders. Nor will the contests be so fre
quent and high, between them and other officers, as it will
be between those who will be of a more equal condition.
But, Mr. Speaker, as you consider the inconveniencies if
this ordinance do not pass, so you will be pleased to con
sider the inconveniencies if it do pass. You wilflay aside
as brave men, and who have, served you with as much cou
rage, wisdom, faithfulness and success, as ever men served
their country. Our noble general, the earls of Denbigh,
Warwick, Manchester; the lords Roberts, Willoughby, and
other lords in your armies, besides those in civil offices not
excepted ; and of your own members the lord Grey, lord
Fairfax, Sir William Waller, lieutenant-general Cromwell,-
Mr. Hollis, Sir Philip Stapylton, Sir William Brereton, Sir-.
John Meyrick, and many others must be laid aside, if you
pass this ordinance. And I am to seek, and, I doubt, so
will they be, to whom you shall refer the new modelling of
your armies, where to find officers that shall excel; if equal

OLIVER CROMWELL. 113
was put under the direction of Sir Thomas
to these. If your judgments are, that, for the public ser
vice, it will be expedient to remove any of them from their
commands, let the same (if you please) be plainly made
known to them from you. Let them have what they de
serve, your thanks for their former good services, and they
will not be offended, that you, having no more work for
them, do lay therri aside with honour. But to do a business
of this nature (as hath been well said) by a side wind, is, in
my humble opinion, not so becoming your honour and wis
dom, as plainness and gravity, which are ornaments to your
actions. I shall conclude with the example of the Grecians
and Romans, amongst whom, Sir, you know, that the great
est offices, both of war and peace, were conferred upon their
senators ; and their reasons were, because they having greater
interests than others, were the more capable to do them the
greatest service. _4nd, having the same interest with the
senate, and present at their debates, they understood their
business the better, and were Jess apt to break that trust,
which so nearly concerned their private interests, which
was involved with the publick; and the better they under
stood their business, the better service might be expected
from them. Sir, I humbly submit the application to your
judgment; your ancestors did the same; they thought the
members of parliament fittest to be employed in the greatest
offices : I hope you will be of the same judgment, and not
at this time pass this ordinance, and thereby to discourage
your faithful servants3."  This speech had no effect in
the house of commons..  In the house of lords, however,
the ordinance went on very heavily, " which occasioned the
commons to send several messages up to desire the lords to
expedite this ordinance ; which being read by them twice,
a conference was desired with the commons about it. And,
in this conference, January 7th, the Speaker of the lords
was ordered to deliver their reasons against passing it.
' Whitlock's Memorials, p. 119.
VOL. III. I

114 THE LIFE OF
Fairfax). Cromwell seemed necessitated to re-
Among others, it was alledged, that ' the putting every
member of either house or parliament into an incapacity of
holding military or civil offices, during this war, may be of
very dangerous consequence ; because, how emergent soever
the occasion may be, it cannot be altered without deserting
of a positive rule imposed upon themselves ; yet, that the
world, with their own consciences, may bear witness, that
they are as willing as any others to sacrifice, not only theii
places and offices, but all that is dearest to them, for the
good of religion and the kingdom; they are willing that all
places, civil and military, shall be disposed of as both houses
of parliament shall judge may contribute most for the good
of the public, any crime or just, exception being given
against such as are now intrusted with offices or commands:
but that they can in no wise put an incapacity on them
selves, and be made in a worse condition than any free sub
ject.' After this they observed, • this ordinance deprived
the peers of that honour, which, in all ages, bath been given
unto them, whose part it was to be employed in military
commands ; that the case was not alike between the two
houses, in point of excluding the members of both houses
from military employment ; that, by this ordinance, they
are wholly disabled from performing any military service,
which is contrary to their protestation and covenant ; and
that the passing this ordinance, as to the military part, will
produce such an alteration in all the armies, as, in apparent
probability, must be of very dangerous consequence to the
Cause in hand at this juncture of time; and therefore, till a
new model be propounded to succeed, they cannot but think
the present frame better than such a confusion which is like
to follow8."  -These reasons operated so strongly with the
lords, that, notwithstanding a reply from the commons, the
ordinance was rejected, January 13, O. S. though afterwards
it was agreed to by them on the 3d of April following: so
* Parliamentary History, Vol. XIII. p. 387.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 115
sign his commission also : but, by a fortune or
that Mr. Hume must be mistaken much about this matter,
when he says, " the peers, tho' the scheme was, in part,
levelled against their order ; tho' all of them were, at the
bottom, extreamly averse to it; possessed so little autho
rity, that they durst not oppose the resolution of the com
mons ; and they esteemed it better policy, by an unlimited
compliance, to ward off that ruin which they saw approach
ing3." But it is no wonder this writer should commit many
mistakes in his relation of this affair, when he professes only
to give a detail of the methods by which it was conducted,
as they are delivered by lord Clarendon b ! — ¦¦ — While these
disputes lasted, another ordinance was prepared, and, after
sundry debates and amendments, agreed to by both houses,
for new modelling the army, whereby Sir Thomas Fairfax
was appointed general in chief of all the forces, with a
power of nominating the officers under him, and execution
of martial law. No mention is made of the king's authority,
hor is any clause for the preservation of his person here
inserted c ; but power is given the general to " lead his
armies against all and singular enemies, rebels, traitors, and
other like offenders, and every of their adherents, and with
them to fight; and them to invade, resist, repress, subdue,
pursue, slay, kill, and put in execution of death by all ways
and means d."  This passed the house of lords April 1,
after the earl of Essex had declared he would yield up his
commission, as he did the day following, as well as the
a History of Great Britain, vol. I. p. 386. b Id. p. 3S4.
' The reasons urged by the commons against the clause of preserving his ma
jesty's person, which had been insisted on in the house of lords, were these i '
1. Inserting it here must either suppose the king's coming in the head of an
army, to fight against us, for the preservation and defence of the true protest-
ant religion, &c. and so we must preserve him : or, if we suppose he comei.li
not to preserve, but to fight to oppose those (as we know he doth) it seemetb.
rather a mockery than a reality.'
8. That the king should not think us obliged, by our covenant, to preserve his
person, if he appear in the head of an army against the parliament ; nor the
soldier to forbear his duty by reason of his presence. — Journal, Miuxh 29, 1 645.
? Parliamentary History, vol, XIII. p. 43T.
I a

116 THE LIFE OF
art peculiar to himself, he was dispensed
lords Manchester, Denbigh and Warwick very soon after.
 Thus almost all those men, by whose interest, power
and authority the war with the king had been undertaken,
and without whom no opposition, of any weight, could pos
sibly have been raised, were, in a short time, deprived of
their power and influence over their own army, and obliged,
as we shall soon see, to truckle before them ! So little can
men see into futurity ! so different are the turns things take
from what men are apt to expect and depend on.  The
self-denying ordinance was very specious, as are all bills,
for excluding the members of parliament, whether lords or
commons, from places of. trust and profit ; and they are ge
nerally received favourably,, without doors, by all ranks of
people. Whether the enacting of them would be right;
whether consistent with the liberty of the subject ; whether
they could be carried into execution; or, whether they
would be productive of most good or ill, are distinct ques
tions, which politicians will long debate on, and find diffi
cult, perhaps, after all, to come to a conclusion among
themselves. But, with respect to the subject now before
us, it appears to have been a very dangerous experiment
the parliament made. Here was an army put solely under
the command of one man ; a power granted him to give out
commissions, and to order his armies in a good measure ar>
cording to his own discretion. What was this but to put it
in his power to give the law to the parliament whenever he
thought fit ? To depend on men's characters, in matters
where the well-being of the community, and even the being
of the parliament itself might be at stake, was surely a great
piece of weakness, if such it can be called, and liable to
very severe censure. Soldiers soon forget to be citizens:
they overlook, they contemn laws. The general is ' their
sovereign, the officers their magistrates, and at all itimes.
they are at their beck and command. And generals, being
used to absolute and uncontrouled command over ilarge
armies, are apt to forget also that they have any superiors.

OLIVER CROMWELL. ilfr
with paying obedience to it ". He, therefore,
Hence the slavery of communities ; the subversion of laws j
the erection of tyranny, and every thing mischievous and
hurtful to the human race.  The following passage from
Montesquieu will properly close this note. " It is a ques
tion," says he, "whether civil and military employments
ought to be conferred on the same person ? In a republic,
I should think, they ought to be joined, but in monarchies
separated. In republics it would be extreamly dangerous
to make the profession of arms a particular state, distinct
from that of civil functions ; and in monarchies no less
dangerous would it be to confer these two employments on
the same person. In republics a person takes up arms only
with a view to defend his country and its laws ; it is be
cause he is a citizen he makes himself for a while a soldier.
Were these two distinct states, the person, who, under
arms, thinks himself a citizen, would soon be made sensible
he is only a soldier. In monarchies military men have
nothing but glory, or at least honour or fortune, in view.
To men, therefore, like these, the prince should never give
any civil employments; on the contrary, they ought to be
checked by the civil magistrates, and care should be taken
that the same men may not have, at the same time, the con
fidence of the people, and the power to abuse it. We need
only turn our eyes to a nation [England] that may be justly
called a republic disguised under the form of monarchy, and
there we shall see how jealous they are of a separate state
of the gentlemen of the army, and how the military state is
constantly allied with that of the citizen, and even some
times of the magistrate, to the end that these qualities
may be a pledge for their country, which should never be
forgotten a."
a* By a fortune or art peculiar to himself, he was dis
pensed with paying obedience to the self-denying ordi
nance.] No man pushed more, we see, the passing of thi$
"Spirit of Laws,- vol. I. p. 98. 8vo. Lond. 1750,

1W THE LIFE OF
applied himself in good earnest to the war,
Jhan Cromwell. He declared it necessary to satisfy the peo-;
pie, and to put an end to the war. Probably many honest men;
were induced to join with him in' it, from these considera-'
tions. It could, therefore, never have entered into the heads
of these, that the very same person should either desire or ac
cept an exemption from a law, which he himself had moved
for with so great zeal and earnestness. Nor did those who
knew him to be a man of art, and were fearful of his de-
vices, seem to entertain the least suspicion of him upon!
this head. So that his conduct was a masterpiece on this'
occasion, and shewed him more than a match for his chief
opponents in the houses, who had too much openness, and
were too little upon the reserve to contest with him. Lord
Holies, after speaking of this ordinance, which turned ouj
himself and his friends from their commands, and of the
obedience3 the army paid to the parliament, notwithstand
ing their love to their officers, whom they looked on as ill
used for their services ; proceeds thus : " the next work was j
how again to get in my friend Cromwell ; for he was to |
have the power, Sir Thomas Fairfax only the name of
general ;\he to be the figure, the other the cypher. This
was so gross and diametrically against the letter of the self-
denying ordinance, that it put them to some trouble how to
bring it about. For this Cromwell's soldiers, forsooth, musj
mutiny, and say, they will have their Cromwell, or they
will not stir. Hereupon he must be sent down  -jtbay
jnust have their wills. Yet for these very men had Crom
well undertaken before, when, upon debate, the inconveni-
ency was objected which might follow by discontenting the
¦common soldiers, who would hardly be drawn to leave
their old officers and go under new ; he could say, that his
* It appears, however, from the journals.of the house of commons, that many
of the inferior officers and soldiers mutinied before the ordinance had passed the
-house of lords. In the journal of March 4, 1644, O. S. is a declaration of both
houses, premising pardon to such as returned to their duty before the 15th of
that instant, and threatening, in case of disobedience, to proceed against them as
traitors and enemies to the commonwealth.

OLIVER CROMWELL, 119
and- 4ncreased the reputation he had already
acquired.
soldiers had learned to obey the parliament, to go or stay,
fight or lay by the sword, upon their command ; which, I
know, prevailed with a great many to give their vote with
that ordinance. By this trick a little beginning was made
towards the breach of it, which was soon made greater.
For they caused a report to be spread, that the king was
bending with his forces towards the Isle of Ely, but none
could save but Cromwell, who must be sent in all haste for
that service ; and an order of dispensation is made for a very
few months, two or three (I remember not well whether),
but with such protestations of that party, that this was only
for that exigency, and that for the world they would not
have the ordinance impeached, as Mr. Sollicitor said ; and
that if no body would move for the calling him home at the
expiration of that time, he would. But all this was to gull
the house. Mr. Sollicitor had forgot his protestation, and,
before that was out, there is another order for more months,
and so renewed from time to time, that at last this great
commander is rivetted in the army, and so fast rivetted,
as, after all his orders of continuance were at an end, he
would keep his command still, which he has done for seve
ral mouths, and does yet, notwithstanding that ordinance,
without any order at all of the house for it\"  Lord .
Clarendon's account of Cromwell's keeping his command is
¦too remarkable to be omitted ; not by reason of its contain
ing any so extraordinary a matter, as to shew how much
his lordship wrote at random concerning the transactions of
the parliament. " By this self-denying ordinance, together
with the earl of Essex, the eari of Manchester, Sir William
Waller, the earl of Denbigh, major-general Massey, lost their
commands, as Cromwpll should likewise have done. But as
soon as the ordinance was passed, and before the resignatiod
jpf the earl of Essex, the party that steered had caused hip"
a Holles's Memoirs , p, 04.
6

120 THE LIFE OF
His actions, after the new modelling of the
army, were worthy of a great commander,
to be sent with a body of horse into the west, to relieve
Taunton, that he might be absent at the time when the
other officers delivered their commission's ; which was
quickly observed; and thereupon orders were given, tore-
quire his present attendance in parliament, and that their
new general should send some other officer to attend that.
service ; which was pretended to be done ; and the very day
named, by which it was averred that he would be in the
house. A rendezvous was then appointed, for their new
general to take a view of their troops, that he might ap
point officers to succeed those who had left their commands
by virtue of their ordinance; and likewise in .their places,
who gave up their commands, and refused to serve in the
new model, who were a great number of their best com
manders. From this rendezvous the general sent to desire.
the parliament, that they would give lieutenant-general
Cromwell leave to stay with him for some few days, for his
better information, without which he should not be able to
. perform what they expected from him. The request seem
ing so reasonable, and being for so short a time, little op
position was made to it : and shortly after, by another letter,
he desired, with much earnestness, that they would allow
* Cromwell to serve for that campaign. Thus they compassed
their whole design, in being rid of all those whose affections
they knew were not agreeable to theirs, and keeping Crom
well in command, who, in the name of Fairfax, modelled
the army, and placed such officers as were well known to
him, and to no body else; and absolutely governed the
whole martial affairs, as was quickly known to all men "."
¦  How many mistakes there are in the above citation I
need not point out. The attentive reader will soon discover
them.-  In the journal of the house of commons, February
27, 1644, O. S. we read the following resolutions. " Ee-
* Clarendon, vol. IV. p. 629.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 121
solved, &c. That lieutenant-general Cromwell be desired
forthwith to go down to Sir William Waller, to go with
him upon this expedition into the west, for relief of Mel
combe, and the garrisons and places adjacent, and for pre
venting and breaking the enemy's levies and recruits; and
that it be referred to the committee of both kingdoms, to
consider, this afternoon, of the disposing of the commands
in such manner as may be most advantageous for the ser
vice, and'for accommodating all differences, if any occasion
should be ; and to accommodate him with what shall be
further necessary for this expedition this afternoon. Re
solved, &c. That lieutenant-general Cromwell shall have
liberty to take with him into 'the west his three troops that
are at Henley, and that it be referred to the committee of
both kingdoms to appoint three troops in the place of those
three troops; and that lieutenant-general Cromwell shall
have liberty to take with him quarter-master-general Ireton.
Ordered, That Mr. Gossal and Mr. Lemman, treasurers for
the earl of Manchester's association, do forthwith pay unto
lieutenant-general Cromwell one thousand pounds ; whereof
five hundred upon his own account, and the other five
hundred pounds to be disposed of as he shall think fit, to
the pay of his own troops." So that lord Clarendon probably
mistook Taunton for Melcombe in the passage above recited.
However, neither he nor his troops performed any service
there ; for, though Melcombe and other places were taken*
by Sir William Waller, yet, in the journal of the house,
March 20, 1644, O. S. we read *' the humble petition of
the soldiers of lieutenant-general Cromwell, acknowledging
the heinousness of their offence in refusing to march with
Sir William Waller into the west, was this day read: and
it is resolved, &c. That this house doth accept of theac-.
knowledgement and submission of the said soldiers, and do
admit them into their former good opinion and favour."
This, I suppose, was the mutiny referred to in the above
passage from lord Holies. For, though Cromwell was com-.
manded to join Waller, I cannot find that he did : — he
seems, about this time, to have been very active in the

122- THE LIFE OF
house, and zealous in the affair of new modelling the army
However, he soon after joined his troops; and the self-der
nying ordinance having passed the house of lords, the army
being new modelled, and Fairfax in supreme command,
Cromwell, pretending that he was, with the other officers,
to resign his commission, came to Windsor from his com
mand in the west, to kiss the general's hand, and take his
leave of him, " when," sa}rs an historian of that time, great
ly in the interest of Oliver, " in the morning, ere he was
come forth of his chamber, those commands [to march ber
yond Oxford with a body of horse, and lie on the further
side towards Worcester, to intercept a convoy going to
Oxford, and to keep the king and his train from going
thence] than which he thought of nothing less in all the
world, came to him from the committee of both king
doms a:" whereupon, taking a body of horse and dragoons,
he marched into Oxfordshire, beat a party of the enemy at
Islip-bridge, reduced Blechingdon-house, and performed
many other things advantageous to his cause. He con
tinued, therefore, in the army, and was authorised so to do,
as appears by what follows in the journal of the house of
commons, May 11, 1645: "Two letters from lieutenant-
general Cromwell and major-general Browne ; the one of
May 8th, the other of May 9th, informing, that general.
Goringe is advanced westward; and the king northward
towards Worcester ; were this day read ; and immediately
delivered to Mr. Recorder, that brought them in. Order
ed, &c. That the committee of the army do take care for
the providing of monies and ammunition for those horse
and foot, that are within the new model, and now under
the command of lieutenant-general Cromwell, and major-
general Browne. Ordered, &c. That it be referred to the
committee of the army, to consider, what sums of nionejr
is fit to be provided for that party of horse and foot under
the command of lieutenant-general Cromwell and major*
general Browne, which is not within the new modeh
* Spring's Anglia Rediviva, p. 10. fol. Lond. 1647,

OLIVER CROMWELL. \<&
and at the battle of Naseby he gave fresh
Whereas lieutenant-general Cromwell is now in the actual
service of the parliament, and in prosecution of the enemy;
it is this day enjoined by the lords and commons, that h$
shall continue in the employment he is now in, for forty
days longer; notwithstanding the late ordinance, or any
clause therein, that discharges the members of either house
from having any office or command, military or civil." la
the journal of June the 10th following, it is said, "A letter
from Sir Thomas Fairfaxe, and divers of the chief officers
of his army, from Sherrington, of June the Sth; desiring
that lieutenant-general Cromwell might command the horse
in chief, in Sir Thomas Fairfaxe his army, was this day
read. Resolved upon the question, that Sir Thomas Faiiv
faxe be desired (if he thinks fit) to appoint lieutenant-gene
ral Cromwell to command the horse under Sir Thomas
Fairfaxe, as lieutenant-general, during such time as this
house shall please to dispense with his attendance: and
that Sir Thomas W^iddrington prepare a letter to be signed
by Mr. Speaker, and forthwith sent to Sir Thomas Fairfaxe
to acquaint him with this vote." The letter here referred
to was signed among others, by Fleetwood, Whalley, Skip-
pon, and Ireton, men near to Cromwell, and, probably, not
wholly ign'orant of his designs. But to go on. — On the
16th of June, when news had been brought the house of
the battle of Naseby, we find it in the journal of that day,
" Resolved, Sec. That lieutenant-general Cromwell shall be
lieutenant-general of the horse, in the army under the com
mand of Sir Thomas Fairfax, during the pleasure of both
houses. The lords concurrence to be desired herein. Re
solved, That lieutenant-general Cromwell shall have pay of
lieutenant-general of the horse, since the time of the first
establishment of the army, under Sir Thomas Fairfax's
command. The lords concurrence to be desired herein."
However, in conformity to an alteration made by the house
of lords, we find the resolution stand in the following
manner two days afterwards. " Resolved upon the question,

124 THE LIFE OF
proofs of his valour2' and bravery. From
that lieutenant-general Cromwell shall continue as lieute
nant-general of the horse .according to the established pay
of the army, for three months from the end of the forty
days formerly granted to him." And on the 8th of August,
1645, it was ordered by the commons, " That he should be
continued in the same employment, as formerly, for the
space of four mouths longer, from the end of the said
three months, for -which he was formerly continued, as
aforesaid; on the 17th of Oct. it was continued for four
months longer ; and on the 23d of Jan. following for six
months more."  After this there were no more resolutions
about Cromwell: he took it for granted he had leave; no
one offered to move for recalling him ; and he soon came to
so great a power, that no one with safety could almost have
'dared to have done it. In fine, the self-denying ordinance
having answered its intention of turning out the grandees
of both houses from their commands in the army, and
Cromwell having the luck to be exempted from it, he ac
complished what he then had in his view, and soon after,
. by means of his friends, had many chief officers of the army
chosen members of the house of commons, who took their
seats and retained their commands. And thereby encour
aged the old members of their' party to ' provide for them
selves likewise. Sir William Biereton, Sir Oliver and Sir
Samuel -Luke, Ireton, Rainsborough, Algernon Sidney,
Ingoldsby* Ludlow, Skippon, Fleetwood 3, and other prin
cipal commanders, were members of parliament ; most of
whom were friends tq Cromwell till he openly declared him-
. self, and some of them after that: whereby it plainly ap
peared that, in his and their judgment, the ordinance was
calculated more for party purposes, though carried on
under specious pretences, than for the public good.
13 In the battle of Naseby he gave fresh proofs of his
valour.] Though I proposed not to enter into a detail of
•See Walker's History of- Independency, part L p. 166— 112. 4to.Lond. NUS,
%

OLIVER CROMWELL. 125
this time the king's power very sensibly de-
Oliver's military exploits, yet I shall give the reader a short
account of the important battle of Naseby, which is thus
related by Mr. Whitlock. " The king commanded the
main body of his army, prince Rupert and prince Maurice
the right wing, sir Marmaduke Langdale the left, the earl
of Lindsey and the lord Ashley the right-hand reserve, the
lord Bard and sir George L'Isle the left reserve. Of the
parliament's army, Fairfax and Skippon commanded the
main body, Cromwell the right wing, with whom was Ros-
siter, aud they both came in but a little before the fight.
Ireton commanded the left wing, the reserves were brought
up by Rainsborough, Hammond and Pride. Prince Rupert
began and charged the parliament's left wing with great
resolution ; Ireton made gallant resistance, but at last was
forced to give ground, he himself being run through the
thigh with a pike, and into the face with a halbert, and his
horse shot under him, and himself taken prisoner. Prince
Rupert followed the chase almost to Naseby town, and in'
his return, summoned the train, who made no other answer-
but by their firelocks ; he also visited the carriages where
was good plunder, but his long stay from the main body
was no small prejudice to the king's army. In the mean
time Cromwell charged furiously on the king's left wing,
and got the better, forcing them from the body, and pro
secuting the advantage, quite broke them and their reserve.
During which, the main bodies had charged one another
with incredible fierceness, often retreating and rallying,
falling in together with the butt-ends of their muskets, and
coming to hand blows with their swords. Langdale's men
having been in some discontent before, did not in this fight
behave themselves as they used to do in others, as their own
party gave it out of them ; yet they did their parts, and the
/est of the king's army both horse and foot performed their
duties with great courage and resolution, both commanders
and soldiers. Some of the parliament's horse having lingred
awhile about pillage, and. being iu some.disadvantage, Skip-

12® THE LIFE OF
eayed, and all things flowed in very prosper*-
pon perceiving it, brought up his foot seasonably to their1
assistance, and in this charge (as himself related it to me)
was shot in the side. Cromwell coming in with his victo
rious right wing, they all charged together upon the king,
who, unable to endure any longer, got out of the field to
wards Leicester. Prince Rupert, who now too late returned
from his improvident eager pursuit, seeing the day lost, ac
companied them in their flight, leaving a compleat victory
to the parliamentarians." — After more particulars he closes
his account thus : " Both the general and lieutenant-general
performed their work with admirable resolution, and by
their particular examples infused valour into their followers,
so likewise did the other officers, of whom divers were
wounded. On the other side, the king shewed himself this
day, a couragious general, keeping close with his horse, and
himself in person rallying them to hot encounters a."  Hear
now an adversary to Cromwell. — " Very early in the morn
ing [June 14, 1645] the scouts brought word that the king
was making all haste to the engagement, being falsly in
formed that Fairfax in fear was retreating to Northampton,
whereas he had now disposed of Naseby field, and awaited
him, having Cromwell with Whalley on his right wing, and
Ireton on his left, the one opposed to my lord Langdale,
and the northern horse, and the other to prince Rupert, ge
neral of the cavalry, the king himself being generalissimo.
To come to the event. Prince Rupert totally routed Ireton,
who being engaged and driven upon the king's rightmost
foot, was there wounded in the thigh with a halbert, and
taken prisoner, and the field on that hand cleared; which
Fairfax and Cromwell observing, having not yet stirred
from their ground, Fairfax with a short speech encouraged
his troops to the charge ; which was seconded by some de
vout ejaculations from Cromwell, who clapping spurs to his
horse, fell in with Langdale's brigade, and quite charged,
1 Whitloek's Memorials, p. t50, *

OLIVER CROMWELL. 127
through three bodies and utterly broke them; nor did he
stop till with fine force he had likewise beat that wing from
their ground, without possibility of rallying or recovering
it again. In this action a commander of the king's know
ing Cromwell, advanced smartly from the head of his troops
to exchange a bullet singly with him, and was with the like
gallantry encountered by him, both sides forbearing to come
in, till their pistols being discharged, the cavalier with a
slanting back-blow of a broad sword, luckily cut the ribbond
that tied his murrion, and with a draw threw it off his head,
and now ready to repeat his stroke, his party came in and
rescued him, and one of them alighting, threw up his head- '
piece into his saddle, which Oliver hastily catching, as be
ing affrighted with the chance, clapt it the wrong way on
his head, and so fought with it the rest of the day, which
proved most highly, fortunate on his side (though the king
most magnanimously and expertly managed the fight, ex
posing himself to the eminentest perils of the field) and
raised himself beyond the arts and reach of envy, or his
enemies of the presbyterian party, who had so long been
heaving at him, to out him of all military employments,
which concluding so pertinently and peremptorily for him
in this grand event, did charm the hatred, malice and preju
dice against him, into fear and dread what this arrogance of
his fortune would finally aspire to. This battle wholly
overthrew the king, who was never after able to make head
against the parliament forces, but piecemeal lost his armies,
castles and towns a." I have related this action as I found
it, but must at the same time desire my reader to class it
with the encounters of Quixot and Amadis ; for like theirs
it owes its existence to imagination, and is not to be met
with in any writer of credit.
The three following authentic copies of original letters
relating to this battle, will be deemed curiosities by most
leaders. They will do well to compare them with the nar
ratives of modern commanders. In the year ] 754, they were
found in a wall nine feet thick, on pulling down a house iu
* Flagellum, p. 87.

128 * THE LIFE OF
Palace-Yard, Westminster, in order to build an office for
the clerks of the house of lords. The public is indebted for
the communication to an honourable gentleman, of distin
guished rank in the republic of letters \
Letter I. Indorsed, To the honourable William Lenthall,
esq. Speaker to the house of commons. Haste.
HONOURABLE SIR,
This morning by day brake wee march! out Guilsburro,
after the enemy. After an hours march we discovered their
horse drawne up at Sybbertoff three miles this side Har-
borrough, an hour after their foot appeared. This was about
8 in the morning, by 10 we were disposed into a battalia on
both sides, both sides with mighty shouts exprest a hearty
desire of fighting; having for our parts recommended our
cause to God's protection, and recd. the word, which was
God our strength, theirs Queen Mary. Our forlorne hopes
begun the pla  whiles both sides labour'd for the hill and
wynd, which in conclusyon w - - as it were equally divided.
Our forlorne hope gave back, and their righ-wing of horse
fell upon our left with such gallantry, that ours were imme,
diately routed. About 1000 ran along with them, but such
was the courage and diligence of the right wing backt with
the foot, that they not only brat back the enemy from the
traine, but fell in with their ffoot, and after 2 hours dispute
won all their ffield peeces, (of which some are cannon) most
of their baggage, mortar peeces, boats, 3000 arms, much
powder, match, 8cc. and nigh 4000 prisoners, their number
was about 12000; some 600 slayne, many commanders of
note. Of ours not above 200. Our horse are still in pur
suit, and have taken many officers; their standard is ours,
the Kings waggon and many ladyes. God Almighty give
us thankful hearts for this great victory, the most abso
lute as yet obteyned. The General, leift. gen. Cromwell,
and Major Gen. Skippon (who is shot in the side, but
not dangerous) did beyond expression gallantly ; so did all
f
"¦ Horace Walpole, Esq.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 129
the other commanders and soldiers. We have lost but 2
Capt. Tho' this come late, be pleased to accept it from
Your Honors most humble servants,
Naezby, wher the flight was this har. leighton.
Saturday, 14 Junii, 1645. tho. Herbert.
Capt. Potter is dangerously wounded, but
hopes of his recovery, so is Capt, Cook.
Letter II. Indorsed, For the honWe William Lehthall,
Speaker of commons house of parliament. Theise.
SIR,
Being commanded by you to this service, I think myself
bound to acquaint you with the good hand of God towards
you and us. We marched yesterday after the Kinge who
went before us from Daventree to Haverbrowe and quar
tered about six miles from him, this day we marched to
wards him. Hee drew out to meete us, both armies ingaged,
we after three howers fight very doubtful, att last routed his
armie, killed and tooke about 5000, very many officers, but of
what qualitye wee yet know not, wee tooke also about 200,
carag - - all hee had, and all his guuns, being 12 in number,
whereof 2 were demie cannon, 2 demie culveringes, and (I
think) the rest facers. We pursued  enemy from 3 miles
short of Ha  to nine be3'ond, even to sight of Leices 
whether the King fled. Sir this is non _ other but the hand
of God, and to him alone belongs the glorie, wherein non
are to share with him. The general served you with all
faythfulnesse and honor, and the best commendations I
can give him is, that Id-- say hee attributes all to God,
and woud rath perish then assume to himselfe, which is an
honest and a thrivihge way, and yet as much for bravery
may be given to him in this* action as to a man. Honest
men served you faithfully in this action. Sir they are trus-
tye. I beseech you in the name of God not to discourage
them. I wish this action may begett thankfulnesse and-1
humilitae in all that are concerned in it. He that venters
his lifeWor the libertie of his countrie, I wish hee trust God
VOL. III. K

130 THE LIFE OF
for the libertie of his conscience, and you for the libertye
he fights for, in this hee rests whoe is
June 14'th, 1645. Your most humble servant,
Haverbrowe. Oliver cromwell.
Letter III. Indorsed, For the honblc William Lenthall, Esq1"-
Speaker of the hobll! house of commons.
MR. SPEAKER,
Besides the general account, I have alreadie given, by one
of my servants, whom I sent up to London yesterday) I
thought fit to send the bearer Mr. Boles, whoe may more
particularlye informe you concerneinge the abundant good
ness of God to this army, and the whole kingdome in the
late victorie obteyned at Naseby fielde. The whole body
of their foote — taken and slaine, such a list of the prisoners
as could be made up in this shorttime I have sent, the horse
all quitted the fielde, and were pursued within three miles of
Leicester: theire ammunition, ordnance and carriages all
taken : among , which there were, two demy cannons, a
whole culverin and a mortar peece, besides lesser peeces.
We intend to move to Leicester as soon as we have taken
order with our prisoners and wounded men. All that I
desire is, that ,the honor of this greate and never to be for
gotten mercie may be given to God, in an extraordinary
day of thanksgivings ; and that it may be improved to the
good of his churche and his kingdome : which shall be faith
fully endeavoured by, Sir, Yr most humble Ser',
Harborough, June 15, 1645. tho. Fairfax.
Some Irish are among the prisoners, as 1 am
informed : I have not time to make enquiry into it.
I desire they may be proceeded against according
to ordnance of parliament. Major general Skip-
pon was shot throughe his side; but notwithstancb
inge he continued in the ffielde with great resolu-
con; and when I desired him to goe off the ffield,
he answered he would not goe so long as a man *
would stand, still doing his office as a valient and "

OLIVER CROMWELL. 13 1
ously on the parliament, who failed notH to re-
wise commander. Also Colonel Butler and Colonel
Ireton, upon theire first charge were both dange-
rouslie wounded, behaving themselves very gal-
lantlie, If I could enter into particulars, much
might be spoken of the resolucon and courage of
many commanders, both horse and ffoote in this
days service a.
These letters give us a clear idea of this important and
decisive battle, a battle which in a manner extinguished the
king's hopes, and Soon, after brought on a total reduction of
his power! Lord Clarendon says, the king and the kingdom
were lost in itb: — an expression which denotes his lord
ship's idea of the imrnenseness of the loss, though perhaps
not much more exact than his account of ihe battle itself,
which, to say the-least of it, is very defective and erroneous,
as will appear by comparing it with the authentic accounts
here given.
14 The parliament failed not to reward Oliver for his good'
services.] Milton complains of the offices, gifts and pre
ferments bestowed and shared among the members of par
liament'. And if we may believe a writer of those times,
who had opportunity of being informed, (though allowances
must be made for his prejudices) this was commonly and
openly done, to the vexation of such as either could not, or
would not partake with them. The passage is remarkable,
and relates properly to the subject in hand. " The leading
men or bel-weathers having seemingly divided themselves,
and having really divided the houses, and captivated their
respective parties judgment, teaching them by an implicite
faith, Jurare in verba magistri, to pin their opinions upon
a Since the insertion of these letters, I find they were printed by order of parlia
ment, June 1 6, 1 645, and republished in Rushworth's Collections. But as tliey
are curious, little known, and probably now first transcribed from the originals, I
have thought proper to give them a place in this work notwithstanding. A copy
of CromHll's letter is in the British Museum.
b Vol. IV. p. 658. c See the second quotation from Milton in note 1 4.
K2

13a THE LIFE OF
ward Oliver for his good services. But grati-
their sleeves ; they begin to advance their projects of mono
polizing the profits, preferments, and power of the kingdom
in themselves. To which purpose, though the leaders of
each party seem to maintain a hot opposition, yet when
any profit or preferment is to be reached at, it is observed
that a powerful independent especially moves for a presby-
terian, or a leading presbyterian for an independent: and
seldom doth one oppose or speak against another, in such
cases, unless something of particular spleen or competition
come between, which causeth them to break the common
rule. By this means the grandees of each faction seldom
miss their mark,, since an independent moving for a presby
terian, his reputation carries the business clear with the in
dependent party : and the presbyterians will not oppose a
leading man of their own side. By this artifice the gran
dees, of each side share the commonwealth between them ;
and are now become proud, domineering Rehoboams, even
oyer the rest of their fellow members (contrary to the liberty
qfiparliament, which consists in an equality) that were for
merly fanning ambitious Absaloms. There hath been lately
given away to members openly (besides innumerable and
inestimable, private cheats, mutually connived at) at least
3Q0PQQlfj in, .money, besides rich offices, employments in
money committees, sequestrations, and other advantages.
And those members who have so well served themselves
under colour of serving the publick, are, for the most part,
old. canvasers of factions, who have sat idly and safely in
the house, watching their advantages to confound busi
nesses, and shuffle the cards to make their own game ; when
others that have ventured their persons abroad, laboured in
the publick work, like Israelites under these Egyptian task
masters, and lost their .estates, are left to starve until they
can find relief in that empty bag called by fools, fides pub-
lica, by wise men fides punka, and are now looked upon in
the house superciliously, like unwelcome guests V a
1 Walker's Mystory of the two Juntoea, p. 2.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 133
tude did not bind him 5 for his success and
Lord Holies in very sharp terms speaks of his antagonists,
the independent party, promoting and rewarding their
friends and adherents : " Which," says he, " was easy for
them, having both sword and purse, and withall an impu
dence and boldness to reward all those who would sell their
consciences. For all such members of the house, and
others, were sure to be preferred, have large gifts given
them out of the commonwealths money, arrears paid, offices
confered upon them, countenanced and protected against all
complaints and prosecutions, had they done never so un
worthy, unjust, horrid actions, to the oppression of the sub
ject, and dishonour of the parliament. All others discoun
tenanced, opposed, inquisitions set upon them, questioned,
imprisoned upon the least occasion, colours of crimes many
times for doing real good service, and no favour nor justice
for them : only that the world might see which was the way
to rise, and which to be sure to meet with contrary winds
and storms, and so make all men at least to hold candles to
these visible saints V  In another place his lordship vin
dicates himself and friends from the charge of enriching
themselves by disposing of the public money, and retorts
it on his adversaries, setting forth in a very particular man
ner what sums of money they had received under varibus
pretences, and what salaries they enjoyed b. But after all
these warm declamations, for both these writers were very
warm, when they exercised their pens on these subjects,
what was there done in these times that has not, that will
not be, done at all times? Friends and favourites are coun
tenanced and preferred, enemies are overlooked, neglected,
or disappointed. Was it ever otherwise ? If men perform
great and eminent services, it is grateful, it is politic to
reward them. To com plain of the givers or receivers, seems
not very consistent with good sense and impartiality.
Cromwell we have seen make a figure in the war : he had
* Holles's Memoirs, p. 36. " Id, p. 1 32—1 38.
8

134 THE LIFE OF
influence on the army, inspired him with con-
ventured his life many times in the public service, and had
brought reputation and victory back with him. Was he
unworthy of notice, or did he not highly merit it? When
the house of commons was far enough from being wholly at
his devotion, we find it ordered, " that five hundred pounds
be forthwith provided and advanced,  to be bestowed on
lieutenant general Cromwell, as a respect from the house.
Ordered that all the lands of the earl of Worcester, lord
Herbert, and Sir John Somersett, his sons, in the county of
Southampton, be settled upon lieutenant general Cromwell,
and his heirs, to be accounted as part of the two thousand
five hundred pounds per annum, formerly appointed him by
this house : and that Mr. Samuel Browne, Mr. Sollicitor, Mr.
Lisle, and Mr. Wallop, do bring in an ordinance accord
ingly. Ordered, that it be referred to the committee of the
army, to consider how the residue of the two thousand five
hundred pounds, land of inheritance formerly assigned lieu
tenant general Cromwell by this house, may be speedily set
tled upon him, and his heirs, for ever, and he put in the
present possession of it; and likewise to consider of an
entertainment for his present subsistence ; and to bring in
an ordinance to this purpose3." And it was moreover
ordered a few days afterwards, " that Mr. Lisle do bring in
an ordinance for the full granting unto, and settling upon
lieutenant general Cromwell, and his heirs, the manors of
Abberston and Itchell, with the rights, members and appur
tenances thereof, in the county of Southampton ; being the
lands of John lord marquis of Winchester, a delinquent,
that hath been in arms against the parliament, and a Pa
pist1'." What the event of this last order was I cannot find ;
but by the following letter of Oliver St. John to Cromwell,
it appears that the house of commons had liberally rewarded
him for his services.
, » Journal, Jan. 23, 1645. <¦ Journal, Jan. 31, 1645.'

OLIVER CROMWELL. 135
fidence and ambition, and excited in him
DEARE SIR,
" I have herewithall sente you the order of the house of
commons for settling 2500/. per annum upon you and your
heires, and the ordinance of parliament in pursuance thereof
in part, whereby the lands therein mentioned, being all the
lands of the earle of Worcester in that county, are settled
upon you. I have likewise sent you a rent-roll of the quit-
rents. The manors consist most of old rents. There are
three advowsons. I am told by Col. Norton and Mr.
Wheeler, whoe know the lands, that they are accounted
100Z. p. ann.
" I endeavoured to passe this for the present, rather than
to have stayed longer to make up the whole. Your patent
was speedily prepared, and is this day passed the great seal.
I have not sente it downe, but will keepe it for you, until I
receive your direction to whom to deliver it. The charges
of passing the ordinances to the clerkes, and of the scale,
my clerke of the patents hath satisfied ; you shall hereafter
know what they come to. I delivered a copy of the ordi
nance to Mr. Lisle to send it to the committee of sequestra
tions, whoe hath, together with a letter to them, desyred,
that the sequestrators take care that no wrong be done to
the lands. That which principally moved me to it was, be
cause I heard, there weare goodly woods,1 and that much had
been formerly -cut, that for the future a stop might be made.
By the ordinance sent you, you will be auctorized to send
some bayliffe of your owne to husband the lands to your best
advantage, which would be done speedilie. There is another
order of the house for preparinge an ordinance for a goodly
house and other lands in HamPshire, of the marquisse of
Winchesters. Wee had thought to have had them in the
ordinance, already passed, but by absence of some, when I
brought in the other, that fayled. Perhaps it is better as
it is, and that the addition might have stayed this. You
know to whome the marquise hath relation1, and in regard
aThe marquis of Winchester married the half-sister of tha earl of Essex.
Ludlow, vol. I. p. 158.

136 THE LfFE OF
views zs prejudicial to the authority from whence
that our commission for the scale ends with this month, I
desyred rather for the presente to passe this, than to hazard
the delay. Mr. Lisle was ordered to bring-in the other ordi
nance ; it is not yet done. Sir, Mr. Wallop, Mr. Lisle, Sir
Thomas Germayne, have been real friends to you in this
business, and heartily desire to have you seated, if possible,
in -their country. Remember by the next to take notice
hereof by letter unto them V  1 know not what the
patent mentioned in this letter means, unless the following
resolution of the house of commons, Dec. 1, 1645, will ex
plain it. " Resolved that the title and dignity of a baron of
the kingdom of England, with all rights, priviledges, pre
eminences, and precedencies, to the' said title and dignity
belonging or appertaining, be conferred and settled on lieu
tenant general Oliver Cromwell, and the heirs males of. his
body : and that his majesty be desired, in these proposi
tions, [for a peace] to grant and confer the said title and
dignity upon him, and the heirs males of his body accord
ingly : and that it be referred to the former committee, to
consider of a fit way and manner for the perfecting hereof b."
— Here are proofs sufficient of the bounty of Oliver's masters.
25 His success and his interest in the armj', inspired him
with ambition, &c] Sir Thomas Fairfax, we have seen,
Was Constituted general and commander in chief of the new
modelled army; and he behaved, as it is well known, with
great bravery and conduct. But his talents were chiefly of
the military kind. He had no inclination for intrigues ; no
ambitious views; and therefore stood not in need of those
arts which are requisite to obtain confidence and power.
He contented himself with discharging the duties of a good
general, and troubled not himself with any thing beyond it.
Cromwell had other things in his head. He fought not
merely for his masters, or out of zeal for the cause ; though
zeal he undoubtedly had ; but that he might one time or
other take the lead, and gratify his own boundless ambition.
•Thurloe, vol. I. p. 75. b Journals.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 137
he derived his power. For the war being ended
He therefore made his court to all the officers and soldiers,
and became at length so popular, as to be looked on by
friends and foes as the chief actor in the interesting scenes
exhibited by the army. " Fairfax was viewed as a gentleman
of an irrational and brutish valour, fitter to follow another
man's counsel than his own, and obnoxious to Cromwell and
the independant faction (upon whose bottom he stands) for
his preferment, it being no dishonour to him to become the
property of a powerful faction a." But Cromwell was de
scribed " as a head schoolmaster, in the parliament, (repre-
sen ted as a free-school when subjected to the will of the
army) Ireton usher, and (that cypher) Fairfax prepositorV
And Holies "says, " From the beginning of the new modelling
the army, it was intended, by his party, that Cromwell
should have the power, Sir Thomas Fairfax only the name
of general." And he further characterizes him, " as one fit
for their turns, to do whatever they will have him, without
considering or being able to judge whether honourable or
honest'." These characters of Fairfax seem very severe,
and one would be apt to think, ought to be read with some
allowances, as coming from men heated with resentment,
and foes to the general and his army. But the following
passages from his own Memoirs, will shew us that there is
much truth in what is above written, though couched in a
sharp and adversary-like style. His little influence and
authority in the army over which he had the name of gene
ral, he thus describes. " From the time they [the army]
declared their usurped authority at Triplow-Heath, I never
gave my free consent to any thing they did : but being yet
undischarged of my place, they set my name in way of
course to ail their papers, whether I consented or not: and
to such failings are ail authorities subject. Under parlia
mentary authority many injuries have been done; so here
hath a. general's power been broken and crumbled into a
'Walker's history of Independency, part 1. p. 30. * Id. part II. p. 30.
* Holles's Memoirs, p. 34.

138 THE LIFE OF
in July 1646, the soldiery, instigated by Crom-
levelling faction. Yet even this, I hope, all impartial judges
will interpritas force and ravishment of a good name, rather
than a voluntary consent, which might make me equally
criminal with that faction. And if in a multitude of words,
much more in a multitude of actions, there must be some
transgressions ; yet I can truly say, they were never design
edly, or wilfully committed by.meV ,
This shews perfectly the man. — Let us now proceed to
view the ambition of Cromwell which had full scope for
action under such a leader. Ludlow, speaking of the situa
tion of affairs after the king was delivered into the hands of
the parliament's commissioners by the Scots, says, " Walk
ing one day with lieutenant-general Cromwell in Sir Robert
Cotton's garden, he inveighed bitterly against them, [the
parliament] saying in a familiar way to me, if thy father
were alive, he would let some of them hear what they de
served: adding farther, that it was a miserable thing to
serve a parliament, to whom let a man be never so faithful,
if one pragmatical fellow rise up and asperse him, he shall
never wipe it off. Whereas, said he, when one serves under
a general, he may do as much service, and yet be free from
all blame and envy. This text, together with the comment
his after actions pnt upon it, hath since perswaded me, that
he had already conceived the design of destroying the civil
authority, and setting up of himself ; and that he took that
opportunity to feel my pulse, whether I were a fit instrument
to be employed by him to those ends. But having replied
to his discourse, that we ought to perform the duty of our
stations, and trust God with our honour, power and all that
is dear to us, not permitting any such considerations to dis
courage us from the prosecution of our duty, I never heard
any thing more from him upon that point b." The same
writer, after telling us that some menacing expressions fell
from some members of parliament, on occasion of the offi-
1 Short Memorials, p. 12S. 8vo.l6§9. b Ludlow, vol. I. p. 187. '

OLIVER CROMWELL. 13ST
well, refused to disband, or be sent into Ireland,
cers of the army refusing to disband on their command, adds,
" Lieutenant-general Cromwell took the occasion to whisper
me in the ear, saying, These men will never leave till the army
pull them out by the ears : which expression I should have
resented, if the state of our affairs would have permitted \"
— ¦ — But nothing so fully sets forth the arts and ambition of
Cromwell as a paper printed in Thurloe's correspondence,
entitled "Sundry Reasons inducing Major Robert Hun
tington to lay down his commission, humbly presented to
the honourable houses of parliament." It is long, but it
would be a wrong to the reader as well as the subject to
abridge it.  " Having taken up arms," says he, " in
defence of the authority and power of king and parliament,
under the command of the lord Grey of Warke, and the earl
of Manchester, during their several employments with the
forces of the eastern association, and at the modelling of this
army under the present lieutenant-general, having been ap
pointed by the honourable houses of parliament, a major to
the now regiment of lieutenant-general Cromwell; in each
of which employments having served constantly and faith
fully, answerable to the trust reposed in me; and having
lately quit the said employment, and laid down my com
mission, I hold myself tyed both in duty and conscience to
render the true reasons thereof, which in the general is
briefly this : because the principles, designs, and actions of
those officers, which have a great influence upon the army,
are (as I conceive) very repugnant, and destructive to the
honour and safety of the parliament and kingdom, from
whom they derive their authority. The particulars whereof
(being a breviat of my sad observations) will appear in the
following narrative.
" First, that upon the orders of parliament for disbanding
this army, lieutenant general Cromwell and commissary-
general Ireton, were sent commissioners to Walden, to re-
" Ludlow, toI. I. p. 189.

140 THE LIFE OF
though commanded by the parliament ; erected
duce the army to their obedience, but more especially, in
order to the present supply of forces for the service of Ire
land. But they, contrary to the trust reposed in them, very
much hindered that service, not only by discountenancing
those that were obedient and willing, but also by giving
encouragement to the unwilling and disobedient,, declaring
that there had lately been much cruelty and injustice in the
parliament's proceedings against them, meaning the army.
And commissary-general Ireton, in further pursuance thereof,
framed those papers and writings then sent from the army to
the parliament and kingdom, saying also to the agitators,
that it was then lawful and fit for us to deny disbanding, 'till
we had received equal and full satisfactiou for our past ser
vice : lieutenant-general Cromwell further adding, that we
were in a double capacity, as soldiers, and as commoners.
And when upon the rendezvous at Triplow-heath, the com
missioners of parliament, according to their orders, ac
quainted every regiment with what the parliament had
already done, and would further do, in order to the desires of
the army, the Soldiers being before prepared, and notwith
standing any thing could be said or offered to them by the
commissioners, they still cried out for Justice, Justice. And
for the effecting of their further purposes, advice was given by
lieutenant-general Cromwell and commissary-general Ireton,
to remove the king's person from Holdenby, or to secure
him there by other guards than those appointed by the com
missioners of parliament ; which was thought most fit to be
earned on by the private soldiery of the army, and promoted
by the agitators of each regiment, whose first business was
to secure the garrison of Oxford, with the guns and ammu
nition there; from thence to march to Holdenby in prose
cution of the former advice ; which was accordingly acted
by cornet Joyce, who when he had done the business, sent a
letter to the general then at Keinton, acquainting his excel
lency, that the king was on his march towards Newmarket,
The general being troubled thereat, told commissary-general

OLIVER CROMWELL. 141
a council of officers and agitators, to consult of
Ireton, that he did not like it, demanding withall who gave
those orders. He replied that he gave orders only for se
curing the king there, and not for taking him away from
thence. Lieutenant-general Cromwell coming then from
London, said, if this had not been done, the king would
have been fetched away by order of parliament ; or else
colonel Graves by the advice of the commissioners would
have carried him to London, throwing themselves upon the
favour of parliament for that service. The same day cornet
Joyce being told the general was displeased with him for
bringing the king from Holdenby, he answered that lieute
nant-general Cromwell gave him orders at London, to do
what he had done both there and at Oxford. The person of
the king being now in the power of the army, the business of
lieutenant-general Cromwell was to court his majesty (both
by members of the army, and several gentlemen formerly in
the king's service) into a god opinion and belief- of the
proceedings of the army, as also into a disaffection and dis
like of the proceedings of parliament; pretending to shew
that his majesties interests would far better suit with the
principles of Independency, than of Presbytery. And when
the king did alledge, (as many times he did) that the power
of parliament was the power, by which we fought, lieute
nant-general Cromwell would reply, that we were not only
soldiers, but commoners; promising that the army would be
for the king in the settlement of his whole business, if the
king and his party would sit still, and not declare nor act
against the army, but give them leave only to manage the
present business in hand.
" That when the king was at Newmarket, the parliament
thought fit to send to his majesty, humbly desiring, that,,, in
order to his safety and their addresses for a speedy settle
ment, he would be pleased to come to Richmond. Contrary
hereunto, resolution was taken by the aforesaid- officers of
the army, that if the king would not be diverted by per
swasion (to which his, majesty was very opposite) thaj thea

142 THE LIFE OF
and manage their affairs ; talked insolently of,
they would stop him by force at Royston, where his majesty
was to lodge the first night, keeping accordingly continual
guard upon him, against any power that should be sent by
order of parliament to take him from us : and to this
purpose out-guards were also kept to prevent his escape
from us with the commissioners, of whom we had special
orders given to be careful, for that they did daily shew a
dislike, to the present proceedings of the army against the
parliament, and that the king was most conversant and
private in discourse with them, his majesty saying, that if
any man should hinder his going (now his houses had
desired him upon his late message of 12 May, 1647) it
should be done by force, and laying hold on his bridle ;
which if any were so bold to do, he would endeavour to
make it his last. But contrary to his majesties expectation,
the next morning when the king and the officers of the
army were putting this to an issue, came the votes of both
houses to the king of their compliance with that which the
array formerly desired. After which his majesty did incline
to hearken to the desires of the army, and not before*
" Whereupon at Caversham, the king was continually
sollicited by messengers from lieutenant-general Cromwell
and commissary-general Ireton, proffering any thing his
majesty should desire, as revenues, chaplains, wife, chil
dren, servants of his own, visitation of friends, access of
letters, and (by commissary-general Ireton) that his nega
tive voice should not be meddled withal, and that he had
convinced those that reasoned against it at a general council
of the army ; and all this they would do, that his majesty
might the better see into all our actions, and know our
principles, which lead us to give him all these things out of
conscience ; for that we were not a people hating his majes
ties person or monarchical government, but that we liked it
as the best, and that by this king ; saying also, that they
did hold it a very unreasonable thing for the parliament to
abridge him of them ; often promising, that if his majesty

OLIVER CROMWELL. US
and petitioned rudely the two houses; pre-
would sit still, and not act against them, they would in the
first place restore him to all these, and upon the settlement
of our own just rights and liberties, make him the most
glorious prince in Christendom. That to this purpose, for
a settlement they were making several proposals, to be
offered to the commissioners of parliament then sent down
to the army, which should be as bounds for our party as to
the king's business; and that his majesty should have liberty
to get as much of these abated as he could, for that many
things therein were proposed only to give satisfaction to
others, who were our friends ; promising the king, that at
the same time the commissioners of parliament should see
these proposals, his majesty should have a copy of them
also, pretending to carry a very equal hand between king
and parliament, in order to the settlement of the kingdom
by him; which besides their own judgments and conscience,
they did see a necessity of it as to the people; commissary-
general Ireton further saying, that what was offered in these
proposals should be so just and reasonable, that if there were
but six men in the kingdom that would fight to make them
gogd, he would make the seventh against any power, that
should oppose them.
" The head quarters being removed from Reading to
Bedford, his majesty to Woburne, the proposals were given
to me by commissary general Ireton, to present to the
king; which his majesty having read, told, me, that he
would never treat with army or parliament upon these
proposals, as he was then minded. But the next day his
majesty understanding, that a force was put on his houses
of parliament, by a tumult, sent for me again, . and said
unto me : 'Go along with Sir Jo. Berkeley to yovjr general
and lieutenant-general, and tell them, that to avj>id a new
war, I will now treat with them upon their proposals, or
any thing else, in order to a peace : only let me be saved
in honor and conscience.' Sir Jo. Berkeley falling sick
by (the way, I delivered this message to the lieutenant-

144 , THE LIFE OF
scribed to them the terms on which alone, as
general and to commissarj'-general Ireton, who advised me
not to acquaint the general with it, till ten or twelve
officers of the army were met together at the general's
quarters, and then they would bethink themselves of some
persons to be sent to the king about it. And accordingly
commissary-general Ireton, colonel Rainsborow, colonel
Hammond, and colonel Rich, attended the king at Woburne
for three hours together, debating the whole business with
the- king, upon the proposals; upon which debate, many of
the most material things the king disliked, were afterwards
struck out, and many other things much abated by promises;
whereupon his majesty was pretty well satisfied. Within
a day or two after this, his majesty removed to Stoke, and-
there calling for me, told me, he feared an engagement
between the city and the army, saying, he had not time
to write any thing under his hand, .but would send it to the
general after me; commanding me to- tell commissary-
general Ireton, with whom he had formerly treated upon
the proposals, that he would wholly throw himself upon
us,, and trust us for a- settlement of the kingdom, as we had
promised; saying, if we proved honest men, we should
without question make the kingdom happy, and save much
shedding of blood. This message from his majesty I de
livered to commissary-general Ireton, at Colebrooke, who
seemed to receive it with joy, saying, that we should be the
veriest knaves that ever lived, if in every thing we made
not good whatever we had promised., because the king, by
his. not declaring against us, had given us great advantage
against our adversaries. After our marching through London
With the army, his majesty being at HamptonrCourt, lieu>
tenant-general Cromwell and commissary-general Ireton
sent the king word several times, that the reason why they
made no more haste in his business was, because the party,
which did then sit in the house, (while Pelham. was speaker)
did much obstruct the business, so that they could not
carry it on at present ; the lieu teaantigeneral . often saying/

OLIVER CROMWELL. 145
they said, they would return into private life,
really they should be pulled out by the ears; and to that
purpose caused a regiment of horse to rendezvous atHyde*
Park, to put that in execution (as he himself expressed) had
it not been carried by vote in the house that day as he
desired. The day before, the parliament voted once more
the sending of the propositions of both kingdoms to the
king, by the commissioners of each kingdom at Hampton-1
Court; commissary-general Ireton bade me tell the king,
that such a thing was to be done to-morrow in the house,
but his majesty need not be troubled at it, for that they
intended it to no other end but to make good some promises
of the parliament,, which the nation of Scotland expected
performance of. And that it was not expected or desired,
his majesty should either sign them, or treat upon them,
for which there should be no advantage taken against the
king. Upon the delivery of which message, his majesty
replyed, he knew not what answer to give to please all
without a treaty. Next day after this vote passed, the-
lieutenant-general asking me thereupon, if the king did not
wonder at these votes, 1 told him no; for that commissary-
general Ireton had sent such a message by me the day before
the vote passed, to signify the reason of it. ' The lieutenant-
general replied, that really it was the truth, and that we
(speaking of the parliament) intended nothing else by it,
but to satisfy the Scott, which otherwise might be trouble
some. And the lieutenant-general, and commissary-general ,
enquiring after his majesties answer to the propositions,
and what it would be, it was shewed them both privately
in a-garden-house at Putney, and in some parts amended to
their own minds. But before this, the king doubting what
answer to give, sent me to lieutenant-general Cromwell, as
¦unsatisfied with the proceedings of the army, fearing they
intended not to make good what they had promised, and
the rather because his majesty understood that lieutenant-
general Cromwell and commissary-general Ireton agreed
with the rest of the house in some late votes that apposed
voi. in. l

146 THE LIFE OF
and live as citizens and subjects; and even
the proposals of the army. They severally replied, that
they would not have his majesty mistrust them, for that
since the house would go so high, they only concurred with
them, that their unreasonableness might the better appear
to the kingdom. And the lieutenant-general bade me
further assure the king, that if the army remained an army,
his majesty should trust the proposals with what was
promised to be the worst of his conditions, which should be
made for him ; and then striking his hand on his breast in
his chamber at Putney, bade me tell the king, he might
fest confident and assured of it. And manv times the same
message hath been sent to the king from them both, with
this addition from commissary-general Ireton, that they
would purge, and purge, and never leave purging the
houses, till they had made them of such a temper, as should
do his majesties business ; and rather than they would
fall short of what was promised, he would join with French,
Spaniard, cavalier, or any that would join with him to
force them to it. Upon the delivery of which message, the
king made answer, that if they do, they would do more
than he durst do. After this the delay of the settlement
of the kingdom was excused upon the commotions of
colonel Martin and colonel Rainsborough, with their ad
herents; the lieutenant-general saying, that speed)' course
must be taken for outing of thein, the house and army,
because they were now putting the army into a mutiny, by
having hand in publishing several printed papers, calling
themselves the agents of five regiments, and the agreement
of the people, although some men had encouragement from
lieutenant-general Cromwell for the prosecution of those
papers. " And he being further prest to shew himself in it, he
desired to be excused at the present, for that he might
shew himself hereafter for their better advantage; though in
the company of those men, which were of different judg
ments, he would often say, that these people were a giddy-

OLIVER CROMWELL. 147
compelled the parliament, by whose authority
headed party, and that there was no trust or truth in them ;
and to that purpose wrote a letter to col. Whaley that day
the king went from Hampton-Court, intimating doubtfully
that his majesties person was in danger from them, and
that he should keep out guard to prevent them; which letter
was presently shewed to the king by col. Whaley. That
about six days after, when it was fully known by the parlia
ment and army, that the king was in the isle of S\ ight,
commissary-general Ireton standing by the fire-side in his
quarters at Kingston, and seme speaking of an agreement
likely to be made between the king and parliament, now the
person of the king was out of the power of the army ;
commissary-general Ireton replied with a discontented
countenance, that he hoped it would be such a peace as we
might with a good conscience fight against them both.
Thus they, who at the first taking the king from Holdenby
into the power of the army, cried down presbyterian govern
ment, the proceedings of this present parliament, and their
perpetuity, and instead thereof held forth an earnest incli
nation to a moderated episcopacy, with a new election of
members to sit in parliament for the speedy settlement of
the kingdom ; and afterwards when the eleven members
had left the house, and the marching through London with
the army, the seven lords impeached, the four aldermen of
London committed to the Tower, and other citizens com
mitted also, then again they cried up presbyterian govern
ment, the perpetuity of this present parliament, lieutenant-
general Cromwell farther pleasing himself with the great
sums of money which were in arrears from each county to
the army, and the taxes of 60,000 I. per month for our main
tenance. Now, saith he, we may be, for ought I know, an
army as long as we live. And since the sending for the
orders of parliament for the calling of their members to
gether, lieutenant-general Cromwell perceiving the houses
would not answer his expectation, he is now again uttering
words perswading the hearers to a prejudice against pro-
12

148 THE LIFE OF
they had been raised, in whose name they had
ceedings of parliament, again crying down the presbyterian
government, setting up a single interest, which he calls an
honest interest, and that we have done ill in forsaking it.
To this purpose it was lately thought fit, to put the army
upon causing new agitators, and to draw forth of the
houses of parliament 60, or 70 of the members thereof,
much agreeing with his words he spake formerly in his
chamber at Kingston, saying, What a sway Stapelton
.and Holies had heretofore in the kingdom, and he knew
nothing to the contrary, but that he was as well able to
govern the kingdom as either of them; so that, in all his
discourse, nothing more appeareth, than his seeking after
the government of king, parliament, city and kingdom.
'For effecting whereof he thought it necessary, and delivered
it as his judgment, that a considerable part of the chief
citizens of London, and some in every county, be clapt up
in castles and garrisons, for the. 'more quiet and submissive
carriage of every place to which they belong : further saying,
That, from the rising of the late tumult in London, thei'e
. should be an occasion taken to hang the recorder and alder
men of London, then in the Tower, that the city might see
the more they did stir in opposition, the more they should
suffer ; adding, that the city must first be made an example.
And, since that lieutenant-general Cromwell was sent down
from the parliament, for' the reducing the army to their
obedience, he hath most frequently, in publick and private,
delivered these ensuing heads, as his principles, from whence
all the foregoing particulars have ensued, being fully con--
firmed (as I humbly conceive) by his practice in the trans
action of his last year's business.
" 1. First, that every single man isjudge of just and right
as to the good and, ill of a kingdom.
" 2. That the interest of honest men is the interest of the
kingdom ; and that those only are deemed honest men by
\\\m, that are conformable to his judgment and practice,

OLIVER CROMWF"- 149
f>^«6rit, and by Avhom they had been paid, to
may appear in many particulars; to instance but one, in
the choice of colonel Rainsbrough to be vice-admiral, lieu
tenant-general Cromwell being asked how he could trust a
man, whose interest was so directly opposite to what he had
professed, and one whom he had lately aimed to remove
from all places of trust? he answered, that he had now re
ceived particular assurance from colonel Rainsborough,
as great as could be given by man, that he would be 'con
formable to the judgment and direction of himself and
commissary-general Ireton, for the managing of the whole
business at sea.
" 3. That it is lawful to pass through any forms of
government for the accomplishing his ends ; and therefore
either to purge the houses, and support the remaining party;
by force everlastingly, or to put a period to them by force,
is very lawful and suitable to the interest of honest men.
" 4. That it is lawful to play the knave with a knave.
" These gentlemen aforesaid in the army, thus principled,
and (as by many other circumstances might appear) acting
accordingly, give too much cause to believe, that the suc
cess which may be obtained by the army (except timely
prevented by the wisdom of the parliament) will be made
use of to the destroying of all that power, for which we first
engaged; and having, for above these twelve months past
(sadly and with much reluctance) observed these several
passages aforesaid, yet with some hopes, that at length
there might be a returning to the obedience of parliament ;
and, contrary hereunto, knowing that.resolutions were taken
up, that, in case the power of parliament cannot be gained
to countenance their designs, then to proceed without it:
I, therefore, choose to quit myself of my command, wherein
I have served the parliament these five years last past, and
put myself upon the greatest hazard by discovering these
truths, rather than, by hopes of gain, with a troubled
mind, continue an abettor or assistant of such as give
affronts to the parliament and kingdom, by abusing their

J50 the LIFE OF
erase out of their journals what was displeasing
power and authority, to carry on their particular designs^
against whom, in the midst of danger, I shall ever aver the
truth of this narrative, and myself to be a constant, faithful
and obedient servant to the parliament of England".
'¦' HOB. HUNTINGTON."
Aug. 2, 1648.
This paper fully manifests the principles and the am
bition of Cromwell ; and is written with such a spirit and
air of truth, as strongly inclines one to believe it. Mr.
Whitlock tells us, it was confirmed by Huntington, on
oath, in the house of lords b, though no mention is at
all made of it in the journals of the house of commons.
This may probably be accounted for by the following
passages in one of the weekly writers of that time. " He
[Huntington] endeavoured likewise to present it to the
commons, but (such is the terror of that huge trifle, or
idol of the faction) that none would be seen to move in the
house; which being perceived by the major, he made bold
to present it to Mr. Speaker's own.self, who, being a new
creature of Oliver's, of about a twelvemonth's standing,
durst not, countenance such a piece of blasphemy against
his creator ; so that, at length, the major went and tendered
it to Mr. Berket, the seijeant at arms : but he, being of
the same temper with his good masters, told him, he had
nothing to say to itc." This is remarkable. Mr. Ludlow,
perhaps, will give us the reason of it. " These affairs (the
insurrection in Wales, and the motions in Scotland in
behalf of the king) necessitated the parliament to raise
the militia, in order to oppose this malevolent spirit
which threatened them from the north, and also prevailed
with them to discountenance a charge of high treason
framed by major Huntington, an officer of the army, with
^he advice of some members of both houses, against lieu-
* Thurloe, vol. I. p. 94. h Memorials, p. 327. c Mercuriiis
^ragmaticus, Aug. 1 — 8, 1648,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 151
to them15, or contrary to their humours. This
tenant-general Cromwell, for endeavouring, by betraying
the king, parliament and army, to advanoe himself ; it being
manifest, that the preferring this accusation at that time,
was principally designed to take him off from his command,
and thereby to weaken the army, that their enemies might
be the better enabled to prevail against them V It possibly,
also, was not deemed safe to countenance an accusation of
this kind against the master of legions. However, injustice
to the character of Cromwell, it is fit the reader should be
informed, that Milton declares the whole accusation was
owing to the hatred and malice of the presbyterian faction.
Hear his words. " Dnm is communem hostem cum vitae
discrimine propulsat hi [Presbyteriani] militantem pro sese
& in acie fortiter dimicantem confictis criminibus accusant
domi; & Huntingtonum centurionem quendam in ejus
caput subornant.  Huntingtonus autem ille accusator,
impunis & sui juris relictus, tandem poenitentia ductus,
ipse sua sponte a Cromuello veniam petiit, &. a quibus esset
subornatus ultro fassus estV i. e. " Whilst he staves off
the enemy at 'the peril of his life, these [the Presbyterians]
accuse him, fighting bravely for them, and amidst the very
encounter itself, of feigned crimes, and suborn one major
Huntington against his head.  And that accuser Hunting-:
ton, unpunished and left to his own liberty, at length,
struck with remorse, came of himself, and besought Crom
well's pardon, and freely confessed by whom he had been
suborned."  1 shall conclude this note with observing,
that Mr. Wood informs us, that " major Huntington hated
Oliver for his diabolical proceedings, and was hated, by
him again so much, that he imprisoned him several times'."
This looks not as if he had asked pardon, and confessed his
fault. 26 The soldiery instigated by Cromwell, refused to dis-
* Ludlow, vol, I. p. 253, » Milton's Prose Works, vol. II. p. 3S&
f Wood's Athena? Oxonienses, vol. II. c, 1174.

Ut THE LIFE OF
was but the beginning, however, of that aur
band, &c] A good part of the proofs of this may be found
in the foregoing note. But, as the testimony of an adverT
sary may not be so satisfactory, we will give such farther
evidence as is unquestionable;  It is well known, that,
after the decline of the king's affairs, through the valour
and conduct of the new modelled army, he departed from
Oxford in disguise, and threw himself into the hands of the
Scots, then laying siege to Newark. It is not unlikely his
majesty thought that they would haye afforded him both
protection and assistance, as he well knew great debates
had arisen between them and the English parliament, and
that there was no love -towards each other subsisting. In
truth, neither seem to have had any great cause to be satisr
fied. However, the king soon found himself mistaken.
Though the Scots treated him with great outward respect,
and spake him fair, yet they intended not to join his party,
or attempt to restore him to his former greatness, in oppo
sition to the English, in whose pay, as well as alliance, they
were.  They, therefore, persuaded his majestyto relin
quish the few remaining garrisons he had left, which, ac
cordingly, he did, and to enter into a negociation for peace
with his kingdoms. In a petition of the earl of Leveny
lord-general, the general officers, colonels, captains, &c.
of the Scots army, presented to his majesty at Newcastle^,
dated June 26, 1646, we have the following passages :
" We do make it our humble address, and tender this earn
est petition to your majesty in pur naine, and in the name
of all the inferior commanders and soldiers under our charge,
that your majesty, in your wisdom and goodness, may be
pleased1 to take a speedy course for settling of religion and1
church government in this kingdom, according to the word
of God, and examples of the best reformed churches, and:
bringing the churches of the three kingdoms to the nearest
conjunction and uniformity, and for establishing the pri
vileges and liberties of your kingdoms according to the de
sires of your good people. We may not conceal our mir

OLIVER CROMWELL. 153
thOrity which they soon after acquired and
feigned grief, for that your majesty hath not yet been
pleased to authorise and sign the covenant, which, we are
confident, would bring honour to God, happiness to your
self and posterity, and endear your majesty, above measure,
to all your faithful and loyal subjects; in the just defence
whereof, as many of them have already lost their lives, so
are we ready to sacrifice ours. We must also pray your
majesty to compassionate the distressed condition of your
kingdoms, groaning under the heavy pressures of manifold
calamities, occasioned by the continuance of this unnatural
war; and to comply with the councils of your parliaments ;
that all differences being happily composed, and the armies
in both kingdoms disbanded, we may return home in peace,
or be disposed of otherwise by your majesty, with the ad
vice of your parliaments, which may be most for your ma
jesty's honour and service, and the prosperity of these
kingdoms"." This address, which seems to have been very
conformable to the sentiments of the then ruling party in
Scotland, one would think must have undeceived Charles
with regard to his hopes from this army. For the covenant,
and compliance with the councils of. parliaments, were
grating sounds in his ears, and announced the utterers far
from friends.  What followed is well known. Proposi
tions were sent to the king from both houses of parliament
to Newcastle; long debates were carried on between him
and Mr. Henderson conceniinsr church government, and
things still remained as they were. At length the control
versie's between England and Scotland were concluded by
articles of agreement ; whereby, on the payment of two
hundred thousand pounds in hand, and a promise of the
same sum hereafter, the Scots consented to quit all the
, places of strength held by them in England, and return to'
their own country. No mention is made in these articles
concerning the king's person ; but the commissioners of
"Parliamentary History, vol. XV. p. 13.

154 THE LIFE OF
brought to an height unknown to the English
both nations understood the intentions of their principals,
and therefore, " on the delivery of the arrears for the pay
ment of the army, the Scottish army withdrew, and left
the king in the hands of the English, who presently send
him to Holmby \"
All things now seemed favourable to the parliament of
England. Every foe was subdued at home, and the king
himself a captive. Now, therefore, was the time for easing
the kingdom from the heavy oppressions, which, for more
than four years, it had groaned under, as well as to estab
lish peace on lasting foundations. As the army had been
raised and maintained at a vast expence, nothing was more
natural or reasonable than to think, as soon as might be, of
reducing it. Accordingly, February 19, 1646, O. S. the
question being put in the house of commons, "whether
there should be a number of foot kept up at the pay of the
kingdom, more than, what will be sufficient for the keeping
of such garrisons as shall be continued;" it passed in the
negative by a majority of ten\ On the 23d of the same
month, the house proceeded to the consideration of the
business concerning the garrisons, and on that, and many
days afterwards, ordered that no garrison should be kept in
some places ; that the works of others should be slighted,
and some of the most important continued, viz. Plymouth,
Exeter-castle, Poole, Weymouth, Portland, Hull, Scar
borough-castle, Liverpoole, Newcastle, and some others,
deemed, as I suppose, at that time, pf importance.
On the 25th of March following, some officers of the
army petitioned the house of lords, and, besides requesting
the payment of their arrears, and an act of indemnity
which they undoubtedly had a right to, they desired an
" opportune and timely answer" to their requests, " that the
public worship of God may be speedily, settled according
to the word of God and the examples of the best reformed
•Burnet's Memoirs of Hamilton, p. 312. folio, 1S77. b Journal*

OLIVER CROMWELL. 155
nation.  Not content with the concessions
churciit*. Tnat tne subject may have the benefit of Magna
Charta, and tne petition of right, so far forth as may
comport with the necessities of the kingdom. That all
committees in the several counties may be removed; and
that the treasurers and sequestrators, of the said counties
may be called to a speedy and strict account, for the better
satisfaction and ease of the kingdom:" Together with
many other things relative to themselves as officers, de
claring, at the same time, that some of them had already
engaged themselves for Ireland, and that the rest were rea
dy to contribute their best assistance thereunto. Where
upon the officers, who subscribed the petition, were called
in, and had for answer, "That the house gave them thanks
for their good affections to them, and their services to the
kingdom and parliament; and that they take it well con
cerning their offer for Ireland : and, as to their arrears,
their lordships will do their parts, and will take their peti
tion into consideration." The same day a copy of this
petition was presented to the house of commons by the
same officers, to whom the house sent out four of their
members with the following answer : " That, as to their
arrears, the house had and would take them into consider
ation, with others, in such manner as they should think fit,
as well as their desires of employment. That, as to the rest
of the petition, about the management of public affairs, it
did not concern any persons to give instructions to the
houses therein ; yet,i in consideration the petitioners were
men that had done service to the parliament, and, in regard
of their professions, and that they might have done this
merely out of inadvertency, they were willing to pass it
byV I have given this answer on the authority of the
Parliamentary History, not being able to find it in the jour
nals of the house of commons. However, certain it is, that
house was greatly alarmed at some petitions which were
then set on foot among the officers of the army : for, on the
'•Parliamentary History, Vol. XV. p. 340.

156 THE LIFE OF
made them by both houses, they had the inso-
27th of March 1647, it was resolved, that a letter be-,"*irten
to Sir Thomas Fairfax, general, to acquab»*^n'm> tna^ tms
house hath been informed, that a^etrtion is carrying on in
the army : that he wcwW-'take some course, by the best
means he can. wrnake a stop of it ; and that a copy of the
petitiop, delivered into this house this day, be sent to the
general1." And, on the <2Qth of the same month, a letter,
dire.cted to colonel Rossiter, of 28° Martii, at noon, signed
H. with a paper inclosed, styled, " the heads of a petition,"
endeavoured to be obtruded, as the sense of the army, de
livered in to colonel Rossiter, was this day read. Resolved,
8tc. That thanks be given to colonel Rossiter and colonel
Harley, for these timely informations. It was, moreover,
resolved, That the general should be desired to give order,.
that several officers [supposed to be concerned in the fram
ing and signing the petition] do attend the house, and that
the cbmmittee appointed for this affair should have power
to examine eommissaiy-general Ireton. And a declaration
appointed, prepared and brought in, with regard to the
army, was now reported by Mr. Holies, who had always
appeared with great zeal against the army party in the
house. This declaration does not appear in the journals, it
being expunged June 3, 1647, at the desire or demand of
the army. — —The petition, referred to in these votes, con
tained a request for indemnity before disbanding; that satis
faction also be given them for their arrears; that they might
not be. compelled, by press or otherwise, to serve out of the
kingdom; that they might have satisfaction for the losses they
had sustained by adhering to the parliament, and a present
supply of money. These were bold demands, and sufficient to
rouse the attention and resentment of parliament, who order
ed the following declaration (the same which was inserted, but
is now expunged in the journals) to be printed and publish
ed, and a number of copies thereof sent down in a letter to
Sir Thomas Fairfax. "The two houses of parliament having
* Journal.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 157
'lence to take the king out of the hands of the

received information of a. dangerous petition, with a repre
sentation annexed, tending to put the arrny into a distemper
and mutiny, to put conditions upon the parliament, and ob
struct the relief of Ireland, which hath been contrived and
promoted by some persons in the army; they do declare
their high dislike of that petition, their approbation and
esteem of their good service who first discovered it, and of
such officers and soldiers as have refused to join in it; and
that, for such as have been abused, and, by the persuasions
of others, drawn to subscribe it, if they shall, for the
future, manifest1 their dislike of what they have done, by
forbearing to proceed any further therein, it shall not be
looked on a3 any cause to take away the remembrance and
sense the houses have of the good services they have for
merly done, but they shall be still retained in their godd
opinion, and shall be cared for with the rest'of the army,
in all things necessary- and fitting for the -satisfaction of
persons that have done so good and faithful service, and as
may be expected from a parliament so careful to perform
all things appertaining to honour arid justice : and, on the
other side, it is declared, That all those who shall continue
in their distempered condition, and go on inadvancing and
promoting that petition, shall be looked upon, and proceed
ed against, as enemies to the state, and disturbers of the
public peace \"
Sir Thomas Fairfax returned an answer to the letter and
declaration, full of duty and respect: but the soldiers un
dertook to vindicate their conduct, notwithstanding thelords
had voted for the disbanding of such as would not engage
themselves in the service of Ireland. This was done in a
very bold piece, intitled, " A vindication of the officers of
the, army under Sir Thomas Fairfax ;" in which, after insist
ing, that they had not said or done any thing unreasonable,
they tell the commons, " that the sense of such expressions
* Parliamentary History, vol. XV. p, 344,
5

158 THE LIFE OF
parliament's commissioners at Holdenby, to
[as were contained in the foregoing declaration] was so irk
some to them, who had ventured whatever they esteemed
dear to them in this world, for the preservation of the free
dom and privilege of that house, that they could not but
earnestly implore their justice in the vindication of them."
This petition was signe'd by a very great number of officers.
After the reading this in the house, April 30, 1647, major-
general Skippon produced a letter, presented to him the day
before by some troopers of several regiments in the army,
in behalf of eight regiments of horse; in which, after many
high and insolent expressions, they declared, " that they
would neither be employed for the service of Ireland, nor
suffer themselves to be disbanded, till their desires were
granted, and the rights and liberties of the subject should
be vindicated and maintained \" In short, the disputes
were carried on with great warmth between the parliament
and the army. But the disputants were but ill matched.
Votes weie overpowered by arms ; eloquence was dumb un-
,der the power of the sword. Though the parliament or
dered part of the army to disband, and others to go for
Ireland ; though they promised, flattered and threatened
such as were indisposed to obey; it was all in vain. The
army was as one body, and no impression was to be made
on it. Therefore, finding contesting with it was to no pur
pose, especially after the seizing the king, by Joyce, at
Holdenby, the house of commons, on the 15th of June, re
solved, That the officers of this army, not in commission,
shall have their full pay, upon their disbanding or engaging
for Ireland, deducting for free quarters according to the
course and rule of the army : that 10000/. be allowed to the
reduced officers : that the common soldiers should have
their full pay, on the footing of the officers : that conimis-
a Parliamentary History, vol. XV. p. 359. A letter of almost the very same
words, directed to lieutenant-general Cromwell, was by him delivered to Mr.
Speaker. It was informed, the like was delivered to the general. — Journal,
April 30, 1647.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 159
sion-officers should have a month's additional pay on their
disbanding: that the declaration of both houses, on the
SOth of March last, be expunged. This last vote was a
bitter pill % and met (as might be expected, where there
was a sense of honour, or any tolerable share of spirit re
maining) with considerable opposition,, both in the house of
lords and commons. In both it was debated, but carried in
the affirmative by a majority. " Here," says Whitlock, " the
parliament began to surrender themselves and their power
into the hands of their own army V Such were the begin
nings of the quarrel between the civil and military powers.
Cromwell's name does not appear in any of these proceed
ings hitherto. But the writers, who lived in those times,
agree, that he was looked on to be at the bottom of them.
" Others were not wanting," says Ludlow, " who resolved
the securing lieutenant-general Cromwell, suspecting that
he had, underhand, given countenance to this design ; but,
he being advertised of it, went that afternoon towards the
army, so that they missed of him, and were not willing to
shew their teeth since they. could do no more"." Holies
charges him with the same fault, and speaks likewise of his
going down to the army, on his being suspected by the
house, and joining in the subscription of a rebellious letter d.
Lord Clarendon, speaking of these matters, says, " Crom-

* This will appear from the ordinance for the repeal of the declaration, which
runs thus in the Journal:  " Whereas the lords and commons did, by a decla
ration of the 30th of March last, declare their sense upon a petition, with the
representation thereunto annexed : and whereas they have been since informed,
that the petitioners intended not thereby to give any offence to the parliament,
or any way to reflect upon, or lessen their authority : and calling to mind the
great and eminent service done by the army to the parliament and kingdom : the
lords and commons, being tender of the honour of the said army, have thought
fit to ordain and declare, and be it declared arid ordained, by the said lords and
commons, in the parliament of England assembled, and by the authority Of the
same, that the said former declaration, of the 30th of March, be rased and ex
punged out of the records and books of the said houses ; and wholly taken away,
and made, void : and that no member of .the said army shall receive any damage,
prejudice or reproach, for any thing in the said former declaration."
6 Whitlock, p. 250. c Ludlow, vol. I. p. 190,
d See the quotation from Holies in note1 SO.

16Q .THE LIFE OF
well hitherto carried himself with that rare dissimulation (in
which, sure, he was a very great master) that he seemed ex
ceedingly incensed against this insolence of the soldiers;
was still in the house of commons when any such addresses
was made; and inveighed bitterly against the presumption,
and had been the cause of the commitment, of some of the
officers. He proposed that the general might be sent down
to the arm}-, who, he said, would conjure down this mu
tinous spirit quickly; and he was so easily believed, that
he himself was sent once" or twice to compose the army J
when, after he had staid two or three days, he would again
return to the house, and complain heavily of the great li
cence that was got into the army : that, for his own part,
by the artifice of his enemies, and of those who desired that
the nation should be again imbrewed in blood, he was ren
dered so odious unto them, that they had a purpose to kill
him, if, upon some discovery made to him, he had not
escaped out of their hands. And in these and the like dis
courses, when he spake of the nation's being to be involved
in new troubles, he would weep bitterly, and appear the
most afflicted man in the world with the sense of the cala
mities which were like to ensue. But, as many of the
wiser sort had long discovered his wicked intentions, so his
hypocrisy could no longer be concealed. The most active
officers and agitators were known to be his own creatures,
and such who neither did, nor would, do any thing but by
his direction. So that it was privately resolved, by the prin
cipal persons of the house of Commons, that, when he came
the next day into the house, which he seldom omitted to do,
they would send him to the Tower; presuming, that, if they
had once severed his person from the army, they should
easily reduce it to its former temper and obedience : for
they had not the least jealousy of the general Fairfax,
' In the Journal of the 30th of April i647, we find it resolved, &c. that field-
marshal Skippon, lieutenant-general Cromwell, commissary Ireton, and colonel
Fleetwood, be injoined forthwith to go down to their charges in the army, and
employ their endeavours to quiet all distempers in the army.:  The house, pro
bably, were led into favourable opinions of these officers from Skippon's and
Cromwell's delivering that day the letters they had. received from the troopers.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 161
whom he had been delivered by the Scots; in
whom they knew to be a perfect presbyterian in judgment,
and that Cromwell had the ascendant over him, purely by
his dissimulation and pretence of conscience and sincerity.
There is no doubt, Fairfax did not then, nor long after, be
lieve that the other had those wicked designs in his heart
against the king, or the least imagination of disobeying the
parliament. This pui'pose, of seizing upon the person of
Cromwell, could not be carried so secretly, but that he had
notice of it; and the very next morning, after he had so
much lamented his desperate misfortune, in having lost all
reputation, and credit, and authority, in the army, and that
his life would be in danger if he were with it; when the
house expected every minute his presence, they were in
formed, that he was met out of town, by break of day, with
one servant only, on the way to the army; where he had
appointed a rendezvous of some regiments of the horse, and
from whence he writ a letter to the house of commons, That
having the night before received a letter from some officers
of his own regiment, that the jealousy the troops had con
ceived of him, and of his want of kindness towards them,
was much abated, so that they believed, if he would be
quickly present with them, they would all in a short time,
by 'his advice, be reclaimed : upon this he had made all the
haste he could, and did find that the soldiers had been
abused by misinformation ; and that he hoped toi discover
the fountain from whence it sprung ; and, in the mean time,
desired that the general, and the other officers in the house,
and such as remained about the town, might be presently
sent to their quarters; and that he believed it would be very
necessary, in order to the suppression of the late distempers,
and for the prevention of the like for the time to come, that
there might be a general rendezvous of the army; of which
the general would best consider when he came down, which
he wished might be hastened. It was now to no purpose to
discover what they had formerly intended, or that they had
any jealousy of a person vvho was out of their reach ; and
tol. in. M

m THE LIFE OF
opposition to the authority of parliament*7,
so they expected a better conjuncture; and, in a few days
after, the general, and the other officers, left the town, and
went to their quarters."." — >¦— These concurrent testimonies
will, I presume, clearly evince that Cromwell was deemed
the chief raiser and manager of the storm which carried all
things before it, and levelled whatever came in its way.
Fairfax, the general, declares strongly his disinclination to,
and his abhorrence of, these proceedings. He attributes
them to the agitators : but, I believe, he deemed Cromwell
the chief of them, and had him and Ireton in his eye in the
following passage : " This mercy [the success of the army
in the years 1645 and 1646] was soon clouded with abomi
nable hypocrisy and deceit, even in those men who had
been instrumental in bringing this war to a conclusion.
Here was the vertical point on which the army's honour
and reputation turned into a reproach and scandal. Here
the power of the army I once had was usurped by the agi
tators, the forerunners of confusion and anarchy b." None
but these men were able to usurp Fairfax's power of the
army. 3,7 They took the king out of the hands of the commis
sioners of the parliament, &c.J Cromwell seems to have
been determined at all events to secure and enlarge his
power and authority. The tumults and commotions raised
by his means were intended as trials of his capacity and in
fluence over the army. The success he had in these embol
dened him, and caused him to aspire to 'something beyond
what -be yet was. Fully sensible that the parliament,
though through fear it had truckled to him, yet hated him
heartily, and longed only to crush him, as they would have
done on the conclusion of a peace with the king : fully senr
sible, J say, of this, .he determined to prevent them, and to
give tie law both to Charles and the parliament. For this
end he secretly urged on the agitators to seize his majesty's
• Clarendon, vol. V. p- 46. b Short Memorials, p. 103.

OLIVER CROMWELL* 163
and the sentiments of Fairfax. This opened a
new scene.  His majesty was treated with
person, and thereby put it out of the power of the houses to
conclude any thing with him, without the army's consent
and approbation.  The following authorities will explain
and enlarge what is here said. " One thing was yet want
ing (as they [the managers of the army] thought) for the
carrying on their design, and amusing the poor people of
England with an expectation of their settling a peace, so to
make them sit still and look on, whilst they trampled upon
parliament, city and kingdom; which was to be possest
of the king's person, and make the world believe they would
bring him up to his parliament, and set him on his throne.
For this, it seems, a meeting was appointed at lieutenant-
general Cromwell's, upon the thirtieth of May, where it is
resolved, That cornet Joyce should, with a party of horse,
go to Holmby and seize upon his majesty ; which is pre
sently executed, and given out that others had the like de
sign, which they had prevented3. At first it must seem
only the act of Mr. Joyce ; Cromwell protested he knew
nothing of it (though he was the man that appointed it to be
done, as appears by what has been recited, taken out of
some of their own authors) ; Sir Thomas Fairfax writes a
letter to the house, professes the same for himself as in the
presence of God, with a large undertaking for the rest of
his officers, and the body of the army : and', perhaps, he said
true ; I would fain be so charitable as to believe it ; nor,
indeed, do I think the good man is privy to all their plots ;
he must have no more than what they are pleased to carve
and chew for him, but must swallow all, and own them when.
they come abroad. Here then they have the king, Joyce
drives away the guards, forced colonel Greaves to fly, whom
else they threatened to kill (murther being no sin in the
visible saints); carries away his majesty, and the commis
sioners that attend him, prisoners, and immediately sends
* See Huntington's account of this in note 25.
M 2

]84 • THE LIFE OF
very great respect by the army ; every thing
was rendered as agreeable as possible to him,
Dp a letter to certify what he had done, with directions it
should be delivered to Cromwell a." Ludlow, who under
stood the designs and actions of the army, probably, better
than Holies, speaking of the divisions between it and the
parliament, adds, " The agitators of the army, sensible of
their condition, and knowing that they must fall under the
mercy of the parliament, unless they could secure them
selves from their power, by prosecuting what they had be
gun ; and fearing those who had shewed themselves so for
ward to close with the king, out of principle, upon any
terms, would now, for their own preservation, receive him
without any, or rather put themselves under his protection,
that they might the better subdue the army, and reduce
them to obedience by force ; sent a party of horse under the
command of cornet Joyce, on the 4th of June, 1647, with
an order in writing, to take the king out of the hands of the
commissioners of parliament. The cornet, having placed.
guards about Holmby house, sent to acquaint the king
with the occasion of his coming, and was admitted into his
bedchamber, where> upon promise that the king should be
used civilly, and have his servants and other conveniencies
continued to him, he obtained his consent to go with hirm
But whilst cornet Joyce was giving orders concerning the
king's removal, the parliament's commissioners took that
occasion to discourse with the king, and persuaded him to ,
alter his resolution ; which Joyce perceiving at his return,
put the king in mind of his promise, acquainting him, that
he was obliged to execute his orders ; whereupon the king
told him, that, since he had passed his word, he would go
with him ; and, to that end, descended the stairs to take
horse, the commissioners of the parliament being with him.
Colonel Brown and Mr. Crew, who were two of them, pub-
lickly declared, that the king was forced out of their hands;
* Holles's Memoirs, p. 96;

OLIVER CROMWELL. 165
in his captive situation, and Cromwell entered
into a negotiation with him, in order to his
and .so returned, with an account of what had been done, to
the parliament"." This was a very bold stroke indeed!
performed in the name of soldiers only under the command
of Fairfax, but no doubt contrived by Cromwell and Ireton,
in order to make themselves arbiters between king and par
liament, and advance their own ambitious projects. Lord
Clarendon assures us, that " the king did, in truth, believe
that their. purpose was to carry him to some place where
they might more conveniently murder himb." The author
of the IconBasilike more sensibly observes, in his majesty's
person, " This surprize of me tells the world, that a king
cannot be so low but he is considerable, adding weight to
that party where he appears'." The king had no reason to
fear murder: Joyce behaved with civility to him; promised
himallconveniencies; did what in him lay to please him,
and rendered him m.ore'pleased with his situation than he
had before been. Let us hear Fairfax. "So soon as I
heard of it [the king's seizure at Holmby] I immediately
sent away two regiments of horse, commanded by colonel
Whalley, to remove thjs force, and to set all things again in
their due order. But before he came to Holmby, the king
was advanced two or three miles on his way to Cambridge,
attended by Joyce, where colonel Whalley acquainted the
King, lie was sent by the general to let him know how
much he was troubled at those great insolencies that had
been committed so near his person ; and, as he had not the
least knowledge of them before they were done, so he had
omitted no time in seeking to remove that force, which he
had orders from me to see done ; and therefore he desired his
majesty that he would be pleased to return again to Holmby,
where all things should be settled again in as much order
and quietness as they were before. And also he desired the
8 Ludlow, vol. 1. p. 191. bClarendpn, vol. V. p. 48. '
c King Charles's Works, p. 708. fol. Lond. }687,

166 THE LIFE OF
restoration ; but terms being not agreed on, ot
commissioners to reassume their charge, as the parliament
had directed them, which he was also to desire them to do
from the general. But the king refused to return, and the
commissioners to act; whereupon colonel Whalley urged
them to it, saying he had an express command to see all
things well settled about his majesty, which could not be
done, but by his returning again to Holmby. The king
said positively, he would not do it: so the colonel pressed
him no more to it, having, indeed, a special direction from
me to use all tenderness and respect, as was due to his ma
jesty. The king came that night, or the next, to Sir John
Gutts's honse near Cambridge ; and the next day I waited
on his majesty, it being also my business to persnade his
return to Holmby, but he was otherwise resolved. I prest
the commissioners also to act according to the power given
them by the parliament, which they also refused to do : so
having spent the whole day about this business, I returned
to my quarters ; and, as I took leave of the king, be said to
me, Sir, I have as good interest in the army as vou ; by
which I plainly saw the broken reed he leaned on. The
agitators could change into that colour which served next to
their ends, and had brought the king into an opinion that the
army was for him. That it might appear what a real trou
ble this act was to me, though the army was almost wholly
infected with this, humour of agitation, I called for a council
of war to proceed against Joyce for this high offence and
breach of the articles of war; but the officers, whether for
fear of the distempered soldiers, or rather (as I suspected) a
secret allowance of what was done, made all my endeavours
in this ineffectual*." 1 have transcribed Fairfax's account
at length, that the reader may the better be enabled to judge
of the justice of Clarendon's narrative above mentioned, and
also of the truth of the message, delivered to the honse of
lords by the earl of Dumfermline, from the king, " that his
* Fairfax's Short Memorials, p. 113 — lit.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 167
dangers of some kind or other *8 being appre-
majesty Went from Holdenby unwillingly*."—" Thus,"
says Perinchief, " was that religious prince made once more
the mock of fortune, and the sport of the factious, and was
drawn from his peaceful contemplations arid prospect of
heaven, to behold and converse with men set on fire of
hell b." Whether the reader be disposed to laugh or be
serious at this solemn paragraph is very indifferent to me;
but the writer, who composed it, stands little chance for
credit with such as with attention have studied the cha
racter of his hero.
18 Terms being not agreed on, or danger being appre
hended, Cromwell broke off all thoughts of friendship with
Charles, &c] The king no sooner found himself in the
hands of the army, than he had reason to be satisfied with
their civility and respect.*' Ludlow, with some indignation,
speaks of the attendance and homage that was paid him by
some chief officers. Lord Clarendon has given us a parti
cular account of the treatment he received, which I will
here transcribe for the satisfaction of the reader.  " The
king found himself at Newmarket, attended by greater troops
and superior officers ; So that he was presently freed from
any subjection to Mr. Joyce, which was no small satisfac-r
tlon to him ; and they who were about him appeared men
of better breeding than the former, and paid his' majesty all
the respect imaginable, and seemed to desire to please him
in all things. All restraint was taken off from persons re
sorting to him, and he saw every day the faces of many
who were grateful to him; and he no sooner desired that
some of his chaplains might have leave to attend upon him
for his devotion, but it was yielded to, and they who were
named by him (who were Dr. Sheldon, Dr. Morley, Dr.
Sanderson, and1 Dr. Hammond) were presently sent, and
gave their attendance, and performed their functions at the
* Parliamentary History, vol. XV. p. 399. * Life of K.- Charles, prefixed,
to his Works, p. 10.

168 THE LIFE OF j;)
tended, Cromwell broke, off all thoughts of
ordinary hours, in their accustomed formalities ; all persons,
who had a mind to it, being suffered to be present, to his
majesty's infinite satisfaction, who began to believe, that
the army was not so much his enemy as it was repprted to
be ; and the army had sent an address to him full of pro
testation of duty, and besought him, that f he would be.
content, for some tirne, to reside among them, until the
affairs of the kingdom were put into such a posture as he
might find all things to his own content and security, which
they infinitely desired to see as soon as might be ; and, to
that purpose, made daily instances to the parliament.' In
the mean time his majesty sate still, or removed to such
places as were most convenient for the march of the army ;
being in all places as well provided for and accommodated,
as he had uSed to be in any progless : the best gentlemen,
of the several counties through which he passed, daily
resorted to him, without distinction : he, was attended by
some of his old trusty servants in the places nearest his per
son : and that which gave him most encouragement to be
lieve that they meant well, was, that in the army's address
to the parliament, they desired that care might be taken for
settling the king's rights, according to the several professions
they had made in their declarations; and that the royal
party might be treated with more candour and less rigour :
and many good officers, who had served his majesty faith
fully, were civilly received by the officers of the army, and
lived quietly in their quarters, which they could not do any
where else; which raised a great reputation to the army
throughout the kingdom, and as much reproach upon the
parliament"." What the consequence of all this was, I
have elsewhere, at large, shewn b. Suffice it here to say,
that Charles might have had reasonable good terms, his
condition considered, from Cromwell and Ireton; but, on.
• Clarendon, vol. V. p. 50. ? Vol. II. of this Work, p. 450.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 109
friendship with the king, and openly declared
refusing to close with them frankly, he lost the opportunity he
then had, and rendered them his most avowed enemies. The
sincerity of Cromwell, in his negotiations with the king at
this juncture, is called in question, by a very late writer, in
the following words : " Had these been sincerely his sen
timents [affection and regard for the king] he would never
have altered them, for the king gave him no occasion; since
it is clearly proved, that his final answer to the proposals
which were made him, not only spoke the sense of him and
Ireton, as the king conceived it, but was, altered by their
hands till it satisfied themselves. Had he been really in
clined to restore the king, he might have done it now with
a high hand ; a great majority of the parliament were for
him ; the city of London was in their sentiments ; the mea
sures taken by the Scots, and the insurrections in several
counties in his favour, shew, that this was also the sense of
the nation : if, therefore, lieutenant-general Cromwell had
made use of his wonderful capacity, to dispose the army not
to any new design, but to have performed their own pro
mises ; he might have settled the government upon its old
foundation, and have made himself a very great man3."
i. e. he rnight have been made earl of Essex, and knight of
the garter, things said to be promised him by the king, as
well as the advancement of his son, and his son-in-law
Ireton, to posts of high honour and dignity b. I will not
warrant what is here s.aid concerning the honours promised
to Cromwell and his family : the writer, from whom I quote
Jt, is of too little authority to have any great stress laid on
his unsupported narrative; nor will I make any remarks on
the reasonings just recited, any farther than to observe, that
• Cromwell had probably sufficient cause to alter his senti
ments, with respect to the expediency of concluding a peace
with Charles, and reinstating him in his power. Sufficient
cause he had, I say, for this : for his treaty with the king
" Biographia Britannica, p. 1553. " Flagellum, p. 55.

176 THE LIFE OF
for bringing him to justice. In order to which*
was very ill resented by the agitators, after Charles had so
long dallied with the army, and neglected to comply with
the terms proposed for his safety and restoration. Crom
well had got the better of these men, indeed, at the rendez
vous at Ware, bj' the death of one, and making prisoners of
others. But their spirit was unconquerable. " Two thirds
of the army had been since with Ireton and Cromwell, to
tell them, that,' though they were certain to perish in the
enterprizej they would leave nothing unattempted to bring,
the whole army to their sense; and that, if all failed, they
would make a division in the army, and join with any who
would assist them in the destruction of those that should
oppose them." — Upon this bold declaration it is said Crom
well and Ireton argued thus: "If the army divide, the
greater part will join with the presbyters, and will, in all
likelihood, prevail, to our ruin, by forcing us to make our
applications to the king, wherein we shall rather beg than
offer any assistance, which if the king should give, and
afterwards have the good fortune to prevail, if he should
then pardon us, it will be all we can pretend, and more than
we can certainly promise ourselves: thereupon concluding,-
that, if they could not bring the army to their sense, that it
was best to comply with them, a schism being utterly de
structive to both V
Lord Holies, speaking of Cromwell's treaty with the king,
owns the danger he was at length in from the army on that
account : " The party [of the agitators] would not give way
to this [the agreement with his majesty]; hatred to the
king, envy and jealousies against their aspiring leaders, and
a violent desire of having their work done at once, lay all
persons and things level on the sudden, bring forth their
monstrous conceptions at one birth, made them break out,
fly in their faces, discover many of their villanies, and, as
appears by that business of Lilburn and Wildman, even re-
* Ludlow, vol. I. p. 228.

OLIVER CROMWELL, 171
as well as to accomplish his schemes of power
solve to take Cromwell out of the way, and murder him for
an apostate8." Surely this does not look as if Cromwell
might have restored the king with an high hand 1 The truth
is, he might have done it in the beginning of the king's Re
siding with the army; but his stiffness, his obstinacy, if I
may so speak, in adhering to his own opinions, and the
hopes he had of availing himself of the disputes between
the parliament and the army, rendered the latter very suspir
cious of his intentions, and, at length, averse to his interest.
Besides, if 1 might offer a conjecture in this affaiij, it looks
to me exceeding, probable, that Cromwell, after a thorough
trial, might be afraid to trust to what his majesty promised,
in order to remount the throne. For, according to Claren
don, Oliver declared in the house of commons, " that the
king was a man of great parts, and great understanding, but
that he was so great a dissembler, and so false a. man, that
he was not to be trusted. And thereupon repeated many
particularsy whilst he was in the army; that his majesty
wished that such and such things might be done, which,
being done to gratify him, he was displeased and complain
ed of it: that, whilst he professed, with all solemnity, that
he referred himself wholly to the parliament, and depended
only upon their wisdom and counsels, for the settlement
and composing the distractions of the kingdom, he had, at
the same time, secret treaties with the Scottish commis
sioners, how he might embroil the nation in a new war, and
destroy the parliament b" Such was the light in which
Charles probably appeared to Cromwell, who pierced through
every mask, while his own was generally impenetrable to
those who were most conversant with him. There is an
anecdote related concerning the insincerity of the king to
the lieutenant-general, which, if true, will easily account for
every thing done to the former by the latter.  In a letter
to his queen, without whose knowledge and consent he sel-
» Holles's Memoirs, p. 184. * Clarendon, vol. V. p. 91.

172 THE LIFE OF
and ambition, he promoted the votes of no
dom cared to do any thing, he is, said to have acquainted
her, " That, though he assented to the army's proposals,
yet, if by so doing, he could procure peace, it would be
easier then to take off Cromwell, than now he was the head
that governed the army." This is said to have come to his
knowledge, and determined him never more to trust 'the
king". For the truth of this I will not vouch, though it is
agreeable to the whole of his majesty's character.  After
this, can we wonder that Cromwell might think himself at
liberty to practise Charles's arts on himself? or rather, are
we not to admire at those who reflect on Cromwell for
endeavouring to induce the king to remove by stealth from
Hampton-court (where his life he was informed was in
danger) and go into the Isle of Wight, as into a safe prison
(if that in fact was his intention) where he might be ready
at hand to be disposed of as best suited the inclinations or
conveniency of the ruling party of the army ?  What man
almost would not have done the same ? However as to the
letter written by Cromwell to colonel Whalley, on which
so much stress is laid by lord Holies'", and the writers of the
Biographia Britannica, if we may believe Charles himself,
it was not the occasion of his flight from Hampton-court.
In a letter written by him from thence, dated November 1 1,
1647, and left for colonel Whalley, he writes as follows :
" I have been so civilly used by you and major Hunting
ton, that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge
it under my hand, as also to desire the continuance of your
courtesie, by your protecting of my household stuff and
moveables of all sorts, which I leave behind me in this house,
that ihey be neither spoiled nor imbezeled.  So being
confident you wish my preservation and restitution, I rest
your friend, Charles. I assure you it was not the letter you
shewed me yesterday that made me take this resolution,

" Life of Oliver Cromwell, p. 69. Svo. Lond. 1724. " Holles's Memoirs,
p. 187.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 173
more addresses to his majesty ; defeated the
nor any advertisement of that kind : but, I confess, I am
loath to be made a close prisoner, under pretence of secur
ing my life3." So that lord Clarendon has only committed
one of .his usual mistakes, when he says, "That his ma
jesty did really believe their malice [the levellers] was at the
height, and that they did design his murder b."  That
Cromwell wrote to Whalley is certain, and Whalley de
clares, " That the letter, intimating some mnrtherous de
sign, or, at least, some fear of it, against his majesty, was
the ground of his shewing it to him. When I received this
letter," adds he, " I was much astonished, abhorring that
such a thing should be done, or so much as thought of, by
any that bear the name of Christians. When I had shewn
the letter to his majesty, I told him, I was sent to safeguard,
and not to murlher him. I wisht him to be confident no
such thing should be done. I would first die at his foot in
his defence; and I therefore shewed it him, that he might
be assured, though menacing speeches came frequently to
his eare, our general officers abhorred so bloody and villa-
nous a factc."  Milton's vindication of Cromwell, against
the charge of persuading the king to withdraw into the Isle
of Wight, must not be here omitted.  " Alterum est cri
men persuasisse regi Cromuellum, ut in insulam Vectim
clanculum se subduceret. Constat regem Carolum rem
suam multis alias rebus; ter fuga perdidisse ; primum cum
Londino Eboracum fugit, deinde cum ad Scotos in Anglia
conductitios, postremo cum ad insulam Vectim. At hujus
.postremse suasor erat Crornuellus. Optiine ; sed tamen ego
regios illos primum miror, qui Carolum tolies affirmare non
dubitant fuisse prudentissimum, & eundem simul vix un-
quam sua spontis ; sive apud amicos sive inimicos, in aula
vel in castris, in aliena fere potestate semper fuisse; nunc
axoris, nunc episcoporum, nunc purpuratorum, nunc rnili-
tum, denique hostium : pejora plerumque consilia, & pejo-
a King Charles's W-jrlw, p. 156. b Clarendon, vol. V. p. 76,
c Peck'sfOesiderata curiosa, lib. ix. p. 42.

174 THE LIFE OF
Welch and the Scotch, who took tip arms in
Turn ferme sequutum; Carolo persuadetur, CaroTo imponi-
tur, Carolo illuditur metus incutitur, spes vana ostenditur,
velut prarda omniirm communis, tarn amicorum quam hos-
tium, agitur & fertur Carolus. Aut haec e scriptis suis tol-
lant, aut sagacitatem Caroli prsedicare desistant. Fateor
deinde, quamvis prudentia atque consilio praestare pul-
crum sit- tamen ubi respublica faction ibus laborat,' suis
incommodis haud carere; & consultissimum quemque eo
magis obnoxium calumniis utriusque partis reddere: hoc
saepe Cromuello obfuit: hinc Presbyteriani, inde hostes
quicquid in se durius fieri putant non id communi senatus
consilio, sed Cromuello soli imputant; immo si quid per
imprudentiam ipsi male gerunt, id dolis & fraudibus Crom-
uelli assignai'e non erubescunt; culpa omnis in eum deiv
vatur, omnis in eum faba cuditur. Et tamen certissimum
est fugam ad Vectim regis Caroli absenti turn aliquot milli
ons passuum Cromuello, tam novum accidisse & inopinatum,
quam cuilibet ex senatu turn in urbe versanti, quem ut de
re inopinatissima sibi recens allata per literas certiorem
fecit. Res autem ita se habuit ; eXercitus universi vocibus
rex territusjtjui eum nullis officiis suis aut pollicitis fac
tum meliorem, ad supplicium poscere jam tunc cceperat,
statuit cumduobus tantummodo consciis nocturnS, faga sibi
consulere: verum fugiendi certior, quam quo fugeret, per
comitum suorum vel imperitiam vel timiditatem, inops con-
silii quo se reciperet, Hamundo Vectis insula? prsesidi se
ultro dedidit; ea spe, facilem sibi ex ea insula, parato jam
navigio, transitum in Galliam aut in Belgium fore. Haec
ego de fuga regis in Vectim ex iis comperi quibus rem to-
tam pernoscendi quam proxima facultas erata." i.e. "An*
other crime is, that Cromwell persuaded the king to with*
draw himself privately to the isle of Wight. Now it's
plain king Charles ruined his own affair otherwise in myny
things, and no less than three times by flight : as, first, when
he fled from London to York ; afterwards, when he ran to
» Milton's Prose Works, vol. II. p. 396.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 175
behalf of the king, and purged the house of
commons, after it had voted his majesty's con-
the hireling Scots in- England ; and, last of all, to the Isle of
Wight. But CromweU\was the persuader of this last
flight! Good indeed! Butfl first admire those royalists, who
never stick to affirm so often, that Charles wasoneof themost
prudent persons living, and still, that the same man was hardly
ever at his own disposal : that, whether with his enemies or
his friends, in the court or in the camp, he was almost always
in the power of another; now of his wife, then of the
bishops; now of the peers, then of the soldiery ; and last of
his enemies : that, for the most part, he followed the worser
counsels; and, almost always, of the worser men. Charles is
persuaded ; Charles is imposed on ; Charles is deceived ;
fear is impressed on him; vain hope is set before him;
Charles i-s earned and hurried about, as if he was the com
mon prey of all, both friends and enemies. But let them
either blot these things out of their writings, or else give
over trumpeting up the sagacity of Charles. Next, I conr
fess,. though it be honourable to excel in prudence and.
Counsel, yet that, where a commonwealth labours under fac
tions, this doth not always want its inconveniencies ; but
renders any, even the most prudent, so much the more ob
noxious to the calumnies of each party. This often was
the case of Cromwell. On the one side, the Presbyterians;
on the other, the enemy [Royalists] whatever hardships they
are loaded with, impute it all, not to the common advice of
parliament, but of Cromwell only. Nay, if themselves im
prudently act any thing amiss, do not blush to lay it wholly
to the deceits. and frauds of Cromwell! AH the fault is
thrown upon him; all the black is stuck upon his coat-
And yet it is most certain, that the flight of King Charles
to the Isle of Wight fell out as new and unexpectedly to
Cromwell (who was then some miles off) as it was surprising
' to any of the parliament, at that time residing in London,
whom he made acquainted with it by letter, as of a most
unlooked-for accident, the news whereof was just then

176 THE LIFE OF
cessions a sufficient ground *9 to proceed upon
for the settlement of the peace of the kingdom,
brought him. Now the matter happened thus: the king
(affrighted by the menaces of the>hole army, who finding
him nothing amended, either by* their good offices or pro
mises for him, had now begun to require he should be
brought to punishment) determined, with only two attend
ants, to provide for his own safety by a nocturnal flight ,'
but surer of flying, than whither he should fly, either by
the unskilfulness or timidity of his companions; and, not
knowing where to betake himself, he, at last, voluntarily
threw himself into the hands of Hammond, governor of the
Isle of Wight; with this hope, that he might find an easy
passage out of that island, a small vessel being provided
privately for the purpose, either into France or Holland.
And these matters, touching the king's flight into the Isle
of Wight, I learnt of them, who bad as great advantage as
may be. for knowing the truth."  This seems very strong
in Cromwell's behalf.  But, had he wrote the letter to
Whalley, with the design suggested, of which there is no
proof, where would have been the harm of it, as I before
said, or who would not have thought himself at liberty to
have acted a like part with a man of such a character and
such views ? The statesman, perhaps, would not easily be
found; or, if such an one there were, his understanding
would not be greatly admired by men of the same profes
sion. 19. He defeated the Welch and Scots, and purged the
house of commons, &c] Charles having thrown himself
into the hands of Hammond, governor of the Isle of Wight,
was treated by him with great civility and respect. And
the parliament, who had been much alarmed at his majesty's
escape, being informed of the place of his abode, determin
ed to send commissioners to the Isle of Wight, in order to
treat with him concerning peace, so necessary to himself
and the kingdom. But, on the king's refusal to agree to
the preliminary propositions, they immediately determined

OLIVER CROMWELL. 177
This was usually called Pride's purge, from the
to make no more addresses to him, but to proceed to the
settlement of the nation without him. Their reasons they
submitted to the public, in a declaration which was printed
and dispersed in every corner. This declaration, and the
votes on which it was founded, very justly alarmed the
fears of Charles and his friends. They wrote, they petition
ed, they were tumultuous at the door of the house of com
mons, and, at length, had recourse to arms in his favour.
But none of these things, for the present, succeeded. The
insurrection under the lords Goring and Capel, on the sur
render of Colchester to Fairfax,, came to nothing; that in
Wales, under colonel Poyer, Cromwell, with no very great
difficulty, subdued; and, immediately, with very speedy
marches, he came up with duke Hamilton, who himself
was taken prisoner, and the whole body of Scots and Eng
lish, under his command, routed. This, properly, put a
period to the second civil war, in which the rashness and
imprudence of the one side was as remarkable, as the valour
and good conduct of the other. "All this great victory,"
says Clarendon, "was got by Cromwell, with an army
amounting to a third part of the Scots in number, if they
had been all together ; and it was not diminished half an
hundred in obtaining this victory, after the English forces,
under Langdale had been defeated a." This, was the battle
of Preston, fought August 17, 1648. The Scots .army
were " twelve thousand foot,, well armed, and five thousand
horse. Langdale had two thousand five hundred foot, and
one thousand five hundred horse ; in all twenty-one thou
sand ; and in the parliament's army, in all, about eight
thousand six hundred! and, of the enemy, about two
thousand were slain,, and about nine thousand prisoners
taken, besides what were lurking in hedges and private
places, which the country people daily brought in or de
stroyed V For this victory a solemn thanksgiving was
a Vol. V. p. 165. b Whitlock, p. 332.
TOL. III. Ji

178 THE LIFE OF ,
officer employed to seize and secure the mem-
ordered throughout the kingdom, on the seventh of Sep
tember following3. After this Cromwell marched forward
for !¦ cotland, in order effectually to suppress the Hamilton*
ian party. In his march his discipline was very exact,
and his order so good, that no ground of complaint was
given to the inhabitants. At length he arrived at Edin
burgh, ", where he was received with great ceremony, and
demanded, that none, who had been in action in the late
wicked. engagement and invasion, might, henceforward, be
employed in any public place of trust; to which the com
mittee of estates there gave a satisfactory answer. He had
also visits and conferences with commissioners from the
kirk, and from the provost and magistrates of Edinburgh,
and a strong guard of soldiers at his lodging. At the time
of his being at Edinburgh several other demands were
made by him to the committee of estates, who gave him
very fair answer, and he reserved liberty for the parliament
of England to make such farther demands as they should
think requisite. The charges of Cromwell's entertainment,
and of all his company, during the time of their being at
Edinburgh, were defrayed by the lord provost 6f the city,
by order of the committee of estates ; and Cromwell, Hasel-
rigge, and the rest of their company, were entertained by
general Leven, the lord Argyle, and many other lords, at a
sumptuous banquet in the castle. At their going away,
the castle saluted them with many great guns, and vollies
*if small shot, and divers lords convoyed them out of the
city V- — -Whilst Oliver was in Scotland, the parliament,
fearing the army, who had so frequently been troublesome
to them, and likewise the adherents of the king, who had
risen so lately in his favour, and willing, if possible, to
procure peace to the kingdom, revoked the votes of no
more addresses, opened a treaty with his majesty in the
Isle of Wight, and were about to have brought matters to
* Journal of the House of Commons, Aug. 23, 1648. » Whitlock, p. 343.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 179
bets. High complaints wefe made of this he*
a conclusion. But the Soldiery, dreading the cdfiseqtlerrceS
of a peace with respect to themselves, seized the king nt
Newport, conducted him tiflder grfai'd to Hurst-Castle, pre
sented a remonstrance to the honse of commons against
any further treaty^ and insisted on bringing him and his
adherents' to justice. The honse was flow alartried-^they
toted that the seizure of the king was without their know*
ledge or consent,- arid that his concessions to the propositions
ttpOtt the treaty tfere a sufficient ground to proceed upon for
the settlement of the kingdom. Whereupon the armjf
marched up to London, seized and imprisoned a good
ntirfiber of the members, and hindered very many more
from g&ifig into the house ; whereby it Came Uy pas's*, that
every thing was carried according to their own determina
tions.. This etfeltfsiofl and force on the hodse was on the
sixth of t>e£eejber, owe thousand, six hundred and forty*
eight. On the next day, at the request Gf an eriunetfi
lSban in die army, the following petition was1 prittted. 1
give it as a cariosity to the readier, who niay cOrisider it as
Valuable, On sccouwt of the matte* and the rn'anrier; how
ever, as it has escaped (be notice of o-thev writers, it will
hare the merit of novelty hgte*
" Ts the right horio Arable Thomas Lord1 Fairfax, otr farfiifal
gerter^L
A The humble petition of all the officers and soldiers of
the regiment commanded by colonel Thomas Pride,
" Humbly sheweth,
" Whereas it hath pleased the Lord of Hosts (who1 was
eSlfed rapon to decide the controversy of this nation*)! to
Write his name upon your sword in very kgi'lle ehtttaGtefti,
as appears upori record twiee> viz. in the year— 45", where
we had; 1 *4 victories, and now this last summer above 30,
«ven to our astonishment, who were used by you in that
*ervkse> that those proud billows ia Wales, England and
Scotland, kava been bounded and calmed, ia tess thai* six
N 2

180 THE LIFE OF
tion, as insolent, unjust, tyrannical, and sub-
months ; and when through many tiresome marches and
conflictings with many deaths (to say no more, lest we be
counted boasters) we thought when the north and the south
wind had thus blown upon the garden, that the spices
would have flown out : behold we have our sorrows repeated,
and our fears increased, making our wounds even to bleed
afresh. For, 1. AVe find many good and just petitions
from city, country and army, not only unanswered, laid
by, and slighted, but also things contrary to their honest
desires practized; which appears first, by treating with
a conquered enemy, contrary to the vote of non-addresses,
against which this army is engaged by life and death;
yea, and to make the treaty the fruits of our victories
over, the Scots, resolving to beg mercy of him, the very.
hour that army of his was begging mercy of us. Se
condly, not only treating, but falling from their resolved
propositions, especially in that of delinquents, from 37 not
to be spared to 7, and those neither considerable, nor at
tainable, mocking the people in their covenant, which is to
bring these to condign punishment, and as if that were not
enough, to abate so much in compositions of the rest, (as if
such a compliance was intended) as we should change con
ditions with the enemy, and fight and conquer ourselves in
to slavery. Thirdly, to add more load to the grieved peti
tioners, their best friends, and gratify the worst of enemies,
14 days more is granted, tendring a complyance upon any
terms ; yea, though by agreement, he hath taken upon him
the blood of the three kingdoms : and to leave us hopeless of
any good by him, he abets his son in that pyracy, and Or-
mond in that renewed conspiracy against that little pro-
testant blood unexhausted in Ireland. Nor can we but be
thoughtful why some notice might not have been given to
your excellency and army, concerning a treaty, since our
trustees have so often acknowledged God to have sent them
preservation by this hand, but we only point at that. We
take leave to tell yourexcellency what you hear of daily to
your intollerable grief, the army must be made again the

OLIVER CROMWELL. 181
versive of the freedom of the parliament.
burthensome stone to the people (which is no new design)
by their non-payment, and even then (if ever) it had sweat
blood for their safety, by whom thus unworthily neglected
we must profess not an ingenious soldier of the meanest
rank, but doth blush to receive his unpayed for entertain
ment ; and the rather, 1. Because unexpectedly returns, to
it. 2. Because the country pays their taxes. 3. Because
bad men are enriched by it. 4. Because shame and con
tempt will be the soldiers portion. 5. Because it still sows
seed of new broils where people are thus abused. Sir, we
have much to complain of, but of nothing more than that
the main ends of these wars, crowned with mercy even to
miracle, are not reaped, the fox stealing that from us by
subtilty, which the lyon could not tear by cruelty. Where
fore in our own names, and the names of the betrayed,
abused people of England, we humbly beseech your e\cel-
lencies assistance of us, and concurrence with us, in these
ensuing requests and groans of our souls, which may not
long be denied us, lest we faint or struggle as we can, for
the life of good men and a good cause.
"I. That justice may suddenly and equally be dispensed
according to the desires of our honoured friends in London,
Leicestershire, and others, manifested by their several peti
tions, and the parliament's declaration concerning the king's
evils asserted ; or bewailed arid repented.
"II. That your army be instantly reckoned withall, and
paid, and so dealt with for the future (if they must-be used)
that every regiment may know their own county, and there
receive their pay immediately, without any other treasurers
or ways of trouble, that so the people themselves may see
what they have for their money. In this we are impatient,
or so passionately affected, ' that we gaspe for help. This
regiment hath had but one month s pay since May, having
marched 1300 miles this summer.
" III. That the people may know in print, with all speed,
which way all publi9 monies are disposed of in all counties
7

m THE lilFE Of
Others, on th@ contrary, hav§ attempted to
/and places, and that pf all kinds 5. which, may be dope, jf
every collector apd receiver pf mpney be forthwith enjoined
to print their receipts and disbursements, for if the soldier
he pot paid, the people ask what's become of the revenue,
Compositions, sequestrations, excise, lands, &p.
" IV. That we rnay have a just and righteous government
settled in thig pation, advancing godliness, we abhorring
aparchy, cpnfusion, apd levelling men's estates, so oftep
.charged upon us ; for which ends we desire these two things, N
ip pursuance pf whiph (by help from heaven) we resolve &
yepture our aU. First, that the grand and capital enerni<?|,
may, without delay, be brought to justice, which is the
main root of our misery, we finding all other ways attempted
altogether invalid to carry on this work of common safety.
Secondly, for the dispatch of justice upop all delinquents,
for the rectifying all crooked thing8 amppg us, and for th$
gopd of us and the generations to come, we humbly cpnr
ceive our last and surest way will be for your excellency
and the army, to make a speedy offer to the commons hou$|
in your name and the armies, and in behalf of all England,
thst such pf them as have beep faithful to the kingdoms
interest, declare with yon. and the parion ; and that the con
trary minded, false, rpyal, and neutral party may know, that
our enemies niust not be our rulers, we professing that good
men, rather than good laws, niust save us, though we di«r
jpjn them not. And to this last work we humbly ipoite
your excellency, the army, apd all -true English hearts;
without which we shah not forbear any means the Lord
shall direct us to, whereby we rna,y free ourselves, frpnj t.h?
guilt of enslaving the kingdom, to one, or more : and if Pfly
shall object, we put violence upon authority, we hereby
proclaim to the world, that neither your excellency n^r
ourselves have received commissions frpm the p&rliaraeflt 4*
now constituted, the swaying part thereof, (as lately in
Scotland) brought over to the kipg's designs : hut frprrt that
good narty in, it, who struggled through wwy hazards, t»

OLIVER CROMWELL. 183
vindicate it, and apologize for Cromwell, the
model this army for the kingdoms safety. Nor are we to
attend forms and customs in this extremity ; we can as wil
lingly set down as march, suffer as act, would but the godly
party in the kingdom call us thereunto, and think them
selves preserved by it. But the people call to us for these
things, and we to your excellency, your known worth in
viting us hereunto : in prosecution of which, as an unparal
leled instrument, we shall live or dye with your excellency,
having solemnly promised, in answer to the wonders God
hath wrought amongst us, to attempt and attend these two
last expedients through all hazards. We cannot so under
value our God, and the rich experience we have had in be
half of this nation, as to see them lie (like Issachar) under
these sinful burdens, our colds, heats, nakedness, want,
hunger, hardships, difficulties, dangers, cares, fears, out of
which our blessed and ever to be praised God, hath brought
us, suggesting these things unto us, for that flock of slaugh
ter in this kingdom. Sir, we can dye, but not endure to see
our mother England dye before usa."  From this address
is easily to be collected the spirit of the army, the prin
ciples on which it acted, the authority it assumed, and the
hazard of contesting with it. It appears to have looked on
itself as an independent body, capable of advising, directing
and giving the law to the senate and people of England.
This was the effect of the self-denying ordinance, which
was foreseen by many, and now felt by all. What was al
leged- in defence of these proceedings of the army, will be
found in the following note. I. cannot but observe here to
the reader, the spirit of the English royalists at this time.
The Scots had raised an army in aid of the king, the parlia
ment was garbelled for treating of a peace with him  was
not this meri torious in the eye of a cavalier ? Far from it —
at this very time, both Scots and parliament were treated
with the utmost virulence and contempt by those very per-
* Moderate Intelligence*, Sec. t, 16*8.

184 THE LIFE OF
author and abettor of it. Their reasons will
sons, for whose master they had subjected themselves to the
greatest inconveniencies. Speaking of the army under Ha
milton, and its defeat, a writer of this time has the followr
ing expressions. " It was never yet known that the blew
bonnet would enter lists upon the gilded promises of a
public faith, or the huxters cold hopes of best be trust. And
when all this is done ; be confident, their hands will be more
ready to receive it, than their hearts to earn it. It has ever
been observed of the peasantry of that nation, that they,
could feed better than fight. Plundering was their only
master piece: which they could finger with such dexterity,
as if they had been nursed and bred up. in that trade from
their infancy."  And again — " What else could be ex
pected by Calidon, being by chronologists rendered to be
the emblem of disloyalty; a stranger to equity; an harbour
for injury ; the magazine of iniquity ; the counterfeit of
amity3."  With respect to the members of parliament
excluded by the army, they were treated in the like scur
rilous manner by the same party in the following verses.
" Farewell ye race of Judas that betray'd
The king your royal master; and have lay'd
Such burthens on our shoulders, God on high
Grant you a dire and bloody tragedie.
You were the champions of a wicked cause;
You have unthron'd your sovereigne; and the laws
By you are quite subverted: you have rent
In pieces a most blessed government.
Now let their just and woful cries and tears,
Whom you made widowes pierce th' Almighties ears;
And let those orphans, who by your expresse
Have lost their fathers, and are fatherlesse ;
Roars loud for deadly vengeance, and God grant
As they, your wives and children may know want.
We'll to your graves your herses laughing bring,
Instead of dirges we will carolls sing :
In joyful strains we'll pen your elegies,
And chronicle your stinkiDg memories.
* The Loyal Sacrifice presented in the Lives and Deaths of Sir Charles Lucal
and Sir George Lisle, p. 27, 38, 12mo. 1G48.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 185
Saying here lies, (and no man doth lament)
The rotten members of a parliament*."
Lord Clarendon's trearrrrent of these gentlemen, as well as
the Scottish nation, is not much more decent \  Milton
therefore seems to have had reason for cautioning them "To
beware an old and perfect enemy, who though he hope by
sowing discord to make them his instruments, yet cannot
forbear a minute the open threatning of his desperate re
venge upon them, when they have served his purposes c." A
caution however reasonable, yet neglected by those con
cerned, till their old and perfect enemy had opportunity of
satiating the desperate revenge he had threatened. But to
proceed, in all this affair of the exclusion of the members,
Cromwell's name appears not. Nay Mr. Ludlow tells us,
" that lieutenant-general Cromwell the night after the inter
ruption of the house arrived from Scotland and lay at
Whitehall, where, and at other places, he declared he had
not been acquainted with this design; yet since it was
done, he was glad of it, and would endeavour to maintain
it d." Others say, " it was done by Cromwell's command c."
However this be, we need not doubt but Ireton, and the
other chief officers concerned, were fully satisfied they had
Cromwell's approbation. They would not have taken such
a step without it. For though Fairfax was easy and ma
nageable, Cromwell was very different, nor would he have
failed shewing his resentment against those who should
have presumed to have acted opposite to his will. His de
clarations on this head are not, I think, much to be regarded.
Politicians have a language of their own. They abound
with quirks, subtleties and distinctions; they explain away
and interpret as they imagine will best suit their circum
stances and conveniences. To all this, if we add Crom
well's known dissimulation, we shall see little cause to rely
much on them. I will close this note with observing, that
the house of commons having notice of the seizing of their
* MercuriusPiagmaticus, Dec. 19, 1648. b See vol. V. p. 114. and 240.
c Milton's Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, in his Works, vol. I. p. 357.
* Ludlow, vol. I. p. 272. ' See Flagellum, p. 66.

186 THE LIFE OF
be found below J0. What followed is well

members, with great seeming earnestness applied to the ge
neral for their release, and declared it to be their positive
pleasure that they be forthwith discharged ; but no answer
satisfactory being returned, they were forced to submit, per
haps not unwillingly, to the loss of them. This was on the
seventh of December, when it was " Resolved to give hearty
thanks to Cromwell for very great and eminently faithful
services performed by him to this parliament and kingdom,
both in this kingdom and the kingdom of Scotland, and
Mr. Speaker did according^ give him the very hearty thanks
of this house*."
30 The reasons for purging the house of commons, and the
apology for Cromwell on that head, are here to be given.]
On the 1 Hh of December the secluded and secured members
published a printed paper, intituled, " A solemne protesta
tion of the imprisoned and secluded members of the com
mons house : against the horrid force and violence of the
officers and soldiers of the army, on Wednesday and Thurs
day last, the 6th and 7th of December, 1648." In this pro
testation " They solemnly protest and declare to the whole
kingdom, that this execrable force and open violence upon
their persons, and the whole house of commons, by the
officers and army under their command, in marching up
against their command and placing strong armed guards of-
horse and foot upon them, without, and against their order,
was the highest and most detestable force and breach of
priviledge and freedom ever offered to any parliament of
England ; and that all acts, ordinances, votes and proceed^
ings of the said house made since the 6th of December
aforesaid, or hereafter to be made during their restraint and
forcible seclusion from the house, and the continuance of
the armies force upon it, were no way obligatory, but void
and null to all intents and purposes. And that all contrivers
of, actors in, and assistants to this unparalleled force and
* Journal.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 187
known— Suffice it therefore to say that the
treasonable armed violence, were open enemies to, and pro
fessed subverters of the priviledges, rights aud freedom of
parliament, and disturbers of the peace and settlement of
the kingdom; and ought to be proceeded against as such:
and that all members of parliament and commoners of Eng
land, by their solemn covenant and duty, under pain of
deepest perjury and eternal infamy, were obliged .unani
mously to oppose and endeavour to their utmost power to
bring them to exemplary and condigne punishment for this
transcendent offence, tending to the dissolution of the pre
sent, and subversion of all future parliaments, and of the
fundamental government and Jaws of the land *." This bold
protestation being complained of in the house of commons,
and the house of lords, produced a joint declaration from
them, in which "They judged and declared, the said printed
paper to be false, scandalous and seditious, and tending to
destroy the visible fundamental government of the king"
dom: and therefore ordered and ordained the said printed
paper to be suppressed ; and all persons whatsoever that had
any hand in, or given consent unto the contriving, framing,
printing or publishing thereof, were adj udged uncapable to
bear any office, or have any plage of trust or authority ia
the kingdom, or to sit as members of either house of parlia
ment. And they farther ordered, that every member of
either house that were then absent, upon his first coming to
sit in that, house whereof he was a member, for the mani
festation of his innoeency, should disavow and disclaim, bis
having any band in, or giving consent unto the contriving,
framing, printing or publishing of the said paper, or the
matter therein contained \",-~- Here are no reasons we see
given to justify the exclusion-— — We must seek them else
where then, that is, in the writings of the advocates for the
amy, and the admirers of the change which soon after hap
pened. Besides' those which may be collected from the
* W»Jkfl's History rf faiepswteney, part II, p. 35. » Id. p. 30,

188 THE LIFE OF
votes of no more addresses were re-assmned;
petition in the foregoing note, the following have been
offered to the public.
1. Mr. Ludlow writes that " Some of our commissioners
who had been with the king [at Newport] pleaded in the
house for a concurrence with him, as if they had been em
ployed by him; though others with more ingepuity ac
knowledged that they would not advise an agreement upon
those terms, were it not to prevent a greater evil that was
like to ensue upon the refusal of them. But Sir Henry Vane
so truly stated the matter of fact relating to the treaty, and
so evidently discovered the design and deceit of the king's
answer, that he made it clear to us, that by it the justice of
our cause was not asserted, nor our rights secured for the
future; concluding that if they should accept of these
terms without the concurrence of the army, it would prove
but a feather in their caps: notwithstanding which, the
corrupt party in the house having bargained for their own
and the nation's liberty, resolved to break through all ha
zards and'inconveniencies to make good their contract, and
after twenty four hours debate, resolved by the plurality of
votes, that the king's concessions were ground for a future
settlement. At which some of us expressing our dissatis
faction, desired that our protestation might be entered ; but
that being denied, as against the orders of the house, I con- ,
tented myself to declare publicly, that being convinced
that they had 'deserted the common cause and interest of
the nation, I could no longer join with them ; the rest of
those who dissented also, expressing themselves much to
the same purpose. The day following, some of the prin
cipal officers of the army came to London, with expectation
that things would be brought to this issue ; and consulting
with some members of parliament and others, it was con
cluded, after a full and free debate, that the measures taken
by the parliament were contrary to the trust reposed in
them, and tending to contract the guilt of the blood that
had been shed upon themselves and the nation : that it was

OLIVER CROMWELL. 189
the transactions of the parliament with the king
therefore the duty of the army to endeavour to put a' stop
to such proceedings; having engaged in the war, not
simply as mercenaries, but out of judgment and conscience,
being convinced that the cause in which they were engaged
was just, and that the good of the people was involved
in if."
2. In answer to the illegality of the act, and the incom
petency of the actors, who assumed a jurisdiction to which
they had no right, even from those for whose good and
benefit they pretended to have done this : in answer to
these and the like objections it was said, " That it was
lawful for any man, even by violence, to wrest a sword out
of the hand of a mad-man, though it.be never so legally
his from whom it is wrested; — That there is no clyent that
hath entertained a lawyer, or advocate to plead his cause,
but upon discovery, yea or jealousy, of prevarication, or
false-heartedness to him in his cause, may lawfully discharge
him, his entertainment notwithstanding ; — That it was ridicu
lous to pretend a want of call from the people, against the
lawfulness of such an act, which was of that sovereigne
necessity for their benefit and good, as the actions of the
army were ; especially at such a time when there was no
possibility of obtaining or receiving a formal call from the
people, without running an eminent hazard of losing the
opportunity for doing that excellent service to them. 
Mens consents unto all acts manifestly tending to their
relief, are sufficiently expressed in their w;ants and necessi
ties. But the people do not judge the proceedings of the
army against the parliament-men as tending to their relief
or welfare in any kind, but as contrary to both, nor do they
give so much as their subsequent consents thereunto;— I
answer that physicians called to the care and cure of
persons under distempers, need not much stand upon the
consents of such patients, either subsequent, or antecedent,
' '* Ludlow, vol. I. p. 969.

190 THE LIFE OF
in the isle of Wight condemned; the general
sbout what they administer nnto them. If the people be .
nncapable in themselves, of the things of their peace, it is
an act of so much the more goodness and mercy in those,
Who being fully capable of them^ will engage themselves
accordingly to make provision for them. It is a deed of
charity and Christianity, to save the life of a lunattck of
distracted person, even against his will. Besides it 19 a
ruled case amongst wise men, that if a people be depraved
and Corrupt, so as to confer places of power and trust upon
wicked and undeserving men, they forfeit their power in
this behalf unto those that are good, though bat a few1."—
Aquinas is referred to in the margin for this curious doctrine,
which perhaps will not be well relished by most of riiy
readers. Btit to go On/—" That the judgment or sentence
of the army upon these men, as meet to be dispossessed of
their parliamentary interest, was not erroneous, but every
way just, and according to the truth, stands clear npotl
this ground: vii. That they were become renegadoes from
their trust, and acted by their counsels, debates, votes-, and
interest, in a, diametrical opposition to the peace and safety
of the kingdom, and to pnblkk good,
" Yea the tenonr of their parliamentary actings before
their removal from the bouse, in the known dialect of
political prophecy, presaged nothing, bnt ruin and desfaHe-'
tion to the liberties of the free-bom subjects of the kingdom
in general, and to the lives and estates of many thousands
in the kingdom, whom they stood bound in conscience iri a
special manner to protect. For what could that grand en*
couragement, which they administred by their votes to a
potent party of men in the kingdom, who had so lately, and
with so high an hand, acted hostility against the peace and
liberties of the people, and against the lives of those who
stood up to protect thern, not having given the least over*
tore of any relenting in their old principles, but were now
* John Goodwin's Right and Might well met, p. 12—15. 4to. Lond. 1648.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 19]
was ordered to keep the king in safe custody,
through that extremity of pain which they lye under, having
been so often, and so deeply bitten, and stung by the
fidelity and valour of the army, more enraged in their
spirits, than ever; what could, 1 say, such encouragement,
given by such hands unto such men, but portend, either a
re-imbroyling of this already miserably wasted nation, in
wars and blood, or else the necessity of a patient and quiet
subjection of the nation to the iron yoke of perpetual
tyranny and bondage, together with the certain ruin of the
lives and estates of those, who had shewed most faithfulness
and courage in the defence of the parliament and the king
dom's liberties, in opposing the king and his party, if the
army had not preventingly interposed as they did ? The
by-past actions of men, especially such, which they have
for any considerable space of time inured themselves unto,,
are prophetical of what their future actions are like to be*
if opportunity paralleleth. The civil law saith, that he that
hath injured one, hath threatned many: and by the rule "of
proportion, he that hath injured many hath threatned allV
3. Milton observes on this subject, that " Emulations'
are incident among military men, and are, if they exceed
not, pardonable. But," adds he, " some of the former army,
eminent enough for their own martial deeds, and prevalent
in the house of commons, touched with envy to he so far
out-done by a new model which they contemned, took ad
vantage of Presbyterian and independent names, and the
-virulence of some ministers, to raise disturbance. And the
war being then ended, thought slightly to have discarded
them, who had faithfully done the work, without their
due pay, and the reward of their invincible valour. Bat
they who had the sword yet in their hands, disdaining to be
made the first objects of ingratitude and oppression, after
all that expence of their blood for justice and common
liberty, seizing upon the king their prisoner, whom nothing
* John Goodwin's Eight and Might well met, p. 18. 4lo. Lond. 1648,

irj2 THE LIFE OF
and take care that he go not away • and finally,
but their matchless deeds had brought so low as to surrender
up his person : though he, to stir up new discord, chose
rather to give up himself a captive to his own countrymen
who had less won hima."
This is taken from the Iconoclastes. In his " Pro Popuh
Anglicano Defensio," after speaking in dispraise of the
treaty in the isle of Wight, and of the members of the
parliament who approved it, in terms of great severity, he
proceeds in the manner following : " Quid illi interea qui
integri tarn pestifera agitari consilia videbant? An ideoi
deesse patriae, saluti suorum'non prospicere debuerant, eo
quod istiusmali, contagio in ipsorum ordinem penetraverat ?
At quis istos exclusit male sanos? 'Exercitus, inquis, Angli-
canus,' id est, non externorum, sed fortissimorum & fidissi-
morum civium ; quorum tribuni plerique, senatores ipsi
erant, quos illi boni exclusi patria ipsa excludendos, 8c in
Hiberniam procul ablegandos esse censuerant; dum Scoti
interim dubia jam fide quatuor Anglise provincias suis
finibusproximas magnis copiis insidebant, firmissima earum
regionum oppida prsesidiis tenebant, regem ipsum in custo-
dia habebant : dum ipsi etiam factiones suorum atque tu-
multus, parlamento plusquam minaces, & in urbe &. in agris
passim fovebant, qui tumultus paulo post in bellum non
civile solum, sed & Scoticum illud erupere. Qu5d si privatis
etiam consiliis autarmis subvenirereipublicselaudatissimum
semper fuit, non est certe cur exercitus reprehendi possit,
qui parliamenti authoritate ad urbem accersitus imperata
fecit, & regiorum factionem atque tumultum ipsi curiae
sa3piiis minitantem facile compescuit. In id autem discri-
men adducta res erat, ut aut nos ab illis, aut illos a nobis
opprimi necesse esset. Stabant ab illis Londinensium
plerique insti tores atque opifices, & ministrorum factiosissimi
quique; a nobis exercitus magnfi, fide, modestia, virtute
cognitus. Per hos cum retinere libertatem rempub. salutem
* Milton's Prose Works, vol. I. pr 47*. '

OLIVER CROMWELL. 193
it was resolved to proceed capitally against
him in a high court of justice to be erected
liceret, an haec omnia per ignaviam & stultitiam prodenda
fuisse censes? Debellati regiarum partium duces arma
quidam inviti, animum hostilem non deposuerant : omnibus
belli renovandi occasionibus intenti ad urbem se receperant.
Cum his, quamvis inimicissimis, quamvis sanguinem eorum
avide sitientibus, Presbyteriani, postquatn non permitti sibi
in omnes tam civilem quam ecclesiasticam dominationem
viderunt, clandestina consilia, & piioribus turn dictis tum
factis indignissima consociare coeperant : eoque acerbitatis
processere, utmallent se regi denuo mancipare, quam fratres
suos in partem illam libertatisj quam & ipsi suo sub sanguine
acquisiverant, admittere; mallent tyrannum tot civium cru-
ore perfusum, ira. in superstites, & concepta. jam ultione
ardentem rursus experiri dominum, quam fratres, & ami-
cissimos aequo jure ferre sibi pares. Soli independerites qui
vocantes, & ad ultimum sibi constare, & sua uti victoria
sciebant: qui ex rege bostem se feceraf, eum ex hoste
regem esse amplius, sapienter, meo quidem judicio, nole-
bant: neque pacem idcirco non volebant, sed involutum pacis
nomine aut bellum novum, autaeternam servitutem prudentes
metuebant V i. e. " What did they do in the mean time,
who were sound themselves, and saw such pernicious
councils on foot? Ought they therefore to have been
wanting to the nation, and not provide for its safety, because
the infection had spread itself even in their own house?
But, who secluded those ill-affected members ? The English
army, you say: so that it was not an army of foreigners,
but of most valiant, and faithful, honest natives, whose
officers for the most part were members of parliament; and
whom those good secluded members would have secluded
their country, and banished into Ireland ; while in the mean
time the Scots, whose alliance began to be doubtful, had
very considerable forces in four of our northern counties,
• Milton's Prose Works, vol. I. p. 354.
VOL. III. . O

l-g4 TFiE LIFE OF
for the purpose. 3Pa pursuance trf these fe'solu-
ti'ons, the king was remOVed fforn Hurst Casl^fe
and kept "garrisdns iii "the best towns of those parts, and
had the king himself fh 'custody; whilst they^ likewise en-
coriraged the turilultuating of those of their own faction,
who did more than threaten tlie parliarn'ent, both in city aria
country, and through whose means hot only a civil, but a
War with Sddtland too shortly -after brake but. !If it has
always been counted praiseworthy in private rrien to assist
the state aria promote the public good; whether by advicfe
or'action; our army sure was "in no fault, who being brdefea
by the parliament to come to town, obeyed aha -came, ;atffl
when tliey were come, quelled with ease the faction atia
"uproar of the king's party, Who sometimes threatned tlife
house itself. For things wefe brought to thaf pass, that of
necessity, either we must !be run down by them, idr they
by us. They had on their side most of the shop-keepers
atid handicrafts-men of London, and generally those of the
ministers, that weie most factious. On our side was the
army, whose ''fidelity, 'moderation, and courage were suf
ficiently known. It being in our power by their'hleans'to
fetain our liberty, our state, our Common safety; do you.
think" we had not been fools 'to have lost 'all by our negli
gence and folly ? They who 'had had places of' co'mmaria
'in the' king's army, after their party'were subdued, had'laiH
down their 'arms indeed against their wills, but continued
'eheniies to us in their hearts; and they flocked to towh,
'and were here watching all opportunities of renewing'ihe
war. *With these men, tho' they were the greatest enerrites
they hacTin the world, arid thirsted after their blood, dra
the Presbyterians, because they "were not permitted fo
exercise a civil, as weTTas^an ecclesiastical jurfsaMctidti1 over
air others, hold secret correspondence, arid' took me'asVires
Jvery unworthy of what they had formerly both' said 'and
done; and. they cariie to that spleen at last,' that they would
rather enthral themselves to the king again, than admit their
own brethren to share in their liberty, which they likewise

OLIVER CROMWELL. 195
to 'Windsor, and in spite of the opposition
made by the Scottish commissioners, .brought
had purchased at the price of their own blqod; they chose
rather to be lorded over "once more by a tyrant, pojtut.ed
with the blood of so many of his own subjects, and who was
enraged, and breathed out nothing but revenge against
those of them .that were left, than endure their brethren and
friends to be upon the square with them. The.ipdependan.ts,
as they are called, were the only men that from first to last
kept to thejr point, and knew what use tojnake of .their
victory. They refused, (and wisely, in my opinion), to make
him king again, being then an enemy; who when he was
their king, had made himself their. enemy: nor were they
ever the less averse to a peace, but they very prudently
dreaded a new war, or a perpetual slavery under the name
of a peace."
I will add but one passage more, and. that .taken from
" the declaration of thehouse of commons, setting forth the
reasons for annulling all former votes in favour of a treaty
with, the king," which was passed, and ordered .to.be printed
Jan. 15, L648. In this declaration, after giving many
reasons for their dislike of the treaty, they go on in the
following manner: " Neither can we believe,, that any agree
ment we coujd have made with the king in the isle of .Wight,
in the condition he was then in, would ever have been
observed, either by himself or any of his party: for, setting
asjidethe bare name of honor, safety and freedom, which the
treaty did pretend unto, neither the king, nor any pf his,
.did ever hold him in any other condition than that of
.a prisoner. For clearing whereof, besides, his message sent
to both houses, Oct. 2, in which ' he propose th to have
liberty to come to Westminster, and. to be restored to a con-
.djtion of absolute freedom and safety;' which can import no
other than that he judged himself at that present,, being in
the time of treaty, to be deprived of both; his letters to a
prime magistrate of the city of London declare, ' that he
held himself at that time as great a prisoner as ever :' and
o2

196 THE LIFE OF
to an open trial at Westminster, where," after
his refusal to acknowledge the authority of the
the prince in his declaration made at Goree, says plainly,
' that the king in truth is still a prisoner; and invites the
earl of Warwick to join with him to rescue his father from
his unworthy imprisonment.' And since enforced oaths
are, in many mens judgments, not necessary to be kept,
what assurance could we have that he, who so often had
failed of his promises made to us, when he was free and at
his own disposal, would make that good to us, when he
came to be re-established in his royal power, which he had
obliged himself to do, when he was in durance and a
prisoner ? And since hardly any example can be produced,
either foreign or domestick, of any prince, once engaged in
a war with his subjects, that ever kept any agreement which
he made with them any longer than meer necessity did
compel him thereto. The examples to the contrary whereof
are so many and so manifest, and the late bloody violation
of the peace betwixt the crown of Spain and those of Naples
is so fresh in our memories, as we cannot expect any pro
positions, agreed upon at the isle of Wight, should bind the
king more than the fundamental laws, and his coronation
oath;- besides his often protestations and engagements in
the name of a king, and of a gentleman, which he hath
so often violated \"  These were some of the principal
reasons given in defence of an action generally condemned
as impudent, base, and tyrannical. The reader who under
stands the history of these times, will be best able to judge
of the truth of the pretences on which it is founded.— All
I shall say is, if ruin was apprehended by these men to
themselves or the kingdom ; if their civil or religious
rights, in their eyes, appeared as intended to be sacrificed>
and the king and the priest, whether prelate or presbyter
mattered not, were to reassumetheir wonted rule; and above
all, if the king's character appearedrsuch to them, that no
* Parliamentary History, vol. XVIII. p. 50P.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 197
court, he received sentence of death, which
reliance was to be put on his promises, declarations or oaths,
(all which they seem strongly to affirm) we are not to
wonder at the deed. All -men know the force of necessity
and self-preservation, and know also that they will ope
rate more strongly than law or reason, if indeed they be
not almost superior to all law. To plead this in bar of
those, will seldom be thought valid by men versed in great
affairs, and, though it be made use of by them sometimes
for purposes of their own, yet it is little credited and
believed by themselves.  That the army really feared
a treaty between the king and the parliament, is certain —
How far their fears were just in themselves, or will justify
their proceedings in this matter, the public must determine.
 : — Thus much for the fact itself. In defence of Crom
well, who is supposed to have been at the, bottom of it, it
is urged, " That there was a party in the parliament that
bore an early spleen against him, and fain would have nipt
him in the bud ; but his eminent service at Naseby pro
curing him to be appointed and continued lieutenant-general
under Fairfax ; the continual successes that attended him
from that time forward, set him above their machinations.
Nevertheless, they did not erase out of his breast, the re
membrance of the kindnesses they would have done him ;
nor did their flatteries of his prosperity make him the more
neglectful of standing upon his guard- And it was as
warrantable for Cromwell to secure himself from the con
trivances of his enemies in a shattered parliament, of which
he had so long before such timely notice, as it was for
them to seek his ruin. For they were not his sovereigns
but his equals. — -When he found that his prosperous at-
chievements raised him enemies on every side ; that they
who were most beholding to his victorious successes, com
bined with the greatest animosity to his destruction; 'twas
, time for him then to^look about him, and to oppose their
Undermining devices with countermines of the same nature.
Nor does it appear by any proof that carries authority with

19S THE LIFE OF
accordingly was put in execution. JI In all these
it, that he pretended to single greatness till he was forced
to it for his own safety. It is agreed by the author of
the memoirs himself [Ludlow] that Cromwell offered more
candid and Casy conditions to the king than the Presbyterian
party did; which if the king had accepted (and it does not
appear lb be Cromwell's fault that he did not) Cromwell
himself had then put a stop to all his single advancement;
whereas tie' would surely have taken another course, had he
at that time meditated single sovereignty; but the king,
who was designed by fate to be a victim to evil counsel,
refused those offers, trusting to vainer hopes. On the other
side, it was manifest that. the Presbyterian patty aimed at
nothing more than theft own advancement by their selling
the bishops larids, and when they came to treat with the
king, by their so stifly adhering to their proposition for the
abolishing of episcopacy, knowing there could be no bishops
without maintenance, and that then they must be the para-
rrio'unt clergy. But then (indeed) Cromwell perceiving
that it was not safe to rely on the king, nor willing to
truckle under a party that, were treating for theft own ad
vancement ripon his ruins, 'tis rational to believe, that from
that time forward be began to look 'upon the king as a
conquered prince, and that none could better supply his
room than the person who had subdued him a." This seems
rio ill-made apology.
31 In all these transactions Cromwell had a principal
hand.] After the seclusion of the members who prorfiotetl
the treaty with the king, it was natural to expect that 'his
majesty never more would be permitted to bear rule. 'Brit
it did not once, I believe, enter info the thoughts of him 6r
his adherents, that he would be brought before a court of
justice, tried, and executed in ari open arid public rnannCr.
Vet all this we Know happened, to the very great amaze-
merit of many. The part Croniwell had in these.'trahsacUitfns ¦
1 'Modest Vindication of 6. Cromwell, p. 45, 47. ito. Lond. 1698.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 109
transactions Cromwell- ^ad- a principal hand.
comes now to be related. "Wnen it was first moved in the
house of commons to proceed, capitally against the |sing,
Cromwell stood up and told them, that if any man mqyed
this upon design, he should think him the greatest tray tor
in the world ; but since providence and necessity had cast
them upon it, he should pray God to bless their counsels,
though he yrere nqt provided on the sudden to give them
counsel a." — —The following anecdpte from Burnet wijl
shew that, he had well considered the reasons and grounds'
of the proceeding. Iieutenapt-general Drummond, after
wards lord Strafhallan, was the relatpr. This gentleman
" happened to be with Cromwell when the commissioners
sent from Scotland to protest against the putting the king
to death came jto argue the matter with him. Cromwell
bade Drummond stay and hear their conference, which he
did. They began in a heavy languid style to lay indeed
great Ipads upon the king: but they still insisted on .that
.clause in the covenant, by which they swore they vyould be
faithful in the preservation of liis majesties person. With
this they shewed upon what terms Scotland, as we]] as ,the
two houses, had engaged in the war, and wha,t so I ern a .de
clarations of their zeal and duty to the' king they all along
published ; which would now appear to the scandal and re
proach of the christian name, to have been fals.e pretences,
if when the king was in their power they should proceed to
extremities. Upon this Cromwell entered into .a.lpng dis
course of the nature of .the regal power, according to tl^e
principles of Mariana and Buchanan : he thought a breach
.of trust i,p a kftpg ought to be punishep1 more jtrian any other
crime whatsoever. He said, as ,to their covenant, they
.swore to the preservation of the king's person in the defence
of the true .religion : if then it appeared that the settlement
of the true religion was obstructed by the king, so that
they could not come at it but by putting jjiim out of the
way, then their oath could not bind them to the preserving
* Walker's History of Indeperjfjeney, part II. p. §Q»

200 THE LIFE OF
 His name for this has been greatly re-
him any longer. He said also, their covenant did bind
them to bring all malignants, incendiaries, and enemies to
the cause, to condign punishment : and -was not this to be
executed impartially ? What were all those on whom pub
lic justice had been done, especially those who suffered. for
joining Montrose, but small offenders acting by commission
from the king, who was therefore the principal, and so the
most guilty ? Drummond said, Cromwell had plainly the
better of them at their own weapon, and upon their own
principles"."  On the 21 Jan. 1648, old style, Hugh
Peters preaching at Whitehall, upon " Bind your kings
with chains, and your nobles in fetters of iron ;" and talk
ing in his bold manner, concerning the king's being liable
to the law as well as other men, Cromwell was observed to
laugh b. And when on the motion of Mr. Downes, on the
last day of the trial, the court adjourned into the court of
wards, and was pressed in the most pathetic terms by him,
to give the king liberty to make some proposition to the
parliament for the settlement of the kingdom, as his ma
jesty had in court just before desired : after Mr. Downes
had urged this, " Cromwell did answer with a great deal of
storm. He told the president that now he saw what great
reason the gentleman had to put such a great trouble upon
them ; saith he, sure he doth not know that he hath to do
with the hardest hearted man that lives upon the earth ;
however it is not fit that the court should be hindred from
their duty by one peevish man ; he said -the bottom was
known, that I would fain save his old master, and desired
the court without any more ado, would go and do their
duty0." Mr. Wayte, another of the king's judges, says
" Cromwell laUghed and jeered, and smiled, in the court of
wards on this occasion." He afterwards adds, " That being
told by lord Grey that the king would not dye, the next
day he went to the house, they were labouring to get hands
a Tiurnet, vol. I. p. 61. * Exact and perfect Narrative of the Tryal of
the Kegicides, p. 158. c Id. p. 161.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 201
proached, though there were not wanting men
for his execution at the door. I refused, and went into the
house; saith Cromwell, those that are gone in shall set their
hands, I will have their hands now "¦'' Colonel Ingoldsby
was a relation of Cromwell's, and named a judge: but dis
liking the action, he always absented himself. But the day
after the sentence was pronounced, having occasion to go
to the painted chamber, " he saw Cromwell, and the rest of
those who had sate upon the king, and were then, as he
found afterwards, assembled to sign the warrant for the
king's death. As soon as Cromwell's eyes were upon him,
he run to him, and taking him by the hand, drew him by
force to the table ; and said, Though he had escaped him
all the while before, he should now sign that paper as well
as they ; which he, seeing what it was, refused with great
passion; saying, he knew nothing of the business; and
offered to go away. But Cromwell, and others, held him
by violence ; and Cromwell with a loud laughter, taking his
hand in his, and putting the pen between his fingers, with
his own hand writ Richard Ingoldsby, he making all the
resistance he could b."  An exact copy of the w;vrrant for
the king's execution was published by the society of anti
quaries of London, a few years since : in which it appears
that the names of some persons who had signed it were
erased, and other names inserted, and that the day, as well
as the officers who were to see to the execution of it, were
changed. Cromwell's name stands third on the warrant. —
But to go on :
Colonel Huncks declares, " That a little before the king's
execution, he was in Ireton's chamber, where Ireton and
Harrison were in bed together ; there was Cromwell, colonel
Hacker, lieutenant-colonelPhayer, Axtell and himself stand
ing at the door, the warrant for the execution was there pro
duced, and Mr. Hacker was reading of it, but Cromwell
addressed himself to him [Huncks] commanding him by
* Exact and perfect Narrative, &c. p. 269. * Clarendon, vol. VI. p. 163.

202 THE LIFE OF
of ability, at that time, to defend his con-
virtue of that warrant,, to draw up an order for the execu
tioner. I refused it, adds he, and upon refusing of it, there
happened some cross passages. Cromwell wi-uld have no
delay. There was a little table that stood by the door, and
pen, ink, and paper being there, Cromwell stept, and writ
(I, conceive he wrote that which he would have had me to
write) as sopn as he had done writing) he gives the pen over
to Hacker, Hacker he stoops and did write (I cannot say
what he writ) away goes Cromwell, and then Axtell; we all
went out, afterwards tliey went into another room; imme
diately the king came out, and was murthered a." The fol
lowing relation (if it had not been contrary to Huncks's ac
count) is of too doubtful an authority to be absolutely re
lied on, though in a work of this nature it cannot well be
omitted. " While these things were acting, [the fitting
the scaffold for the king's execution] the lord Fairfax, who
had always forborn any public appearance in the practices
of this murther, had taken up (as is credibly reported) some
resolutions, (either in abhorrency of the crime, or by the
sollicitations of others) with his own regiment, though nonf
else should follow him, to hinder the execution. This being
suspected or known, Cromwell, Ireton and Harrison coming
to him, after their usual way of deceiving, endeaypured to
perswade him, that the Lord had rejected the king, aw}
with such like language as they knew had formerly pre
vailed upon him, concealing that they had that very morn
ing signed the warrant for the assassination ; they alsp de
sired him with them, to seek the Lqrd by prayer, that they
might know his mind in the thing. Which he assenting ty,
Harrison was appointed for the duty, .and by compact to
draw out his prophane and blasphemous .discourse t0 Cod iji
such a length as might give time for the. execution, iwhich
they privately sent theft instrument tp hasten ; of ffhjch
when they had notice that it was passed, they rose up, apd
* Huncks, p. 221.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 203
duct31.— The king being thus executed, that
perswaded the general that this was a full return of prayer,
and God having so manifested his pleasure they were to ac
quiesce in it \" The writer of this was but little acquainted
with Harrison's character, when he describes him as drawing
out his prayer by compact, in order to gain time for the,
executiou. Harrison was bold, artless, honest and highly
enthusiastical, and therefore the unfittest man in the world
to act a part. Whether the other parts of the story are
more probable, the considerate reader will determine. These
passages are, I think, sufficient to shew the part Cromwell
had in this affair, though, after all, Burnet asserts, " That
Ireton was the person that drove it on : for Cromwell was
all the while in some suspence about it b."  i_
31 His name has been reproached, &c.J /No fact recorded
in history has been more censured than tHe execution of
Charles. Dr. Fell calls it a "horrid mockery of justice, the
rape and violence of all that's sacred, made more abomi
nable by pretending to right and piety ; in order to prevent
which, he says Dr. Hammond drew up an address to the
general and council of officers, and transmitted it to themc."
 And the ministers of London, alarmed at the proceed
ings against the king, published a vindication of themselves
against the unjust aspersions cast upon their former actings
for the parliament, as if they had promoted the bringing of
the king to capital punishment. In this vindication they
'say, " They hold themselves bound in duty to God, religion,
the king, parliament and kihgddm, to profess before God,
angels 'and men, that we verily believe that which is so
much feared to be now in agitation, the taking away the
life of the king, in the present way of tryal, is not only
no't agreeable to any word of God, the principles of the
.protestarft religion (never yet stained with 'the least drop of
'blood of a king) or the fundttfnerital constitution and go-
^erinchief'siife of (Shades I. p. 57. "b History of his own Times,
%1. J, -p. 89. c -Lifeof Halniritona, p. -'56. ' 1 2mo. 1 tffll .

204 THE LIFE OF
part of the house of commons which remained
vernment of this kingdom ; but contrary to them, as also to
the oath of allegiance, the protestation of May 5, 1641,
and the • solemn league and covenant : from all, or any of
which engagements, we know not any power on earth, able
to absolve us or others— — Therefore, say they, according
to our covenant, we do, in the name of the great God (to
whom all must give a strict account) warn and exhort.all
who either more immediately belong to our respective
charges, or any way depend on our ministry, or to whom
we have administred the said covenant (that we may not by
our silence suffer them to run upon that highly provoking
sin of perjury) to keep close to the ways of God, and the
rules of religion, the laws, and their vows, in their constant
maintaining the true reformed religion, the fundamental
constitution and government, of this kingdom (not suffering
themselves to be seduced from it, by being drawn in to
subscribe the late models or agreement of the people, which
directly tends to the utter subversion of the whole frame of
the fundamental government of the land, and makes way
for an universal toleration of all heresies and blasphemies,
directly contrary to our covenant, if they can but get their
abettors to cover them under a false guise of the christian
religion) as also in preserving the privileges of both houses
of parliament, and the union between the two nations of
England and Scotland; to mourn bitterly for their own
sins, and the sins of the city, army, parliament, and king
dom, and the woful miscarriages of the king himself,
(which we cannot but acknowledge to have been very great)
in his government, that have cost the three kingdoms so
dear, and cast him down from his excellency into an horrid
pit of misery, almost beyond example : and to pray that
God would both give him effectual repentance', and sanctify
the bitter cup of divine displeasure, that the divine pro
vidence hath put into his hand; as also that God would
restrain the violence of men, that they may not dare to
draw upon themselves and the kingdom, the blood of their

OLIVER CROMWELL. 203
by the permission, and with the support of
sovereign." This bold piece, in such a critical conjuncture,
raised the indignation and resentment of the house of com
mons, (for the house of lords had unanimously refused to
meddle with the business, and for that reason it had been
voted, "That the commons of England in parliament as
sembled, have the supream power in the nation") who con
stituted a committee, among whom were Cromwell - and
Ireton, " To examine the authors, publishers, printers, and
subscribers to the said book ; and by what means the sub
scriptions to the said book were obtained, and by whom :
and the committee were likewise to have power to take in
formation of such as have already preached, published, or
printed, seditiously, the proceedings in bringing the king
to justice: and also to bring in an ordinance to restrain
public preaching and printing any thing against the pro
ceedings of the house, and the high court of justice,
in relation to bring - - the king to justice a." But
nothing could hinder men from declaring their dislike to
the deed. They reproached, they reviled, they threatened,
and did every thing to make Cromwell and his fellows
odious and abominable in the eyes of the whole world.
Take a specimen from a sermon entitled " The Martyrdome
of king Charles, or his conformity with Christ in his suffer- •
ings, preached at Bredagh, before his majesty of Great
Britain, and the princess of Orange, June S-13, l649b."
By Henry, lord bishop of Down and Connoe, in the king
dom of Ireland.—^ As the murtherers of our sovereign,"
says he, " resemble the cTtrcifiers of our Saviour; so we find
them all acting the same parts. And first Judas, who sold
his_ master, of all that conspired against Christ, is most
odious; for he was his disciple, a domestick servant, one
whom he trusted with his purse; and yet he, his familiar
friend, who did eat of his bread, lift up the heele against
him. So our sovereign was sold at a greater price than our
'Journal, Feb. 3, 1648. "Printed at the Hague, by Samuel Brown, and
reprinted at London, 1 649.

806 THE LIFE OF
the army, assumed the supreme power of the
$ Saviour, by those who had as neere a relation unto him, as
Judas had unto Christ : for they were his countrymen,
brought up with him, his servants and familiar friends,
whom he trusted with his purse, with his counsels, and his
person, cherished in his bosome, and inriched with many
princely favours. In many respects they were far worse
than Judas.--f — From Judas come we to the great counsel.
The parliament is that great counsel, and hath acted all and
more against their lord and sovereign, than the other did
against Christ: they consulted how to put him to death,
gave money to betray him, sent soldiers to apprehend him.
In that 'great counsel, Annas and Caiphas were chief; in
this Cromwell ;and Ireton ; and Cromwell prophesied as
Caiphas did, using almost the same words, It is expedient
that he die, and unless he die [the nation will perish. Brad-
shaw and Cooke are the scribes and lawyers who fiercely
persued him : they curse themselves with his blood, as
the others did -with Christ's : forBradshaw spoke to tins
purpose on the bench: Our Jives are threatened if we, med
dle with his blood ; but whatsoever shall befall as, we will
do justice upon him. And is not this just as the scribes
and pharisees said, His blood -be, upon us and on our child
ren. Fairfax was Pilat the governor, who seemed unwilling
to consent to his death, and sought to wash his hands of his
•blood by laying it upon others. And his wife lady iPilat,
who disswaded the murther ,of our sovereign, . more than the
other did the killing of Christ. The army are the. soldiers
•who, apprehended him, -watched him, mocked him, reviled
him, crying justice and execution against him, and atlast
crucified him, and parted his garments amongst them. And
, London is the great city spiritually Sodome, where our
Lord was crucified."  The preacher in the conclusion, #d-
„ (dressing himself to the king [Charles II.] says, " God in his
,own good time, will certainly, Sir, look upon the justice of
your cause — For your cause is God's cause. And as it is
God's cause, so it is the cause of all kings : they are deeply

OLIVER CROMWELL. 307
nation, in the way of a free state. The kingly
concerned in it, and ought to pursue those bloody para-
cides." This language may sound harsh, but is softer than
secretary Nicholas's, who styled them " devils \"
And in an act of parliament passed soon after the restora
tion of Charles II. the execution of the king is styled,
" An horrid and execrable murder, an unparalleled treason,"
which the said parliament did " renounce, abominate and
protest against:" and it was declared, "That by the un
doubted and fundamental laws'of the kingdom, neither the
peers of the rCalm, nor the commons, nor both together in
'parliament, nor the people collectively, nor representatively,
-nor any other person whatsoever, ever had, have, or ought
(to have, a coCrcive power over the persons of the kings of
this realm." — And in virtue of this doctrine, Cromwell and
'many other of the king's judges were attainted of high trea
son, and some suffered as traytors for consenting to his
-death. It Would be tedious as well as endless to reckon up
•the reproaches which have been cast on Cromwell for this
action : suffice it to say that the bigots, the time servers,
the party men, and many of the honest and sensible men of
inost denominations, have joined in the cry, and represented
him as one of the most wicked of men.  But, though
men's prejudices ran very high at the time of Charles^
"death, yet -wanted there not advocates to defend the deed.
Some- of their reasons the truth of history requires 'me to
recite, though I am noway answerable for the conclusive
ness of them.
J. 'It was said, "That the people, (I mean collectively
taken) have no law of nature, or of God upon them, which
prohibiteth them from laying aside a king, or kingly go
vernor, from amongst them, when they have a reasonable
causefor it. Such a cause as this they have (I mean that
-which is just, and reasonable, and competent) for so doing,
when either they find, by experience, thatrgover.nment by
" Ormond's State Papers, by darte, vol, I. p. 255.
3

208 THE LIFE OF
power and house of peers, by the authority of
kings hath been a nuisance to the peace or liberties of the
people, and apprehend, by reason, that, if continued, it is
like still so to be ; or find, that the charge of maintaining
such a government, hath been, and, if continued, is like
to be (for the future) over burthensome to the state, con
ceiving, upon good grounds, withal, that another form of
government will accommodate the interest of the state
upon equal or better terms, with less charge and expence;
especially when they find, that the government we speak
of is gotten into a race or blood, that is unfit for govern
ment, as that which, for several descents together, as in
father, in son, in son's son, &c. is either boiled up into,
and breaks out in oppression and tyranny, or else turns to
a water of natural simplicity and weakness, or froths into
voluptuousness and luxury, or the like; in all these case*
(I say) and many others like unto theser a people or state,
formerly governed by kings, may very lawfully turn these
servants of theirs out of their doors, as the Romans of old,
and the Hollanders of late (besides many nations more) have
done, and are blameless \"
2. " Though it should be supposed, that the king simply
and absolutely is superiour to his people, yet, having enter
ed into a civil, yea, and sacred covenant and bond with
them, the breach hereof on his part giveth unto them a
lawfulnesse of right or power, to compel him to theterms
of his agreement, or to make satisfaction for his violation ,
of them.-; — And though it should be granted, that a king
is either equal or superiour in power to his people in parlia
ment, yet, being degenerated into a tyrant, he is neither.
Whether the king be such, it is the right of the people, by
their representatives, to declare. For, where there is no
opportunity for the interposure of other judges, the law
of nature and of nation, alloweth every man to judge in his
own case. Even as the late king took upon him to bejudge
1 Goodwin's Defence of the Sentence passed upon the late King, p. 12. Lond.
4to. 1649. 7

OLIVER CROMWELL. 209
this commonwealth, were abolished, the lands
in his own case; when he sentenced all those who served in
the wars on the parliament's side against him, for rebels and
tray tors, and commanded execution accordingly.  That
supposing the parliament (on account of the force put on it
by the army, and the abolishing the house of lords) by
whose authority the high court of justice was founded and
created, was no formal, legal or compleat parliament, yet
will not this neither disable the justice or righteousnesse of
the sentence; unlesse it could be further supposed (which
apparent truth prohibiteth any man to suppose) that there
were some other magistrate, one, or more, superiour in place
and authority to this parliament, who, probably, would
either have erected a like court of justice for the same end
(the capital tryallof the king) or else have called him to the
bar of some court of justice already established, and pro
secuted the same trial here. For doubtlesse, the execution
of justice and judgment is so absolutely and essentially ne
cessary to the preservation and well-being of a state, or body
politique, that both the law of God and nature doth not
only allow it in any member, one, or more, of such a body, in
their order, turn, and course, (when those, who are peculiarly
deputed for such execution, shall neglect or refuse it, as, viz.
magistrates and judges)3 but even calleth them unto it, and
requireth it at their hands, in such cases."
3. As to the clause in the covenant, which bound them to
preserve the king's person, it was said, "That, in the then
circumstances, neither the preservation of the liberties of
the kingdom, nor the bringing delinquents to punishment
(to which, by the same covenant, they were bound) were
consistent therewith, and consequently was unfit to be ob
served by them. Late and lamentable experience," says
the writer, just quoted, " shewed how near the liberties of
the kingdom were to ruin, by occasion of the preservation
of the king's person only (and that only for a season) though
a Goodwin's Defence, &c. p. 40.
vol. in. r

%io The life; of •
bf the crown sold, with the jewels and paintings
his authority was kept under hatches. It was the preserva
tion of his person that gave life, and breath, and being, to
those dangerous insurrections in Kent, Essex, London")
Surry, Wales, &c. by means whereof there was but a step
between the liberties of the kingdom and perpetual enslave
ment. It was the preservation of his person (with hope of
restitution of his authority) that administered strength unto
Scotland to conceive the conquest of England, and to make
:the attempt, by invading it with an army of about (if not
above) 30000 men : unto whose teeth (doubtlesse) this na
tion had been a prey, had they not fought from heaven, had
not the stars in their courses fought against them. And
!had his person still been preserved (especially with his an-
¦thority) according to all experiments which the world hath
made, and had, in such cases, yea, according to all princi
ples, as well of religion, as of reason and policy, it would
'have, 'been a spring or fountain of bitter waters unto the
'land, and. a darkening of* the light in the heavens thereof.
And, instead of bringing delinquents to condign punishment,
'it Cannot, in any rational construction, but be supposed, that
it would have been the lifting up the heads of such persons
Unto undeserved places of honour "."
¦ 4. " Never," says Mr. Gbbdwin, "was any person, under
heaven, sentenced with death upon more equitable or just
grounds, in respect of guilt or demerit.  He that is the
architect and master-workman in-raising an unnecessary' 0r
Unjust war, makes himself the first-born of murtherers/artd
is responsible both to God and men, for all the blood thatis
' shed in this war. If kings might make war upon their sub
jecfs, when, arid upPn what pretences, they please,and then
be justified and acquitted from all outrages of bloodj and
other villanies, perpetrated in this war, one sin might make
•an atonement for another; yea one -great sin a cloak Arid
' covering for many. The late wars, wherein the king, ty
..."-Goodwin's Defence, &c. p. 55.

OLIVER CROMWELL. fill
^belonging to Charles I. and every mark of
¦the sword of those men of blood, who cast in their lot with
'him, shed so much innocent blood in the land, being cause-
desly, and contrary to the frequent obtestations, humble pe
titions, earnest sollicitations, grave advisements pf his great
councel (the parliament) commenced by himself, are so far
from mediating for the blood shed, on his behalf, that they
open the mouth of it the wider, and cause it to cry so much
the louder for vengeance upon him, and his, both unto God
and men'." And the parliament, after giving a short .detail
of Charles's behaviour in his government, adds, " Upon alj
these, and many other unparalleled offences, upon his breach
of faith, of oaths and protestations, upon the cry of the
blood of Ireland and of England, upon the tears of widows
and orphans, and childless parents, and millions of persons un
done by him, let all the world of indifferent men judge,
whether the parliament had not sufficient cause to bring the
king to justiceV
5. " I ask," says Milton, "by what conscience, or divi
nity, or law, or reason, a state is bound-to leave all these
sacred concernments under a perpetual hazard and extremity
of danger, rather than cut off a wicked prince, who sit?
plotting day and night to subvert them. They tell us, that
the law of nature justifies any man to defend himself, even
against the king in person : let them shew us then, why the
same law may not justify much more a state or whole .petf-
pie, to do justice upon him,against whom each private man
Way lawfully defend himself; seeing all kind of justice
done is a defence to good men, as well as a punishment to
bad ; and justice done upon a tyrant is no more but thene-
eessary self-defence of a whole commonwealth. To war
upon a king, that his instruments may be brought to con
dign punishment, and thereafter to punish them the instru
ments, and not to spare only, but defend and -honour hint
* Goodwin's Defence, &c. p. 98.
^ Declaration of the Parliament of England, expressing tire grounds 'of tneir
late proceedings, and of settling the present government in the way of a free
state, p. 13. 4to. Londpn, March 22„1648.
P 2

2T2 THE LIFE OF
ignominy and contempt cast on his name,
the author, is the strangest piece of justice to be called
Christian, and the strangest piece of reason to be called
human, that, by men of reverence and learning, ever yet
was vented3."
6. As to the objection, that many members of parliament
were, by force, excluded, the privilege of it highly broken,
and they who were permitted to sit in parliament acted
still under a force, and were upon their good behaviour: as
to this, it was by the parliament replied,  " That every
parliament ought to act upon their good behaviour; and
few have acted, but some kind of force hath at one time
or other been upon them ; and most of them under the
force of tyrannical will, and fear of ruine by displeasure
thereof; some under the force of several factions or titles
to the crown : yet the laws made, even by such parliaments,
have continued, and been received, and beneficial to suc
ceeding ages. All which, and whatsoever hath been done
by this parliament, since some of their members deserted
them, and the late king raised forces against them, and
several disorders and affronts formerly offered to them
(if this objection take place) are wholly vacated. For
any breach of privilege of parliament, it will not be charged
upon the remaining part, or to have been within their power
of prevention or reparation; or that they have not enjoyed
the freedom of their own persons and votes, and are undoubt
edly, by the law of parliaments, far exceeding that number
Which makes a house, authorized for the dispatch of any
business whatsoever : and that, which at present is called a
force upon them, is some of their best friends, called and
appointed by the parliament for their safety, and for the
guard of them against their enemies ; who, by this means>
being, disappointed of their hopes to destroy the parliament,
would, nevertheless, scandalize their actions, as done under
a force, who, in truth, are no other than their own guards of
their own army, by themselves appointed : and, when it fell
• Miltoa's Prose Works, vol. I. p.362.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 213
family, and government. To conciliate men
into consideration, whether the priviledge of parliament, 01
the safety of the kingdom, should be preferred, it is not hard
to judge which ought to sway the ballance; and that the
parliament ought to pass by the breach pf priviledge (as had
been formerly often done upon much smaller grounds)
rather than, by a sullen declining their duty and trust, to
resign up all the apparent hazard of ruin and confusion of
the nation a."  These were the principal reasons at that
time given for this most extraordinary action. The reader
will judge of their force, and determine whether they anr
swer the objections founded on the illegality and violence
of the proceeding. It should be observed, however, that
the abettors of it gloried that it was performed in the eye
of the world, and that an example was set to posterity how
to act in similar circumstances.  " There want not pre?-
cedents of some of his predecessors, said they, who have
been deposed by parliaments, but were afterwards in dark
ness, and in corners, basely murthered. This parliament
held it more agreeable to honour and justice, to give the
king a fair and open trial, by above an hundred gentlemen,
in the most publick place of justice, free (if he had so pleas
ed) to make his defence15."  "If the parliament and
military council do what they do without precedent," says
Milton, "if it appear their duty, it argues the more wis
dom, virtue and magnanimity, that they know themselves
able to be a precedent to others, who, perhaps, in future
ages, if they prove not too degenerate, will look up with
honour, and aspire towards these exemplary and matchless
deeds of their ancestors, as to the highest top of their civil
glory and emulation; which, heretofore, in the pursuance of
fame and foreign dominion, spent itself vain-gloriously
abroad ; but, henceforth, may learn a better fortitude, to
dare execute highest justice on them that shall, by force of
arms, endeavour the oppressing and bereaving of religion
¦ Declaration, &c, p. 22. * Id. p. 14.

Sl» THE LIFE OF
to. their proceedings, and make them submit to
and'theft liberty at home; that no unbridled potentate or •
tyrant, but to his sorrow, for the future, may presume such
high and irresponsible licence over mankind, to havoc and
turn "Upside whole kingdoms of men, as though they were no
more, in respect of his perverse will, than a nation of pis
mires V  " The time was," said another commonwealth
.advocate, " when this nation was wedded to the vanity of
admiring kings, placing them in a lofty seat of impunity,
like gods, that were not bound to give men an account of
their actions, but had a liberty to thunder at pleasure, and
put the world into combustion, so that there was no love
but lust, no rule but the prince's will, which so vassalized
the spirits of this great and mighty people, that they were
content to establish the highest piece of injustice by shod
maxims of law, as said, ' the king can do no wrong ;' as if
whatsoever he did could not make him a delinquent of a
traitor; nor was it law only, but those antiquated cheats of
the clergy made it pass for divinity also; so that the com
monwealth of England, for almost six hundred years, hath
been pinioned like a captive with the twofold cord of the
law and the gospel, which the corrupt professors have made
use of after their own inventions. Yet, notwithstanding
that this glorious idol of royalty was elevated to such a
height over the liberties of the parliament, and set upon
the very pinacle of the temple, we have lived to see a noble
generation of English hearts, that have fetched it down with
a vengeance, and cured the land of that idolatry, by one pf
the most heroic and exemplary acts of justice, that ever was
done under the sun b."
I shall only add, that, in the year 1651, O. S. the 30th pf
January was observed, by the English merchants at Dant-
zic, in memorial of their deliverance from slavery, and a
feast was made for the whole company, the expence of which

» Milton's Prose Works, vol. I. p. 356. k Mercurius Politicus, No. 56.
p. 886. ..-; i . .: »

OLIVER CROMWELL. 315
their rule, they began" with fair promises, and
was ordered to be repaid by the commonwealth of Eng
land1.
33 They began with fair promises, and expressed, at the
same time, much resolution.] After it had been determined
to bring the king to a trial, the house of commons acted
with great spirit and vigour. They declared, that the com
mons of England, in parliament assembled, being chosen
by, and representing, the people, have the supreme power in
the nation \ They resolved, that a great seal be graven,
with the addition of a map of the kingdom of Ireland, and
of Jersey and Guernsey, together with the map of England ;
and, in some convenient place on that side, the arms by
which the kingdoms of England and Ireland are differenced
from other kingdoms. That, on the map side of the great
seal, the inscription shall be, "The Great Seal of England,
1648." That the inscription, on the other side of the seal,
on which the sculpture of the house of commons is engrav
en, shall be this, viz. " In the first year of freedom, by
God's blessing restored c." Sixty pounds were charged on
the revenue towards the charges of this seal.  On the 17th
of March, after the king's execution, an act was passed
" for abolishing the kingly office," and it was declared,
" high treason in any one to endeavour to set up any of the
late king's children, or any other person to be king of Eng
land and Ireland ; and that whosoever should be convicted of
the said offence, should be deemed arid adjudged a traitor
against the parliament and people of England d." And, that
no hopes might be given of the restoration of monarchy,
care was taken to demolish its great support the house of
peers, which was declared "to be useless and dangerous to
the people of England :" and it was enacted,- " That the
lords should not from thenceforth meet or sit in the house
called the lords house, or in any other house or place what-

a thurloe, vol. I. p. 554, 555. b Journal, 4th Jan. 1648. c Journal,
9th of Jan. 1648. ", Scobel's Collection, March, 1648.

216 THE LIFE OF
expressed, at the same . time, much resolution.
soever, as a house of lords ; nor should sit, vote, advise,
adjudge or determine of any matter or thing whatsoever, as
a house of lords, in parliament3." They, moreover, pulled
down the statues of Charles at St. Paul's and in the Royal
Exchange, and put in the nich of the latter, Exit Tyrannies
regum ultimus : imitating the Syracusians, who, at the invi
tation of Timoleon, " overturned the palaces and monu
ments, and whatever else might preserve the memory of
former tyrants b."  These were very bold and high acts,
and such as needed an apology to the nation and the world.
Accordingly a declaration was prepared and printed, in
which the grounds of their proceedings were laid open in
the best manner they were able. And the better to recon
cile the people to their actions, and conciliate their esteem
to their authority, they spoke them fair, and promised thera
largely. After having in the declaration vindicated their
several actions, they proceed in the following manner:
"The sum of all the parliament's design and endeavour in
the present change of government from tyranny to a free
state ; and which they intend not only to declare in words,
but really and speedily endeavour to bring to effect, is this ;
to prevent a new war, and further ex pence and effusion of the
treasure and blood of England ; and to establish a firm and
safe peace, and an oblivion of all rancour and ill will occa
sioned by the late troubles : to provide for the due worship
of God, according to his word, the advancement of the true
protestant religion, and for the liberal and certain main
tenance of godly ministers : to procure a just liberty for the
consciences, persons and estates of all men, conformable to
God's glory and their own peace : to endeavour vigorously
the punishment of the cruel murtherers in Ireland, and the
restoring of the honest protestants, and this commonwealth,
to their rights there, and the full satisfaction of all engage
ments for this work : to provide for the settling and just
a Scobel's Collection, March, 1 648. " Plutarch in Timoleon.
4

OLIVER CROMWELL. 217
Nor were they worse than their words : for, it
is very certain, great things were done by them,
observing of treaties and alliances with foreign princes and i
states, for the encouragement of manufactures, for the in
crease and flourishing of trades at home, and the main
tenance of the poor in all places of the land : to take care
for the due reformation and administration of the law and
publique justice, that the evil may be punished and the
good rewarded i to order the revenue in such a way, that the
publique charges may be defrayed, the soldiers pay justly
and duly settled, that free quarter may be wholly taken
away, the people be eased in their burthens and taxes, and
the debts of the commonwealth be justly satisfied: tore-
move all grievances and oppressions of the people, and to
establish peace and righteousness in the land. These being
their only ends, they cannot doubt pf, and humbly pray to
the Almighty Power for his assistance and blessing upon
their mean endeavours, wherein, as they have not envied nor
intermeddled, nor do intend at all to intermeddle, with the
affairs of government of any other kingdom or state; or to
give any offence or just provocation to their neighbours, with
whom they desire entirely to preserve all fair correspondence
and amity, if they please; and confine themselves to the
proper work, the managing of the affairs, and ordering the
government of this commonwealth, and matters in order
thereunto, with which they are intrusted and authorised by
the consent of all the people thereof, whose representatives
by election they are. So they do presume upon the like
fair and equal dealing from abroad ; and that they, who are
not concerned, will not interpose in the affairs of England^
who doth not interpose in theirs ; and, in case of any in
jury, they doubt not, but by the courage and power of the
English nation, and the good blessing of God (who hath
hitherto miraculously owned the justness of their cause, and,
they hope, will continue to do the same) they shall be suffi
ciently enabled to make their full defence, and to maintain

218 THE LIFE OF
and such as were Aery much to their honour.
Witness the prosecution of the war in Ireland,
their own rights. And they do expect from all true hearted
Englishmen, not only a forbearance of any publique or-
secret plots or endeavours, in opposition to the present set-.
tlement, and thereby to kindle new flames of war and misery
amongst us, whereof themselves must have a share; but a
chearful concurrence and acting for the establishment of the
great work now in hand, in such a way, that the name of
God may be honoured, the true pro testant religion advanced^
and the people of this land enjoy the blessings of peaqe,
freedom and justice, to them and their posterities*."— —
This declaration, at the same time, was printed by order of
parliament in Latin, under the title of " Parliament! Anglian
Declaratio : in qua Res Nuperum Gestae, et Decretum de
Statu Angliae Regio in liberam Rempublicam vertendo,
asserunturV The great and remarkable transactions of the
commonwealth were published by their order, and translated
into Latin, for the information of other countries, as ap
pears from a great many papers yet remaining in the hands
of the curious and inquisitive : and a very accurate journal
in French was published by authority of the council of state,
for the like use of foreigners, intituled, " Is'ouvelles Ordi-
naires de Londres," beginning July 1650, and ending Janu
ary 1660-1 c. Nor must it be forgotten, that, for the use
of their own subjects, a journal of a like nature, intituled,
'*¦' Mercurius Politicus, comprising the sum of foreign in
telligence, with the affairs now on foot in the three nations of
England, Scotland and Ireland," was, by the same authority,
printed likewise. It commences June 9, 1649, and ends in
April, i860 d. These publications shewed great sense of
propriety, honour and fair intentions in the parliament;
and render it very surprising, that no complete history of
* Declaration, March 22, 1 648. p. 2„> — 21. b Londini, apud Frandscuin
Tytonium Mensis Marti i 22°. Anno 16*8. c Preface to the 19th vol. of the
frarfiatnentarj- History.. * Wood,* vol. U. e. €26. 

OLIVER CROMWELL. °W
under the command u of Cromwell, their lieute-
those times should be given us by any contemporary writer.
Mr. Neville speaks of " one of those who were in employ
ment from the year 40 to 60, who had written a history of
those 20 years, with great truth and impartiality1." 
What is become of it is not known  Probably it is lost
for ever .'
34 The deeds in Ireland under the command of Cromwell.J
Ireland had given the parliament great cause of resentment.
Besides the barbarous massacre in 1641, which loudly called
for vengeance, and which the best part of the English ria-5
tion were desirous of seeing inflicted, it had shewed a par-;
ticular spite and malice against the parliament. Charles'
qherished this disposition, and, by a variety of methods;,'
endeavoured to make it declare in his favour, and support
his cause. Some success, it is well known, he had, 
more, probably, he would have had, but for the extreme
bigotry of the priests, and the nuntio, who were hardly
to be satisfied by any concessions. At length, however, a
peace was made between the marquis of Ormonde, lord-lieu
tenant-general, and general governor of the kingdoih of*
Ireland, on behalf of king Charles of the one part, and the
general assembly of the Roman Catholics of the said king
dom, for, and on behalf of his majesty's Roman Catholic
subjects, on the other part. This peace was proclaimed
January 17, 1648, and does very little honour to the mar
quis or his master. For, among other things, it was agreed,
"That all acts, ordinances and orders made by both or
either houses of parliament, to the blemish, dishonour, and
prejudice of the Roman Catholics of that kingdom, since
the 7th of August, 1641, should be vacated; that all in-
ditements, attainders, outlawries in that kingdom, and all
the processes and other proceedings, since the said time, in
prejudice of the Catholics, should be made void; that
Catholics might sit and vote in parliament; have places of
* Plato Hedivivus, p. 173. 12mo. Lond. 1681. 5d edit.

SSO THE LIFE OF
nant-general, and the subsequent settlement
honour, command, profit and trust in the army, and that an
act of oblivion should be passed to extend to all his ma
jesty's subjects of that kingdom, of all treasons and offences
of what nature, kind, or quality soever, since the 23d of
October, 1641." In a word, every thing the Catholics could
almost wish for was granted them, to the no small astonish
ment of the protestants. Thispassed not without observation
in England. However, by means of this peace, the chief
parts of Ireland declared for Charles, and afterwards for his
son; and lord Ormonde, emboldened thereby, took the
liberty to use a language towards the English government,
which he little imagined they would so soon avenge. " The
dregs and scum of the house of commons, picked and awed
by the army," " a wicked remnant, left for no other end,
than yet further, if it be possible, to delude the people with
the name of a parliament," were some of the expressions his
lordship made use of in his letter to colonel Jones, governor
of Dublin, in order to induce him to surrender that city
into his hands. Cromwell was also likened in the same
letter to John of Leydeu \
Milton, in his observations on this peaGe, gives his lord
ship very keen answers to these reproaches, though in a
style far more decent. " Seeing," says he, " he contains
not himself, but, contrary to what a gentleman should know
of civility, proceeds to the contemptuous naming of a person,
whose valour and high merit many enemies, more noble
than himself, have both honoured and feared ; to assert his
good name and reputation, of whose service the common
wealth receives sq ample satisfaction, it is answered in his
behalf, that Cromwell, whom he couples with a name of
scorn, hath done, in a few years, more eminent and remarka
ble deeds, whereon to found nobility in his house, though it
were wanting, than Ormonde, and all his ancestors put to-

" See the Articles of Peace, Letter, &c. in Milton's Prose Worts, vel, h
p. 364—385.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 2-21
there in pursuance of the act of parliament for
gether, can shew from any record of their Irish exploits ; the
widest scene of their glory*." This the marquis got by
using abusive language.  But to proceed with the narra
tion. — Peace being made with the catholics, and lordlnchi-
queen having joined also with Ormonde, the marquis ad
vised his young master Charles II. to come thither as to a
place of security and advantage. In a memorial delivered
by the lords of his majesty's council to the lords deputies
for the States General, March 29, 1649, N. S. we find them,
after touching on the state of England and Scotland, declar
ing his majesty's resolutions in the following manner:
"This being the true condition of his majesty's two king
doms of England and Scotland, and it being necessary for
his majesty to give life to the afflicted state of his affairs by
his own activity and vigour, your lordships clearly discern,
that his other kingdom of Ireland is, for the present, fittest
to receive his majesty's person; and thither he intends, with
all convenient speed, to transport himself, being thereunto
earnestly advised, and with great importunity invited, by
the kingdom of Ireland, and by the marquis of Ormonde, his
majesty's lieutenant-general there ; by whose great wisdom
a peace is there concluded, and thereby the king, at this
time, possessed entirely of three parts of four of that his
large and fruitful kingdom, and of the command of good
armies and a good fleet to be joined to his navy; and he
hath reason to believe that Dublin, and the few other places
{that have submitted to the rebellious power in England)
-either are, upon the knowledge of that odious parricide,
returned to their allegiance, or will be suddenly reduced ; so
that the affairs of that kingdom being settled (which we
hope will be in a short time) the king will be ready to go
from thence into Scotland,, when his presence there shall be
requisite b." How full the king was of going to Ireland, ap-
'* See the Articles of Peace, Letter, &c. in Milton's Prose Works, VoL I.
j>. 393. b Ormonde's State Papers, by Carte, vol. I. p. 262, Lond. 1739, 8to.

$88. - THE LIFE OF
-Jhat purpose, whereby the Irish being'subdued,
.pears from the following letter, written in cypher by Sir
JEdward Nicholas, from the Hague (the day, after the above
memorial was given "in) to lord Ormonde. " It is very true,
that the king intends to make France his way to Ireland,
.and to meet the queen : and, I believe, he will go to Paris
,to her, T-he 'truth is, I, cannot guess at the time of ourre-
,move, tho' the king be resolved for .Ireland, and desires to
be, there as soon as may be: and no man is now so mad, as
openly to avow a dislike of it. But the want of money is so
.incredible, and the debts so great, that I know not how we
.shall get over these difficulties. And you must know, that,
.though, no .man opposes the going into Ireland, yet many
.are in their hearts against it, and are glad to cherish any rubs.
The Scotch faction, is strong and bold, and have friends in
this state. The queen, I believe, will govern very much,
and is full of designs, They perswade her to go with the
(king into Ireland a."— — :But all these designs proved abor
tive ; for the parliament, understanding what had passed in
Ireland, appointed lieutenant-general Cromwell commander
in chief of that kingdom- He had Ireton placed next .in
command under him, and great preparations were made for
the war. In the mean time the spirit, conjured up by
Cromwell in the Levellers, began to be very troublesome. to
the state, and incommodious, to its affairs. They reproach
ed those in power; they refused obedience to the general;
and would not go into Ireland. ;Eaftfax and Gromwell set
themselves to. reduce those men, and they did it so effectu
ally, that the service of Ireland was no farther hindered.
Whilst Cromwell was making preparations for his yoyage,
lord Ormonde besieged Dublin ; but Jones found soon an
opportunity to give him a specimen of the- valour of .the
English. For, with a very few forces, comparatively^ hefell
£>n the besiegers, killed 4000, took 2.517 .prisoners,.. together
withagreat quantity of arms and stores. Ormonde soon after
1 Orrdonde's State Papery &e, p< 250.- .

OLIVER CROMWELL. ft«8
the "best* part of that kingdom was portioned
writ to Jones for a list of the prisoners taken, to whom
Jones laconically replied, " My lord, since I routed your army",
I cannot have the happiness to know where you are, that I
may wait upon you \" — ^Cromwell arrived at Dublin on i
the 15th of August, 1649, and on the 30th of the same month \
took the field, besieged Drogheda, took it by storm, and put
the garrison to the sword. All this was done in the space
of nine days, " and a body of near 3000 men," says BorlasC,
were totally destroyed and massacred, with which, in respect
of experience and courage of the officers, and goodnessand
fidelity of the common men, the marquis wouldhave been glad
to have found himself engaged in the field with the enemy,
though upon some disadvantages b." The slaughter used at
Drogheda has been looked on bythe generality as very cruel
and barbarous, and Cromwellhas been reproached greatly oh
that account. And it must be confessed, that orders issued
for putting to the sword, and giving no quarter, sound very
shocking in the ears of the humane and benevolent. And
it were to have been wished that such orders had never
¦been given or executed by any general of rank and character.
•Though, if ever such treatment is justifiable, it is in such
a case as this, where the known disposition and behaviour
of the sufferers are -remarkably barbarous, inhuman and
cruel. Cromwell, in his letter to- the speaker, dated Dublin,
September 17, 1649, owns that he forbade to spare any
(' that were in arms in the town, and " he thinks," he says,
" that they put to thesword about 2000 men the first night
they entered; that the next day one of thetowers- which ha9
•held out having /submitted, their officers were knocked On
the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers -killed, arvd.
ithe rest shipped for the Barhadoes.^-I am -perswaded," adds
.he, ".that this is a righteous judgment of God upon these
barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so
Urtuch innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the
* Borlase's History of the execrable Irish Rebellion, p. 222. fol. Lond. 1680.
" Jd.p.-224. —

224 THE LIFE OF
out among the soldiers and adventurers of the
effusion of blood for the future; which are the satisfactory
grounds to such actions, which, otherwise, cannot but
work remorse and regret V This is saying the most for the
justification of the fact. The name of Cromwell, and the
execution at Drogheda, had such an effect indeed, that
success almost constantly attended him; insomuch that the
far greater 'part of Ireland was reduced to the obedience of
the commonwealth, before he returned to England, which
was in May, 1650.  After this the war was carried on
by Ireton, whom Cromwell had constituted his deputy, with
like valour and success, till, in a little time, the great
armies of the catholics were dispersed, their towns taken,
their leaders forced to fly, and the whole kingdom, in a
manner, subdued. Application wasmadefor assistance from
abroad, particularly to the duke of Lorrain, who promised
great things upon conditions very high; but little was done
by him, or any one else: for the English arms were every
where terrible, and he thought himself most out of danger
who kept himself most out of their reach. In a word, after
some time the Irish being wholly reduced, their lands were
divided among the soldiers and adventurers, the murthererg;
of the English were exemplarily punished, and peace and
tranquillity were given to a land ruined by the villany and
barbarity of its inhabitants. How fully Ireland was reduced
by the commonwealth and Cromwell, will appear from the
following extracts from Clarendon.  " When the success
of the parliament had totally subdued the king's arms, and
himself was so inhumanly murdered, neither the forces in
Ireland, under the king's authority, nor the Irish, who
had too late promised to submit to it, could make any long
resistance; so that Cromwell quickly dispersed them by his
own expedition thither: and, by licensing as many as
desired it to transport as many from thence, for the service
of the two crowns of France and Spain, as they would
a Parliamentary History, vol. XIX. p. 2fii.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 225
contract for, quickly made a disappearance of any army
in that kingdom to oppose his conquests. And after the
defeat of the king at Worcester, he seemed to all men
to be in as quiet a possession of Ireland as of England,
and to > be as much without enemies in the one as the
other kingdom.  Not only all the Irish nation
(very few excepted) were found guilty of the rebel
lion, and so to have forfeited all their estates; but
the marquis of Ormonde, the lord Inchiquin, and all
the English catholics, and whosoever had served the king,
were declared to be under the same guilt, and the lands
seized upon for the benefit of the state.  The whole king
dom was admeasured ; the accounts of the money paid by
the adventurers within the time limited, and what was due'
to the army for their pay, were stated ; and such propor
tions of acres in the several provinces were assigned to the
adventurers and officers and soldiers, as were agreeable to
the act of parliament, by admeasurement. — — And that
every body might with the more security enjoy that which
was assigned to him, they had found a way to have the
consent of many to their own undoing. They found the
utter extirpation of the nation (which they had intended) to
be in itself very difficult, and to carry in it somewhat of
horror, that made some impression upon the stone-hardness
of their own hearts.  They therefore found this expe
dient, which they called an act of grace. There was a large
tract of land, even to the half of the province of Conaught,
that was separated from the rest by a long and large river,
and which, by the plague and many massacres, remained
almost desolate. Into this space and circuit of land they
required all the Irish to retire by such a day under the
penalty of death; and all who should after that time be
•found in any other part of the kingdom, man, woman, or
child,, should be killed by any body that met them, The
land within this circuit, the most barren in the kingdom,
was, out of the grace and mercy of the conquerors, assigned
to those of the nation, who were enclosed in such propor
tions as might, with great industry, preserve their lives.
vol. m. 8

226 THE LIFE OF
And to those persons, from whom they had taken great
quantities of land in other provinces, they assigned the
greater proportions within this precinct; so .that it fell to
some men's lot, especially when they were accommodated
with houses, to have a competent livelihood, though never
tp the fifth part of what had been taken from them in a
much better province. And, that they might not be ex
alted with this merciful donative, it was a condition that
accompanied this their accommodation, that they should all
give releases of their former rights and titles to the land
that was taken from them, in consideration of what was
now assigned to them; and so they should for ever bar
themselves and their heirs from ever laying claim to their
old inheritance.-5  And, by this means, the plantation (as
they called it) of Conaught was finished, and all the Irish
nation inclosed within that circuit, the rest of Ireland being
left to the English; spme to the old lords and just pro
prietors, who, being all protestants (for no Roman catholic
was admitted) had either never offended them, or had served
them, or had made composition for their delinquencies, by
the benefit of some articles ; and some to the adventurers
and> soldiers. And a good and great part (as I remember,
the whole province of Tipperary) Cromwell had reserved to
himself, as a demesne (as he called it) for the state, and in
which no adventurer or soldier should demand his lot to be
assigned, and, no doubt, intended both the state and it for,
the making great his own family. It cannot be imagined
in how easy a method, and with what peaceable formality,
this whole great kingdom was taken from the just lords and
proprietors, and divided and given among those, who had
no other right to it, but that they had power to keep it, no
men having so great shares as they who had been instru
ments to murder the king, and were not like, willingly*: to
part with it to his successor.-  Ireland was the great
capital, out of which all debts were paid," all services re
warded, and all acts of bounty performed, And, which is
more wonderful, all this was done and settled, within little
more than two years, to that degree of perfection, that there
5

OLIVER CROMWELL. 2'27
English nation ; witness the actions of Crom-
were many buildings raised for beauty as well as use, orderly
and regular plantations of trees, and fences and enclosures
raised throughout the kingdom, purchases made by one from
the other at very valuable rates, and jointures made upon
marriages, and all other conveyances and settlements exe
cuted, as in a kingdom of peace within itself, and "where no
doubt could be made of the validity of titles a." The reader
need not be told how much honour this relation does to the
parliament of the commonwealth of England, by whose
wisdom these great things were thus settled and accom*
plished. His lordship strongly indeed insinuates cruelty in'
these proceedings : but his word is not to be depended on.
That they intended the utter extirpation of the Irish nation
is mere calumny, as appears from the preamble to the act
for settling Ireland, in which, among other reasons for
passing it, one is, " That the people, of that nation might
know that it is not the intention of the parliament to ex
tirpate that whole nation, but that mercy and pardon, both
as to life and estate, may be extended to all husbandmen,
plowmen, labourers, artificers, and others of the inferior
sortb." The curious reader will do well to consult the act.
I will not dilate on his lordship's styling Tipperary a pro
vince; such a mistake is pardonable in a man who confesses
himself to have been ignorant of there being any such place
in England as Sheerness \  However, I cannot find that
Cromwell reserved it as a demesne for the state or,his own
family.  1 will only add, that lord Molesworth gives it as
his opinion, that to Cromwell's distributing of the enemies
lands to the soldiers in Ireland, " we owe that kingdom's
being a protestant kingdom at this day, and its continuing
subject to the crown of England d." *
' Lieutenant-general Ludlow had a great share iri all these
transactions. — The spirit with which he acted will appear"
* Continuation of Clarendon's Life, vol. II. p. 114—118. » Scobel's' Col
lections, Anno 1652, c. 13. c Continuation, vol. III. p. 752. * Preface
to Hottoman's Franco Gallia, 2d edit p. 30.
Q2

228 THE LIFE OF
well in Scotland, which, with the victory at
from the following answer given to a letter of the marquis
of Clanrickarde, desiring a conference with him for the set
tling the repose of the nation, and a safe conduct for com
missioners to treat with him for that purpose.
My Lord,
In answer to yours of the 24th of March, by which you
propose a treaty for the settlement of this country, and
desire a safe conduct for the commissioners you shall judge
fit to employ in the management of that affair, I think fit,
in pursuance of the advice of the commissioners of the par
liament of England, and of many officers of the English
army, to advertise you, as hath been already answered to
those who have sent propositions of the like nature, that
the settlement of this nation doth of right belong to the
parliament of the commonwealth of England, to whom we
are obliged in duty to leave it, being assured that they will
not capitulate with those, who ought to submit to them,
and yet oppose themselves to their authority, and upor%
vain and frivolous hopes have refused such offers of favour
as they would gladly accept at present : so that I fear they
will be constrained to proceed against them with the high
est severity,' which that you may prevent by your timely
submission, is the desire of,
My Lord, Your humble. servant,
, EDMUND Lti-DLOWV
This reduction of Ireland, in so short a time, when the
affairs of the commonwealth were in so low a state there,
do%(, undoubtedly, great honour to Cromwell, as well as Jthe
other commanders in chief after him. His actions here
have always justly made one part of his panegyric. We
shall soon see that he did not disgrace them by any after
military ill behaviour. ' Ludlow, vol. I. p. 393.
4

< LIVER CROMWELL. 229
Worcester JS, so totally broke the power of
35 Cromwell's actions in Scotland, and the victory i of
Worcester.] It is well known, that the Scots were ex
tremely ill used by Charles the First; that they opposed
his measures ; marched an army into England ; joined with
the parliament, and helped to reduce him to a state of cap
tivity. — : — They stopped short, however, here, and very vio
lently opposed his trial and condemnation, looking on him.
as their king; and the judges as murtherers,  Thus mat
ters stood when the commonwealth was erected in England.
Soon after , application was made to Charles II. by com
missioners from the Scottish nation, in order to his entrance
into that kingdom, and mounting the throne of his an
cestors. Many of the young king's counsellors were against
this, looking on the Scots as a rebellious nation who had
been the original cause of the kite king's misfortunes. And
very probable it is, that had not lord Ormonde, and the
catholic Confederates in Ireland, beep defeated by Jones and
Cromwell, he would not have had a thought of, going thi
ther. Lord Byron, in a. letter to the marquis of Ormonde,
dated Hague, April 12, 1649, N. S. writes as follows:
" Commissioners are come out of Scotland,, consisting of
one earl (the earl of Cassels) two burgesses, and four dir
vines, to treat with his;jnajesty concerning the affairs of
that kingdom, or rather to impose unsufferable conditions
upon him. To give the better assurance of their good in
tentions to his service, immediately before their coming-out
of Scotland, the marquis of Huntley was put to death fo.r
no other crime but his loyalty to the king. Their propo
sitions are as insolent as can be imagined ; for they require
that all malignants and evil counsellors (and particularly the
marquis of Montrose) should be banished the court j that
his majesty should take both the national covenant and the
holy league and covenant (as they term it) and establish a
presbyterian government in ajl his kingdoms. But the
king being now unfortunately in a presbyterian country,
cannot regent these indignities so as otherwise he wpulcj,

230 THE LIFE OF
Scotland, that it was no longer in a condition
Howsoever, his intention is, not to enter into any particular
debate of these propositions, but to remit the commissioners
till his coming into Ireland, the matters propounded by
them concerning his other kingdoms as well as Scotland*."
 Sir Edward Nicholas, in a letter to the same nobleman,
dated Jersey, October 13-23; 1649, says, " There are Scots
commissioners coming hither ? but their propositions areas
unreasonable as the former sent into Holland. They hav£
now a strbng faction about the king: and the lord Jermyn
(who is esteemed the head of the Scots presbyterian faction)
hath, its said, gained many that are now about his majesty
to his party, and, some say, will come hither to assist with
all his interest and power the advancement of the king's
designs. The truth is, Sir Edward Hyde being so unne
cessarily and unskilfully employed in Spain, hath given an
infinite advantage to the Scots presbyterians ; for he was
expert in all their jigs and artifices V — — AA hat the good
secretary would have had the young king do is hard to say.
There was no place for him in England or Ireland  where'
then could he go but into Scotland ? How expert soever
Sir Edward Hyde might be in the Scots jigs and artifices,
it would not have been in his power to have hindered the
king's resolving to agree with the commissioners of that
kingdom, though, it is very certain, his inclination was not
much that way. For he had no love for the Scots league
and covenant ; he relished not the manners and behaviour
of the ruling part of that nation ; nor could he well put on
the stiff and formal air which was almost essentially neces
sary to gain their favour. But necessity has no law : the
king leaving Breda took ship in Holland ; landed in Scot
land; and, having taken the solemn league and covenant,
and signed a declaration, wherein he renounced the sins of
his father's house, and of his own, and the idolatry of his
mother, was solemnly crowned there. This filled the roy-
" Ormonde's State Papers, vol. I. p. 268. b Id. p. 328.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 231
to support its own independency, much less
alists with hopes, as appears from a letter of lord Ormonde
to Sir Edward Nicholas, dated Louvre, February 12, l650.
" Though it be very true, that his majesty's condition must
be to himself most irksome, and to his servants, that have
endeavoured to serve his happy father and himself in their
own method, most uncomfortable, yet, by what Mr. Sey
mour relates, and which seems confirmed by the London
prints, it may be truly said to be in some degree amended
by his coronation, and the conjunction of that people,
which, as it gives some foreign reputation to his business,
so it promises more of resistance against the rebels, than
when they were divided ; and, consequently, may more pro
bably afford an opportunity to others of better inclinations
to show themselves ; and the same God, who, contrary to,
and beyond the original intention of the English rebels,
hath permitted them to perpetrate so unexampled villanies
against the royal family and freedom of England, may, con
trary to, and beyond the purpose of the Scots (who gave
the rise to the perpetration) make them instrumental in the
restoration, I hope he purposes, to the king's just power,
and his people's free claim V But his lordship's hopes
were ill founded. The Scots were zealous indeed to serve
their covenanted king, and they hated heartily the English
government and army, whom they were taught by their
clergy to look on and call sectaries, a name, in the ears of
the priests and priest-ridden, most odious and abominable.
Great preparations were every where made to raise an
army, which might destroy these men, and restore his ma
jesty to the English throne. But the thing was not so
easily effected as planned. Those who sat at the helm of
affairs were upon their guard. On the 12th of June, 1650,
the parliament voted, that the lord-general Fairfax, and
lieutenant-general Cromwell, should both be commanded to
go upon the northern expedition : and that the council of
* Ormonde's State Papers, vol. L p. 405. .

332 THE LIFE OF '
place the Son of the late king on the throne of
state (which had been constituted at the beginning of the
new government, and consisted of some of the most able
men in it) do acquaint them with it, and take care for their
speedy march towards Scotland. For they thought it best
to be before hand with the Scots, and to carry the war into
that country.
" Fairfax being advised with herein, seemed at first to
like well of it, but afterwards being hourly perswaded by
the presbyterian ministers, and his own lady, who was a
great patroness of them, he declared himself unsatisfied
that there was a just ground for the parliament of England
to send their army to invade Scotland : but that in case the
Scots should invade England, then he was forward to en
gage against them in defence of his own country. The
council of state, somewhat troubled at his excellency's scru
ples, appointed Cromwell, Lambert, Harrison, St. John, and
Whitlock, to be a committee to confer hereupon with him ;
and to endeavour to satisfy him of the justice and lawful
ness of this unclertaking. Accordingly this committee met
lord Fairfax, and being shut up together in a room in
Whitehall, they went first to prayer, that God would direct
them in this business; and Cromwell began. Most of the
committee als6 prayed, after which they discoursed in the
manner related at large by Mr. Whitlock." From his ac
count ifappears that Fairfax grounded his unwillingness to
invade Scotland, on the foundation of the two nations being
bound in the national league and covenant; " And now for
us," said he, " contrary thereunto and without sufficient
cause given us by them, to enter into their country with an
army, and to make war upon them, is that which I cannot
see the justice of/ nor how we shall be able to justify the
lawfulness of it to God or man." Cromwell to this replied:
" I confess, my lbrd, that if they have given us no cause to
invade them, it will not be justifiable in us to do it ; and to
make war upon them without a sufficient ground for it, will-
be contrary to that which in consciences wp ought to do^

OLIVER CROMWELL. -233
his fathers, which the Scots had fondly hoped
and displeasing both to God and good men. But, my
lord, if they have invaded us, as your lordship knows they
have done, since the national covenant, and contrary to it,
in that action of the duke of Hamilton, which was by order
and authority from the parliament of that kingdom, and so
the act of the whole nation by their representatives : and if
they now give us too much cause of suspicion that they in
tend another invasion upon us, joining with their king, with
whom they have made a full agreement, without the assent
or privity of this commonwealth, and are very busy at this
present in raising forces and money to carry on their de
sign : if these things are not a sufficient ground and cause
for us to endeavour to provide for the safety of our own
country, and to prevent the miseries which an invasion of
the Scots would bring upon us, I humbly submit it to your
excellencies judgment. That they have formerly invaded
us, and brought a war into the bowels of our country, is
known to all, wherein God was pleased to bless us with
success against them ; and that they now intend a new in
vasion upon us, I do as really believe, and have as good
intelligence of, as we can of any thing not yet acted. There
fore I say, my lord, that, upon these grounds, I think we
have a most just cause to begin, or rather to return and re
quite their hostility first begun upon us; and thereby to
free our country (if God shall be pleased to assist us, and I
doubt not but he will) from the great misery and calamity
of having an army of Scots within our country. That there
will be a war between us, I fear is unavoidable. Your ex
cellency will soon determine whether it be better to have
this war in the bowels of another country or our own ; and
that it will be in onejof them, I think it is without scruple." —
This seems all very forcible, but it had no effect on Fairfax,
who having before taken his resolution, as it should seem,
contented himself with saying to this and the like kind of
argument urged by Whitlock, St. John, and Harrison,
ft That human probabilities are not sufficient grounds to

234 THE LIFE OF
for. Indeed, after this last defeat, Scotland
make war upon a neighbour nation,- especially our brethren
of Scotland, to whom we are engaged in a solemn league
and covenant1." One must have had a strange understand
ing, or been under a very strange influence to have talked
after this rate ! But so it was, Fairfax chose rather to re
sign his commission than go against the Scots, in order to
prevent their intended visit into his own country. Crom
well urged him to continue it with great vehemence, but in
vaiii, and being sure that, he was immoveably fixed in his
determination, pressed him, and the parliament to continue
him, with all that dexterity and dissimulation 1 have else-
\ where mentioned. — Cromwell now, by an ordinance of par
liament, succeeded Fairfax in the supreme command, and
the parliament published a declaration upon the marching
of their army into Scotland. In this declaration they take
notice of the averseness to amity and friendship to the
commonwealth manifested by the Scots, and iheir hostile
disposition, notwithstanding the signal hand of God against
them upon their late invasion. After this they mention
their transactions in 1648, and the kindnesses which they
had received from the English army when in Scotland,
" yet now," continues the parliament, " laying aside all
consideration of former kindnesses, and of their expres
sions and engagements of justice and treaties, the com
mon bonds of human society, they endeavour to exercise
their power for the destruction of those by whose means
they did receive it; they again insist upon the same pre
tensions to matters of our government, and take upon
them to determine what is fundamental here ; and direct
and threaten us, if we change not what is now established,
and form it to their mind, or accommodate it to their in
terest. — Their design and resolution again to invade Eng
land, will be the more evident, if we remember, l.That
upon occasion of demanding only a treaty for satisfaction
» Memorials, p. 460—462,

OLIVER CROMAVELL. 235
was by the arms of the English commonwealth
for their former invasion, they do, in express terms, declare
themselves enemies to the government of this common
wealth, and all that adhere thereto, and lay. foundations of
sedition, and new insurrections amongst ourselves. 2. In
pursuance of these grounds, they who cannot claim to them
selves the least colour of authority or dominion over us, yet
have taken upon them, in Scotland, to proclaim Charles
Stuart to be king of England and Ireland; and in their
treaty since with him, have promised him their assistance
against this nation. 3. Before the late invasion from Scot
land, the parliament of England, upon foresight of their
disposition to what followed, and seeing their preparation,
and the part)' they had seduced in order thereunto, believing
what the event was like to be, sent thither commissioners to
treat for preventing the effusion of blood ; but the treaty
was refused, and answered only with the immediate inarch
of their army into England. Having therefore again re
fused the amicable offer of a treaty for peace, we have rea
son to expect another invasion. 4. They have equally de
clared against us as sectaries, as they have against those of
Montrose's party, putting us into the same rank with ma-
lignants and papists.  Their design and purpose being
thus evident, a necessity is upon us to use our best endea
vours, with God's assistance, to prevent them, and not leave
them to invade us at their chosen opportunity, and our
greatest disadvantage when they shall have compleated
their design with foreign states for their aid, and with their
faction and party in this nation for correspondence and
concurrence in their attempts upon us ; and that we may
not be at the insupportable charge of keeping several f
armies in our own bowels, and subject ourselves to the
contributions, plunderings, and barbarous usage of a Scots
armj', if we suffer them again to enter ; or of keeping one
formed army constantly upon the borders, for preventing or
resisting those attempts upon us, which they are waiting an
opportunity at their best advantage to make. A burthen

236 THE LIFE OF
almost wholly subdued, and those who had bid
from which we ought to apply our best endeavours to free
the people, who have suffered so deeply already by their
means; which hath been part of their design, hereby to
bring the people to a discontent with the government from
the sense of charge, without considering the cause of the
continuance thereof, that so they may be fitted to receive
their impressions, and carry on their faction among us, and
keep it ready for them to make use of when they shall see
cause*." — On the 29th of June, Cromwell set forward from
London towards the north, and by the approbation of the
parliament, a declaration of the army of England, upon
their march into Scotland, was printed. The title of it, too
remarkable to be omitted, runs thus : To all that are saints^,
and partakers of the faith of God's elect, in Scotland b.
There is a cant here and there interspersed, but on the
whole it is far from a contemptible performance. In it is
given their reasons for bringing the late king to justice,
and excluding his family from the throne ; as also for abo
lishing the house of lords, and erecting a commonwealth.
After which, the breach of the covenant ; the rejection of
presbyterian government ; and the heresies and blasphemies
charged on them by some statists, as they style them, are
refuted : and the king and his adherents are represented as
influenced by popish counsels. They then add, " Is there
" Parliamentary History, vol. XIX? p. 276 — 283.
* It is not improbable this declaration of the army of England, upon their
march into Scotland, was intended to obviate the prejudices excited against them
in " The declaration of major-general Massey and 80 other English officers and
commanders ingaged with the kingdom of Scotland, in behalf of their presby
terian brethren, in England, Ireland, and the principalitie of Wales. Declaring
the grounds and reasons moving them to take up arms in the kingdom of Scot
land; admonishing allj conscientious presbyterians not to apostatize from tbeir
first principles, nor adhere, engage, or take up arms with the rebels at West
minster. Dated at Orkney island, March 29, 1650." In quarto, without
printer's name, or place. The title of this piece alone might satisfy us of the
spirit with which it is written; which indeed is sharp, irritating, and abusive, and
full of the blackest characters of the army and the parliament.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 2S7
defiance to their own princes, were forced to
not now just cause for all good men with you to fear that
one so bred, so engaged and interested, and meerly in such
a way coming in to you, doth but watch his opportunity (to
speak nothing of the weight of blood of the saints under
the altar, crying still for vengeance upon him and that
family) till by his influence upon your army, which you
know how composed, he may gain his ends upon you ; and
how likewise the generality of the people of Scotland are
affected, is not unworthy of your most serious consideration,
nor of a friendly intimation from us a."  Cromwell also,
at his arrival in Berwick, published another declaration to
the people of Scotland, in which referring to the grounds
of the army's marching thither as set forth by the parlia
ment in their declaration above-mentioned, he takes notice
of the unjust reproaches and false slanders cast on the army
under his command ; and in order to refute them, appeals to
his known conduct, when in their country two years before,
towards the people in general, and the best affected in par
ticular. He then goes on to assure the gentry and com
monalty of Scotland, " That he will not offer the least vio
lence or injury to their persons, goods or possessions, they
being innocent in his opinion, and invites them to stay and
abide in their own habitations, where," says he, " they may
and shall enjoy what they have in peace ; and not to suffer
themselves to be mislead by the craft and subtilty of any,
into that which must needs prove their inevitable loss and
ruin, and a great hazard to their country b."
But these were things of little consequence in comparison
of the after actions of Cromwell and his army. For they
made it appear to Scotland and the world, that their disci
pline and valour were unparalleled. The country people
were treated with great kindness by the general; their
wants supplied; and such as in the least injured them, very
severely punished. On the 22d day of July, 1650, Crotn-
» Parliamentary History, vol. XIX. p. 306. * Id. p. 31 1.

238 THE Li™ OF
submit to a foreign (but not a grievous) yoke.
well entered Scotland, and endeavoured by a variety of
ways to bring the Scots to a battle. But they, though there
were some smart skirmishes, kept themselves from a general
engagement, and thought by that means to occasion the
English, as the winter approached, to return through want
of provisions. They probably judged rightly ; and had they
kept thei» resolution, Cromwell might have had the mortifi
cation of finding himself unable to execute his designs. 
But prudence or fortune failed them, Cromwell began to
find himself in such difficulties that he thought it proper to
retreat towards Dunbar ; the Scots followed him close, with
an army greatly superior. They now thought they had
Cromwell in their power, and they were determined not to
let him escape.  rWhat condition the English were in,
what the hopes of the Scots, and at the same time the high
enthusiasm of Cromwell, will best appear from his own
letter to Mr. Speaker Lenthall, dated Dunbar, Sept. 4, 1650.
Speaking of his retreat towards Dunbar, he adds,, " Their
[the Scots] whole army was in march after us: and indeed
our drawing back in this manner, with the addition of -
three new regiments added to them, did much heighten
their confidence, if not presumption and arrogancy. The;
enemy that night we perceiVed gathered towards the hills,
labouring to make a perfect interposition between us and
Berwick; aftd having in this posture a great advantage,
through his better knowledge; of the country, which he
effected by sending a considerable party to the strait pass
at Copperspath, where ten men to hinder are better than
forty to make their way. And truly this was an exigent to
us, whereby the enemy reproached us with that condition
the .parliament's army was in when it made its hard con
ditions with the king in .Cornwall. By some reports that
have, come to us, they had disposed of us and of their
business, in sufficient revenge and wrath towards our per
sons, and had swallowed up the poor interest of England,
believing that their army and their king would havemarched

OLIVER CROMWELL. 239
For it is Avell known that the government there
to London without any interruption; it being told us, we
know not how truly, by a prisoner we took the night before
the fight, that their king was very suddenly to come amongst
them, with those English they allowed to be about him;
but in what they were thus lifted up, the Lord was above
them. The enemy lying in the posture before mentioned,
having those advantages, we lay very near him, being
sensible of our disadvantages, having some weakness of
flesh, but yet consolation and support from the Lord himself,
to our poor weak faith, wherein 1 believe not a few amongst
us shared, that because of their numbers, because of their
• advantages, because of their confidence, because of our
weakness, because of our strait, we were in the mount, and
in the mount the Lord would be seen, and that he would
find out a way of deliverance and salvation for us; and
indeed we had our consolations and our hopes a." Nor were
their hopes vain. On the third of September, Cromwell,
with an army of about 7500 foot, and 3500 horse, attacked
the Scotch army, consisting, as it was said, of 6000 horse,
and 16,000 foot at least, and in less than an hour put the
whole army into confusion, totally routed them, and had
the chase and execution of them near eight miles. In this
battle the Scots had 3000 killed, 10,000 made prisoners,
exclusive of officers, all their baggage and train taken, with
200 colours.  This victory, so unexpected in Scotland
and England, filled the friends of the commonwealth and
Cromwell with great joy. " Our prayers are heard," said
Mr. Sympson in a letter to the lord general, dated Sept. 10,
1650, " our trust on him answered, his promise accom
plished to judge our cause in the day of battle, when be
might have judged our persons according to our sins.  ,
Our enemies here (the morning of that day before these
tidings came) run up and down to their friends. with news,
that you were coming back with shame; they insulted in
1 Parliamentary History, vol.- XIX. p. 3-i4. See Appendix.

240 THE LIFE OF
was far enough from being burthensome to the
their shops and street, because that was now come. to past
they always looked for, &c. But whilst their hearts were
thus merry in them, their faces grew pale, their countenances
cast down, because the sword of the Lord and of his
servants had prevailed a."  Oliver St. John also, writing
on the same occasion to the general, observes, " That God
had determined the dispute between England and Scotland,
in such a manner as all may see and acknowledge that he
hath done it; and therefore you could not fight when and
as you desired; but then when your forces were lessened ia
number, and the remainder weakned by sickness and wants,
and thereby much dispirited; and when the enemy thence
and by their recruits, became confident, relying upon and
boasting in the arm of flesh. This season did the Lord
chuse to give his, judgment in, and signal was it, for
sithence these wars, never was there, as I remember, so
great a victory obtained with so little loss of ours b." Such
a victory, indeed, in such circumstances, may excuse a
little enthusiasm, in minds less disposed to it than Cromwell
and his friends ! No doubt this appearance of Providence,
and these congratulations received, must have b^en highly
pleasing to the lord general. The parliament, sensible of
Cromwell's merit in this affair, on receiving the account,
paid him all the respect the most ambitious man, one would
think, could wish for. They ordered " men, money, pro
visions, medicaments, physicians, apothecaries, and all other
necessaries for the armj' in Scotland ; they set apart a day of
thanksgiving ; appointed that the colours then brought up,
together with those taken from the Scots at Preston, to be
set up in Westminster-hall ; resolved that a letter should be
written to the lord general from the parliament, taking
notice of his eminent services, with the special acknowledg
ment and thanks of the house ; and moreover referred it to
the committee of the army, to consider what medals may
* Milton's State Papers, by Nickoljs, p. 32. ° Id. p, 25.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 241
generality* though it Could not be acceptable
be prepared both for officers and soldiers that were in this
service in Scotland, and set the proportions and values of
them, and their number, and present an estimate of them to
the house \" Nor were these empty compliments: the
parliament were fully pleased with Cromwell, and desirous
of gratifying him as much as might be. " I never knew,"
says Sir H. Vane in a letter to the lord general, the day on
which the above resolutions were taken, " any thing take a
deeper or more kindly impression on the parliament, who
in general have good aymes, and are capable of improve
ment upon such wonderful deliverances as these vouchsafed
to them.  Never were your friends to whom you directed
your letter more enlarged in heart with thankfulness to God,
and in love to you and your army, than from the sense of
this late inexpressible deliverance b."
Whether the officers and soldiers had -the medals givea
them, proposed in the resolution of the house just- men
tioned, I know not. Certain it is, a very excellent medal
was struck on the victory at Dunbar, on which is Cromwell's
head in fine relief, and round it, The word at Dunbar, the
Lord of Hosts, Sept. 3, 1650. On the reverse is a repre
sentation of the parliament of the commonwealth of Eng
land. This was the work of the celebrated Mr. Symons,
who had the patronage of Cromwell ; and was recommended
to the committee of the army, by him, for that purpose, in
a letter which will be found in the Appendix.-  —But to
return.— After the battle of Dunbar, all things gave way to
the valour of the English general; Edinburgh, Leith, antt
many other places surrendered to him; and, on the 24th of
Dec. it was agreed, that the Castle of Edinburgh, after a
short, but brisk siege, should be delivered up to him, with
all the ordinance, arms, magazines, and furniture of war
thereunto belonging.  " It may seem strange and almost
incredible," says a writer of that time, " that such a strong
a Journal, Sept 10, 1650. . " Milton's State Papers, by Nickol Is, p. 19.
VOL. III. B

342 THE LIFE OF
to those from whom it had taken the power
and impregnable hold as was that, should be so easily won,
the like whereof is not in that nation; wherefore it was the
common vogue of that time, and by many credibly believed,
that it was assaulted with silver engines3." It does not
however appear that Cromwell was wont to make use of
these against his foes.  The Scots, in the njean while,
were not intimidated by their losses : full of zeal for their
king, and hatred of the sectaries, who were now their
conquerors, they again raised a very considerable army, and
hoped without doubt to be fully avenged on them. For
they had friends and well wishers in England, especially the
Presbyterians, who were plotting how to advance the.young
king to the thrones of his fathers. But all was ineffectual,
The plots in England were discovered, and some lost their
lives on that account; the Scots army cared not to face
Cromwell, but chose what appeared to them, the safer game,
vii. to give him the slip, and march before him into England^
where they counted they should meet with aid and assist
ance. This they put in execution. Charles II. at the head
of a good army and gallant officers, attended by many of
the chief nobility and gentry of Scotland, set forward the
nearest way for England. In Lancashire he was joined by
the earl of Derby with others, and after in vain summoning
Shrewsbury, he arrived at Worcester, where he determined
to. abide the coming of Cromwell, who was in full march
after bjm. A few days brought him within view indeed;
and on the third of Sept. 1651, he, without ceremony, gave
oijders to his troops to attack the enemy, and gave them a
ttjital overthrow. " This," says Cromwell, " hath been' a
v^ry glorious mercy, and as stiff a contest for four or five
hours, as ever I have seenV So that Clarendon,, out of
spite to the Scots, has grossly misrepresented their behaviour
in this battle, by saying, "That except on the part where
"Britannia Triutnphaiis, p. 67. 12mo. Lond. 1654. k See his Letter to ,
the Speaker in the Parliamentary History, vol. XX. p. 4% And Whitlock,
p. 501, 508.

OLIVER CROMWELL. US
of tyrannising over their neighbours. — Nor was
Middleton was, who was quickly overpowered, there was
no resistance made; but such a general consternation
possessed the whole army, that the rest of the horse fled,
and all the foot threw down their arms before they were
charged3." What credit can such a prejudiced writer
deserve? Mr. Hume, however, has servilely copied this •
false and ungenerous account of the behaviour of his
countrymen b. In this battle the king lost 3000 men, besides
about; 12,000 made prisoners, amongst whom were many of
the chief quality. Thus an end for the present was put to
the hopes of the Scots king and his party; who from this
time was forced to wander abroad (where he would have
wandered, had he had no assistance but from the cavaliers,
forever) till the Restoration in 1660. — — After this Scotland
yielded to the English, and presumed no more to enter the
lists, for power and dominion. Indeed she was wholly
subdued. How high a sense the parliament had of Crom-'
well's services, will appear from the instructions given to
the commissioners whom they sent to compliment him on
this last victory. They are dated Sept. 9, 1651, and are as
follows: " You are in the name of the parliament, to con
gratulate his lordship's good recovery of health, after his
dangerous sickness ; and to take notice of his unwearied
labours and pains in the late expedition into Scotland, for
the service of this commonwealth ; of his diligence in pro
secution of the enemy, when he fled into England; of the
great hardships and hazards he hath exposed himself to,
and particularly at the late fight at Worcester ; of the pru
dent and faithful managing and conducting throughout
this great and important affair, which the Lord from
heaven hath so signally blessed, and crowned with so com
pleat and glorious an issue. Of all which you are to make
known to his lordship, the parliament hath thought fit, by
you, to certify their good acceptance and great satisfaction
" Clarendon, vol. VL p. 409. h History of Great Britain, vol. II. p. 29.
K2

244 THE LIFE OF
this all  Disputes arising with the Dutch,
therein : and for the same you are to return, in the name of
the parliament and commonwealth of England, their most
hearty thanks : as also to the rest of the officers and soldiers,
for their great and gallant services done to this common
wealth. You are likewise to let bis lordship know that
since, by the great blessing of God upon his lordship's and
the army's endeavours, the enemy is so totally defeated, and
the state of affairs, as well in England as in Scotland, such,
as may very well dispense with his lordship's continuance
in the field; they do desire his lordship, for the better
settlement of his health, to take such rest and repose as he
shall find most requisite and conducing thereunto: and for
that purpose to make his repair to, and residence at or
within some few miles of this place, whereby also the
parliament may have the assistance of his presence, in the
great and important consultations for the further settlement
of this commonwealth, which they are now upon"." Mr.
Whitlock, who was one of the commissioners, tells us,
" That they met the general near Aylesbury, delivered their
message, and he received them with all kindness and re
spect: that he gave each of them a horse and two -Scots
prisoners, as a token of his thankful reception of the par
liament's regard in sending them to meet and congratulate-
bimb." Cromwell was also met at Acton, by the speaker,
the lord president Bradshaw, many members of parliament
and the council of state, with the lord mayor, aldermen, and
sheriffs; and, entering London in a coach of state, was re
ceived with all possible demonstrations of joy. And to crown
all, the parliament resolved that lands of inheritance to the
yearly value of 4000/. belonging to the. state, be settled
upon the lord general Cromwell and his heirs, as a mark of
favour from, the parliament for his great and eminent
services to the commonwealth*. The other officers were

a Parliamentary History, p 4S. vol. XX. And Journal, 9th Sept. 1651.
' Memorials, p. 509. c Parliamentary History, vol. XX. p. 50—52,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 245
a spirit and conduct appeared in the behaviour
not forgotten, but were provided for out of Scotland, which
being looked on in some measure as conquered, it was
resolved to bring in an act for asserting the right of the
commonwealth to so much of Scotland, as was then under
the forces of the commonwealth, and to settle it under the
government thereof.  Such being the actions of Croni
well in Scotland, and at Worcester, we are not to wonder
that his panegyrists talked of them in lofty terms, and pre
ferred him to ancient heroes for valour and fortitude. The
learned reader, possibly, may be pleased with a specimen
of them : " In victoriis tuis tam muitis Olivari, quse sunt
e6 nobilioies, qu6 difficiliores, periculosiores, formidabiliores
pugnai fuere, celeritatem certetuam, fortitudinemque superi-
oribus heroibus omnibus longe clariorem arbitror, quippe
quos vel explosi sclapi globulus cum. audacia. suti pro-
stravisset illico. Atque ut ingenue fatear, longe plus CEStimo
virtute tua, superatam Cambriam, atque post fractos tam
multos, eosque Scotorum valentissimos exercitus, a. te cap-
turn Edenburgum, Steriinumque, atque ex consequenti
Seotiam universam. In Hibernia vero Tredam vi captain,
Hiberniamque redactam ; in Anglia, Scotorum exercitu
potentissimo defensam, munitissimamqufe turn natura. loci,
turn arte Vigorniam, vi tamen occupatam, plus inquam, ex
animi mei sinceritate victorias hasce tuas facio, quam Cyri,
Alexandri, Julii Csesaris laureas omnes, habita ratione
temporis, locorum, hostiumqueb." — Another speaking of
him, said, " Ille est, ille est, audi tores admiremini! Cujus
unius fortitudo plus biennio profecit, quam centenis seculis
rnajores nostri profuerant, vel forsan nepotes profuturi.
Nempe per ultimam Thulen auspiciis obstupescendis voli-
tantia vexilla protulit, &. ultra Romanas aquilas, exercituum
victrices alas explicuitV  A- third describes the battle of
Worcester in the following manner: " Ad extremum illud

" Journal, 9th Sept. b Parallelum Olivae nee non Olivarii, p. 125.
: Oratio Ahniversaria in diem Inaugurationis Olivari, per Fisher, fol. Lond. 1655.
0

246 THE LIFE OF
of the new commonwealth3.6, which surprised
<& maximum, in quo de summa rei Scoti dimicarunt; prte-
lium venio. Illud inquam Vigornianum, omnibus totius
ante actse setatis acerrimis comparandum : Nam neque apud
Mantineam Thebani cum Lacedemoniis, neque apud Zauiam
Annibal cum Scipione, neque in Pharsalicis campis Pornp-
ejus cum Caesare, neque apud Mutinam cum Antonio Con-
sules, neque apud Philippos cum Augusto & Antonio
Brutus & Cassius acrius 8t pertinacius dimicarunt2." The
victory at Worcester, and the respect and applause almost
universally attending him, inspired Cromwell, probably,
first of all with the desire of dispossessing his masters, and
seizing the supreme command. The reasons of this asser
tion will be found in the note 45.
36 Disputes arising with the Dutch, a spirit and conduct
appeared in the English commonwealth, &c.J From the
beginning of the quarrel between Charles and the parlia
ment, the Dutch had acted somewhat partially in his ma
jesty's favour. Arms and ammunition, officers and private
soldiers, together with some ships, had been procured from
them at different times by the queen and her agents. On
complaint of these things from the parliament, by their
agent Mr. Strickland, orders were given to put a stop to
every thing of this kind, and to observe the most exact
neutrality. But among a money-loving people this was but
ill observed, and therefore orders were given to the com
manders of the English ships, to seize all Dutch ships on
which were provisions, stores, ammunition or any other
thing belonging to or intended for the enemy : which orders
were well obeyed, and caused great complaints in Holland
against the parliament, who, however, were not to be moved
from their resolution b. In the beginning of January, 1643,
the States-General sent ambassadors into England, who,
though respectfully treated by the parliament, made no
* Panegyricns Cromwelli, p. 35. 4to. 1654. b See Secrets discovered !
or England's Complaint against the States-General. 4to. Lond. 1643.
3

OLIVER CROMWELL. 247
the nations. The war was commenced and
address to it, but repaired to the king at Oxford, and, after
abiding there six weeks, returned to London 14, 1643.
They then presented " A paper to each of the speakers of
the houses of parliament, with a memorandum to that de
livered to the .house of peers, in these words : Delivered by
the embassadors of the lords estates, unto Mounsier the
Baron Grey of Werk, speaker, to be communicated to the
lords of the parliament, this 14 day of March, 1643. The
other to the speaker of the house of commons, with a me
morandum in these words ; Delivered by the embassadors
of the lords estates, unto Mr. William Lenthall, speaker, to
be communicated to the Srs commons of parliament this 14
day of March, 1643." To the matter of these papers, the
lords and commons could give no answer, in respect they
were not addressed to them in such words, either for the
matter or manner, as that they could legally, and accord
ing to the course of parliament, take notice of them as di
rected to themselves. However, that the ambassadors
might not plead ignorance concerning the form of address,
the parliament were willing that some of their members
should repair to them, to acquaint them therewith, who did
accordingly, and left the same in writing with them : but
this for the present made no alteration in their behaviour.
On the 4th of May, 1644, the ambassadors came to the
speaker of the house of commons, and by him presented
their service to the parliament, protesting their desires to
do good ; but that they met with no success ; and so took
their leave for Oxford again. But when they perceived the
parliament army to come near to Oxford, where they then
were, with the king, they came out with white flags before
them, and moved the earl of Essex, for a treaty : his exr
cellency assured them that it belonged only to the parlia
ment to appoint such a treaty. Upon this they, returned to
Oxford ; and from thence they came with their white flags,
which were still carried before them all the way as they
passed, even into the city of London. Some persons from

248 THE LIFE OF
carried on in a manner equally- honourable to
Oxford came upin their train, obnoxious to the parliament.
"After their return hither, about the 19th of June," says
the parliament, "they sent messages to the houses, that
they had something to deliver from your lordships; [the
States of Holland, to whom the declaration from whence I
transcribe this is addressed] whereunto, about two or-three
days after, this answer was sent them ; that the houses did
expect that they should make their demand of audience in
writing, with which if the houses rested satisfied, that they
would come to them as to the parliament of England, audi
ence should be given them in each house apart; which
they did by their writing dated the 5th of July, whereby
they presented their desires as to the lords and commons
assembled in the parliament of England, and thereupon had
audience given them in each house the 18th day of the
same'month, with a most honourable and respective recep
tion. At the same time the}' delivered their letters of ere-.
dence from your lordships, and offered their interposition
arid mediation for the composing the differences between
his majesty and the parliament, which they left in writing,
together with a memorial for reparation of damages sus
tained by some merchants and masters of ships of the
United-provinces, in their ships and course of trading, with
desire that commissioners might be appointed for settling
¦ the things complained of."  This had the semblance of
fair dealing. — But the Dutch ambassadors were far enough
from interposing and mediating impartially. For in their
letters to their masters they censured the parliament's pro
ceedings, misrepresented their designs, and made applica--
tions for peace on terms unsuitable to the safety and welfare
of the parliament \ With respect to the damages they pre
tended to have sustained in their ships, it appeared to have
been in a good measure redressed by the parliament, though

' Declaration of the Parliament of England, written to the hi?h and mighty
Lords, the States-General, &c. 4to. Lond. printed for Laurence Blaiklock, 1645,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 249
those who directed and those who executed it.
they were importunately clamorous and troublesome on this
head, and at the same time did the ships of. the parliament
damage to a very considerable amount, without making any
satisfaction".— — I have the more willingly given the ac
count of these matters, because the declarations in which
they are contained are very little known, and the memory
of the facts like to be lost; the declarations, though some
of the finest in the English tongue, in point of composition,
being unaccountably omitted in the Parliamentary, History,
vjfhere their importance justly intitled them to a place. But
to return— The same inclination to the royal cause was dis
covered by the Dutch on other occasions. They interposed
with regard to the execution of Charles I. ; they made com
pliments of condolence to Charles II. on the murder, as they
called it, of his royal father ; acknowledged him to be right
ful and lawful king of England b, and afforded him a refuge
in their dominions. " The ministers in Holland came like
wise in a body to the king, and declared their detestation of
the said horrid murder, and the Sunday following preached
in most of the churches thereabouts, against the impiety
and wickedness thereof: whereby the people there were
very much enraged against all that had favoured or assisted
any ways the rebels in England; insomuch that Strickland
(their agent there) dared not to go out of his lodging, for
fear the people would tear him in pieces'." This was the
temper and disposition of the Dutch, as described by Sir
G. Radcliff, in a letter written from the Hague, Feb. 13-23,
1648-9. And it is well known that Dr. Dorislaus, who
was sent. over thither to act as a joint-agent with Strick
land, was assassinated on the second day of May following,
and his murderers permitted to escape ; though it must be
confessed at the same time, that the States-General offered
a reward of a 1000 gilders for apprehending the assassins,
¦ A second Declaration of the Lords and Commons of the proceeding with the
Ambassadors of the States-General. 4to, Sept. 18, 1645. b Ormonde's State
Papers, vol. I. p, 223. .; f Id. ibid.

250 THE LIFE OF
So that considering the valour and wisdom
and declared it death for any to harbour them.  The fol
lowing extract from Wicquefort, will in a good degree con
firm what has been here related. — " The party of the parlia
ment at London was already very considerable, when it sent
Walter Strickland to the Hague in the month of September,
1642; but as soon as he had demanded audience, Boswell,
who was there on the part of the king of England, opposed
it, and represented that the parliament being but a body
without a soul, in the absence, and without the king's war
ranty, had neither the power to determine any thing within
the country, nor the authorityto set on foot negotiations
out of- the kingdom, without the permission of its sove
reign. Strickland seeing that the States-General (to whom
he had sent his letters of credence) returned him no mes
sage, went one day into one of their ante-rooms, and de
manded audience. They sent him word by two deputies,
that his letter of credence not being yet translated out
of English, the States desired him to consider if it might
not be proper for him to give in his proposals in writing,
that they might be translated at the same time : but he
made answer, that he had orders to deliver them by word of
mouth, and that if they delayed giving him audience that
day, he would take it as a refusal, and would consider what
was proper for him to do. This resolution obliged the
States to send him a deputy of each province, to whom he
laid open his commissipn, and left with them his proposals
in writing; however he had no public audience, notwith
standing the deputies of the province of Holland asked it
with as much warmth as himself. The States-General came
to some resolutions upon his memorial, and assured him
they would always observe an exact neutrality between the
king and the parliament. An expression, that gives to un
derstand, that the States acknowledged that there were two
parties formed in England, and that, for particular reasons,
(which cannot be unknown) they had more consideration for
the one than the other. They gave sufficient testimony

OLIVER CROMWELL. 251
exerted, and the success which attended the
thereof the second voyage the same Strickland made to the
Hague, immediately after the death of the late king, which
had not removed the difficulties of his admission. Doris-
laus, his colleague, had been murthered there ; so that
Strickland, not" thinking himself safe, made pressing in
stances to be admitted, and dispatched. The deputies of
Holland seconded his instances, and continually represented,
that audience could not be refused him without breaking
the neutrality, which the States had promised to preserve
inviolable. But all these good offices were of no use, for
the deputies of the six other provinces declared, they could
come to no resolution in an affair of this nature without the
express order of their principals, who did not explain
themselves upon the matter : insomuch that Strickland (who
was in continual uneasiness on the account of the accident
which had happened to Dorislaus) seeing the obstinacy of
the six provinces, backed by the authority of the prince of
Orange, was invincible, went back to England. This pro
ceeding of theirs was the more surprizing, because the States
had an ambassador with the same parliament, whose minis
ter, they treated so unworthily, and which not wanting the
means to resent it, soon revenged itself so cruelly, that
there was all the reason in the world to repent of the little
regard had been shewn to a power, which made a great part
of Europe tremble a."
The parliament, to whom the temper and conduct of the
Dutch were not unknown, determined, if possible, to alter
their disposition, and bring them into an union with them-
selves. For this end it was reported by the lord viscount
Lisle from the council of state, as the opinion of that
council, " That as the state of affairs now stands, a public
minister be sent from the parliament to the present assembly
of the United Provinces. And it being resolved by the par
liament that a public minister be sent thither, it was referred
»Wicquefort's Embassador and his Functions, p, 7. fol. Lojid. 1716.

232 THE LIFE OF
commonwealth in this war, as well as in the re-
to the council of state to consider of such persons as they
should think fit to be sent from the parliament, and to pre
pare instructions, commissions, and letters of credence for
them1." In pursuance of this -order, the council of state
presented the lord chief-justice St. John, and Walter Strick
land, Esq. to be sent as ambassadors extraordinary to the
United Provinces, who being approved of by the parlia
ment, had their commission, instructions and letters pf cre
dence delivered to them by Mr. Speaker, in the house, by
the command of the parliament b. " And to prevent such
another attempt as had been made upon our former agent,
forty gentlemen were appointed to attend him [St. John]
for his security and honour, ten thousand pounds being de
livered to the lord ambassadors. steward, for the expence of
the embassy. Yet this great equipage was not sufficient to
prevent a public affront which was offered him by prince
Edward, one of the Palatine family, as he was passing the
streets0." The ambassadors arrived at Rotterdam, March
14, 1651, N. S. On the 20th, they were admitted to an
audience in the assembly of the States-General at the
Hague, where St. John, in a very handsome speech, after
having mentioned the ancient alliances between the two
nations, and the mutual benefit resulting from thence, de
clared " That the parliament did desire that this pious and
strict confederacy and league of amity, derived from their
ancestors unto them, may from themselves be transmitted
unto posterity, if God so please: and such,- said he, is the
sincere love and good will which the commonwealth of
England beareth unto their neighbours of the United-Pro
vinces, begotten and conserved upon the grounds before ex
pressed, that they are willing to enter into a more intimate
alliance and: nearer union with them than formerly hath
been, whereby a more real and intrinsical. interest of each in
other, may be contracted for their mutual good.— — My
•Journal, 21 Jan. 1650. * Id. Feb. 25, 1650. c Ludlow, vol. I. p. 344.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 253
duction of Scilly, Jersey, Guernsey, Man,
lords, you see the commonwealth of England (notwithstand
ing the many discouragements they have found, and just
cause given them of laying aside the thought of any further
motion of this kind) have begun to you, and in matters of
highest concernment unto both ; led thereunto, (such is
the mercy of God) not out of necessity but choice. This
their good-will deserves all acceptation on your part, with
whom it now rests, and will, they doubt not, produce reso
lutions answerable and timely; and whatsoever issue it shall
please God in his wisdom to give, they shall always have
the satisfaction of having done what befitted them, and
what the welfare of the true reformed religion, and the
otlier great and common interests of both states obliged
them to do \"  The English ambassadors on the 10th of
May following proposed to the States-General that the two
commonwealths might be confederated friends, joined and
allied together for the defence and preservation of the liber
ties and freedom of thej>eople of each, against all whom-?
soever that shall attempt the disturbance of either state by
sea or land ; or be declared enemies to the freedom and li
berties of the people living under. either of the said govern
ments1'. In short, they proposed an intire union and coali
tion. One article in their proposals is too remarkable to be
omitted. — " We propound," say they, " that no rebel or
declared enemy of the commonwealth of England, shall be
received into or be suffered to abide in any of the castles,
towns, ports, creeks, or other places priviledged or not pri-
viledged, which the prince of Orange, princess Mary, the'
relict of William late prince of Orange, or any other per
son of what degree soever, have or hereafter shall have or
possess by any title whatsoever within the dominions and
jurisdictions of the United-Provinces, nor suffered by the
said prince, princess, or any other person, to be received
into or abide therein ; neither shall the lords states of the
¦ Parliamentary History, vol, XIX. p. 469, 470. " Thurloe, vol. I. p. 1 82.

254 THE LIFE OF
Virginia and Barbadoes ; considering, I say,
United- Provinces, permit or suffer in any of the places
aforesaid, any assistance, counsel or favour, In ships, men,
money, victuals, or in any other manner to be given, by
the said prince or princess, or any other person, to any such
rebel or declared enemy, but shall openly and expresly
prohibit and hinder the same. And if the prince of Orange
and princess Mary, or any other person or persons living or
remaining in the jurisdiction of the United-Provinces, or
under their power, do to the contrary hereof, then as well
the said prince and princess, and all and every such other
person and persons so doing as aforesaid, shall, for their
respective lives, forfeit and lose all such castles, towns,
villages, lands, and other places, which they or any of them
shall at such time have or pretend to have by any title what
soever; and likewise that no rebels or declared enemy of the
States of the United-Provinces shall be received into, or be
suffered in any of the castles, towns, ports, or other places,
priviledged or not priviledged, which any person or persons,
of what degree or quality soever he be, have or shall hold
or possess within the commonwealth of England or domi
nion thereof, by any title whatsoever, nor suffered by any
such person or persons, or any other, to be. received there
into, or abide therein, under like penalties2." The States
General did not seem at all desirous of this coalition, though
they refused not to treat thereon : but while the negotiation
was on foot, St. John receiving the affront above-mentioned;
complained thereof to the States more than once, and as
sured them that the parliament expected reparation. The
ambassadors also protested in the name of the common
wealth of England, against the States styling the late king,
Charles I. " Which implies," said they, " that there is a
second Charles king of England."
In this spirited manner, agreeably to their instructions,
did these gentlemen behave, and so little were they disposed
* Thurloe, vol. I. p. IS3. And Journal, 29th Ap. 1651.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 255
the conquests made both at home and abroad,
to have the sovereignty of their masters attacked, even in
the most distant manner. But though the ambassadors were
extremely diligent, nothing to the purpose was to be done
with the Dutch, as appears by the following extract of a
letter from Mr. Thurloe to Mr. Walter Frost, secretary to
the council of state ;¦ dated Hague, June 6-i6, 1651. " If
we had not by a good providence of God got ane opportu
nity to put this people to a tryal by our being continued
here, they might by their last paper, wherein they offerred
the treaty of 1495, and their large professions, past with
the credulous people of England for some kind of honest
men, and good neighbours ; but upon this occasion, I am
confident they appear to be perfectly of the Scots mould,
by converse with whom and the French, they have learnt
the art of making huge professions, and in such a manner,
that men are almost necessitated to believe them ; and at
the same time, intend to perform no more of them than ap
parently stands with their own advantage ; which yet I am
confident they will not arrive at upon this occasion ; and I
hope God will give wisdom to my lords so to manage their
farewell in that manner, that the commonwealth of Eng
land shall not lose either in honour or interest upon this
occasion *."  The day fixed the second time (for the
first had been expired, and a farther day given at the re
quest of the States) being near at hand, the ambassadors
gave notice of their intended departure to the States, ex
pressing their sorrow for the unsuccessfulness of their nego
tiation, and their hopes that hereafter a treaty might be
concluded. Whereupon the States-General in a declaration
justified their proceedings ; entreated the stay of the ambas
sadors ; and professed their readiness to contribute their
best endeavours to perfect the treaty. This of course pro
duced a recapitulation, in which, after shewing how un
satisfactory the answers to their propositions had been, the
a Thurloe, vol. I. p. 186.

«66 THE LIFE OF
and ;the attention paid to the grandeur and
ambassadors concluded in the following manner: "As. to
their dissatisfaction concerning our coming away, we con
ceived, that we had said enough therein to their commis
sioners, whom they had sent twice to us about the same;
as that the parliament had now thrice sent their agents and
ministers unto them; and that as they were no way bound
to send them unto them at all, so was it in their own choice
and power to limit the time of their abode. Neither were
they therein surprized, we having always from the first day
of the treaty told them, that our time was limited and but
short; and that therefore a slow proceeding on their part
would render the treaty fruitless ; and that they had cause
rather to take it as a great expression of love and friendship
in the parliament, that they alone had so often and for so
long time intended and prosecuted these matters of joint
and>equal concernment unto both states ; and that when the
commonwealth of England is out of possession of what
they, ought to enjoy by the treaty of 1495, and the Nether
lands in the full possession of what is of greatest advantage
unto them by that treaty ; that yet the commonwealth of
England should be. content in this friendly and amicable
way of a treaty, to seek and expect from them a perform
ance of what is done on iheir parts a."  When the States'
commissioners came to take leave of the ambassadors at
their departure, it is said St. John spoke to them in these
terms : "My lords, you have an eye upon the event of th#.
affairs of the kingdom of Scotland, and therefore do refuse.
the friendship we have offered. Now I can assure you,
that many in the parliament were of opinion that we should
not have come hither, or any ambassadors to be sent to you
before they had superated these matters, between them and
that king, and then expected your ambassadors to us. I
now perceive our error, and that these gentlemen were in
the right : in a short time you shall see that business ended,
• Thnrloe, vol. J. p. 19 5.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 257
welfare of the nation in all these transactions,
and then you will come to us and seek what we have freely
offerred, when it shall perplex you that you have refused
our proffer3."  On the return of the ambassadors, they,
by order, attended the house, and sitting in their places as
members, "St. John, the lord ambassador Strickland stand
ing by him, gave an account of their negotiation ; and it was
resolved that the parliament cloth approve of all the' pro
ceedings of the lords ambassadors, and that they have the
thanks of the house, for their great and faithful service."
The proceedings in this treaty were also ordered to be enter
ed in a book by themselves, and all persons prohibited from
inspecting the same (except members of parliament) with
out leave. And the whole matter of the report, and the
several papers, were referred to the council of state to con
sider what was fit to be done therein, for the best advantage
of the commonwealth, and to report the same to the
house b. — On the 9th of October, the house passed the
famous act intitled by them, " Goods from foreign parts
by whom to be imported :" prohibiting goods to be import
ed, from Asia, Africa, America, and even Europe, with
some few exceptions, into England, Ireland or the domi
nions thereunto belonging, but in English vessels. This
was the famous navigation act, of which more shall be
spoken hereafter. The states being highly provoked hereat;
sent over ambassadors to mitigate if possible the rigour of
this law, and bring things to an accommodation. Com
missioners hereupon were empowered by the parliament to
hear x their proposals, and make proper demands on the be-i
half of the commonwealth. For demands they had about
the Amboyna business ; the fishery ; the right of the flag ;
and other matters in which the interest and dignity of the,
English nation were concerned. But while the negotiation
was carried on, in May 1652, the fleets of the two republics-
being near each other an engagement ensued, to the ad-f
* Heath's Chronicle of the Civil Wars, p. 287. Folio, Lond. 1676. * Journal,,
2d July, 1651.
VOL. III. S

2.M THE LIFE OF
we are not to wonder that men imputed to them
vantage of the English, who sunk one Dutch ship and took
another*. The Dutch ambassadors, alarmed at this -en
counter, which had turned out so unexpectedly to their
disgrace, put in several papers to the council of state,
"Protesting that what happened was without the knowledge
and against the wills of their masters; that 'twas with grief
and astonishment they had heard the fatal news of that
rash action ; that they were greatly desirous of concluding
things in an amicable manner, and therefore requested that
by no means the business of the concluding of the treaty be
put off, and that such unfortunate mischances may be
avoided,, and an everlasting peace established between, both
the nations." But little heed was given to these requests
or apologies. By admiral Blake's relation ; by the informa
tion, of two Dutch captains, prisoners, taken before general
Cromwell, and Dennis Bond, Esq* at Dover, May 22, 1652;
and from several other examinations taken at that time,
before the same gentlemen, it appearing that the Dutch
sought an opportunity to quarrel, and to brave us upon our
own coast, the parliament returned the following answer to
the- papers of their ambassadors.  " The parliament, of
the commonwealth of England, calling to mind with what
eontitiued demonstrations of friendship, and sincere affeo
tions, from the very beginning of their intestine troubles
they have proceeded towards their neighbours of the United-
Provinces, omitting nothing on their part that might con-
* The Dutch account, as given in Burchett, is as follows : " Van Tromp put
to sea With the fleet, to convoy, home some merchant ships, but had orders to
avoid engaging with the English, if possible, and to pay the usual respect to their
flag, if he chanced to meet them in the narrow seas. He was forced by a tempest
en tl^ English coast, but quitted it again as soon as possible, and made towards
Calais; but being-informed that the' English were pursuing some merchant ships,
lie' advanced to their relief, and met Blake with the English fleet, who had orders
(the Dutch say) to attack them. Tromp prepared to give the usual honours to the
"gnglisli flag, and ordered one of his captains to go on board with a compliment to
the English admiral ; but Blake having ho regard to these marks of submission,
firett'twice at Tromp's ship, who made no return till he had received a third shot,
and then the fight began."  Naval History, p. 293.
5

OLIVER- CROMWELL. &tf
duee to a good1 correspondence with them, and to a growing
up into a more near* and strict union than formerly, do find
themselves1 milch surprized with the urisutable'i'etiuTns that
have been made thereunto, and especially at the act's- of
hostility lately committed! in tile very roads of England upon
the- fleet- of this commonwealth, the matter of fact whereof
stated in clear proofs', is hereunto annexed'; [they are
Blake's letter, and depositions just above mentioned]' upon
serious and deliberate consideration of all, aind of the
several papers delivered in- by your excellencies to the
councel of state, the parliament thinks fit -to give this
answer to those papers : The parliament,- as they would be
willing to make a charitable construction of the expressions
used in the said papers,; endeavouring to, represent the late
engagement of the fleets to have happened' without' the
knowledge, and against the mind, of your superiourS;i so
when they consider how disagreeable to that profession1 the
resolutions and actions of your state and their ministers at
sea have been, even in the midst of a treaty offerred by
themselves, and managed- here by your excellencies, the
extraordinary preparations of one hundred and fifty, sail of
men of war, without any visible occasion but what doth now
appear (a just ground of jealousie in your own judgments1,
when your lordships pretended to excuse it)- and the instrucv
tions themselves1 given by your said superiors to their
commanders at sea, do find too much cause to believe
that the lords, the states general of the United- Provinces',
have an intention) by. force to usurp the known rights- of
England in the seas, to destroy the' fleets that are, under
God, their walls and bulwarks, and thereby, expose this
commonwealth to invasion at their pleasure, as by this late
action they have attempted- to do: whereupon- the parliar
ment conceive they are obliged to endeavour, with God's
assistance, as they shall have opportunity, to seek repara-
" ti'on of the wrongs already suffered, and security that the
like be not attem pted for the future. Nevertheless, with
this mind and' desire, that all differences betwixt the nations
may (if possibly)' be peaceably and5 friendly corn posed-,- as
s 2

260 THE LIFE OF
God by his providence shall open a way thereunto, and
circumstances shall be conducing to render such endeavours
less dilatory, and more effectual than those of this kind
heretofore used have been.
hen. sco bell, cleric. Parliament^"
This declaration does honour to the parliament, who had
ordered all Dutch ships to be seized on hearing of the late
action at sea, and from henceforth determined to carry on a
war with the states in the most vigorous manner. Sir Henry
Vane, who made so great a figure during these times, is
said to have been the chief director and manager of this
war, whose constant judgment it was, " That the interest
of England and the United-Provinces were as irreconcile-
able as those of rivals, trade being to both nations, what a
mistress is unto lovers ; that there never could intervene any
durable peace, except both nations did unite by coalition,
or the English subjugate the others and reduce them into
a province, or by strict conditions and contrivances ensure
themselves against the growth and future puissance of the
Dutch"." How great the disinterestedness of Vane was,
how solicitous for the honour of the nation, and how much
bent that the public might be served on the easiest and
best terms, appears from the following anecdote : " The
fees of his office were; as treasurer of the navy, four-pence
in the pound, which by reason of this war honestly amount
ed to little less than 30,0002. per annum; but Sir Henry
Vane looked upon it as too much for a private subject, and
therefore very generously gave up his patent (which he had
for life from king Charles I.) to the parliament, desiring
but two thousand pounds per annum, for an agent he had
bred up to the business, and the remainder to go to the
public. This was done, and the method of a fixed salary
has continued ever since in that office c." This was indeed
' The Answer of the Parliament to three Papers delivered by the Ambassadors
of the United-Provinces, Lond.- printed for John Field. 4to. 1652. * Stubbs't
Farther Justification of the War with the United-Netherlands, p. 119. 4to. Lond.
1613. c Collins's Peerage, vol. V. p. 303, 8vo. Lond. 1756... . .In the
Journals we find " That upon a petition of Sir Henry Vane, knight, treasurer of
the

OLIVER CROMWELL. 261
a rare example of honour and integrity, and hardly to be
believed in this age, in which patriots and courtiers have
scrambled for places, preferments, bonusses, Sec. in such
an open and shameless manner, as to have rendered it
doubtful whether all pretensions to public spirit, were not
veils to ambition and avarice.  But to proceed. 
Fleets were now fitted out, both by England and Holland,
and such noble exploits were done by Blake and others, as
have rendered their memories dear to all true lovers of their
country. The particulars are to be found in most of our
common histories, and thither I must refer the reader
desirous of information on this subject. Whilst the war
was carrying on in a manner glorious to the English com
monwealth, the parliament omitted nothing which might
make it terminate in such a manner as to prevent all future
disputes between the two nations. With great diligence
and dexterity they got intelligence of the most private
designs and resolutions of the enemy, and took as much
care as possible to conceal their own ; nor would they abate
the least in their proposals for peace, though applied to
most submissively by ambassadors sent from the states for
that purpose. The following extracts will abundantly con-
the navy, it was referred to the committee of the navy , to consider of this petition,
and how the office of treasurer of the navy may be managed for the future, for
the best profit and least charge of the commonwealth ; and what salary is fit to
be allowed for the execution thereof; and also to consider what compensation is
fit to be given unto the petitioner, out of that office, or otherwise, in consideration
of his right in the said office." This was on the 27th of June, 1 650. On the 1 *th
of July following, the committee made their report, and the house resolv«d,
" That as a fit compensation to be given to Sir Henry Vane, treasurer of the
navy, for the surrender of his right in the said place, and in consideration of the
profit which will thereby accrue to the state, there be settled on the said Sir
Henry Vane, his heirs and assigns for ever, to the clear yearly value of twelve
hundred pounds per annum over and above all charges and reprises, out of the
lands belonging to the late deans and chapters."— —It was also resolved, " That
a fit and able person should be appointed treasurer of the navy, who should
personally attend upon that employment, and be allowed for the entertainment and
salary, for himself, his deputies and clerks, one thousand pounds per annum in
lien of all salaries, fees, and other profits formerly belonging to the place of
treasurer of the navy."  We see by this, Mr. Collins has not been sufficiently
exact. 6

PLIPE OF

firm and explain what is here meritioned.-— The Dutch
ambassadors, ma, letter to N, Ruysch, dated Westminster,
July 4, 1653, N. S. say, " We are obliged tp advise theft
H^gh &$ miShty tydsiyps^that men h ere have fulj know
ledge, with all the circumstances jof th,e resolution's t^kea
UDbn the fifth of June3." In "a letter of intelligence from
t\e Hague, dated, the 2§th of the same month, we read
what .,M0W.sf " What | have always feared is now come fQ
pass, that intimation sjipuld be given herp of the good,
intelhgence you.haye there of the affairs here. Our deputies
there have written hither to. these states, '' that they have
assurari.ee from their friends in England, that all the secret
firings n.eie, and vvere it possible, the very thoughts of
tjjese states are most exactly .'and weekly., presented in.
writing, tp, the cpuneel of' state there. This was' hotly de.
hated in the assembly, every one asking the other, whp
betrayed them- and spine quarrels were like to arise, but a
sort of cornposure was rnade, apd orders giv^n for strict
seci;esy in a^l theft proceedings ; so that much difficulty will
befin furnishing you; however I shall attempt always tp
serve ypu as long as I ca.ii. But if ypu have not secresy,
you are not worthy of 'the, profit thereof. Our deputies there
begin to give very good intelligence from London, however
they get it V The t&th of this month, we find the follow
ing short letter written by Beverning, one of the ambassadors,
to Mr. Gerard Cinbiie atGoude. " Sir, I dare not write
much, news. A}\ our actions are spiea*. We have spies .s&t
to watch US in our houses. Weoannot.be certain, pf any
thing that we do, that it shall not be either known or
miscarry. If you please to have any thing sent vou. &?m
hence, .that this country affords, pray let me know, ftc." — -
We are not however to suppose hut some intelligence was
gotten by these ambassadors. Money does wonders, and
flattery is all ppwerful. They who can dexterously apply the
on.e and t,fye oth^r, neefjl . not jjeaj. pf .soaig ,sn,<;pes>. Tfe?
following passage will shew, that they were ordered to be on
the look out, and that they had hot been idle. It was
•Thurloe, vol, I. p, 316. ? Id. p. 359. c Id.p, 33?..

OLIVER CROMWELL. 26S
written from the Hague, October 31. N.S. and seems to
come from the same hand which sent that of the 28th of
July just mentioned.
" Since my last to you, the post immediately before
this, great diligence is used and secret enquiry made, how
your council of state comes by the secret resolutions of this
state, and the letters of their public ministers abroad; and
our deputies who are gone to England have in charge to do
their utmost there, whatever it costs to find it out. Of
which I advertize you very seriously, to the end hereafter
these secrets be not read in open council, and that preven
tion maybe, least the deputies might learn, from them;
that told to them part, how to discover the whole. But I
hope and believe I am not betrayed, so as to be known by
name or description to any of the council, since some of
them are so kind as to tell all they know to the Dutch
-deputies, to their advantage. I can swear the two deputies
standing there did write at full, what I gave you in my
last; but this notwithstanding, all the chief of their busi
ness shall be had one way or other, if you do not spoil all
there, as well was attempted3."  And how much the
parliament were concerned for the honour and interest of the
nation appeared from their demanding as preliminaries to a
treaty, that the Dutch should call back their ships; make
reparation for damages, and satisfaction for the expences
England had been put to defend herself and maintain her
rights b."  Among the articles insisted on by the English
was the following. " That the ships and vessels - of the
said United-Provinces, as well men of war, as others, be
they single ships, or in fleets, meeting at sea with any of
the ships of war of this state of England, or in their service
and wearing the flag, shall strike the flag, and lower their
topsail until they be passed by, and shall likewise submit
themselves to be visited if thereto required, and perform all
other respects due to the. said commonwealth of England,
to whom the dominion and sovereignty of the British seas
• Thurloe, vol. I. p. 549. b Id, p. 291.

264 THE LIFE OF
belong." To this article, the Dutch ambassadors, Novem
ber 22, 1653, did not make any exception, either to the
striking of the flag, or the sovereignty of the sea; but they
protested against the, visiting their ships, as repugnant to
the practice of their country, and subject to a thousand
disorders and disputes, and injuries to their state ; besides
the visiting is not to be reciprocal. Whereupon Cromwell
in the name of the commissioners replied, that the searching
of their ships was no new thing ; but an undoubted right
which naturally followed from the sovereignty of the sea,
the which did appertain to England: it was likewise an
efflux of the same dominion, for the English to prescribe to
them, with what number of ships of war they should pass
the British seas: that they ought to be much more zealous
now for the asserting of the said antient dominion of the
sea in all its branches; because it had been so lately and so
notoriously disputed and invaded. And whereas the am
bassadors had somewhat boastingly said in their memorial,
that their people were of such generosity that they would
never endure such terms : to this Cromwell said he would
reply no more, than that we were Englishmen, and had not
lost our courage a." The parliament insisted likewise that
the Dutch should pay for licence to fish upon the British
coasts, and suspended the treaty, on account of their un
willingness to agree thereunto, though it is asserted they
offered 300,000/. to procure amity and friendship with
England b. These demands of the parliament may seem
high, but they endeavoured to justify themselves to the
world, by causing Selden's " Mare Clausum seu deDominio
Maris" to be translated into English, by Marchamont
Nedham. This, by special command, was published in
November 1652. In a fine and spirited dedication " to the
supream authority of the nation, the parliament of the
commonwealth of England," the translator observes, " it is
a gallant sight to see the sword and pen in victorious equi
page together ; for this subdues the souls of men by reason,
" Stubbs's Farther Justification, p. 59,, 60. k Id. p. 65.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 265
the greatest designs, and such as would carry
that only their bodies by force. The pen it is which
manifests the right of things; and, when that is once cleared,
it gives spurs to resolution, because men are never raised to
so high a pitch of action, as when they are persuaded, that
they engage in a righteous cause; according to that old
versicle, " Frangit & attollit vires in milite causa.
" Wherefore, seeing you (right honourable) have had so
frequent experience of the truth of this in our late wars,
wherein the pen militant hath had as many sharp rencounters
as the sword, and borne away as many trophies from home
bred enemies, in prosecution of your most righteous cause
by land, certainly you will yield it no less necessary, for
the instruction of this generous and ingenious people, in
vindicating your just rights by sea againstuhe vain pre
tences and projects of encroaching neighbours. For, what
true {English heart will not swell, when it shall be made
clear and evident (as in this book) that the sovereignty of the
seas, flowing about this island, hath, in all times, whereof
there remains any written testimony, both before the; old
Roman invasion and since, under every revolution, down to
the present age, been held and acknowledged by all the
world, as an inseparable appendant of the British empire ;
aud that, by virtue thereof, the kings of England suc
cessively have had the sovereign guard of the seas; that
they have imposed taxes and tributes upon all ships passing
and fishing therein; that they have obstructed and opened
the passage thereof to strangers, at their own pleasure, and
clone all other things that may testify an absolute sea-
dominion; what English heart (I say) can consider these
things, together with the late actings of the Netherlanders,
set forth in your publick declaration, and not be inflamed
with an indignation answerable to their insolence; that
these people, raised out of the dust at first into a state of
liberty, and at length to a high degree of power and felicity,

$66 . , THE LIFE OF
them to the pinnacle of glory ". — And, if we turn
by the arms and benevolence of England ; or that they, who,
in times past, durst never enter our seas to touch a herring,
without licence first obtained by petition from the governor
of Scarborough-Castle, should now presume to invade them
with armed fleets, and, by a most unjust war, bid defiance
to the united powers of these three nations"?"  But,
whilst'the parliament were thus labouring for the public
welfare, they Were dispossessed of their power by Cromwell,
and deprived of a glory they well deserved, that of finishing
a successful, well-conducted war, by a safe and advantageous
peace. 37 Vast designs were imputed to the commonwealth.]
Nothing can give us a better idea of the light in which Eng
land was viewed abroad, than the following passages from
Sorbiere. They are taken from a letter written by him to
the celebrated M. de Courcelles, at Amsterdam, dated
Orange, July 1, 1652.  " The English republicans took
things exactly right; and that, in order to the accomplish
ing of a design, that would take up all their life-time (for
such sort of men ought never to conceive mean ones, after the
execution whereof they must be put to the trouble of pro
jecting a new, or live lazily, and be exposed to conspiracies
against them) they thought it would be their best way to be
gin with the ruin of the United Provinces, which lay next
their coasts', and flourished in trade above any other
country in the world ; and, when once they had effected
this, they were in hopes they should easily remove any ob
stacle in their way to attain the dominion of the seas : inso
much, that, if the fortune of war should favour their first
enterprises, I do not think they have any design to make a,
peace with a nation they have a mind utterly to destroy,
and to whom they will propose such hard terms, that, upon
the refusal of them, you will, at last, find them prepared to
a pf the Dominion or Ownership of the Sea. Folio, Loudon : Printed by
William Du-Gard, by the appointment of the Council of State,

OLIVER CROMWELL. £67
our eyes to their conduct at home, we shall find it
make terrible descents in divers parts of Zealand, and North
Holland, to break the banks, and the other dykes, that keep
' the flat country from being drowned. There needs no more
than this sort of blood lettiug to make Amsterdam, and all
the other cities, desolate. For, it would signify, little to
them to seize the Brill, or some other place, seeing their
design is to destroy the trade of Holland, and to transfer it
into their own country ; and it would be of little importance
to them, that the king of Spain should, in the mean time,
recover the seven provinces ; that the merchants of Amster
dam should remove to Antwerp, and the manufactures of
Leyden and Harlem to Ghent and Bruges : for it would re
quire many years to settle things there, and the English
would have opportunity enough to hinder them from having
any necessary materials, but such as passed through their
own hands, and their manufactures to be transported any
where hut in English bottoms : for it would be very easy for
them to stop up the mouths of the ports, and to go up the
Schelde, even in sight of Antwerp, from whence nothing
must .come put but will be taken by theft ships. By this
means, and the notion I have of their designs, no nation in
the WjOrld, in a few years time, would have any seamen, ships,
or skill in maritime affairs, besides themselves : for Holland
being entirely ruined, the Dutch must serve on board their
fleets, and all the ship-wrights, sail-makers and rope-makers,
would be, obliged to go and earn their living in the sea-port
tpw.nsof England; andthisthey would be the more inclined.
to do, because there,, is, more wages given there, and people
live better. .When this noble, and rich province, which,
within the extent of less than five and twenty leagues,, con
tains, eighteen large towns, and four hundred villages,, of
which the Hague is the finest in the world, shall be reduced
to this sad plight; it's then, likely the English will turn theft
arms against Denmark, in order to seize the Sundt, either by
main force,, or rather some treaty, by which they will be
¦willing, to give the, king more than the profit it brought him,

268 THE LIFE OF
equally admirable. By deeds of peace they at-
but, at the same time, will oblige Norway to sell their wood
to no other nation but the English. The cities of Embden,
Bremen, Hamburgh, Lubec, all the coast of the Baltic, and
the whole kingdom of Sweden, durst appear no longer at
sea, but under English colours ; and, perhaps, the formida
ble republic will be content, in consideration of her com
missions granted to them, to receive certain duties from the
goods she allows them in her name to transport, only along
these northern parts. They will in time send a more power
ful fleet to block up the river of Lisbon, while another sails
to Brasil, Guinea, and the East-Indies, with a design to
spare the Portugueze merchants, and the East India com
panies, the labour of transporting the sugars, silks, spices;
and other commodities, they come thither for, into Europe:
and if Spain pretends to say any thing against them, they
will, without any more ado, seize the Streights mouth, and
send an hundred and fifty ships of war into the Mediterra
nean, out of which they can very easily drive the naval force
of the other potentates of Europe, were they all joined to
gether against them. The English having in this manner
usurped the dominion of the seas, the trade of all the
European nations, and part of the rest of the world : all the
earth must submit to them, work for nobody but them, and
they'll, from time to time, come into their ports, and sweep
away all their treasure : every thing that is rare, and all the
conveniences of life, produced either by art or nature, will
be reserved for England, which will be the only country
that can purchase them, or possess them of their own. For,
as we see, that since the settling of trade in Holland, that
province is become the store-house for linnen, woollen,
and all sorts of manufactures ; though there is neither flax,
wool, nor, in a manner, any other commodities which they
work up, grows there, but they must fetch them from other
countries ; so every thing that England wants at this time
will abound there, and the best artificers will flock thither;
in so much, that, if they would have any fine linnen, or good

OLIVER CROMWELL. 269
tempted to settle and perpetuate the felicity
cloth for wear, in another, country, the flax and wool was to
be sent to be manufactured in England. Pray, consider
then, what vast wealth this country must acquire in less
than fifty years ? and how miserable must the rest of Eu
rope be, since they can transport nothing by sea, from one
nation to another, but in English ships ? They will always
have money to receive in all the ports they come at, and
never leave any of their own there : what the English want
they'll make compensation for, by way of exchange, or rea
dily send over into England upon the score of the manu
factures there they have occasion for ; as we have seen the
Dutch East-India company have pearl and precious stones,
in return for some wares sent into those countries, which
they got fitted up at Amsterdam, and then sold them at a
very dear rate in those places whence they were first brought,
and where there is not that perfection of workmanship as
there is with us. Hundreds of ships richly laden will daily
put into the Thames, and other ports of this fortunate
island ; and the general can scarce ever lose the sight of his
forces, which, I may say, return every evening to lie at
home ; for they stay.no longer in foreign parts than to re
fresh themselves, to vend their goods, and to take in new
cargoes. They will be noway sollicitous of making con
quests by land, that they may save the charge of maintain
ing them, seeing they are sure of reaping the profits of them;
neither will they plant any colonies, and ease their country,
as populous as 'tis grown, of the vast multitudes that are in
it, because the produce of all Europe is consumed there,
and their great naval trade renders their stores inexhaustible.
In the mean time, all the neighbouring kingdoms will, in a
manner, become like the sea coasts of America, where our
Europeans trade : there will be only tillage and some coarse
manufactures for plain wear, and to serve people's necessi
ties only in the heart of the country, and the maritime towns
will be no other than the granaries and magazines of Eng
land. These are my sentiments about this war, which, in

270 THE LIFE OF
and grandeur of the state. After the British
the opinion of some, may seem .romantic, and of kin to
Utopia, or the Republic of Plato ; especially of those who
do not consider that 'the wars that have been waged for
twenty years past, I know not under what pretences* or de
signs, had nothing so great or sublime in them as that which
Cromwell proposes : for, in reality; there is nothing can
come up to the thoughts of subjecting all the earth to his
country, and rendering it the most haughty and flourishing
state in the world. It appears to me so vast and magnify
cent a thought, that there is nothing in all the conquests of
Alexander, and the pomp of all the Roman empire, that
comes near this maritime dominion, which I have represent
ed: to you. And it seems to me so very feasible, that, if
Holland be once rained, I am afraid it will be too late tb
prevent it; and, therefore, I would have all the potentates
of Europe take it to heart in time; for, if they do not
quickly put an end to the war they are engaged in on the
continent, we shall run the risk, in a few ages, of becoming
perfect barbarians. For the English, by means of their
navigation-) will transfer all- the politeness of Europe, toge
ther, with its plenty, power, and conveniences of life, into
their own country1."  l have chose to give Sorbiere's
opinion at length, not only as it shews us the sense me»
then had. of the designs,, skill, and management of thisnew
republic, but as it likewise instructs us in the vast advantages
of navigation and commerce to a state. For nothing. is
more certain, than that they, who can acquire the trade of
the world,: will soon possess its power, riches commanding
every thing requisite thereunto, if- in the hands of the wise*.
braveand industrious. Such being the figure of the English
commonwealth in the eyes of its neighbours, we are not to-
wonder that, her friendship was courted by some of the most
mighty monarchs, and that they treatedi her with honour
aad respect. Spain, France, Portugal addressed themselves
* Sojjbiere's; Voyage into. England, p, 184—189. 8voi Lond. 1709.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 271
dominions were brought wholly to submit to
their sovereignty, they passed an act of 38 obli-
to her by their agents and ambassadors, as did Denmark,
Sweden, the free cities of Germany, and Holland, particu
larly, in a most suppliant manner. For reputation is power,
and power is ever attended with deference and regard. 1
will close this note with the following extract from another
foreign writer : " The new republic, actuated by Cromwell's
extensive and sublime genius, procured England a tran
quillity which it no longer hoped for, and gave it a lustre
which it had not had for several centuries. It had just
been agitated by a most violent tempest, and now all was
calm ; it had thought itself on the brink of ruin, and was
now in condition to give law. It is melancholy, for the ho
nour of virtue, that one of the best and greatest spectacles,
which the annals of nations present, should be the work of
rebellion. Every thing appeared wonderful in this revolu
tion. The royalists conformed to a kind of government ill
adapted to their tempers, and disapproved by their con
sciences. The grandees, accustomed to the part of legisla
tors, remained quietly in the rank of private subjects. The
Irish and Scots, who had taken up arms, the first from an
attachment to their kings, the other to efface the horror of
their treachery, were unhappily subdued. The Dutch, who
had taken advantage of the calamities of England, to usurp
the empire of the seas, were humbled. France and Spain,
who had been always rivals, always enemies, meanly courted
the friendship of the usurpers. The sovereigns, who ought
to have united to revenge an outrage, to which all kings
were exposed, either through fear or interest, applauded the
injustice. All Europe debased itself, was silent, or ad
mired3." 35 They passed an act of oblivion.] On the twenty-fourth
1 Abbe Raynal's History of the Parliament of England, p. 200. Svo. Lond.
1751. See also the quotations from Sidney and TrencharJ, at the end of-
note 14.

272 THE LIFE OF
vion; to quiet the minds of their subjects, as
of February, one thousand six hundred and fifty-one, the
government passed an act, intitled, " A general pardon and
amnestic" The preamble deserves notice, and is as fol
lows : " The parliament of England, having had good ex
perience of the affection of the people to this present
government, by their ready assistance in the defence thereof
against Charles Stuart, son of the late tyrant, and the forces
lately invading under his command ; and being much af
flicted with the sense of the miserable and sad effects which
the late unnatural war hath produced ; and resolving, next
to the glory of God, and the advancement of the kingdom
of Jesus Christ, to make no other use of the many victories
the Lord, in mercy, hath vouchsafed unto them, than a just
settling of the peace and freedom of this commonwealth ;
and being most desirous that the minds, persons and estates
of all the people of this nation might be composed, settled
and secured, and that all rancour and evil will, occasioned
by the late differences, may be buried in perpetual oblivion,
that so the government^ now established in the way of a
free state, might be complied with, and all the members of it
enjoy their just and ancient rights and liberties, and the
former commotions and troubles end in a quiet, calm and
comfortable peace, have resolved to do what in them lies for
the obtaining and effecting thereof, leaving the success and
their endeavours unto the blessing of God, and his working
upon the spirits of those that are concerned herein : Be it
therefore enacted a," &c. Mr. Ludlow attributes the pass
ing this act at that time to the ambitious views of Crom
well in part, and his desire of ingratiating himself with new
friends ; " the parliament," says he, " were prevailed with
by the importunities of some of their own members, and in
particular of general Cromwell, that so he might fortify
himself by the addition of new friends, for the carrying on
his designs, to pass an act of general pardon and amnesty :
* Scobel's Collections.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 273
whereby, though it had thirty-eight several exceptions,
many persons, who deserved to pay towards the reimburse
ment of the publick, no less than those that had been already
fined, escaped the punishment due to their misdemeanors,
and the commonwealth was defrauded of great sums of
money, by which means they were rendered unable to dis1-
charge many just debts owing to such as had served them
with diligence and fidelity". In another place, speaking of
the general's visible change of temper and behaviour after
the battle of Worcester, he says, " He now began to despise
divers members of the house, whom he had formerly courted,
and grew most familiar with those whom he used to shew
most aversion to; endeavouring to oblige the royal party,
by procuring for them more favourable conditions than
consisted with the justice of the parliament to grant, under
colour of quieting the spirits of many people, and keeping
them from engaging in new disturbances to rescue them
selves out of those fears which many who had acted for the
king, yet lay under; tho', at the same time, he designed
nothing, as, by the success, was most manifest, but to ad
vance himself by all manner of means, and to betray the
great trust which the parliament and the good people of
England had reposed in him. To this end he pressed the
act of oblivion b." That the passing an act of oblivion in
itself was right, is manifest from the conduct of all wise
princes and states after civil commotions ; that it is better,
on all these occasions, to incline to mercy than severity,
cannot well be called in question I think ; and therefore
Mr. Ludlow's censure on the act is not, perhaps, the most
justly founded. That Cromwell pressed the act is probable.
It became him as a good politician, considered merely as a
member of the parliament: as a man of ambition and great
designs, it was wise and well judged; nothing so easily pro
curing friends as generosity and forgiveness : though it is
not at all unlikely that natural temper had a good share in
all this transaction. For he was naturally humane and
a Ludlow, vol. I. p. 402. b Id, vol. II. p. 4+8.
vol. m. r

274 THE LIFE OF
they before had the navigation act " to increase
their wealtlrand power.
benevolent, as appears from his procuring the liberty of
those who were imprisoned on account of Love's plot"; by
his endeavouring to free the estate of the countess sof
Arundel and Surry from sequestration, and from his using
his power, for the obliging such as stood in need of protec
tion and assistance, which was so well known, that we find
the marchioness of Ormonde addressing herself to him for
favour b, though her lord had publicly treated his character
but scurvily. His sentiments, with respect to the manner
of dealing with his adversaries, cannot be so well represent
ed as by a letter written to his son Henry at Dublin, Nov.
21, 1655-  " I do believe there may be some particular
persons, who are not very well pleased with the present con
dition of things, and may be apt to shew their discontent,
as" they have opportunity ; but this should not make too
great impressions on you. Tyme and patience may worke
them to a. better frame of spirit, and bring them to see that,
which, for the present, seemes to be hid from them ; especi.
ally if they shall see your moderation and love towards them,
whilst they are found in other ways towards you ; which I
earnestly desire you to studye and endeavour all that lyes
in you, whereof both you and I too shall have the comfort,
.whatsoever the issue and event thereof bec." These seem
to be the sentiments of a humane heart, and, probably, in
duced him, and the parliament in general-, to give ease and
rest to their enemies by the act here spoken of, so much to
their honour.
39 The navigation act.] The parliament, from its first sit
ting, had been constantly engaged in great affairs. But
they shewed themselves equal to them, though of different
kinds. We have, seen them direct the wars in which they
were engaged with wisdom and prudence. The arts of
* See Thurloe, vol. I. p. 765. fc Milton's Slate Papers, by Nickoli,
j>. 20. 86. c Thurloe, vol. I. p. 721. '

OLIVER CROMWELL. 275
peace they cultivated, and strove to raise the. nation to the
pinnacle of glory. How industrious they were, theft jour
nals and public acts yet remaining abundantly testify. We
may from thgm conclude, that levees were neither so fre
quent, or of so long continuance, as in other periods of time
since, when the important business of the nation has been
forced to wait till the minister has been at leisure to give
his attendance in the house  But this by the way. — —
As a maritime people, trade and commerce claim the chief
attention of the legislature of Britain. This the parliament
were sensible of, and therefore passed the act, intitled,
" Goods from foreign parts, by whom to be imported,"
October 9, 1651. The preamble is short, but expressive.
" For the increase of the shipping and encouragement of
the navigation of this nation, which, under the good provi
dence and protection of God, is so great a means of the
welfare and safety of this commonwealth, Be it enacted,
&c." The chief clauses in this famous act are, that no
gobds shall be imported from Asia, Africa, or America, but
in English ships, under the penalty of forfeiture of the said
goods and ships :  nor from any part of Europe, except
in such vessels as belong to the' people of that country, of
which the goods are the growth or manufacture, under the
like penalty : — ¦ — that no salt-fish, whale-fins, or oil, should
be imported, but what were caught or made by the people
of England ; nor no salt-fish to be exported, or carried from
one port to another in this nation, but in English vessels,
under the like penalty : but commodities from the Levant.
seas, the East-Indies, the ports of Spain or Portugal, might
be imported from the usual ports or places of trading used
heretofore, though the said commodities were not the very
growth of the said places. This act did not extend to bullion
or prize goods, nor to silk or silk wares brought by land from
Italy to Ostencl, Amsterdam, Newport, Rotterdam, Middle-
burg, provided the owners and proprietors, being of the
English commonwealth, first made oath by themselves, or
other credible witness, that the goods were bought with the
T 2

276 „ THE LIFE OF
proceed of English commodities, sold either for money or in
barter a.
Ludlow tells us, that Mr. St. John was the principal in
strument to prevail with the council of state, to move the
parliament to pass this actb. If so, his memory ought to be
dear to Englishmen; for its utility was so apparent, that,
with some additions and explanations, it had the sanction
of the three estates, at a time when men's prejudices were
at the height against the framers of it c. The greatest pos
sible proof of its excellency. Mr. Coke indeed censures this
act in the severest terms : he says, " it was the second -step
to the French grandeur by sea;" — —and observes, " that the
ratio finalis, or end for which laws are made, are usually set
down in the preamble of other acts of parliament, whereas
there is none in the act of navigation. On the contrary,"
continues he, " the Rump were so hasty in making this act,
designed in spigbt to the Dutch, that the title of it is ab
surd and impossible; for the title is, ' An act for encouraging
and increasing of shipping and navigation.' It is impossible
to encourage any inanimated body, as a rump, stock, stone,
dead horse, ass, or shipping : its true, men may be encou
raged to increase shipping and navigation, but then it must
be (I conceive) by one of these ways ; either by giving mo
ney or rewards to those who build ships ; or, by increasing
trade, by which these ships may be better employed : and I
do not find that ever the Rump gave one groat to encou
rage this shipping and navigation."  And, after a great
deal more against it, he concludes, " and sure, now its more
than time the king and parliament would loose the nation
from the fetters which this act (made in haste and spight
against the Dutch, by a company of usurpers and regicides)
hath put upon it ; not only to our loss, but as much to the
benefit of the French as well as the Dutch : and I do say,
that this law has been more injurious to the English nation,
than all the injuries it hath received from the French and
* Scobel's Collections. fc Vol. I. p. 345. * Statutes, 12 Car. It
a. 18, 19. and 13. e. 14.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 277
If to these we add the projection of an union4"
Dutch, either in war or peace; nor will it be possible for
the nation to repair the losses sustained by it, but by re
pealing it\" All this is very high! It is pleasant, however,
to observe, that this author has taken the title of the act as
new modelled in the beginning of Charles II.'s time, to
shew what an absurd, stupicLrace of animals these usurpers
and regicides were. Had he read it, as given by the parlia
ment, he would not have exposed himself as he has here
done. Sir Josias Child is an authority more to be regarded
in matters of commerce than most. His opinion, therefore,
I suppose, will alone be sufficient to set aside Mr. Coke's •
censure. " The act of navigation," says he, " though it
have some things in it wanting amendment, deserves to be
called our (Charta Maritima)b." And again, " for my own
part, I am of opinion, that, in relation to trade, shipping,
profit and power, it is'one of the choicest and mostpiudent
acts that ever was made in England, and without which we
had not now been owners of one half of the shipping, nor
trade, nor employed one half of the seamen which we do
at present  c."
*° The projection of an union with Scotland] " The par
liament of England being desirous, after all these successes,"
says Ludlow, " to convince even their enemies, that .their
principal design was to procure the happiness and prosperity
of all that were under their government, sent commissioners
to Scotland to treat concerning an union of that nation with
England in one commonwealth ; directing them to take
care, till that could be effected, that obedience should be
given to the authority of the parliament of the common
wealth of England. The commissioners appointed to this
end on the part of the parliament, were Sir Henry Vane, the
chief justice St. Johns, Mr. Fenwicke, major Salloway, ma
jor-general Lambert, colonel Titchborn, major-general Dean,
* Cokes Detection, vol. 11. p. 1 2—29. b Preface to his New Discourse
of Trade, 12pio. Lond. 1693. - Child on Trade, p, 9.1.

278 THE LIFE OF
with Scotland, and the settlement of Ireland
and colonel Monk. This proposition of union was chear-
fully accepted by the mest judicious among the Scots, who
well understood how great a condescension it was in the
parliament of England to permit a people they had con
quered to have a> part in the legislative power \"  The
same author, in another place,, writes as follows : " The par
liament having resolved upon the incorporation of Scotland
. with the nation of England into one free state or common
wealth, and to reimburse themselves some part of that trea
sure they had expended in their own defence against the
invasions of the Scots, declared the goods and lands, for
merly belonging to the crown of Scotland, to be confiscated,
and also those that were possessed by such persons as had
assisted in the invasion of England by duke Hamilton, in
the year 1648, or had, appeared in arms since, under the
king of Scots, in order to subvert the present government ;
excepting those who, since the battle of Dunbar, had aban
doned the said king of Scots, and, by their merits and ser
vices, had rendered themselves worthy of favour. That all
such who are not comprehended under the said qualifica
tions, and shall concur with them in their just enterprize,
shall receive the benefit of their protection, and enjoy their
liberties and goods equally with the free people of England.
In pursuance of this declaration of the parliament, their
commissioners in Scotland published another, wherein they
discharge from confiscation all merchants and tradesmen,
who possess not in land or goods above the value of five
hundred pounds, and are not prisoners of war, soldiers of
fortune, moss troopers, Or such as have killed or committed
outrages against the English soldiers contrary to the laws
and customs of war. They also emitted a proclamation,
abolishing, in the name of the parliament, all manner of au
thority and jurisdiction, derived from any other power but
that pf the commonwealth of England, as well in Scotland
* Ludlow, vol. I. p. 388.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 279
before-mentioned (both of which so much con
ns in all the isles belonging to it. After this they sum
moned the counties, cities and buroughs, to agree to the in
corporation before-mentioned ; of which eighteen of oue
and thirty counties, and twenty-four of sixty-six cities and
boroughs, consented to send their deputies 'to the parlia
ment of England, most of the rest excusing themselves for
want of money to defray the expences of their representa
tives *." Let us now hear Dr. Gumble, who wrote at a time
when it was no way fashionable, or, perhaps, safe to say
much in praise of the commonwealth.  f" The English
pretended commonwealth having reduced the whole nation
of Scotland and Ireland, they having a great calm of peace
and tranquility, they fell upon a project (though practised
by usurpers, and men who had great fears because of their
great crimes, and of much care and diligence, because of
their future danger to be brought to condign punishment)
to unite all the three nations into one government, and to
meet in one parliament, a work which they did effect by
the present advantages of conquest, and by a pretended
consent of some elected deputies : this union being a work
which king James, of blessed memory, set on foot,, and re
newed by our gracious sovereign king Charles II. (whom
God direct to the conclusion) an affair that would as much
tend to the peace and publique security of all the three na
tions, as any other designe that can be imagined ; but these
men, like the children of this world, who were more wise in
their generation than the children of light and truth, who
were able by their force then upon these conquered coun*
tries ; for so they were then in appearance, though, upon1
unjust grounds, they compelled them to send members to
the parliament of England, which not a little advantaged1
the traffick of all, which is since prohibited, but, upon a re
newed union, would be confirmed : to gain this point, they
published an act of oblivion, to forget all injuries, and for-
* Ludlow, vol. I. p. 401.
5

v280 THE LIFE OF
tributed to the welfare of the English nation)
give all hostilities ; to imitate the subtil estate of Athens,
that first gave the precedent.;  To this end commissioners
from the pretended parliament were seiit down into Scot-
. land, amongst whom was general Monk (without whose in
terposing little good was to be done in ;Scotland) and
though St. John, Vane and Salloway, with others, could
talk more, yet none could perswade that nation so much as
he,; who (though they looked upon him in the times of
hostility as a severe enemy) yet they trusted him in this
business more than ail the rest, and, upon giving them
, hopes of better days, submitted to the present necessities.
t  Upon the settling all things there, according to the
will and pleasure of their masters in England, they re
turned., and general Monk with them3."  On examina
tion of the Journals, and Mr. Whitlock 's Memorials, who
had a great hand in bringing the union with Scotland, to a
head, it appears that Ludlow's account is, in the main,
' pretty exact b. However, the parliament had not the ho
nour of finishing, this affair. It was reserved for Cromwell,
who, by an act, passed April 12, 1654, intitled, " Scotland
made one commonwealth with England," fully accomplished
it. In the preamble of this act the proceedings of the
commonwealth are briefly recited, and it is declared, that
Scotland and its dependencies shall be incorporated with
England, and in every parliament, to be held successively,
thirty persons shall be called from, and serve for Scotland.
By this act kingship was abolished there ; the arms of
Scotland were to be borne with the arms of the English
commonwealth ; servitude and vassalage taken away. Su
periorities, lordships, and jurisdictions abolished, and the
heritors freed from all military service, and all forfeitures
fall to the lord protector for the time being0. These, with
many other things, were enacted, tending to destroy the
* Gumble's Life of Monk, p. 47. 8vo. Lond. 1671. "See Journals of
October 8. 26. and 29. 1652. e Scobel's Collections.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 281
the new modelling the representation +I iri par-
tyranny and power of the great men in that kingdom, and
render the people more easy and happy. Mr. Dalrymple
speaking of the jurisdictions of the Scotch, says, " Crom
well had enough of the monarch to see how inconsistent
these private jurisdictions were, either with the interest of
the supream power, or the safety of the people; but he had
too much of the tyrant, to think of making" any reparation
to the private proprietors, from whom he took their juris
dictions, but to whom he gave nothing in return a." What
the wisdom of monarchs has been history will best deter
mine; how much of the tyrant appeared in taking away
these jurisdictions is not so very certain. That they were
inconsistent with the supreme power, or the safety of the
people, were reasons abundant for their abolition. For no
private interest ought ever to be regarded that stands in
competition with these. That he gave nothing to the pri
vate proprietors might be, because they merited nothing
from his hands. They had, almost all of them, cavaliers
•and presbyterians, opposed the-English government; they
had invaded the English territories, and put the government
•to great charges, and were known, most of them, to be still,
in their hearts, addicted to the race, from whom,and for whom,
they had suffered so much. Could these men then expect
any favour, any reward from his hands ? That the jurisdic
tions were in the hands of enemies, and supported their
power, had been cause sufficient to wrest these from them.
So that, by this learned gentleman's leave, tyranny is not to
be imputed to Cromwell on this account, but his policy,
and, indeed, humanity, ought to be applauded, who dis
armed a set of petty tyrants, and gave freedom to those who
had groaned long under, vassalage and chains.
41 New modelling the representation in parliament.] At
what time the commons began to have representatives in
parliament is none of my business to enquire. Thosg who
* History of Feudal Property, p. 294. 8vo. Lond. 1757.

282 THE LIFE OF
liament, of the people of the kingdom of
desire information must consult our historians and antiqua
ries, especially Prynne, and Petyt, men of vast diligence
and erudition. Suffice it here to say, that in the time of
Henry the Third they were possessed of it.  The advanT
tages of this representation are well known. The house of
commons has frequently asserted the liberties of the nation,
framed good laws, brought to punishment bad ministers,
and hindered the introduction of despotism, to which some
of our princes have been but too much inclined. It has
been the aim therefore of these to influence the electors in
their choice of members, and to bribe, to flatter, to menace,
and terrify them when chosen, from adhering to the in
terests of their country and constituents. The' small bo
roughs being most easily led by the agents of princes and
their ministers, were from time to time privileged with the
choice of members, especially if in any good degree de
pendant on the crown, whereby it came to pass that the
majority was generally under court influence, and directed
by the will of the sovereign, or his favourite for the time
being. This was an inconvenience which had long been
felt, but was almost impossible to be remedied in the com
mon course of thing-s. But when the constitution was
broken, when the power of the crown and of the lords was
abolished, and there was a necessity for great alteration in
the frame of the government, one of the first things that
was proposed to the consideration of the parliament of the
commonwealth of England was a more equal representative.
This was contained in a " Petition from his excellency
Thomas lord Fairfax, and the general councel of officers of
the army, to the honourable the commons in parliament as
sembled, concerning the draught of an agreement of the
people for a secure and present peace, by them framed and
prepared," presented January 20, 1649, N.S. The agree4
ment^was offered to the consideration of the house first, and
then to every man without doors, to subscribe it, to whose
judgment is was agreeable, In this they say — " Since out

OLIVER CROMWELL. 283
England, so much needed and approved, though
former oppressions, and not yet ended troubles, havebeen
occasioned, either by want of frequent national meetings in
councel, or by the undue or unequal constitution thereof, or
by rendring these meetings uneffectual : we are fully re-
Solved, God willing, to provide, that hereafter our represen
tatives be neither left to an uncertainty for time, nor be un
equally constituted, nor made useless to the ends for which
they are intended. In order whereunto we declare and agree,
" I. That to prevent the many inconveniences, apparently
arising from the long continuance of the same persons in
supream authority, this present parliament end and dissolve
upon, or before the last. day of April, 1649.
" 2. That the people of England (being at this day very
unequally distributed, by counties, cities, and burroughs, for
the election of their representatives) be indifferently propor
tioned, and to this end, that the representative of the whole
nation shall consist of four hundred persons, or not above ;
and in each county, and the places hereto subjoined, there
shall be chosen, to make up the said representative at all
times, the several members here mentioned."  Then
follows the number of each county, with the boroughs,
towns and parishes therein, except such as were under
particularly named.
It is observable that in the scheme for a new representa
tive, the little boroughs were wholly deprived of the liberty
of sending members, any otherwise than as tbey had votes
in common for the county, though some of the opulent
towns and cities had the privileges of sending one or more
according to the number and riches of the inhabitants. Thus
for instance, the county of Cornwall, with the boroughs,
towns and parishes therein, were to send eight; the county
of Devon with the boroughs, towns and parishes were to
have twelve, besides Exeter, which were to chuse two,
Plymouth two, and Barnstable one. Wilts, including one
for Salisbury, eight; the Cinque-ports three, &c. But on
•the contrary, the county of Middlesex were to chuse four ;

284 THE LIFE OF
left unfinished by them ; their attempts to re-
the city of London eight, the city of Westminster and the
duchy two, besides Southwark, which had two allotted for
it likewise. Many rules relating to the choice and regula
tion of the representative were recommended, as " That of
course it should be chosen every two years ; that no member
of any councel of state, nor any officer of any salary, forces
in the army, or garrison, nor any treasurer or receiver of
, publique moneys, shall, while such, be elected to be of a
representative; that one hundred and fifty members be
always, present at each sitting of the representative at the
passing of any law, or passing any act, whereby the people
are to be bound; that in each interval betwixt biennial
representatives, the councel of state (which was to be chosen
by parliament, and to continue till the tenth day after the
meeting of the next representative for the management of
publique affairs) in case of imminent danger or great ne
cessity, may summon a representative to be forthwith chosen
and to meet; so as the session thereof continue not above
fourscore days, and so as it dissolve at least fifty days
before the appointed time for the next biennial representa
tive.  With regard to the power given to the representa
tive, it was declared that though the supream trust was' to
be invested with them for the preservation and government
of the whole, yet many things ought not to be left in their
power : particularly pressing men to serve in war either
abroad or at home, unless in the way of training and exer
cising them in order to repel foreign invasions, or quell
intestine commotions; invalidating securities given or to
be given on the publique faith; exempting any persons
from subjection to the laws, or giving judgment on any
man's person or estate, where no law hath before provided."
It was also added, " That no representative may in any
wise render up, or give, or take away any the foundations
of common right, liberty and safety contained in the agree
ment; nor level mens estates, destroy propriety, or make all
things common i and that in all matters of such fundamental

OLIVER CROMWELL. 285
form the abuses of the law, and their enact-
concernment, there shall be a liberty to particular members
of the said representatives to enter their dissents from the ,
major voice."  With respect to religion, they desired,
" That the Christian religion be held forth and recomr
mended as the publick profession in the nation ; that publick
teachers might be maintained by the representatives out of
the publick treasury, not by tythes, provided that popery or
prelacy be not held forth as the publick way or profession in
this nation. It was moreover added, that to the' publick
profession so held forth, none be compelled by penalties or
otherwise; and that such as profess faith in God by Jesus
Christ, (however differing in judgment from the doctrine,
discipline or worship publickly held forth) shall not be re
strained from, but shall be protected in the profession of
their faith, and exercise of their religion according to their
consciences in any place (except the places set apart for the
publick worship, which without leave they were not to
make use of) so as they abuse not this liberty to toe civil
injury of others, or to the actual disturbance of the publick
peace\" The officers who presented this petition and
agreement were thanked by the speaker in the name of the
house, and told withall that it should be taken into consider
ation with all convenient speed. It was at the same time
ordered by them to be printed. According to. their promise,
the house fell very seriously to consider this proposal for a
new representative. A committee was appointed, May 15
following, for this purpose; and on the 9th of January,
1649, O. S. Sir Henry Vane, junior, reported from the com
mittee their proceedings, and their votes, as heads, to be
the grounds of the debate of the house. These contained
the numbers each county were to send to parliament, formed
on the plan in the agreement of the people, though in many
instances differing from it, but yet proportioned in such a
manner as to be apparently for the public good, and prefer-
* Petition, &c. 4to. London printed for John Partridge, &c. 1649.

SS6 THE LIFE OF
ing all law proceedings to be in the English
able to what had before been made use of a. In consequence
of this report, it was resolved by the parliament, that the
number of persons, that shall be elected for the common
wealth, to sit and serve in parliament for this nation, ai
members thereof, shall not exceed four hundred. The com
mittee had resolved also, that the pleasure of the house
should be known whether there should be a particular dis
tribution of the said proportions upon several places within
each respective county. And moreover, that the right of
electing and sending of members to parliament for ever,
according to the said proportions respectively be granted
arid confirmed by act of the then parliament. That in the
said act there be presented the manner how the said elections
shall be made, together with the qualifications of the electors
and elected, with some other heads to strengthen and con-'
firm these new regulations. But only the number to serve
in parliament was now determined, and the remainder of
the report was referred to a grand committee of the house,
to take into consideration the several heads reported, ac
cording to the number of four hundred; and upon theft
debate, to prepare a bill, to be presented to the house.
Accordingly we find in the journals that on every Wednes
day following, till the differences with Scotland broke out
into a war, 'the house in a grand committee sat and debated
on this important subject, and had not entirely finished it,
when a period was put to their sitting in the manner we
"shall soon see.- — It is not to be doubted, had the parlia
ment finished their plan, it would have been truly excellent.
4s it is, it appears capable of being rendered greatly useful,
whenever a set of men of wisdom and fortitude shall arise to
carry it into execution. That this is not -too high an
encomium on the parliament's scheme for a new representa
tion, will appear from that part of trie-instrument of govern
ment subscribed' by Cromwell, on. his assuming the pro-
* See Journal of Jan. 9, 1 649. And Parliamentary History, vol. XIX. p. 345.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 287
tongue4'; their seeking out, employing and
tectorate, relating, to the summoning and electing of parlia
ments; which I am persuaded was framed by the grand
committee above-mentioned, though the house had not timfe
to pass it into a law. It is too long to be given here, but the
curious may find it in Whitlock % and without doubt will
wish for its revival. The rotten part of the constitution, as
I think Burnet somewhere calls our small boroughs, would
then be incapable by their venality and corruption of doing
the mischief they sometimes have done, to themselves, their
representatives, and the public. — " Among the alterations
requisite to be made on the British government, in order to
bring it to the most perfect model of limited monarchy," says
Mr. Hume, "the plan of the republican parliament ought to
be restored by making the representation equal, and by
allowing none to vote in the county elections, who possess
not an hundred a year"." This restriction appears not at
all to have entered into the thoughts of the parliament, i
An estate real or personal of two hundred pounds in value, r
was the qualification for an elector, in the instrument of
government above mentioned.
** Their attempts to reform the law, and enacting all
law proceedings to be in the English tongue.] The tedi-
ousness and expensiveness of law proceedings have long
been the subject of complaint, as well as that glorious
Uncertainty of the law, which has been often boasted of
with high glee by some of its professors. It is not to
be doubted. but the slow and prolix process of the law
sometimes preserves the unwary or unskilful from being
surprised, and affords the fairer opportunity to bring truth
to light, or give relief to the oppressed: but whether
these advantages are not outweighed by the vexation,
trouble and expense necessarily incurred thereby, those
who have been so unhappy as to be engaged in it, can best

* P. 512. It is to. be found also in other writers. » political Essays,
p. 300. 12mo. Edinb. 1752.

588 THE LIFE OF
rewarding the best pens for writing in behalf
determine.  As early as the year 1643, the parliament
was addressed on this subject, in the following words:
" Yee know, the laws of this nation are unworthy a free
people, and deserve from first to last, to be considered,
and seriously debated, and reduced to an agreement with
common equity, and right reason, which ought to be the
form and life of every government. Magna Charta itself
being but a beggarly thing, containing many marks of
intpllerable bondage, and the laws that have been made
since by parliaments, have >in very many particulars made
our government much more oppressive and intolerable.
The Norman way for ending of controversies, was much
more abusive than the English way, yet the conqueror,
contrary to his oath, introduced the Norman laws, and his
litigious and vexatious way amongst us; the like he did also
for punishment of malefactors, controversies of all natures
having before a quick and final dispatch in every hundred.
He erected a trade of judges and lawyers, to sell justice and
injustice at his own unconscionable rate, andin what time
he pleased; the corruption whereof is yet remaining upon
us, to our continual impoverishing and molestation ; from
which we thought you should have delivered usa."  In
the copy of a very valuable manuscript paper, formerly
belonging to colonel Saunders of Derbyshire, colonel of a
regiment of horse, written about the end of the year 1647;
among many other excellent proposals for the establishment
of a firm and present peace, is the following. " That the
huge volumes of statute laws and ordinances, with the
penalties therein imposed, as well corporal as pecuniary,
be well revised; and such only left in force, as shall be'
found fit for the commonwealth, especially that mens lives
be more precious than formerly, and that lesser punish-
* Remonstrance of many thousand citizens and other freeborn people of
England to their own house of commons, occasioned by the imprisonment of
John Lilburn, 4to. without name or place.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 289
i
ments than death, and more useful to the publick be
found out for smaller offences : That all laws, writs, com
missions, pleadings, and records be in the English tongue;
and that proceedings be reduced to a more certain charge,
' and a more expeditious way than formerly: That no fees at
all be exacted of the people in courts of justice ; but that the
publick ministers of state be wholly maintained out of the
publick treasury."— — In the petition of the lord general
and officers mentioned in the preceding note, we find
among other things noticed, as worthy to be provided for
by parliament, " The removing or reforming of evils or
inconveniences in the present laws, and administrations
thereof, the redresse of abuses, and supplying of defects
therein, the putting of all the laws and proceedings thereof
into the English tongue, the reducing of the course of
law to more brevity and Jess charge V These persons seem
not to have concurred in judgment with lord Coke, who
tells us, " The law is the perfection of reason ;" "That, the
law is nothing else but reason; and that if all the reason.
that is dispersed into so many several heads were united
into one, yet could he not make such a law as the law of
England is, because by many succession of ages it hath
been fined and refined by an infinite number of grave and
learned men, and by long experience grown to such a
perfection, for the government of "this realm, as the old
rule may be truly verified of it, Neminem oportet esse sapi-
entiorem legibus : No man (out of his own private reason)
ought to be wiser than the law, which is the perfection of
reasonV However this may be, the parliament being
urged by seeming considerations of public utility, on
January 20, 1651, appointed " A committee to take into
consideration what inconveniences were in the law, how the
mischief that, grows from, delays, the chargeableness and
irregularities in the proceedings of the law may be pre
vented, and the speediest way to prevent the same." No
great matters however followed from this committee, by
a Hume's Political Essays, p. 28. lgmo. Edinb. 1752. » Coke on
Littleton, fol. 98. 2d Edit.
VOL. III. - U

?9d THE LIFE OF
reason of the hurry of the times, and the opposition of the
lawyers, who were full of lord Coke's opinion concerning
the perfection of the laws of England, as geptlemen of that
profession, for the most part, will always be; for as they
then and now stand, they are the means of procuring pre
ferments, titles, and ministerial estates. Can we wonder
then they have vindicators, admirers and applauders f  A
little before the parliament passed an act, " That all the
books of the law should be put into English; and that all
writs, process, and returns thereof, and all patents, com
missions, indictments, judgments, records, and all rules
and proceedings in courts of justice should be in the
English tongue. It was moreover enacted, that they should
be written in an ordinary, usual and legible hand and
character, and not in any hand commonly called court
hand." This act does great honour to the parliament, and
is an argument of their- good sense, and concern for the
welfare of the people. It is amazing so good a law should
not have been continued by proper authority after the
Restoration.! But it was generally a sufficient reason then
to disuse a thing, though ever so good in itself, that it had
teen enacted by an usurped power. Of such fatal conse
quences are prejudices! But thanks be to God ! we have
seen the time when this most excellent ordinance has been
again revived, and received the sanction of the whole legis--
lature.  It has indeed been questioned, " Whether a
noble dead language,, which has suffered no variation in it
for above these thousand years las,t past, is not better to
preserve records in than so flux a one as English*."  For
my own part, I should think not : unless the uncertain good
of very distant posterity, is to be preferred to our own
present real advantage, which I imagine few will say. 
But to go on. — " How much were it to be wished, that a
committee of wise and prudent persons were once more
employed t6 revise, amend and abridge our laws! That we
might know ourselves how to act, and not be necessitated
* Parliamentary History. tol.XHC j. 439.

OLIVER CROMWELL edl
of liberty *% civil and religious; the application
to make Use of those, who (we are sensible) live ori our
spoils.  But much' is it to be feared, that our adversaries
will be too hard for us, and that we shall be obliged, for a
time at least, to submit to their yoke. But whenever the
spirit of true patriotism shall generally possess the minds of
our senators, I doubt not, but they will apply themselves to
our deliverance in good earnest, and bring it to perfection,
(as it was long ago done in Denmark, and more lately
in Prussia) inasmuch as the happiness of the community
absolutely depends thereon \"
43 Their seeking out, and rewarding the best pens, &c]
There have been few governments destitute of writers to
defend and applaud their measures. For, to the disgrace of
letters, venal pens in all ages have been in plenty. Hence
it has come to pass that panegyrics have been made on the
worst measures and administrations, even by men who, ia
their hearts, despised them. It is no way surprising there
fore that the parliament should have had writers on their
side : their power and wealth would account for this. But
that they should have searched out and found men of real
abilities to undertake their cause, and do justice to their
actions, must have arose only from their own judgment and
liberality. The works of Milton are well known. They are
an honour to himself, his cause and his employers. 
" The Tenure of Kings and Magistrates," was written to
prove, " That it is lawful, and hath been held so through
all ages, for any, who have the power, to call to account a
tyrant, or wicked king, and after due conviction to depose,
and put him to death ; if the ordinary magistrate have
neglected, or denied to do it." — In a noble strain it is here
said, " None can love freedom heartily, but. good men : the
rest love not freedom, but license ; which never hath more
scope, or more indulgence than under tyrants." His Icono-
clastes was undertaken in the behalf of liberty and the
a Historical and Critical Account of Hugh Peters, note M. 8vo. J,ond. 1751.
if 2

sg-2. THE LIFE OF
of the large church revenues taken from the
commonwealth, as was his answer to Salmasius also, by the
appointment, as he says, and not without the approbation
of the, civil power a. The parliament rewarded him-with a
thousand pound for this last performance, and made him their
Latin secretary, by which they obtained a never-dying
fame.. For his state letters written in that language, exceed>
beyond comparison any thing of that kind extant. We are
not to wonder therefore that Milton's reputation was high
both at home and abroad ; or that he was visited and invited;
by foreign ambassadors at London, not excepting those
of crowned heads b.  He was worthy of the honour.
For, " as he looked upon true and absolute freedom to be
the greatest happiness of this life, whether to societies or
single persons, so he thought constraint of any sort to be the
utmost misery; for which reason he used frequently to tell
those about him of the intire satisfaction of his mind, that
he had constantly employed his strength and faculties in the
defence of liberty, and in direct opposition to slavery. And
his aversion to monarchy, as he told his friend Sir Robert
Howard, was heightened by this consideration, that the
trappings of it might support an ordinary commonwealth/."
.  It is asserted on good authority, " That Milton was
allowed a weekly table by the parliament, for the entertain
ment of foreign ministers, especially such as come from
protestant states, and for the learned ; which allowance was
also continued by Cromwell d." How noble the example!
— MarchamontNeedham, who had written Mercurius Prag-
maticus against the parliament, was not only pardoned, by
them, but if we may believe Mr. Wood, by promises of
rewards] and places, was induced to become an advocatefor
them and liberty. This was a writer indeed worth gaining.
"Milton's Prose Works, p. 599. b Richardson's life of Milton, p. 19.
Svo. Lond. 1734. c Life of Milton, by Dr. Birch, p. 74, prefixed to his
Prose Works. ¦• Toland's Life of Milton, p. 110, in the note, Svo. Lond.
2d edit. N. B. This edition is enriched with most curious and valuable observa-
rioss in the notes.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 293
bishops, deans and chapters, who by act of
His morals or integrity perhaps were not the most strict
(though I know nothing alleged against him on these
heads, except changing his party often) but he had wit,
parts, learning, and a style beyond most of his age. " His
Mercurius Politicus, which came out by authority, and flew
every week into all parts of the nation for more than ten
years, had very great influence upon numbers of inconsi
derable persons, such as Have a strong presumption that all
must needs be true that is in print. He was the Goliah of
the Philistians, the great champion of.'the late usurper,
whose pen in comparison of others, was like a weavers beam.
And certainly he that will, or can peruse those his intelli
gences called Merc. Politici, will judge that had the devil
himself (the father of all lies) been in this Goliah's office, he
could not have exceeded him. As having with profound
malice calumniated his sovereign, scurrility abused the
nobility, impudence blasphemed the church and members
thereof,: and industry poisoned the people with dangerous
principles \" One may easily gather from this character,
that Needham with zeal and ability defended the cause of
his masters against their adversaries. Besides the quota
tion given in note 32, I will add a few more, as the work1
from whence I take it is not in many hands, and' very little
known even amongst the curious.
In one of his papers he asserts, " That the original of all
just power and government is in the people." This he
proves after the following manner- — - — " As for the go
vernment of the Israelites, first under Moses, then Joshua
and the judges, the Scriptures plainly shew, that they were
extraordinary governors being of God's immediate institu
tion, who raised them up by his spirit, and imposed them
upon that people, whose peculiar happiness it was in cases
bf this nature, to have so infallible and sure a direction ; so
that their government was a Theocrasie (as some have called
Ait) having God himself for its only original, and therefore
" Athense Oxonienses, vol. II. c. 626.
5

294 THE LIFE OF
parliament had been abolished, and the wise
no wonder we have in that time and nation so few visible
footsteps of the peoples election, or of an institution by
compact. But yet we find after the judges, that when this
people rejected this more immediate way of government by
God (as the Lord tells Samuel, they have not rejected thee,
but me) and desired a government after the manner of other
nations, then God seems to forbear the use of bis preroga
tive, and leave them to an exercise of their own natural
rights and liberties, to make choice of a new government
and governor by suffrage and compact. The government
they aimed at was kingly. God himself was displeased at
it, and so was Samuel too, who in hope to continue the old
form, and to fright them from the new, tells them what
monsters in government kings would prove, by assuming
unto themselves an arbitrary power (not that a king might
lawfully and by right do what Samuel despribes (as Salma-
sius and all the royal interpreters would have us believe)
but only to shew how far kings would presume to abuse
their power, which no doubt Samuel foresaw, not only by
reason, but by the spirit of prophecy.) Nevertheless the
people would have a king ; say they, Nay, but there shall
be a king over us : whereupon saith God to Samuel, Heark
en to their voice : where you plainly see, first God gives
the leave to exercise their own natural right, in making
choice of their form of government. But then indeed for
the choice of their governor, there was one thing extraor
dinary, in that God appointed them one, he vouchsafing
still in an extraordinary and immediate manner to be their
director and protector ; but yet though God was pleased tp
nominate the person, he left the confirmation and ratifica
tion of the kingship unto the people, to shew that natu
rally the right of all was in them, however the exercise
of it were superseded at that time by his divine pleasure, as
to the point of nomination. For that, the people might
understand it was their right, Samuel calls them all to
Mizpeh, as if the matter were all to be done anew on their

OLIVER CROMWELL. 295
part, and there by lot they at length made choice of Saul'
and so immediately proclaim him with shouts and acclama
tions ; and then having had proof of his valour against the
Ammonites, they met at Gilgal, and proclaim him king
once again, to shew (that naturally) the validity of his king
ship depended wholly on the peoples consent and confirma
tion, and so you see, the first and most eminent.evidence of
the institution of political government in Scripture doth
notoriously demonstrate, that its original is in or from thp
people V  In another place, speaking of errors in policy,
he says, " The regulation of affairs by reason of state,, not
the strict rule of honesty, has been an epidemical one. But
for fear I be mistaken, continues he, you are to understand,
that by reason of state here we do not condemn the equita
ble result of prudence and right reason ; for upon determi
nations of this nature depends the safety of all states and
princes ; but that reason of state which flows from a corrupt
principle to an indirect end ; that reason of state which is
the statesman's reason, or rather his will and lust, when he
admits ambition to be a reason, preferment, power, profit,
revenge and opportunity to be reasons sufficient to put him
upon any design or action that may tend to present advant
age ; though contrary to the law of God, or the law of com
mon honesty, and of nations. — Reason of state is the most
sovereign command, and the most important counsellor.
Reason of state is the card and compass of the ship. Rea
son of state is many times the religion of a state; the law7
the life of a state. That which answers all objections and
quarrels about inal-government. That which wages war,
imposes taxes, cuts off offenders, pardons offenders, sends
and treats ambassadors. It can say and unsay ; do and
undo, balk the common road, make high-ways to become
by-ways, and the farthest about to become the nearest cut.
If a difficult knot coine to he untied, which neither the di
vine by Scripture, nor lawyer by case or precedent can
untie, then reason of state, or an hundred ways more which

lMercurius Politicus, No.. 98. p. 1538.
4

296 THE LIFE OF
ideots know not,, dissolve it. This is that great empress
which the Italians call Raggione di Stato : it can rant as a
soldier, compliment as a monsieur, trick it as a juggler, strut
it as a statesman, and is as changeable as 'the moon in the
variety of her appearances a." This beautiful piece of satire
will, I presume, be acceptable to many of my readers.— — I
will make but one citation more from this writer, but it con
tains, I believe, the sentiments of the majority in power at
that time on the subject of church government.  "If
i we seriously reflect," says he, " upon the design of God,
in bringing Christ into the world, we shall find it was to set
an end to the pompous administration of the Jewish form;
that as his church and people were formerly confined with
in the narrow pale of a particular nation, so now the pale
should be broken down, and all nations taken into the
church. Not all nations in a lump : not any whole nations,
or national bodies to be formed into churches : for his
church or people now under the Gospel are not to be a body
political, but spiritual and mystical: not a promiscuous
confusion of persons taken in at adventure, but an orderly
collection, a picking and chusing of such as are called and
sanctifyed, &c. Not a company of men forced in by com
mands and constitutions of worldly power and prudence,
but of such as are brought in by the power and efficacy of
Christ's word and spirit. For he himself hath said, My
kingdom is not from hence ; my kingdom is not of this
world, Sec. And therefore that hand which hitherto hath
presumed in most nations to erect a power called ecclesi-
astick in equipage with the civil to bear sway, and bind
mens consciences to certain notions ordained for orthodox,
upon civil penalties, under colour of prudence, good order,
discipline, preventing of heresy, and advancing of Christ's
kingdom; and to this end hath twisted the spiritual power
(as they call it) with the worldly and secular interest of
state; this I say hath been the right hand of Antichrist, op
posing Christ in his way> whose kingdom being not of this
1 Mcrcurius Politicus, No. 108. p. 1690.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 297
world, depends not upon the helps and devices of worldly
wisdom \" These extracts sufficiently show how well the
cause of liberty, civil and religious, was understood in these
times ; how much the parliament had them at heart. For
none but men conscious of fair intentions, and upright de
signs towards the public, would have favoured the' propaga
tion of notions destructive of evil magistrates, and wicked
.priests, their neverfailing coadjutors.  But zealous as
these men were for liberty, they were careful to keep their
people as much as possible from popery, and solicitous to
hinder their perversion to that absurd and cruel superstition.
A letter to the Spanish ambassador will set this in a clear
light. It is as follows : " The parliament of the common
wealth of England, understanding that several of the people
of this city daily resort to the house of your excellency, and
other ambassadors and public ministers from foreign nations
here residing, meerly to hear mass, gave order to the coun
cil of state, to let your excellency understand, that whereas
such resort is prohibited by the laws of the nation, and of
very evil example in this our republic, and extreamly scan
dalous ; that they deem it their duty to take care that no
such thing be permitted henceforward, and to prohibit all
nsuch assemblys for the future. Concerning which, 'tis our
desire that your excellency should have a fair advertisement,
to the end that henceforth your excellency may be more
careful of admitting any of the people of this republic to
hear mass in your house. And as the parliament will dili
gently provide that your excellency's rights and priviledges
shall be preserved inviolable, so they persuade themselves
that your excellency, during your abode here, would by no
means that the laws of this republic should be violated by
yourself or by your attendants b." What would the parlia
ment have thought of one hundred thousand Papists in
London and Westminster, the number reckoned by persons
employed in 1745 ? Since that time they have much in-

* Mercurius Politicus, No. 99. p. 1 554. b Milton's Prose Works, vol. II.
p. 199.

298 THE LIFE OF
creased, if reports are to be relied on. " In such open de-
fiance of our laws," says an ingenious writer, " has Popery
been long making great progress. And whether the threat-
ning consequences are not formidable, may well deserve the
consideration of such who are able to discern the inestima
ble value of our civil and religious liberties.  It would be
far from us, after all, to desire any pains or penalties should
be inflicted on men, because they have an extravagant ritual,
and are fond of worshipping a troop of deities or demons:
or for saying prayers by tale or number, either to real or
imaginary saints: for venerating a wafer or crucifix. Since
he who can feast his soul, either on gold, silver, or precious
stones, or who can best relish wood, hay, or stubble ; should
only have our pity, and we ought to wish him a less deprav
ed appetite. But so long as the Papist holds opinions sub
versive of morality, destructive of society, dangerous to the
civil and religious rights of mankind, i. e. so long as the
hand of popery is against every man, so long every man's
hand should be against popery. The voice of nature, of
self preservation, is loud in the breast of every protestant
against this superstition V The reader will pardon I doubt
not this small digression, if indeed it be one.
I proceed now with the subject. Besides Milton and
Needham, the parliament had another writer of some figure
on their side, viz. John Parker, father to Sam. Parker, bishop
of Oxon, in the time of James II. This gentleman, "In
the year 1650, printed a remarkable book called The go
vernment of the people of England precedent and present
the same. It was written to spirit men to subscribe to the
engagement to be true and faithful to the commonwealth
as then established, without a king or the house of lords:
and there he asserts that, Populus suo magistratu prior est
tempore, natura &, dignitate: quia populus magistratum
constituit, & quia populus sine magistratu esse ptftest, sed
magistratus sine populo non potest esse. Also out of ano
ther classical author, Vindiciffi contra Tyrannos, he affirms,
"Three Questions resolved, p. 30. 8vo, Lond. 1757.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 299
provision made for their state clergy and the
universities44; I say if we consider all these
Reges sunt a populo & sunt constituti causa populi. More
he undertakes to prove that the kings of England had no ne
gative voice rightly and by law, bu t that it was contrary to the
law and their oath at coronation. And then afortiori, that the
lords neither can have any negative upon the people"."
This book I never saw. The writings of Henry Parker on
the behalf of the parliament are better known. They are
indeed worth preserving. Mr. Wood has given us a cata
logue of theinb."  Andrew Marvel is, I know, commonly
said to have been employed, under Milton, by the common
wealth. But I apprehend this to be a mistake, as will ap
pear from his own account.  " As to myself," says he,
" I never had any, not the remotest relation to publick mat
ters, nor correspondence with the persons then predominant,
until the year 1657. When indeed I entered into an em
ployment, for which I was not altogether improper, and
which I considered to be the most innocent and inoffensive
towards his majesty's affairs of any in that usurped and
irregular government, to which all men were then exposed.
And this I accordingly discharged without disobliging any
one person0."  It must not be forgotten that all these
gentlemen found their account in writing for the parlia
ment and Cromwell. Both the Parkers were enriched by
lucrative and honourable employs, and Marvel, I suppose,
was not unrewarded for the discharge of his office, by the
Protector. 4* The wise provision made for their state clergy, and the
universities.] The clergy in most countries where Christianity
prevailed, got wealth, honour and power. Unmindful of
their Master's doctrine and example, they loved the world,
and the things which were in it, and, by a variety of ways
and means, accumulated large possessions. How honestly
* Rehearsal Transprosed, part 2d. p. 132. Lond. 1 C73. Svo. » Athense
Oxon. vol. II. c. p. 222. c Rehearsal Transprosed, partSd. p. 127,

300 THE LIFE OF
things without prejudice, we shall, probably,
be forced to acknowledge, that they were bora
they got some, how wisely others were bestowed on them by
princes, great men, weak women, and persons, indeed, of all
ranks and degrees, from a persuasion instilled into them of
atoning for their transgressions, and getting better things
in reversion in lieu of them ; I say, how all this happened is
well known to mosta." Henry VIII. with consent of par
liament, made bold to lay his hand on the lands, tenements,
and hereditaments of the abbeys and monasteries, and gave,
or sold them, to such as were able to make a better use of
them ; and his son and successor Edward, as well as his
daughter- Elizabeth, approved of his proceedings, and avail
ed themselves of his example, by plucking now and then a
goodly manor or two from the bishopricks. This (with the
power of translations) made the bishops cautious of offend
ing, and solicitous of obtaining the good will of the sove
reign, and his favourites: and they applied themselves with
so much zeal thereunto, that they soon became downright
courtiers, supple, complaisant, unmeaning, and ready to put
their hand to carry any thing into execution, which they
judged agreeable to the crown. So that, for the most part,
they were friends to the prerogative, and averse to liberty.
For these and other causes, the. lords and commons thought
proper, by an act of parliament, which had the royal assent,
to exclude them from the house of peers; and, by an ordi
nance of both houses, dated October 9, 1646, their office
was abolished, and their lands and possessions settled upon
trustees for the use of the commonwealth. The preamble
to this ordinance will explain the motives on which it was
made. It runs thus : " For the abolishing of archbishops
and bishops, and providing for the payment of the just and
necessary debts of the kingdom, into which the same hath
been drawn by a war, mainly promoted by and in favour of
a See Father Paul on Beneficiary Matters, Father Simon on Ecclesiastical Re
venues, and Harry Nevil's Plato Rcdivivus, p. 98 — 108.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 301
for legislation, and were worthy of it. But
the said archbishops and bishops, and other their adherents
and dependants; be it ordained ," &c. Thus the whole of
the bishops' lands became vested in the parliament, who, by
an ordinance, bearing date, October 3, 1648, ordered " the
trustees to give warrants to the treasurers for the issuing out
and paying of the rents and revenues of parsonages impro
priate, tythes, oblations, obventions, pensions, portions of
tythes, parsonages and vicarages, as have been, or shall be
received by the said treasurers, and have not otherwise. been.
disposed ofV for the maintenance of ministers, to such person
or persons respectively, to whom the said rents and revenues
have been or shall be ordered or assigned by the committee
for plundered ministers, for augmentation of maintenance
for officiating in any church or chapel in England and
Wales."  After the commonwealth took place, the com
mons of England, in parliament assembled, on the 30th of
April, 1649, proceeded farther to pass " an act for the
abolishing of deans and chapters, canons, prebends, and
other officers and titles, of or belonging to any cathedral or
collegiate church or chapel within England or Wales."
Their plea for this was necessity.  : — " Having seriously
weighed, say they, the necessity of raising a present supply ..
of money for the present safety of this commonwealth; and,
finding that their other securities are not satisfactory to
lenders, nor sufficient to raise so considerable a sum as will
be necessary for the said service, are necessitated to sell the
lands of the deans and chapters, for the paying of publick
debts, and for the raising of three hundred thousand pouuds
for the . present supply of the pressing necessities , of the
commonwealth, do enact, &c."  However, they were not
for throwing them away, as much as money was wanting.
* See a collection of several acts of parliament, ordinances,, &c.' for provjdin°-
maintenance for ministers, heads of colleges, &c. 4to. Lond. 1657. It is from
this book I have taken the several citations from the ordinances in this note.
See also Scobel's Collections, and Rennet's Case of impropriations and augmenta
tion of vicarages, p. 2-11, and2G3. Svo. Lond. 1704.

502 THE LIFE OF
whilst the parliament was thus nobly employed
For none of these lands were to be sold under twelve yeaTS
purchase, though the lands of the bishops had been allowed
to be sold for ten ; a tolerable good price, considering the
high interest of money, which was at about eight'per cent.
at this time, and the possibility of their being one time or
other reclaimed by their former possessors.  Out of
these lands thus appointed to be sold, there was excepted,
by another act of June the 8th, 16*49, "all tythes appropriate,
oblations, obventions, portions of tythes appropriate, of
or belonging to the archbishops, bishops, deans, and
deans and chapters, all which, together with twenty thou
sand pounds yearly rent, formerly belonging to the crown
of England, the commons thought fit to be settled for a
competent maintenance of preaching ministers, where it
was wanting, in England and Wales." This competent
maintenance, in their opinion, was one hundred pounds per
annum, which they allotted to the state preachers, without,
however, taking away any thing from the rich rectories,
which were preserved whole and entire. I suppose there
are but few disinterested persons but will think this a much
better regulated maintenance than what before had been al
lotted. If an established clergy be useful and necessary,
and if the public must maintain them, as seems to have
been the received opinion, upon whatsoever reasons found
ed, surely it behoves the legislature to prevent one part of
them from rioting in wealth, and the other almost starving
through poverty ! Complaints, I know, have been made of
the scantiness of our ecclesiastical revenues : but how this
can be, when such a multiplicity of very lucrative prefer
ments are daily heaped on a single person, is hard to ima
gine! A tolerably equitable distribution would, at once,
silence every objection on this head, of anjr reasonable man.
•  Indeed, some very sensible persons have been against
loading the public with the maintenance of the clergy, on
account of several inconveniences attending it.  " Here
tofore," says Milton, " in the first evangelic times (and it

OLIVER CROMWELL. 303
at home and abroad, (for the Dutch war was
were happy for Christendom if it were so again) ministers
of the Gospel were by nothing else distinguished from
other Christians, but by their spiritual knowledge and sanc
tity of life, for which the church elected them to be her
teachers and overseers, though not thereby to separate them
from whatever calling she then found them following be
sides. As the example of St. Paul declares, and the first
times of Christianity. When once they affected to be
called a clergy, and became, as it were, a peculiar tribe of
Levites, a party, a distinct order in the commonwealth, bred
up for divines in babling schools, and fed at the public cost,
good for nothing else, but what was good for nothing, they
soon grew idle ; that idleness, with fulness of bread, begat
pride and perpetual contention with their feeders, the de
spised laity, through all ages ever since, to the perverting
of religion, and the disturbance of all Christendom. And
we may confidently conclude, it will never be otherwise,
whilst they are thus upheld undepending on the church, on
which alone they antiently depended, and are, by the ma
gistrate, publickly maintained, a numerous faction of indi
gent persons, crept for the most part out of extream want
and bad nurture, claiming, by divine right and freehold, the
tenth of our estates, to monopolize the ministry, as their
peculiar, which is free and open to all able Christians,
elected by any church. Under this pretence, exempt from
all other employment, and enriching themselves on the
public, they last of all prove common incendiaries, and
exalt their horns against the magistrate himself that main
tains them, as the priest of Rome did soon after against his
benefactor the emperor, and the presbyters of late in Soot-
land. Of which hireling crew, together with all the mis
chiefs, dissentions, troubles, wars meerly of their kindling,
Christendom might soon rid herself and be happv, if
Christians would but know their own dignity, their liberty,
their adoption, and let it not be wondered, if I sav their

304 THE 'LIFE OF
not terminated, though the English, for the
spiritual priesthood, whereby they have all equally access to
any ministerial function, whenever called by their own abi- ,
lities, and the church, though they never came near com
mencement or university *." Mr. Wall, in his fine letter to
Milton, dated Causham, May 26, 1659, has the following
passage. " I have sometimes thought (concurring with
your assertion of that storied voice that should speak from
heaven) when ecclesiastics were endowed with worldly pre
ferments, Hodie venerium infuuditur in ecclesiam : for, to use
the speech of Genesis iv. tilt, according to the sense which
it hath in the Hebrew, then began men to corrupt the wor
ship of God. I shall tell you a supposal of mine, which is
this : Mr. Duiy has bestowed about thirty years time in
travel, conference and writings, to reconcile Calvinists and
Lutherans, and that with little or no success. But the
shortest way were,  take away ecclesiastical dignities,
honours and preferments, on both sides, and all would soon-
be hushed ; the ecclesiastics would be quiet, and then the
people would come forth into truth and liberty b." These
were the sentiments of some of the sons of liberty in the
age of which I am now speaking : sentiments proceeding
from minds full of concern for truth and virtue, though they
bad little prospect of being hearkened to by the bulk of
mankind, who prefer wealth, pomp and ease to every thing
rational, virtuous and manly.  The scheme of the parlia
ment pretended not to this high perfection. It only sup
pressed the dignity, state and excessive wealth of the lordly
ecclesiastics, whilst it left them enough for every virtuous
and laudable purpose, and prevented them from feeling the
want of the real necessaries their stations were thought to
require. Were I to deliver my own sentiments for the 'real
good of ecclesiastics of all sorts and kinds, I would say with
• Milton's Prose Works, vol. I. p. 636. b Preface to Milton's Icono-
clastcs, 2d edit. Lond. 1756. 4to.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 305
most part, were successful) the lord-general
a late writer concerning the Jesuits in particular ; " render
them poor, and they will be humble ; render them poor, and
they will be useful ; render them poor, and they will become
holy V But to go on.  Besides the care taken of their
parochial clergy, the parliament shewed their benevolence to
the universities, by enacting, " That the trustees, in whose
hands the dean and chapter lands were vested for the use of
the public, shall, from time to time, pay (out of the above-
mentioned twenty thousand) two thousand pounds yearly, for
the increase of the maintenance of the masterships of colleges
in both universities, where maintenance is wanting, regard
being to be had unto the number of houses of learning in each
university, that are fit to have an increase of maintenance, and
to make an assignment of maintenance unto them accordingly ;
provided it do not exceed one hundred pounds per annum
to any one of them." — This bounty was not ill bestowed.
For never, perhaps, were there men of more real merit in
the university of Cambridge than now. Witness the names
of Cudworth, Whichcott, Wilkins, and many others men
tioned by the very ingenious Dr. Salter b, who educated a
race of men that were an honour to their country ; I mean
Tillotson, Barrow, Smith, More, and such like, who opposed
themselves to popery in the most trying times, and taught
men the principles of true religion and virtue. Whether
Oxford was quite so happy, I know not; though, it is cer
tain, many eminent men were educated there in these times,
particularly Mr. Locke, whose writings on toleration -and
government will be for ever read and admired by men of
sense and honesty.  What the sum total produced by
the sale of the lands of the bishops, deans and chapters,
amounted to, I cannot say, — ir-But here follows an accou«t
of the sale of the bishops' lands in the province of York, as
given by Mr. Brown Willis g.
* Reflections of a Portuguese upon the Memorial presented by the Jesuits to
Clement XIII. p. 152. 8vo. Lond. 1760. b Preface to Tuckney's and Which-
cott's Letters, 8vo, Lond. 1753. See also note 51. c Survey of the Cathedrals
of York, &c. 4to. 1727. '
, VOL. III. X

306 THE LIFE OF
Cromwell, attended by some soldiers and offi-
£. s. d.
Sale of the lands of the see of York in the ) «a 7of 7 ,s
years 1647, 1648, 1649, 1650, 1651, - ) ' i
Durham, in the same years, - - 68,121 15 . 9
Carlisle, - 6,449 n g
Chester, .... 1,129 18 4
Man, *¦ 0,000 0 0 .
Total - 139,487 12 4f
From this some tolerable guess may be made of the value
of the rest of the bishops' lands, which are those of the pro
vince of Canterbury, consisting of that archbishopric and
twenty-one bishoprics.  A proposal, some years since, by
a nameless writer, was made " for vesting the whole present
property of the church in England and Ireland in the
crown, not to enrich or add to its, power, but as a trustee
for the people, who should be always uppermost in the con
sideration of all true lovers of their country a.  Is it essen
tially necessary," says that author, " that bishops should
have three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine and ten thour
sand pounds a year ? Is it necessary that an archbishop
should die worth 90,O00Z. besides providing very honourably
for his famity, in consequence of his power and influence \
Is -it necessary that one churchman shall enjoy a string of
benefices, while numbers have none and starve ? I am will
ing to suppose episcopacy to be an essential branch of the
Christian system ; and therefore hold the order in all the
veneration due to it. But I cannot bring myself to think
that the Holy Ghost delights more to abide with them in
coaches and palaces, and in parliament, than if they had
abided by the primitive simple way of living, practised and
inculcated by the apostles. I am no less willing that our
prelates retain their seats in parliament, if it shall be
thought that they have been always heretofore inspired
* The State preferable to the Church, p. 12. 8vo. Lond. 1748.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 307
cers, entered the house, upbraided the mem-
with the spirit of truth and righteousness in their legislative
capacity. But admitting, as I do very willingly, that our
good lords the bishops add a lustre to the upper house, will
they shine the less there for being placed more on the level
with each other than they are at present ? The poorest of
them can afford clean lawn sleeves in their present situation ;
•and if the two metropolitans should be levelled to an annual
stipend of 1,500/. each, and their respective suffragans to
_ 1,000/. I don't see but they might keep a coach in parlia
ment time, notwithstanding the duty on carriage wheels,
provided they reside with their flocks the rest of the year.
Is it necessary that the bishoprics and other church-livings
of Ireland, a cheap and plentiful country, should exceed
even those in England ? or, is it necessary, that, in the
north of that kingdom, where there are scarce ten protest-
ants of the episcopal church in a whole parish, many of the
incumbents should possess livings of four, six, and eight
hundred pounds a year? It is no uncommon sight in that
country, to see a parson preach, I should say, read prayers,
preaching being disused, to his clerk, and such of his own
family as had accompanied him from the parsonage house
in his coach and four. Though the value of livings in that
kingdom be well known to our clergy, who are never want
ing to themselves in pushing their way thither, where they
bask in plenty and ease, it would seem as if our statesmen
had acquired none or very little knowledge of the treasure
that might be raised there by sale of the present possessions
of the church. To mention but the primacy there, lately
conferred on a very young churchman, but, I suppose, of
distinguished piety and erudition, it would sell, at twenty
years purchase only, for above 200,000/. no contemptible
aid to a bleeding country, obliged to raise above ten mil
lions annually, though already above four-score in debt.
From this specimen may be seen how greatly the trading
and industrious part of the people, that is, the laity, might
be eased, if the revenues of the church, tithes and all, were-
x 2

308 THE LIFE OF
bers, turned the speaker out of the chair, and
put to sale, and the purchase money applied to the uses of
the public. And, surely, in a time of such danger and dif
ficulty as the present, no good subject can warrant opposing
the carrying so salutary a scheme into execution. 'Tis pro
bable our open foreign, and native secret enemies might
oppose such a healing scheme; but except the French and
Spaniards abroad, and our popish fellow-subjects at home, I
cannot persuade myself that it would meet with the least
opposition. Our protestant laity would unanimously assent
to it ; and as for the clergy, if their suffrages were taken
collectively, I will answer for it, the majority would be
with me1." Possibly this writer would have found himself
mistaken ; for, as there are but few of the inferior clergy
void of hope, founded on their belief of their own merit, of
preferment, these would not be overfond of the scheme;
and as for the dignified ones, they would naturally, one
and all, cry out against it, as a breach of the alliance
between church and state, which they would fain persuade
us is productive of many happy consequences to society.
The ignorant laity, for any thing I know to the contrary,
might be pleased with the carryiiig such a scheme into exe
cution.— — After this brief detail of the great actions of the
parliament at home and abroad, it is not to be admired that
they met with the applause of the ablest and best judges.
To what the reader will find in the note 37, it will be proper
to add the opinion of the old chancellor Oxenstiern of
Sweden, a name of the highest renown for political abilities
in the age in which he lived, the same, whose affairs we are
now treating of. It is mentioned from M. Chanut, both in
the appendix to Keysler's Travels, and in Basnage's Annals
of the United Provinces. " Oxenstiern indeed blawed the
extream barbarity committed on the person of the late king
of England, but commended and admired almost every part
of the plan of that great design which the parliament' had
a The State preferable to the Churcl), p. 14. 8vo. Lond. 174S.
7

OLIVER CROMWELL. 309
put an end*5, for the present, to the supreme
formed.'' Basnage adds, " that he said, it had been con
ducted with distinguished prudence, and that those who
then governed in England, acted upon such principles of,
policy as were founded in truth and experience2." 
Such readers as are unprejudiced, will not, after this, think,
I am persuaded, that Mr. Hume has done justice to the
parliament in the following character: " These men," says
he, " had not that large thought, nor comprehensive views,
which might qualify them for acting the part of legislators:
selfish aims and bigotry chiefly engrossed their attention.
They carried their rigid austerity so far as to enact laws, I
declaring fornication, after the first act, to be felony,
without benefit of clergy b." Is this a likeness? Let facts '
determine.  Undoubtedly their law, with respect to
fornication, was much too rigid. But, from a single instance,
to take a character, is hardly allowable. To be able to see
only one disagreeable object amongst several more fair and
equally obvious, argues, indeed, to use this gentleman's
own expressions, no large thought or comprehensive views.
 If ever men were qualified for acting the part of legis
lators, these were they.  And whoever will excel as such,
must copy after them in the main of their conduct.
*s Cromwell entered the house, and put a period, for a
time, to the commonwealth.] " Many republicks," says an
excellent writer; "have, with length of time, fallen back
into despotick governments. This seems to be a calamity
that inevitably happens to every free government sooner
or later. And, indeed, how can it perpetually resist every
thing that saps and supplants ? How can it always check
the ambition of those great men whom it produces, and
harbours in its bosom ? How can it always watch against
a See Isaiah Puffendorf 's Observations on the Resolution of the last Swedish
diet, &c. jn the Appendix to Keysler's Travels, vol. IV. p. 51. and Basnage's
Annals of the United-Provinces, vol. I. p. 243. b History of Great Britain
vol. II. p. 32. Compare this with Ludlow, vol. II. p. 453. and the quotation from
Warburton in the note 46.

310 THE LIFE OF
authority of the commonwealth of England. It
the dark and secret practices and machinations of its neigh
bours, or against the corruption of its own members, while "
interest prevails in the world over every other motive? How
should it expect always to come off with success in the
wars it must needs undertake and support for its security ?
or prevent those dangerous conjunctures, those critical and
decisive moments, when its liberty is at stake, or those un
foreseen accidents that animate and favour the wicked and
audacious? If any armies are commanded by timid and
unskilful generals, it falls a prey to any enemies; if they
are headed by bold and successful commanders, these will
fbeas dangerous in times of peace, as they were useful and
beneficial during the war. There are few, if any republicks,
but have risen from the abyss of tyranny to freedom, and
from thence have sunk again into the dregs of servitude.
The same Athenians, who, in the times of Demosthenes,
provoked and insulted Philip of Macedon, crouched to
Alexander. The Romans, who abhorred royalty, and ex
pelled their kings, suffered, some ages after, the most
horrible oppression and cruelties from their emperors. And
the same Englishmen who rebelled against, imprisoned, and
beheaded Charles I. submissively bore the .galling yoke of
a protector V I have already observed that the victory at
Worcester, so fatal to the affairs of Charles II. probably
inspired Cromwell with the ambition of lording it over his
masters, and seizing the sovereignty. Flushed with .success
the brave and ambitious aspire higher and higher, and dare
adventure on the boldest things. Hence the danger of
continuing a general long in supreme command, in free
states. Immediately after this important event, Cromwell
seemed determined to give the law. He used, however,
great precaution. Though he had all possible honours paid
him by the parliament and the city of London, yet he
carried himself with much affability and seeming humility,
* Anti-Machiave], p. 97. 8vo. Lond. 1741.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 311
is not to be wondered that this action was looked
" and in all his discourses about the business of Worcester,
would seldom mention any thing of himself, but of the
gallantry of the officers and soldiers, and gave (as was due)
all the glory of the action unto God3."'  But, if we may
believe Ludlow, this was mere affectation. He was, in
reality, " so much elevated with that success, that Mr. Hugh
Peters, as he since told me, took so much notice of it, as to
say in confidence to a friend upon the road, in his return
from Worcester, that Cromwell would make himself kingb."
Indeed, very soon after his return to London, " he desired
a meeting with divers members of parliament, and some
chief officers of the army, at the speaker's house; and a
great many being there, he proposed to them, that now the
old king being dead, and his son being defeated, he held it
necessary to come to a settlement of t\ie nation. And, in
order thereunto, he had requested this meeting, that they
together might consider and advise what was fit to be done,
and to be presented to the parliament." The questions at
this meeting were, in what way this settlement was desired,
whether of an absolute republic, or with any mixture of
monarchy? and, if the latter, in whom that power should
be placed?  " In this conference the lawyers were
generally for a mix'd monarchical government, and many
were for the duke of Gloucester to be made king; but.
Cromwell still put off that debate, and came off to some
other point; and, in conclusion, after a long debate, the
company parted without coming to any result at all, only
Cromwell discovered by this meeting the inclinations of the
persons that spake, for' which he fished, and made use
of what he then discerned0." In November, 1652, Crom
well met Whitlock in St. James's Park, and entered into a
conference with him concerning the dangerous condition
they were then in, and how to make good their station, as he
expressed it.  After taking notice of the factions and
* Whitlock, p. 509. b Vol. II. p. 447. c Whitlock, p. 516.

312 THE LIFE OF
fipon by the friends of the parliament as base
murmurings of the army, their distaste against the parlia
ment, whose actions he greatly censured, as well as many
of their persons, and the impossibility of keeping them
within the bounds of justice, law, or reason, as they were
the supreme power of the nation, and liable to no account
orcbhtroul; he added, " that, unless there be some authority
and power so full and high, as to restrain and keep things
in better order, and that may be a check to these exorbi
tances, it will be impossible in human reason to prevent our
ruin." Whitlock spoke in vindication of the parliament, as
much, I suppose, as he thought he might do with safety,
and Oliver resting unsatisfied, he said, " We ourselves have
acknowledged them the supream power, and taken out
Commissions and authority in the highest concernments
from them, and how to restrain and curb them after this,
it will be hard to find out a way for it." Hereupon Crom
well plainly asked, " What if a man should take upon him
to be a king ?" One may, I think, fairly conclude from
hence, that he had, for some time, thought of such a thing,
and was determined to be master. Whitlock gave him
honestly his advice against carrying such a project into
execution, and proposed his treating with the king of Scots
as the surest means to provide for his own and the nation's
safety. Cromwell was not well pleased with the expe
dient, as Whitlock judged from his countenance and car
riage, and therefore broke off, and went to other com
pany a. Possibly he was hot wrong in rejecting the
proposal.- — The next month the scene began to open.
" The parliament were very busy in debate of several acts of
parliament under consideration, but very little being brought
to effect by them, the Soldiers grumbled at their delays, and
there began to be ill blood between them ; the general and
his officers pressed the putting a period to their sitting,
which they promised to do, but were slow in that business "."
* Whitlock, p. 548. * Id. p. 551.

OLIVER CROMWELL.
" And Cromwell, with the other grandees, now begancit^
assume to themselves all the honour of the 'past actions,
and of the conquests by them atchieved ; scarce owning. the <
parliament and their assistance and provision for them ; bift
taxing and censuring the members of parliament for injus
tice, and delay of business, and for seeking to prolong their
power, and promote their private interest, and to satisfy
their own ambition. With these and many others the like
censures (continues my author) they endeavoured to calum
niate the parliament, and judge them guilty of those crimes
whereof themselves were faulty, not looking into their own
actions, nor perceiving their own defaults ; yet censuring
the actions and proceedings of the parliament very oppro-
briously.  The drift of Cromwell and his> officers was to
put an end to this parliament, which many wondered at,
and sought to dissuade him from it upon all opportunities
as far as it was thought convenient, and that they might
not appear desirous to continue their own power, and sitting
in parliament, whereof they had cause to be sufficiently
weary. Neither could it be clearly foreseen, that their de
sign was to rout the present power, and to set up themselves ;
against the which they were advised, as pulling down the foun
dation of their own interest and power, and the way to weaken
themselves, and hazard both their cause and persons. Yet
still they seemed zealous upon their common pi'etences of right
and justice and publick liberty, to put a period to this parlia
ment, and that, if the parliament would not shortly do it them
selves, that then the soldiers must do ita."  Accordingly,
on the 20th of April, 1653, the parliament not having put a
period to themselves immediately, as Cromwell had desired,
he was so enraged thereat, " that he commanded some of
the officers of the army to fetch a party of soldiers, with
whom he marched to the house, and led a file of mus-
queteers in with him; the rest he placed at the door
of the house, and in the lobby before it. In this man
ner entering the house, he, in a furious manner, bid the
a Whitlock, p. 552.

314 THE LIFE OF
speaker leave his chair, told the house, that they had sat
long enough, unless they had done more good ; that some
of them were whore-masters, looking then towards Mr.
Henry Martyn and Sir Peter Wentworth. That others of
them were drunkards, and some corrupt and unjust men,
and scandalous to the profession of the Gospel, and that it
was not fit they should sit as a parliament any longer, and
desired them to. go away. The speaker not stirring from his
seat, colonel Harrison, who sat near the chair, rose up and'
took him by the arm to remove him from his seat, which,
when the speaker saw, he left the chair. Some of the mem
bers rose up to answer Cromwell's speech, but he would
suffer none to speak but himself, which he did with so much
arrogance in himself, and reproach to his fellow-members,
that some of his privadoes were ashamed of it; but he and
his officers and party would have it so : and, among all the
parliament men, of whom many wore swords, and would
sometimes brag high, not one man offered to draw his sword
against Cromwell, or to make the least resistance against
him ; but all of them tamely departed the house. He bid
one of the soldiers to take away that fool's bauble, the mace;
and staid himself to see all the members out of the house,
himself the last of them, and then caused the doors of the
house to be shut up. Thus was this great parliament,
which had done.so great things, wholly at this time routed
by those whom they had set up, and that took their com
missions and authority from them ; nor could they, in the
least, justify any action they had done, or one drop of blood
they had spilt, but by this authority. Yet now the servants
rose against the masters, and most ingratefully, and disin
genuously, as well as rashly and imprudently, they dissolv
ed that power by which themselves were created officers and
soldiers ; and now they took what they designed, all power
into their own hands. All honest and prudent indifferent
men were highly distasted at this unworthy action.  Thus
it pleased God, that this assembly, famous through the
world for its undertakings, actions and successes, having
subdued all their enemies, were themselves overthrown and

OLIVER CROMWELL. 315
and ingrateful, though Oliver attempted to
ruined by their servants ; and those whom they had raised,
now pulled down their masters. An example never to be
forgotten, and scarce to be paralleled in any story, by which
all persons may be instructed how uncertain and subject to
change all worldly affairs are, how apt to fall when we think
them highest \" To the above account from Mr. Whitlock,
who is universally allowed to write impartially, we must add
that Cromwell, having interrupted the parliament in the
morning, " came in the afternoon to the council of state
(who were assembled to do their duty at the usual place)
accompanied with major-general Lambert and colonel Har
rison, and told them at his entrance, Gentlemen, if you are
met here as private persons, you shall not be disturbed ; but
if as a council of state, this is no place for you ; and since
you can't but know what was done at the house in the
-morning, so take notice, that the parliament is dissolved.
To this serjeant Bradshaw answered ; Sir, we have heard
what you did at the house in the morning, and before many
hours all England will hear it: but, Sir, you are mistaken to
think that the parliament is dissolved ; for no power under
heaven can dissolve them but themselves; therefore take
you notice of that. Something more was said to the same
purpose by Sir Arthur Haselrig, Mr. Love, and Mr. Scot ;
and then the council of state, perceiving themselves to be
under the same violence, departed b."  There is no ac
count of this remarkable day's transactions in the Journals.
There was an entry of some kind or other made, but it was
expunged by order of parliament, January 7th, 1659. In
Mercurius Politicus, which was published by authority at
that time, there is an article dated Westminster, April 20, in
the following words : " The lord general delivered in par
liament divers reasons wherefore a present period should be
put to the sitting of this parliament ; and it was accordingly
* Whitlock, p. 554. and Ludlow, vol. II. p. 455. b Ludlow, vol. II. p. 461.
8

316 THE LIFE OF
justify it, as well as his apologists46. The
done; the speaker and the members all departing: The
grounds of which proceedings will (its probable) be shortly
made publick." Writers of Gazettes in all ages and coun
tries are pretty much the same.  If the reader will turn
to Mr. Hume, he may see this story of the dissolution bf
the parliament highly embellished a. It niay well enough
be thought a transaction of this nature must have been
variously censured. The common people, delighted with
change, were far enough from being displeased ; the Cavaliers
and the other Royalists with pleasure saw those men displac
ed from that power they judged they had no right to assume;
the Dutch were in hopes of obtaining, peace on better terms
than those steady and resolute men ever would willingly
have given them ; whilst the true Republicans could not
help crying out on Cromwell, who had interrupted the par
liament in their career of glory. Mr. Whitlock's censure
we have just seen. Another author thus exclaims against
him.  "His falseness and ingratitude," says he, "appeared
superlatively in turning out his masters, who had not only
advanced him, but made themselves more odious by their
partial affection towards him, and in his doing it with the
breach of a positive negative oath, taken once a year, when
made a counsellor of state, besides the breach of all other en
gagements, voluntary imprecations, protestations and oaths,
taken frequently upon all occasions in discourse and decla
rations ; and yet further (when he had turned them out, and
left them void of protection, and exposed them to the fury
of the people) in pursuing them with false reproachful de
clarations, enough to have stirred up the rude multitude to
have destroyed them, wherever they had met them b." Mr.
Ludlow talks much in the same strain. Cromwell's defence
will be found in the following note.
*6 Oliver attempted to justify it, as well as his apologists.]
1 History of Great Britain, vol. II. p. 44. b The World's Mistake
in Oliver Cromwell, p. 15. 4to. Lond. 1668,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 317
grounds and reasons of this proceeding being
On the twenty-second of April, two days after the interrup
tion or dissolution of the parliament, a declaration was pub
lished in the name of the lord-general and his council of
officers, shewing the grounds and reasons thereof. In this
the neglect of the parliament, in settling a due liberty in
reference both to civil and spiritual things, is lamented, and
a desire of perpetuating themselves in the supreme govern
ment asserted. ?' For which purpose," says the general and
his officers, " the corrupt party [the majority] long opposed,
and frequently declared themselves against having a new
representative : and when they saw themselves necessitated
to take that bill into consideration, the}' resolved to make
use of it to recruit the house with persons of the same spirit
and temper : and the better to effect this, divers petitions
preparing from several counties for the continuance of this
parliament were encouraged, if not set on foot by many of
them."  They go on to say, " That, having a meeting
with about twenty members of parliament, they laid before
them their judgment, that the suprearn authority should be
by the parliament devolved upon known persons, men
fearing God, and of approved integrity, and the govern
ment of the commonwealth committed unto them for a
time, as the most hopeful way to encourage and counte
nance all God's people, reform the law, and administer
justice impartially." This, it seems, found no acceptance :
but, instead thereof, " it was offered, that the way was to
continue still this present pariiament, as being that from
which we might reasonably expect all good things. And
this being vehemently insisted upon, did much confirm
us in our apprehensions, that not any love to a repre
sentative, but the making use thereof to recruit, and ' so
perpetuate themselves, was their aim. They being plainly
dealt with about this, and told, that neither the nation,
the honest interest, nor we ourselves, would be deluded by
such dealings, they did; agree to meet again the next day
' in the afternoon for mutual satisfaction, it being consented

318 THE LIFE OF
published, they were approved by the chief
to by the members present, that endeavours should be used,
that nothing in the mean time should be done in parliament
that might exclude or frustrate the proposals above men
tioned. Notwithstanding this, the next morning the parlia
ment did make more haste than usual, in carrying on their
said act, being helped on therein by some of the persons
engaged to us the night before ; none of them which were
then present endeavouring to oppose the same : and being
ready to put the main question for consummating the said
act, whereby our aforesaid proposals would have been render
ed void, and the way of bringing them into a fair and
full debate in parliament obstructed; for preventing where
of, and all the sad and evil consequences, which must,
upon the grounds aforesaid, have ensued, and whereby,
at one blow, the interest of all honest men, and of this
glorious cause, had been in danger to be laid in the dust,
and these nations embroiled in new troubles, at a time
when our enemies abroad are watching all advantages against
us, and some of them actually engaged in a war with us:
we have been necessitated, though with much reluctancy,
to put an end to this parliament; which yet we have done
(we hope) out of an honest heart, preferring this cause
above our names, lives, families, or interests, how dear
soever; with clear intentions and real purposes of heart, to
call to the government persons of approved fidelity and
honest, believing, that as none wise will expect to gather
grapes of thorns, so good men will hope, that, if persons so
qualified be chosen, the fruits of a just and righteous
reformation, so long prayed and wished for, will, by the
blessing of God, be in due time obtained, to the refreshing
of all those good hearts who have been panting after those
things3."-  Mr. Maidston, steward of the household to
Cromwell, a member of his parliaments, and well acquainted
* Declaration of the lord general, &c. London, printed by Henry Hills and
Thomas Bewster, printers to the army. 4 to. 1653.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 319
officers in the fleet and army, and the general
with his actions, speaking of his return to London from the
victory at Worcester, adds, " He had not long continued
here, before it was strongly imprest upon him by those, to
whom he had no reason to be utterly incredulous, and
strengthned by his own observation, that the persons then
galled the parliament of the commonwealth of England, as
from whom he had derived his "authority, and by virtue
whereof he had fought so many holy men in Scotland into
their graves, were not such as were spirited to carry the
good interest to an end, wherein he and they had jeoparded
all that was of concern to them in this world ; and I wish
cordially, that there had not been too great a ground for
those allegations. The result of them, after many debates
betwixt the members then sitting, and the general, with
some who joined with him, was the dissolution of that
parliament by a military force since called by a softer word,
interruption"."  These were the pleas in the defence of
the dissolution by those who had accomplished it. Since
this others have taken up the argument, and in behalf of
Cromwell observe, " That the presbyterian party being
expelled the house, the small remainder was only a junto
which derived their authority from the power of the sword;
their votes and acts were no farther laws than the sword
constrained obedience to them ; they were only continued
in their seats by Cromwell for a present convenience ; and
therefore as they were only countenanced and support
ed by the power of the sword, which was then in the
hands of Cromwell, they were to be looked upon as no
other than a party set up by him, and owing their authority
to him. So that when they began to extend that authority
beyond its limits, and assumed to themselves a demociatical
power in opposition to him from whom they derived their
subsistence, they were rather rebels to Cromwell, than
Cromwell to them ; and as he set them up in hopes that
» Thurloe, vol. I. p. 76,5.

320 THE LIFE OF
thereupon proceeded to nominate a new council
they might be serviceable to him for the good of the na
tion, might pull them down again, when he saw them ex
ceeding their commission. Now whether the design for the
bringing of which to pass, Cromwell fixed them in their
seats pro tempore, were good or bad, is not the question :
but whether they who were no lawful authority, but only
acted under the safeguard of another unlawful authority,
had power to make any act good or evil, as it suited with
their interest, or opposed their designs. For if they had
not, which is most probable, Cromwell is never a jot the
more impious, the more perjured, the more villain, because
they call him so. For being a junto of his own erecting,
upon such and such considerations, he might, without any
fear of those reproaches, serid them a grazing when he
found them deviating from those ends for which he had
suffered them to keep their places a."  Mr. Rapin is an
advocate on the same side of the question. " The republi
cans," says he, " were enraged against Cromwell, and
deemed him the most perfidious of men. This is not very
strange, since he had wrested from that parliament the
sovereign power, seized by these republicans without any
lawful authority. But what was this parliament ? It was an
assembly of independents, anabaptists, fanaticks, enthusiasts,
and others of no religion, who under colour of establishing
a free commonwealth, held the nation in servitude ; who, to
confirm their own authority, had treated their fellow mem
bers with unheard of violence, and dared to imbrue their
hands in the blood of the late king, at a time when he had
almost granted every thing that was desired ; who, in short,
were industrious to break the union of the' church, to sub
vert all religion, or introduce the most ridiculous and extra*-
vagant one. Was it therefore more eligible for England to
be governed by these men, than by a Cromwell V These
* Modest Vindication of Oliver Cromwell, p. 49. b Rapin's. History of
England, vol. II. p. 601. fol. JLond. 1733.

OLIVER CROMWELL. mi
of state, and to call a parliament. This was
things are all easily spoken. But whoever will consider,
that Cromwell in this affair was destitute of the plea of ne
cessity and self-preservation; that he had received very
great favours from, and had actually sworn to be true and
faithful to the commonwealth; that he had approved of
their actions, and zealously concurred with them in the
most exceptionable of them ; that he charges them not with
the ill things done, but only some good things omitted, a
charge to which every government on earth is, and always
will be liable : I say, whoever considers these things, and
withal calls to mind that they were about to pass an act for
their own dissolution, and for the calling and settling of
future and successive parliaments3, even at the time Crom
well used this force, will, I am persuaded, not be over hasty
in his justification. Of this, however, the considerate and
unprejudiced reader must be the judge.
Mr. Harrington, after censuring the form of government
of the commonwealth, " as an oligarchy," because it was a
" council without a ballance," or as he before expresses it,
" A parliament consisting of a single assembly elected by
the people, and invested with the whole power of the go
vernment, without any covenants, conditions or orders what
soever :" I say, after thus censuring the form of that go
vernment, proceeds to take notice of its dissolution by
Cromwell in the following terms : " I come now to the
army," says he, " of which the most victorious captain and
incomparable patriot Olphaus Megaletor was now general :
who being a much greater master of that art, whereof I
have made a rough draught in these preliminaries, had so
sad reflections upon the ways and proceedings of the parlia
ment, as cast him upon books, and all other means of diver
sion, among which he happened upon this place of Ma-
chiavel : Thrice happy is that people which chances to
have a man able to give them such a government at once,
'Journal, Ap. 13, 1653.
vol, in. y

322 THE LIFE OF
surnamed the Little, or Praisegod Barebone's
as without alteration may secure them of their liberties;
seeing it is certain, that Lacedemon, in observing the laws
of Lycurgus, continued about eight hundred years without
any dangerous tumult or corruption. My lord general (as
it is said of Themistocles, that he could not sleep for the
glory obtained by Miltiades at the battle of Maratho) took
so new and deep impression at these words of the much
greater glory of Lycurgus, that being on this side assaulted
with the emulation of his illustrious object, on the other
with the misery of the nation, which seemed (as it were
ruined by his victory) to cast herself at his feet, he was
almost wholly deprived of his natural rest, until the debate he
had within himself came to a firm resolution, that the greatest
advantages of a commonwealth are, first, that the legislator
should be one man : and secondly, that the government
should be made altogether, or at once. For the first, it is
certain, saith Machiavel, that a commonwealth is seldom or
never well turned or constituted, except it have been the
work of one man : for which cause a wise legislator, • and
one whose mind is firmly set, not upon private but the
publick interest, not upon his posterity but upon his coun
try, may justly endeavour to get the sovereign power into
his own hands; nor shall any man who is master of reason,
blame such extraordinary means as in that case shall be ne
cessary, the end proving no other, than the constitution of
a well ordered commonwealth. The reason of this is de
monstrable ; for the ordinary means not failing, the com
monwealth hath no need of a legislator ; but the ordinary
means failing, there is no recourse to be had but to such as
are extraordinary a." This was written, I suppose, to stimu
late Cromwell's ambition, and excite him by the desire of
real glory to establish a perfect commonwealth, and to
" launch immediately forth into an empire of laws." But he
had no such intention as this, and therefore cannot be
* Harrington's Commonwealth of Oceana, p. 49. foK Lond. 1656,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 323
parliament47, the subject of ridicule, reproach
entitled to this vindication. To come to a conclusion —
Whatever crime the general was guilty of in this affair, it
certainly was a proof of his superior ability. For, as Dr.
Warburton observes, " Cromwell seemeth to be distin
guished in the most eminent manner, with regard to his
abilities, from all other great and wicked men, who have
overturned the liberties of their country. The times in
which others succeeded in this attempt, were such as saw
the spirit of liberty suppressed and stifled by a general
luxury and venality ; but Cromwell subdued his country,
when this spirit was at its height, by a successful struggle
against court-oppression ; and while it was conducted and
supported by a set of the greatest geniuses for government
the world ever saw V What an idea is here given of the
capacity of this extraordinary man ! What an eulogium on
his masters whom he displaced, and ruled over!
47 He constituted a council of state, and summoned
Barebone's parliament.] The parliament being dissolved by
Cromwell, no visible power was in being, but the soldiery.
This must have been an alarming consideration. To pre
vent the ill effects of it, a declaration was set forth in the
general's name in the following words : " Whereas the par
liament being dissolved, persons of approved fidelity and
honesty, are (according to the late declaration of the 22d
of April last) to be called from the several parts of this
commonwealth to the supream authority ; and although
effectual proceedings are and have been had for perfecting
these resolutions ; yet some convenient time being required
for the assembling of those persons, it hath been found ne
cessary for preventing the said mischiefs and inconveniences
which may arise in the mean-while to the publick affairs,
that a councel of state be constituted, to take care of, and
intend the peace, safety and present management of the
* Warburton's Notes on Pope's Essay on Man, in his Works, vol III. p. 89.
Lond. 8vo. 1751.
Y 2

324 THE LIFE OF
and censure, from men who knew little of its real
affairs of this commonwealth: which being settled ac
cordingly, the same is hereby declared and published,
to the end all persons may take notice thereof, and in their
several places and stations demean themselves peaceably,
giving obedience to the laws of the nation as heretofore : in
the exercise and administration whereof, as endeavours shall
be used that no oppression or wrong be done to the people,
so a strict account will be required of all such as shall do
any thing to endanger the publick peace and quiet upon
any pretence whatsoever3." This bears date April 30, 1653.
In this high tone spoke Cromwell, who now, having all
power in his hands, printed an order for the continuance
of the assessment for the payment of the army and the navy
for six months^, after the rate of one hundred and twenty
thousand pounds a month, and issued out warrants for several
persons to appear at Whitehall, and receive from him the
supreme power. In the journal of the house of commons,
July 4th, 1653, we have the following account of the calling
this assembly.  " Several letters having issued, under the
hand and seal of the lord general, directed unto divers per
sons, in this form ; Forasmuch as, upon the dissolution of
the late parliament, it became necessary that the peace,
safety, and good government of this commonwealth should
be provided for ; in order whereunto, divers persons, fearing
God, and of approved fidelity and honesty, are by myself,
with the advice of my council of officers, nominated,; to
whom the great charge and trust of so weighty affairs is to
be committed,; and having good assurance of the love to,
and courage for God, and interest for his cause, and of the
good people of this commonwealth: I, Oliver Cromwell,
captain-general and commander in chief of all the armies and
forces raised,and.to be raised in this commonwealth, do hereby
summ&n and require you (being one of the said
persons nominated) personally to be and appear at the
a Mercurius Politicus, No. 151. p. 2410. >> Id. No, 157, p. 3506.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 325
character, or cared not what they said about it.
council-chamber in Whitehall, within the city of West
minster, upon the fourth day of July next ensuing the date
hereof, then and there to take upon you the said trust, unto
which you are hereby called and appointed, to serve as a
member for the county of : and hereof you
are not to fail. Given under my hand and seal the sixth
day of June, 1653. " O. CROMWELL.
" This day there was a great appearance of those persons
(to whom the letters were directed) in the council-chamber
at Whitehall ; when the lord-gerieral declared unto them
the grounds and end of calling them ; and delivered unto
them an instrument, in writing, under his hand and seal ;
and afterwards left them." In the Mercurius Politicus there
is an article from Whitehall of the same date, in which it is
said, " That the gentlemen that were called to the supream
authority, met, to the number' of above one hundred and
twenty, in the council-chamber, and being set round about
the table, the lord-general standing by the window opposite
to the middle of the table, and having as many of the army
officers as the room could well contain, on his right hand
and on his left ; his lordship made a very grave, christian
and reasonable speech, and exhortation to them; wherein
he briefly recounted the many great and wondrous mercies
of God towards this nation ;  he set forth also the pro
gress of affairs since the famous victory at Worcester,
wherein that arch-enemy of this nation was wholly subdued.
He likewise laid down the actings of the army thereupon,'
together with the grounds and necessity of their dissolving
the parliament, which his excellency declared to be for the
preservation of this cause, and the interest of all honest men
who have been ingaged therein. Moreover he very amply
held forth the clearness of the call given to the present
members, to take upon them the supream authority; and
did from the Scriptures exhort them to their duties, and
encourage them therein; desiring that a tenderness might

S26 THE LIFE OF
 But they soon resigned the power back
be used towards all godly and conscientious persons, 'of
what judgment, or under what form soever. Which being
ended, his lordship produced an instrument under his own
hand and seal, whereby he did, with the advice of his offi
cers, devolve and intrust the supream authority and govern
ment of this commonwealth, into the hands of the persons
then met, who, or any forty of them, are to be held and
acknowledged the supream authority of the nation; unto
whom all persons within the same, and the territories there
unto belonging, are to yield obedience and subjection. And
they are' not to sit longer than the third of November, 1654.
Three months before their dissolution, they are to make
choice of other persons to succeed them, who are not to sit
longer than a twelvemonth, but it is left to them to take
care for a succession in government. Which instrument
being delivered to the persons aforesaid, his lordship com
mended them to the grace of God"."  Mr. Rous was
called to the chair in this assembly, and it was " Resolved
that some members of the house should be sent to the lord-
general to desire -him to afford his presence and assistance
in the house, as a member thereof; viz. Sir Anthony Ashley
Cooper, Sir Gilbert Pickering, Mr. Strickland, colonel Si-
denham, Mr. Mayer, Mr. Carew, colonel Bennet, colonel
Jones. And the question being propounded, that major-
general Lambert, major-general Harrison, major-general
Lesborow, and colonel Thomlihson, be, and. are hereby,
called to sit as members of this house ; it passed in the af-
firmativeV  So oddly were the members of this parliament
chosen! — Mr. Maidstone, speaking" concerning them, says,
" The lord-general by his authority, (which was but military)
summons one hundred persons out of all parts of the nation
(with competent indifferency and equality) to represent the
nation, and invests them with legislative authority.. They
meet and accept it, assume the title of parliament, and sit
* Mercurius Politicus, No. 160. p. 2563. And Thurloe, vol. I. p. 338.
b Journal.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 327
into his hands, and thereby gave him an
in the house of commons, and enact sundry laws ; but in a
short time, made it appear to all considering and unpreju
diced men, that they were huic negotio impares, non obstante
their godliness; of which the more judicious of them being
sensible, contrived the matter so as to dissolve themselves by
an act of their own, and resolve their authority, whence they
first derived it, upon the general3." Cromwell's own account
of the proceedings of these men is severe enough, though it
be not expressed in the clearest manner. " It was thought
then," says he, " that men of our judgment, that had fought
in the wars, and were all of a piece upon that account why
surely these men will hit it, and them men will do it to the
purpose whatever can be desired, truly we did think, and I did
think so, the more to blame of, and such a company of men
were chose and did proceed in action, and truly this was the
naked truth, that the issue was not answerable to the simpli
city and honesty of the design. What the issue, of that
meeting would have been, and was feared, upon which the
sober men of that meeting did withdraw, and came and re
turned my power as far as they could, they did actually the
greater part of them into my own hands, professing and
believing that the issue of , that meeting would have been
the subversion of your laws, and of all the liberties of this
nation, the destruction of the ministers of this nation. In a
word, the confusion of all things, and instead of order, to set
up the judicial law of Moses, in abrogation of all our ad
ministrations, to have been adininistred the judicial law of
Moses, pro hie cV nunc, according to the wisdom of any man
that would have interpreted the text, this way or that way b."
 Lord Clarendon, assures us, "That there were amongst
them divers of the quality and degree of gentlemen, and who
had estates, and such a proportion of credit and reputation
as could consist with the guilt they had contracted.' But
much the major part of them consisted of inferiour persons,
a Thurloe, vol. I. p. 765. b Speech, Ap. 21, 1657.

328 THE LIFE OF
opportunity of assuming and exercising the
of no quality or name, artificers of the meanest trades,
known only by their gifts in praying and preaching, which
was now practised by all degrees of men, but scholars,
throughout the kingdom. In which number, that there may
a better judgment be made of the rest, it will not be amiss
to name one, from whom that parliament itself was after
wards denominated, who was Praise-God (that was his
christian name) Barebone, a leather-seller in Fleet-street,
from whom (he being an eminent speaker iri it) it was after
wards called Praise-God Barebone's a parliament. In a
word, they were generally a pack of weak senseless fellows,
fit only to bring the name, and reputation of parlia
ments, lower than it was yet"." Mr. Hume speaks with
like contempt of this assembly, and is as severe as ClarenT
don himself in his account of their proceedings.  His
lordship afterwards adds, " And these men thus brought
together, continued in this capacity near six months, to the
amazement, and even mirth of the people. In which time
they never entered into any grave and serious debate, that
might tend to any settlement, but generally expressed great
sharpness against all learning, out of which they thought the
clergy had grown, and still would grow. There were now
no bishops for them to be angry with; they had already re
duced all that order to the lowest distress. But their quar
rel was against all who had called themselves ministers,
and who, by being called so, received tythes, and respect
from their neighbours. They looked upon the function
a Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper was much more eminent and active ; as appears
from the journals. From his transactions in this and Cromwell's after parlia
ments, Dryden took occasion to characterize him in his early years as— —
A vermin, wriggling in th'usurper's ear;
Bart'ring his venal wit for sums of gold,
He cast himself into the saint-like mould;
Groan'd, sigh'd and pray'd, while godliness was gain ;
The loudest bagpipe of the squeaking train, MtDAL.
" Clarendon, vol, VI. p. 483.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 32$
supreme power of the nation, under the
itself to be antichristian, and the persons to beburthensome
to the people, and the requiring and payment of tythes' to
be absolute Judaism, and they thought fit they should be
abolished together ; and that there might not for the time
to come be any race of people who might revive those pre
tences, they proposed that all lands belonging to the uni
versities, and colleges in those universities, might be sold,
and the monies that should arise thereby, be disposed for
the publick service, and to ease the people from the pay
ment of taxes and contributions ".'' This is very virulent as
usual ; and as usual has a great mixture of falsehood. Many
of Cromwell's after councellors were in this assembly, such
as Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, Mr. Strickland, Sir Charles
Wolsely ; many of the chief officers of the army and navy,
as" Blake, Moncke, Montagu, afterwards earl of Sandwich,
besides the general and other officers mentioned above.
What mirth they afforded I know not. They were treated as
the supreme authority of the nation, and had the most
humble applications made to them from the chief cavaliers,
such as the earl, of Worcester, the earl and countess of Derby,
the lord Mansfield, the earl of Shrewsbury, and many others,
whose petitions are mentioned in the journals; not to take
notice of their being solemnly addressed to by sovereign
princes, and their sending ambassadors abroad : whether
they ever entered into any grave or serious debate which
might tend to a settlement, the reader will be able to
judge, when he is informed, that for the right ordering
and settling of the business of the house, they appointed
committees for the affairs of Ireland and Scotland ; for the
law; the army; for inspecting the treasuries, and -regulat
ing of officers and salaries ; for the business of trade and
corporations ; for the poor, and regulating commissions of
the peace; for considering of public debts, and to receive
accusations of bribery, public frauds, and breach of public
" Clarendon, vol. VI, p. 484.

330 THE LIFE OF
title of Lord Protector of the common-
trust; and for the advancement of learning*. And who
ever will look into their journals will find that they were
employed about points of the highest national concernment,
such as the abolishing the court of chancery on account of
its expensiveness and delays; the forming a new body of
the law; the uniting Scotland with England, regulating
marriages, and vesting the solemnization and cognizance of
them in the civil magistrate,- together with other things
of moment. It no way appears that they intended to set
up the judicial law of Moses, or sell the lands belonging to
the universities, and therefore the imputation of such in
tentions to them, must be deemed unjust and abusive.
Tythes b from the beginning had engaged their attention;
but that they had no design to abolish them, is plain from
the following report made by Mr. Sadler, a few days before
their resignation, from the committee for tythes.:  Re
solved, " That it be presented to the parliament, that all
such as are or shall be approved for publick preachers of the
gospel in the publick meeting places, shall have and enjoy
the maintenance already settled by law; and such other
encouragement, as the parliament hath already appointed,
or hereafter shall appoint: and that where any scruple
payment of tythes, the three next justices of the peace,
or two of them, shall, upon complaint, call the parties con
cerned before them; and, by the paths of lawful witnesses,
shall duly apportion the value of the said tythes, to be paid
either in money, or land by them to be set out according to
the said value, to be held and enjoyed by him that was
to have the said tythes: and in case such apportioned

* Journal, 20th July, 1653. b In the manuscript, belonging formerly
to colonel Saunders, guoted in note 42, it is proposed, " That tythes be wholly
taken away, the parishioners from whom they are dne, paying' in lieu thereof to
the state where they are not appropriate, and to the owners where they are,
moderate and certain rent-charge out of their lands : the ministers to be main
tained either by the voluntary contributions of such as desire to hear them, or
else by some settled pensions out of the public treasury."

OLIVER CROMWELL. 331
wealth of England, Scotland and Ireland.
value be not duly paid, or enjoyed, according to the order
of the said justices, the tythes shall be paid in kind, and
shall be recovered in any court of record. Upon hearing and
considering what hath been offered to this committee touch
ing propriety in tythes of incumbents, rectors, possessors
of donatives, or propriate tythes, it is the opinion of this
committee, and resolved to be so reported to the parliament,
that the said persons have a legal propriety in tythes2." So
that a regulation in tythes we see was the thing intended,
which yet raised a clamour against, and fixed a. character
on this parliament, as enemies to the ministry, to learning,
and every thing valuable in society. Such is the hatred
of ecclesiastics against all who would reform their laws and
customs, however unjust and tyrannical. It is not forgotten
how zealous these men were against the Quakers' tythe
bill in the year 1736. A bill founded on strict justice and
perfect equity, and opposed through interest, prejudice,
or worse views, as was then shewn, to a demonstration, in
one of the best written tracts of the age, by lord Hervey b.
 'The parliament soon after resigned back their power
into the hands of Cromwell. The account given of it in the
journals is as follows: Monday, 12th of December, 1653.
" It being moved in the house this day, that the sitting of
this parliament any longer, as now constituted, will not be
for the good of the commonwealth ; and that therefore it was
requisite to deliver up unto the lord general- Cromwell the
powers which they received from him; and that motion
being seconded by several other members; the house rose:
and the speaker, with many of the members of the house
departed out of the house to Whitehall; where they, being
the greater number of the members sitting in parliament,
did, by a writing under their hands, resign unto his
excellency their said powers: and Mr. Speaker, attended
1 Journal, Dec. 2, 1653. * Answer to the Country Parson's Plea
against the Quakers' Tythe Bill, 8vo.Lond. 1736.

832 THE LIFE OF
The grounds and reasons of this new settle*
with the members, did present the same to his excellency,
accordingly." The. following extract frqm a letter of
Bussy Mansel, Esq.- one of the members of this parliament,
to his brother Edward Pritehard, Esq. will give us a clearer
idea of this affair. " Since I writ my last to you, and some
days before, wee were about a report from the committee of
tieths, about sending commissioners to the several circuits
to cast out all that they judged to be unfit to be ministers,
and to put in all they judged to be fit upon the last day of
the weeke. This power and its appurtenances came to the
question, and it was carried in the negative. Hereupon
those gentlemen, that were for the report, came sooner than
their usual hower upon Munday to the house, and there
spoke of the unlikelihood of doing good, and instanced
in several things, that they judged eviil, that was don;
and, therefore desired that they would goe, and returne that
power they had from whence they received it; and there
upon about forty, and the speaker went to the generall, and
did accordingly, Twenty seven stayed in the house a
little time speaking to one another, and going to speak to
the Lord in prayer, coll. Goff and lieut, cpll. White came
into the house, and desired them that were there to come
out. Some answered, that they were there by a call from
the generall, and would not come out by their desire,
unless they had a command from him. They returned noe
answer, but went out, and fetched two files of musquetiers,
and did as good as force them out ; amongst whom I was
an unworthy one*."  Ludlow, speaking of this resigna
tion, attributes it to the ambition and i artifice of Cromwell
in the following, words: " The perfidious Cromwell having
forgot his most solemn professions and former vows, as
well as the blood and treasure that had been spent in this
contest, thought it high time to take off the masque, and
resolved to sacrifice all our victories and deliverances to his
1 Thurloe, vol, I. p. 637.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 333
ment will deserve the attention of the curious
pride and ambition, under colour of taking upon him the
office a's it were of a high constable, in order to keep the
peace of the nation, and to restrain men from cutting
one another's throats. .One difficulty yet remained to ob
struct his design, and that was the convention, which he
had assembled and invested with power, as well as earnestly
sollicited to reform the law, and reduce the clergy to a
more evangelical constitution. And having sufficiently
alarmed those interests, and shown them their danger from
the convention, he informs them farther, that they cannot
be ignorant of the confusion that all things are brought
into by the immoderate zeal of those in authority, and to
what extremities matters might be reduced, if permitted to
go on ; possibly, said he, to the utter extirpation of law
and gospel from amongst us; and therefore advised that
they would join their interests to his, in order to prevent
this inundation. His proposition was readily embraced by
the corrupt part of the lawyers and clergy, and so he
became their protector, and they the humble supporters of
his tyranny. But that his usurpation might seem less
horrid, he so contrived it by his instruments, that some
of the convention must openly manifest their disapprobation
of their own proceedings, and under divers specious pre
tences put a period to, their sitting3."'  When the instru
ment of resignation signed as above mentioned in the
journal, was brought to Cromwell, it is said he lifted up
his eyes with astonishment ; and, with no less seeming
modesty, refused to receive it ; but, at length, through the
importunity of major-general Lambert and others, repre
senting to him that the welfare of the nation absolutely
required his acceptance of the parliament's resignation, he
thought fit. to comply with their request."— — Cromwell
indeed in a speech made to the ensuing parliament,1 Sep
tember 12, 1"654, positively affirms in the most solemn
• Thurloe, vol. H. p. 471.
7

334 THE LIFE OF
reader48. But how blameworthy soever the
manner, " That he was so far from having any hand in this
project, that he was an absolute stranger to the design,
till the speaker, with the major part of the house, came to
him with the instrument of their resignation*."  For my
own part, I much doubt of the strict truth of this. Can it
be supposed that his creatures and favourites would have
ventured on such a thing without being satisfied of his
approbation? Or that the officers would have dared to
bring in a file of musquetiers, and in a manner force the
non-resigners out of the house, if they had not been well
assured that it would be acceptable to him?  But be this
as it may, the lord general having the power of the nation
thus formally resigned up into his hands, he embraced the
opportunity of exercising it- in his own name, in order to
preserve the peace and secure the laws and religion of the
nation as he professed, though possibly the lust of sway
might have some small influence on his determination b.
48 The grounds and reasons of this new settlement de
serve attention.] Cromwell having accepted the parlia
ment's instrument of resignation, called a council of officers
and others, who, after several days' consultation, resolved

a Parliamentary History, vol. XX. p. 244. In this vol. is the completest ac
count of this Parliament extant. b Mr. Hume, in order I suppose to divert
the readers, on mentioning Praise-God Barebone, has informed them, that " It
was usual for the pretended saints at this time to change their names from Henry,
Edward, Anthony, William, which they regarded as heathenish, into others
more sanctified and godly : even the New Testament names James, Andrew, &c.
were not held in such regard as those borrowed from the Old Testament, Heze-
kiah, Habbakuk, Joshua, Zorobabel. Sometimes a whole godly sentence was
adopted for a name." Inprqof of this he gives a list of names of a jury in the
county of Sussex about this time, on the authority of one Drome, an obscure and
inconsiderable writer. This gentleman, however, should have known that this
practice, (not of changing their names, as he supposes, but of giving sanctified
and godly ones to their children) how ridiculous soever, was in use long before
these times ; and also that it was not more common then, than it had before
been. Cambden [Remains, p. 42. 4to. Lond. 1629.] would have informed him
of the one, and the great variety of lists of names still remaining in Thurloe,
Scobel, and other collectors, of the other.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 335
protector might have been in the acquisition
that a council should be named, to consist not of more than
21, nor less than 13 persons, and that the general should be
chosen lord protector of the three nations. On the 16th of
December, 1653, Oliver with great pomp was inaugurated
in Westminster-Hall, after having first solemnly sworn to
an instrument of government prepared by his council, and
others. It is well drawn, and shews much judgment. By
it the supreme legislative authority of the commonwealth
was placed in one person, and the people assembled in
parliament; but the executive was to be in the lord pro
tector, assisted with a council, who should dispose of all
magistracy and honor, and have the power of pardons
and benefit of forfeitures. In him likewise, with consent
of parliament when sitting, was vested the power of the
militia, and forces by sea and land, as well as the pre
rogative of making war and peace. So that Cromwell,
who by this instrument was constituted lord protector,
was in a manner vested with the old real rights of the
English kings, and had the authority conferred on him.
But that provision might be made for the people, and
their benefit and advantage consulted, it was declared,
" That the laws should not be altered, suspended, abrogated,
or repealed, or any new law made, nor any tax, charge, or
imposition laid upon the people, but by common consent in
parliament." Triennial parliaments were also ordained ; a
new representative, in proportion to the contributions of the
respective counties towards the public expence, to the num
ber of 400, together with 30 for Scotland, and the like num
ber for Ireland, enacted; and bills passed in parliament
declared to have the force of laws, twenty days after they
should be offered to the protector, though his assent was
refused. These and many other particulars in favour of the
people, are to be found in the instrument of government, by
which it plainly appears that despotism was far enough
from being the intention of Cromwell and his officers. It
must not be omitted, that " A constant yearly revenue was

336 THE LIFE OF
of his high office ; or how wickedly soever
ordained to be raised for maintaining 10,000 horse, and
20,000 foot in England, Scotland and Ireland, for the defence
and the security thereof, and also for a convenient number
of ships for guarding of the seas ; besides 200,000/. per an
num, for defraying the other necessary charges of administra
tion of justice, and other expences of the government; which
revenue was to be raised by the customs, and such other
ways and means, as should be agreed upon by the lord pro
tector and the council, and was not to be taken away or dimi
nished, nor the way agreed upon for raising the same altered,
but by the consent of the lord protector and the parliament.
He was invested also with a power, till the meeting of the
first parliament, to raise money for the purposes aforesaid ;
and also to make laws and ordinances for the peace and wel
fare of these nations, where it should be necessary ; which
should be binding and in force, until order should be taken
in parliament concerning the same."
On Cromwell's death a protector was to be elected by the
council.  This was a bait for the grandees3.  It may
well enough be thought such a change in the government
as this could not happen without censure. The army party
were, for the most part, addicted to a commonwealth, and
many of the most able men in the nation were of the same
judgment. These thought they had in vain abolished king
ship, if one man must rule over them under what name or
title soever, and they could not without indignation behold
a man so greatly elevated above them, whom they had so
lately seen their equal or inferiour. Nor did they refrain
asking who made him. protector? or what right he had ,to
the supreme power ? It was to these kind of men Cromwell
endeavoured to justify himself, and thereby to soften their
prejudices,. and obtain their concurrence in his views for
* But when Oliver's sovereignty was more firmly established, we find in the
humble petition and advice of the parliament in 1656, the power of appointing
and declaring a person to succeed in the government, was invested in himself
alone.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 33?
he acquired it, (for his admirers confess he had
his own and the nation's glory. See with what art he talks
to them in the following passages. — ^"1 received this
resignation" [the late parliament's] says he, " having for
merly used my endeavours and persuasions to keep them
together; observing their differences, I thought it my duty
to give advice to them, that so I might prevail with them
for union: but it had the effect I told you, and I had my
disappointment. When this was so, we were exceedingly
tp seek how to settle things, for the future. My power
again, by this resignation, was as boundless and unlimited
as before ; all things being subjected to arbitrariness, and
Inyself a person having power over the three nations, bounds
lesly and unlimited ; and upon the matter, all government
dissolved, all civil administrations at an end, as will be pre
sently made appear. The gentlemen that undertook to
frame this government, did consult divers days together
(they being of known integrity and ability) how to frame
somewhat that might give us settlement; and they did so:
and that I was not privy to their Councils, they know itt
When they had finished their model in some measure, or
made a very good preparation of it, it became communica
tive. They told me, that except I would undertake the
government, they thought things would hardly come to a
composure and settlement ; but blood and confusion would
break in upon us. I denied it again and again, as God and
those persons know; not complimentingly, as they also
know, and as God knows, I confess, after many arguments,
and after the letting of me know that I did not receive any
thing that put me into any higher capacity than I was in
before; but that it limited me, and bound my hands to act
nothing to the prejudice of those nations, without consent
of a council, until the parliament, and then limited by the
parliament, as the act of government expresseth, I did accept
it. J might repeat this again to you, if it were needful j
but I think I need not. I was arbitrary in power, having
the armies in the three nations under my command ; and
vol. in, z

538 THE LIFE OF
faults, and pretend not -wholly to exculpate
truly not very ill beloved by them, nor very ill beloved then
by the people, by the good people ; and I believe I should
have been more, if they had known the truth, as things were
before God, and in themselves, and before divers of those
gentlemen whom I but now mentioned unto you. I did at
the intreaty of divers persons of honour and quality, at the
iutreaty of very many of the chief officers of the army then
present, and at their request, I did accept of the place and
title of protector; and was in the presence of the commis
sioners of the great seal, the judges, the lord mayor and
aldermen of the city of London ; the soldiery, divers gen
tlemen, citizens, and divers other people and persons of
quality, &c. accompanied to Westminster Hall, where I
took my oath to this government. This was not done in a
Corner; it was open and publick. This government hath
been exercised by a council, with a desire to be faithful in
all things ; and, amongst other trusts, to be faithful in call
ing this parliament.—  This is a narrative that discovers to
you the series of providence, and of transactions leading me
into this condition wherein I now stand \" In another of
his speeches, he declares, " He undertook the protectorship,
not so much out of hope of doing any good, as out of a de
sire to prevent mischief and evil : and he compares his sta
tion to that of a good constable, to keep the peace of the
parish'0."  This renders probable what Burnet relates con
cerning his speeches to the republican enthusiasts, with
whom he had been closely connected, and of whom he had
availed himself in his rise to greatness. — "It was no easy
thing," says he, " for Cromwell to satisfy those, when he
took'the power into his own hands; since that looked like
a step to kingship, which [John] Goodwin had long repre
sented as the great Antichrist, that hindered Christ's being
set on the throne. To these he said, and as some have told
a Parliamentary History, vol. XX . p. 3>5. k Speech at Whitehall, Ap. 13,
1657.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 339
him) yet certain it is he rivalled the greatest of
me, with many tears, that he would rather have taken a
shepherd's staff than the protectorship, since nothing was
more contrary to his genius than a shew of greatness : but
he saw it was necessary at that time to, keep the nation from
falling into extream disorder, and.from becoming open to
the common enemy : and therefore he only stept in between
the living and the dead, as he phrased it, in that interval,
till God should direct them on what bottom they ought to
settle : and he assured them, that then he would surrender
the heavy load lying upon him, with a joy equal to the sor
row with which he was affected while under that shew of dig
nity*." This was all very artful, and probably had its in
tended effect.
Cromwell in the foregoing speech talks of his having, on
the dissolution of the parliament, power over the three na
tions, boundless and unlimited. This must suppose that he
thought he had conquered all, or that all were subject to his
rule and command. A strange doctrine ! His country might
well have cried out, " Are we then so unhappy as to be con
quered by the person, whom we hired at a daily rate, like a
labourer, to conquer others for us ? Did we furnish him with
arms only to draw and try upon our enemies, and keep them
for ever sheathed in the bowels of his friends ? Did we fight
for liberty against our prince, that we might become slaves
to our servant?  The right of conquest can only be exer
cised upon those against whom the war is declared, and the
victory obtained. So that no whole nation can be said to
be conquered but by a foreign force. In all civil wars> men
are so far from stating the quarrel against their country, that
they do it only against a person or party which they really
believe, or at least pretend to be pernicious to it;, neither
can there be any just cause for the destruction of a part of
the body* but when it is done for the preservation and
safety of the whole. 'Tis our country that raises men in
* Eurnet, vol. I. p. 104.
z 2

340 THE LIFE OF
the English monarchs in glory, and made himself
the quarrel, our country that arms, our country that pays
them, our country that authorizes the undertaking, and that
distinguishes it from rapine and murder. Lastly, 'tis our
country that directs and commands the army, and is indeed
their general, So that to say in civil wars thatthe prevail
ing party conquers their country, is to say the country con
quers itself. And if the general only of that party be the
conqueror, the army by which he is made so, is no less con
quered than the army which is beaten, and have as little rea
son to triumph in that victory, by which they lose both their
honour and liberty. So that if Cromwell conquered any
party, it was only that against which he was sent, and what
that was must appear by his commission*." As to the dis*
tracted state of affairs, by reason of the dissolution of the
government, and the tendency all things had to confusion(
Mr. Cowley, with his usual spirit, says, , " The government
was broke; Who broke it? It was dissolved; . Who dis
solved it? It was extinguished ; Who was it but Cromwell,
who not only put out the light, but cast away even the very
snuff of it? As if a man s.hould murder a whole family,
and then possess himself of the whole house, because 'tis
better that he, than that only rats should live there0." 
However, though Cromwell probably was blameworthy for
turning out his masters and dissolving the government, yet
as things were, there seems to have been hardly any remedy
so ready at hand for the establishment of peace and order, as
his assuming the sovereignty, and exerting the power he
had got into his hands for the good and benefit of the three
nations. All other power, through his means indeed, was,
extinguished; but there was a necessity for some sove
reignty or other to be erected, that men might not be
forced upon new civil wars. And who but Cromwell was
capable of this ? Who so fit, in his own eye at least, to ex
ercise it ?  But let us attend to the reasons which were
* Cowlev's Discourse concerning Oliver Cromwell, p. 80. b Id. p. 8«.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 341
given by the protector's order, or at least approbation, for
this new settlement. They are contained in a small tract,
intitled " A true state of the case of the commonwealth of
England, &c. in reference to the late established govern
ment, by a lord protector and parliament V  After hav
ing spoken concerning the various transactions during the
war; the consequences thereof; the authority and govern
ment of the long parliament ; the carriage and resignation
of the next chosen ; and severely censured many of the
principles professed by some of its members : it goes on to
say, " Wherefore upon these, and divers considerations, it
was agreed to come to some such solid and certain course of
settlement, as might hereafter bar up the way against those
manifold inconveniences, which we have felt under other
fleeting forms, and reduce us (as near as may be, with, most
convenience) to our antient way of government by supream
magistrates and parliaments. And of this nature is the form
now established, and already made publick. But to the end
this may be made clear and manifest, we shall in the next
place discourse somewhat concerning it in general, and then,
descend to particulars. In general, we say; that as this last
change hath been made upon the same grounds of reason
and equity, that necessitated all foregoing changes in the
outward forms, and was admitted of absolute necessity to
save a sinking nation out of the gulph of misery and confu
sion, caused by the changeable counsels and' corrupt inte
rest of other men, who violated their principles, and brake
the trust committed to them : so none of those former alter
ations did so truly make good, or so fully provide for the
security of those great ends of religion and liberty, which
were as the blood and spirits running through every vein of
the parliament and army's declarations ; so that though the
commonwealth may now appear with a new face in the out
ward form, yet it remains still the same in substance, and is
of a better complexion and constitution than heretofore.
^nd if we take a survey of the whole together, we find the
f London, printed for Thomas Newcomb, 165^,

342 THE LIFE OF
foundation of this government laid in the people. Who
hath the power of altering old laws, or making new ? The
people in parliament ; without them nothing of this nature
can be done ; they are to be governed only by such laws as
they have chosen, or shall chuse, and not to have any ira-.
posed upon them. Then who is to administer or govern
according to those laws, and see them put in execution?
Not a person claiming an hereditary right of sovereignty,
or power over the lives and liberties of the nation by birth,
allowing the people neither right nor liberty, but what de
pends upon royal grant and pleasure, according to the tenor
of that prerogative challenged heretofore by the kings of
England; under whom, if the commonalty enjoyed any
thing they might call their own, it was not to be so much
esteemed a matter of right, as a boon and effect of grace
and favour. But the government now is to be managed by
a person that is elective, and that election must take its rise
originally and virtually from the people, as we shall fully
evince by and by, in particular, and shew that all power,
both legislative and executive, doth flow from the commu
nity; than which there cannot be greater evidence of pubT
lick freedom a."  " We see our friends have taken in the
good of all the three sorts of government, and bound them
all in one. If war be, here is the unitive virtue (but nothing
else), of monarchy to encounter it ; and here is the admi
rable counsel of aristocrasie to manage it : if peace be,
here is the industry and courage of democrasie to. improve
it. And whereas in the present constitution, the legisla
tive and executive powers are seperated ; the former being
vested in a constant succession' of parliaments elective by
the people, the latter in an elective lord protector and his
successors, assisted by a council1; we conceive the state of
this commonwealth reduced to so just a temper, that the ills
either of successive parliaments, furnished with power both
of executing and making laws, or of a perpetual parlia
ment, (which are division, faction, and confusion) being
* Case of the Commonwealth, p. 27.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 343
avoided on the one side, and the inconveniences of an abso
lute lordly power on the other; the frame of -government
appears so well bounded on both sides, that we hope it may
now (through the blessing of God) prove a seasonable mean
{as for the better defending these dominions against ene
mies abroad, and promoting our interest in foreign parts,
so also) of peace and settlement to this distracted nation ;
and be of durable continuance to succeeding ages3." In
this manner was the erection of the protectorate defended.
By the same writer we find it endeavoured to be proved,
" That by this settlement all the grand acts of sovereignty
were either immediately, or influentially lodged in the peo
ple; and that the objections against it were ill founded."
After which follows a little panegyric on Cromwell and his
new government, in the following words : " As touching
the person,'whom the Lord hath now advanced and set over
us to be our supream magistrate, we shall not say much,
because he seeks not the praise of men; only we believe
even the enemies will confess that he is every way worthy
to ruje, whom God hath been pleased to use as bis instru
ment in that glorious work of redeeming the liberties of his
people; for we are bold to say (weighing all circumstances
together) that this nation was never really free, nor in a way
of enjoying its fieedom so fully as now; so that there
wants nothing but a cordial close with the government, to
destroy all hopes of the common enemy, and compleat our
happiness0."  This piece is referred to by Cromwell for
satisfaction concerning- his government, in one of his
speeches to the parliament c, and it was also translated into
Latin, for a justification abroad. What force there is in it,
the reader may form some judgment -by the above extracts.
•  No sooner had the inauguration of Cromwell been per
formed, but " he and his council had several applications
and addresses made to them from divers considerable places,
acknowledging his power and government, and promising

* Case of the Commonwealth, p. 51. l> 1,3, p, 4^ c gee p„
liauientary History, vol. XX. p. 419. '

344 , THE LIFE OF
obedience to it\" Indeed there was an almost universal
acquiescence for the present, as is owned by a mortal foe to
Cromwell, in the following passage. " That which disposed
the minds of the people to abstain from a present protesta
tion against this government, besides the agony of the late
confusions, and the astonishment upon the new wonderful
alteration, was, that it was but temporary, and that limited
to a very short time; a free parliament was to be called
within so many months, which was entirely to consider and
settle the government of the kingdom, %and to remove all
those obstructions which hinder the peace and happiness of
the nation, and to restore it to that tranquillity and quiet it
had been so long deprived of: and the protector was sworn
to a due observation of all those articles, which he had
himself prescribed for his own rules and bounds, and there
fore the more hope that he would be contented to be limited
bythemb.v,  The truth is, by the power and artifice of
Oliver the government of England had been dissolved, and
a new one was now erected, which promised fair enough
for the preservation and happiness of the community. No
thing therefore remained for the people to do, but to sub
mit unto it, and make the best of it. " The obligation of
subjects to the sovereign," says Mr. Hobbs, " is understood
to last as long, and no longer, than the power lasteth, by
which he is able to protect them. For the right men have
by nature to protect themselves, when none else can protect
them, can by no covenant be relinquished. The sovereignty
is the soul of the commonwealth; which once departed
from the body, the members do no more receive their mo
tion from it. The end of obedience is protection; which,
wheresoever a man seeth it, either in his own, or in ano
ther's sword, nature applyeth his obedience to it, and his
endeavour to maintain it. And though sovereignty, in the
.intention of them that make it, be immortal ; yet it is in its
own nature, not only subject to violent death, but foreign

» Whitlock, P- S™- h Letter from a true and lawful Member of Par
liament, to one of the Lords of his Highnesses Councel, p, 53. 4to. 1656.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 345
courted and dreaded 49 by the nations around
war ; but also through the ignorance and passions of men,
it hath in it, from the very institution, many seeds of na
tural mortality, by intestine discord3."
49 He rivalled the greatest of our monarchs in glory, and
made himself courted and dreaded by the nations around
him.] 'f If there ever appeared in any state," says Wicque-
fort, "a chief who was at the same time both tyrant and
usurper, most certainly Oliver Cromwell was such : and. yet
for all that, never was there an usurper so solemnly ac
knowledged. Immediately after the death of the late king,
Don Alonso de Cardenas, embassador from Spain, legiti
mated this bastard republick ; and Oliver had no sooner
made himself sovereign, under the quality of protector,
than all the kings of the earth prostrated themselves before
this idol. To gratify him, the lawful king, [Charles II.]
with his brothers, were driven out of those kingdoms and
provinces, that ought to have served him as places of refuge
or asylums. Lockart, who was embassador from the usurper,
was not only received in France with all the honors that
could have been done to the minister of the first monarch of
Christendom, but cardinal Mazarine even refused to see the
king of Great Britain, who had travelled quite through the
kingdom to come to him at the foot of the Pyrenean hills,
and would not so much as speak to the person that came
from him, and waited at the door of the chief minister:
who at the same time had daily conferences with the usurp
ers. All that the dispossessed king could obtain was, that
the cardinal gave him leave that the duke pf Ormond should
speak to him as he passed along, and as it were accidentally,
as he came from his own quarters to the isle of the confer
ence. " The king of Spain, who was brother-in-law to the de
ceased king, behaved himself a little better. He suffered
the son to be in' safety at Brussels, where he also met with
* Leviathan, p. 114. Fol. Lond. 1651.

346 THE LIFE OF
him.  -The peace he gave to the Dutch,
some civilities: and his chief minister Don Lewis deHaro,
at the Pyrenean hills, shewed him that respect which the
cardinal had refused him. The king of France being ad
vanced as far as the frontiers of Flanders, the protector sent
Falconbridge his son-in-law, to pay him those civilities,
which sovereigns are used to shew one another on like occa
sions : and the duke de Crequy, one of the first lords of
France, next to the princes, was sent to London, to thank
the usurper for his civilities : and that nothing might be
wanting to the ceremony, the cardinal would have his ne
phew Mancini accompany the duke. The difference that is
to be seen in the behaviour of these two kings of France and
Spain, who were both nearly related to. the king of Eng
land, proceeded only from the difference of their interest.
The Spanish embassador had used his utmost endeavours
with the usurper, to engage him in the interest of the king
his master; even to the offering him a hundred thousand
crowns per month, two hundred thousand by way of ad
vance, and an army of twenty thousand men to reconquer
Calice. Cromwell had rejected these offers ; and as he
feared more the neighbourhood of France, than he hoped
for. advantage from the languishing and remote strength of
Spain, he sided with the first, whose friend he became ; by
that means obliging the other to be so to the king of Great
Britain, whose three kingdoms he had usurped a."
Wicquefort has not exaggerated, matters in this account :
for by the best authority we are told, " That upon Oliver's
assuming the government, both those crowns [France and
Spain] applied to him. Don Alonso de Cardenas, the
Spanish ambassador then residing here, in a private au
dience, congratulated his access to the government, ex
pressing the great, satisfaction his master had received
therein; in whose name he did assure him of the true and
constant friendship of Spayne, in the condition that he
I Embassador, and his Functions, p. 17.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 347
(though it has not wanted censurers) was ho-
thetn stood ; or if he would go a step farther and take upon
him the crown, that his master would venture the crown of
Spayne to defend him in it; with many other expressions
of kindness and good-willa." The distinction with which
the English ambassador in France was treated, will be best
explained by a letter of Lockhart's to Thurloe, dated Paris,
May 7, 1656. " My last from St. Dennis told your honour,
that I was to lodge at Paris that night. As I was going to
my coach, Mr. Swift returned from the cardinal (from whom
he -received extraordinary civilities) and told me his emi
nence earnestly desired, that I would do him (as he said)
honor, to receive a visit from him next day at St. Dennis.
Upon this I resolved to stay there till Monday morning.
Upon the Lord's day, I received a very kind welcome from
him by the master of the house, and a letter very full of
kind expressions. After my arrival at Paris, I renewed my
desire both to his eminence and count Bryen for audience^
which is promised me -to-morrow at night; and after I am
assured by a person of quality sent to me this morning by
the cardinal, that I shall have the freedom allowed me to
wait upon him as often as I will. Count Bulion sent also
to me this morning, to tell me that he was commanded by
the king to wait upon me this day to congratulate my safe
arrival into France; and was very earnest with me to appoint
him an hour, which I left to his own discretion and con-
veniency °." Lord Fauconbefg's reception in France is thus
related by himself, in a letter to H. Cromwell, dated White
hall, June 8, 1058.  " I am now returned from the French
court, where I have had the honourablest reception ima
ginable. The king did not only keepe bare at my publique
audiences, but, when 1 made him a private visit, he talked
with me in the garden an hour or two uncovered. ,From the
cardinal the honours I had were particular and unusual: he
waved the state of a publique audience, came out of his
• Thurloe, vol. I. p. 759. ° Id. vol. IV. p. 771,

348 THE LIFE OF
nourable to himself, and the nation. He pre-
own room to meet me, led me presently into bis cabinet-
after an hour's discourse in private, be conducted me downe
to the very door, where my coach stood, a ceremony he
dispenses with not only to all others, but even to the kino-
himself. The charge of two very handsome tables were
defrayed (for myself and followers) by the king, all the
while I stayed. In summe, through all their actions not
the least circumstance was omitted, that might witness the
truth of these respects' they beare his highnesse and the
English nation3." With what detestation soever princes
may speak of usurpers, we see they submit to pay them
the tribute of adulation, when they suppose it for their in
terest : and though with abhorrence they speak of these
men as mere tyrants and rebels, none are more solicitous to
obtain their favour and assistance. A very edifying ex
ample, truly! Mazarine was bitterly reproached by some
of the French for his extreme submission to Cromwell, as
we find in the following passage : " these are the people [his
friends and counsellors] who make you treat with Cromwell
in a manner so mean and injurious to the French nation ;
who advise you to lower our flags before his ships, and who
are willing to allow him the title of protector of the protes-
tants of that kingdom0." In short, the courtship of the
two crowns to Oliver, was so great and visible that it exi
posed them to laughter. " The Dutch struck a medal with
the bust of Cromwell and his titles on one side, with Britan
nia on the other, and Cromwell thrusting hi.s head in her
bosoms with his breeches down and his backside bare, the
Spanish embassador stooping to kiss it, while the French
embassador holds him by the arm, with these words
inscribed, Retire toi, I'honneur apartient au Roi man maitre,
i. e. Come back, that honour belongs to the king my mas
ter'." This medal is yet preserved in several Dutch cabi-
" Faijconbers, vol. VII. p. 158. b Advice to Card. Mazarine, at the
end of Retz's Memoirs, vol. IV.' p. 247. 12moi « Biographia Britannic^
p. 1564.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 349
scribed the conditions, and they were forced
nets. It was said also that a " picture had been set to sale
at Pont-neuf [in Paris] wherein the lord protector was sit
ting on a close-stole at his business, and the king of Spain
on the one side, and the king of France on the other, offer
ing him paper to wipe his breech3;"-  Indeed the friend
ship of Oliver was earnestly sought after by most of the
kings and princes of his age. Frederick William, elector
of Brandenburg, whose fame is rendered immortal by the
pen of hisroyal descendant, courted the friendship of Crom
well11- Whitlock in a letter to his highness dated Upsal,
January 13, 1653, gives him a particular account of the joy
the queen of Sweden expressed on his assuming the pro
tectorate, and in conclusion adds, " She told me she would
write herself to my lord protector, and desired me in my let
ters tp acquaint your highness, that no person had a greater
esteem and respect of your highness than she had, which she
would be ready to manifest, and was very joyful for this
good news from England'" The king of Denmark sent
over a person to congratulate his highness, the lord protec
tor, and was overjoyed that he was included in the Dutch
treaty. The terms given to the king of Portugal, and the
manner of demanding satisfaction for his not executing the
treaty signed by his ambassador, will much illustrate the
high character Cromwell bore among his fellow sovereigns,
and partly account for it. It is well known that the bro
ther of the Portugal ambassador, with his master of horse,
were concerned in a murder in London; that they took
refuge in his house as in a sanctuary ; that being delivered
up they were tried, and notwithstanding the plea of public
character made by the brother, were condemned and ac
cordingly executed. " The Portuguese ambassador at
eight of the clock in the morning signed a treaty with the
protector, and departed from Gravesend at ten. His bro-

4 Thurloe, vol. III. p. 658. " Memoirs of the House of Brandenburg,
p. 92. 12mo. Lond. 1738. c Thurloe, vol. II, p. 23.

&5Q THE LIFE OF
to accept of them, though at the expense of the
fher was beheaded in the afternoon, and his man hanged at
Tyburn3." This was on the 10th of July, 1654. It may-
well enough be thought the treaty was not dishonourable to
England b. " In one of the articles agreed with the ambas
sador it was expressed, that the merchants should enjoy
liberty of conscience in the worship of God in their own
houses and aboard their ships, enjoying also the use of
English Bibles, and other good books, taking care that they
did not exceed this liberty." This article does honour to
the humanity of Cromwell. But the king of Portugal, who
was under the influence of superstition and her priests, stuck
at confirming a treaty so contrary to their maxims and views.
" Upon sending Mr. Meadows," says the protector, " unless
we will agree to submit this article to the determination of
the pope, we cannot have it; whereby he would bring us to
an owning of the pope, which we hope, whatever befall us,
we shall not, by the grace of God, be brought unto. And
upon the same issue is that article put, whereby it is pro
vided and agreed by his ambassador, that any ships coming
to that harbour, any of whose company, if they shall run
from their said ships, shall be brought back again by the
magistrate, and the commanders of the said ships not re
quired to pay the said runaways their wages, upon pretence
that they are turned Catholiques, which may be colour for
any knave to leave his duty, or for the Roman Catholiques
to seduce our men, which we thought necessary to be pro
vided against; yet to this also, as I said before, they would
not consent without the approbation of the pope, although"
it was agreed also by their ambassador. Upon the whole
"¦ Thurloe, vol. II. p. 439.
b The lord chancellor Hyde, in his speech to both houses, May 8, 1661, calls
" this treaty, in very many respects, the most advantageous to this nation that
ever was entered into with any prince or people." And again, in the same speech,
he says, " every article in it but one [a liberty given to Portugal to make levies
of ten thousand men for their service] was entirely for the benefit of this nation,
for the extraordinary advancement of trade, for the good of religion, and for the,
honour of the crown,"—— Lives of the Lord Chancellors, vol. II. p. 172.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 351
house of Orange, to whom they were in a great
matter, we find them very false to us, who intended nothing
but what was simply honest."-  To treat farther withmen of
this cast of mind, Oliver, I suppose, thought was bootless.
He knew the right way to go to work with them ; and he
took it. This appears from the instructions he gave, May
6, 1656, to the generals Blake and Mountague, in the, fol*
lowing words : " Whereas the king of Portugal doth refuse
to ratify the treaties lately made with this commonwealth by
his extraordinary ambassador here, or to perform any part
thereof, either in what relates to the state, or to the people
and merchants; and by his proceedings gives ground to
believe, that nothing is less in his intentions, than to give
just satisfaction therein ; wherefore we do hereby authorize
and require you,, as it will consist with the present condition
of the fleet under your command, and with your other prin
cipal instructions, to use your best endeavours, by the fleet,
or such part thereof as you shall judge necessary, to take,
arrest, and seize upon the fleet or fleets belonging to the
king of Portugal; or any of his subjects, with their guns,
v cash, goods and merchandizes whatever, now expected from
.the East and West Indies, and to keep and deteyne the same
without breaking of bulk or embezilment, towards such satis
faction for the wrongs and damages, which this state hath
suffered from Portugal, and to give notice forthwith of what
you shall do therein. And in case any of the ships of the
said king or his people shall make any resistance, you have
hereby power to fight with, kill, and destroy, and to seek for,
and burn all such as shall so resist. Nevertheless, if Mr,
Philip Meadows, our envoy with the king of- Portugal, shall
before any seizure or act of hostility as aforesaid, give you
assurance, that satisfaction is obtained upon the said trea
ties, that this instruction shall be void2." The admirals on
the receipt hereof sailed towards Lisbon, and made known
their orders to the English agent, who informing the court
" Tburioe, vol. IV. p. 769.

363 THE LIFE OF
measure indebted for their independency- and
obtained a speedy signing of the treaty by the king, and a
very large sum of money for satisfaction ; which was ship
ped on board the fleet, and sent to England a. Mountague
indeed seems not to have been well pleased with the peace.
He thought they had now Portugal at mercy, and should
have imposed more rigorous terms. " You have," says
he, (in a letter to Thurloe, dated June 17, 1656) "at this
time the Portugal upon his knees, and if we had autho
rity to make farther demands, we might ask what we would
(almost), and he durst not but perform it, or his country would
be all in rebellion. But this is to no purpose, the season
being past." Men of such spirit and resolution as these,
were capable of executing any commands. We may sup
pose an action like this must have inspired Cromwell's
neighbours with a fear of offending! — — After what has
been related in this note, the following passages from Bur
net will easily find credit, especially as several of them may
be authenticated by incontestible vouchers. " Cromwell's
maintaining the honour of the nation in all foreign countries,
gratifyed the vanity which is very natural to Englishmen;
of which he was so careful, that though he was not a crown
ed head, yet his ambassadors had all the respect paid them
which our kings ambassadors ever had. He said the dignity
of the crown was upon the account of the nation, of which
theking was only the representative head, so the nation
being still the same, he would have the same regards paid
to his ministers.  Another instance of this pleased him
much. Blake with the fleet happened to be at Malaga, be
fore he made war upon Spain: and some of his seamen went
on shore, and met the hostie carried about ; and not only paid
no respect to it, but laughed at those that did. So one of the
priests put the people on resenting this indignity ; and they
fell upon them and beat them severely. When they return-'
ed to their ship they complained of this usage : and upon
* Thurloe, vol. V. p. 123, 134, 125.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 35S
freedom. The principal articles of it, I shall
that Blake sent a trumpet to the viceroy, to demand the
priest who was the chief instrument in that ill usage. The
viceroy answered he had no authority over the priest, and so
could not dispose of him. Blake upon that sent him word,
that he would not enquire who had the power to send the
priest to him, but if he were not sent within three hours he
would burn their town : and they, being in no condition to
resist him, sent the priest to him, who justified himself upon
the petulant behaviour of the seamen. Blake answered, that
if he had sent a complaint to him of it, he would have pu
nished them severely, since he would not suffer his men to
affront the established religion of any place at which he
touched : but he took it ill, that he set on the Spaniards to
do it; for he would have all the world to know, that an
Englishman was only to be punished by an Englishman.
So he treated the priest civilly, and sent him back, being
satisfied that he had him at his mercy. Cromwell was much
delighted with this, and read the letters in council with
great satisfaction; and said, he hoped, he should make the
name of an Englishman as great as ever that of a Roman had
been. — The states of Holland were in such dread of him, that
they took care to give him no sort of umbrage : and when
at any time the king or his brothers came to see their sister,
the princess royal, within a day or two after, they used to
send a deputation to let them know that Cromwell had
required of the States that they should give them no har
bour. King Charles, when he was seeking for colours for
the war with the Dutch in the year 1672, urged it for one,
that they suffered some of his rebels to live in their pro
vinces. Borel, then their ambassador, answered, that it was
a maxim of long standing among them, not to enquire upon
what account strangers came to live in their country, but to
receive them all, unless they had been concerned in con
spiracies against the persons of princes. The king told him
upon that, how they had used both himself and his brother.
Borel, in great simplicity, answered : Ha! Sire, t' etoit une
vol. m. a a

354 THE LIFE OF
mention below50, for the information of my
autre chose : Cromwell etoit un grand homme, If il se fakoit
craindre fy par terre &; par mer. This was very rough. The
king's answer was : Je meferai craindre aussia mon tour: but
he was scarce as good as his word.  All Italy trembled
at the name of Cromwell, and seemed under a panic fear
as long as he lived. His fleet scoured the Mediterranean:
and the Turks dursj not offend him; but delivered up
Hide, who kept up the character of an ambassador from the
king there, and was brought over and executed for it1."
Many more proofs might be brought of Cromwell's being
courted and feared by the nations around him. But these
possibly may be deemed sufficient: if not, many things
will be found in the following notes more fully to con
firm it.
50 The principal articles of the peace I shall mention
below.] In the note 36 I have given an account of the
commencement of the Dutch war, and the negotiations for
peace until the interruption of the parliament by the power
of Cromwell. From this change in the government, the
enemy expected many advantages. But they soon found
themselves mistaken ; for the preparations for war were
carried on with equal diligence as before, and the Dutch
found to their cost that they had people of like spirit and
resolution to deal with. For notwithstanding the ridicule
with which the little parliament is almost constantly treated,
they shewed bravery in carrying on the war; justice,
generosity and good policy in rewarding the gallantry of
their admirals, and inferior commanders ; and a regard to
the honor of the nation in the terms they insisted on to
makepeace. " In the year 1653 b, a bloody battle was
fought between Van Tromp and the English admirals Dean
and Moncke, wherein the Dutch were worsted, which
" Burnet, vol. I. p. 126, # seqK See also Thurloe, vol. III. p. S.
* This sea-fight was on the 2d and 3d of June, the next on the 29th and 30th
ef July following.— Gesta Britannorum, Lond. 1659. So that Mr. Burchett w«s
' negligent and mistaken.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 305
readers, who will doubtless be pleased to find
occasioned tumults in Holland : and the same year in
August, there was another bloody engagement, wherein
the Dutch were again defeated, and Van Tromp slain in the
action. The rest of the fleet being by this time cruelly
broken and shattered, discouraged by this loss, made the
best of their way to toe Texel. The English having sunk
thirty-three of the enemies ships in this battle, and taken
about twelve hundred prisoners (which notwithstanding the
forbidding to give or receive quarter by Moncke in the
beginning of the action, they compassionately took up
as they were swimming about) did not think fit to pursue
far, but retired to Solebay, having purchased, the victory
with considerable loss ; for they had four hundred men and
eight captains slain or drowned in the fight, and about seven
thousand wounded. The Dutch had suffered so extreamly,
that they presently sued for a peace, and were glad to
accept it on Cromwell's own terms3." The principal con
ditions of this peace, concluded April 5, 1654, were,
" That neither of the two republics should give reception,
succour, protection, or assistance to the enemies, or re
bellious subjects of the other; that the freedom of naviga
tion and commerce should be restored [saving all the laws
and statutes of either commonwealth respectivel}'] between
the two nations, who obliged themselves, reciprocally, to
defend each others ships in case they were attacked by any
other power; but the superiority of the flag was entirely
yielded to England, and the Dutch men of war were to
strike their colours to the English, upon all occasions, The
republic of the United-Provinces, obliged herself to pro
secute and punish the authors of the massacre of Amboyna,
if they were yet alive; and to send commissioners to London
to adjust the disputes of the several India companies of
both nations, and to settle the amount of the losses sus
tained by the English in the East Indies, Brazil, Muscovy,
" Burchett's Naval History, p. 294, 384. fol. Lond, 1720.
a a 2

356 THE LIFE OF
the right of the British flag asserted, andsatrs-
and Greenland, &c. that restitution might be made by the
States-General; and if the commissioners appointed by the
two nations should not be able to' adjust the points in
dispute, then the decision of them was to be left to the
Swiss Cantons, who were pitched upon for arbitrators.
The king of Denmark after a great deal of difficulty on the
part of Cromwell, was included in the treaty as an ally
of Holland, the States-General engaging'lo make good the
losses that the English merchants had sustained by the
seizure that prince had made of their ships in the port of
Copenhagen. Lastly, in order to render the alliance firm
and lasting, the States-General promised not to confer the
supream command of their- forces, either by sea or land,
upon any person who would not oblige himself by oath to
an exact observation of the treaty"."  The province of
Holland, by a separate article, engaged never to permit the
prince of Orange to be stadtholder, or any of his descend
ants. The other provinces, against their wills, afterwards
did the like. Mr. Hume has added, " That eighty-five
thousand pounds were stipulated to be paid by the Dutch
East India company for losses which the English company
had sustained; and the island of Polerone in the East
Indies was promised to be yielded to the latter b." Nothing
of this appears in the treaty itself. Mr. Burrish, however,
informs us, " That the Dutch complied very exactly with.
the terms of the treaty, and sent commissioners into Eng^
land within the limited time, who agreed to restore the
isle of Polerone, to make satisfaction to the heirs and
executors of those who had been massacred at Amboyna,
and to furnish nine hundred thousand livres, at two pay
ments, by way of composition, for all the pretensions
England might hitherto have against themc."
Cromwell carried things with an high hand during this
* Burrish's Batavia illustrata, vol. IL p. 530. Svo. Lond. 1728. And Mer-
curius Politicus, No. 203, 204. p. 3457, 3462. * Hist, of Great Britain,
vol.11, p. 55. ' Batavia illustrata, vol.11, p. 533.
8

OLIVER CROMWELL. S57
faction stipulated for the murders at Amboyna.
On this occasion medals were struck by the
whole affair. The Dutch deputies were plainly told, " That
if the treaty was not signed before their departure from
hence, and mutual engagements passed for the ratification
thereof within a time now to be agreed upon, his highness
doth declare, that he shall not hold himself obliged there
unto to any the parts thereof, but shall account the treaty to
be at an end a." And by the treaty the States-General were
to pay down in London 5000/. sterling, towards, the
charges of the merchants in going to Denmark about their
goods and effects detained there ; 20,000 rix-dollars to such
of them as Oliver should appoint on their arrival in Den
mark, for repairing their ships and fitting them for sea;
and caution and security was to be given also by sufficient
men, living in London, that restitution should be made by
the States-General for the damages done by Denmark to the
merchants. This security was 140,000/. sterling; the States
gave a bond to some merchants for the above sum, and the
ambassadors were forced to give them another for 20,000/.
more to save them harmless b.  The peace was proclaimed
at London, April 17, 1654, with great solemnity : after
which the ambassadors were entertained at dinner by the
Protector; the music playing all the while. " The Lord
Protector," adds the ambassador, (from whose relation I
give this) " had us into another room, where the Lady
Protectrice and others came to us, where we had also music
and voices, and a psalm sung, which his highness gave us,
and told us, that it was yet the best paper that had been ex
changed between us c." Cromwell was careful to act still in
character.  1 have observed in the text, that this peace
has not wanted censurers. Mr. Ludlow seems to blame it,
because th?re was no provision made by this treaty for the
coalescence so much insisted upon during the administration
of affairs by the parliament d; Mr. Stubbe for its leaving
1 Thurloe, vol. I. p. 607. 6 Id. vol. II. p. 247. c Id. p. 257.
* Vol. II. p. 487.

358 THE LIFE OF
Dutch, and poetical panegyrics !I in praise of
Oliver were composed by some of both uni-
undecided the sovereignty of the seas, and the rights of the
fishery-; and we are told that Monckeresented.it, "as a
base treacheiy in Cromwell, to make a sudden peace with
the Dutch, and betray all the advantages of the war, that he
might go up to the throne with more peace and satisfac-
tionb." To all which I may add that Mr. Burrish observes,
"That Cromwell's acceptation of the exclusion of the young
prince of Orange, in lieu of the coalition, is an undeniable
proof, that he demanded the latter, from a motive of self-
interest; because," says he, " I dare affirm, it could not be
the interest of the nation to abolish the office of stadt-
holder0." The reader will make his own remarks on these
censures. I will close this note with observing, that the
parliament had drawn out a summary of the damages sus
tained by the English company in the East Indies from the
Dutch East India company, and had made the sum total
1,681,996/. 15s. d. Probably, they had not considered the
Dutch claims on the English at that time.
51 Medals were struck by the Dutch, and poetical pane
gyrics made on Oliver.] The Dutch struck three medals on
this joyful occasion. These medals represented,
1. Neptune on a car, drawn by two sea-horses. The
shields of arms of England and Holland, borne on his
knees ; on each side of him a Triton swimming ; and on the
top a caduceus, which supports Mercury's winged hat
between two branches of a palm. — Round the medal is a
verse from Terence, altered thus, Amantium Ira. Amicitia
Redintegratio est.  -On the reverse was this inscription
in Dutch,—" In memory of the peace, union, and solemn
confederacy concluded at Westminster, April 15, between
his highness the Lord Protector of the commonwealth of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, and their high mightinesses
the States-General of the United-Provinces; of which the.
• Farther Justification, p. 65. h Oumble's Life of Monck, p.'74.
e Batavia illustrata, vol. II. p. 529. " Milton's Prose Works, vol. II. p. 201-

OLIVER CROMWELL. S59
versities, whose names stand in the first rank
ratifications were duly exchanged by both parties, May 2,
and published the 27th of the same month, in the year
1654. N.S."
2. Two women sitting together, jointly supporting a hat,
as an emblem of the liberty of the two republics. The
English dame bears on her knees a harp, and the Dutch has
a Belgic lion couching at her feet.
" Mentibus unitis prisons procul absit Amaror,
Pilea ne subito parta Cruore ruant. "
On the exergue.
" Conclusa ilecimo quinto Aprilis, anno 1654."
Reverse.
Two ships, one carrying the colours of Holland, and the
other that of the States.
" Luxuriat gemino nexu tranquilla Salo res,
Excipit unanimes totius orbis amor." ,
3. The figures of Peace and Justice, with their em
blems. " Hae mihi erunt artes."
Reverse.
" Quod fcelix faustumque sit. Post atrox Bellurh, quod
inter Anglica? Belgicaeque reipublicas rectores, bis frustra
tentatis pacis conditionibus, anno 1654 exarsit, in quo
maximis utrinque Classibus, sex Septentrionali, duo Medi-
terraneo Mari, pugnata sunt cruenta praelia, Dei Optimi
Maximi Beneficio, Auspiciis Olivarii, Magnae Britannia?
Protectoris, Fsederati Belgii Ordinum, Pax cum antiquo
Faidere restituta; cujus optimae rerum in memoriam sempi-
ternam senatus populusque Amstelodamensis hoc monumen-
tum fieri curarunt* ."
I have mentioned poetical panegyrics above. These now
are to be given an account of. It had been, as it yet is,
* Parliamentary History, vol. XX. p, 286.

Sfo THE LIFE OF
among the learned.  Cromwell, I know, has
the custom for the universities of this kingdom to compose
poems in different languages to celebrate the inaugurations
and the illustrious actions of princes. Among these latter,
the settlement of peace and friendship upon honourable
and beneficial terms, with a nation with whom they con
tended, has ever justly been deemed most glorious. Inas
much as the end thereby is accomplished, and the blood and
treasure of the people preserved, as well as their ease and
safety secured. On such an occasion, therefore, as the
peace with the Dutch, it was but natural for the Muses to
exult. And, in fact, they did it. The most learned men,
the best geniuses, and those who afterwards made the
greatest figure in the literary world, joined in celebrating
this glorious event. The verses composed at Cambridge
were published there, with the following title ; " Oliva
Pacis. Ad illustrissimum celsissimumqueOliverum, Reipub.
Angliae, Scotia?, & Hiberniae Dominum Protectorem; de
Pace cum Faederatis Belgis feliciter sancita, Carmen Canta-
brigienseV Dr. Seaman, vice-chancellor, introduces them
to his highness in a poem, of which the following lines
make a small part. ,
Des veniam ; nomen, Dux invictissimc, vestrum
Nostris inscriptum versihus esse sinas.
Te Protectorem Respublica nostra salutat
Te Dominum, domino tu mihi major eris.
Quam facile est, Olivere, tuum grandeacere nomen,
Si meritis titulos accumulare licet-.
Primus Marte, nee Arte minor, pietate secundus
Nulli, Militia? gloria, Pacis amor.
Te Duce, solennes agit Anglia laeta triumphos,
Juncto cum Batavis fcedere tuta magis.
Among the names subscribed to the poems that follow
after, are Arrowsmith, Tuckney and Horton, men of fame
in their, own days; then come those of Whichcot, and
Cudworth, whose fame still survives, and whose writings
» Ex celeberrims Academic Typographeo. 4to. 1654.

Oliver Cromwell. 361
been almost universally blamed for breaking
render them immortal. Dillingham, Duport, Worth ing-
ton, Wray [Ray], Glisson, and Bright, eminent for their
skill in various branches of learning, bear a part in the
collection," besides a variety of others, now little known
or regarded.
The university of Oxford addressed his highness like
wise. The book, in which their poems are contained, is
entitled, " Musarum Oxoniensium 'EAAICXpOPI'A. Sive,
ob Fcedera, Auspiciis Serenissimi Oliveri Reipub. Ang.
Scot. & Hiber. Domini Protectoris, inter Rempub. Britan-
nicam & Ordines Feederatos Belgii Faeliciter Stabilita,
Gentis Togatae ad vada Isidis Celeusina MetricuinV 
The dedication to this piece is in prose by Dr. Owen, vice-
chancellor, and is full of expressions of gratitude to Oliver
for his favours to, and protection of, the university. After
which we have a. copy of verses by the same hand, and a
great variety of others in several languages by different pens.
Zouch, doctor of the civiLJaw, Harmer, Greek-professor,
and Dr. Ralph Bathurst, names well known in the republic
of letters, contributed to this collection, and joined in cele
brating the protector. Besides these, we find here the
names of Busby (who so long ruled in Westminster school,
and complied with every change of government in his time)
and Locke : the poem of the latter I will here insert, as it
may, I am persuaded, be acceptable to the learned reader.
Pax regit Augusti, quern vicit Julius orbem :
Ille sago factus clarior, ille toga.
Hos sua Roma vocat magnos & numina credit,
Hie quod sit mundi victor, & ille quies.
Tu bellum et pacem populis des, unus utrisq;
Major es ; ipse orbem vincis, & ipse regis.
Non hominem e ccelo missum Te credimus ; unus
Sic poteros binos qui superare deos !
I will only add some lines out of Mr. afterwards Dr.
South's poem, in the same collection.
' OxoniE, 4to. 1654.

368. THE LIFE OF
With Spain, and allying himself to France 5i ;
— Tu Dux pariter Terras Domitorq ; profundi,
Componant laudes cuncta elementa tuas.
Cui mens alta subest pelagoq; profundior ipso,
Cujus fama sonat, quam procul unda sonat.
************
Tu poteras solus motoscomponere ductus,
Solus Neptunum sub tua vincla dare.
Magna simul fortis vicisti & multa: Trophseis
tit mare, sic pariter cedit arena tuis.
Nomine pacifico gestas insignia pacis,
Blandaq; per titulos serpit Oliva tuos.
Would any one think this panegyrist should afterwards,
in print, istyle Cromwell " a lively copy of Jeroboam" ?" or
have the face to say of the ruling ecclesiastics of these times,
" that Latin was with them a mortal crime, and Greek, in
stead of being owned for the language of the Holy Ghost
(as in the New Testament it is) was looked upon as the sin
against it ; so that, in a word, they had all the confusions of
Babel amongst them without the diversity of tongues1'?"
But this was Dr. South.  The volume is closed with
some verses from the printer to his highness the lord pro
tector. This was Leonard Lichfield, esquire, bedle of divi
nity, as he stiles himself. He lived to perform the same
honour to Charles II. as did many of the gentlemen above
mentioned. For praise, for the time, follows fortune : and
he who has the power of conferring benefits will never want
flatterers.  We see, however, from hence, that Crom
well had equal honours paid him at home as well as abroad,
with our kings'; which was no unacceptable thing, we may
assure ourselves, to* so ambitious a mind as hisi, who sought
greedily for fame, and was willing to perpetuate his name by
deeds of renown.
51 Cromwell has been bjamed for his breach with Spain,
and alliance with France; but whether justly, &c.J Instead
of amusing the reader with the uncertain conjectures of
various writers, on this very important subject, I will give
him Mr. Thurloe's account of the negotiations between
* South's Sermons, vol. I. p. 160. 8vo. Load. 1692. b Id. vol. III. p. 544.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 36.1
whether justly or no may be questioned, not-
England, France and Spain, as far as they relate to Oliver ;
then will naturally follow the censures past on his conduct,
which will produce some observations tending to the pro
tector's j ustification.
" Upon Cromwell's assuming the go vernment, Don Alonso
de Cardenas, the Spanish ambassador then residing in Lon
don, after making the general compliments in the high
strain, mentioned in the note (aaa), came to particular
propositions on the part of Spayne, propounding a conjunc
tion between England and Spayne against France, upon two
grounds: 1. To bring France to a good peace, and thereby
to obtain rest and quiet to all Christendome, which was
miserably embroiled through the ambition of France, who
would listen to no reasonable terms of peace, unless they
were constrained thereto; and the most likely and visible
means to effect that was, by the united counsels and forces
of England and Spayne. 2. In this peace the establishment
of Oliver in the government of these nations should be pro
vided for, and particularly secured, against the clayme and
title of his now majesty [Charles II.]; propounding, that
one of the articles of the peace should be to defend Oliver
in the aforesaid government, declaring that Spayne would
never lay downe their arms, nor make peace with France,
till that crowne also would agree thereto ; by which means
the standing of Oliver would be' made firm and stable, hav
ing, besides his own interest here, two of the chiefest crownes
of Europe to support and strengthen him: making mention
here, by way of inducement, and to perswade that Spayne
was real, and in good earnest in this particular, of the great
disobligations, that the late king had put upon the king of
Spayne, and the ill dealing he had received from him in
several rencounters, which his majesty of Spayne did so
much resent, that there could never be any confidence
again between Spayne and that family; nor would it be the
interest of Spayne, that any of that lyne should be restored
to this government. Thence concluding, that Oliver could

364 THE LIFE OF
withstanding the number and quality of the
not relye in this matter, upon any prince or state in Europe,
so much as upon Spayne, labouring, at the same time, to
render the alliance with France not only useless but danger
ous, save in the way before expressed; wherein the treaty
might be so ordered, that if France did break any of the
articles, in prejudice of Oliver, or his government in Eng
land, Spayne would be obliged to join with England for the
making good thereof. The particulars which he desired of
England in this conjunction against France, was at first only
four thousand soldiers to serve with the Spanish army, and
twelve ships of war to be joined with their fleet in the
designs they had against France about Bourdeaux. This
proposition came afterwards to an entire English army of
horse and foot, that might be able to march in any part of
France. And as to the charge of transporting and keeping
such an army, Don Alonso propounded (as I remember) that
Spayne should bear two third parts, and the like of the fleet,
which being computed, he was willing to pay part downe,
and so much yearly, as long as this war should continue.
" At the same time arrived here monsieur Ligne from the
prince of Conde, besides monsieur Barriere, that was here
also, and some deputies from the town of Bourdeaux, offer
ing reasons for awar against France, and propounding
designs relating to Bourdeaux, and the parts thereabouts,
wherein England might engage (as they thought) with
great advantage; and this part was also managed by Don
Alonso. " These propositions were communicated to Oliver by
those who met Don Alonso thereupon ; but his own incli
nations being not for any conjunction with Spayne, they
were only therefore discoursed of, but the answere thereunto
was delayed.
" France, during this time, did also make knowne by
monsieur Bourdeaux their desires of holding a good under
standing with Oliver, and sounded his inclinations of a
nearer conjunction with France, and monsieur de Baas was

OLIVER CROMWELL. S65
censurers. For the inequality between the two
sent immediately from the cardinall, and as his confident,
to assure Oliver of his particular service. And both the
one and the other did express the desires that France had
of entering into a league defensive and offensive with Eng
land, and of proceeding by joint counsels towards Spayne ;
and that if England will either joyne their arms to France,
or make war against Spayne upon their own bottom, they
would contribute to the charge; desiring, in the mean
tyme, that the former treatys between these two states may
be renewed. To all this general answers were given, ex
pressing very good intentions towards France; and I do
not remember, that, any thing more particular was said at
this time, nor during all the time that monsieur de Baas
stayed here; who was commanded to depart this country,
upon intelligence, that he had intrigues here with several
persons, tending to the publick disturbance.
" Don Alonso receiving no answer to his propositions,
and perceiving a coldness in that business, signified to
Oliver, that the intention of his master was not to engage
England in a war against France, in case the present
government found it not to be for their own interest; but
that his chief hope was to maintaine a constant good in
telligence with England. And therefore propounded, that
the former alliances may be renewed, as the first step
towards a nearer union. Accordingly commissioners were
assigned to treat with him thereupon, and severall confer^
rences there were upon the concept of a treaty, mostly
drawne out of the treaty of 1630. Amongst other difficulties
these three following were the chief.. '
" l. Touching the West- Indies, the debate whereof was
occasioned upon the first article of the aforesaid treaty
of 1630, whereby it is agreed, that there should be a peace,
amity and friendship between the two kings, and their re
spective subjects, in all parts of the world, as well in Europe
as elsewhere. Upon this it was shewed, that, in contraven
tion of this article, the English were treated by the

$66 THE LIFE OF
crowns was far enough from being then as--
Spanyards as enemies, wherever they were met in America,
though sayling to and from their owne plantations; and
insisted that satisfaction was to be given in this, and a good
foundation of friendship lay'd in those parts for the future
between their respective subjects (the English there being
very considerable, and whose safety and interest the govern
ment here ought to provide for) or else there could be no
solid or lasting peace established between these two states
iii Europe.
" 2. The second difference was touching the inquisition,
the danger whereof all our English merchants, trading in
Spayne, were exposed to. And in that it was desired, that
out of the article, which related to the English merchants
exercise of their religion in Spayne, those words might
be omitted (modo ne dent scandalum) and that liberty might
be granted to the said merchants to have and use in Spayne
English Bibles, and other religious books. To these two
Don Alonso was pleased to answer, That to ask a liberty
from the inquisition, and free sayling in the West-Indies,
was to ask his master's two eyes ; and that nothing could
be done in these points, but according to the practice of
former times.
" 3. The third difference was in relation to some par
ticulars of trade, as the king's decrying and advancing his
coin, to the infinite prejudice of the English, 8tc.
" The debates upon these articles gave no great satisfac
tion to either side, nor increased the confidence, but rather
shewed, that the principles of England and Spayne, at that
time, were very different, and that it would be hard to
make their interests to agree. At the same time there
were several conferences also with the French ambassador,
upon a treaty with France upon the ground of the former
alliances. Then it came into debate before Oliver, and his
councill, with which of these crowns an alliance was to be
chosen. Oliver himself was for a war with Spayne, at least
in the West-Indies, if satisfaction were not given for the

OLIVER CROMWELL. 367
visible as it afterwards appeared; and Crom-
past damages, and things well settled for the future. And
most of the council went the same way, and inclined to
hold good intelligence with France ; and some of the rea
sons for this opinion were:
" 1. In reference to his majesty, to wit, that by enter
taining a good and confident correspondence with France,
the king of England and his brother might be removed out
of France, and thereby a perpetuall enmity stated between
his said majesty and the king of France; and so all hopes
of his restitution by succours from France taken away.
And France was looked upon as the only foreign power that
Oliver need consider as to the king's restitution. For,
" 1. Their relation in blood might incline them to it,
and the treatyes upon the match would give them greater
pretences to restore the king than any other state could
have. " 2. They could employ in this service, and engage in
it the protestants of France, which might very dangerously
divide us at home.
" 3. There was always a great confidence between the
French and the Scots, which the French constantly made
use of as a back-door into England; and, as affairs stood in
Scotland, it would not be hard to set all in a flame there.
And, although it was supposed, that if his majesty were
excluded France, he would betake himself to Spayne, yet
this was not thought dangerous; because his being in
Spayne seemed rather disadvantageous to his returne than
otherwise, the English being always jealous and afraid of
the principles of Spayne, and who had no interest here but
the papist; the presbyterian party, whom Oliver was de
sirous enough to engage in his affairs, having ever shewed
the greatest aversion to the Spanyard.
" 4. In the next place, an ill understanding with France
-lay contrary to the amity with Sweden, which Oliver de
sired always to cherish upon several considerations.
" 5. A good intelligence there was thought safer for the
6

368 THE LIFE OF
well always had it in his power to break loose,
protestants there than a war. So it was resolved to take all
opportunities to maintayn a good understanding with
France, and to send a fleet and land forces into the West-
Indies, where it was taken for granted the peace was already
broken by the Spanyard, contrary to the former treatyes;
and not to meddle with any thing in Europe, until the Spa
nyard should begin, unless the American fleet should be
met with, which was looked upon as lawful prize. And
now the consideration was of joining with France in this
war upon the grounds aforesaid, which France offered to do.
And a treaty there was touching a squadron of ships to join
with the French as auxiliaryes only to France, that so no
breach might be in Europe with Spayne on the part of Eng
land; as also a sum of money was propounded to be given
by France, in case England will declare war against Spayne
in any part of the world. But many difficulties and delays
falling out in this treaty, the fleet was sent away into the
West-Indies. And a war followed thereupon between Eng
land and Spayne, without the least communication of
counsels with France, whereby France had its end for no
thing. Then arrives here the marquis de Leda, as extra
ordinary ambassador from Spayne, expressing desires of
renewing the peace, but returned re infecta. And now
there was no more discourse of a league defensive and
offensive with France, which the councill were never for,;
but the former peace was renewed with some alterations, in,
respect of the present tyme, which is in print; and an
article by itself for exclusion of his majesty, his highnesse
the duke of Yorke, presently, and his highnesse the duke of
Gloucester after ten years, with some other persons parti
cularly named, out of France. This was all that passed be
tween Oliver and the king or cardinall of France, for some
years, save very civil messages and assurances of mutuall
services, as occasion should be. In the mean tyme Oliver
cast with himself how to get footing on the continent;
which he always much longed for. And there was a designe

OLIVER CROMWELL. 369
and throw himself into the opposite scale, if
to have drawne Flanders to revolt from Spayne ; and, to
that end, to have dealt with some of the great towns to
have declared themselves a commonwealth, under the pro
tection of the prince of Conde; and he was to be sounded
in it, how he would inclyne thereto, if England and France
did assist hym therein, and so, by that means, to have
satisfyed Conde to live out of France, and to have eased the
cardinall of the feare of his returne. But proper mediums
being not found out to sound the prince of Conde, and it
being not relished in France, it was no further prosecuted.
" Afterwards there were propositions of joining in the
war against the Spanyard in Flanders, whereupon there
was a treaty made in the year 1657. The effect was, that
Oliver should send into France or Flanders 6000 foot, 3000
at the charge of England, and 3000 at the charge of France ;
that the whole being landed, should come under the pay of
France. That with these, and a French army of horse and
foot, the king should that yeare besiege Graveling or Dun
kirk ; and either being taken, to deliver it with all the forts
into the English hands, viz. Dunkirk absolutely, and Grave
ling by way of caution, until Dunkirk should be taken and
delivered. That the priviledges of the town and the reli
gion should remayne in the same state as before; and that
no peace or truce be made with Spayne by either during
that yeare. The French that year took only Mardyke fort,
so that the treaty was in Feb. 1657-8 renewed for another
yeare; and, according thereto, Dunkirk was taken and put
into the English hands. Further treaties were intended for
the joint management of the war in Flanders, but the death
of Oliver prevented it\"  These were the motives of
Cromwell's preferring the friendship of France, and making
war with Spain, of which the intelligent reader will form
his own judgment. The world, for the most part, how
ever, has blamed his conduct in this affair, as will appear
* Thurloe, vol. I. p. 759—762.
VOL. III. B b

370 THE LIFE OF
circumstances should alter. But* be this as it
by the following quotations. " Cromwell/' says Mr. Bethell,
(for he, I believe, was the author of the World's Mistake in
Oliver Cromwell) " contrary to our interest, made ah unjust
war with Spain, and an impolitic league With France, bring
ing the first thereby under, and making the latter too great
for Christendome; arid, by that means, broke the ballance
betwixt the two crowns of Spain and France, which his
predecessors, the long parliament, had always wisely pre
served. In this dishonest war with Spain, he pretended
and endeavoured to impose a belief on the world, that he
had nothing in his eye, but the advancement of the pro
testant cause, and the honour of the nation ; but his pre
tences were either fraudulent, or he was ignorant in foreign
affairs (as I am apt to think, that he was not guilty df too
mueh knowledge in them.) For he that had known any
thing of the temper of the popish prelacie, and the French
court-policies, could not but see, that the way to increase,
or preserve^ the reformed interest in France, was by render
ing the protestants of necessary use to their king; for, that
longer than they were so, they could hot be free from per
secution, and that the way to render them so, was' by keep
ing the ballance betwixt Spain arid France even, as that
which would consequently make them useful to their king :
but by overthrowing the ball'anfce iii his war with Spain, and
joining with France, he freed the French king from his
feats of Spain, enabled him to subdue all factions at home,
and thereby to bring himself into a condition bf not stand
ing in need of any of them, and from thence hath pro
ceeded the persecution that hath since been, and still i9, in
that nation, against the reformed there ; so that Oliver, in
stead of advancing the reformed interest, hath, by an error
in his politicks, been the author of destroying it. The
honour and advantage he propounded to this nation in his
pulling down of Spain, had as ill a foundation: for, if true,
as was said, that we were to have had' Ostend and Newport,
so well as Dunkirk, (when we could get them) they bore no

OLIVER CROMWELL. 371
may, honour and profit accrued hereby to the
proportion, in any kind, to all the rest of the king of Spain's
European dominions, which must necessarily have fallen to
the French king's share, because of their joining and near
ness to him, and remoteness froin us, aud the increasing
the greatness of so near a neighbour, must have incredsed
our future dangers a."  Mr. Burrish, after mentioning the
offers made to Cromwell from France and Spain, in order to
obtain his friendship, says, " in these circumstances, per
haps, the wisest course had been to have sate still, and
entertained both sides in suspence, under favour of which
the commerce of Great Britain could not fail to have
flourished. But the protector was not easy at home. Some
of those who had been the means of his elevation, either
from envy, or a true republican principle, were become his
enemies; the nation was accustomed to war, and seemed to
take pleasure in it; all which induced Cromwell to break
with some of his neighbours, that he might find employ
ment abroad for those busy spirits, which, if left at home,
would certainly have engaged in popular commotions.
Thus the protector having resolved a war from a motive of
self-interest, the same principle made him prefer the alli
ance of France to that of Spain ; because Philip IV. was
neither so redoubtable an enemy as Lewis XIV. nor so
capable of serving Cromwell in the quality of a friend.
The principal 'dominions of Spain were situated at a great
distance from England; and,- as to the naval power of that
crown, which had lately been the terror of the universe, it
was now so reduced, ^that when, in consequence of the fore-
mentioned treaty, monsieur de Turenne formed the siege of
Dunkirk with the confederate troops of Franceand England,
a small squadron of English ships served to block up the
port, and prevent the garrison from receiving any relief by
sea. In these circumstances 'the Spaniards run a very great
risque of having their flota fall into the hands of the Eng-
* The World's Mistake, &c. p. 4.
b b 2

372 THE LIFE OF
English nation, and such too as it has, and
lish, and to this we may add, that the ill condition of their
affairs in the West-Indies, gave the protector hopes of
annexing Hispaniola to the dominions of Great Britain.
But this weakness of the Spaniards, which invited Crom
well into the war, and seemed to assure him of success, was
a very strong reason why he ought not to have broke with
them ; because he could not continue to depress the crown
of Spain without destroying the equality of power, that
ought to subsist between the several great states of Europe,
and elevating France to such an exorbitant degree, as would
enable her to lord it at pleasure over all her neighbours.
The protector knew this extremely well, and there are those
who have affirmed, that, before his death, he had taken a
resolution to reconcile himself with the court of Madrid.
After having acquired Dunkirk and Jamaica, during his
alliance with France, he had a mind to possess himself of
Calais by the assistance of the Spaniards ; but, as he did
not live to effect this, he left the French very great gainers
by the measures they had taken with him a." Lord Boling-
broke censures Oliver in strong terms likewise. Hear him.
" Cromwell either did not discern," says his lordship, " this
turn of the ballance of power [from Spain to France] 
or, discerning it, he was induced by reasons of private in
terest to act against the general interest of Europe. Crom
well joined with France against Spain, and tho' he got
Jamaica and Dunkirk, he drove the Spaniards into a neces
sity of making a peace with France, that has disturbed the
peace of the world almost fourscore years, and the conse
quences of which have well nigh beggared in our times the
nation he enslaved in his. There is a tradition, I have
heard it from persons who lived in those days, and, I be
lieve, it came from Thurloe, that Cromwell was in treaty
with Spain, and ready to- turn his arms against France,
when he died. If this fact was certain, as little as I honour
' Batavia Illustrata, vol. II. p. 483.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 373
yet continues to enjoy. For though the
his memory, I should have some regret that he died so soon.
But whatever his intentions were, we must charge the
Pyrenean treaty, and the fatal consequences of it, in great
measure, to his account. The Spaniards abhorred the
thought of marrying their infanta to Lewis XIV. It was
on this point that they broke the negotiation Lionne had
begun : and your lordship will perceive, that if they re
sumed it afterwards, and offered the marriage they had
before rejected, Cromwell's league with France was a prin
cipal inducement to this alteration of their resolution \"
 Mr. Hume joins in the cry against Cromwell, and
peremptorily declares, " That, if he had understood and
regarded the interest of his country, he would have sup
ported the declining condition of Spain against the danger
ous ambition of France, and preserved the ballance of
power, on which the greatness and security of England so
much depends. Had he studied only his own interests, he
would have maintained an exact neutrality betwixt those
two great monarchies ; nor would he ever have hazarded his
ill acquired and unsettled power, by provoking foreign
enemies, who might lend assistance to domestick faction,
and overturn his tottering throne. But his magnanimous
courage undervalued danger: his active disposition and
avidity of extensive glory made him incapable of repose b."
 These are 'the principal objections to Cromwell's enter
ing into the war with Spain, and leaguing with France:
objections it must be owned at this distance of time, and in
our view of things, extremely plausible, but which pos
sibly would have been deemed but of little force had they
been urged when these important affairs were under deli
beration. For let it be considered that Cromwell was at
liberty to wage war with Spain, on account of its cruelties
to the English in America, and the restrictions laid on their

•Letters on the study and use of history, vol. I. p. 258. 8vo. Lond. 1752.
11 History of Great Britain, vol. II. p. 65.
7

374 THE LIFE OF
expedition ; to Hispaniola, under the joint
commerce. , , Toiaivenge innocent blood, procure satisfaction
for injuries pasti and security for the time to come, is
worthy asovereign^and merits praise from all.  Again;
with France the protector had no quarrel, i Calais, was too
old at affair to ground a war on ; and the making use of it
as a pretence for it, would have been deemed ridiculous
and unjust.  France, it is true, was capable of hurting
Oliver more than Spain; but it must be very idle to make it
criminal; in him to prefer her friendship for that among
other reasons. It is sufficient the, public good is not sacri
ficed to private interest: to expect men in power, how wise
and good soever, will have no regard to their own preser
vation and safety, is perhaps too mncb. I do not remember
many instances of it in latter times. But the great objec
tion we see is, the balance of power between the two
crowns was by Cromwell's means broken, and France there
by enabled to give the law to Christendom. But Oliver, I
presume, must be acquitted on this head, if it appears that
it was imagined at that time that the balance was on the
side of Spain; that in fact the two crowns were much
nearer on an equality than the objectors suppose; that
Cromwell kept it in his power to turn the scale as he thought
fit; and that the Pyrenean treaty in reality placed the two
crowns in proper situations with respect to each other, and
to their neighbours.
1. Spain was not then viewed in that weak state which
she afterwards appeared. Cromwell's parliaments were hot
over complaisant to him, nor prone to approve his actions
merely as such. " Yet the parliament," says Mr. Thurloe
in a letter to general Montague, dated Whitehall, October
25, 1656, " declared themselves cordially and unanimously
concerning the Spanish war, having after two days debate
declared their approbation thereof nemine contradicente : and
this before they heard one tittle of your success3." The

a Ormonde's State Papers, vol. IL p. 115.
3

OLIVER CROMWELL. S75
same gentleman writing to the general, August:Q8, preced
ing, says, " The Spaniard hath had great success iin Flanders
this year against the French. To that of raising 'the siege
of Valenciennes, he had added the taking of Conde, and is
very likely to lodge himself this year in France ; so that
the cardinal hath npt been able to draw any army to the sea-r
coast, as was intended, being scarce able to defend his, own
country \"
Q,. There was not in fact that inequality between the two
crowns which the objectors suppose. It is well known that
through several preceding reigns, it was the house of Austria
only had been formidable ; that injured our royal family in
the Palatinate; and alone threatened the liberties of Europe.
France had not yet given occasion to her neighbours to fear.
A long war had been now carried on between the two
crowns, with various success. If Spain was weakened by
the revolt of Portugal and Catalonia, it is certain France
was distracted with domestic contentions even in Paris it
self, as well as other parts of the kingdoni: contentions the
more dangerous, as persons of the most elevated rank and
greatest power were concerned in them. So that Spain car
ried on the war on a foot of equality, npt of defence. If
the prince of Conde had cut off their best veterans at Roc-
roy, he now himself headed their troops with the acknow
ledged reputation of being the best general in Europe,
though Tuienne figujed in the field, and had performed
deeds of renown.  This equality is visible through several
campaigns ; but the raising of the siege of Arras on one
side, and that of Valenciennes on the other, proves it be
yond doubt; to which may be added, that even after the
taking of Mardyke in pursuance of the league with Eng
land, by Turenne, the French met with several Josses b. 
We seem therefore to deceive ourselves with our after
knowledge, when we blame Cromwell for overturning the
balance of power.
'Ormonde's State Papers, vol. II. p. 112. i Ramsay's Life of Turenne,
vol, I. p. 303. Svo. Lond. 1735. : ;,

376 THE LIFE OF
S. It should be observed, that Cromwell held the balance
of power in his own hands the more firmly, by his French
league. We see from Thurloe's account with what caution
he engaged in it. The treaty was but for a year, till Dun
kirk should be conquered for England by the help of France,
and when Cromwell had got it, he was at liberty, if he saw
fit, at the end of that year to make a peace with Spain, and
use this very town against France. The English troops
conquered little or nothing for the French crown; but
France by giving England a footing on the continent just
on the confines of the two contending parties, enabled it to
hold the balance of power so. much the more steadily be
tween them, and become so much the more formidable -to
France as well as Spain. He found the scales even, and in
possessing himself of Dunkirk, he made the French give
him hold of the handle of the balance to keep them so.
If ;.nj after this, should condemn Cromwell for weakening
the Spaniards by making this conquest of Dunkirk, what
must they think of Charles II. who by the advice of his
chancellor Hyde sold it to France, and thereby threw so
great a weight into that scale, which then appeared more
manifestly to preponderate '?
4. The Pyrenean treaty placed the two crowns in proper,
situations with respect to each other, and to their neigh
bours.  In the treaty between the emperor, Spain and
Holland in 16/3, the States-general stipulated to " make no
peace With France ;till the Catholic king was put in pos
session of all that hit- most Christian majesty had taken in
the Low Countries since the peace of the Pyrenees." In the
grand alliance between the emperor, England and Holland,
in 1689, it was agreed, " That no peace should be made
with France, till the peace of Westphalia, Osnabrug, Mun-
ster, and the Pyrenean were by the help of God, and com
mon fore vindicated, and all things restored to their former
condition, according to the tenor of the same." And king
William III. when prince of Orange, though justly warmed
with resentment against France, declared, " That whenever
Spain passed the bounds of the Pyrenean treaty, he would

OLIVER CROMWELL. 377
command of Penn and Venables ", through a
become as good a Frenchman as he was then a Spaniard \"
These facts I think fully shew, the Pyrenean treaty to have
been well calculated for the repose of Europe, and for the ad
vantage of the contracting powers. However, it was not
Cromwell's league that produced this treaty and its fatal con
sequences, as lord Bolingbroke suggests. The proposal of
giving the infanta to Lewis XIV. was rejected by Spain, when
there was no other heir to that throne; it was accepted when a
son was born to ascend itb. The consequences of this marriage
were indeed fatal to Europe. But they arose from the ill con
duct of Spain, and the injustice, ambition, and perjury of
Lewis, who with the zeal of a bigot, the superstition of a
priest, and the sensuality of an epicurean, delighted in sacri
ficing the blood of millions, to his own foolish idea of glory.
 1 will conclude this note with observing that Cromwell's
irresolution and delay in choosing his side in the war seeni
justly censurable ; more especially as he neglected to close
in with the offers made him by France, even after he had
determined, and sent his fleet for the West Indies. Bour
deaux, the French ambassador's letters, are full of the delays
he met with in his negotiation for this purpose; and Mr.
Thurloe points out the wrong measures taken on this occa
sion, when he says above, " France offered a sum of money,
in case England would declare war against Spain in any
part of the world ; but many difficulties and delays falling
out in this treaty, the fleet was sent away into the West
Indies, and a war followed thereupon between England and
Spain, without the least communication of counsells with
France, whereby France had its end for nothing."
53 The expedition to Hispaniola miscarried.] Cromwell's
instructions to general Venables, commander of the land
forces sent to America, are to be seen in Burchett. From
these it appears that no particular place was the object of

' See Sir Wm. Temple's Memoirs, p. 128. 8vo. b See Turenne's Life,
vol, I. p. 327.

378 THE LIFE OF
variety of causes was unsuccessful; and sub*
their destination, but; much was left to the prudence of the
commanders. Reasons are therein mentioned for .attempt
ing the islands, or leaving these, to attack the main land,
more especially Carthagena; whereby, if conquered, they
might be masters of the Spanish treasures which come
from Peru by way of Panama in the South-S^a, to Porto
Bello, or Nombre de Dios in the North-Sea a. But where,
after all, the descent was to be made, .the generals with the
commissioners, or any two of them, were, on proper con
sultation, to determine. So that lord Clarendon was much
mistaken in saying, " Their orders from Cromwell were
very particular and very positive, that they should land at
such a place, which was plainly enough described to
themb." The fleet left England, December 19, 1654, and
arrived at Barbadoes, January <?Q, 1654, O. S. Here it was
supposed they should meet with many things they stood in
need of. But their expectations were not answered, Even
a sufficient quantity of arms and ammunition were wanting.
" A sad matter," says Venables in a letter to Montague,
written from Barbadoes, February 28, following, " when
we must attempt so high with little or nothing, or return
home and do nothing ! which few of us had a great deal
more chearfully hear the news of death than be guilty of,"
The progress and ill success of the fleet and army, I wil}
relate in the words of Venables. " We left," says he, " Bar
badoes the last of March, and came to St. Christophers,
where we found a regiment formed ; and not staying to
anchor, we sailed thence without setting foot on shore, and
in a fortnight's time came to Hispaniola, where we landed
upon Saturday the 14th of April, near forty miles to the west
of Santo Domingo. The reason was, our pilots were all
absent; the chief had outstayed his order, being sent put
to discover, and none with us save an old Dutchman, that
knew no place but that : whereas we resolved to have landed
" Burchett, p. 387. b Vol. VI. p. 578.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 379
jected the nation to disgrace ; yet the taking
where Sir Francis Drake did, except forced off by a fort
(said to be there ;) and then in such a case to have gone to
the other. From our landing we marched without any
guide, save heaven, through woods.; the ways so narrow,
thfitoOOmen might have extreamly prejudiced 20000 by
ambushes; but this course the enemy held not, save twice^
The weather, extream hot, and little water; our feet scorched
through our shoes, and , men and horse died of thirst: but
if any had liquor put into their mouths, presently after they
fell, they would recover, else die in an instant. Our men
the last fortnight at sea had bad bread j and little of it or
other victuals, notwithstanding general Penn's order; so
that they were very weak at landing, and some, instead of
three days provision at landing, had but one, with which
they marched five days, and therefore fell to eat limes,
oranges, lemons, &c. which put them into fluxes and fevers.
Of the former I had my share for near a fortnight, with cruel
gripings, that 1 could scarce stand. Col. Butler was order
ed to land to the east of the city, but could not ; and there
fore he and the Christopher's regiment under col. Holdip
were landed where we first resolved, and were ordered by
general Penn (whose order I enjoined them to obey) to stay
there for us : but they marched away, which contrary to the
first resolution, with some other reasons, drew us beyond
their landing (where we were to receive more victuals) to
secure them who were straggling up and down for water.
Which, put the enemy upon placing of an ambush for them,
which fell upon our forlorn and routed them ; but the van
immediately beat them back with loss, and pursued them
near to the city walls, who shot at us. Victuals we want
ed, having fasted two days every man of us ; our ammuni
tion spent; no water; and our men ready to fainty and
some died ; the eagerness and heat of fight had drawn them
beyond their strength. Whereupon it was resolved by a
council of war, to retreat for meat and ammunition ; which
we did ; but our long march' and this delay did give the

S80 THE LIFE OF
and settling of Jamaica, will always be deemed
enemy time to call in all the country to at least 4 or 5,000,
and left our men, after travel by sea, bad diet, and fasting,
very weak : so that when we advanced the next, they fell
upon our forlorn again, routed them, and then in the nar
row lanes and thick woods routed mine and major general
Heane's regiments, slew my major and three of my captains,
slew the major general, and wounded his lieutenant colonel,
who is since dead ; and were not repulsed, till the regiment
of seamen (with whom I whs) gave stop to this disorder.
Never did my eyes see men more discouraged, being scarce
able to make them stand, when the enemy was retreated,
who never looked upon us until we were ready to faint for
water : they having (which I forgot to tell before) stopt up
all their wells-; so that we had not of ten miles at least, one
drop of water V — ¦ — Mr- Daniel, auditor general in this
expedition, gives much the same account; and then adds,
" I cannot omit to express something concerning this great
business, which I am sure the world will mistake in report-
inge ; but myself being a present eye-witness there on the
place, and. amongst the crowd, in the midst of danger, near
major-general's person, I have not, neither shall I, relate any
thing hut what I know for certain truth. I know a three*
fold cord cannot be easily broken ; but where they twist not
equally . together, they many times cut one another; and
this I am sure, that in martial affairs, where commands
execute like lightnings, and those variable as the winds,
according as the present emergency requires, and not for
consent of others, to the losse of all. I well know his high
ness would never submit, in all his past actions, to such
curbs, nor can brave designs ever succeed with such bridles,
which I hope to see amended." This seems a sensible re
flection on joining commissioners and the admiral in autho
rity with the general, and thereby rendering their advice and
a "Ormonde's State Papers, Vol, II. p. 48. See also Thurloe, vol. III. p. 504—
508. And Howard's Collection of Letters, vol. I. p. 1—81. 4to. Lond. 1753.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 381
as an essential service to Britain, and meriting
consent absolutely necessary in every affair. This was one
unhappy cause of the ill success they met with, we may
well enough suppose. Another was the dislike of the admi
ral and some of the sea officers, to the land forces, as the
same gentleman hints in the following passage. " The
uncharitableness of our rear admiral," says he, '' will not
suffer my silence, for by that time we were by order shipped
from Hispaniola, he did furiously and most unchristian-like
say, before good witness, where are these cowardly Spa
niards now ? Will they not come and cut off these army
rogues, that we may noe more be troubled with them? And
his own lieutenant, my former acquaintance, being by acci
dent aboard the ship where I came into weak, and so ill not
able to stand, after salutes and some discourse, told me to
my face (like to his profession) we were all overboard, that
they might be rid of us again ; speaking the same words to
capt. Fincher, in his extremity of weakness, and also to
others \"
On the other hand, great complaint was made of general
Venables. He was looked on as covetous and niggardly,
and was possessed but of little esteem amongst the soldiery b,
having prohibited them from plundering on pain of death1-.
A thing no way pleasing in such an expedition, where every
man flattered himself with the hopes of making a fortune.
 Such were the causes of the failure of the expedition
to Hispaniola ; causes which will always produce like
effects. For unless there is unanimity of counsel, obedi
ence to orders, confidence in the commander, and sufficient
store of provisions and ammunition, it can never be expected
but that things will-go amiss. It were well if this had been
the only affair in which dishonour and disgrace had accrued
to the nation through the disagreement of commanders^and
the envy and ill will of the land and sea officers one towards
a Thurloe, vol. III. p. 507. * Id. p, 689. C~M. p. 505.

S82 THE LIFE OF
the highest applause 5\ The attempt on His-
another ! Cromwell's genius did not appear in planning this
expedition3. 54 The taking and settling of Jamaica, was an essential
service to Britain.] After the disgrace received by the
English, as mentioned in the preceding note, the army was
reduced to the greatest extremities. " The rains increasing,"
says the auditor Daniel, " our men weakening, all even unto
death fluxing, the seamen aboard neglecting, that forced us
to eat all our troop horses, (the enemy denying all relief,
triumphing) and these miseries increasing, our council re
solved by seeking God, to purge the army. First, Jackson
[adjutant-general] found guilty of cowardice, had his sword
broken over- his head for a coward, his commission taken
away, and expulst the army, and to be swabber to hospital
ships of sick people, which was accordingly done. Some
women found in mens apparel were punished, and all sus
pected whores (Barbadoes and those plantations yielding
few else) narrowly sought after; all officers and soldiers
strictly commanded to observe duty, upon greatest pains ;
one of major-general (now Fortescue) soldiers, proved to
run away, hanged ; and indeed like a wise prudent general,
all things by him ordered ; yet our sickness increasing, it
was resolved again to ship, and s® directly for Jamaica"."
- — -Venables himself shall relate the success. ¦" Upon this
disaster and our mens fears we fell to new counsels, and
resolved to try Jamaica (from which- nothing diverted our
first attempt, but that it wanted a name in the world, our
men refusing to march again for Domingo) where we landed
(having beaten the enemy from off his forts and ordnance)
upon the tenth of May ; and find the country in our judg
ments equal, »if not superior, to Hispaniola: and in four
miles march here, I saw more cattle and plantations than in
* See Account of the European Settlements in America, vol. p. P- 6*- $y0'
Lond. 1758. " Thurloe, vol. 111. p. 507.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 383
paniola quickly reached the ears of the Catho-
forty in Hispaniola, and a better air> the site more advau-
tagioufe to. intercept the Spanish Plate fleet. The Recovery
and William of London are come to us with some biscuit,
which we extreamly want, but the fleet claim it as theirs;
and then we starve: for the enemy here, after signing
articles, have run into the woods, and drove a\vay all the
cattle into the mountains, and left Us nothing but bare walls
and roots to shelter and feed upon. We are getting horse
to make troopers and dragoons : and then we hope well, if
the Lord bless a party we have sent forth under colonel
Butler. The people have broke all their promises all along ;
but we have their governor and another principal man as
two hostages ; they say the articles are too harsh \" All
things at last however were settled, and Venables and Penn,
between whom there was an ill understanding, and who had
different parties even among the land forces, took the first
opportunity of returning to England. Cromwell, greatly
displeased at their whole conduct, and disappointed in his
high hopes, we may well suppose was angry; and after
hearing their mutual accusations and defences, committed
them to the Tower. Certain it is, many of the officers
complained greatly of Venables' behaviour, both at His
paniola and Jamaica "- The English were no sooner known
to be gone to this latter place, but an account was sent by
Mr. Muddiford from Barbadoes, of its great utility and
importance. " It is apparently," says he, in a letter dated
June 20, 1655, (seeing they would have an island) " far
more proper for their purposes, than the other or Porto Rico,
as the situation in the maps' will make more visible. It
hath an excellent harbour, and is accounted the most
healthful and plentiful of them all. -It will be sooner filled,
and is far more convenient for attempts on the Spanish
fleet, and more especially the Carthagena fleet, which must
halt within sight of it, as they go to the Havannah. And
* Ormonde's Papers, vol. II. p. 50. b See Thurloe, vol. III. p. 646—755.

S84 THE LIFE OF
lie king, who immediately thereupon seizing
believe it, this will more trouble the court of Spain than
ten of the other ; and therefore it must be expected more
attempts will be by the Spaniards to supplant them.
If therefore you have an opportunity, press his highness
and the council to send speedy and great supplies of men,
arms, ammunition, and cloathes.  1 am confident that if
this place be fully planted, which in three or four years
may with ease be done, his highness may do what he will
in the Indies3." Cromwell was sensible of its importance,
and issued out a proclamation for the encouragement of all
persons inclined to settle there, promising the erection of
civil government; protection against enemies; exemption
from customs for a certain number of years, and all other
things requisite to induce men to transport themselves
thither b. Incredible were the hardships the first English
planters, as well as the officers and soldiers, met with in the
beginning. But Cromwell was continually sending them
relief, and doing every thing in his power to make them,
easy and happy c. Nothing can more fu'ly confirm this
than the following letter written by him to major-general
Fortescue, commander of the forces there, after the depar
ture of general Venables.
" SIR,
" You will herewith receive instructions for the better
carrying on of your business, which-is-npt of small account
here, although our discouragements havebeen many ;¦ for
which we desire to humble ourselves before the Lord, who
hath sorely chastened us. I doe commend, in the midst of
others miscarriages, your constancy and faithfulness to your
trust, in every** where you are, and taking care of a com
pany of poore sheepe left by their shepherds ; and be as
sured, that as that which you have done hath been good in
a Thurloe, vol. III. p. 565. "Id. p. 733. c Id. vol. IV. p. 653,
Sf stj.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 38o
the persons and effects of the English mer
chants in his dominions, caused an open war
between the two nations. Cromwell', far from
itself, and becoming an honest man, so it hath a very good
favour here with all good Christians and all true Englishmen,
and will- not be forgotten by me, as opportunitie shall
serve. I hope you have long before this time received that
good supplye which went from hence in July last, whereby
you will perceive, that you have not been forgotten heere.
I hope also the ships sent for New England are before this
tyme with you ; and let me tell you, as an encouragement to
you and those with you to improve the utmost diligence,
and to excite your courage in this business, though not to
occasion any negligence in presentinge that affair, nor to
give occasion to slacken any improvement of what the place
may afford, that you will be followed with what necessary
supplies, as well for comfortable subsistence, as for your
security against the Spaniard, this place may afford or ypu
want. And therefore study first your secyritie by fortifie-
ing; and although you have not monies for the present,
wherewith to do it in such quantities as were to be wished,
yet your case being as that of a marchinge army, wherein
every soldier out of principles of nature and according to
the practice of all discipline, ought to be at the pains to
secure the common quarter; wee hope no man amongst you
will be soe wantinge to himself, consideringe food is pro
vided for you, as not to be willinge to help to the uttermost
therein; and therefore I require you and all with ypu for
the safetie of the whole, that this be made your principal
intention. The doinge of this will require, that you be
verie' careful not to scatter, till you have begun a sepuritie
in some one place. Next I desire you, that you wpuld con
sider how to form such a body of good horse, as may, if
the Spaniard should attempt upon you a,t the next comeing
into the Indies with his gallions, be in a readiness to march
to hiuder his landinge, who will hardly land upon a body of
vol. in. c c

386 THE LIFE OF
being intimidated, sent immediate orders to
Blake, who was then in the Mediterranean,
to act against Spain.- His orders were obeyed,
horse ; and if he shall land, be in a posture to keep the pro
visions of the country from him, or him from the provisions,
if he shall endeavour to march towards you. Wee trust
wee shall furnish you with bridles, saddles, and horse-shoes,
" and other things necessary for that worke, desiring you to
the uttermost to improve what you have already of those
sorts. Should it be knowne that you had 500' horse well
appointed, ready to march upon all occasions in that island,
even that alone might deterre the Spaniard from attempt-
inge any thing upon you. Wee have sent commissioners
and instructions into New England, to ,trye what people
may be drawn thence. Wee have done the like to the
English windward islands, and both in England, Scotland,
and Ireland, you will have what men and women we can
well transport. Wee thinke, and it is much designed
amongst us, to strive with the' Spaniard for the mastery of
all those seas; and therefore wee could heartily wish, that
the island of Providence were in our hands againe, believ-
inge that it lyes so. advantagiously in reference to the
mayne, and especially for the hindrance of the Peru trade
and Cartagena, that you would not only have great advan
tage thereby of intelligence and surprize, but even blocke
up the same. It is discoursed here, that if the Spaniard
doe attempt you, it is most likely it will be on the east end
of the island towards Cuba, as also Cuba upon Cuba is a ,
place easily attempted, and hath in it a very rich copper
mine. It would be good for the first, as you have opportu
nity, to informe yourself, and if there be need, to make a
good work thereupon, to prevent them ; and for the other,
and all things of that kinde, wee must leave them to your
judgment upon the place, to doe therein as you shall see
cause. To conclude, as we have cause to be humbled for
the reproof God gave us at St. Domingo- upon the account

OLIVER CROMWELL. 337
and wealth ", honour and renown, accrued to
of our owne sins, as well as others ; soe truly upon the
reports brought hither to us of the extreame avarice, pride,
and confidence, disorders and debauchedness, profaneness
and wickedness commonly practised amongst the army;
wee cannot onlie bewail the same, but desire that all with
you may doe so, and that a very special regard may be had
soe to governe for tyme to come, as that all-manner of vice-
may be thoroughly discountenanced and severely punished,
and that such a frame of government may be exercised
that virtue and godlinesse may receive due encourage
ment."' He lived not indeed to see the beneficial effects of his
care. But the English nation has sufficiently experienced
it. Jamaica for near a century has returned an immense
treasure to her mother country, and enabled. her to injure
Spain when necessary, in a very sensible manner. This
she long has done, and as it is said, is yet capable of doing
much more, if properly cultivated, and improved, and res
cued out of the hands of monopolizers. How far this is
true, it may bebome those who have the affairs of our
colonies under their inspection to enquire ; but whatever be
the result, it will be an indisputable truth that Jamaica is
is one great source of wealth to Britain.
ss Wealth and honour accrued to his country by Blake's
behaviour.] On the king of Spain's seizing the persons and
effects of the English by way of retaliation for what had
passed in America, Cromwell published a manifesto in
Latin, written, as is supposed, by Milton, setting forth
his reasons for his conduct in that affair. This piece con
tains a great variety of instances of the barbarity, cruelty
and oppression exercised by the Spaniards on the English,
, which are little known. Ships were taken, men murthered,
and the islands of Tortuga and Providence wrested out of
the hands of the English in times of full peace. Besides
these abominable deeds in the new world, an account is
c c 2

388 THE LIFE OF
his country by the behaviour of that gallant
given of many hostile acts against the same nation, by the
Spaniards, even in Europe; from all which, says the mani
festo, " We are confident, we have- made it plain to all,
who weigh things fairly and impartially, that necessity,
honour and justice, have prompted us to undertake this late
expedition. First, we have been prompted to it by
necessity ; it being absolutely necessary to go to war with
the Spaniards, since they will not allow us to be at peace
with thehi: and then! honour and justice, seeing we cannot
pretend to either of these, if we sit still and suffer such
insufferable injuries to be done our countrymen, as those
we have shown to be done them in the West Indies3."
But Crpmwell rested not in words. He sent orders to
Blake to attack the Spaniards in the Mediterranean or else
where, and to seize every thing he could lay his band on
belonging unto them. Blake wanted nothing more. " Shortly
after, cruising, in conjunction with general Montague, off
of Cadiz, to intercept the Spanish Flota, captain Stayner,
with three ships of the fleet, fell in with eight galleons,
with which he dealt so effectually in two or three hours
engagement, that one was sunk, another set on fire, two
Were forced on shore, and two he took, having on board in
money and plate, to the value 6f six hundred thousand
pounds, and only two escaped into Cadiz b." This action
was on the 9th of September, I606. Capt. Stayner, in his
letter to the generals of the fleet, written on the day of the
engagement, says, " The ship he took was as good as all the
fleet besides, and the other that capt. Harman took was
very rich ; though but little silver in herV By the calcula
tion of the Spaniards, there was taken and lost nine millions
of pieces of eight, of which about five millions fell to the
share of the English11. Besides, this great sum of money,
so Useful to Cromwell at this time, advantage was made

» Milton's Prose Works, vol. II. p. 273. " Burchett, p. 395. c thurloe,
vol. V*. p. 399. * Id. p. 40'0.

OLIVER CROMWELL. $$
admiral. Very few commanders ever, shewed
of .the intelligence given by the young marquis pf Baydex,
a prisoner, who was born in Lima, and understood well
the state of the West Indies. Montague spent almost a
whole afternoon in discourse with him, and .obtained such
an account from him, as he thought worth transmitting to
Thurloe"." So intent was he on procuring all possible helps
for bis country. " The next year admiral .Blake went out
with a strong squadrqn on the same design of intercepting
the ;Spanish West India-fleet, and took his station off of
Cadiz, where receiving intelligence that thpse ships were
arrived at Teneriffe, he made the best of .his way to that
island. The Flota lay in the bay of Santa Cruz, drawn up
iri form of a half-moon, with a strong barrieado before
them; the bay itself defended by seven forts disposed
round the same, with 'two castles at the entrance, which
were well furnished with ordnance: in which posture the
Spanish admiral thought himself so secure, that/he sent out
word by a Dutch merchant, Blake might come if he durst.
The admiral having taken a view of the enemy's situation,
sent in captain Stayner with a squadron to attack them,
who soon forcing his passage into the bay, was presently
supported by Blake with the whole fleet. Placing some of
his ships so as that they might fire their broadsides into the
castles and forts, himself and Stayner engaged the Spanish
fleet, and in few hpurs obtaining a compleat victory,
possessed himself of all the ships; but being not able to
bring them off, he set them on fire, and they were every
one burnt b." Sixteen gallepns were .destroyed, besides
others. Most pf them had. a great part of their loading
aboard, which perished all .with >the ships *. " The Jast
intelligence from .Cadiz (says Mr. Maynard, the .English
consul atLisbon, in a letter to Mr. Thurloe, datod June, 6
1G57, N. S.) saies, that the fosse of .th^se .ships in the
» Thurloe, vol. V. p. 434. > Burchett, p. 396. 'Thurloe, vol. VI.
p. 312.

390 THE LIFE OF
like conduct and bravery. Nor were the Eng-
Canaries goes near their hearts; they thinking it a greater
losse to them than the galleons with the plate taken formerly;
for the consequence of this losse will be greate, in respect
they are wholly disappointed of furnishing the West India
with such necessaries as they wante; for those ships were
designed to have gone from thence in few days, if general
Blake had not prevented them ; so now they are driven to
their laste shifte to freight Hollanders, and send them some,
and some for the India3."  Such were the naval exploits
under the protector! Exploits, which Mr. Waller has
celebrated in more than one of his poems.
 Britain, looking with a just disdain
Upon this gilded majesty of Sp-.in ;
And knowingwell, that empire must decline,
Whose chief support, and sinews are of coin ;
Our nation's solid virtue did oppose,
To the rich troublers of the world's repose.
And now some months, incamping on the main,
Our naval army had besieged Spain:
They that the whole world's monarchy design'd,
Are' to their ports by our hold fleet confra'd ;
From whence, our red cross they triumphant see.
Biding without a rival' on the sea.
And again,- — 

The sea's our own : and now all nations gr^et
With bending sails, each vessel of our fleet :
Vour pow'r extends as far as winds can blow,
Or swelling sails upon the globe may go.
He has not used too much poetical licence.
Blake, " after this glorious atchievement, returned to
the coast of Spain, and having cruised there some time,
was coming home with the fleet to England, when he
fell ill of a scorbutic fever, of which he died just as he
was entring Plymouth sound. Cromwell's parliament*
upon the news of his exploit at Santa Cruz, had ordered
him a jewel of five hundred pound, and now upon his death
* Thurloe, vol. VI. p. 312.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 391
lish less successful on the continent. A body
of men being sent into Flanders, joined the
bestowed on him a solemn and sumptuous funeral, interring
him in Henry VII.'s chappie*." This was on the 4th of
September, 1657, "When his corps was conveyed from
Greenwich house by water in a barge of state, adorned
with mourning, escutcheons, standards, &c. and attended
by divers of his highness's privy council, the commissioners
of the admiralty, the officers of the army and navy, the
lord mayor and aldermen of the city of London, &c. in
their passage along the river on the farther side of the
bridge and at the Tower, the great guns were discharged, as
also on this side of the bridge, till they came to West
minster in the New Palace-Yard. From thence the corps
was by the same persons of honor conducted to Henry
VTI.'s chappie in the Abbey, where it was interred in a
vault made on purpose; and at the interment, the regi-
mencs of horse and foot which attended gave many great
volleys of shot. The whole was very honourably performed,
according to the merit of that noble person, who had done
so many eminent services for his country both by sea and
landb." I would not have given this detail of the honours
paid to the corpse of this most virtuous, valiant and disinter
ested man, who loved his country, and was beloved and
praised by men of all parties who had any sense of merit :
I say, I would not have done this, were it not to shew how
different his treatment was now, from what it was after the
return of Charles IL when his body (in yirtue of his
majesty's express command) was taken up and buried in a
pit with others in St. Margaret's church-yard, September 12,
1661 : "In which place," says Wood, " it now remainetb,
enjoying no other monument, but what is reared by his
valour, which time itself can hardly deface'." . This base
action bishop Kennet being, as I suppose, ashamed of,
* Borchett, p. 396. * Mercurius Politicus, No. 3S0. p. 1606. And
Wood's Fasti, vol. I. c 205. c Wood's Fasti, uii supra.

392 THE L'iFE OF
French under Turenne, who taking Dunkirk s\
immediately put it in the possession of the
Veils over, by saying only " his 'body was taken up aha
buried in the church -yard*." What authority a late in
genious writer had to say that Blake's "remains were with
great decency re-interred in St. Margaret's church-yard,"
is hard to say1". He refers indeed to Kennet in the place
above cited. His 'authority will by no means, We see, bear
him out.  Some of tile other bodies taken up, and treated
thuslgnoininiously at the same time, were admiral Dean's,
a man of bravery, who lost his life in the service of his
country; col. Hump. Mackworth's; sir William Constable's;
col. Boscawen's, a Cornish gentleman, of a family distin
guished by its constant attachment to liberty, and flourish
ing in great reputation, by the well known exploits of the
admiral of that name; and many others too lortg to be here
mentioned. Such was the politeness and humanity intro
duced by the Restoration!
56 Dunkirk was immediately put in possession of the
protector.] France and England had been but on indiffer
ent terms. Bourdeaux had arrived in London, and entered
on a negotiation for peace. He met with various difficul
ties and delays; and during the treaty,' hews arrived that an
embargo was laid on the English, in the ports of" France.
This Was by way of reprisal for some hostile acts said to be
' done by them on the subjects and possessions of that crown.
Hereupon the treaty was at a stand, and Cromwell refused
absolutely to conclude on any thing till the embargo was
taken off. The French were forced to comply, and great
was the joy expressed by them 'for the peace. Cardinal
Mazarine, in a letter to BoUrdeaux, dated'Paris, December
8, 1655, N:'S, writes as follows. " Ybu will understand
by monsieur de Briehhe all the rejoicings that were made
here for the peace. I 'will only tell you, that amongst 6ther
- Register and Chronicle, p. 536. fol. Lond. 1728. * Blographia
Britannica, p. 816.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 393
protector .^— Such were the actions of Crom-
signs of joy, the king hath ordered all the guns to be
discharged generally in all the frontier places of this king
dom; a thing which was never done; and likewise his
majesty-will have me to have the honor to entertain him to
day to dinner in publick, and you may- believe we shall not
forget to remember in a solemn manner, the health of the
lord protector"." After this, in the year 1057, a league
offensive and defensive against Spain, Was made between
France and England: by which the protector engaged to
send six thousand foot into Flanders, on condition that the
French should undertake the siege of Mardyke, Gravelin, or
Dunkirk, and that if either of the two-former places were
first taken, it should be put into his hands, to be as a
hostage till he should be made master of Dunkirk, whicbhe
was to keep, restoring the other to France b. These troops
were sent into Flanders at the joint expence of the contract
ing powers, but on their landing were taken into French
pay, and took place of all the regiments of Turenne's army,
save the two old regiments of guards c. Mardyke the
first campaign being taken, was deliveredup to the English,
who greatly complained of their being ill used by the
French, in respect of provisions. Cromwell was ill pleased,
that Dunkirk had not been besieged instead of Mardyke,
and therefore peremptorily insisted- on its being undertaken
early in the year 1658. Mazarine durst not refuse. Tu
renne had orders to invest it. He obeyed, and was soon
joined by the English forces. Lockhaft, the English am
bassador, had the command in chief of these, unde'rwho'tn
was Morgan, an officer of great bravery and experience.
The Spaniards, on hearing of the siege,1 marched to raise
it. This produced a battle, in which the victory fell
to the allied army, and Dunkirk surrendered on Conditions.
The next day Lewis XIV. and all his "court entered trium-

» Thurloe, vol. IV. p. 254. b Life of Turenne, vol. I. p. 297.
c Thurloe, vol. VI. p. 2S7 and 346. And note 52.

394 THE LIFE OF
well abroad; — actions which drew the eye of
phantly into the town, and then delivered it up, according
to treaty, to the English, June 15, 1658, O. S.  Thus
had Oliver his desire, of obtaining a footing on the conti
nent, at the expence almost wholly of France. Lockhart
in his letter to Thurloe, written the day before Dunkirk
was delivered into his hands, has the following expressions.
" To morrow before five of the clock at night, his high-
ness's forces under my command, will be possessed of
Dunkirk.  1 have a great many disputes with the
cardinal, about several things. I have agreed he shall have
all the cannon in the town, that have the armes of France
upon them ; but some other things, concerning shipping
in the harbor, and the quartering the French guards, and
lodging the chief officers of the army, is yett in'contro-
versie; neverthelesse I must say, I find him willing to
hear reason; and though the generall ity of court and
arms are even mad to see themselves part with what
they call un si bon morceau, or so delicatt a bit, yet he
is still constant to his promises, and seems to be as
glad in the generall (notwithstanding our differences in
little particulars) to give this place to his highness, as
I can be to receive it. The king is also exceeding
oblyging and civil, and hath more trew worth in him
than I could have imagined2."—— ; From this letter, it
demonstrably appears that the following anecdote of Dr.
Welwood's, though confidently delivered, and frequent
ly, from him, repeated, is an absolute fiction. " There
was an article," says he, "between France and the pro
tector, that if Dunkirk came to be taken, it should im
mediately be delivered up to the English ; and his ambassa
dor Lockhart had orders to take possession of it accord
ingly. When the French army being joined -with the
. English auxiliaries, was in its march to invest the town,
Cromwell sent one morning for the French ambassador to
.a Thurloe, vol. VII. p. 173.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 395
by-standers, and procured him an extraordi
nary renown !  To these we must add his
deeds of real merit, and worthy of the highest
Whitehall, and upbraided him publicly for his master's de
signed breach of promise in giving secret orders to the
French general to keep possession of Dunkirk, in case it
was taken, contrary to the treaty between them. The am-
' bassador protested he knew nothing of the matter, as indeed
he did not, and begged leave to assure him that there was
no such thing thought of. Upon which Cromwell pulling
a paper out of his pocket, Here (says he) is a copy of the
cardinal's order : and I desire you to dispatch immediately
an express to let him know, that I am not to be imposed
upon; and that if he deliver not up the keys of the town of
Dunkirk to Lockhart within an hour after it shall be taken,
tell him I'll come in person, and demand them at the gates
of Paris. There were but four persons said to be privy to
the order, the queen mother, the cardinal, the mareschal
de Turenne, and a secretary, whose name it is not fit at
this time to mention. The cardinal for a long time blamed
the queen, as if she might possibly have blabbed it out to
some of her women : whereas it was found after the secre
tary's death, that he had kept a secret correspondence with
Cromwell for several years; and therefore it was not
doubted but he had sent him the copy of the order above-.
mentioned*." What invention ! What falsehood ! Excel
lent is the use of state papers, were it only to detect such
hasty, credulous, positive writers.  Burnet tells us, "The
trade of England suffered more in this, than in any former
war b;" and Puffendorf, if I remember right, says, 1500
ships were taken by the Spaniards. It is not improbable.
The commerce of England was at a greater height now than
formerly. And the Spaniards by the loss they had sus
tained, were incapable of making any head, unless by pri
vateering, whereby indeed the merchants of England could
* Memoirs, p. 96. 12mo. Lond. 1736. * Vol. I. p. 119.

396 THE .LIiEE C£F
praise, viz: Ms interposition in behalf of the
Vaudois ", when under persecution from their
sovereign on account of their religion, and
not but be.suffer.ers. This always will be the. case of a com
mercial nation, with superior. force, braving. [her enemies,
and (blocking up, or destroying their fleets. However, in
such, a case, the merchants, <as sufferers, must have leave to
complain. 51 His interposition in behalf of the Vaudois, ,&cj If
protestantism was merely an hatred of itheipope.; if it con
sisted barely in receiving the communion in both kinds., or
chanting Clement Marot's, or our Sternhold's old psalms,
it would justly be liable to the ridicule and contempt with
which it has been treated, of late, by some men of genius*.
Or if indeed it tended to destroy monarchical powerb, to'
subvert the laws, and throw all things into confusion,
princes would do well to be, on their guard against it. 
(But if, on the contrary, protestantism, as such, is merely
a revivalt of the doctrine of Jesus Christ, whereby the know
ledge and worship of the one true God of the universe was
established, and piety and virtue, in their full extent, re
commended, and commanded, under the sanctions of rewards
and punishments in another world: if this religion is
simple, intelligible, tfriendly, and benevolent, and void of
every thing, to amuse or- corrupt, then it is worthy of esteem.
What is the real state of ;the case, those only are judges
who are well versed in the writings of the New Testament,
which the authors above referred to, <I presume, do not pre
tend to be. One strong presumption,however, in favour of
rprotestaotism is, its being the constant object of the hatred
of those kings and .priests who delight to trample under
ffoot, the liberties of mankind, and render all subject to
their own wicked, wills. A doctrine of liberty can ill be
digested by men sensible of designs subversive :.of it.
1 See Memoirs of the House of Brandenburg, p. 144. b See Voltaire's
Age of Lewis XIV. vol. II. p. 180.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 397
the generous relief he afforded them in their
Hence have arisen the persecutions of protestants, and in this
light have they, I think, srenerally been viewed,. Almost every
where, when in power, have the ruling ecclesiastics stirred
up princes, to crush and extirpate a race of men who con-t
stantly oppose themselves to their designs. The Vaudois,
who long before Luther's time (perhaps from the first ages
of Christianity) had entertained opinions contrary -to those
of the church of Rome, and were for the most, part a plain
honest, well-meaning kind of men, (that had been cruelly
used for their opinions only) "had now a new persecution
raised against them by the duke of Savoy. So Cromwell
sent to Mazarine desiring him to put a stop to that ; adding
that he knew well they had that duke in their power, and
could restrain him as they pleased: and if they did not, he
must presently break with them. Mazarine objected to this
as unreasonable-:, he promised to do good offices; but he
could not be obliged to answer for the effects they might
have. This did not satisfy Cromwell: so they obliged the
duke of Savoy to put a stop to that unjust fury : and Crom
well raised a great sum for the Vaudois, and sent over Mor-
land to settle all their concerns, and to supply alt' their
losses"."  Mr. (afterwards Sir Samuel) Morland, has
written "The History of. the Evangelical Churches of the
valleys of Piemont:" in which, among other things, is
" a most naked and punctual relation of the late bjoody
massacre, 1655, and a narrative of all the following trans
actions to the year of our Lord l65Sb." From authentic
papers in this book, it appears that the protestants under
the protection of edicts, confirmed the preceding year by
Jheir sovereign, and guilty of no crime, were, by an order,
dated January 25, 1655, obliged to quit houses and estates,
within three days, upon pain of death, in case they did not
make it appear that they were become Catholics within
twenty days. This, though in the depth of winter, old and
a Burnet, vol. I. p. 120. » Folio, London, 1658.

398 THE LIFE OF
distresses and sufferings. This (with very
young complied with. Soon after, a body of troops was
sent into the villages and districts of these unhappy crea
tures, who plundering and spoiling every thing that came
in their way, provoked the sufferers who had notice of it so
much, that they stood up in their own defence, and put to
flight their persecutors. Orders hereupon were given to
afford no quarter. In consequence hereof a terrible scene
was exhibited. The utmost cruelties were exercised upon
persons of every age, sex and condition. Hanging, burn
ing, dismembering, ravishing, and every barbarous and cruel
punishment, the most diabolic imagination could invent
was inflicted on them. The Swiss protestant cantons,
alarmed at these proceedings, interposed with the duke of
Savoy, in behalf of these his much wronged subjects. But
in vain. They had little attention paid to them, and were
out of hopes of procuring any redress.  -The news how
ever reaching Cromwell, " He was so deeply affected with
the poor people's calamities, that he was often heard to say,
that it lay as near, or rather nearer his heart, than if it had
concerned his nearest and dearest relations in the world.
Neither indeed were the effects of his charity and Christian
compassion, at all'inferiour to those his zealous, earnest, and
pathetick expressions a." He immediately ordered a collec
tion through the kingdom for a supply of their necessities,
which, ¦ through the innate generosity of the English,
amounted to the sum of thirty-eight thousand, ninety-seven
pounds, seven shillings and three-pence b. The protector
contributed towards this, out of his own pocket, two thou-

* Morland p. 552. h Cromwell's adversaries, who stuck at nothing to
blacken him had the boldness to affirm, " That most of the money,' which was
collected for this purpose, was returned, and applied to the levying of a body of
Swiss, to be brought over to controul the army, and reduce the people to an im
plicit obedience to his government." — Letter from a true and lawful Member of
Parliament, p. 56. This is a ridiculous tale, and abundantly confuted by Mor-
land's accounts, in which the distribution of the charity appears to have been
honestly and exactly made.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 399
many other instances which might be men-
sand pounds \  Our forefathers, we see, were not wholly
unacquainted with that spirit, which the present age, with
some reason, values itself so much upon. With this libera
lity, however, Cromwell did not rest satisfied. He imme
diately writ to the kings of Sweden and Denmark, to the
States-General, and the protestant Swiss cantons, request
ing thein to use their interposition in behalf of their per
secuted brethren, and declaring that if it should prove in
effectual, that he was ready to advise with them about
such means as might be most conducing to their redress
and relieP. And that he might in the most powerful
manner effect it, he gave orders to Mr. Morland, May 23,
1655, to prepare himself, " in order to carry a message
from his highness to the duke of Savoy, to intre&t him to
recal that merciless edict, and to restore the remnant of
his poor distressed subjects to their antient liberties and
habitations; as likewise in his way to deliver a letter from
his highness to the king of France, to' sollicit his majesty to
employ his power and interest with the duke for the same
purpose." The orders were soon obeyed. The letter to
the French king was delivered, who returned an answer
very respectful ; containing assurances of his having already
mediated in behalf of the protestants in Piedmont, and that
he would still continue so to do. To this was added, that
he had grounds to hope, that his mediation would not be
unprofitable. Morland then proceeded on to Turin, where,
after being nobly entertained, he had audience of the duke
of Savoy, in the presence of Madame Royale, his mother.
Here, in a very eloquent and pathetic speech, he lamented
the unheard-of cruelties inflicted on the duke's protestant
subjects, and said every thing to move him to compassion.
After this the protector's letter was delivered on the same
subject. Madame Royale c hereupon told the English
1 Morland, p. 586. » Id. p. 554. 562.
c The duke was young, and under the tuition of his mother.

400 THE LIFE O?
tioned of his concern for the protestant inter-
envoy, " That as on the one side she could not but
extreamly applaud the singular goodness and charity of
his highness the lord protector towards their subjects,
whose condition had been represented to him so exceeding
sad and lamentable, as she perceived by that discourse of
his; so on the other side she could not but extreamly
.admire, that the malice of men should ever proceed so far,
as t6 cloath such fatherlike and tender chastisements of their
most rebellious and insolent subjects, with so black and
ugly a character, to render them thereby odious to all
neighbouring princes and states, with whom they so much
desired to keep a good understanding and friendship,
especially with so great and powerful a prince as his high
ness the lord protector; and withall, she did not doubt,
but that when he should be particularly and clearly in
formed of the truth of all passages, hp would be so fully
satisfied with the duke's proceedings, that he would not
give the least countenance to those his disobedient subjects.
But however, for his highness's sake, they would not only
freely pardon their rebellious subjects for those so heinous
crimes which they had committed, but also would accord
to them such priviledges and graces, as could not but give
the lord protector a sufficient evidence how great a respect
they bare both to his person and mediation"."-^ — In conse
quence pf the protector's application to the protestant
princes and states, a general disposition appeared to favour
the Vaudois. And very probable it is, the court of Turin
would have been obliged not only to have given them a
pardon, but proper security for the enjoyment of their
religion and liberties. Unhappily, they were too hasty
in procuring themselves a little ease. For while the Dutch
ambassador was on his journey in their behalf, and Oliver
had sent two persons to join with Morland in negotiating a
peace, a treaty was concluded by means of the French
¦ Morland, p. 575.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 401
ambassador Servient, and the ambassadors of the Swiss
Protestant Cantons ; a treaty specious in appearance, but
productive of many woes.  Cromwell, however, ceased
not to take care of the interest of those poor people. For
understanding that they were still oppressed in many
instances, though a stop was put to the massacres and
other notorious acts of violence, he sent a letter to Lock
hart, his ambassador at the court of France, dated May 26,
1658, in which he desires him, " To redouble his instances
with the French, king, in such pathetick and affectionate
expressions, as may be in some measure suitable to the
greatness of their present sufferings and grievances, which
(the truth is, says he) are almost inexpressible."  In this
letter is contained a list of their grievances, whereof Lock
hart is ordered to make his majesty thoroughly sensible, and
to persuade him to give speedy and effectual orders to his
ambassador, who resides in the duke's court, to act vigor
ously in their behalf*. — This detail plainly shews the little
exactness there is in the above-cited passage from Burnet,
— — It is not impossible however, if Cromwell had lived
a little longer, he would have fully carried his point with
regard to these men; his connections and influence in
France being about this time at their height. — I will add
one relation more on this subject from Clarendon, a relation
honourable indeed to Cromwell, though I am afraid not
much to be depended on; as no traces, except of the
tumult, are to be found in Lockhart's letters.  -" In the
city of Nismes, which is one of the fairest in the province
of Languedoc, and where those of the religion do most
abound, there was a great faction at that season when the
consuls (who are the chief magistrates) were to be chosen..
Those of the reformed religion had the confidence to set up
one of themselves for that magistracy ; which they of the
Roman religion resolved to oppose with all their pbwer.
The dissention between them made so much noise, that the
intendant of the province, who is the supream minister ia
a Morland, p. 697, % sej.
VOL. III. i> d

402 THE LIFE OF
all civil affairs throughout the whole province, went thither
to prevent any disorder that might happen. When the day
of election came, those of the religion possessed themselves
with many armed men of the Town-house, where the elec
tion was to be made. The magistrates sent to know what
their meaning, was; to which they answered, ' They were
there to give their voices for the choice of the new consuls,
and to be sufe that the election was fairly made.' The
bishop of the city, the intendant of the province, with all
the officers of the church, and the present magistrates of
the town, went together in their robes to be present at the
electidn, without any suspicion that there would be any
force used. When they came near the gate of the Town
house, which was shut, and they supposed would be
opened when they came, they within poured out a volley
of musket shot upon them, by which the dean of the
church, and two or three of the magistrates of the town,
were killed upon the place, and very many others wounded;
whereof some died shortly after. In this confusion, the
magistrates put themselves into as good a posture to de
fend themselves as they could, without any purpose of
offending the others, till they should be better provided;
in order to which they sent an express to the court with a
plain relation of the whole matter of fact; and that there
appeared to be no manner of combination with those of the
religion in other places of the province, but that it was an
insolence in those of the place, upon the presumption of
their great numbers, which were little inferiour to thpse of
the catholics. The court was glad of the occasion, and
resolved that this provocation, in which other places were
not involved, and which nobody could excuse, should
warrant all kinds of severity in that city, even to the
pulling down their temples, and expelling many of them
for ever out of the city; which, with the execution and
forfeiture -6f many of the principal persons, would be a
general mortification to all of the religion in France, with
whom they were, heartily offended ; and a part of the army
was forthwith ordered to march towards Nismes, to see

OLIVER CROMWELL. 403
est, and the protection he always granted it)
this executed with the utmost rigour. Those of the religion
in the town, were quickly sensible into what condition
they had brought themselves; and sent, with all possible
submission, to the magistrates to excuse themselves, and
to impute what had been clone to the rashness of particular
men, who had no order for what they did.
" The magistrates answered, that they were glad they
were sensible of their miscarriage; but that they could say
nothing upon the subject, till the king's pleasure should be
known; to whom they had sent a full relation of all that
had passed. The others very well knew what the king's
pleasure would be, and forthwith sent an express, one
Moulins, who had lived many years in that place, and in
Montpelier, to Cromwell, to desire his protection and inter
position. The express made so much haste, and found so
good a reception the first hour he came, that Cromwell,
after he had received the whole account, bad him refresh
himself after so long a journey, and he would take such
care of his business, that by the time he came to Paris he
should find it dispatched -and that night, sent away another
messenger to his embassador -Lockhart; who, by the time
Moulins came thither, had so far prevailed with the cardi
nal, that orders were sent to stop the troops, which were
upon their march to Nismes; and, within few days after,
Moulins returned with a full pardon, and amnesty from the
king,- under the great seal of France, so fully confirmed
with all circumstances, that there was never farther mention
made of it, but all things passed as if there had never been
any such thing. So that no body can. wonder, that his
memory remains still in those parts, and with those people,
in great veneration3."  1 will not vouch, as I hinted
above, for the truth of this relation. It is certain the be-
havipur of the protestants is misrepresented, as will appear
from the following passage pf Lockhart's to Thurloe, dated
1 Clarendon, vol. VI. p. 651.
Dd2

404 THE LIFE OF
yielded just matter of praise to his admirers ji,
Paris, January 12, 1658, N. S.  " Wee were yesterday
alarmed with ill news from Nismes, one of the most con
siderable cities of the protestants. It was reported, that
they and the Roman catholicks had been by the ears, and
that much blood had been shed. Their courier arrived this
morning, and informs, there hath been some dispute upon
the account, that the -governor, by the instigation pf their
bishops, would have deprived the citizens of their privi
ledge of choosing their magistrates: the catholicks, as
well as the protestants, opposed the governor, who had
armed the garrison against this town. There is not above
half a score killed of the garrison, and the chief of the
protestants saved the.,bishop's and governor's life \" How
different this from Clarendon ! It is strange he never could
adhere to truth in his narratives !
58 This yielded just matter of praise to his admirers, Sec]
Let us hear Mr. Morland, a gentleman, a scholar, and a
close observer of the actions of the protector. In his dedi
cation of the book, so much made use of in the preceding
note, addressing himself to Oliver, he speaks as follows.
" It is an observation of that excellent prince, the duke of
Rohan, that the interest of the chief magistrate of England
is, by all means to become head of the reformed party
throughout Europe; and it is your highness's glory and
crown, that you have formed all your counsels in order
thereunto, and laying aside all other reasons of state, have,
adhered only to this, that your own interest may appear one
and the same with the universal interest of the evangelical
churches in their respective nations. The piety of which
resolution the Lord himself hath born witness to, by a con
tinued series of wonderful providences and heavenly bene
dictions that have always accompanied you in your most
honourable and heroic enterprizes; whereas thpse other
princes that went before you, who had little regard in the
a Thurloe, vol. VI. p. 727.-

OLIVER CROMWELL. 403
and has accordingly been celebrated by them.
administration of their government, either to the honest
maxims of human policy, or to the wholesome rules of the
holy Scriptures (which they ought to have bound about
their necks, and to have graven on the tables of their hearts)
but miserably spent the best rif their powerful interests, and
precious talents, in persecuting tender consciences in their
own dominions, and most treacherously betraying the pro
testant cause in Germany, France, and other countries, did
at last, to their great astonishment, even in the height of
those their oppressions, and in the midst of all their jolli
ties, behold with their eyes a Mene Tekel upon the walls of
their palaces and banquetting houses, and of late years in
all the branches of their families have tasted the bitter fruits
of their own unrighteous doings. This is a doom which
was long since pronounced against them by the most pious
pastors and professors of foreign churches, who oft-times
heretofore have been heard to say, That God would one day
render a recompence to that house for all their perfidious
dealings towards his poor servants, and now many of those
godly men, who have lived to see the execution of those his
righteous judgments, considering on the other side the
wonderful passages of divine providence leading the way to
the extirpation of that family, and to the placing of your
highness in the princely dignity, have of late frequently
declared (as I myself have been divers times an ear witness)
with tears of joy in their eyes, that they looked on you as a
man miraculously raised up by God, and endowed with an
extraordinary spirit of wisdom, and courage, to plead the
cause of his afflicted ones against the mighty, that they
may no more oppress. Who is there so ignorant in these
our days who knows not, that all the peace, tranquillity
and priviledges, which those of the reformed religion en
joy at present in any part of the European world, does spme
way pr other Own your patronage and protection? And
who is there likewise that knows not that when, first yoa
were called forth in the view of the world, and singled out

406 THE LIFE OF
 Let us now take a view of Cromwell's
as a chosen instrument to go forth to help the Lord against
the mighty, and to fight his battles against the great per
secutors, the estate and condition of the church militant
was but at a very low ebb? The mighty floods of popery
and atheism were broken in upon the isles of Great Britain
and Ireland, and the* poor protestants in all other parts
were even sinking down under the heavy burthens laid
upon their shoulders by those cruel task-masters of th§
church of Rome; yea, the plowers were almost every
where plowing and making long furrows upon the backs of
the faithful ones in all the quarters and corners of their
habitations! It was a time when the enemies of the Lord
took crafty counsel together against his people, and were
confederate against his hidden ones (the tabernacles of
Edom aud the Ishmaelites! Amaleck and the Philistines,
with them that dwell at Tyre !) they said one to another,
Come and let us cut them off from being a people, that so
thoir name may be had no more in remembrance. And the
truth is, they had undoubtedly compassed their hellish de
signs, had not the shepherd of Israel awoke as a man out
of sleep, and found out a man (I mean your highness) to
stand in the gap, girding you with strength unto the battle,
and putting his own sword into your hand, to smile those
his enemies in the hinder parts, and put them to a perpe
tual reproach V
This application of ancient names of Gentileb and ido
latrous nations, to the Romish church, and the opinion so
publicly avowed of Cromwell's being raised up by Provi
dence to defend God's true church, and confound its ene
mies: these things, I say, render probable the conjecture
of a very learned and judicious friend, that Milton intended
some lines in his Samson Agonistes, should be applied to
* JVTorlanil's Dedication to liis History of the Churches of Piemont, p. 2.
6 Si e Burnet de futura Juda:orum Restaurationc, p. IP. 8vo. Loild. 1727.
And Dr. Newton o.i the Prophecies, \u\. III. p. 17ft. Svo, Lond. 1760.
•e

OLIVER CROMWELL. 407
government at home, in which there were
many things truly laudable. His court was
Cromwell and his followers, and the national desertion of
his cause, his family, and his friends. Such are the follow
ing, though mixt with a circumstance or two peculiar to
the history of Samson. CHORUS.
In seeking just occasion to provoke
The Philistine, thy country's enemy,
Thou never wast remiss, I bear thee witness :
Yet Israel still serves with all his sons.
SAMSOy.
That fault I take not on me, but transfer
On Israel's governors, and heads of tribes,
Who seeing those great acts, which God had done
Singly by me against their conquerors,
Acknowledg'd not, or not at all consider'd
Deliverance offerM : I on th' other side
tVd no ambition to commend my deeds,
The deeds themselves, though mute, spoke loud the doer, &c a
******** *
Had Judah that day join'd, or one whole tribe,
They had by this possess'd the tow'rs of Gath,
And lorded over them whom now they serve :
But what more oft in nations grown corrupt,
And by their vices brought to servitude,
Than to love bondage more than liberty,
Bondage with ease, than strenuous liberty ;
And to despise, or envy, or suspect
Whom God hath of his special favor rais'd
As their deliverer ; if he ought begin,
How frequent to desert him, and at last
To heap ingratitude on worthiest deeds b?
********** But I a private person, whom my country
As a league-breaker gave up bound, presum'd
Single rebellion and did hostile acts.
1 was no private but a person rais'd
With strength sufficieut and command from heaven
To free my country ; if their servile minds
Me their deliverer sent would not receive,
But to their masters gave me up for nought,
Th' unworthier they ; whence to this day they serve, &c, '
» Samson Agonistes, v. 237. * Id. *. 265. * Jd. v. 1208

40& THE LIFE OF
more free from vice than the generality of courts
are supposed to be, nor did he care to counte-
To return.  We find another of his panegj'rists speak
ing of him in yet loftier terms, in the following passages.
" He is not only a refuge for good men, and the very
sanctuary of religion, not its fortresse only and sure castle
of defence; but he hath his troops flying to disarm tyrants
and oppressors ; his forces are ready to march out against
the storms and tempests of any menacing enemy. You
may see him like a champion with a great spirit and gaunt
let, stalking forward like a giant with lightning in his eyes,
and an all-conquering look, stretching forth a brawney arme
as if he meant to cut off a hundred thousand heads at a blow ;
you rnay see him dealing with wild beasts and serpents,
and how he clears the coast amidst a company of devils:
how he makes a lane through them, and opens a passage
for God's people through all hazards and difficulties,
amidst all the gloomy powers and principalities of dark-
nesse.' You may see angels heading his weapons, and his
lances sent him from heaven : his graces are all zealous to
be serviceable in the advancement and guardianship of
the true protestant interest"." In such strains were these
generous actions spoken of in his own times!  The fol-'
lowing wish of a very modern writer will be deemed per
haps equally as honourable to the memory of Cromwell.
i It is put into the mouth of Burnet just after the revolution.
"0n-" says neJ "that I might see the day, when our
deliverer [William III.] shall become, what a bold usurper
nobly figured to himself in the middle of this century, the
soul and Conductor of the protestant cause through all
Europe! and, that as Rome hath hitherto been the centre
of slavish impositions and antichristian politicks, the court
of England may henceforth be the constant refuge and
asylum of fainting liberty and religion V
* The unparalleled Monarch, p. 14. 12mo. Lond. 1659.
k Moral and Political Dialogues, p. 255. 8vo. Lond. 1759.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 40g
jiance " and encourage any of profligate man-
59 His court was more free from vice, &c] However it
happens, men are generally prejudiced against the morals
and integrity of courts. Perhaps, it is through ignorance,
or, perhaps, through prejudice, or some other cause equally
as unreasonable. But be this as it may, it is certain divines
and poets, historians. and moralists, caution their readers
against the danger of such places, and exhort them.to fly
swiftly from their infection. And some there have been,
long versed in them, who have declared them incompatible
with virtue *. Quotations to support these assertions would
be needless. Allowances, however, ought to be made for
the language of declamation, resentment, disappointment,
and the heightenings of poetical compositions. Though,
after all, it were well if there was not ground, fully sufficient
to complain.  In this respect, however, as well as many
others, the court of the protector was distinguished. All
here had an air of sobriety and decency: nothing of riot or
debauch was seen or heard of. Cromwell's own manners
were grave, and such were the manners of those around him,
though seasoned, on occasion, with pomp, state and plea
santry. " What palace," says a contemporary writer, " was
ever less adulterated than his ? Nay in that very place,
where pimps and panders were used to traffique,. and sport
in the base revellings of lust, there is now sitting a religious
covent of our best and most orthodox divines; and whereas
formerly it was very difficult to live at court without a pre
judice to religion, it is now impossible to be a courtier
without it. Whosoever looks now to get preferment at
court, religion must be brought with him instead of money
for a place : here are none of those usual throngs of vicious
and debaucht swash bucklers, none of those servile and tayl-
shaking spaniels, none of those moe hair, linsie-woolsy, nits
and lice gentlemen, no such changeable camelions V 
a See Whistoa's Life, p. 3, 4. 8vo.Lond. 1749. " Unparalleled Monarch,
p. 70. 5

410 THE LIFE OF
ners. — He filled the benches with able and
Let us add hereunto the testimony of an adversary. " His
own court," says he, " was regulated according to a severe
discipline; here no drunkard, nor whore-master, nor any
guilty of bribery, was to be found, without severe punish
ment3." But that we may not rest wholly on words, we will
produce some facts which will fully evince the truth of the
text. The two following passages are related by Whitlock.
 " Being now in London, and hearing of the queeh of
Sweden's intention to come into England, I made it known
to the protector ; but he would not give her any encourage
ment ; he put it all upon the ill example she would give
here by her course of life, and would not be satisfied by me
to the contrary.  Graef Hannibal Sesthead, a lord of
Denmark, who had married the king's half sister there, and
been vice-roy of Norway, but afterwards grew out of favour
with his king, came into England to see the protector, and
made his applications to me, whom he had been acquainted
with in Germany. I brought him to the protector, and he
used him with all courtesy; he dined with him several
times, and the protector was much taken with his company;
he being a very ingenious man, spake many languages, and
English perfectly well, and had been employed in several
great charges and ambassies, but he was a very debauched
person ; which, when the protector knew,' he would npt
admit him any more into his conversation; mid, not long
after, he departed out of England1"."
Bishop Burnet informs us, that the earl of Orrery told
him, " That coming one day tp Cromwell, during the de
bates about his accepting the title of king, and telling him
he had been in the city all that day, Croniwell asked him
what news he had heard there : the other answered, that he
was told he was in treaty with the king, who was to be re
stored, and tp marry his daughter. Cromwell expressing no
indignation at this, lord Orrery said, in the state to which
• " Bates, p. 191. * Whitlock's Memorials, p. 599. 627.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 411
honest judges, and caused 6° justice, for the
things were brought, he saw not a better expedient : they
might bring him in on what terms they pleased; and Crom
well might retain the same authority he then had with less
trouble. Cromwell answered, the king can never forgive
his father's blood. Orrery said, he was one of many con
cerned in that, but he would be alone in the merit of restor
ing him. Cromwell replied, he was so damnably debauched
he would undo us all; and so turned to another discourse
without any emotion3."  Lady Mary Cromwell, in a letter
written to her brother Henry Cromwell, June 23, 1656, says,
that the reason of her father's not embracing of the terms
offered by- the earl of Warwick, in consideration of the
marriage proposed between his grandson Mr. Rich, and
their sister Frances, for some time, "was not so much estat,
as some private reasons,  which was adislik to the young
person, which he had from som reports of his being a visions
man, given to play and such lik things, which offis was done
by som that had a mind to brak of the match b." The
reports, however, on examination, proving false, the match
was concluded with the consent of the protector. These
passages sufficiently evince the care of Oliver to avoid
giving even countenance to vice; and also the regularity of
manners in those who partook of his favour and encourage
ment. We may well suppose the nation must be improved
in their morals by such examples.
eo He filled the benches with able and honest judges, Scc.J
The historians of all parties have, by the notoriety .of the
fact, been forced to pay this tribute of praise to Cromwell.
I could mention many; but will content myself, with the
authorities of Clarendon and Coke, who, though of different
principles, were equally foes to the government and memory
of the protector. The former affirms, " That in matters,
which did not concern the life of his jurisdiction, he seemed
to have great reverence for the law, rarely interposing.be-
* Burnet, vol. I. p. 107. "Thurloe, vol. V. p. 146.

412 THE LIFE OF
most part, to be equally and impartially ad-
tween party and party \" The latter assures us " That
Westminster-hall was never replenished with more learned
and upright judges than by him ; nor was justice either in
law or equity, in civil cases, more equally distributed, where
he was not a party b." The names of his judges, possibly,
may not be unacceptable to some readers. They were as
follows : the lord-chief justices Glyn and St. John ; the
j ustices Warburton, Newdigate, Atkins, Hale, Windham ;
the barons Nicholas, Parker, Hillc. The commissioners of
the great seal, at first were the famous Mr. Whitlock, Wid-
rington and Lenthal ; afterwards Fiennes, Lisle and Lenthal.
The gentlemen of the long robe still mention the names of
some of these persons with great honour. How solicitous
Cromwell was to appoint the most able and upright persons
to fill the important posts of the law, will best appear by
the following quotations.  " Cromwell seeing him (Mr.
Hale) possest of so much practice, and he being one of the
eminentest men of the law, who was not at all afraid of doing
his duty in those critical times, resolved to take him off
from it, and raise him to the bench. Mr. Hale saw well
enough the snare laid for him, and though he did not much
consider the prejudice it would be to himself, to exchange
the easy and safer profits he had by his practice for a judge's
place in the common pleas, which he was required to accept
of, yet he did deliberate more on the lawfulness of taking a
commission from usurpers; but having considered well of
this, he came to be of opinion, that it being absolutely ne
cessary to have justice arid property kept up at all times, it
was no sin to take a commission from usurpers, if he made
no declaration of his acknowledging their authority, which
he never did. He was much urged to accept of it by some
eminent men of his own profession, who were of the king's.
* Clarendon, vol. VI. p. fi5J). k Detection, vol. II. p. 72. e Catalogue
of the Dukes, Marquisscs, &c. with all the honours that his highness hath bestowed
since he began his government to this present. By T. W. i. e. Tho. WailtleJ-,
Svo:

OLIVER CROMWELL. 413
ministered. — —He sought out every where for
men of abilities 6\ in order properly to employ
party, as Sir Orlando Bridgman, and Sir Geoffery Palmer ;
and was also satisfied concerning the lawfulness of it, by the
resolution of some famous divines, in particular Dr. Sheldon,
and Dr. Henchman, who were afterwards promoted to the
sees of Canterbury and London. To these were added the
importunities of all his friends, who thought, that in a time
of so much danger and oppression, it might be no small
security to the nation, to have a man of his integrity and
abilities on the bench : and the usurpers themselves held
him in that estimation, that they were glad- to have him give
a countenance to their courts, and by promoting one that
was known to have different principles from them, affected
the reputation of honouring and trusting men of eminent
virtues, of what perswasion soever they might be, in relation
to publick matters3."  Another work speaks more plainly
on this subject.  -" He [Cromwell] studied to seek out
able and honest men, and to employ them. And so having
heard that my father had a very great reputation in Scot
land, for piety and integrity, tho' he knew him to be a
royalist, he sent to him, desiring him to accept of a judge's
place, and to do justice in his own country, hoping only that
he would r.ot act against his government, but he would not
press hiin to subscribe or swear to itb." How great! how,
generous ! it was hardly possible, but a man of such a dis
position must be well served.
—' 6l He sought out every where for men of abilities, and
gave them proper employment.] That princes have such
poor tools oftentimes about them is owing to their own-
weakness or negligence. They have not either sense
enough to discern, or fortitude to refuse or repel such as,
without merit, aspire to their favour. So that their minis
ter^ are sometimes of different and contradictory characters,
* Burnet's Life of Sir Matthew Hale, p. 35. 8vo. Lond. 1682,
b Burnet's History of his own Times, vol. I. p. 125.

414 THE LIFE OF
tiiem : endeavouring hereby to provide for his
own honour aiid the nation's welfare.-21- — Learn-
and hinder more than forward the business in which they
pretend to engage. Mobs are in most courts ; wise men
are distinguished alone in those whose princes themselves
excel. From the choice of ministers and favourites the
character of the sovereign may be oftentimes taken.  ¦
Cromwell was all eyes. He saw every thing, he judged of.
every thing ; few persons escaped his notice ; merit was the,
object of his choice. The authorities I shall now produce,
will, I am persuaded, justify my assertions. The following
anecdote is prior, indeed, in point of time, to the protecto
rate, but it is properly a part of Cromwell's history, and
tends to illustrate most this part of his character. It is
given by Mr. Morrice, a gentleman of character, who had it
from lord BroghilJ.  "After the horrid murder was
committed upon the king's sacred person, lord Broghill,
giving up all Ireland for lost, retired into England, • to a
small estate left him by his father at Marston in Somerset
shire, where he lived till 1649. During this retirement, his
lordship lamenting the sad condition of the royal family,
and the ruin of these kingdoms; and reflecting upon the
cruelties and inhumanities of the Irish rebels, he, at last,
thought it too much below his spirit and duty to sit still,
and see all rights thus trampled under foot by usurpers.
He resolved, therefore, to attempt something for the publick
as well as private> good ; and, accordingly, under pretence
of going to the Spa waters in Germany, he intended to cross
the seas, and apply himself to king Charles II. for a com
mission to raise what forces he could to restore his majesty
in Ireland, and to recover his own estate, then given for
lost. But in order to the accomplishing this resolution, he
sent to the earl of Warwick, who had an interest in the pre
vailing party, desiring him to procure a licence for him to
pass beyond the seas to Spa; not acquainting that lord with
the main intent of his going, and only communicating his
design, to some friends, whom he imagined to be loyal and

OLIVER CROMWELL. 415
ing he favoured, and was munificent to such as
secret. He had already made up a considerable sum of
money, and was now arrived at London, in order to prose
cute his voyage ; when a gentleman belonging to Cromwell,
who was then made general in Sir Thomas Fairfax's place,
came to his lodgings, to let him know that the general, his
master, intended to wait upon him, if he knew but the hour
when he would be at leizure to receive him. My lord was
very much surprized at this passage, because he had never
any acquaintance with Cromwell, nor ever exchanged one
word with him. Wherefore he told the gentleman, he pre
sumed he was mistaken, and that he was not the person to
whom the general had sent him with that message. The
gentleman made answer, he was sent to lord Broghill; and,
therefore, if he was that lord, he was sent to him. My lord
finding that there was no mistake in the gentleman, owned
that he Was the lord Broghill ; but desired the gentleman to
present his bumble service to the general, and to let him
know that he would not give him the trouble to come to
him, but that he would wait on the general, if he knew
where he was, and when he might ; and to that end would
immediately make himself ready for it. The gentleman
told my lord he would acquaint his excellency with it,
and so took his leave. His lordship, in the mean time,
was mightily concerned what Cromwell's business with
him should be. While he was thus musing, Cromwell came
to him ; and, after mutual salutations, told him, he had a
great kindness and respect for his lordship, and therefore he
was come to acquaint him with something that did very
nearly concern him, and to give him his advice in the matter.
He then proceeded to let him know, that the council of
state was acquainted with his designs, that he was come to
town in order to his passing beyond sea ; but instead of
going to the Spa for his gout, was going to the king for a
commission to raise men, and oppose their government in
Ireland ; and that under this pretence the earl of Warwick
had got him a licence from the state to pass the seas. As

416 THE LIFE OF
Cromwell was going on, my lord interrupted him, and told
him, he presumed his excellency was mistaken in the matter,
for he was not capable of doing any thing that way; and
therefore desired him to believe no such thing. But Crom
well told him, he had good proof for what he said, and
could shew copies of his letters to that purpose, and there
fore desired him not to deceive himself; for the council had
ordered him to be clapt in the Tower upon his arrival in
town ; which had been executed accordingly, had not he
himself interposed in his behalf, and procured some time to
confer with him, to see* whether he might not be drawn off
from his purpose. Upon this, and other circumstances, my
lord, finding that he was discovered, begged Cromwell's
pardon, and thanked him for his kindness, and desired him
to advise him what to do. Cromwell told him, that neither
he, nor the council, were strangers to his actions in the Irish
war; and therefore the subduing of the Irish rebels being
left to his care, he had obtained leave from the council to make
an offer to lord Broghill, that if he would serve in the wars
against the Irish, he should have a general officer's com
mand, and should have no oaths or engagements laid upon
him, nor should be obliged to fight against any but the
Irish. My lord did not a little wonder at this large offer,
and would have excused himself, desiring some time to con
sider of it : but Cromwell told him, he must resolve present
ly, for there was no time to deliberate, because the council,
from, whom he came, were resolved to send his lordship to
the Tower as soon as ever Cromwell should return to them,
iri case this offer was not readily accepted. Lord Broghill
seeing no subterfuges could any longer be made useof, and
finding his liberty and life were in danger, whereby he might
be rendered utterly incapable of serving his majesty;, and
not knowing but, by accepting this offer, he might after
wards be serviceable to the royal party, he resolved to ac
cept of it upon the conditions which Cromwell mentioned;
promising upon his word and honour, he would faithfully
assist Cromwell in subduing the Irish rebellion. Where
upon Cromwell assured him, he should have those condi-

OLIVER CROMWELL. 417
tions performed to a tittle ; and desired him to hasten down
to Bristol, where men should be sent to him, and ships wait
for his transportation, and he himself would follow him with
another army ; all which was accordingly done3."  Brog
hill was worthy of Cromwell's choice : he served him faith
fully, was sincerely attached to the interests of his family,
and did every thing to' support it.  The next instance I
shall give from Wood, who chose not, we may well suppose,
to falsify in favour of the protector.  " In 164$," says
he, " one Mr. Greaves of Gray's-Inn, an intimate acquaint
ance with Dr. Meric Casaubon, brought him a message
from Oliver Cromwell, then lieutenant-general of the par
liament's forces, to bring him to Whitehall to confer with
him about matters of moment, but his wife being then lately
dead, and not, as he said, buried, he desired to be excused.
Afterwards Greaves came again, and our author [Casaubon]
being in some disorder for it, fearing that evil might follow,
he desired him. to tell him the meaning of the matter, but
Greaves refusing, went away the second time. At length
he returned again, and told him, that the lieutenant-general
intended his good and advancement, and that his particular
errand was, that he would make use of his pen to write the
history of the late war, desiring, withall, that nothing but
matters of fact be impartially set down, &c. To which he
returned answer, that he desired his humble service and
hearty thanks be returned for that great honour done unto
him, and withall, that he wasupcapable, in severall respects,
for such an employment, and could not so impartially engage
in it, but that his subject would force him to make such
reflections as would be ungrateful, if not injurious to his
lordship. Notwithstanding this answer, Cromwell seemed
so sensible of his worth, that tho' he could not win him over to
his desires, yet he acknowledged a great respect for him, and,
as a testimony thereof, he ordered that, upon the first demand,
there should be delivered three or four hundred pounds by a
* Morrice's Life of Lord Orrery, prefixed to his State Papers, fol. Lond. 1743.
And Budgell's Memoirs of the Boyles,p. 43. 8vo. Lond. 1739.
VOL. III. E e

418 THE LIFE OF
certain bookseller in London (whose name was Cromwell)
whensoever his occasions should require, without acknow
ledging any benefactor at the receipt of it. But this offer,
as I have been informed by our author's son John Casaubon,
he scorned to accept, though his condition was then mean.
At the same time it was proposed by the said Greaves (who
belonged to the library at St. James's) that if our author
would gratify himin the foregoing request, Cromwell would
restore unto him all his father's [Isaac Casaubon's] books-,
which were then in the royal library there (given by king
James, who had invited him into England) and, withall, a
patent for three hundred per annum, to be paid to the family
so long as the youngest son of Dr. Isaac Casaubon should
live. But this also was refused3."'  It appears from a
letter of Dr. Cudworth's, that he was consulted by Mr.
Thurloe (no doubt but by the protector's orders) with regard
to the characters of such persons in the university, as were
proper to be employed in political and civil affairs. The
doctor mentions several men of' distinguished learning and
abilities, and then adds, " many more names I could set
down : but these may suffice for your choice ; and you may,
if you think good, enquire further concerning any of them
from some others, and, if you please, from this gentleman,
whom I have, for that purpose, desired to present this to
you, Mr. George Rust, fellow of Christ-Colledge, who can
further inform and satisfy you concerning them. He is an
understanding, pious, discreet man, and himself I know to
be a mau of exceeding good parts, and a general scholar,
but one that seems not so willing to divert himself from
preaching and divinity, which he hath of late intended;
otherwise I know his parts are such, as would enable him
for any employment. If you please to enquire further from
him, and by him signify your further pleasure to me, I shall
be ready in this, or any thing else, that I am able to expresse
myself, Sir, your affectionately devoted friend and servant,
R. ^UDWORTH.
» Wood's Athena:, vol. II. c. 485.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 419
excelled in science fl\ Nor did he fail of
Mr. Zachary Cradock was recommended to the secretary
by this gentleman, for the place of chaplain to the English
merchants at Lisbon. He was afterwards provost of Eaton,
and greatly celebrated for his genius and learning3. Dr.
John Pell, eminent for his skill in the mathematics, in the
Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, Italian, French, Spanish,
and High and Low Dutch languages, was appointed envoy
from the protector to the protestant cantons in Swisserlandb.
Mr. (afterwards Sir) William Petty was ordered by Oliver,
to take a survey, and make maps of the kingdom of Ireland,
for which. he had a salary of 365/. per annum, besides many
other advantages which enabled him to raise a great estate1.
And it is said, however improbably, " That Cromwell was
so pleased with many of Mr. Hobbes's principles laid down
in the Leviathan, which tended to justify and support his
usurpation, that the great place of being secretary was
proffered to himd."
If to these instances, we add Milton, Mr. Marvel, and
Mr. Morland before mentioned, together with Nat. Bacon,
author of the celebrated discourses on government, who
was one of Cromwell's masters of requests, Francis Os-
born, a writer of good repute, who had public employments
under him, and Mr. Samuel Hartlib, to whom he allowed
one hundred pounds a year for his industry and expences
in several public services ; we shall be convinced that he
was not destitute of men of abilities, or negligent of em
ploying them in a manner honourable to themselves, as well
as advantageous to the. nation.
6* Lie favoured learning, and was munificent to such as
excelled in science.] We have seen in the two preceding
notes, the care of the protector to select men capable of
transacting public business in . an honourable and useful

* Cudnorth's. Life by Dr. Birch, prefixed to the first vol. of 'the Intellectual
3ystem, p." 8. 4to. Lond. 174?. b Birch's Life of Boyle, p. 11 7. 8v0.
Lond. 1744. ' Wood's Athena?, vol. If. u. 808. « Id.c. 646.
e e 2

420 THE LIFE OF
making Use of the methods of kindness and
manner to the community of which he had taken on him
self to be the head. Most of/ these were well versed in the
sciences, and consequently would well enough have served
for proofs of Cromwell's favour to the learned. , I shall add
however others, that his regard to learning may be put out
of a possibility of doubt.  Oliver was chancellor of the
university of Oxford, and within a year after his assuming
the protectorate, " at his own charge, he bestowed on the
public library there, twenty five antient manuscripts ; ten
of which were in folio, and fourteen in quarto, all in Greek*
except two or three. He moreover ordered to a private
divinity reader there (newly chosen to that place) an annuity
of one hundred pounds per annum, out of the exchequer,
for the said reader's encouragement3."  When the great
design was on foot of publishing the Polyglott, by Dr.
Walton, the protector permitted the paper to be imported
duty freeb. And it is a fact, attested by his very enemies,
that he hindered the sale of archbishop Usher's valuable
library of prints and manuscripts, to foreigners, and caused
it to be purchased, and sent over to Dublin, with an inten
tion to bestow it on a new college or hall, which he had
proposed to build and endow there c. Dr. Parr and Dr.
Smith say, the purchase was made by the officers and sol
diers of the army in Ireland, but how this is consistent
with Parr's saying afterwards, that "when this library was
brought over into Ireland, the usurper and his son, who
then commanded in chief there, would not bestow it on the
college of Dublin," is very hard to say. I presume they
would not have claimed the right of bestowing, if they had
not acquired that right by purchasing. Dr. Smith, sen-
- Mercurius Politicus, No. 223. p. 3773. And Whitlock, p. 605. ' b To
wards the close of Walton's preface we find the following words : Primo au-
tem commemorandi quorum favore Chartam a Vectigalibus immunem habui-
mus, quod quinque ab hinc annis, a Concilio secretion primo concessum, postea
a Serenissimo D. Proteetore ejusque Concilio, operis promovendi causa
benigne confirmatum et continuatum erat. ' See Parr's Life of Usher,
p. 102.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 421
Condescension, in several respects, to conci-
sible of this, has varied from his original, (for he is little
more than a translator of Parr) and attributes both purchase,
refusal of bestowing on the college of Dublin, and inten
tion of erecting a new building for its reception, to the
officers and soldiers only *•  Smith however allows with
Parr, that Cromwell had the merit of hindering the expor
tation of this valuable library into foreign parts ; and with
astonishment cries out, " Quis autem crederet hominem,
enthusiasmi furoribus subinde correptum, & humanioris
literatures osorem, cavisse, ne thesaurus iste extra Angliam,
non sine suunmS. injuria genti iuurenda, exportaretur i"
His astonishment would have ceased, had he known the
true character of the protector.  But to go on,  A
representation having been made to the parliament of the
commonwealth of England, by the gentlemen of the county
of Durham, and sent up by the high sheriff to the par
liament, inter alia, that the college and houses of the
dean and chapter, being then empty and in decay, might
be employed for erecting a college, school, or academy for
the. benefit of the northern counties, which are so far from
the universities ; and that part of the lands of the dean and
chapter near the city, might be set out for pious uses : it
was referred to a committee to, state the business and report
their opinion. This was in May, 165,0. From this time
till about seven years after, we hear no more of it. But
on the 15th of May, 1657, the lord protector, by writ of
privy seal, erected a college at Durham, consisting of one
provost or master, two preachers or senior fellows, and
twelve other fellows. " And for the endowment of the said
college, the cathedral church and church-yard of Durham,
and the several messuages with their appurtenances there
unto belonging were granted. To these were added a yearly
rent-charge of one hundred and seventeen pounds, fifteen
* Vita Jacobi Usserii, Scriptore Thoma Smitho, S. Theologiae Doctore &
Ecclesia) Anglicanae' Presbytero, prefixed to Usher's Annals, Geneva. 172%
Folio, p. 55.

THE LIFE OF 1
liate the *3 affections of his enemies to his per-
shillings and eight-pence, and another of five hundred
pounds issuing out of the manors of Gateshead and Wick-
ham in the said county of Durham, as also one other of
two hundred eighty-four pounds, four shillings and four-
pence, issuing out of lands lately belonging to the bishop
or dean and chapter of that diocese. Besides all these do
nations, the books printed and manuscript belonging to the
late bishop, dean and chapter were added, and a liberty of
purchasing or receiving lands, not exceeding the yearly-
value of six thousand pounds4." We niay see by this,
that Oliver was a friend to 'learning, and zealous to promote
it : but whether the means in- this instance made use of,
Were the most eligible, must be left to the reader to deler^
mine. — I had forgot to add, that this foundation of a col
lege at Durham was opposed by the universities of Oxford
and Cambridge) and that it was but of a short duration.
For oh Richard's resignation, it of course dropped. — > — I
will mention but one instance more of the protector's regard
arid encouragement of literary merit. — —Dr. Seth Ward,
who was afterward bishop of Exeter and Sarutn successively,
standing candidate, in the year 1657, for the principalship
of* Jesus college in Oxford, lost it through means of Crom
well's pre-etfgagement to another. But upon being in
formed of the rrrerit and learning of Ward, (who had suc
ceeded the very learned Mr. John Greaves as astronomy
professor in that university) he received and conversed with
him with great freedom, and enquiring of the value of the
principalship, promised to allow him the like sum annu
ally B. This Dr. Ward became after the Restoration a tho
rough-paced coflrt-bishop, applying himself to politics, and
adhering to the interest of those to whom be owed his pre
ferments. I think he never shewed any return of kindness
to" the friends of Cromwell.
63 He made use of the methods of kindness and condes-
a Peck's Memoirs of Oliver Cromwell, among the Collection of curious his
torical Pieces, p. 60. 4to. Lond. 1740. b Howe's Life by Calamy, p." 19.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 423
son and government. These were some of
cension to his enemies.] Here are my authorities. " The
nobles and great men," says Bates* " (for with some few of
them he had an intimacy) he delighted with raillery and
jesting, contended with them in mimical gestures, and en
tertained them with merry collations, mUsick, hunting and
hawking.  When he was in the country, he used once or
oftener a year, to give the neighbours a buck, to be run
down in his park, and money to buy wine to make merry
with3 ."  The following account, we are told, was deli
vered by Dr. Thomas Smith, and was first published by
Mr. Thomas Hearne, in his Appendix to the Chronicon de
Dunstable. " I will relate a passage, that the marquis told
me concerning the old marquis of Hartford. A little after
the death of the lord Beauchamp his son, in the year
1656, (which was of unspeakable grief to him) the Protec
tor sent Sir Edward Sidenham to him, to condole with him
for the great loss he had sustained, and many fine words
and compliments besides. The marquis of Hartford would
have been glad Cromwell had spared that ceremony ; but
however received it in the best manner he could ; and re
turned a suitable acknowledgment for the same. Some
time after this Cromwell sent again to invite the marquis to
dine with him : which this great and brave nobleman knew
not how to wave or excuse; considering it was in Crom
well's power to ruin him, and all his family. Therefore
sent him word he would wait upon his highness. In a lit
tle time after he went accordingly, and Cromwell received
him with open arms; and at dinner drank to him, and
carved for him with the greatest kindness imaginable.
After dinner, he took him by the hand, and led him into
his drawing-room, where (only they two being alone) he
told the marquis, he had desired his company, that he
might have his advice what to do. For," said he, " I am
not able to bear the weightof business that is upon me; I
* Part II. p. 195.

424 THE LIFE OF
the illustrious actions of Cromwell: actions
am weary of it ; and you, my lord, are a great and wise
man, and of great experience, and have been much verst in
the business of government; pray advise me what I shall
do. The marquis was much surprized at this discourse of
the protector's, and desired again and again to be excused:
telling him, he had served king Charles all along, and been
of his private council; and that it no ways consisted with
his principles, that either the protector should ask, or he
(the marquis) adventure to give him any advice. This not*
withstanding would not satisfy Cromwell, but he prest him
still, and told him he would receive no excuses nor denials;
but bid the marquis speak freely, and whatever he said, it
should not turn in the least to his prejudice. The marquis
seeing himself thus prest, and that he could not avoid giv->
ingan answer, said, Sir, upon this assurance that you have
given me, I will declare to your highness my thoughts, by
which you may continue to be great, and establish j^our
name and family for ever. Our young master' that is abroad
(that is, my master, and the master of us all) restore him
to his crowns, and by doing this you may have what you
please. The protector, no way disturbed at this, answered
very sedately, that he had gone so far, that the young gentle
man could not forgive. The marquis replied, that if his
highness pleased, be would undertake with his master, for
what he had said. He replied again, that in his circum
stances, he could not trust. Thus they parted, and the
marquis had never any prejudice hereby so long as Crom
well lived3." Lord Clarendon speaks also of Cromwell's
" making addresses to some principal noblemen of the king
dom, and some friendly expostulations with them, why they
reserved .themselves, and would have no communication or
acquaintance with him b?" — From these facts, we may judge
of Cromwell's address, and his knowledge of the human
* Peck's Preface to his Memoirs of Oliver Cromwell, p. 37. » See
yol. VI. p. 593.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 425
still more remarkable, as his reign was short,
heart, which by flattery is soonest of all things captivated
and ensnared. His method of treating his enemies was many
times also very mild and generous. " He understood," says
Burnet, " that one Sir Richard Willis was chancellor Hyde's
chief confident, to whom he wrote often, and to whom all
the party submitted, looking on him as an able and wise
man, in whom they confided absolutely. So he found a way
to talk with him : he said, he did not intend to hurt any of
the party; his design was rather to save them from ruin:
they were apt after their cups to run into foolish and ill-
concerted plots, which signified nothing but to ruin those
who engaged in them: he knew they consulted him in every
thing : all he desired of him was to know all their plots,
that he might so disconcert them that none might ever suf
fer for them : if he clapt any of them up in prison, it should
only be for a little time; and they should be interrogated
only about some trifling discourse, but never about the busi
ness they had been engaged in. He offered Willis whatever he
would accept of, and to give it when or as he pleased. He
durst not ask or take above 2000 pounds a year. None was
trusted with this but his secretary Thurloe, who was a very
dexterous man.at getting intelligence. Thus Cromwell had
all the king's party in a net. He let them dance in it at plea-'
sure : and upon occasions clapt them up for a short while ;
but nothing was ever discovered that hurt any of them V
 What is about to be related,* will still more display the
truth of the text. " One day, in a gay manner, Oliver told
lord Broghill that an old friend of his was just come to
town- The lord Broghill desiring to know, whom
his highness meant? Cromwell to his great surprize, an
swered, the marquis of Ormond. The lord Broghill pro-.
testing he was wholly ignorant of it: I know that well
enough (says the protector ;) however, if you have a mind
to preserve your old acquaintance, let him know, that I
am not ignorant either where he is, or what he is doing.
He then told him the place where the marquis lpdged ;
"Vol, I. p. 101.

426 THE LIFE OF
and his revenue scanty64. — But his govern-
and lord Broghill having received this generous per
mission to save his friend, went directly to him, and
acquainted him with what had passed; who finding him
self discovered, instantly left London, and with the first
opportunity returned to the king. Soon rafter Cromwell
being informed that the lady Ormond was engaged in
several practices against the government, and corresponded
with her husband, for the better accomplishing of them,
had resolved to use her with, great severity; and told the
lord Broghill with a frown, the first time he saw him, You
have passed your word for the quiet behaviour of a fine
person : the lady Ormond is in a conspiracy with her hus
band against me, though at your request, I permit her to
stay in London, and allow her 2000 I. per annum. 1 find
she is an ungrateful woman, and shall use her accordingly.
Lord Broghill, who saw the protector was thoroughly
provoked, but knew that a soft answer usually appeased
him, told him in the most submissive manner, that he was
sorry the lady Ormond had given his highness any occasion
to be displeased with her, but humbly desired to know,
what ground he had for suspecting her ? Enough : (says
Cromwell) I have letters under her own hand, which were
taken out of her cabinet : and then throwing him a letter,
bid him read it. He had no sooner perused it, than he
assured the protector with a smile, that what he had read,
was not the hand of lady Ormond, but of lady Isabella
Thyn, between whom and the marquis of Ormond, there
had been some intrigues. Cromwell hastily asked him,
how he could prove that ? Lord Broghill answered very
easily ; and shewed him some other letters from the lady
Isabella; of whom he told two or three stories, so pleasant,
as made Cromwell lose all his resentment in a hearty
laugh3." . 6* His revenue scanty.] Whoever considers what Crom
well did at home and abroad; the greatness of his fleets and
armies ; his spies and intelligencers ; his ambassadors and
» Budgell's Memoirs of the Boyles, p. 59, Biogfaphia Britaunica, p. 8. 899. 1062.

I I

OLIVER CROMWELL. 427
ment, however, was far from being free from
blame. His edict against the episcopal clergy65
envoys, and the state he on some occasions assumed; I say,
whoever considers his government which made so great a
figure in the eyes of Europe, and. is still talked of with
admiration, will be astonished to find that the whole
revenue of England, Scotland and Ireland, amounted to
but 1,900,000 /.a His enemies moreover add, that when
he assumed the government, " The publick stock was five
hundred thousand pounds in ready money, the value of
seven hundred thousand pounds in stores, and the whole
army in advance, some four, and none under two months ;
so that though there might be a debt of near five hundred
thousahd pounds upon the kingdom, he met; with above
twice .the Value in lieu of itb." Mr. Cowley says, " He
found the commonwealth in a ready stock of about 800,000
pounds, and left it some two millions and an half in debt'."
 Allowing all this to be tine, Cromwell must have been
an excellent ceconomist. For what prince almost, ebUld
have done so much on so little ? We may be sure there
could have been nO great Waste of the public treasure on
favourites, no needless parade, or expensive follies, when
the stun to be managed for every purpose was so con
tracted. But the force of ceconomy is great; its efficacy
powerful ; and he who spends or gives when it is proper,
and only when it is so, may do things beyond the imagina
tion of most d.
65 His edict against the episcopal clergy was very cruel.]
; Cromwell by nature, as I have more than once had. an f
opportunity of shewhig, tvas generous and humane, kind j
[ and compassionate; but when he was provoked he shewed
a Protector's Speech, April 21, 1657. b World's Mistake in Oliver
Cromwell, p.' 3. c Discourse concerning the Government of Oliver Crom
well, p. 92. , d Turning to Thurloe, I find the following estimate of the
charge of a yea*r, ending the first of November 1 657s This1 estimate is something
beyond- What 1 have g"iven from the protector's speech ; but as it has the air of
exactness it possibly may deserve the attention <Jf the public. The

428 THE LIFE OF
was very cruel, as it deprived them in a good
measure of their maintenance, and of their
his resentment, and made his enemies feel the weight of it.
With respect to religion he was no bigota; and yet,
exasperated by the conduct of the cavaliers, who had so
foolishly risen against him under Wagstaff, Penruddock
and Grove in the west, he treated the clergy of that party
very rigorously. In a declaration bearing date, October 4,
1655, we find the following prohibitions. " His highness,
by the advice of his council, doth publish, declare and
order, that no person or persons aforesaid (whose estates had
been sequestered for delinquency, or who had been in arms
against the parliament) do, from and after the first day
of January 1655, keep in their houses and families, as
chaplains or school-masters, for the education of their
children, any sequestered or ejected minister, fellow of
any college, or school-master, nor permit any of their chil
dren to be taught by such, upon pain of being proceeded
against in such sort, as the said orders do direct in such
cases. And that no person who hath been sequestered or
ejected out of any benefice, college or schpol for delin-
1. 1. d.
The pharge at sea - 994,500 0 4
The charge of the army in the three kingdoms - 1,132,489 0 0
The government - - 200,000 0 0
Sum is - 2,326,989 0 4
The present Revenue.
The assessment in England, Scotland and Ireland
The excise and customs, estimated at
The other revenue payable into the receipt, estimated at
Sum is - 2,362,000 4 0 •
N. B. Cromwell had only 400,000/. from his par
liament towards the war with Spain. See
Thurloe, vol. IV. p. 586. 1 See note 10.

1

s.

d.

1,464,000

4

0

700,000

0

0

198,000

0

0

OLIVER CROMWELL. 429
liberty of worshipping God according as ap-
quency or scandal, shall, from and after the first day of
January, keep any school, either public or private, nor
any person who after that time shall be ejected for the
causes aforesaid.
" And that no person, who, for delinquency or scandal,
hath been sequestered or ejected, shall from and after the
#rst day of January aforesaid, preach in any public place,
or at any private meeting of any other persons than those of
his own family, nor shall administer baptism or the Lord's
supper, or marry any persons, or use the book of common-
prayer, or the forms of prayer therein contained, upon pain
that every person so offending in any of the premises, shall
be proceeded against, as by the said Orders is provided
and directed. And to the end all persons concerned may
take notice hereof, and avoid the danger of any of the said
penalties, his highness doth charge and command all sheriffs
within their respective counties, cities and towns, to cause
this declaration to be proclaimed and published. Neverthe
less his highness doth declare, that, towards such of the
said persons, as, have, since their ejection or sequestration,
given, or shall hereafter give, a, real testimony of their god
liness and good affection to the present government, so
much tenderness shall be used, as may consist with the
safety and good of the nation3."  It would be useless
to spend words in exposing the cruelty of this declara
tion. Persecution is written on the face of it, nor is' it
capable of a vindication. We are told that some of the
most considerable episcopal clergy, on the issuing forth
of this decree, applied to archbishop Usher, to use his
interest with the protector, "That as he granted liberty
of conscience to almost all sorts of religions, so the epis
copal divines might have the same freedom of serving God
in their private congregations, (since they were not per
mitted the public churches) according to the liturgy of the
0 Harleian Miscellany, vol. V, p. 249. Merour'uis Politicus, No- 255. p. 5774,

430 THE LIFE OF
peared best to, their own understandings. The
church of England; and that neither the ministers, nor
those that frequented that service, might be any more
hindered or disturbed by his soldiers. So according to
their desires," continues Dn Parr, " he went and used his
utmost endeavours with Cromwell, for the taking off this
restraint, which was at last promised, (though with some
difficulty) that they should not be molested, provided they
meddled not with any matters relating to his government:
but when the lord primate went to him a second ' time, to
get this promise ratified, and put into writing,—  '-'Crom
well answered him to this effect, that he had since better
considered it, having advised with his council about it,
and that they thought it not safe for him to grant liberty of
conscience to those sort of men, who are restless. and im
placable enemies to him and his government ; and so took
his leave of him, though with good words, and outward
civility : the lord primate seeing it was in vain to urge it
any farther, said little more to him, but returned to his
lodgings very much troubled, and concerned that his en
deavours had met with no better success ; when he was in
his chamber, he said to some of his relations and myself,
that came to see him, This false man hath broken his
word with me, and refuses to perform what he promised;
well, he will have little cause to glory in his wickedness,
for he will not continue long; the king will return ; though
I shall not live to see it, you may: the government both in
church and state is in confusion, the papists are advancing
their projects, and making such advantages as will hardly
be prevented"." This truly venerable primate had reason
to be out of humour. For whatever might have been the
practices of many of the episcopal clergy, it is certain there
were amongst them wisey pious, learned, and peaceable
men, who merited a very different treatment from this
which was given them by Oliver. Not to take notice that it
* Life of Usher, p. 75.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 431
cavaliers had hard measure from him66, as they
is a very barbarous thing to prohibit men the use of those
forms of address to the Deity, which they imagine are most
honourable and acceptable to him. — ¦  However, injustice
to the protector, it must be said, that notwithstanding this
declaration, he winked at, or permitted some worthy epis
copalians to officiate in the public places of worship, nor
do we find that they suffered any inconveniences on account
of it. The books referred to in the margin will be deemed
full authority by those acquainted with the chai'acter of
their authors3. So that some tenderness was used towards
such as were not of obnoxious characters, though it cannot
be doubted but many innocent and worthy men must have
received very hard measure.
The cavaliers had hard measure from him, being
subjected to heavy taxes, &c] Cromwell, though an enemy,
had shewn favour to the cavaliers in a variety of instances,
and zealously promoted the act of oblivion whereby they
obtained many solid advantages. But they could npt be
quiet. They were continually plotting how to bring in the
young king, and restore him to what they called his right.
For in the eyes of these men nations and kingdoms were
patrimonial estates, and as such were to pass from father to
son, without asking the consent of those who constituted
them.-  What made them more forward was the discon
tent which had arisen among their adversaries, on Crorar
w ell's seizing the government, and exercising the supreme
rule. For many zealous republicans now turned against
him, and even joined with their sworn foes, to complete his
destruction. So blind is revenge! Among these were Over
ton and Wildman, men of parts and interest in the armyb.
But nothing was concealed from the eye of Cromwell. He
seized many of the conspirators, and disappointed their in
tended insurrections. Grove and Penrudduck appeared
t
1 See Walker's Sufferings of the Clcrey, part ii. p. 23, 24, 26, 69. fol. Lond.
1714. Nelson's Life of Bishop Bull, p. 29, 47. 8vo. Lond. 1713. "See
note 11.

432 THE LIFE OF _
were without exception, almost, rendered subject
however in the west, and with a small body of men, Carried
off the judges on the circuit at Salisbury; but being pur
sued, were taken, and executed at Exeter. Had Cromwell
stopt here, had he only punished such as had appeared in
arms, or truly engaged in the plot against him, there had
been no blame. Men who will venture on such exploits,
must take the consequences ; nor is a government to be
blamed for making them examples. But provoked, Crom
well went much farther. He punished the whole body of
cavaliers, and made little distinction between them. An
order was made that " all those who had ever borne arms
for the king, or declared themselves to be of the royal party,
should be decimated, that is, pay a tenth part of all that
estate which they had left, to support the charge which the
commonwealth was put to, by the unquietness of their tem
pers and the just cause of jealousy which they had adminis
tered."  By another declaration, " they were rendered
incapable to be elected, or give their vote in the election of
any person or persons to any office or place of trust or go*
vernment, within the commonwealth: or to hold or execute
by themselves or deputies, any such office or place till his
highness's command was farther known2." And a great
number of persons of quality were clapped up in prison;
against whom little more was to be alledged than that they
had been of the royal party. This treatment could not but
be deemed by many, hard, and unjust. But Cromwell and
his council undertook to vindicate it, in a declaration, pub
lished October 31, 1655, wherein, after taking notice of the
events of the late war ; the punctual performance of the arti
cles granted to the cavaliers ; and the act of grace and obli
vion granted to them, in order to heal and cement, and take,
away all seeds of difference and separation : I say, aftes
taking notice of these things, the declaration goes on to
observe, "That there can be no other construction made of
• See Clarendon, vol. VI. p. 570. Mercurius Politicus,.No. 276. n. 5639»
5

OLIVER CROMWELL. 433
to heavy taxes and other inconveniences, upon
the actings of that party, to the disturbance of the publick
peace, and to the subversion of the government, but that
they are implacable in their malice and revenge, and never
to be drawn from their adhering to that cursed interest,
which hath been the shedding of so much innocent blood1,
and almost the ruin and destruction of these lands."  -
As to the act of oblivion, against which these proceed
ings were deemed contrary, it was answered,  " That
the parliament, by that act, intended not only an obli
vion of the offences of the party, [the cavaliers] but that
this kindness should be answered with obedience on their
part, and produce a real change in their principles and inte
rest, as to the common cause this great contest had been
about, for otherwise this act cannot be considered as obliga
tory to those who gave it : and in this case forbearance
from outward action will not avail, to intitle to the benefit of
the pardon, if yet there be malice and revenge in the heart,
and such a leaning and adhering to the old interest, that
nothing is wanting in the discovery thereof, but a fitting
opportunity ; for as such men cannot, in justice and inge
nuity, claim the benefit of an act of favour from the supream
magistrate, to whom they themselves be enemies, so neither
is that magistrate bound in justice before God or men to
give it to them, if he hath reason to believe from the course
of their conversations that they are such, and that their
intentions towards' the government, under which they live,
are the same as when they were in open arms against it, and
is at liberty to carry himself towards them, as if no such act
had been. Nay, he may proceed against them with greater
severity, inasmuch as he hath used the last means to reclaim
them without fruit, and knows by experience, that nothing
but the sword will restrain them from blood and violence.
Then if this be the case between us and the late king'sparty,
to wit, that they have notoriously manifested it to the con
sciences of all men, that they do not only retain their old
principles and still adhere to their former interest, in direct
VOL. III. f f

434 THE LIFE OF
account of the rashness and imprudence of
opposition to the government established, but have been all
along hatching new disturbances, and endeavouring as well
by secret and bloody assassinations, as by open force to
introduce the one, and overthrow and subvert the other; it
will not be thought strange upon any account whatsoever,
that we did lately secure so many of the men of that interest,
although they were not visibly in arms upon the late insur
rection; nor that we have laid a burden upon some of their
estates, beyond what is imposed upon the rest of the nation,
towards the defraying of that charge which they are the
occasion of, with some other things which we have found
necessary in this time of danger to direct concerning them,
for the peace and safety of the whole a." After this follows
a clear and distinct narrative of the plot, supported by such
evidence as appeared to the government convincing.  —
But what was all this to the innocent ?  Yes, proceeds the
declaration, " Admit that some of that party were as inncf-
cent, as they would now have it believed they were, enough
hath been done by their fellows in a common cause (which
hardly any of them know how to disown, which they love,
and of which they glory) to draw the whole party under a
just suspicion, and the consequences thereof; all that are
peaceably minded in the qation are ready to say, these are
the men of whom we go in danger, and certainly it. is, both
just and necessary, that all those of whom the people have
reason to be afraid (not only as their profest enemies, but also.
numerous) should pay for securing the state against that
danger which they are the authors ofb."  " That cha
racter of difference between them and the rest of the people,
which is now put upon them, is occasioned by themselves,
not by us; there is nothing they have more industriously
laboured in than this, to keep themselves separated, and
distinguished from the well-affected of this nation : to which
* Declaration, p. 1 2. 4to. Printed at London, by Henry Hills and John Field,
Printers to his Highness the Lord Protector, 1655. b Id. p. 36.
8

OLIVER CROMWELL. 435
some of their party. Nor must it be forgotten
end they have kept their conversation apart, as if they
would avoid the very beginnings of union, have bred and
educated their children by the sequestred and ejected clergy,
and very much confined their marriages and alliances within
their own party, -an if they meant to entail their quarrel, and
prevent the means to reconcile posterity ; which, with the
great pains they take upon all occasions to lessen, and sup
press the esteem and honour of the English nation, in all
their actions and undertakings abroad, striving withal to
make other nations distinguish their interest from it, gives
us ground to judge that they have separated themselves
from the body of the nation ; and therefore we leave it to all
mankind to judge, whether we ought not to be timely jealous
of that separation, and to proceed so against them, as they
maybe at the charge of those remedies which are required
against the dangers they have bred"." Such are the
principles on which this rigour was justified! Principles
unjust and tyrannous, and fit to support the most arbi
trary and destructive measures ! And accordingly they
have been made use of by L'Estrange professedly, to insti
gate the magistrate to crush the party that opposed him.
 " That which is sawce to a goose," says he, " is sawce
to a gander. They that thought this proceeding lawful and
reasonable, from Cromwell to the cavaliers, will certainly
never think it hard in return, from a rightful prince to a
band of traytors b." It were to have been wished, some
have thought, that no such principles had been acted on in
a much more modern period, by men who professed and
gloried, in words at least, in asserting the cause of -liberty c.
It is said this declaration was drawn up by the lord com
missioner Fiennes, once governor of Bristol, for the surren
der of which he was sentenced to death by a court-martial,
but pardoned by the kindness of the earl of Essex, then
a Declaration, &c. p. 38. b Observator, No. 367. ' c gee the
Debates on laying an extraordinary Tax od the Estates of the Papists, in Torbuck's
Parliamentary Debates, vol. VIII. p. 285. 8vo. Lond. 1741.
Ff2

436 THE LIFE OF
here to mention his institution of major-gene-
lord general for the parliament. Lord Clarendon tells us,
" That when this declaration was sent to Cologne, the king.
caused an answer to be made to it upon the grounds that
were laid down in it; and as if it was made by one who had
been always of the parliament side, and who was well pleased
to see the cavaliers reduced to that extremity ; but with
such reflections upon the tyranny that was exercised over
the kingdom, and upon the foulness of the breach of trust
the protector was guilty of, that it obliged all the nation to
look upon him as a detestable enemy, who was to be remov
ed by any way that offered itself3." The writer of this, it
seems, was his, lordship himself, who has also assumed the
merit, such as it is, of most of the answers to the parlia
ment's declarations before the war, which have been gene
rally given to Charles himself5. The "letter from a true
and lawful member of parliament, and one faithfully engaged
with it from the beginning of the war to the end," I believe
is the answer intended; it exactly suiting the description
given by his lordship, and should therefore be added to the
list of his writings. Sir Peter Pett, I know, in his " Future
happy state of England," says it was attributed to lord
Holies ; though I'cannot find it mentioned by any writer
among his works. I will conclude this note with a speci
men of the answer to this declaration contained in the above
letter, that it may appear how deeply Cromwell's proceeding
was resented by the royal party. " You have," says the
- writer," cancelled all obligations of trust, and taken away all
possible confidence from'all men that they can ever enjoy
any thing that they can call their own during this govern
ment; and having so little pleasure left them in life, they
will prefer the losing it in some noble attempt to free their
country and themselves from the bondage and servitude
they live under, to the dying ignobly in some loathsome
a Clarendon, vol. VI. p. 572. b Clarendon's Life, vol. I. p. 263, #
passim.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 437
rals67, who in a variety of instances lorded it
prison, when you please to be afraid of them.  When
the despair you have put them into shall make them consi
der, that as the misery, calamity, servitude and infamy under
which the three kingdoms suffer, proceed entirely from you,
so, that they will be determined by you. That the general
hatred and detestation of you is such, that it is very probable
that those noble patriots, whose spirits shall be raised to
destroy you, shall not only reap unutterable honour from it,
but find safety in it, either from the confusion that must
instantly attend, or from the abhorring your memories to
those that shall survive you. If theyshall perish in or upon
their attempt, what a glorious fame will they leave behind
them? What a sweet odour will their memories have with
the present and succeeding ages ? Statues will be erected
to them, and their names recorded in those roles, which
have preserved the Bruti, the Horatii, the Fabii, and all those
who have died out of debt to their country, by having paid
the utmost that they owed it; their merits will be remem
bered, as those of the primitive martyrs, and their children
and kindred will be always looked upon as the descendants
from the liberators of their country, and esteemed accord
ingly ; their fate will be like his in the son of Sirach, If he
die, he shall leave a greater name than a thousand: and if he
live, he shall increase it*."
67 Major-generals who lorded it over, and oppressed the
country.] At the same time that Cromwell had determined
to decimate the cavaliers, he projected a division of the
kingdom into several districts, over which he placed officers
of trust and confidence, who were to inspect into the con
duct of the inhabitants, and treat them according to orders
received from the protector. The number of these men
were eleven, distinguished by the title of major-generals,
who presided over the counties of England, in the manner
following. * Letter from a true and lawful Member of Parliament, p. 62, 63.

438 THE LIFE OF
over and oppressed the country.  But there
Kent and Surry, colonel Kelsey.
Sussex, Hampshire, Berkshire, colonel Goffe.
Gloucester, Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, Devon, Cornwall,
general Disborowe.
Oxon, Bucks, Hertford, Cambridge, isle of Ely, Essex,
Norfolk, Suffolk, lord deputy Fleetwood.
London, major-general Skippon.
Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Warwick, Leicester, com
missary-general Whalley.
Northampton, Bedford, Rutland, Huntington, major
Butler. Worcester, Hereford, Salop,North Wales, colonel Berry.
Cheshire, Lancashire, Staffordshire, colonel Wo rsley.
Yorkshire, Durham, Cumberland, Westmorland, North
umberland, lord Lambert.
Westminster, Middlesex, the lieutenant of the Tower,
colonel Barkstead*.
The commission given to Disborowe is preserved in
Thurloe's collections. As it may be acceptable to some
readers, I will here insert it.  " Oliver lord protector of
the commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, and
the dominions thereunto belonging, to our right trusty and
well beloved major-general John Disbrowe, greeting. We
reposing special trust and confidence in your fidelity, dis
cretion, courage, experience, and conduct in military affairs,
do hereby constitute and appoint you the said major-general
Disbrowe to be major-general of all the militia forces
raised and to be raised within the counties of Cornwall,
Devon, Somersett, Dorsett, Wilts and Gloucester; which
said forces you are by virtue of this commission to receive
into your charge as major-general, and the same to train
. and exercise in arms, and to command, lead, and conduct
for the service of us and the commonwealth, keeping them
» Mercurius Politicus, No. 281. p. 5711. Thurloe, vol. IV. p. 117.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 439
was yet farther reason to complain.-  He
in good order and discipline. And all officers and soldiers
of the said forces are hereby required to obey you as their
major-general for the said service. And you are to observe
and follow such- directions as you shall from time to time
receive from ourself. Given at Whitehall the 28th day of
May, 1655. Signed Oliver P. a"
Part of the instructions to the major-generals were, " To
endeavour to suppress all tumults, insurrections, rebellion
or other unlawful assemblies which shall be in the said
counties ; to disarm all papists, and such as have been in
arms against the parliament, and all others who are danger
ous to the peace of . the nation ; to apprehend thieves and
robbers, and prosecute them according to law ; to have a
strict eye upon the conversation and carriage of all dis
affected persons within the several counties ; to permit no
horse-races, cock-fightings, bear or stage plays ; to compel
the idle to labour, and provide employment and main
tenance for the poor and impotent. To these were added
orders to encourage godliness and virtue in their constant
carriage and conversation, and to discourage their contra
ries; as well as to take an exact account of what- proceedings'
had been upon the ordinance' for ejecting of ignorant, in
sufficient and scandalous ministers and schoolmasters b.
Moreover, all persons who had borne arms against the par
liament, or that lived dissolutely, or without a calling, or
at a high rate, having no visible estate answerable there
unto, were to give bond with two sureties in such sums as
the major-generals should think fit (with respect to their
qualities) for their own peaceable demeanor ; for revealing
any. plots or conspiracies that came to their knowledge;
and for their personally appearing at such time and place
as the major-general or his deputy should appoint, and as
often as they should direct; and also that they should not
change their places of abode without giving notice, and
* Thurloe vol. IIL p. 486. b Mercurius Politious, No. 289. p. 5851.

440 THE LIFE OF
made use of packed juries on some occasions,
declaring to the major-general or his deputy the place to
which they were about to remove1." It is very evident
from these instructions that the major-generals had the
country very much in their power : and it appears that they
made use of it in the manner which the protector intended.
The cavaliers were forced to dance attendance ; to submit to
decimations ; to have their houses searched, and their per
sons imprisoned. But nothing can convey so good an idea
of their actions as their own accounts, which are to be found
in Thurloe's papers, one or two of which I will insert. 
Major-general Worsley in a letter to secretary Thurloe, dated
Stafford, December 8, 1655, writes as follows :  " Yester
day we had a meeting at this town ; and I have made a good
progress in our business. We have assessed divers, arid the
rest must expect it with all speed, I doubt not but before the
five and twentyth of this instant. I hope we shall pay our
county troope out of what we have done already, and pro
vide you a considerable sum for other uses. We have sent
out warrants to give notice to the whole county, and our
day of meeting, when we shall sit upon the ordinance for
ejecting of scandalous ministers. We have disarmed the
disaffected in this county. Wee shall now fall of snapping
some of our old blades, that will not let us be quiet. There
is so few in that ordinance for scandal, that they have much
adoe both here and in other countries to get a coram. I
commend that to you from the commissioners upon their
desire ; and alsoe in their name to believe, that what is in
their power shall not be Wanting to effect what they have
received from his highness and council.— —P. S. Wee
understand that Mr. Halsoe is taken at London : if soe, he
may, I believe, discover divers of our Lancashire and
Cheshire gentlemen. Wee have found an estate of Penridock,
that was executed, and have ordered it to be sequestered ;
for I have taken orders for the takeing of security for all
" Mercurius Politicus, No. 288. pi 5829. ¦

OLIVER CROMWELL. 441
disaffected persons in that country. I hope shortly to give
you a good account of the rest of the countyes"." — Dis
browe, another of these gentlemen, writes as follows to the
protector, in a letter, dated Sarum, Dec. 18, 1655.—" I
have received your letter, in reference to the lord Seymour,
and have perused his to your highness ; wherein I find no
more than any cavalier in the west of England shall pretend
for himself. I must confess I should be glad of, a real
change ; but I humbly conceive, without some publicque
declaration to the world by him of the alteration of his
spirit and principles, and of his real engagement to the
present government, it will but open a door, and give
occasion to the enemy to cry out of our partiality ; especially
if favour and respect shall be shewn to him, and denied to
others, that will doe as much, if not more, than he hath
done. If his spirit be such as he can cordially close with
the people of God, (as capt. Burgess seems to hold forth)
he will not be ashamed to disown that interest, wherein he
formerly engaged ; and for satisfaction of friends manifest
his integrity to the publick. However, for the present,
the commissioners understanding your highness's pleasure,
seem willing to let him alone, untill they be ascertained,
whether there be any difference betwixt him and his former
practices. Yesterday we proceeded upon taxing 7 or 8 of
this county, amongst whom was sir James Thynn, who was
at the first a little averse, and did plead as much inhocency
as my lord Seymour hath done; but, at last, having no
refuge, was constrained to comply ; and I think of those 8,
which we have already dealt withall, the sum will amount
to 6 or 700/. per annum. There are four more to appear
this morning ; and then I intend for Blandford to attend
the Dorsetshire gentlemen, and so to Marlborough, where
there are 20 more to be summoned. In my last, I gave
Mr. Secretary a list of some names for Cornwall, Devon,
Somerset and Dorsett, to be sheriffs ; and have presented
your highness with 3 for Wilts, the two former being of the
" Thurloe, vol. IV. p. 300.

442 THE LIFE OF
last parliament, and signing the recognition. For Glou
cester I must crave leave till I come upon the place*." — ¦ 
But fining the cavaliers was not the sole business of the
major-generals: other employment they had^ as we find in
another letter from Disbrowe to the protector, dated Wells^
Jan. 7, 1655.  " I had not tyme by my last to give your
highness an account of all my proceeds, therefore shall take
the boldness at present to acquaint your highnesse, that
at Bristol intimation was given me by some honest people,
that sundry of the aldermen and justices were enemies to
the publique interest, retayninge their old malignant
principles, discountenancinge the godly, and upholding
the loose and prophane which indeed isa disease predomi-
natinge in most corporations-. Now I judged it my duty to
declare against such, wheresoever I find them,, but resolved
to do it with as little noyse as I could ; and in order there
unto I made my repair to Mr. Mayor, and acquainted him,
that such of his bretherene I understood were soe and soe ;
and desired him from me to advise them tacitly to resigne,
otherwise I should be necessitated to make them, publique
examples. Whereupon Mr. Mayor engaged to deale faith
fully with them, and,, as I understand, they have taken my
advice, which will make way for honester men. There were
also articles of delinquency proved against nine of the magis
trates of Tewksbury, and particularly against Hill, their
tow.ne clarke : I have also dismissed them, and four of the
common councel! of Gloucester, for adheringe to the Seotts.
king's interest b."  One instance more of the behaviour of
these major-generals, will give the reader a tolerable good
view, of them. It is contained in a letter from major-general
Haynes to Thurloe, dated Bury, August 15, 1655.  " I
am going into Norfolke to morrow, where we shall make
the most use of it ; [a letter from his highness] and I hope
it will quicken them in their endeavours upon the election-
day at hand, in which they have been much discouraged by
the potencie of the adverse party. Yett all the strength can
* Thurloe, vol. IV. p. 324. b Id. p. 396 and 632.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 443
and displaced judges for refusing to follow 6S his
be gott is endeavoured to crowde in my lord-deputy [Fleet
wood] amongst them, that the honest people may have some
one in parliament to address themselves to. I am doing
my most to avoid the election of Johnllubbeit of Norwich,
and Mr. Ph. Woodhouse against whom you have some
thing already by you from major Harvy, which it's hoped,
if they should carry it here, will not pass with you a." 
These proceedings of the major-generals, founded on no
law, but the will of the protector, rendered them generally.
odious, and raised a mighty clamour against them in the
kingdom. A parliament being called they were spoken
against, even by court dependants, and soon afterwards
abolished by Cromwell, as unacceptable and burthensome
to the people. From henceforth we read of no more deci
mations. 68 He packed juries on occasion, and displaced judges
for refusing to follow his directions.] Here are my proofs.
¦ " When judge Hale was on a circuit, he understood
that the protector had ordered a jury to be returned for a
tryal in which he was more than ordinarily concerned : upon
this information he examined the sheriff about it, who knew
nothing of it ; for he said he referred all such things to the
under-sheriff, and having next asked the under-sheriff con
cerning it, he found the jury had been returned by order
from Cromwell ; upon which he shewed the statute that all
juries ought to be returned by' the sheriff or his lawful
officer ; and this not being done according to law, he dis
missed the jury, and would not try the cause: upon which
the protector was highly displeased with him, and at his
return from the circuit, he told him in anger, he was not
fit to be a judge, to which all the answer he made was,
That it was very true b."
That this may be true is rendered very probable by Tetters
to Thurloe, part of which I will here transcribe. The first
• Thurloe, vol. V. p.311. " Hale's Life, p. 43.

444 THE LIFE OF
directions.  He committed men illegally to
is from Mr. Dove, high-sheriff of Wilts, dated Sarum,
March 29, 1655, relating to the intended trials for rebel
lion against the protector.  " I understand a commission
of Oyer and Terminer is issued out for tryall of the rebels
in the west ; and ther is a mistrust of my under-sheriffe.
Sir, J resolve, that noe one man shall be returned in the one
or other juries, but such as may be confided in, and of the
honest well affected party to his highness, and the present
government. Yf there be but enough to be found of them
through the whole county (which I hope there is) it is and
will be my greatest care for that business to see it punctually
done, and not trust my under-sheriffe therewith*." I sup
pose he was as good as his word, for both the juries I find
highly commended by the solicitor, and other of his high
ness's agents, in their accounts of the trials of the unhappy
sufferers. — Colonel Lilburne, in a letter to the secretary,
dated York, April 10, 1655, has the following passage, on a
like subject. " As for jurors, happily the law may give
liberty to choose them without the liberties of this city,
both fact and act riseing in the county, and then we shall
doe pretty well : but, if otherwise, there shall be no dili
gence or care wanting to pick upp such as are right b."-
Practices of this nature could not but be dangerous to the
subject.  What is said in the text concerning Oliver's
displacing of judges, is founded on the authority of Whit
lock. " Baron Thorpe, and judge Newdigate," says he,
" were put out of their places, for not observing the pro
tector's pleasure in all his commands0." I know not
whether I ought to insert under this head the displacing
Whitlock and Widdrington, commissioners of the great
seal, for refusing to proceed according to an ordinance
made " for the better regulating and limiting the jurisdic
tion of the High Court of Chancery." Possibly the protec
tor, however he might be mistaken, really thought his regu-
* Thurloe, vol, III. p. 318. » Id. p. 360. ? Memorials, p. 625.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 445
prison, and permitted them not; to enjoy69 the
lation for the public good, and therefore could not be
blamed for dismissing such as were not to be prevailed on
to concur with him therein.  These gentlemen, however,
as they were deemed by the protector men of honour and
abilities, were employed in other departments, and enjoyed
his countenance and encouragement. His speech, on the
taking away the seal from these commissioners, was remark
able. " The protector, in the council-chamber, very gravely
told us," says Whitlock, " that he was sorry some of us
could not satisfy our own consciences, to execute the ordi
nance concerning the Chancery, which they were informed
had much good in it to the publick, but he confessed, that
every one was to satisfy himself in matters to be performed
by him, and that he had not the Worse opinion of any man
for refusing to do that whereof he was doubtful ; but in this
particular the affairs of the commonwealth did require a
conformity of the officers thereof, and their obedience to
authority, and (being some of us refused to execute this
act, as was enjoyned) they were compelled thereby to put
this charge of the custody of the great seal into the hands of
some others, who might be satisfied that it was their duty
to perform" this command, and to put the ordinance in exe
cution3." I have said the protector possibly was not to be
blamed for his conduct in this affair : the reader, however,
must judge of this.
69 He committed men illegally to prison, and permitted
them not the benefit of the laws.] The author of " the
World's Mistake in Oliver Cromwell" will supply me with
sufficient proofs of this. " To prove," says he, " that Oli
ver's time was full of oppression and injustice, I shall but
instance, in a few of many particulars, and begin with John
Lilburne, not that I think him in any kind one that deserved
favour or respect, but that eqdal justice is due to the worst
so well as to the best men, and that he comes first in order of
time. •* Memorials, p. 626.

446 THE LIFE OF
benefit of the laws. He caused men to be tried
" 1. John, in 1649, was, by order of the then parlia
ment, tryed for his life, with an intent, I believe, of taking
him away, but the jury not finding him guilty, he was
immediately, according to law, generously set at liberty
by those that had quarrel enough against him. This ex
ample in the parliament, of keeping to the laws in the case
of one, who was a professed implacable enemy to them,
ought to have been copied by Cromwell; but, in' the con
trary, to shew that there was a difference betwixt his and
his predecessors' (the long parliament's) principles, when
the law had again, upon a second trial (occasioned by
Oliver) cleared Lilburne, the parliament's submitting to the
law was no example to him; for, contrary to law, he kept
him in prison, untill he was so far spent in a consumptionj
that he only turned him out to dye.
" 2. Mr. Conie's case is so notorious that it needs but
little more than naming: he was a prisoner at Cromwell's
suit, and being' brought to the King's-Bench barr by a
Habeas Corpus, had his counsell taken from the barr, and
sent to the Tower for no other reason, than the pleading of
their client's cause ; an act of violence, that, I believe, the
whole story of England doth not parallel." This was on
the 18th of May, 1655. The gentlemen thus committed,
were Maynard, Twisden and Windham, men of great
eminence in their profession, who could find no release
from their imprisonment, but by humbly petitioning the
protector*.  But to go on. —
" 3dly, Sir Henry Vane, above any one person, was the
author of Oliver's advancement, and did so long and cor
dially espouse his interest, that he prejudiced himself (in
the opinion of some) by it, yet so ungrateful was this
monster of ingratitude, that he studied to destroy him,
both in life and estate, because he could not adhere to him
iri his perjury and falseness. The occasion he took was
a See Mercurius Politieus, No. 298. p'. 5354.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 447
before new created tribunals, and adjudged to
this: he appointing a day of humiliation, and seeking of
God for him, invited all God's people in his declaration, to
offer him their advise in the weighty affairs then upon his
shoulders : Sir Henry taking a rise from hence offered his
advice by a treatise called the Healing Question; -but
Cromwell, angry at being taken at his word, seized, im
prisoned, and endeavoured to proceed further against him,
for doing only what he invited him to do. 
" 4thly, In Richard's assembly, certain prisoners in the
Tower, under the then lieutenant, .and some sent thence to
Jersey, and other places beyond the sea, complained of
false imprisonment. Their gaoler was sent for, and being
required to shew by what authority he kept these persons in
hold, produceth a paper all under Oliver's own hand, as
followeth. Sir, I pray you seize such and such persons,
and all others whom you shall judge dangerous men; doit
quickly, and you shall have a warrant after it is done.
The nature of this warrant was by Richard's assembly de
bated, and having first Richard's own counsell's opinion in
the case, as serjeant Maynard, &.c. they voted the commit
ments of the complainants to be illegal, unjust and tyran
nical ; and that, first, because the warrant by which they
were committed, was under the hand of the then (as they
called him) chief magistrate, who, by law, ought not to
commit any by his own warrant. Secondly, Because no
cause was shewn in the warrant; and thirdly, (in the case of
those sent out of the reach of a Habeas Corpus, which in
law is a banishment) Because no Englishman ought to be
banished by any less authority than an act of parliament.
And, therefore, for these reasons they voted farther, that
the prisoners should be set at liberty without paying any
fees or charges. But the turning out and punishing the
lieutenant by the assembly (for obeying so unjust a warrant)
was prevented by their sudden dissolution*." Most of the
» World's Mistake, p. 12—14.

448 THE LIFE OF
death without the verdict of a jury. These
facts here recited are well known to those versed in this part
of the English history, and maybe established on the best
authorities. But on consulting the Journals of the parlia
ment, here referred to, I find a mistake relating to the com
mitments by Oliver.-  On Saturday the 26th of Feb.
1658, say the Journals, Mr. Terill " reported from the
grand committee of the house for grievances and courts of
justice, the state of the case, concerning Mr. John Port-
mans, a prisoner in the Tower, as it appeared to the com
mittee; viz. That the lieutenant of the Tower, the third of
February, 1657, received a letter from the late lord pro
tector, early in the morning, directing him to apprehend
Mr. John Portmans (amongst others) forthwith : that the
same day, in the afternoon, a warrant was sent to the lieu
tenant of the Tower, under the hand of the late lord pro
tector, to require and authorize him to apprehend and im
prison Mr. Portmans : that the same night, or shortly after,
upon that warrant, Mr. Portmans was taken by a lieutenant
and about six soldiers, under the command, and by the
order and direction, of the lieutenant of the Tower ; and
hath ever sithence remained a prisoner there, without any
tryal, or other proceedings had against him."  " On the
26th of March following, the warrant for the commitment
and detaining major-general Overton in the Isle of Jersey
was read ; and was signed Oliver P. ; and directed to the
governor of the Isle pf Jersey or his deputy ; and was in
these words; viz. These are to will and require you forth
with to receive into your charge the bodies of Robert
Overton, major Norwood, and Sir Thomas Armstrong,
and  Weston, esq; and them detain, under secure
imprisonment, in the castle of Jersey, until you shall
receive further orders from us : and, for so doing, this shall
be your warrant. Given at Whitehall, the 8th of Januarj',
1657. These commitments were voted by the house illegal
and unjust, and the gentlemen were ordered to be dis
charged from their imprisonment."  It appears also from
3

OLIVER CROMWELL. 449
courts were styled High Courts 7° of justice,
the Journal of the same day, that the committee found,
" that divers commoners of England had, by illegal warrants,
been committed to prison into the islands of Jersey, and
other the islands belonging to this commonwealth, out of
the reach of the Habeas Corpus." Thus we see that Crom
well, who had opposed and punished Charles for his illegal
acts, became an imitator of him, and, in some of these in
stances, went even beyond him : for I question whether all
Charles's reign can produce so daring a violation of the
right of the subject, as his imprisoning Maynard and his
brethren, for pleading in behalf of Coney their client : nor
is there a greater, than the imprisoning and banishing men
on his own warrant, and depriving them of the benefit of
the laws made for their relief. Vain, indeed, might the un
happy sufferers have said, were, the efforts made against
the king, when the effect of them was still slavery and
oppression !
The High Courts of justice.] The erection of a High
Court of justice for the trial of Charles gave rise to many
others. When the nature of the supposed crime was such
as fell not under the cognizance of the common law ; when
the persons accused were of a quality which might incline
a jury to treat them with compassion and regard ; or when
they had been engaged inactions popular, though illegal,
it was then thought proper by those in power to erect High-
Courts of justice, in order that offenders might not escape
punishment. These courts were constituted of commis
sioners named by the government, who performed the se
veral offices of judges and juries, and determined concern
ing the law and the fact. The Attorney-General generally
managed the evidence against the prisoners, and few
escaped wh o were cited, before these tribunals. The duke
pf Hamilton, and the lords Holland and Capel, Christopher
Love and Mr. Gibbons, with some others, were sentenced to
die by courts thus constituted, who, probably, before an
other kind of judicature, would have met with a milder
VOL. III. g g

450 THE LIFE OF
the terror of the Royalists, as their enemies
treatment, though, as the laws then were, they could not
but be deemed offenders.  When Cromwell came to the
government, he made use of the same methods of trial on
several occasions : and in the year 1656, the parliament
passed " an act for the security of his highness the lord
protector his person, ' and continuance of the nation in
peace and safety." In the preamble it is said, " Forasmuch
as the prosperity and safety of this nation — —very much
dependeth, under God, upon the" security and preservation
of the person of his highness; and, for that it hath mani
festly appeared, that divers wicked plots and means have
been of late devised and laid  to the great endangering
his highness person, and the embroyling this common
wealth in new and intestine wars and seditions ; therefore
be it enacted, that if any person shall attempt, compass
or imagine the death of the lord protector, and declare, it
by open deed ; or shall advisedly and malitiously proclaim,
declare, publish or promote Charles Stuart, or any Other
perspn claiming from the late king; or shall aid and assist,
hold intelligence with,, or contribute money towards the
assistance of the said Charles Stuart, his brothers or mo
ther, &c. then all and every the offences above-mentioned
shall be adj udged to be high treason : and that in all such
cases, and upon all such occasions, the lord chancellor, the
lord keeper, or lords commissioners of the great seal of
England for the time being, are authorised and required,
from time to time, by warrant from his highness to issue
out one- or more commission or commissions, under the
great seal of England, to-^-8cc.  or any seventeen' of'
more of them : which said commissioners shall have au
thority to hear, examine and determine all matters, crimes
and offences aforesaid; and also to hear and determine all
misprisions of the treasons in this act mentioned; and to
take order for charging the offender or offenders, with all
or any the crimes aforesaid, arid for the receiving their per
sonal answer thereunto; and for examination of witnesses
6

OLIVER CROMWELL. 451
were their judges !  If to all these things we
upon oath, and thereupon, or upon the confession of the
party, or, in default of such answer, to proceed to con
viction and final sentence, as in cases of high treason, and
misprision of treason, according to justice and the merits
of the cause.—  Commissioners were also appointed for the
same purpose in Scotland and Ireland. —  This act was to
continue in force unto the end of the last session of the
next parliament, and no longer*." By this last clause it
seems sufficiently evident that the framers of this law were
sensible of its severity and ill consequences. However,
this seemed to give a sanction to it. But what is unreason
able never satisfies. It was urged that trials by juries were
the birthrights of Englishmen; that all trials for treason
were to be had and used only according to the due order
and course of the common laws of the realm, and not
otherwise, upon inquest and presentment by the oaths of
twelve good and lawful men, upon good and probable evi
dence and witness ; and that if any thing be done to the
contrary, it shall be void in law, redressed and holden for
error in nought : and if any statute be made to the con
trary, that shall be holden for none. That to proceed
against any without legal indictment, presentrhent and.
trial, in the way of the high courts of justice, was very
unequitable; the commissioners themselves being both
grand and petty jury, and judges likewise, if "not parties
interested, to whom no peremptory or legal challenges
could be made; and, finally, that such proceedings were
contrary to Magna Charta ; the petition of right ; the decla
rations of the parliament : and to an article in the instru
ment of government which was sworn to by the protector
himself5.  How good soever these pleas might have
been, they were not suffered to be of use to the prisoners.
Judges are generally well enough satisfied of the authority
0 Scobel. b See the Trials of Gerard, Vowel, aud Dr. Hewet, in the
2d vol. of State Trials, Fol. 1730.
Gg 2

452 THE LIFE OF
add the violation of the privileges of71 parlia-
by which they act,, and will not have it questioned. To
demur to the jurisdiction, or refuse to answer, is equivalent
to the clearest proof of guilt, and judgment is accordingly
given. However, the protector had his end by this method
of proceeding. "He thought it more effectual," says
Whitlock, " than the ordinary course of tryals at the com
mon law, and would the more terrify the offenders * ¦!' and
terrify it did; for, on the erection of the last High Court of
justice, according to Clarendon, " it put all those who
knew how liable they themselves were, under a terrible con
sternation." Whitlock would not sit when nominated as a
commissioner, it being, as he says, against his judgment.
 This is to his reputation.  *
71 The violation of the privileges of parliament, &c.J
Cromwell seems to have had honest intentions, when he
adopted the form of chusing members of parliament, which
his old masters had prescribed. " He did not observe,
therefore, the old course in sending writs out to all the
little boroughs throughout England, which use to send
burgesses (by which method some single counties , send
more members to the parliament than six other counties do)
he took a more equal way, by appointing more knights for
every shire to be chosen,, and fewer burgesses; whereby the
number of the whole was much lessened ; and yet, the
people being left to their own election, it was not, by him,
thought an ill temperament, and was then generally looked
upon as an alteration fit to be more warrantably made, and
in a better timeb." Indeed, at first sight, it appears that
very little room was, or could be given in this way, for
bribery and corruption, whether from private hands or the
public exchequer. The first speech to the parliament that
met September 3, 1654, was calculated to sooth the mem
bers, as well as give them great hopes from the new govern
ment. After having told them what things he had already
' Memorials, p. 613. k Clarendon, vol. VI. p. 495,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 45*
ment, so much and so justly complained of,
done, and what a prospect there was, through their means,
of advancing the happiness of the nation, the protector
added, " Having said this, and, perhaps, omitted -many
other material things through the frailty of my memory,
I shall exercise plainness and freedom with you, in telling
you, that I have not spoken these things as one that
assumes to himself dominion over you; but as one that
doth resolve to be a fellow servant with you, to the interest
of these great affairs, and to the people of these nations."
The parliament, after some needful preliminaries, fell upon
business. On the 5th of September it was resolved by them
that the house do take the matter of the government into
debate the first business to-morrow morning. On that day
it was again resolved upon the question, that the subject-
matter of the debate to-morrow morning shall be, whether
the house shall approve the government shall be in one
single person and a parliament. Accordingly; on the three
following days, this important subject was debated, wherein
the courtiers and republicans exerted themselves \ Crom
well was alarmed at these proceedings, and, on the 12th of
the same month, sent a message to the parliament, desiring
them to meet him in the painted chamber. The members
being come, he made, according to his custom, a long
speech, expressing his resentment at their conduct, telling
them what he expected from them, or else what they must
trust to. Among others we find the following passages.
" At that meeting [the opening of the parliament] 1 did
acquaint you what the first rise was of this government
which hath called you hither; and, in the authority pf
which you came hither. Among other things that I told
you of them, I said you were a free parliament, and so you
are, whilst you own the government and authority that
called you hither ; for, certainly, that word implied a recipro
cation, or it implied nothing at all. Indeed there was »
-* Journals,

454 THE LIFE OF
by writers of different parties and persuasions,
reciprocation implied and expressed; and, I think, ypur
actions and carriages ought to be suitable : but 1 see it
will be necessary, for me now a little to magnify my office;
which 1 have not be. n apt to do.  1- had this thought
within niybelf; that it had not been dishonest, nq?v dis
honourable, nor against j.rue liberty, np not of parliaments,
when a parliament was so chosen, in pursuance of, in con
formity to, and with such an, approbation and consent to the
government, so that he that runs might read by what au
thority you came hither, that an owning of your call, and
of the authority bringing you hither, might have been
required, before your entrance into the house; but this was
declined, and hath not been done, because I am perswaded
scarce any man could reasonably doubt you came with
contrary minds. And I have reason to believe the people
that sent you least doubted thereof at all ; and therefore I
must deal plainly with you : what I forbore upon a just
confidence, at first, you necessitate me unto now ; that,
seeing the authprity that call' d ypu is so little valued, and
so much slighted, till some such assurance be given and
made known, th^t the fundamental interest of the govern
ment be settled and approved, according to the proviso
contained in the return, and such a consent testified as
will make it appear that the same is accepted, I have caused
a stop to be put to your entrance into the parliament house.
T anj sorry, I am sorry, and I could be sorry to the death,
that, there is cause for this: but there is cause, and if
things be not satisfied that are reasonably demanded, I, for
my part, shall do that which becomes me, seeking my
counsel from God. There is therefore somewhat to be
offered to you, that, 1 hope,, will answer, being understood
with the qualifications that I have told you of; reforming
circumstantials, and agreeing in the substance and fun
damentals, which is the government settled, and is ex
pressed in the indenture not to be altered. The making
your minds known in that, by your giving your assent and

OLIVER CROMWELL. 455
we shall be able to form some tolerable judg-
subscription to it, is that which will let you in to act those
things as a parliament, which are for the good of the people.
And this thing shewed to you, and signed as aforesaid,
doth determine the controversy, and may give a happy
progress and issue to this parliament. The place where you
may come thus and sign, as many as God shall make free
thereunto, is in the lobby without the parliament door*."
 In this strain spoke the protector, who, agreeably
to his threats, caused a stop- to be put to their entrance into
the parliament house, by guards, till such time as they had
subscribed the following recognition : " I do hereby freely
promise and engage, to be true and faithful to the lord
protector, and the commonwealth of England, Scotland
and Ireland ; and shall not, according to the tenor of the
indenture, whereb}' I am returned to serve in this
present parliament,- propose, or give my consent, to alter
the government, as it is settled" in one person and a
parliament1"." This was immediately subscribed by the
speaker, Lenthal], and many others; and after its being
explained " to comprehend not the whole instrument
of government, but .only what concerned the govern
ment of the commonwealth, as it was then settled
in one person and a parliament'." Much the greater
part of the house followed the example. However, this
act stuck deep in the minds of the members; between
whom and the protector there was so little good will that he
dismissed them at the end of five months, the term fixed by
the instrument of government for their sifting, with a
speech full of reproaches. Mr. Ludlow, and many others,
speak loudly against these proceedings of Cromwell, and
scruple not to tax them with tyranny. — — " So soon," says
he, " as this visible hand of violence appeared to be upon
them [in the affair of the recognition] most of the eminent
assertors of the liberty of their country withdrew them-
* Parliamentary History, vol. XX. p. 349—368. » Journals. c IA

456 THE LIFE OF
ment of his illegal and tyrannical actions.
selves, being perswaded they should better discharge their
duty to the nation by this way of expressing their abhor
rence of his tyrannical proceedings, than by surrendering
their liberties under their own hands, and then treating with
him who was possessed of the sword, to recover some part
of them again V  Another contemporary speaks in a
like strain. " These grave, necessary and important de
bates," says he, " were no sooner entered into, than in con
tempt of all privileges of parliament, which will not allow
matters in debate to be taken notice of, the protector, like a
king, Nam impune queelibet facere, id est, regem esse, sum
mons them into his presence, with the highest and sharpest
language, reproaches them for disputing his authority, by
whom they were called together ; requires them to re
nounce and disclaim that liberty, before they proceeded to
farther consultation, and to that purpose delivered an in
strument, without subscribing to which, the band of sol
diers which guarded the door of the parliament house,
would not suffer any man to enter, whereupon a major part
of the parliament departed to their houses, and they only
went in who submitted to the conditions, which many
afterwards'did, who in detestation of the violence, at that
time had forborne tosubscribe. Thus he, who without the
consent or privity of a dozen persons, had assumed to him
self the title and stile of protector of three kingdoms, and
therefore found a general submission, because he had
bound himself within a short time to call a parliament, that
might settle the government, when it was now met and
possessed of the power it was to have, because they came
together upon his call, would not suffer them to question
any thing he had done, or what he should do hereafter,
.their submission (as he said) to his authority of summoning
them, being a tacit acknowledgment of his power, which
he would not endure to be argued against, without calling
' Xudloiv, yo!. II, p. 501.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 457
to mind (besides the practice of these last ill years) that by
the express letter of the law, any restraint from altering or
revoking an ordinance or act of parliament itself, is void,
being against the jurisdiction and power of parliament*."
 But this treatment was nothing when compared with
that which he gave many members returned to the parlia
ment September 17, 1656. After it was deemed expedient
(by reason of the Spanish war) to call a parliament to meet
at this time, every art was made use of usual on those occa
sions, money excepted, to procure a choice of such mem
bers as might fall in with the views of the protector. Scot
land and Ireland were in his own hands, and the members
sent from thence were to be depended on, three only of the
latter excepted, who met not with approbation1". In Eng
land things went not so well. For though, it is said, 182
of Cromwell's kinsmen, dependants, placemen or officers,
were chosen c, yet were a great number of zealous republic
cans and anti-courtiers, of different principles, returned,
who wanted not will or ability to give much interruption
to the business and designs of .the government. This was
well known, and therefore without ceremony, admission
was given to none who produced not a certificate, signed
by the clerk of the commonwealth in chancery, " that he
was returned to serve in this present parliament, and ap
proved by the council, [Oliver's]11." This was undoubtedly
an high act of tyranny, and surpassed any thing to be met
with in our histories. The gentlemen unapproved were
about one hundred; fifty-six of whom sent a letter to the
Speaker, Sir Thomas Widdrington, which was read in the
house the next da}', in these words. " Sir, We whose
names are subscribed (with others) being chosen, and ac
cordingly returned to serve with you in this parliament;
and, in discharge of our trust, offering to go into the house,
11 Letter from a true and lawful Member of Parliament, p. 54. b Thurloe,
vol. V. p. 477. c See Narrative of the late Parliament,, in the 3d vol.
of the Harleiun Miscellany, p. 'HO. " Journals. And Thurloe, vol. V.
}i. 4o3. ,

458 THE LIFE OF
were, at the lobby door, kept back by soldiers: which,
lest we should be wanting to our duty to you, and to our
country, we have thought it expedient to represent. unto
you, to be. communicated to the house, that we may be
admitted thereinto." After the reading this letter it was
ordered, That the clerk of the commonwealth in chancery
be ordered to attend the hpuse to-morrow morning, with
all the indentures of returns of knights, citizens, and
burgesses, chosen to serve in this parliament." The deputy
of the clerk of the commonwealth attended then with the
returns, which being examined,, confirmed the truth of
what the secluded members had written. — The house being
acquainted that the clerk of the commonwealth was himself
at the door : he was called in ; and by order of the house,
Mr. Speaker acquainted him, " That upon the perusal of
the indentures, it appears, divers persons are elected, which ,
are not returned to the house : and he was demanded by
what order it was done. He returns this answer : that he
received an order from his highness's councily that he
should deliver tickets to all such persona, and such only,
as being returned to serve in parliament, should be certified
unto him, from the council, as persons by them approved :
and that he did receive several orders of approbation for
several persons ; and so he made out the tickets." Being
demanded whether he had the order itself: answered he
knew not whether it were at the door. But being with
drawn; and again brought in by the serjeant; he delivered
in the order, subscribed by Mr. Jessorp, clerk of the coun
cil. This order being read, it was resolved the next day,
" That this house doth desire the council to give unto this
house on Monday next, their reasons, why those, members,
who are returned from the several counties and boroughs
for members, are not approved ; and why they are not ad
mitted to come into the house." Accordingly on Monday,
the 22d of September, " The lord commissioner Fiennes
reported by word of mouth, from the council, their answer
to the order made by the house, to this effect : Whereas
the parliament did desire the council to give unto them,

OLIVER CROMWELL. 459
their reasons, why those members who are returned for the
several counties and boroughs for members are not ap
proved; and why they are not admitted into the house; the
council have commanded me to return this humble answer :
That whereas by a clause in the government it is ordered,
that the clerk, called the clerk of the commonwealth, &c.
as in the one and twentieth article ; and by another clause
in the government, it is ordained, That the persons who
shall be elected to serve in parliament, shall be such, as are
persons of known integrity, fearing God, and of good con
versation : That the council in pursuance of their duty, and
according to the trust reposed in them, have examined the
said returns, and have not refused to approve any who have
appeared to them to be persons of integrity to the govern
ment, fearing God, and of good conversation : and those
who are not approved, his highness hath given order to
some persons to take care that they do not come into the
house."  This was very plain language, and perfectly
well understood by the members. As it appeared therefore
in vain to contend with the master of legions, as there
might be little disposition, it was resolved on the question
by a majority of 125 to 29, " That the persons who have
been returned, from the several counties, cities, and bo
roughs, to serve in this parliament, and have not been
approved, be referred to make their application to the
council for an approbation; and that the house do proceed
with the great affairs of the nation3." Thus ended this
affair in parliament. But the secluded members, far enough
from being satisfied with this deterrrji nation, made an appeal
to the public in a remonstrance which does honour to their
courage and abilities. Some parts of it I will here insert.
-,  " We believe," say they, " the rumour is now gone
through the, nation, that armed men employed by the lord
protector have prevented the- free meeting and sitting of
the intended parliament, and have forcibly shut out of
doors such members as he and his council suppose would
" Journals.

460 THE LIFE OF
not be frighted, or flattered to betray their country, and
give up their religion, lives and estates to be at -his will, to
serve his lawless ambition. But we fear that the slavery,
rapines, oppressions, cruelties, murders and confusions that
are comprehended in this one horrid fact, are not so sensibly
discerned, or so much laid to heart as the case requires ;
and we doubt not but, as the common practice of the man
hath been, the name of God, and religion, and formal fasts
and prayers, will be made use of to colour over the black
ness of the fact; we do therefore in faithfulness unto God,
and our country hereby remonstrate; First, That whereas
by the fundamental laws of this nation, the people ought
not to be, bound by any laws but such as are freely con
sented unto by their deputies in parliament, and it is a most
wicked usurpation, even against the very laws of nature,
for any man to impose his will or discretion upon another
as a rule, unless there be some pact, or agreement between
the parties for that intent. And whereas by the mercy of
God only in preserving the fundamental law and liberty,
the good people of England have beyond memory of any
record preserved their estates, families and lives, which had
been otherwise destroyed, at the will of every wicked tyrant ;
and by keeping this only, as their undoubted right, they
have been kept from being brutish slaves to the lusts of
their kings, who would otherwise have despoiled them of
their persons, lives, and estates, by their proclamations,
and the orders of themselves, and their courtiers as they
pleased : and by virtue of this their undoubted right the
people have commonly disputed, resisted, and made void
the proclamations of their kings> and the orders of their
council-table, where they have crossed the laws unto which
they have consented in their parliaments. Now the lord
protector hath by force of arms invaded this fundamental
right and liberty, and violently prevented the meeting of
the peoples chosen deputies in parliament. And he and his
council boldly declare, That none of the peoples deputies
shall meet in parliament, unless they agree to the measure of
their phantasies, humours, or lnsts ; they now render the

OLIVER CROMWELL. 461
people such fools or beasts, as know not who are fit to be
trusted by them with their lives, estates, and families. But
be and his council that, daily devour their estates, and
liberties, will judge who are fit to counsel and advise about
laws to preserve their estates and liberties : thus doth he ¦
now openly assume a power to pack an assembly of his
confidents, parasites and confederates, and to call them a
parliament, that he may thence pretend that the people
have consented to become his slaves, and to have their
persons and estates at his discretion. And if the people
shall tamely submit to such a power, who can doubt but
he can pack such a number as will obey all his com
mands, and consent to his , taking of what part of our
estates he pleaseth, and to impose what yokes he thinks fit
to make us draw in. Secondly, And whereas the parlia
ment of England, consisting of the peoples chosen depu
ties, always have been, and ought to be the ordainers, and
creators of dignities, offices, and authorities in this nation,
and have always of right exercised the power of disposing
even the kingly office, and authority of enlarging and re
straining the kingly power, and of questioning, making
void, or confirming all commissions, proclamations, char
ters, and patents of any of our former kings ; and have
questioned, censured and judged even the persons of our
kings for abusing their trusts, and invading the peoples
laws, rights, and liberties ; and by this means the highest
officers, and the kings themselves have acknowledged their
power to be only trusted to them for the peoples welfare ;
and they have always dreaded the peoples parliaments who
could call them to an account for any injustice, or violence
done upon the person, or estate of any man ; and hereby
the people were secured under the laws from the rapine, and
oppression of the highest grandees, and courtiers ; even the
kings themselves, fearing the peoples complaints in their
parliaments, and well kno'wing the peoples custom to choose
for their deputies the most known champions for their
liberties, against the arbitrary powers, and injustice of the
kings and their courtiers ; and none of the most wicked

462 THE LIFE OF
kings in their highest hope to erect a tyranny, ever daring
since members were sent to parliaments by elections, to
throw aside by force as many of the chosen members as they
thought would not serve their ends; they knowing it to be
the undoubted right of the people to trust whom they think
fit, and as much the right of every man duly chosen and
trusted to meet and vote in parliament without asking their
leave or begging their tickets. And although here hath
been frequently secret designs for many years to subvert
•religion, liberty and property in this nation, and to that
- end the designs of tyranny have attempted to destroy,
sometimes the being, and sometimes the power, privileges
and freedom of parliaments, yet the mercy of God hath
almost miraculously preserved the being, privileges and
authority of parliaments, and therein religion, liberty and
property, until the time of the lord protector. But now
he hath assumed an absolute arbitrary sovereignty (as if he
came down from the throne of God) to create in himself,
and his confederates, such powers and authorities, as must
not be under the cognizance of the peoples parliaments.
His proclamations he declares shall be binding laws to par
liaments themselves, he takes upon him to be above the
whole body of the people of England, and to judge and
censure the whole body, and every member of it, by no
other rule or law than his pleasure, as if he were their abso
lute lord, and had bought all the people of England for his
slaves. Doubtless, if he would pretend only to have con
quered England at his own expence, and were there as
much truth as there is falshood in that pretence, yet he
could not but know that the right of the peoples deputies in
parliament to their antient powers and privileges, would
remain good against him, as against their publick capital
enemy, whom every man ought to destroy, until by some
agreement with the body of the people in parliament,
some sort of governing power in him were submitted unto,
that hereby he might cease to be a publick enemy and de
stroyer, and become a king or governor according to the
conditions accepted by the people, and if he would so pre-

OLIVER CROMWELL. 463
lend, he could not be so discharged from his publick
enmity by any conditions or agreement made with a part of
the peoples chosen deputies, whilst he shut out the other
part ; for no part of the representative body are trusted to
consent to any thing in the nation's behalf, if the whole
have not their free liberty of debating, and voting in the
matters propounded. If he would pretend no higher than
to be our couqueror, who for peace and his own safety's
sake was content to cease from being a publick enemy, and
to be admitted a governor, he could not compass those ends
by forcibly excluding (as now he hath done) whom he
pleased of the representative body of the people, who were
to submit to .him in the people's behalf; therefore either
takes upon him to be such a conqueror as scorns the peo
ples acceptance of him by their representative as their
governor, and fears not to remain a publick enemy, or else
he takes himself to be such an unheard-of sovereign, that
against him the people have no claim of right,- or property
in themselves, or any thing else; for he hath now declared
that the people's choice cannot give any man a right to sit
in parliament, but the right must be derived from his gra
cious will and pleasure, with that of his counsellors ; and
his clerks ticket only must be their evidence for it. Thus
hath he exalted himself to a throne like unto God's, as if
he were of himself, and his power from himself, and we
were all made for him, to be commanded and disposed of
by him, to work for him, and serve his pleasure and ambi
tion. Seeing therefore this total subversion of all law and
right, and the distractions, miseries, blood and confusions,
that will be the most certain consequences of it, and with
all, remembering the late effusion of blood upon no other
account than to secure religion, liberty and property, and
the freedom, power and privileges of parliaments, as the
bulwarks thereof; and that by those very hands who now
overturn the very foundations of all liberty, right and pro
perty, and of the beings of parliaments ; and our very souls
trembling at the loud cries of that sea of blood, and at the
horrid clamours of the many falsified oaths and promises

464 THE LIFE OF
made upon the same account."  " For the acquitting
therefore of their souls, they solemnly protested and re
monstrated unto all the good people of England, that the
violent exclusion of the people's deputies in parliament,
doth change the state of the people from freedom into meer
slavery; that such members of parliament as shall approve
the forcible exclusion complained of, or shall sit, vote and
act, while many members are by force shut out, are be
trayers of the liberties of England, and adherents to the
capital enemies of the commonwealth; and that the pre
sent assembly at Westminster, being under the awe and
terror of the lord protector, is not the representative body
of England, nor can tax or tallage be justly or lawfully
raised by theinV '
This remonstrance being " printed was sent in great
white boxes some 1000 of them, to be left in several houses
in London, and by them to be delivered out when called
for."  But the court having private intelligence of the
matter, " got four or five of the boxes from the owners of
the houses," and thereby prevented their being dispersed
according to the intention of the subscribers b.  lam
sorry to add, that many of the gentlemen, who put their
hands to this admirable remonstrance, were but mere
talkers, and soon found a way to ingratiate themselves
with the protector, take their seats in the house, and ser
vilely adore him whom in such terrible colours they here
blacken! So uncertain are the signs of patriotism! But in
justice it must be said that there were others of them who
were true to their principles, and above being worked on by
fear or flattery. These at length, in virtue of an article in the
Humble Petition and Advice, which required " that those per
sons who were legally chosen by a free election of the people
to serve in parliament, should not be excluded from sitting
therein, but by judgment and consent of the house whereof
they were members," were also admitted to their seats
January 20, 1657, O. S. The oath taken by. them on this
1 Whjtlock, p. 051. "> Thurlpe, vol. V. p. 456.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 465
Possibly, however, some persons will find an
occasion, was in these words. " I A. B. do, in the presence,
and by the name of God Almighty, promise and swear, that,
to. the uttermost of my power, in my place, I will uphold-
and maintain the true reformed, protestant, christian reli
gion, in the purity thereof, as it is contained in the Holy
Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and encourage
the profession and professors of thesame; and that I will be
true and faithful to the lord protector of the commonwealth
of England, Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions and
territories thereunto belonging, as chief magistrate thereof;-
and shall not contrive or design, or attempt any thing against
the person or lawful authority of the- lord protector : and;
shall endeavour, as much as in me lies, 'as a member of par
liament, the preservation of the rights and liberties of the
people"1."  Thus was the wise taken in his own craftiness!:
Men under a deep sense of injury, were now admitted into
the house, who, it might have been foreseen, would use
their utmost endeavour to embarrass and perplex that go
vernment, which they had looked on and treated as usurped
and tyrannical. It must not be omitted that this parliament
was dissolved also in great resentment by the protector. 
These were the high and arbitrary proceedings of Cromwell ;
proceedings which might easily induce a very : ingenious
writer, to observe that " he who hated the tyrant, admired
the tyranny b." For what more odious, in the reign of. the
conquered king, than these? What more opposite to the
principles of liberty and freedom ? " In the reign, or rather
under the tyranny, of this single hand, the whole govern
ment and administration contradicted the national constitu
tion ; but this contradiction, was planned by a craft and
policy as dexterous, as it was new ; and carried on by a
genius as bold as cunning. Cromwell, when mounted to the
head of affairs, found the materials of liberty and freedom
rooted in the people, but saw, that these materials were with-
• Journals. * Liberty and Right; part I. p. 39. 8vo. Lond. 1747.
VOL. 111. H h

466 THE LIFE OF
apology for some of these 71 proceedings, in the
out form, without orders^ and without laws, to bind and se
cure them. The people were powerful, but ignorant and
divided ; divided in opinion, and ignorant of true govern
ment and real security. Cromwell therefore applied him
self to the times; encouraged, discountenanced, protected
and oppressed by turns, different sects and parties ; and thus
artfully keeping them divided in their religious and civil
views, prevented the nation from uniting in any thing that
was natural and proper to freedom and liberty. The same
army which had conquered for the people, he taught by mu
tilation, augmentation, largesses and privileges, to oppress
the people2."  How far this is a just representation, the
foregoing notes will enable the reader to determine.
74 Some may find an apology — in the situation and cir
cumstances of the protector.] "Civil war is naturally more
subject to rigour," says Mr. Ascham, "than other wars:
because they who yesterday were enemies, would be inha
bitants always. The conqueror suspects that these will be
the first infringers of his new laws ; the violation of which
ought at the beginning to be severe] iest censured, as of
dangerous consequence.  Wherefore for these reasons
though the usurper thought not of establishing himself in
an absolute jurisdiction, yet at last he will find himself
obliged to secure his conquest by the same means he ob
tained it. And Dido gave JEneas the true reason of the
same caseb." Res dura & regni novitas me talia cogunt
Moliri, & late fines custode tueri. vine;.

¦ My cruel fate,

And doubts attending an unsettled state,
Force me to guard my coasts bryden.
This had long before been taught by Machiavel, in the
"following words: " When a prince would keep his subjects
united and faithful, he must not heed the reproach of cruelty j
* Liberty and Right, part L p. 39. 8vo. Lond. 1747. b Confusions and
Revolutions of Governments, p. 97, 12mo. Lond. 1649.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 46?
situation and circumstances of the protector.
for if he makes a few examples of justice, he acts with less
cruelty than those wh6, through an excess of mercy, suffer
many disorders to arise, which occasion rapine and murder.
Now these are prejudicial to the whole society; whereas
particular executions, which are ordered by the prince, affect
only particular men. Besides, all new governments are ex
posed to so many dangers, that it is impossible for a new
prince to avoid the scandal of being cruel. Thus Virgil
makes Dido say,
Res, &<;. \"
If ever any prince upon earth had reason to act on these
principles, it was Cromwell. Without some acts of severity
what could he have done ? How tottering would have been
his throne ? How precarious his life ? The cavaliers, the pres-
byterians, the republicans, and the fifth-monarchy-men were
all his foes, and even his most intimate friends did not ap
prove his management in a variety of respects.  Mr. St.
John, between whom and the protector there had been the
nearest union, highly disliked his setting up himself. " He,"
[St. John] says Mr. Thurloe, " was so far from advising Oliver
to set up himself, that to the best of my knowledge and ob
servation he was a great enemy to it, and hath often to me
spake against it. And as for that called the Instrument of
Government, 1 never spake with my lord St: John, either
about the whole or any part of it (nor ever heard that any
body else did) until some months after it was published in
print, when going to visit him after a long and dangerous
sickness,  he told me, he had just then read our govern
ment j and taking it up in his hands, he" cast it from hint
in great dislike, and sayed, is this all the fruit the nation
shall have of their wane? or words to that purpose; and
then tooke occasion to speak much against it. And as he
had nothinge to doe in Settinge up this goverrifherit, soe
"Prince c, 17. Consult also Amelotde la Houssay's notes on the place.
h h a

468, THE LIFE OF
- — Had he accepted the kingship, which was
neither was there, soe farr as I knowe or have heard, any
communication of counsels" between Oliver and him, medi
ately or ynimediately, touchinge the management of any
part of the publique affairs,, my lord St. John always refus-
inge to meddle in any thinge, but what concerned his place
as a judge; and in that he refused to proceed upon any of
the laws made under that government; for which he was
complayned of to the counsel}, and it was, imputed to. his
example, that the judges refused to act, upon, the last high
court of justice. Nor was hee (to my knowledge) advised
with in the Petition and Advice. The truth is, that my
lord St. John was so far from being a confident, that, some,
who loved and valued him, had something to doe to preserve
him under that government a." In a letter to Henry Cromwell.
dated 16 December, 1656, he says, " His Highnesse meetes
with his tryals here at home of all sorts, beinge. under daylye,
exercises from one hand or other; and I wish he may not.
have occasion to say, My familiar friends, in whom I trusted,
have lifted up the heele against me b." It appears also from ,
a variety of Mr. Secretary's letters, that the protector's, go-,
yernment was clogged with great difficulties,, and. that the
opposition made to it was fierce and violent. In a letter to
Hemy Cromwell, then major-general of the army in Ireland,
dated 20th May, 1656, he says, " Blessed be, God, that all
things remain quiett in Ireland; soe they doe alsoe here.
Both is very much against. the intentions of enemies, of all
sorts, who have their, daily meetinges for begettinge trou-.
ble. The Spanyard, cavaleir, papists and levellers, are all
come into a confederacy. What monstrous birth this wombe
will bring forth, I cannot fell. They threaten hard, but I per
ceive they are not yet quite ready. The common-wealths-^
men looke also for a sudden turne, and hope they shall
j>lay nextc." In another letter written, to the same, 16 June,
J656,he says, " Wee, are yet very much troubled with the
0 Thurloe, vol. VII. p. 914. " Id. vol. V. p. 708. c Id. vol. V. p. 45.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 4,69
offered by his parliament, a firmer settlement
fifth-monarchy-men and the levellers, who have their con
stant meetinge to put us in blood. By the levellers, I meane
those, who pretend to a republique or popular forme of go
vernment.  It is certain it doth behove us to have a
watchful eye upon that interest3."  There was reason for
it. Algernon Sydney (a name ever venerable !) called Crom
well, as he said on his trial, " A tyrant every day of his
life, and acted against him toob."  And to such a height
of resentment had some warm men of the party carried it, as
to join with their old and sworn foes in order to destroy him.
" The levellers," Mr. Thurloe tells the same gentleman, in a
letter dated December 9, 1656, " are very buissie, and are in
perfect conjunction with the kinge of Spayne. The part
they have first undertaken, is to assassinate my lord protec
tor, and have laid the way of doing it. , This I know with as
much certeintye, as that your lordship is in Ireland. I trust
the Lord will dissapoint them, as he hath done ; but wee see
hereby the spirit of these men0."  With regard to his
parliaments after his assuming the protectorate, they were
composed of men, a good part of whom were his ill-willers.
" In the debates, concerning Cromwell's accepting the
crown, some of the cavalier party, or rather their children,
came to bear some share, They were then all zealous com
monwealths-men, according to the directions sent them from
those about the king. Their business was to oppose Crom
well on all demands, and so to weaken him at home, and
expose him abroad. When some of the other party took
notice of this great change, from being the abettors of prero
gative to become the patrons of liberty, they pretended their
education in the court, and their obligation, to it had engag
ed them that way ; but now since that was out of doors,
they had the common principles of human nature and the
love of liberty in them. By this means, as the old republi-
* Thurloe, vol. V. p. 123. » Trial, p. 33. Lond. folio, 1634. c Thurloe,
vol. V. p. 694.

470 THE LIFE OF
and a milder administration might have taken
cans assisted and protected them, so at the same .time they
strengthned the faction against Cromwell. But these very
men at the restoration shook off this disguise, and reverted
to their old principles for a high prerogative and absolute
power. They said they were for liberty, when it was a mean
to distress one who they thought had no right to govern ;
but when the government returned to ij;s old channel, they
were still as firm to all prerogative notions, and as great
enemies to liberty as everV  In certain conjunctures
this may again happen, notwithstanding the smooth talk of
coalition or extinction of parties !
Mr. Maidstone speaking of the protector's first parliament,
says, " The house consisting of many disobliged persons
(some upon the king's account, and others upon a pretence
of right to sit upon the former foundation, as not being
legally, though forceably, dissolved ; and others judging
that the powers given by the instrument of government to
the protector were too large ; professing that though they
were willing to trust him, yet they would not trust his suc
cessors with so large a jurisdiction) fell into high animo
sities; apd after five months spent in framing another
instrument instead of the former (which they said they
could not swallow without chewing) they were by the pro
tector dissolved b," Mr. Whitlock informs us, " That this
parliament continued their debates touching the government,
wherein many things were spoken, which gave great offence
to the protector and his council, and cause of suspicion that
no good was to be expected from them V Many of these
same men, in spite of court influence, were chosen in the
next parliament, and Cromwell, that matters might go on
the more smoothly, ordered them to be denied admittance.
In pursuance however of the humble Petition and Advice,
as before mentioned, they afterwards took their seats, and
1 Burnet, vol. I. p. 70. h Thurloe, vol. I. ?. 7§5. f Whitlock,
p. 610.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 471
place: but his most intimate friends" op-
gave the protector great vexation by spurning at the new
erected house of lords, and controverting their title. I need
not add that the government was continually alarmed with
plots and conspiracies, and that juries were but ill disposed
to do justice on state criminals.  These are some of the
chief arguments that may be urged in favour of the violent
and illegal acts of Cromwell. His situation and circum
stances were perplexed and dangerous, and would he secure
himself, or those who depended on him, severity and rigour
seemed requisite.  " What would you have one in my
station do ? said he to some who talked to him about his
excesses and usurpation. He was well answered, says Mr.
Gordon, Sir, we would have nobody in your station. To
vindicate murder," continues this writer, " from the neces
sity of committing it, in order to conceal robbery ; is to
argue like a murderer and a robber ; but it is honest logic,
to reply, Do not rob, and then you need not be tempted to
murder; but if you will do one, and consequently both,
remember that punishment does or ought to follow crimes,
and the more crimes the more punishment. If, by a repeti
tion of crimes, you become too mighty to be punished, you
must be content to be accursed and abhorred as an enemy to
human race ; you must expect to have all men for your ene
mies, as you are an enemy to all men ; and since you make
sport of the lives and liherties of men, you must not wonder,
nor have you a right to complain, if they have all of them
memories and feeling, and some of them courage and
swords*." It would be injustice however to Cromwell, not
to add, that his severities were but few, and those exercised
only on real criminals, as the laws then stood.
73 He refused the offered kingship.] Cromwell was no
enemy to the name or office of king. He had helped to
pull down and punish Charles, but he was disposed enough
to sit on the throne. The times then would not bear it.
* Discourses on Tacitus, vol. IV. p. 207. 12tno. Load. 1753.

472 THE LIFE OF
posing, he, contrary to his own inclinations
But in a few years be thought seriously of the affair, arid
was inclined to try the experiment. Prudence however
restrained him. But when he had got a parliament to his
mind, as that called in 1656, in the beginning was, it was
no longer to be delayed. " The settlement of the nation
was deliberated on, and a writing framed, which the parlia
ment stiled The humble petition and advice of the parlia
ment of England, Scotland and Ireland to his highness."
" The first business of it was," says Whitlock, " for thepror
tector to have the title of king." " This petition and ad
vice was presented to his highness by the house, and he
desired that a committee might be appointed to confer with
him about ita." Accordingly a committee was appointed,;
who on the 16th of April, "l 65 7, " Had audience of his
highness, and gave him such reasons as he declared to be
weighty, and to require deliberation, and therefore desired
some time till the next afternoon to give answer to them1'."
In this conference it was urged by the lawyers, particularly
by the lord chief justice Glynne, " That the office of a king
was a lawful office, and a title too, approved of by the word
of God : that it was an office that had been exercisedin the
nation, from the time of its being a nation, and that there
never had been a quarrel with the office, but the male-admi
nistration.  The name of king," said he, " is a name
known by the law, and the parliament doth desire that your
highness would assume that title. These are the grounds
why the parliament make it their humble advice and re
quest to your highness, that you would be pleased to as
sume that title; and I think there is something more in it.:
you are now lord protector of the three nations by the in
strument, and there is a clause of .this government that you
should govern according to law, and your highness is sworn
to that government. The parliament doth apprehend that
it is almost impossible for your highness to answer the ex-
* Whitlock, p. 655. 'Journals.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 475
and supposed interest, declined it ; and after
pectation of the people to be governed by the laws, because
you are so tied up, that neither they can rationally call for it,
nor you conscientiously do it, and so there is neither lord
protector, nor the people upon a sure establishment. Fot
here stands the case : a king hath run through so many ages
in this natipn, and hath governed the nation by that title
and style, that it is known to the law ; for the law of the
nation is no otherwise, than what hath been a custom to be
practised, as is approved by the people to be good. That's
the law, and "nothing else, excepting acts of parliament.
And now they have been governed by that title, and by that'
minister, and by that office, if so be your highness should do
any act, and one should come and say, My lord protector,
why are you sworn to govern by the law, and you do thus
and thus as lord protector ?  Do I ? Why how am I bound
to do ?  Why, the king could not have done so.  Why,
but I am not king, I am not bound to do as the king, I am
lord protector; shew me that the law doth require me tb do
it as protector ; if I have not acted as protector, shew me
where the law is.  -Why you put any one to a stumble in
that case.
" This is one thing that I humbly conceive, did stick
in the parliament as to that particular. Another thins;
is this : you are protector, which is a new office not known
to the law, and made out of doors : you are called upon,
that you would be pleased to accept the office of a king,
that is, by the whole people. It's the first government
that since these troubles hath been tendred by a general
and universal consent of the people. Another thing is this,
— if any man should find fault with them and say, why
how came you to make governments in this case ? the
answer is, — We are a parliament, and have your suffrage;
you have ever trusted us with all your votes, and we will
justify it: but besides we have not done it neither; we
have but settled it upon the old foundations.  Then
the kingship; however some may pretend' a king's pre-

474. THE LIFE OF
experiencing many troubles and vexations in
rogative is so large we know it not, it is not bounded.——
But the parliament are not of that opinion. — The king's
prerogative is known by law: if he should expatiate it
beyond the duty, that is the evil of the man : but in West
minster-hall the king's prerogative -was under the courts of
justice, and was bounded as well as any acre of land, or
any thing a man hath, as much as any controversy between
party and party.  And therefore the office being lawful
in its nature, known to the nation, certain in itself, and
.confined and regulated by the law, and the other office
not being so, that was a great ground of the reason why
the parliament did so much insist upon this office, not as
circumstantial, but as essential3."  What force there is
in all this- the gentlemen of the long robe can bestdetermine.
It is certain it would not have been judged, sound doctrine
by those who possessed the supreme authority of the com
monwealth of England, after the death of Charles.  ¦ — -
Lord Broghill, after mentioning some things of a like
nature, proceeded to the advantages which would accrue to
his highness and the people in accepting the crown which
was then tendered. — " By your highness's bearing the title
of king," said he, " nil those that obey and serve you, are
secured by a law made long before any of our differences
had a being, in the lid Hen. 7b, where a full provision
is made for the safety of those who shall serve whoever is
king: it is by that law that hitherto our enemies have
pleaded indemnity; and by your assuming what is now
desired, that law which hitherto they pretended for their
disobedience, ties them even by their own profession and
principles to obedience. And X hope taking off all pre
tences from so numerous a party may not be a thing un.-
worthy consideration. .That law seems very rational; for
it doth not provide for any particular person or family, but
a Monarchy asserted, p. 16. Anil Parliamentary History, vol. XXI. p. 78.
" See Clarendon, voL VI. p. 589.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 476
his government, he died (of a double tertian
for the peace and safety of the people, by obeying whoever
is in that office and bears that title. The end of all govern
ment is to give the people justice and safety; and the
best means to attain that end is to settle a supream magis
trate. It would therefore seem very irrational, that the
people having attained the end, should decline that end
only to follow the means, which are but conducing to that
end ; so that if the title and office of king, be vested in
your highness, and that thereby the people enjoy their
rights and peace, it would be little less than madness, for
any of them to cast off those blessings, only in order to
obtain the same ends under another person. There is, added
his lordship, at present but a divorce between the pretend
ing king and the imperial crown of these nations ; and we
know that persons divorced may , marry again ; but if the
person be married to another, it cuts off all hope. These
may be some of those reasons, which invited the parlia
ment to make that desire, and give that advice to your
highness of assuming the title of king. There is another,
and a very strong one, which is, that now they have
actually given you that advice ; and the advices of parlia
ments are things which always ought, and therefore I am
confident will carry with them very great force and au
thority: nor doth this advice come singly, but accom
panied with many other excellent things, in reference to
our civil and spiritual liberties, which your highness hath
borne a just and signal testimony to. It is also a parlia
ment, who have given unquestionable proofs of their affec
tion to your highness; and who, if listned to in this
particular, will be thereby encouraged to give you more*."
 These arguments no doubt had great force with Crom
well, who long ago had thought much on the subject6. To
settle and secure the peace of the nation, to conciliate the
minds of the adverse party, and establish himself and
* Clarendon, p. 91. and p. 88-. » See note 45.

476 THE LIFE OF
ague) oil the third of September, one thousand
family on the throne in a legal manner, were indeed worthy
both the ambition and public-spiritedness of the man. But
his situation required caution; he had difficulties to en>-
counter, and therefore took time to balance. This will be
best explained by the following quotations. Mr. Maid
stone tells us," That the protector would have closed with
the parliament, as be thought, in this affair, not out
of lust to that title, (lam perswaded, says he,) but out of
an apprehension that it would have secured, in a better
way, the nation's settlement : but the party, to whom the
protector ever professed to owe himself (being of the gene
rality of his standing friends) rose so high in opposition to
it (by reason of the scandal, that thereby would fall upon
his person and profession) as it diverted him, and occasion
ed him to take investiture in his government, though from
thfem, yet under his former title of protector*."  It
appears from a letter of Thurloe's to Henry Cromwell,
dated 21 April, 1657, that the protector deliberated much
on the affair," and kept every body in suspence about it.
" Certainly," says he, " his highness hath very great dif
ficulties in his owne minde, although he hath had the
clearest call that evCr man had; and for ought I see, the
parliament will not be perswaded, that there can be any
settlement any other way. The title is not the question,
but it's the office, which is knowne to the laws and this
people. They know their duty to a kinge, and his to them.
Whatever else, there is will be wholly new, and be nothing
else but a probationer, and upon the next occasion will be
changed againe. Besides, they say, the name protector,
came in by the sword out of parliament, and will never be
the ground of any settlement; nor will there be a free
parliament soe long as that continues; and as it savours
of the sword now, soe it will at last bringe all thinges to be
military. These and other considerations, make men, who
* Thurloe, vol.1, p. 165.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 477
six hundred fifty-eight ; aged somewhat more
are for settlement, steady in their resolutions as to this
government now in hand; not that they lust after a kinge,
or are peevish upon any account of opposition; but they
would lay foundations of libertye and freedome, which they
judge this the next way to. My lord deputy [Fleetwood]
* and general Desbrowe, oppose themselves with all earnest
ness against this title, but think the other things in the
Petition and Advice are very honest. The other gentleman
[Lambert I suppose] stands at distance, has given over his
opposition, and lets thinges take their owne course. Many
of the soldiers are not only content, but are very well
satisfied with this change. Some indeed grumble, but
that's the most, for ought I can perceive. And surely
whatever resolutions his highness takes, they will be his
owne, there beinge nothing from without, that should be
any constreint upon him, either to take or refuse it*." 
On the 5th of May the secretary informs the same gentle
man, that Fleetwood and Desbrowe seemed to be very
much fixed against the protector's being king, " And,"
says he, " speak of nothing but giving over their com
mands: and all imployment, if he doth accept that title;
others also, speak the same language ; so that our difficul
ties are many V
But Cromwell, who had been used to difficulty and op
position, was not easily to be daunted. He took those
measures which prudence suggested, and endeavoured to
win over his old friends by raillery and persuasion. From
time to time he delayed giving his answer on this im
portant subject, and tried by " all possible means," says
Ludlow, "- to prevail with the officers of the army to ap
prove his design ; and knowing that lieutenant-general
Fleetwood and col. Desbrowe were particularly averse to it,
he invited himself to dine personally with the colonel, and
carried the lieutenant-general with him, where he began to
a Thurloe, vol. VI. p. 2 1 9. " Id. p; 26 1 .

478 THE LIFE OF
than fifty-nine years and four months. By
droll with them about monarchy, and speaking slightly of ife,
said it was but, a feather in a man's cap, and therefore
wondered that men would not please children, and permit
them to enjoy their rattle. But he received from them, as
col. Desbrowe since told me, such an answer as was not at
all sutable to his expectations or desires. For they assured
him there was more in this matter than he perceived ; that
those who put him upon it were no enemies to Charles'
Stuart ; and that if he accepted of it, he would infallibly
draw ruin on himself and friends. Having thus sounded
their inclinations, that he might conclude in the manner he
had begun, he told them they were a couple of scrupulous
fellows, and so departed. The next day he sent a message
to the house, to require their attendance in the painted
chamber the next morning, designing as all men believed*
there to declare his acceptance of the crown. But in the
mean time meeting with col. Desbrowe in the great walk
of the park, and acquainting him with his resolution, the
colonel made answer, that he then gave the cause and
Cromwell's family also for lost; adding, that though he was
resolved never to act against him, yet he would not act for
him after that time ; so after some other discourse upon the
same subject, Desbrowe went home, and there found col,
Pride, whom Cromwell had knighted with a faggot-stick;
and having imparted to him the design of Cromwell to
accept the crown, Pride answered he shall not: ' Why,'
said the colonel, ' how wilt thou hinder it ?' To which
Pride replied, ' get me a petition drawn, and I will prevent
it *."  A petition was drawn, and by colonel Mason, in
the name of divers officers of the army, delivered to the
house, May 8, 1657 b. The contents of it were to this
purpose : " That they had hazarded their lives against
monarchy, and were still ready so to do, in defence of the
liberties of the nation : that having observed in some men
* Ludlow, vol. II. p. 586. * Journals.
7

OLIVER CROMWELL. 479
Elizabeth, his only wife, he had several chil-
great endeavours to bring the nation again under their old
servitude, by pressing their general to take upon him
the title and government of a king, in order to destroy
him, and weaken the hands of those who were faithful
to the publick; they therefore humbly desired that they
would discountenance all such persons and endeavours, and
continue stedfast to the old cause, for the preservation of
which, they, for their parts, were most ready to lay down
their lives.  This petition was subscribed by two colonels,
seven lieutenant-colonels, eight majors, and sixteen cap
tains, who with such officers in the house as were of the
same opinion, made up the majority of those relating to
that part of the army which was then quartered about
the town. It is difficult to determine whether the house
or Cromwell was more surprised at this unexpected ad
dress ; but certainly both were infinitely disturbed at it.
As soon as the notice of it was brought to Cromwell, he
sent for lieutenant-general Fleetwood, and told him, that
he wondered he would suffer such a petition to proceed so
far, which he might have hindered, since he knew it to be
his resolution not to accept the crown without the consent
of the army; and therefore desired him to hasten to the
house, and to put them off from doing any thing farther
therein. The lieutenant-general immediately went thither,
and told them that the petition ought not to be debated,
much less to be answered at this time> the contents of
it being to desire them not to press the protector to be
king, whereas the present business was to receive his
answer to what had been formerly offered him, and therefore
desired that the debate of it might be put off, till they had
received his answer. To this the house having consented,
they received a message from Cromwell, that instead of
meeting him in the painted chamber, which was the place
where he used to give his consent, they would meet him in
the banquetting-house : so the members came to Whitehall,
and Cromwell with great ostentation of his self-denyal

480 THE LIFE OF
dren, of whom six survived him, viz. two sons
refused the title of king*." This refusal was on the 12th of
May, 1657. The conclusion of the speech made by the
protector on this memorable occasion, was in these words :
" I should not' be an honest man, if I should not tell you,
that. I cannot accept of the government, nor undertake the
trouble and charge of it ; which I have a little more experi
mented than every body, what troubles and difficulties do
befall men under such trusts, and in such undertakings : I
say, I am perswaded to return this answer to you ; that I
cannot undertake this government, with the title of king :
and that is my answer to this great and weighty business11."
 Mr. Thurloe's account of this -affair, written soon
after it was transacted, to Henry Cromwell, as it in a good
measure confirms the above relation of Ludlow's, will, I
believe, not be unacceptable to the reader. " His high
nesse," saith he, " hath declared that he could not give bis
consent to the parliaments advice, because of the title
kinge. I perceive this hath strucke a great dampe upon
the spirits, of some, and much raised and elevated others.
His highnesse was pleased upon the Wednesday, and
Thursday before, to declare to several of the.house, that he
was resolved" to accept it with that title ; but just in the
very nicke of tytae he took other resolutions, the three
great men professinge their great unfreenesse to act, and
sayd, that ymmediately after his acceptance thereof they
must withdraw from all publick ymployment, and soe
they believed would severall other officers of quality, that
had been engaged all alonge in this warre. Besides, the
very morning the house expected his highnesse would have
come to have given his consent to the bill, some 26 or 27
officers came with a petition to the parliament, to desire
them not to presse his highnesse any farther about king
ship. The petition was brought to the barr by lieutenant-
colonel Mason, who was the cheife man, who prompted it,

' Ludlow, vol. II. p. 589. " Journal.
8

OLIVER CROMWELL. 481
and four daughters. 1. Richard his successor,
married to the eldest daughter of Richard
Major, Esq; l 2. Henry, who married a daugh*-
and went up and down from man to man to get hands
thereunto. The petition was not read, but Jayed by, and
some moved, that the house would take it into their con
sideration, as a breach of priviledge; but that was neither
thought fit to be hearkned unto. It is hard to guesse what
will be done nextV However, it was on the 22d of May
resolved by the parliament that, instead of the paragraph
relating to the title of king in the Humble Petition and
Advice, the following clause should be inserted ; viz. "That
your highness would be pleased, by and under the name and
style of lord protector of the commonwealth of England,
Scotland and Ireland, and the dominions and territories
thereunto belonging, to hold and exercise the office of
chief magistrate of these nations; and to govern according
to this petition and advice, in all things therein contained;
and in all other things according to the laws of these
nations and not otherwise'."  On the 25th, the humble
petition and advice being presented by the parliament,
was solemnly sworn to by his highness, who with great*
pomp was then anew inaugurated11.  Thus Cromwell was
baulked in his hopes of the diadem by his near relations and
intimate friends! Men of principle we may suppose, who
chose rather to disoblige him, and forfeit their employ
ments than to build again what they had destroyed. Rare
examples of integrity.  Had the crown been placed on
the head of the protector, in pursuance of the advice of
the parliament, it is not improbable it might have strength
ened his own government, and enabled him to transmit to
posterity many very valuable privileges6. But for want of
this, his house of peers was of no weight; his army was
" See Appendix. b Thurloe, vol. VI. p. 28 1 . 'Journals. And Thurloe,
vol. VI. p. 310. d See Whitlock's Accountof it in note 8. e See the
Humble Petition and Advice.
VOL. III. J l

482 THE LIFE OF
ter of Sir Francis Russel of Chippenham in
Cambridgeshire. His daughters were, 1. Bridget,
married to commissary general Ireton, and
necessary, but troublesome; and he was perpetually ex
posed to the clamours or conspiracies of several factions.
 Certain it is, it was eligible in his own eye, and in the
eye of Thurloe, and therefore it. may well be supposed they
saw many advantages in it.-: — — It appears at first sight
that it would have restored the constitution, as founded on
an original contract. As mention has been made more than
once of Cromwell's house of lords, it is proper the reader
should have some information concerning them. The second
article of the petition and advice recommended the calling
of parliaments consisting of two houses. This suited well
with the title of king, which was at first intended for
the protector ; and probably, if that had been assumed,
many of the antient nobility and gentry would have
been pleased to have had seats in the upper house. But
though the crown was refused, the project of a house
of lords was continued. The number was not to exceed
seventy, nor to be less than forty. Their nomination was
^placed in the protector, with the approbation of the house of
commons. Cromwell was under some difficulty about the
choice. Some were fit, but not willing to serve, others
willing and desirous, but very unfit. At length, on the 10th
of December, 1657, another house was nominated, and writs
issued out for summoning the members of it ; who on the
20th of January following, sat in that which was formerly the
house of lords. The number of the members of this house
were sixty-two, among whom were the earls of Manchester,
Mulgrave, and Warwick ; the lords Say and Sele, Faucon-
berg, Wharton, Eure, and Howard, afterwards earl of Car
lisle; the viscount Lisle, eldest son of the earl of Leicester, the
lord Broghill, and the earl of Cassils ; besides many gentle
men of the best families, such as Montague, Russel, Hobart,
Onslow, St. John, Pierpoint, Crew, Popham, Hampden and

OLIVER CROMWELL. 483
afterwards to lieutenant-general Fleetwood. 2.
Elizabeth, wife to John Gey pole, Esq. 3.
Mary, married to lord Fauconberg. 4. Frances,
wife to Mr. Rich, grandson of the earl of War-
others. Intermixed with these were men who had risen by
their own valour and interest from very small beginnings and
mean employments ; of which sort were Jones, Pride, Hew-
son, Barkstead, Whalley, Goff, Berry and Cooper. To
these were added the protector's two sons, his sons-in-law
Cleypole and Fleetwood, the commissioners of the great
seal, and of the treasury, with others of near relation to the
court \ All the old nobility, lord Eure excepted, refused to
sit in this new assembly, on account, I suppose, of the mean
original of some of the company, or of the authority by
which they were convened. — However, they did nothing of
any importance. The secluded members being admitted
into the house of commons, as before observed, turned all
things against the court ; refused any intercourse with the
new house of lords, and behaved so ill in the eye of the pro
tector, that, in great heat, he dissolved them.  This was
the last parliament that sat during Cromwell's life, " he
being compelled to wrestle with the difficulties of his place,
says Mr. Maidstone, so well as he could, without parlia
mentary assistance, and in it met with so great a burden, as
(I doubt not to say it, drank up his spirits, of which his
natural constitution yielded a vast stocke,) and brought him
to his grave b." This seems to confirm what Burnet says,
" that it was generally believed that his life and all his arts
were exhausted at once, and that if he had lived much
longer, he could not have held things together V Mr.
Cowley observes, " that he seemed evidently to be near the
end of his deceitful glories, and his own army grew at last
» Walkly's New Catalogue of Lords, &c. and Second Narrative of the late
¦Parliament, &c. printed in the 5th year of England's slavery under its new mo
narchy. 4to. 1658. " Thurloe, vol. I. p. 7C6. 'Vol. I. p. 68.
li2

484 THE LIFE OF
wick, and afterwards to Sir John Russel, of
Chippenham, .in Cambridgeshire.
In his death he displayed his wonted 74 firm
ness and enthusiasm. His body was buried
as. weary of him as the rest of the people"." In another
place he tells us, " it was believed Cromwell died with grief
and discontent, because he could hot attain to the honest
name of a king, and the old formality of a crown, though he
had before exceeded the power by a wicked usurpation."
— — That care, anxiety, disappointment and vexation prey
on the spirits, and waste the constitution, is known to all ,-
that these were the lot of Cromwell, as they are of most of
those who are placed on the pinnacle of glory, and attentive
to their duty and their fame, may very easily be conceived
by such as have read the foregoing notes; that the govern
ment of Cromwell was greatly embarrassed by the madness
of parties, the estrangement of friends, and the want of
money to pay the armies which it was necessary to keep on
foot : I say that this was so, is too evident to be denied. 
But had the life of the protector been prolonged, it is not
impossible he might have got the better of his difficulties,
and maintained his post in spite of all opposition. For we
are to remember it was Cromwell who had dared to seize the
government; to raise money by his own authority; to
create and dissolve parliaments ; to combat with kings, and
to scatter terror through the nations. — By what means he
would have done this, whether by securing Fleetwood and
Desbrowe, to whom he owed his disappointment, in as
suming the crown, and calling another parliament, must be
left to the conjecture of the reader. The Jatter he certainly
had tnoughts of before his sickness h.
74 In his death he displayed his wonted firmness and
enthusiasm.] " When the symptoms of death," says Mr.
a Discourse on the government of Oliver Cromwell, p. 96. * Thurloe,
vot. VII. p. 99.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 485
¦with more than regal magnificence- in West
minster-Abbey, from whence, after the Restora
tion, it was removed and treated with all pos-
Ludlow, " were apparent upon him, and many ministers and
others assembled in a chamber at Whitehall, praying for
him, whilst he manifested so little remorse of conscience for
his betraying the publick cause, and sacrificing it to the
idol of his own ambition, that some of his last words were
rather becoming a mediator than a sinner, recommending to
God the condition of the nation that he had so infamously
cheated, and expressing a great care of the people whom he
had so manifestly despised. But he seemed, above all, con
cerned for the reproaches he said men would cast upon his
name, in trampling on his ashes when dead. In this temper
of mind he departed this life b." — I fancy Mr. Ludlow had in
his eye the following expressions which Cromwell is said to
have made use of in his sickness, in a prayer addressed to
the Supreme Being. " Lord, although I am a miserable and
wretched creature, I am in covenant with thee, through
grace, and 1 may, I will come to thee for thy people, thou
hast made me (though very unworthy) a mean instrument to
do them some good, and thee service : and many of them
have set too high a value upon mee, though others wish,
and would be glad of my death ; but Lord, however thou
dost dispose of mee, continue and go on to do. good for
them. -Give them -consistency of judgment, one heart,
and mutual love, and go on to deliver them, and with the
work of reformation, and make the name of Christ glorious
in the world. Teach those, who look too much upon thy
instruments, to depend more upon thyself; pardon such as
desire to trample upon the dust of a poor worm, for they
are thy people too0."  This was all in character.  Two
or three more of his expressions, when death was in his
» The expences of his funeral are said to have amounted to 60,0001.
* Ludlow vol. IL p. 612. ' Collection of several passages concerning his
late Highnesse, in the time of his sickness, by one that was groom .f his bed-
*hamber. 4to. Lond. p. 12. 1659.

486 THE LIFE OF
sible indignity. His character has been very
differently75 represented by different persons;
though his memory was celebrated by the finest
view, will shew us in what temper he left the world. " Lord,
thou knowest, if I do desire to live, it is to shew forth thy
praise, and declare thy . works a."  -Again he said, " I
would be willing to live to be further serviceable to God
and his people, but my work is done, yet. God will be with
his people."  These sayings seem to evince the greatness
of his mind ; the main thing he had in view to have been
the public good ; and strongly confirm what is said to
have been the avowed opinion of the most excellent Tillot
son, "That at last Cromwell's enthusiasm got the better of
his hypocrisy."  The night before his death, and not
before, lord Fauconberg says, he declared his son Richard
his successor, in presence of four or five of his council b.
75 His character has been very differently represented.]
Mr. Thurloe, in a letter to H. Cromwell, the day after his
father's decease, tells him, it " is not to be said, what affec
tion the army and all people shew to his late Highness ; his
name is already precious. Never was there any man soe
prayed for as he was duringe his sickness; solemne assem
blies meetinge every day, to beseech the Lord for the con
tinuance of his life; soe that he is gone to heaven, em
balmed with the tears of his people, and upon the wings of
the prayersof the saints. He lived desired, and dyed
lamented, every body bemoaning themselves, and saying,
a great man is fallen in Israel0." Lord Fauconberg* styles
him " the greatest personage and instrument of happiness,
not only our own, but indeed any age else ever produced d."
— " I do believe, says Mr. Maidstone, if his story were im
partially transmitted, and the unprejudiced world well
* Collection of several passages concerning his late Highnesse, ifi the time of his
sickness, by one that was groom of his bed-chamber. 4to. Lond. p. 6. 1659. See
the quotation from Bates in note 6. b Thurloe, vol, VII. p. 375. c Id.
p. 373. " Id. p. 375.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 487
possest with it, she would add him to her nine worthies,
and make up that number a Decemviri. He lived and
died in comfortable communion with God, as judicious
persons near him well observed. He was that Mordecai
that sought the welfare of, his people a."  These are high
eulogiums from his friends, and, doubtless, proceeded from
the affection and gratitude of those who uttered them. Mr.
Voltaire styles Cromwell " an usurper worthy to reign b;"
and tells us, " he died in the midst of the projects he was
forming to strengthen his own power, and increase the
glory of his nation."  And " that he left behind him the
reputation of a dextrous villain, an intrepid commander, a
bloody usurper, and a sovereign that knew the art of
governing c ."  Mazarine, who had abjectly courted
Cromwell during life, and received the law in almost all
things from him, after his death, is said to have charac
terized him as " a fortunate fool d." Lord Clarendon does
him less injustice, I am persuaded, most readers will think,
when he describes him " as a brave wicked man." I will
add no more but the following description of this extraordi
nary man, drawn by a celebrated and illustrious pen. " Eu
rope," says he, " had granted the surname of Great to three
sovereigns, who reigned almost at the same time, namely,
Cromwell, Lewis XIV. and Frederick William. To Crom
well, for having sacrificed every civil duty to the desire of
reigning; for having prostituted his talents, which, instead
of being useful to his country, were subservient only to his
ambition; for having concealed his impostures under the
mask of fanaticism; for having enslaved his country under a
pretence of fighting for her liberties; for becoming the execu
tioner of his king, whom he sacrificed to his fury : to Crom
well, abold, cunning, and ambitious man, but unjust, violent,
and void of virtue ; a man in fine, who had great qualities, but
never a good one. Cromwell, therefore, did not deserve the
surname of Great, which is due only to virtue ; and it would
be degrading Lewis XIV. and Frederick William, to com-
* Thnrloe, vol. I. p. 766. b Age of Lewis XIV. vol. I. I2mo. p. 70
c Id. p. 77. ''Vol. VI. p. 653.

488 THE LIFE OF
pare them to such a rival a." What degradation it might be
' to- Frederick- William to compare him with the protector, I
pretend not to say: but, with all due submission, if Crom
well did not deserve the surname of Great, much less did
Lewis XIV. What were the faults imputed to Cromwell?
Dissimulation, hypocrisy, bringing Charles to the block,
and ingratitude- to wards the long parliament.  Let these
crimes be weighed in the nicest balance, they must be light
as air when opposed to those of Lewis, wbo was an adul
terer, who was not ashamed to confess that, he waged war
merely for his glory (disdaining so much as even to avow
any reasonable pretence for overrunning Holland, and. sub
jecting its inhabitants to innumerable woes) and, wasted the
finest country with fire and sword. Two cities and twenty-
five towns in flames at one time, were a spectacle sufficient
to imprint the worst ideas of the immortal Lewis and the
godlike Turenne b. Where, but among barbarians, was
such a scene ever exhibited?  Nor was this all — Lewis
broke through all oaths and treaties, every thing sacred.
Nothing, in a word, was ever equal to his villany. Witness
his wars in Flanders, his breach of the Partition Treaty, and
above all, his revocation of the edict of Nantz (at the instil
gation of priests) whereby thousands of his innocent subjects
were ruined, his kingdom impoverished, and its manufac
tures carried abroad. Was there any thing in Cromwell's
character to be compared with all this ?  Cromwell, with
all his faults, had many real virtues. Not so Lewis ; he was a
bigot; he was priest-ridden; superstitious; with little per
sonal valour, and much vanity; who, but for his love and
encouragement of the fine arts, would have been ranked with
the Neros, the Caligulas, the Domitians, the tyrants and
destroyers of mankind. He did not deserve then " the sur
name of Great, which is due only to virtue." The painting
out such enemies of liberty and mankind in the finest co
lours, by the finest pens, is the greatest reproach of letters,
and most dangerous to the interests of common humanity;
and, what I hope, will justify the warmth of these reflections.
* Memoirs of Brandenburg, p. 153. b Voltaire's Aye of Lewis XIV. vol. T. p. 154.

OLIVER CROMWELL. 489
pens76 of his age; and he left behind him a
never-dying fame.
76 His memory was celebrated by the finest pens of his
age.] The verses of Mr. Waller, Dryclen and Sprat, after
wards bishop of Rochester, are well known. Besides these,
I have now before me a pamphlet, intitled, " Musarum
Cantabiigiensium Luctus 8c Gratulatio: Ille in Funere^
Oliver! Angliae, Scotise 8c Hibernise Protectoris; Hsc de
Ricardi successione felicissima ad eundem a." In the first
copy of verses, by Tuckney, master of St. John's college,
England is introduced speaking in the following strains:
Ergb Jaces, Dux magne ? Jaces, Pater alme ? nee ultra
Permittis circum victrieia tempora laurum
Serpere ? Pacificos an dedignaris honores ?
AtPopuli miseresce tui, quibnsipse salutem
Impertii'e soles, & qui tua sceptra colebant
Obsequio affectuque pari. Sed Carolina nulla
Non exorandas potuerunt flectere Parcas.
Occidit Anglorum decus ingehs, occidit, eheu !
Gcntis Presidium ! Quis me jam vindicet armis ?
Quis poterit nimiiim dubiis succurrere rebus?
Ssepius ilia Patrem, Patrem tristissima dixit,
Effuditque istas non exaudita querelas.
Dr. Whichcot celebrates his mild government and peace
ful end in these lines :
Sobrius ausculta veterum quid pagina narrat.
Fata trahunt homines cruciatibus ingeniosos.
Decumbuut tremulinon sicca morte Tyranni.
Arte sua pereant semper (justissiraa Lex est)
Artifices nequam, quos inclementia pulsat.
At Pater hie Patrias non est tormenta minatus,
Annosusque expirat, & alta in pace quiescit.
Horton, Minshul, Seaman, celebrate his character in the
highest terms, as did Worthington, Dillingham, Arrow-
smith, and others. Dr. Cudworth has an Hebrew poem in
this collection. There was also published on this occasion,
" Beatis Manibus invictissimi Herois Olivarii Magni, mag-
nse Britannia? Protectoris Parentatio, Scripta ab Equite
Polono," which I have not scenb.
* Cantabrigiffi : apud johannem Field, Alma; Acadcmise Typographum. 1658.
' Mercurius Politicus, No. 548. p. 141.

490 THE LIFE OF OLIVER CROMWELL.
Thus was the fame of Cromwell sounded abroad ; thus-
was he lamented on his decease. At the Restoration, indeed,
his ashes were trampled on a, and his memory was branded ;
but time, the great friend to truth, has, in some measure,
cleared up his character, and done justice to his abilities;
and, if he cannot be ranked amongst the best, he, undoubt
edly, is to be placed amongst the greatest of princes.
'¦ See Appendix.

APPENDIX

OF

ORIGINAL PAPERS.

Copy of a manuscript paper, written, It is probable, about the end
of the year 1647, now, with many other original and valuable
papers relating- to the civil-wars, in the possession of Hans Win-
trop Mortimer, Esq; of Lincoln's-Inn ; which papers belonged
formerly to col. Saunders of Derbyshire, colonel of a regiment
of horse, &c.
The freedome wee were borne to is so justly due to every English
man, that whoever shall remember the vehemency wherewith the
people did thirst after a parliament before they had this ; the zeale
wherewith they contributed to the late warre for defence of this
freedome ; and the success wherewith it hath pleased God to blesse
those endeavours ; will soone be satisfied, that there is no better
cause in the world to engage upon : and therefore, the cause wee
i undertake at present, for which wee carry our lives in our hands,
beinge the very same, will certaynly need no apology for itself,
the only thinge that may seeme strange in these our actings, being
the irregular manner of prosecuting our undoubted rights.
Herein wee desire it may be considered, That all ordinary
means, and some extraordinary, have beene already attempted,
and, after much patience, proved altogether fruitless:
That the parlament hath made noe other use of the many signal
opportunities put into their hands, than to continue their sitting
at Westminster, and dividing- the public treasure amongst them
selves :
That the chiefe officers of the army, (though pretending to
keepe up the forces under them for the people's good, and to
see the same accomplished in a short time) have yet made noe
other use of their power, than to continue and enlarge their own
commands :
That besides our being dissapointed of the fruit so long expected,
and being made more slaves every day than other to committees,
8

492 APPENDIX.
and sundry other arbitrary courses; even in the most legal pro
ceedings wee find soe much corruption, tediousnesse, chargable^
nesse, and obscurity practised and abetted by officers of all sorts,
that the law itself is become noe protection to us in our properties
or liberties :
Wee find that barbarous course still maintained of imprisoning
men for debt, thereby hindering them from the use of their
lawful callings; though they have nothinge else wherewith to satisfy
their creditors; or to preserve themselves, and their families from
starvinge :
Wee find that the restrain! nge men's persons att pleasure, without
cause rendered, and during pleasure, was never more frequent :
Wee find that tythes, whose beginninge was superstitious, and is
found by experience to oppress the poor husbandman, and to be
vexatious to all manner of people, and prejudicial to the common
wealth; were never soe rigorously and cruelly exacted as at
present :
Wee find taxes to be multiplied without number, or hopes of
end, and excise soe cruelly exacted, that noe man knows what is,
or what shall be his owne; and although many millions of moneys
hath been levied and payed, both voluntarily and by compulsion,
yet noe accompt is given how they have beene expended ; but the
public debts are dayly encreased instead of beinge satisfied, and
such vast sums of money payed dayly out of the public treasurie for
interest unto some with usurers, as is almost incredible :
Wee find the trade of the nation (which the parlament promised
at the first to advance) to be generally decayed, that without speedy
remedy the nation cannot long subsist:
Wee find the poore to be wholly disreguarded and oppressed, and
thousands of families suffered to beg their bread, and many to perish
with hunger :
But herein our condition hath beene rendered most desperate,
that wee have not beene suffered to represent our miseries to the
parlament, and petition for redress; but persons have beene im
prisoned for petitioning, and orders issued out from parlament to
suppress petitions : Considering therefore this deplorable estate of
the commonwealth, and the apparent danger of being imbroyled
againe each in others blood, unless a speedy settlement prevent it ;
and considering not only, that wee have attempted all regular wayes
to procure reliefe for our longe oppressed country, but also that wee
cannot with safety any longer offer our grievances and desires to
parlament in petitions; and likewise consideringe that our slavery
under arbitrary power is occasioned by the want of a settlement of
a just and equal government, which if it were established would
speedily ease us of all our common burthens; wee cannot bethinke
ourselves of a more probable remedy, than to- put ourselves, and
invite our countrymen to joine with us, in a posture of defence,
whereby wee may be secure from danger, and from being pre
vented of our good intentions by the opposition of such as have
designed our slavery, while wee propound to all our dear country-

APPENDIX. 493
men (who are sure to bee concerned in sufferinge as much as if they
were in office) some certaine grounds of common right and free-
dome, wherein they and wee might see reason to agree amongst
ourselves, and thereupon to establish a firme and present peace.
The particulars wee offer are as followeth.
1. That a period of time be set, wherein this present parlament
shall certainly end.
2. That the people be equally proportioned for the choice of the
deputies in all future parlaments; and that they doe of course
meete upon a certaine day (once at least in two' years) for
that end.
3. That a contract be drawne and sealed betweene the people
and their several deputies respectively, upon the day of the elec
tions, wherein the bounds, limits, and extent of their trust shall be
clearly expressed. As that they bee impowered with sufficient au-
thoritie for executinge, alteringe and repealinge of lawes ; for erect-
inge and abolishinge, judicatories; for appointinge, removing and
callinge to account magistrates, and officers of all degrees ; for
makeinge wane and peace, and treating with sovereigne states.
And that their power do not extend to the bindinge of any man in
matters of religion, or in the way of God's worship; nor to com-,
pell the person of any innocent man to serve against his will either
by sea or land ; nor to the niakinge of any law, that shall be either
evidently pernicious to the people, or not equally obligatory unto
all persons without exception.
4. That for the security of all parties, who have acted on any '
side in the late public differences since the year 1640, and for pre
ventive all contentions amongst them; the people may agree
amongst themselves, that no future parlaments shall question or
molest any person for any thinge sayed or done in reference to these
public differences.
5. That the great officers of the nation, as well civil as military,
be often removed, and others put into their room, either' every
yeare,«or every second yeare at farthest; to the end the persons em
ployed may discharge themselves with greater care, when they
know themselves lyable to a speedy account, and that other men
may be encouraged to deserve preferment when they see the present
incumbents not affixed to their offices as to freeholds.
6. That all determinating committees (except such as are ne
cessary to be kept up for the managing of forces by sea and land)
the chancery, and all other arbitrary courts, be forthwith dissolved;
or at least all power taken from them, which they have hitherto
exercised over men's persons or estates : and henceforward, as well
ordinances as acts of parlament be executed in the antient way of
tryals by juries.
7. That the huge volumes of statute laws and ordinances, with
the penalties therein imposed, as well corporal as pecuniary, he
well revised; and such only left in force, as shall be found fit for
the commonwealth; especially that men's lives be more precious
than formerly, and that lesser punishment than death, and more
6

494 APPENDIX.
useful to the public, be found out for smaller offences : that all
lawes, writs, commissions, pleadinges and records be in the English
tongue ; and that proceedinges be reduced to a more certaine
charge, and a more expeditious way than formerly : That no
fees at all be exacted of the people in courts of justice ; but
that the public ministers of state be wholly maintained out of the
public treasury.
8. That estates of all kinds, real and personal, be made lyable to
debts; but noe imprisonment at all by way of punishment, nor in
order to makinge satisfaction, which possibly can never be made,
but only by way of security in order to a tryal for some criminal
fact, to be determined within some short and certaine space of
time; and that this power of restraininge mens persons be very
cautiously allowed, to which end the benefit of Habeas Corpus to
be in noe case denied by those whom it concerns to grant them.
9. That tythes be wholly taken away, the parishoners from
whom they are due paying in lieu thereof to the state where they
are not appropriate, and to the owners where they are, moderate
and certaine rent-charge out of their lands: the ministers to be
maintained, either by the voluntary contribution of such as desire
to hear them, or else by some settled pensions out of the public
treasury. 10. That as speedy and as perfect an account as may be, be
given and published for the satisfaction of the people how those vast
sums of money have been disposed of, that have been disbursed,
voluntarily and otherwise, since the beginning of these troubles.
11. That soe soone as public occasions will possibly permit, the
imposition of excise, and all other taxes upon the people be
wholly taken away, and that in the mean time all care and diligence
be used in taking away those occasions, and in the husbandly manag
ing of the public revenues; and to that end that a ballance be made
and declared of all public revenues and expences, and that a course
be taken for paying all public debts and damages, so far as may be,
and that the debts upon interest be discharged by sale of such lands
and goods as are eyther properly belonginge or any wayes accrued
to the state, and that they be sold to the best advantage.
12. That there be no less care taken for the growing wealth of
the nation, consistinge originally in trade, which being our strength
and glory, ought by mitigating the customs, and by all other good
meanes, to be cherished & promoted.
13. That (though restoring peace and commerce be the surest
way of providinge for the poor) yet some more effectual course
may be found out than hitherto hath beene for the settinge those
to worke who are able, for bringinge up of children to profitable
employments, and for relievinge such as are past their labor,
especially such as became so in the service of their country duringe
the late warre.
14. That the affairs -of Ireland be taken into a more serious con
sideration than heretofore, and that a peaceable way for reducing
that nation may be once endeavoured; and in case' that succeed

APPENDIX. 495
not, the war to be prosecuted with vigour and unanimity, as by
God's blessinge wee may promise to ourselves a speedy end of those
troubles, a timely reliefe to many famishing families there, and
better intend the affairs of England.
Now considering that the settlement of the nations peace and
freedome, hath beene constantly declared by the parlament to be
their only end in engaginge in this last warre; and considering the
many promises solemn vowes and oathes made by them to the
people, to confirme them in the belief of their sincere intentions
therein, wee should hope to find no opposition from them in our
desires. But however wee cannot but be confident, that the
souldiery of the army (who solemnly engaged at Newmarket in
June last [June 5, 1647] to procure the same things in effect for
the people, which are here propounded,) will so remember that
solemn engagement as to shew their ready concurrence with us;
and wee hope it will be clear to them, that there is noe other
possible way to provide that sufficient indemnity (the want whereof
first occasioned their refusal to disband) than what is here pro
pounded; neither that there is any probable way to secure the
arrears of the supernumeraries, (who are disbanded contrary to
the solemn engagement) or of those continuing in armes. And at
least wee cannot but promise ourselves the assistance of all the
commons, who are not blinded by some self-interest, or engaged to
continue the present consuming distractions by virtue of some asset
or employment dependinge thereon.
But however wee intending wrong to noe man, nor any private
advantage to ourselves, and the cause for which we appear beinge
soe clearly just, wee repose our confidence in the most high God,
to protect us from the malice and rage, both of all selfseekinge
ambitious men, who affect lordlinesse and tiranny, and have de
signed the people's slavery, and a perpetuation of their own rule,
and of all such mercenary vassals as they shall hire to destroy us,
and keepe the yoke of slavery upon the people's necks; And wee
doe hereby promise and engage to all our countrymen, that when
soever the settlement of the peace and freedome herein propounded
shall be effected (all delayes wherein wee shall to our utmost possi
bilities prevent) wee shall gladly and chearfully return to our
private habitations, and callings, enjoying only our equal share of
freedome with all others in the nation.
Copy of a letter" from O. Cromwell to (then) major Saunders of
Derbyshire, dated June 17, 1648 ; superscribed " For your selfe;"
and endorsed in major Saunders's hand writing as followeth, " The
L. generalls order for takeing Sir Trevor Williams, and Mr.
Morgan, sheriffe of Monmouthshire."
SIR,
I send you this enclosed by it selfe, because it's of greater mo-
* In the hands of Hans Wmtrop Mortimer, Esq;

496 APPENDIX.
ment. The other you may communicate to Mr. Rumsey as far as
you thinke fitt, and I have written. I would not have him or
other honest men bee discouraged that I thinke itt not fitt at pre
sent to enter into contests, itt will be good to yeeild a little for
publicke advantage, and truly that is my end, wherein I desire you
to satisfie them.
I have sent as my letter mentions, to have you remove out of
Brecknoksheire, indeed into that part of Glamorganshire wch lyeth
next Munmouthsheire, for this end.
Wee have plaine discoveries that Sir Trevor Williams of Langevie
about two miles from Uske in the countye of Munmouth was very
deepe in the plott of betrayinge Chepstowe castle, soe that wee are
out of doubt of his guiltynesse thereof.
I doe hereby authorize you to seize him, as also the high sherifife
of Munmouth Mr. Morgan, whoe was in the same plott,
But because Sir Trevor Williams is the more dangerous man by
farr, I would have you to seize him first, and the other will easilye
bee had. To the end you may not be frustrated, and that you bee
not deceaved, I thinke fitt to give you some caracters of the man,
and some intimations how things stand. Hee is a man (as I am in
formed) full of craft and subtiltye, very bould and resolute, hath a
house at Langevie well stored with armes, and very stronge, his
neighbours about him very malignant and much for him, whoe are
apt to rescue him if apprehended, much more to discover any thinge
wch may prevent itt. Hee is full of- iealosie, partly out of guilt,
but much more because hee doubts some that were in the businesse
have discovered him, which indeed they have, and alsoe because
hee knows that his servant is brought hither, and a minister to bee
examined here, whoe are able to discover the. whole plott. Iff" you
should march directly into that countye and neere him, itts ods
hee either fortefyes' his house, or gives you the slip, soe alsoe if you-
Khould goe to his house and not finde him there, or if you attempt
to take him and misse to effect itt, or if you make any knowen en-
quirye after him, itt wil be discovered.
Wherefore to the first you have a faire pretence of goeinge out of
Brecknock sheire to quarter about Newport and Carleon, which is
not above 4 or 5 miles from his house. You may send to col.
Herbert, whose house lyeth in Munmouthsheire, whoe will
certenly acquaint you where hee is. You are alsoe to send to capt.
Nicolas, whoe is at Chepstowe, to require him to assist you if hee
should gett into his house, and stand upon his guard. . Sam. Jones,
whoe is quartermr to col. Herbert's troupe, wil be very assistinge
to you if you send to him to meete you att your quarters ; both by
lettinge you know where hee is, and alsoe hi all matters of intelli
gence. If theire shal be neede capt. Burge his troupe now quarter-
inge in Glarmorgansheire shal be directed to receave orders from
you. You perceave by all this, that wee are (it may bee) a little
too much sollicitous in this businesse, it?s our fault, and indeed such
a temper causeth us often to overact businesse, wherefore without more

APPENDIX. 497
adoe wee leave itt to you, and you to the guidance of God herein,
and rest June 17, 1648. Yours o. cromweu..
If you seize him bring- & lett him bee brought with a stronoe
guard to mee. If capt. Nicolas should light on him at Chepstowe^
doe you strengthen him with a good guard to bring him.
If you seize his person, disarme his house, but lett not his armes
bee imbeziled.
If you need capt. Burge his troupe, it quarters betweene New
port and Carditfe.
Cromwell went into Wales the beginning of May, 1648 ; Chep
stow Castle was surprized for the King about the same time, biK
retaken tbe 25th. It does not appear whether Sir Trevor Williams
was secured, or not.
The six following letters are in the possession of Tbeo-
dosius Forrest, Esq; of George-street, Yorke-Build-
ings, London.
DEEREST ItOBIN,
Nowe (blessed bee God) I can write, and thou receave, freely.
I never in my life sawe more deepe sense, and lesse will to shewe
itt unchristianly, then in that, wLh thou diddest write to us wheu
wee were at Windsor, and thou in the middest of thy tentation,
v,ch indeed (by wlmt wee understood of itt) was a great one, and
occasioned the greater, by the letter the g-enerall sent thee, of w**
thou wast hot mistaken, when thou didest challenge mee to bee the
pener. How good has God beeDe to dispose all to mercy, and al
though itt was trouble for the present, yeLt glory is come out of itt,
for wcft wee prayse the Lord with thee, and for thee, and truly thv
carriage has biene such, as occasions much honor to the name of
God, and too religion, Goe onn in the strength of the Lord, and
the Lord bee still with thee. But (deere Robin) this businesse
bath beene (I trust) a mightye providence to this poore kingdome,
and too us all. The house of comons is very sensible of the Kg*
dealinges, and of our brethrens, in this late transaction, You should
fioe well (if you have any thing that may discover iuglinge) to
search itt out and lett us knowe itt, itt may bee of admirable use
at this tyme, because wee shall (I hope) instantly goe upon busi
nesses in relation to them, tendinge to prevent danger. The house of
comons has this day voted as follows. First that they wiH make
noe more addresses to the K. 2. None shall applye to htm v>tbout
leave of the two houses upon paine of beinge guilty of high trea
son. 3dly, They will receave nothinge from the Kinge, nor shall
any other briuge any thinge to them from * him, nor receave any
* It is believed him is the word, though there is some doubt of it.
VOL. in. K k

498 APPENDIX.
thinge from the Kinge. Lastly the members of b6th houses, whoe"
were of the Committee of both kingdoms, are established in alT that
power in themselves for England, and Ireland, Wch theyjiad to act
with both kingdoms, and Sr. John Evelin of Wilts is added in the
roome of Mr. Recorder, and Rath. F. Fienis in the roome of. Sir
Phillip Stapleton, and my Lord of Kent, in the roome of the Earl
of Essex. I thinke it good you take notice of this, the sooner the
better. Lett us knowe howe its with vpu in point of strength, and what
you neede from hs, some of us thinke the Kinge well with you,
and that itt concernes us to keepe that island in. great .securitye,
because of the French, et. And if soe, where can the Kinge bee
better. If you have more force you will suer of full provision for
them. The Lord blesse thee, pray for
Thy deere friend and servant
My Ld Wharton's Jan. 3d. o. cromweu.
neere tenn at night, 1647.
For Col. Robert Hamond Governor
of the isle of Wight theise
For the service of the kingdom hast post hast. OLIVER CROfltWELL.
SIR,
Wee have received yor letter of the 28th instant, wherein you
desire to have the approbation of this committee concerning the
fower gentlemen by you appointed to watch in their, courses at the
Kinges chamber dore, Wee thinke it fitt that in this businesse you
should make your application to the houses, from whom wee doubt
not you will receive orders in that particular. For the money ap
pointed for the fortification of the castle it was to be furnished by
the committee of the army by the appointor* of this committe wch
accordingly they presently did, & desired them to send thither
with all speed, and of this, informacon hath beene given to the
gentleman you mention, who sollicits yor businfesse woh is all that
can be done at this committee for it.
Derby House Signed in the name & by the warrant of the
31°. January committee at Derby House by your affec-
1647. tionate friend W. SAY & SEALE.
To Colonel Robert Hammond
Governour of the isle of Wight'
These are

You see by these inclosed votes how great a burthen the parliam'
hath laid uppon mee. I doe hereby send to you, That you would
tnstantlie send mee a list of such as are att present about the Kinge wh»

APPENDIX. 499
are psons fitt to be confided in, if you have any in the island
•worthy of that trust, I would desire you to send their names also1
in the same list: and if you cannot fill upp the number of thirtie
with you, which I should be glad you could, then I desire you to
send mee the qualitie o( those that will be wanting, that soe they
may be supplyed from hence : It will be necessarie, That you
hasten this businesse seeing the parliam1 expects a speedy & effec
tual! observance of their command herein. I propose soe soorie as
I have received yor list to make the number uppe, and lay it' before
the parliam1 to receive their approbation and allowance for my in-
dempnitie ; you see by the votes, That the number of tbirtie (of all
sortes) gentlemen and their servants, cookes, butlers, etc. may not
bee exceeded, and therefore itt will bee fitt, That a respect bee had
to all occasions and necessities of the household; wishing ybu all
successe in yor great trust and charge : I rest: Yor assured friend
Queenstreete. 5°. t. Fairfax.
February 1647.
For Colonell Robert Hamond Governo7
of the isle of Wight.

Wee have received informacon that there are now some desynes
in agitation concerning the Kings escape, who is to be carried into
France r and that there ace two of those yc now atend the King
upon whom they rely for ejecting this, escape. Who they are we
cannot discover, nor yet what grounds they have to expect their
sei-viee in it. Yet wee thought fitt to give you this advertizement
that you might the more carefully watch against it.
Darbie House Signed in the name & by ye warrant
13°. Martij of the com'"1 at Derby House by yor very
1647. loveirig ftriend NORTHUMBERLAND.
Note, all those parts that are in Italic, are in cypher in the
original, and were decyphered by Col. Hammond.
SWEETE ROBIN,
Our relation is so nigh upon the best accompt, that nothing can
concerne 'you or us, but wee believe they are of a mutual ' con-
cernm'. And therefore wee hold ourselves much obliged to transmitt
you this inclosed (coming from a sure hand to us) not onely _as
relating to yours or or particular, but likewise as a matter of vast
importance to the publick.
Itt hath pleased God (and wee are perswaded in much mercy)
even miraculously to dispose the hearts of yor freinds in the army,
as one man (together with the concurrence of the godly from1 all
Kk2

509 APPENDIX.
tarts) to interpose in this treatie, yet in such wise both for matter1
manner, as, we believe, will not onely refresh the bowells of the
saints, and all other faithful people of this kingdome, But bee of
satisfaction to every honest member of parliam' when tendreeV to
them and made pubhck wch wij bee w^in a very few daies ; and
considering of what a consequence the escape of the King from
you (in the interim) maie prooye, Wee hast this, dispatch to yow
together wth or most earnest request, That (as yow tender the
interest of this nation, of GodJs people, or of anie morall men : or
as you tender the ending of England's troubles, or desire the jus
tice & righteousness maie take place) you would see to the securing
of* that person from escape, whether by retorning of him to the
castle, or such other waie • as in thy wisdom and honesty shall
seeme meetest. Wee are confident you will receive in few daies a
duplicate of this desire, & ap assurance from the generall & army
to stand by you in itt: and in the meane time for or parts (though
itt maie not be very considerable to yow) wee doe hereby ingage
to owne yow with or lives & fortunes therein, wch wee should not
»oe forwardly expresse, but that wee are impelled to the premises
in dutie & conscience to God and man. The Loiid (yo™ & or God)
bee your wisdome and in all things, however wee have done or duty
& witnessed the affections of Deare Iiamond
Windsor. 14th 9ber - Yor most intire, & faithfull
1648. brethren, friends, & servants,-
H. IKETON.
T.. HARRISON.
JOHN DISBROWE.
* E. GROSVENER.
SIR,
Since our last wee have received againe advertisem* from a good
hand that the designe holdes for- the King's escape; and to escape
all suspicion from you, he intends to walke out on foote a mile or
two, as usually in the day time, & three horses are Iayd in the kle
to carry him to a boatc. If he cannot do this, then either over the
house in the night, or at some privat window in the night he
intends his passage ; which wee thought fitt againe to. give you
* Grosvener I believe to be the name, though there is some doubt. What
renders it more probable is, that there was a colonel Edward Grosvenor,
quarter master of the arnpy, chosen rnerrtber of parljarnent for Westminster, in
1656, and again in Richard's parliament, January Tt, ld58, b. S. See Wood's
Fasti, vol. ii. c. 19. and Ifercuriiis Politicus, No.' 550. p. i16.
In " A narrative of the late parliament (so called), begun at Westnirastor
September If, 16[56, &c. with a;a, account of the places of pr<$t, sajler.ies
afld; advantages which they hold, afld receiye. ujnder the. present power," iff;.
appears, " Collonel Grosvenor, as quarter-master general, 41,91. lbs. ()d. per
Mhum, and. it's said hath captain of horse pay; and the better to carry it in
the choice at Westminster, the soldiers were bid pull- off their rqd coats and
put on others, and to give their votes for him, which; is contiaey ta the eigh-.
tteutlv articlfc ofths.ojd decayed instrument of swr-nment, wh/ch. al^ws, none
that is not worth 2001. to choose parliament men."
4

APPENDIX. 501
»otice of, that you may make such use of it for prevention, as you
shall see cause.
Darby House Signed in the name & by the warrant of
18 Novemb. the committee of lords & commons at
1648. Darby House, by
Your very affectionate friend
P. S. Wee desire you to communicate Salisbury,
this to the commission" there ; and also
if you shall finde the Kinge hath escaped
to give us notice with all possible speed.
For Collonel Robert Hammond Gover-
nor of the isle of Wight. The three following letters are in the pos
session of Robert Symmer, Esq; of Mount
Street, Grosvenor Square.
DEERE NORTON,
I have sent my sonn over to thee, beinge willinge to answere
•providence, and although I confesse I have had an offer of a very
great proposition from a father of his daughter,, yett truly
I rather encline to this in my thoughts, because though the other bee
very farr greater, yett I see different tyes, and not that assurance
of godlynesse, yett indeed fairness, I confesse that which is t'ould
mee concerning estate of Mr. M. is more then I can looke for as
thinges now stand.
If God please to bring itt about, the consideration of pietye in
the parents, and such hopes of the gentlewoeman in that respect,
niake the businesse to mee a great mercy, concerninge Wch I desier
to waite upon God.
I am confident of thy love, and desier thinges may be cai-ried
with privacie, The Lord doe his will, thats best, to w°'' subrnittirige
I rest your humble servant,
Feb. 25, 1647. 0. cromweu.
For. my noble friend C.ol. Richard
Norton, theise.
deere pick,
Itt had beene a favour indeed to have mett you heiere at Faraliam,
but I heere you are a man of great businesse.  Therefore I say
noe more, if it be a favor to the house of commons to enioy you,
what is itt to mee ? But in good earnest when wi . . . you alid your
brother Russel be a lit ... . honest and attend your charge suerly
so . . [some] expect itt, especially the good fellowes wh . . . chose
you.. I have mett w"1 Mr Maior, wee spent two or 3 howers together
last night, I perceave the gentleman js very wise and honest, arid'

3t>2 APPENDIX.
indeed much to be vaflewed, some thinges of 'c'ombn 'fame did a
little sticke, I glad .... heard his doubts, and gave such atisware ks
was next .att hand, I beleive to some satisfaction, never the lesse I
exceedingly liked the gentlemarjs plainnesse, and free dealinge w,h
mee. I knowe God has beeae above all ill reports, and will in his
owne t} me vindicate mee, I have rioe cause to cumplaine. I see
nothinge but that this particular businesse betweene him and mee
may go onn, The Lords will be donn. For newes out of the north
there is little, only the Mai. part'ye is prevailinge in the par1"1 of S.
They are earnest for a warr, the ministers oppose, as yertt.
Mr. Marshall is returned, whoe sayis soe. Arid soe doe many of
our letters, their great committee of dangers have 2 malig. for one
right. Its sayd they have voted an armie of 40001) in par"'r soe some
of yesterdayes letters, but I account my newes ill bestowed, because
upon an idle person.
I shall take speedy course in the business concerninge my tenants,
for wtt tharikes, my service to your lady, I am really
Your affectionate servant
March 28, 1648; o. cromwelx.
Farnham.
For my noble friend Col. Richard
Norton, theise.
DEERE1 NORTON,
I could not in my la,st give you a perfect accoitiit of what passed
betweene mee ami Mr.'M.' because wee were to have a conclusion' lif
our speed that mOrninge after I wrote'my'letter to you, which wee
had, and hayingehad a full enterview of one anothers inindes, wee
parted with this, that both' would Consider with our 'relations, and
accordinge to satisfactions given there, acquaint, each other with our
minfles. I cannot tell how better to doe itt, to receave pr give satisfaction
then by you, whoe (as I remember) in 'your last, sayd that if thinges
did stick betweene us, you would rise your endeavor tbvvards a close.
The thinges insisted upon were theise, (as I take 'itt) Mr. Maior
¦desired 400 p. annum of inheritance lyinge in Cambridge sheire,
and Norfolke, to bee presently settled, and to be for maintenance,
wherein I desired to bee advised by my wife.
I offered the land in Hampshire, for present maintenance, w* I
dare say with copses and ordinarie fells will be communibus annis
500" p. annum, besides 50011 per annum, in tennants handes houldinge
but for one life, and1 about b00u p. ann. some for two lives, some for
three lives. But as to this if the latter bee not' liked off' I shall' bee
willing a farther .conference bee had in the first.
Iri point of jouncture I shall g*ive satisfaction. Aiid as to the set
tlement of landes ' given mee'by the par™ satisfaction tp'be given in
like'rhanrier, accordinge as wee discoursed;
In what else was demanded of mee I am willing (soe farr asT
remember 'any demand' was) to give satisfaction.
Only I havirige beene enforrhed by Mr.Robinsbn that Mr. Maibr

APPENDIX 5QJ*
rjidupon a former match offer to settle the mannor wherein hee
lived, and to give 2000" jn irjqnie, I did insist upon that, and doe
desire itt may not bee with difficultye, the monie I shall neede for.
nay two little wenches, and therby I shall free my sonn from beinge
charged with them. Mr. Maior parts w* nothing in .present but
that monie, savinge their board, wih I shoukle not bee urywillinge
to. give them to enioy the comfort of their societye, wch itts reason
bee smarte for, if hee will robb mee altogether of them. Tnily the
land to bee settled both what the par1™ gives mee, and my owne, is
very little lesse then 3000" per annum all thinges considered, if I
bee, rightly informed. And a lawyer of Lincoln's Inn haveinge
searched all the marques of Worcester's writinges, wcU were taken,
at Ragland and sent for by the par""1 and this gentleman appointed
by the committee to search the sayd writinges, assures mee, there is
noe scruple concerninge the title, 4nd itt soe fell out that this gentle
man whoe searched was my owne lawyer, a very godly able man,
and my deere friend, wch I reckon noe smale mercy, hee is also
possest of the writinges for mee.
I thought fitt to give you this account, desirrnge you. to make such
use of itt as God shall direct you, and I doubt not but you will doe
the part of a friend betweene two friendes, I account myselfe one,
and I have heard you say Mr. Maior was entirely soe to you. What
the good pleasure of God is I shall wajte, there.fs only rest, present
my service to your lady, to Mr. Maior, et.
I rest
April the 3d 1648. Your affectionate servant,
O. CROMWELL.
I desier you to carrie this business with all privacie, I beseech
you to doe, soe as you love mee, lett me entreat you not to loose
a day herein, that I may knowe Mr. Mabr's minde for' I thinke \
may be att leizure for a weeke to attende this businesse to give and
take satisfaction, from wch perhaps I may bee shutt up afterwards
by imployment. I know thou art an idle fellowe, but prethee ne
glect mee not now, delay may bee very inconvenient to thee, I
much rely upon you. Lett me here from you in two or 3 days. I
confesse the principall consideration as to mee is the absolute settle
ment of the mannor where he lives, wch he would doe but condi
tionally in case he prove to have noe sonn, and but 3000" in case he
have a sonn. But as to this I hope farther reason may work him to
more. N. B. In a sheet.list " of .the names of the members yet living
of both houses of parliament forceably secluded by the army- in
1648, &c." appears Southampton, col. Richard Norton, Esq;
Knight, &c. a He was chosen Knight of the Shire for Southampton,
m the room of Sir Henry Wallop, Knt. who deceased in 1644, in
virtue of writs issued Oct. 24, and Nov. 10, 1645.
* Parliamentary History, vol. IX. p. 4*.

504 APPENDIX,
In another list intitled "A more, exact and necessary catalogue of
pensioners in the long parliament than is extant/' appears BAchard
Norton, colonel, governor of Southampton.
And in a third intitled "A perfect list of the lords of the other
house, and of the knights, citizens and burgesses, and barons of the
Cinque Ports, now assembled in this present parliament holden at
Westminster, for the commonwealth of England, Scotland and
Ireland, Jan. 27, 1658," appears county of Southampton, Richard
Norton of Southwicke; Esqr.
Sir Gregory Norton, one of Charles I. judges, was of Sussex oli
Kent, and, as I apprehend, of a different family from the
colonel. The following seventeen letters were transcribed from the
originals which were found at Pusey, the seat of the
Dunches, in Berkshire *, by the hpn. Horace Walpole,
Esq;
For my very lovinge Friend' Mr. Rpbinson, Preacher at South
ampton. Theise.
SR.
I thanke you for your kinde letter, as to the businesse you men
tion I desire to use this playennesse with you. When the last over
ture was betweene mee and Mr. Major, by the mediation of coll.
Norton, after the meetinge I had with Mr. Major att Farnham, I
desired the coll. (findinge as I thought some scruples and hesitation
in Mr. Major) to knowe of him whether his minde was free to the
thinge or not. Coll. Norton gave me this account, that Mr. Major,
by reason of some matters as they then stood, was not very free
thereunto, whereupon I did acquiesce submhtinge to the providence
of God. Upon your revivinge of the businesse to mee, & your let
ter, I thinke fitt to returne you this answare, & to say in plairinesse,
of spirit to you. That upon your testimonie of the gentlewoemar/s,
worth & the common report of the pyetye pf the familye I shall be
willinge ,tp entertayne the renewinge of the motion upon such con
siderations as may bee to mutuall satisfaction, only I thinke that a
speedye resolution will be very convenient to both partes. The
Lord direct all tp his glory, I desier your prayers therein, and rest
Your very affectionate friend,
Feb. 1st 1648. o. cromwell.
For my very worthye Friend Richard Major, Esq; Theise.
SR.
I receavepj some intimations formerly & by the last returne from
Southampton a letter frqm Mr. Robinson concernynge the reviveinge
* John Punch of Pusey, in Berks, son of Sam. Dunch of North Baddisley in
Hampshire", Esq; married Anne, daughter and coheiress pf Richard Major, of
Hursley, Esq;— Wood's Fasti, Vel. ii, C. 120.

APPENDIX. 505
the last yeave's motion touchinge my sonne & your daughter. Mr.
Robinson was alsoe pleased to send inclosed in his a letter from you
to him, bearing date the 5th of this instant February, wherin I finde
your willingenesse to entertaine any good meanes for the eompleat-
inge of that businesse. From whence I take encoragment to send
my sonn to wayte upon you & by him to lett you knowe that my
desires are (if providence soe dispose) very full & free to the thinge,
if upon an enterview theire prove alsoe a freedom in the younge
persons thereunto. What liberty you will give heerein I wholly
submit to you. I thought fitt in my letter to Mr. Robinson to men
tion somewhat of expedition, because indeed I knowe not how soone
I may be called into the feild, or other occasions may remove mee
from hence, havinge for the present some liberty of stay in London.
The Lord direct all to his glorye. I rest Sr
Feb. 12th 1648. Yr very humble servant,
O. CROMWELL.
For my very worthye Friend Richard Major, Esq; Theise.
SR.
I receaved yours by Mr. Stapleton together with an account of
the kinde reception & the many civilityes afforded them, especilly
to my sonn in the libertye given him to waite upon your worthye
daughter, the report of whose vertue and godlynesse has soe great a
place in my hart that I thinke fitt not to neglect any thinge on my
part which may conduce to consummate a close of the businesse, if
God please to dispose the younge ones harts thereunto & other suite-
able orderinge affaires towards mutuall satisfaction appeare in the
dispensation of providence, for which purpose and to the end mat
ters may be brought to as neere an issue as they are capable off (not
beinge at libertye by reason of publicke occasions to waite upon
you, nor, as I understand your health permittinge) I thought fitt to
send this gentleman Mr. Stapleton instructed with my minde to see
how neere wee may come to an understandinge one of another there
in, & although I could have wished the consideration of thinges had
beene betweene us two itt beinge of so neere concernmente, yet pro
vidence for the present not allowinge, I desier you to give him cre
dence on my behalfe. Sr all thinges which yourselfe & I had in
conference att Farnham doe not occurr to my memorie thorough
rnultiplicitye of businesse interveninge, I hope 1 shall with a very
free hart testifie my readynesse to that which may bee expected
from mee. I have noe more at present but desiringe the Lord to
order this affair to his glory & the comfort of his servants. I rest
Sr
Feb. 26, 1648. Your humble servant
O. CROMWELL.
(No Direction.) (In another hand but signed by himself.)

506 APPENDIX.
SR.
Yours I have recieved, & have given further instructions to this
bearer Mr. Stapylton to treate with you about the businesse in agita
tion betweene your daughter and my sonne. I am ingag'd to you
for all your civility's, & respects already manifested. I trust there
Will bee a right understanding betweene us and a good conclusion :
and though I cannot particularly remember the, thinges spoken off
at Farnham, to which your letter seemes to referre mee ; yet I
doubt' not but I have sent the offer of such thinges now, which will
give mutuall satisfaction to us both. My. attendance upon publique
affairs will not give < mee leave to come downe unto you myselfe; I
have sent unto '.you this gentleman ,with my mind. ;I salute M™
Major, though unknovvne, with the rest of your family. 1 commit
you, with the progresse of the .businesse to. the Lord; and rest
Sr
March theSn Ypur assured friend tp serve you
1648. O. CROMWELL.
(No Direction, but wrote on the Back, L. G. Cromwell's Letter of
Exceptions  -)
SR.
I fec.eaved your paper by the handes of Mr Stapilton. I desier
your leave to returne my dissatisfaction therewith. 'I shall not neede
to premise' how much I have desired (I hope upon the best groundes)
to match with you, the same desier still continuees ,in me, if provi
dence see itt fftt. But I may not be soe much wantinge to myselfe
nor family e as not to have some equallitye of cpnsideration towards
itt. I have twp younge daughters tp bestowe if God give them
Fife, & oportunitye. Accordinge to your offer I have nothinge for
them, nothing at all in hand, if- my spnne dye, what censideratipn
is' there to- me ? And yet a jouneture parted, with, if shee dye there
is little, if you have - an ' heire male then but 3000<£ . without tyme
assertained. But for theise thinges I doubt net but one enterview
betweene you &my selfe they might bee accommodated to mutual
satisfaction, and in relatipn tp theise I thinke wee should hardly part,
or have many wordes, spe much dee I desier a cleasure with yeu.
But1 to deale freely with you, the settlinge of the mannor of Hursley
as you propose itt stickes soe much with mee that either I under
stand you' not, or else it much fayles my expectation. As you offer
itt there is 400£.pr. annum charged upen itt. Fpr the 150«£. to
ypur lady fur her life as a jouneture I stick not att that, but the
^S0£. pr. annuni untill Mr. Ludlowe's lease expiers the teanure
whereof I knowe not, & soe much of the 250c£>. pr. annum as ex«
ceeds that lease in anual valew for some tyme alsoe after the expira
tion of the s" lease, gives such a maime to the mannor of Hursley
as indeed renders the rest of the manor very inconsiderable. Sr.
if I concurr to denye myselfe in point of present monies as alsoe in
ihe other thinges mentioned as afpresaid, I may, and I. doe expect

APPENDIX. 507
the mannor of Hursley to bee settled without any charge upon itt
after your decease savinge your ladyes jouneture of 150<£ . per an
num, which if you should thinke fitt to encrease I should not stand
upon itt : your own estate is best known to you, but suerlye your
personall estate beinge free for you to dispose, will with some smale
matter of addition begitt a neerenesse of equallitye, if I heere well
from others, & if the difference in that weve not very considerable
I should not insist upon itt. What you demand of me is very high
in all pointes, I am willinge to settle as you desier in every thinge
savinge for 'present maintenance 400a£\ p. annum, 300c£. p. annum
I would have somewhat free to be thanked by them for, The 300df.
p. annum of my ould land tor a jouneture after my wives decease.
I shall settle, and in the meane tyme out of other landes att your
election, & trulye Sr. if that bee not good nor will any landes I
doiibt, I doe not much distrust your principles in other thinges
have acted you towards confidence. You demand in case my sonn
have none issue male but only daughters, then the lands in Hant-
sheire,- Monmouth and Gloucestershire to descend to the daughters,
or 3000^. a peice ; the first woud most unequall, the latter is too
high, they will be well provided for by beinge inheritrixes to their
mother, & I am willinge to 2000c£. a peice to bee charged upon
tfapse landes.
Sr. I cannot but with very many thankes acknowledge your good
opinion of mee & of my sonn, as alsoe your great civilities towards
him & your daughter's good respects (whose goodnesse though
known to mee only at such a distance by the report of others) I
much valew, & indeed that causeth mee soe cheerfully to denye my
selfe as I doe in the point of monies, & soe willingly to complye in
other thinges, but if I should not insist as before, I should in a
greater measure denye both my owne reason & the advise of my
freindes then were meete which I may not doe. Indeed Sr. I have
not cloased with a farr greater offer of estate, but rather chose to
fix heere, I hope I have not beene wantinge to providence in this, I
have made myselfe plaine to you, desiring you will make my soira
the messinger of your pleasure & resolution herein as speedilye as
with conveniency you may. I take leave & rest
Your affectionate servant
I desier my service may be pre
sented to your lady & daughters. o. cromwelI,
March 14, 1648.
For my worthy Friend Richard Major, Esq; -at- Hursley. Theise.
sr.
You will pardon the brevitye of theise lines, the baste I am in by
reason of businesses occasions it. To testifye the earnest desier I
have to see a happy period to this treatye betweene us,. I give you
to understand that I agree to 150c£. pr. annum out of ..the SOfLf. pr.
annum of my ould land, for your daughters jouneture over the \&0£.
where you please.

508 APPENDIX
400e£'. p. annum, for present maintenance where you sh*H choose
either in Hantshire, Gloucester or Monmouthsheire.
i Those lands settled upon my son & his heires mates by your
¦daughter, & in case of daughters only 2000o£. a peice charged
upon those landes.
400^1?. p. annum free to raise portions for my two daughters. I
expect the mannor of Hursky to be setled upon your eldest daughter
& her heires, the heires pf her body.
Your lady a joincture of I5&t£. p. annum out of itt.
For compensation to your younger daughter I agree to leave itt in
your power after your decease to charge it with as much as will
ouye inn the lease of the Ferme at Allington by a just computa-
tipn. I expect spe Ipng as they live with yeu their diet as you express
ed, or in case of voluntane partinge 150<£. p. annum, 3000i£. in
case you have a sonn to bee payed in two yeares next followinge.
In case your daughter die without issue 1000,£. within six months.
Srf if this satisfie I desier a speedye resolution, I should the rather
desier soe because of what your kinsman can satisfie you in. The
Lord blesse you & your familye to whome I desier my affections
and service mav bee presented. I rest
March 25a 1649. Your humble servant
O. CRbMWEIX.
For my esteemed good Friend Richard Major, Esq; Theise at
Hursley.
SR.
I receaved yours of the 28:h instant. I desier the matter of com
pensation may bee as in my last to you, you propose another way,
which triilye seemes to mee very inconvenient, I have agreed to all
other thinges as you take mee (& that rightly) repeating particulars
in your paper. The Lord dispose this great businesse (gt*£ate be
tweene you &mee) fpr good. Ypu mention to send by the post on
Tuseday.- I shall speede thinges heere as I rriay, I am designed for
¦Ireland, which wil be speedye. I should bee very glad to see
thinges setled before I goe, if the Lord will. My service to ill ydur
familye. I rest Sr.
March 30th 1649. Your affectionate
(Name torn off.}
For my worthy Friend Richard Major, Esq; at Hursley.
Theise.
SR.
I teeeaved your papers inclosed in ypiir letter although I knowe
not howe to make see gppd use of them as otherwise might have
beene to have saved expence of tyme if the arrest of1 your lawyer
had not fallen Out at this tyme. I Conceave a draught to your satis
faction by your owne Isfw-yejr would have saved much tyme, which

APPENDIX. 509
to mee is precious. I hope you will send some up perfectlye in
structed. I shall endeavour to speed what is to be donn on my
part, not knowing how soone I may bee sent downe towards my
charge for Ireland. And I hope to perform punctually with you.
Sr. my sonn had a great desier to. come downe & waite upon your
daughter. I perceave hee minds that more then to attend businesses
heere. I should bee glad to see him settled and al thinges finished
before I goe. I trust not to bee wantinge therein. The Lord direct
sill our hartes into his good pleasure. I rest
Sr.
My service to your Your affectionate servant
lady & family. o. cromwelu
April 6, 1649.
For my worthye Friend Richard Major, Esq; Theise.
SR.
Your kindsman Mr. Barton and myselfe repayringe to our coun
cell for the perfectinoe this businesse soe much concerninge us, did
upon Saturday this 15Th of Aprill drawe our councell to a meetinge
whereupon consideration had of my letter to yourselfe. expressinge
my consent to perticulars which Mr. Barton brought to your coun
cell, Mr. Hales of Lincolnes Inn; upon the readinge that which ex-
presseth the way of your setlinge Hursley, your kindsman expressed
a sence of yours contrarie to the paper under rny band as alsoe to
that under your hand of the 28th of March which was the same
with mine, as to that perticular, and I knowe nothinge of doubt
in that which I am to doe but doe agree itt all to your kindsman his
satisfaction, nor is there much materiall difference save in this,
wherein both my paper sent by you to your councell and yours of
the 28cl> doe in all litterall and all equitable construction agree, viz.
to settle an estate in fee simple upon your daughter after your de^
cease, which Mr. Barton affirmes not to be your meaninge, although
hee has not (as to mee) formerlye made this any objection nor can
the words beare itt, nor have I any thinge more considerable in
lewe of what I part with then this. And I have appealed to yours
or any counsel in England whether it bee not just and equal that I
insist thereupon. And this misunderstandinge (if it bee ypurs as it
is your kindsman's) putt a stop to the businesse, so that our counsel
could not proeeede untill your pleasure herein were known, where
fore itt was thought fitt to desier Mr. Barton to have recourse to you
to knowe your minde, hee alled'ginge hee had noe authorityc to un
derstand that expression soe, but the contrarie, which was thought
not a little strange even by your owae councell. I confesse I did
apprehend wee should bee incident to mistakes treatmge att such a
thsta.nce, although I may take the boldnesse to say there is nothinge
expected from mee, but I agree itt to your kindsman's sense to a tit
tle. Sr. I desired to knowe what commission your kindsman had to
helps this doubt by an expedient, who denied to have any, but did

510 ' APPENDIX.
think it were better for you to part with somemopie, and keepe the
power in your owne handes, as to the land-, to. dispose thereof as you
should see cause, whereupon an overture was made and bi,ms,eH;e &
your councell desired to drawe itt up ; the effect whereof this en
closed paper conteynes, and although I should not like change of
agreements, yet to shew how much I desier the perfecting of this
businesse, if you like thereof (though this bee farr the worse bar-
gaine, I shall submit thereunto ypur cpuncell thinkinge that thinges
may bee settled this way with mere cleamesse & lesse intricasie.
There is mentien made pf 900<£. pr. annum to bee reserved, but itt
comes to but about &QQ£. my landes in Glamorgan sheire being but
little above /kQ0£. pr. annum and the 4&Q£. p. annum out my ma-
nour in Gloucester & Munmouth sheire. I wish a cleere \inder-
standinge may bee betweene us. Truly I would net willinglye
mistake, desiringe tp wait upon providence in this businesse. I rest
Sr.
Ap. 15th 1649. Your affectionate friend & servant
I desier my service may bee pre- p. cro^well.
sented to your lady & daughters.

For my very loving Brother Richard Major, Esq;
att Hqrslye. Theise.
(Recd. 27 July, 1649, p. Messenger
lovinge brother, expresse from Newbery.)
I receaved your letter by major Longe, and doe in answare there
unto accordinge to my best understandinge, with a dye considera
tion of those gentlemen whoe have abid the brunt of the service. I
am very glad to heere of your welfare, & that pur children have sp
good leisure to make a journie to eate cherries, it's very excuseable
in my daughter, I hope she may have a very gppd pretence fpr it.
I assure you Sr. I wish her very well & I beleive shee knqwes itt.
I pray you tell her from mee, I expect shee writes often to mee. by
which I shall understand how all your familye doth, & shee will be
kept in some exercise. I have delivered my sonn up to you, & I hppe
you will councell him, he will neede itt and indeed I beleive he likes
well what you say, & will be advised by you, I wish he may be serious
the tymes requier itt. I hope my sister is in health, to whome I
desier my veryhartye affections and service may bee presented, as
also to my cozen Ann to whom I wish a good husband. I desire
my affections may be presented to all your familye, to which I wish
a blessinge from the Lorde. I hope I shall have ypur prayers in
the businesse tp which I am called. My wife I trust wil be with
ypu before itt bee longe in her way towards Bristoll. Sr. discpmppse
npt ypur thpughts ner estate for what you are to pay mee. Lett me
knowe wherein I may complye with your occasions and minde, and
be confident you will finde mee tp ypu as your owne heart wishinge

APPENDIX. 511
your prosperitye & contentment very syneeerlye with the remem
brance of my love. I rest Yeur affectionate brether & servant
Bristoll,
July 19th 1649. o. cromwew..
(On the back of the foregoing letter, besides short hand, there is
an account in Mr. Major's hand, of his sheep and other cattle.)
For my beloved Brother Richard Major, Esq; at Hursley
in the County of Hampton. Theise.
DEERE BROTHER,
I am not often at leisure, nor nowe to salute my freindes, yetunr
willinglye to lose this opportunitye, I take itt" only to lett you knowe
that ypu and your familye are often in my prayers. I wish the
younge ones well, though they vouchsafe not to write to mee.
As for Dick I doe not much expect itt from him, knowinge his
idlenesse, but I am angrie with my daughter as a promise breaker,
pray you tell her soe, but I hope shee will redeeme herselfe.
It has pleased the Lord to give us (since the taking of Wexford
& Rosse) a good interest in Munster by the access of Corke and
Youghall, which are both submitted, their commissioners are nowe
with mee. Diverse other lesser guarrisons are come in alsoe. The
Lord is wonderfull in theise thinges, it's his hand aloane does them ;
O that all the praise might be ascribed tp him. I have beene crazie
in my health, but the Lord is pleased to sustaine mee. I begg your
prayers. I desier ypu tp call upon my sonn to minde the thinges of
God more & more, alas what profitt is their in the thinges of this
world, except they bee enjoyed in Christ they are snares. I wish he
may enjoy his wife soe and shee him, I wish I may enjoy them both
see. My service to my deere sister cozen Ann, my blessinge to my
children, and love to my cozen Barton and the rest.
Sr. I am
Rosse, No. 13m 1649. Your affectionate brother & servant
Rec" 12° Dec. 49. o. cromwell.
For my very lovinge Brother Richard Major, Esq. att Hurstlye in
Hampsheir. Theise.
(This direction is in a woman's hand : underneath are wrote in
Mr. Major's hand these words; 15° May I wrote in behalfe of Mr.
Bonny, &c. of Dorsett.)
DEERE BROTHER,
For mee to write unto you the state of our affaires heere were
¦more then indeed I have leisure well to doe, and therefore I hope
you doe not expect itt from me seeinge when I write to the parlnt I
usually am (as becomes mee) very particular with them, and usually
6

312 . APPENDIX.
ftprn thence the knowledge thereof is spread. Only this lett mee
' say (which is the best intelligence to friendes that are trulye chris
tian) the Lord is pleased still to vouchsafe us his presence, & to
prosper his owne worke in our handes which to us is the more emij
nent because trulye wee are a companie of poore weaka and worth-
lesse creatures. Trulye our worke is neither from ourbraines, npr
frpm pur courage and strength, but wee followe the Lord whoe goeth
before and gather what hee skattereth, that soe all may appeare to
bee from him. The takinge of the cittye pf Kilkenny hath beene
one of our last workes, which indeed I beleive hath beaie a grate
discomposeinge the enemie, it&soe much in their bowells, wee have
taken many censiderable places latelye witheut much losse* What
can wee say to theise thinges, If God bee for us, whoe can be against
usj whoe can fight against the Lord & prosper ? Whoe can resist
his will ? The Lord keepe us in bis love. 1 desier your prayers,
your familye is often in mine, I rejoiced to heere how it hath pleased
the Lord to deale with my daughter, the Lord blesse her and saoc-
tifie all bis dispensations to them and us, I have committed my sown
to you, I pray councell him. Some letters I have lately had from
him, have a good savor, the Lord treasure up grace there, that out
of that treasurie bee may bringe forth good thinges. Sr. I desier
my very entyer affection may be presented to my deere sister, my
cozen Ann, and the rest of my cozens, and to idle Dick Norton
when you see him. Sf. I rest
Your most loving brother
Ap. ye 2i 1650. o. cromwelli
Carrick.
For my very lovinge Brother Richard Major, Esq; att his, House at
Hurslye. Theise.
DEERE BROTHER,
The exceedinge croude of businesse I had att London is the best
excuse I can make for my silence this way. Indeed Sr. my heart
beareth me witnesse, I want noe affection to you or yours, you are
all often in my poore prayers. I should be glad to heere how the
little brails doth. I could chide both father and the mother for
theire neglects of mee, I knowe my sonn is idle, butt I had better
thoughts of Doll, I doubt now her husband hath spoykd her, I pray
tell her soe from mee. If I had as good leisure as they, I should
write sometimes. ' If my daughter bee breedinge I will excuse her,
but not for. her nurserie, the Lord blesse them. I hope you give
my sonn good councell, I beleive he needes itt. Hee is in the
dangerous time of his age, and its a very vaine world, O how good
itt is to close with Christ betimes, there is nothinge else worth the
lookinge after. I beseech you call upon him, I hope you will dis
charge my dutye and your owne love : you see how I arn imployed,
I neede pittye, I knowe what I feele, great place and businesse in
the world is net worth the lookinge after, I should have no comfort
in mine, but that my hope is in the Lord's presence, I haw not

APPENDIX. 513
sought theise thinges, truly I have beene called to them by the
Lord, and therefore am not without some good assureance that hee
will inable his poore worme, and weake servant to doe his will, &
to fullfill my generation. In this I begg your prayers, desiringe to
be lovinglye remembred to my deere sister, to our sonn & daughter,
my cozen Ann and the good family. I rest
Your very affectionate brother
Alnwick, July 17, 1650. o. cromwell.
For my lovinge Brother Richard Mayor, Esq; at Hursley. Theise.
In Hantsheire neere Winchester.
DEERE BROTHER,
Havinge soe good an occasion as the impartinge soe great a
mercie as the Lord hath voutchsafed unto us in Scotland I would
not omitt the impartinge thereof to you, though I bee full of busi
nesse. Upon Wedensd. wee fought the Scottish armie : They were
in number accordinge to all computation above twentye thousand,
wee hardly eleven thousand, havinge greate sicknesses upon our
armie, after much apealinge to God, the fight lasted above an
hower, wee killed (as most thinke) three thousand, tooke neere
ten thousand prisoners, all their traine, about thirtye gunns great
and smale besides bullet, match and powder, very considerable
officers, about two hundred colors, above ten thousand armes, lost
not thirtie men. This is the Lords doeing, and it is marvelous in
our eyes. Good Sr. give God all the glorie, stirr up all yours & all
about you to doe soe, pray for your affectionate brother o. cromwell;
I desier my love may bee presented to my deere sister and to all
your familie. I pray tell Doll I do not forgett her nor her little
bratt, shee writes very cuninglye & complementally to mee, I ex
pect a letter of plaine dealinge from her; shee is too modest to tell
mee whether shee breedes or not. I wish a blessinge upon her &
her husband, the Lord make them fruitfull in all that's good, they
are att leisure to write often but indeed they are both idle & worthie
of blame.
Dunbarr, Sept. 4* 1650. (No Direction.)
DEERE BROTHER,
I was glad to receave a letter from you, for indeed any thinge
that comes from you is very welcome to mee. I believe your ex
pectation of my sonn's cominge is deferred. I wish hee may see a
happie deliverye of his wife first, for whpm I frequently pray.
I heere my sonn hath exceeded his allowance, and is in debt ;
truly I cannot comend him therein, wisdom requireinge his liv-
inge within compasse and callinge for it his handes: And in my
judgment the reputation arisinge from thence would have beene
more real honour then what is attained the other way. I beleive
vain men will speake well of him that does ill. I desier to bee un
derstood that I grudge him not laudible recreations, nor an honor
able carriage of himselfe in them, nor is any matter of eharge like
to fall to my share, a stick with mee. Truly I can finde in my
vol. in. l L

5^4 APPENDIX.'
heart to allow him not only a sufficiency but more for his good, but
if pleasure and selfe sattisfaction bee made the businesse of a man's
Hfe, soe much cost layd out uppon it, soe much tyune spent in itt
as rather answers appetite then the will of God, or is comely before
his Saints, I scruple to feede this humor and God forbid that his
being my sonn should bee his allowance to live not pkasinglye to
our Heavenly Father, whoe hath raised mee out of the dust to what
I am. 1 desier your faythfullnesse (hee beinge alsoe your-concern-
ment as well as mine) to advise him to approve himself to the Lord
in his course of life, and to search his statutes for a rule to con
science, & tp seeke grace frcm Christ tp enable tp walke therein.
This hath life in itt, and will ceme tp spmwhat ; what is a pppre
creature without this ? This will not abridge of lawfull pleasures
but teach such an use of them as will have the peace of a good con
science goinge alonge with itt. Sr. I write what is in my heart ; I
pray yOu comunicate my minde herein to my sonn and he his
remembrancer in theise thinges. Truly I love him, hee is deere to
me ; soe is his wife, and for their sakes doe I thus write. They
shall not want comfort nor incoragment from mee so far as I may
afford itt ; but indeed I cannot thinke I doe well to feede a voluptu
ous humor in my sonn, if he should make pleasures the businesse
of his life in a time when some precious Saincts are bleeding and
breathinge out their last for the good and safetyeof the rest. Memor
able is the speech of Urijah to David, 2d Chron. 11th IIth-
Sr. I beseech you beleive I heere say not this to save my purse
for I shall willinglye do what is convenient to satisfie his occasions as
I have opportunitye, but as I pray hee may not walke in a course
not pleasing to the Lord, soe thinke itt lyeth upon mee to give him
(in love) the best councell I may, and know not how better to con-
veigh it to him then by soe good a hand as yours.
Sr. I pray you acquaint him with theise thoughts of mine, and
remember my love tp my daughter fpr whpse sake I shall be induced
to doe any reasonable thinge. I pray for her happy deliverance
frequently and earnestly.
I am sorrie to heere my baylye in Hantsheire should do to my
sonn as is intimated by your letter. I assure you I shall not allowe
any such thinge. If there bee any suspition of his abuse of the
woode I desier it may be looked after and inquired into, that soe if
things appeare true he may bee removed, although indeed I must
needs say he had the repute of a godly man by diverse that knew
him when I placed him there :
Sr. I desier my hartye affection may bee presented to my sister,
my cozen Ann and her husband though unknown.
I praise the Lord I have obteyned much mercye in respect of my
health, the Lord give mee a truly thankfull hart. I desier your
prayers, & rest Your very affectionate brother and servant
June 28r" 1651. o. cromwell.
For my lovinge Brother Richard Major, Esq; atHurslyeJn Hant
sheire. Theise.
DEEREBROTHER,
I receaved your lovinge letter for which I thanke you, and suerly
6

APPENDIX. 515
were itt fitt to proceed in that businesse, you should not in the least
have beene putt upon any thinge but the trouble, for indeed the
land in Essex, with some monie in my hand & some other remnants
should have gone towards itt. But indeed I am soe unwillinge to
bee a seeker after the world, havinge had so much favor from the
Lord in givinge me soe much without seekinge, & soe unwillinge
that men should think mee soe, which they will though you only
appeare in itt (for they will by one meanes or other knowe it) that
indeed I dare not meddle, nor proceede therein. Thus I have tould
you my plain thoughts. My hartye love I present to you & my
sister, my blesssinge and love to deere Doll & the little one, with love
to all. I rest Your lovinge brother OLIVER p.
May the 4,h 1654.
For my lovinge Friend John Dunch, Esq;
SR.
I desier to speake with you, & heeringe a report from Hurslye
that you was goinge to yr father's in Berkesheire, Isend'this expresse
to you desiring you to come to mee to Hampton Court : with my
respects to yr father, I rest Y1 lovinge friend
Aug. 27th 1657. oiver r.

Copies of original Letters and Papers of Oliver
Cromwell's in the British Museum : Copied by
leave of a Committee, by the Rev. A. Gifford,
d.d. for the Use of the Author.
A Copy of Oliver Cromwell's Letter to his Daughter Ireton, exactly
taken from the Original.
DEERE DAUGHTER,
I write not to thy husband, partly to avoyd trouble, for one line
of mine begitts many of his, wch I doubt makes him sitt up too late,
partly because I am my selfe indisposed att this tyme, havinge some
other considerations. Your friends att Ely are well, your sister Cla-
pole is (I trust in mercye) exercised with some perplexed thoughts,
shee sees her owne vanity e, and carnal minde, bewailinge itt, shee
seekes after (as I hope alsoe) that wch will satisfie, and thus to bee
a seeker, is to bee of the best sect next a finder, and such an one
shall every faythfull humble seeker bee att the end. Happie seeker,
happie finder. Whoe ever tasted that the Lord is gracious, without
some sence of self vanitye,' and badnesse ? Whoe ever tasted that
graciousnesse of his, and could goe lesse in deskr, and lesse then
pressinge after full enjoyment. Deere hart presse on ; lett not hus
band lett not any thinge cook thy affections after Christ. I hope
hee wil be an occasion to enflame them. That wc" is best worthy
of love in thy husband, is that of the image of Christ hee beares,
looke on that, and love it best and all the rest for that, I pray for'
l 1 2

516 APPENDIX.
thee, and him, doe soe for me. ' My service and deere affections to
the generall, an generalesse, I heere she is very kind to thee, it adds
to all other obligations. My love to all, I am thy deere father
Octob. 25, oliver cromwell. "
1646, The Superscription.
London. For hys beloved daughter Bridget Ireton at Corn-
bury, the Genls quarters, theise.
This is a true copy taken Septemb. 14, 1759, from Harl. Mss.
No. 6988.
For the Honorable Will™ Lenthalrf Esq; Speaker of the Parlia
ment. Theise.
sr.
I beseech you upon that scoare of favor (if I be not too bould to
call it friendship) which I have ever had from you, lett me desier
you to promote my partners humble suite to the house, and obtaine
(as farr as possiblye you may) some just satisfaction for him, I know
his sufferinges for the publick have beene great, besides the losse of
his callinge by his attendance heere : His affections haue beene true,
and constant, and I beleive his decay great in his estate, it wil be
justice and charitye to him, and I shall acknowledge itt as a fauor
to Your most humble servant
July 10, o. cromwell.
1649.
This is exactly copied from the original in Harl. Mss. 6988. Sept.
13, 1759. To Colonel Hacker. (Wrote in another hand.)
SR.
I have the best consideratipn I can for the praesent in this busi
nesse, and although I beleiue capt. Hubbert is a werthy man, and
heere soe much, yett as the case stands, I cannott with satisfaction
to my selfe, and some others revoake the commission I had given to
capt. Empson, waout offence to them, and reflection upon my owne
judgment, I pray lett capt. Hubbert knowe, I shall not be unminde-
full of him, and that noe disrespect is intended to him. But indeed
I was not satisfied with your last speech to mee about Empson, that
hee was a better prsecher then a fighter or souldier, or words to
that effect. Truly I thinke hee that prayes & prseches best will
fight best, I know nothing will giue like courage and confidence as
the knowledge of God in Christ will, and I bless God to see any in
this armye able and willinge to impart the knowledge they have for
the good of others. And I expect itt be encoraged by all cheife
officers in this armye especially, and I hepe ypu will dp soe. I
pray receave capt. Empson lovinglye, I dare assure you hee is a
good man and a good officer, I woud wee had noe worse. I rest
Your louinge freind
Dec. 25, 1650. o. cromwell.
An exact copy from Harl. Mss. No. 5. 7502. 18 Sept. 1759.

APPENDIX. 517
MY DEEREST,
I could not satisfie my selfe to omitt this poast, although I have
not much to write, yet indeed I love to write to my deere whoe is
Very much in my heart, it joyes mee to heere thy souk prospereth,
the Lord increase his favors to thee more and more. The great
good thy souk can wish is that the Lord lift upon thee, the light of
his countenance which is better then life. The Lord blesse all thy
good councell and example to those about thee, and heere all thy
prayers, and accept thee alwayes. I am glad to heere thy sonn and
daughter are with thee. I hope thou wilt have some good oportu-
nitye of good advise to him. Present my duty to my mother, my
love to all the familye. Still pray for thine o. cromwell.
Edinburgh 3d of May, 1651.
Exactly copied from the original in Harl. Mss. 7502. No. 6.
Sept. 19, 1759. Bibliothecse Sloaniana?, Mice. 345. pag. 126.
SR.
I desire you to send mee the resons of the Scotts to inforce ther*
desier of uniformity in religion expressed in ther * 8 article, I mean
that which I had before of you, I would peruse itt against wee fall
upon that debate which wil be speedily. Yours ol. cromwell.
To his loving friend Mr. Willingham, att
his house in Swithins Lane.
* Whether the last letter is an e or r I am not certain, the rest is
exactly copied. Sept. 22, 1759.
In the possession of James Lamb, Esq; of Fairford,
in Gloucestershire.
For ye Honoble the Committee for the army these.
GENTL,
It was not a little wonder to me to see that you should send Mr.
Symonds so great a journey about a business importinge so little as
far as it relates to me, when as if my poore opinion may not be
rejected by you, I have to offer to that w* I thinke the most noble
end, to witt the comemoracon of that great mercie att Dunbar, &
the gratuitie to the army, wch might better be expressed upon the
meddal by engraving as on the one side the parliam' wch I heare
was intended & will do singularly well, so on the other side an army
wth this inscription over the head of it, The Lord of Hosts, wch was
or word that day ; wherefore if I may begg it as a favor from you I
most earnestly beseech you if I may doe it wchout offence that it
may be soe, & if you thinke not fitt to have it as I offer, you may
alter it as you see cause, only I doe thinke I may truely say it wil
be verie thankfully acknowledged by me, if you will spare the hav
ing my effigies in it.
The gentlemans paynes & trouble hither have been verie great,
& I shall make it my second suite unto you that ypu will please to

518 APPENDIX.
conferr upon him that imploymc in yor service wn Nicholas Briott
had before him, indeed the man is ingenious & worthie of incou-
ragem1. I may not presume much, but if at my request & for my
sake he may obteyne this favor, I shall putt it upon the accpmpt pf
my pbligacpns wch are npt a few, & I hppe shal be fbund readie
gratefully tp acknpwkdge & tp approve myself,
Gentl.
Edinburgh, 4th Ypr mpst reall serv1,
of Feb. 1650. o. cromweli&.
An oval medal in silver of general Cromwell in profile, was struck,
in commemoration of the victory at Dunbar, as it is thought, by
- his own appointment; being the first drawn for him from the life,
by Simon ; and is remarkable for his likeness when lieutenant-
general; as it does appear, by comparing it with a picture drawn
of him by Walker, his painter, about that time. The profile of this
medal, differing in some respects from a medal copied by Simon
also from a curious limning drawn by Samuel Copper ; the eriginal
whereof is preserved in the collection of the duke of Devonshire. —
But these are frequently seen in silver, and sometimes in gold ;
and when fairly struck, and well preserved, do great honour to the
ingenious artist who engraved these curious and memorable medals.
— See Medals, great seals, impressions, from the elaborate works of
Thpmas Simon, chief engraver of the mint to King Charles I. to the
Commonwealth, the Lord Protector Cromwell, and in the reign of
King Charles II. to 1665. By George Vertue. 4to 1753. p. 13.
In the possessien pf the Rev. Dr. Birch.
Cppy of Oliver Cromwell's Letter to Mr. Cotton, Octob. 2, 1651.
WORTHY SIR AND MY CHRISTIAN FRIEND,
I receaved yours a few dayes sithence, it was welcome to mee,
because signed by you, whome I love and honour in the Lord.
But more to see some of the same grounds pf our actinges stirringe
in you, that have in us to quiet us in our worke, and support us
therein, which hath had greatest difficultye in our engagement with
Scotland, by reason wee have had to doe with some, whoe were
(I verily thinke) godly, but through weaknesse and the subtiltie of
Sathan, involved in interest against the Lord, and his people. With
what tendernesse wee have proceeded with such, and that in syn-
ceritie, our papers (which I suppose you have seen) will in part
manifest, and I give you some comfortable ***** * assurance
oft'. The Lord hath marvelously appeared even against them. And
now againe when all the power was devolved into the Scotish Kinge,
and the malignant partie, they invadinge England, the Lord rayned
upon them such snares as the enclosed will shew, only the narrative
is short in this, that of their whole armie when the narrative wag
framed, not five of their whole armie returned. Surely Sr. the
Lord is greatly to bee feared, as to be praised. Wee need your prayers
in this as much as ever, how shall wee behave ourselves after such
mercyes ? What ii the Lord a doeinge ? What prophesies are now

APPENDIX. 519
fulfillinge ? Who is a God like ours ? To knowe his will, to doe his
will are both of him.
I tooke this libertye from businesse tp salute ypu thus in a wprd,
• truly I am ready tp serve ypu, and the rest of our brethren and
the churches with you, I am a poor weake creature, and not worthy
the name of a worme, yet accepted to serve the Lord and his peo
ple ; indeed my dear friend between you and mee you know not
mee, my weaknesses, my inordinate passions, my unskilfulnesse,
and every way nnfitnesse to my worke, yett, yett, the Lord who
will have mercye on whom hee will, does as you see. Pray for
mee, salute all christian friends though unknown. I rest
Oct. 2, 1651. Your affectionate friend to serve you,
For my esteemed friend Mr. Cotton o. cromwell.
pastor to the church at Boston in New
England. Theise.
Copy of a Letter to L. General Fleetwood (who married Bridget,
eldest daughter of O. Cromwell, and widow of General Ireton,)
in the possession of Mrs. Cook of Newington in Middlesex, grand
daughter of that General.
DEERE CHARLES,
Although I doe not soe often (as is desired by me) acquaint
ypu howe itt is with mee, yett I doubt not of your prayers in my
behalfe that in all thinges I may walke as becometh the Gospetl.
Truly I never more needed all helps from my christian friends than
nowe, fayue would I have my service accepted of the Saincts (if
the Lord will) but it is not soe, beinge of different judgments, and
of each sort, most seekinge to propagate their owne, that spirit of
kindnesse that is to them all, is hardly accepted of any. I hope I
can say it my life has beene a willinge a sacrifice and I hope is, for
them all. Yett it much falls out as when the two Hebrews were
rebuked, you know upon whom they turned their displeasure ; but
the Lord is wise, and will I trust make manifest that I am no ene-
mie, Oh how easy is mercye to bee abused. Perswade friends with
you to be very sober. If the day of the Lord be so neere (as some
say) how should our moderation appeare. If every one (instead
of contending) would justifie his forme by love and meeknesse, wis
dom would be justified of her children, but alas I am in my tenta
tion ready to say, Oh would I had winges like a dove, then would I,
&c. but this I feare is my hast. I blesse the Lord I have somewhat
keepes me alive some sparkes of the light of his countenance, and
some synceritye above mans judgment, excuse me thus unbowellinge
my selfe to you, pray for mee and desire my freindes te doe soe
also, my love to thy deere wife whom indeed vI entyerly love, both
naturally, and upon the best account, and my blessinge (if it be
worth any thinge) upon thy little babe. Sr. George Ascough hav
inge occasions with you desired my letters to you on his behalfe ;
if hee come or send, I pray you shew him what favour you can.
Indeed his services have been considerable for the state, and I doubt
hee hath not been answered with suitable respect. Therefore again I

520 APPENDIX.
desier you, and the commissioners to take him into a very particular
care & helpe him soe farr as iustice and reason will any wayes afford.
Remember my harty affections to all the officers. The Lord
blesse you all, Soe prayeth
August 22th, Your truly lovinge father,
1653. o. CROMWELL.
All heere love you, and are in
health, your children and all.
The following* was taken from the impression from a copper plate
gilt, found in a leaden canister, lying on the breast of the c'orpse,
when the grave and coffin of Oliver Cromwell were broke open
by order of the government after the Restoration, in order to have
his body hanged up at Tyburn.
The plate and canister were preserved by serjeant Norfolk, then
serjeant at arms to the house of commons, who left it to his only
daughter and child Mary, who married Hope Giflbrd, Esq; J. C.
at Cplchester, whpse pnly daughter and child Mary, married Sir
Anthony^Abdy of Felix-Hall, Essex, near Kelvedon, Bart, who
left it to his third wife, by whose permission Dr. Mortimer, S. R.
Seer, obtained the impression from the original plate in the year
' Oliverius Protector Reipublicae Angliae, Scotiae,,et Hiberniae,
Natus 25° Aprilis Anno 1599°, Inaugurates 16° Decembris 1653,
Mortuus 30" Septembris Anno 1658°, hie situs est/
Jan. 30. O. S. " The odious carcasses of O. Cromwell, H. Ireton,
and J. Bradshaw drawn upon sledges to Tyburn, and being pulled
out of their coffihs, there hanged at the several angles of that triple
tree till sun set. Then taken down, beheaded, and their loath
some truncks thrown into a deep hole under the gallowes. Their
heads were afterwards set upon poles on the top of Westminster-
Hall.' Gesta Britannorum, at the end of Wharton's Almanack
for 1663.
The mason's receipt for taking up the corpse ; from a copy under
Dr. Cromwell Mortimer's hand, taken from the original receipt.
' May the 4th day, 1661, Rec° then in full of the worshipful
serjeant Nbrfolke, fiveteen shillinges, for taking up the corpes of
Cromell, & Ierton & Brasaw. ' Rec. by mee John Lewis/
* Communicated by Nicolas Munckley, of Lincoln's Inn, Esq.

END OF VOL. III.

G. Woodfall, Printer,
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