18 ^^a

Religion in politics :

SERMON

PREACHED IN

THE REFORMED DUTCH CHURCH,
OF
HUDSON, N. Y., JULY 6,
AND
S&epeatett 6s a&equest Sulg 13.
BY DAVID D. DEMAKEST,
PASTOR OF THE CBJTRCH.

HUDSON:
ALEX. N. WEBB, PRINTER.
1856.

CORRESPONDENCE.

Hudson, July 14, 1856.
Bet. D. D. Demarest :
Dear Sir— The undersigned having listened with interest to your sermon delivered last even
ing on "The duties, perils and safeguards of mingling in politics," and deeming it eminently
calculated to do good, if read and pondered by every citizen, respectfully request a copy for pub
lication.

S. A. DUBOIS,
JAS. MULFOHD,
KOBT. McCLELLAN,
A. ROSS MAN,
P. A. BLANOHARD,
ROBT. B. SHEPAKD,
PETER VAN DEUSEN,
E. M. BEST,

EDWIN C. TERRY,'
•W. W. HANNAH,
A. R. HOLMES,
E. P. WATERBURY,
W. B. VAN VLECK,
JOHN VAN DEUSEN,
R. T. OROAT.

Hudson, July 15, 185B.
Gentlemen— Tn view of the reason given for your request for the publication of the sermon
delivered by me on the evening of July 13th, I feel that I have no right to withhold it. I have
taken the liberty to make some verbal changes, and also in a few instances to expand the
thought. But no sentiment has been introduced that was not in the sermon as delivered, nor
has any been omitted.

I am Yours respectfully,

Messrs. S. A. Dubois, James Mulford, R. McClellan and others.

DAVID D. DEMAREST.

SERMON.

LET YOUR LIGHT SO SHINE BEFORE MEN, THAT THEY MAY SEE YOUR GOOD
WORKS, AND GLORIFY YOUR FATHER WHICH IS IN HEAVEN.— Matt. /, 16.
In the sermon on the mount we have a complete body of prac
tical divinity. It contains the great and unchangeable princi
ples of morality, according to which God would have all men
to live. When these principles lire carried fully into practice
by men, and applied to all the changing relations and circum
stances of life, we have Christian character that may well be
called "the light of the world," or " a city set on an hill that
can not be hid." It is true that in this sermon the Savior warns
his disciples against doing anything to be seen of men, or that
their praise may be secured, and yet he teaches just as plainly
that if his law be practiced in its spirit, such good works will
be performed as must be seen by others, and thus God's great
name will be glorified. While, therefore, we may not do any
thing from a motive so unworthy as the desire of human praise,
we must yet do good works that can not be concealed from the
eyes of men, and do them in such a manner that not we, but
our Heavenly Father, may receive the praise.
The exhortation of our text covers the whole field of action.
In all that we do, in public or private, in the family, community
or church, in business, recreations or charities, we must let our
light shine, not dimly and uncertainly, but clearly and steadily,
so that men may distinctly see our good works.
It is not my intention at this time to deal abstractly with the
general principle here announced, or to select illustrations of it
from various departments of life, but what is perfectly legiti-

mate, to select one particular department, and consider the prin
ciple of its application to it. Deeply impressed as I am with
a sense of the great importance that Christianity should in this
Christian country be fairly represented in every political cam
paign, deeply affected as I have often been by witnessing how
Christian character has been marred and shorn of its influence
through the temptations of such campaigns, I feel that the pre
sent opportunity afforded by the wide-spread interest in political
affairs, is not to be neglected for making as far as in me lies a
faithful application of the principle of the text to what may be
called the political department of life. My position is a very
simple one. It is this: That every man is bound to carry gos
pel morality into his politics, to go just so far, to act and speak
in just such manner as the law of Christ prescribes, so that the
testimony of his conduct in this as well as all other departments
of life may be not to the blaspheming, but to the glorifying of
God. You will readily see that this position can be easily and
fully illustrated, without on the one hand advocating or on the
other battling against a single party, doctrine or measure. It
will be my aim to do this. If I fail to keep in the track marked
out in my mind, and shall seem to even the most sensitive and
suspicious person to tread on unlawful ground, let it be imputed
to a failure of judgment rather than a desire to gratify any
feeling of which I profess to be unconscious.
My remarks will be classified under the three heads of the
duty, the perils, and the safeguards of the citizen in political life.
I. As to the duty, we will perhaps be met at once with the
suggestion that it is best for a man to keep out of politics alto
gether. If this be so, we might as well save ourselves the
trouble of the proposed discussion. Happy, it will be said, is
the man who does not meddle himself at all with these matters,
but leaves them to others who have a taste for them. Happy
the man, who from his serene retreat, never sees the threaten
ing clouds in the political atmosphere, and never feels himself
called upon to sacrifice his own peace by mingling in scenes of
political strife. All this sounds plausibly, but you might just
as well go on and say: Happy is the man who is never disturbed
by the cares of business, or the wants of his family. Happy
he who is never troubled by sacrifices that he is called to make
for his children. Happy, in short, he who makes it his chief

aim to guard his selfish ease against all disturbing .influences.
The question yet remains, Is he fulfilling duty? Has he the
right, in order to secure his own selfish ease, to refuse manfully
to meet duty when it happens to be surrounded with much that
is unpleasant, or that sternly demands large sacrifices? The
question is not, whether a man is happy who keeps out of poli
tics, but whether he has a right to consult selfish comfort, which
he calls happiness, by doing so.
We are well aware of the common notion that politics is a
muddy, dirty, filthy pool, into which no man can go without be
coming defiled, and for reasons which need not be mentioned,
none are more emphatic in expressing this opinion than those
who have done the most of the wallowing in this pool. But
the truth is that the filth comes from the creatures, who defile
the waters, and not the waters them. They would make the
purest, sparkling mountain stream just as filthy.
If we rise from the common, contracted, and I may add, false
notion of politics, that it is a system of party manoeuvres, a
game in which these who are engaged look only for success by
means fair or foul, to its true idea as the science of government,
we shall find it a most important and ennobling study. The
true politician aims by the light of reason, of observation, and
of history, to ascertain what forms of government, and what
wise and wholesome laws will secure the greatest good to the
greatest number, and he labors for their establishment. What
a noble, what an exalted work, to attempt to solve a great part
of the problem of human happiness ! How can pollution be de
rived from it?
It is not possible for every one to enter upon the profound
study demanded by this science. But a simple glance at our
form of government, and the relation of every citizen to it, will
show that the power practically to apply the principles of poli
tical science, has been confided to all who enjoy the privileges
of citizenship. Every one has h,is duty to perform, and respon
sibility to bear, from which he may not shrink without incurring
guilt before God and man. If we lived under a purely demo
cratic form of government, and the citizens were required, as
in ancient Athens, to assemble in mass meeting for the enact
ment of laws, the responsibility of every one would be obvious.
But such is not our form of government, It is a representative

democracy. Eepresentation is an essential element in it. The
people rule by men to whom for a time they have delegated
their power. They have removed the immediate exercise of
power in making and administering the laws one step from
themselves, while they yet remain the source of power, and hold
their agents to a strict accountability. It is evident from this
view that the whole body of citizens is divided into the two
classes, not of rulers and the ruled, but of rulers for the time,
and the makers of these rulers, while all, the rulers inducted,
form the one class of the ruled.
If this view be correct, it may well be asked, Where is the
man who has the right to claim for himself the privilege of a
quiet, entire abstinence from mingling in political affairs, or on
what ground can he claim it? Is he to be found among the
rulers? Surely not, for according to our theory (I will say no
thing of our practice) they are selected on account of their fami
liarity with political affairs, their capacity and integrity, and
they are expected to be competent to guide the helm of the ship
of state. I may be allowed to say, that in many cases a still
greater knowledge of public affairs by these called to adminis
ter them, and integrity even ''more unbending than we com-1
monly see would be no disadvantage.
But of the thousands who by their votes appoint the rulers,
it will be said that there surely are some who may innocently
ignore this whole subject. Well, who shall they be? If this
privilege be allowed to me, it may to you, it may to your neigh
bor, it may to every body. If the responsibility rests on the
people in general to elect men to office who shall rule justly,
then it rests on you, on your neighbor, and on me. I see no
escape from this conclusion. Consider also the immense interests
often at stake, even the welfare of millions of people, peace at
home and abroad, the weal or wo of generations yet unborn;
and consider how possible it is for the most momentous question
to be decided by a single vote, and how can any man say that
there is no responsibility resting upon him, that others may
meddle with politics, but that he will for his part have nothing
to do with them?
Perhaps, some one will contend that certain classes may be
excused by their characters or callings from this business, and
be held guiltless if they leave it in the hands of others. Well,

what class shall it be ? Shall it be the ignorant or depraved ?
This we hardly ever hear contended for, though there are none
whom we could better afford to excuse. Shall it be good Christ
ian people ? Arc they to keep themselves pure by standing
aloof from these matters, and to prepare for heaven by showing
an utter disregard for earth ? I do not so understand the mean
ing of our Savior when he tells his'diseiples to let their light so
shine before men that they may see their good works. No ! He
would have his disciples exemplify his religion, not by retiring
from the world, but by illustrating its principles in the heat,
and din, and bustle of all lawful forms of earthly work. Besides
are their interests less, arc their knowledge and capacity less
than those of others ? Are they for any reason less trustworthy
than other men, or in a word does citizenship in heaven annul
citizenship upon the earth, with not only its privileges but its
duties and responsibilities ? Has it not been rather a cause of
reproach against good men that they have been lukewarm on
this subject and failed to act when action would have been most
effective? Have they not suffered political affairs to be managed
by a few professed and unprincipled party politicians, whom
they have followed whithersoever it pleased them to lead them?
I can not for my part see how the class of the Christian ministry
can shake off the solemn responsibilities of citizenship. Whence
their rightto relieve themselves of burdens thatpress upon others?
Whence the authority by which, others would grant them a dis
pensation ? How can they be patterns as good men if they are
indifferent citizens ? Some think it utterly out of character for
a minister even to go to the polls; to me it seems utterly out of
character for him to stay away, except for such reasons as would
justify any other citizen. Paul holds a man disqualified to be a
bishop if he rule not his own house well, and why should he not
also be disqualified if he shows no desire that government
should be well administered, or at least gives no proof of such
desire by his works ? You all accord to us the abstract right
to exercise the elective franchise if we are disposed to do it,
though many regard it as inexpedient. But, I for my part, ac
cept not that form of language. Is it not something more than
a right, even a solemn trust for which an account must be ren
dered to God ? Is it not a talent that no man can bury and be
guiltless ? Let it also be remembered that a man's spiritu-

8
ality, whether in the ministry or not, 4s never injured by a con
scientious discharge of any of the duties of secular life.
The conclusion then seems to be irresistible that it is not only
the right and privilege, but the duty of every citizen to bear his
share in the management of political affairs, to inform himself
in regard to them, and to act conscientiously according to his
light, so that wise and just rulers may be chosen, and wise and
just laws be established. The true motto is not " Principles not
men," but " principles and men ;" for if correct principles are
important, so are trustworthy men in order to carry them out.
II. The perils or temptations. These are very great, plausible
and insidious, and call for constant watchfulness.
1. There is a danger of giving politics an undue share of our
interest, or of becoming intemperately absorbed by them. This
danger surrounds all earthly objects and pursuits. Pure, prac
tical religion consists simply in the harmonious discharge of all
our duties. What belongs to the church, to the closet, to the
family, to the state, to business and to recreation, must all be
rendered in the exact measure due. When one is neglected
while undue attention is given to another, the harmony is broken.
Thus it is a duty to give ourselves to prayer, but a sin to be
always on our knees ; a duty to be diligent in business, a sin to
be so occupied with it as to forget the closet, church or family;
a duty to take needed recreation, a sin to make a business of
it, or to let it encroach on the times for devotion or lawful work.
Now who knows not that every one is constantly exposed to
the temptation of giving undue attention to that to which his
taste or passion leads him, and thus we see characters that are
marred and distorted, instead of presenting the beauty of
Christian symmetry.
The subject of politics seems to be completely surrounded by
this danger. How easy is it to find men absorbed by it, think
ing and talking of scarcely anything else, sacrificing means and
time and energies, as they would in no other cause, and giving
ground often for the opinion that they are fit candidates for a
lunatic asylum. In a presidential campaign this is most fre
quently seen, for it has a vast variety of elements to give inte
rest to it. A sort of fascination takes possession of the man
who accustoms himself to look over the whole field; to consider
all national, sectional, and local influences that are at work; to

enquire how this or that class of people will be likely to vote,
or how this or that event or movement will be likely to affect
the result. A fine opportunity is afforded for the calculation
of chances, and as the decisive day approaches, while all are
on the tiptoe of expectation, many are carried aawy by the
whirlwind of excitement. How is it even already? Enter on
a railroad car or steambpat, or meet a person from a distance,
and the first questions put to you are : What are the signs of
the times among you politically? What will your state do? And
this is only the beginning of what shall be.
We do not object, as we have already stated most emphati
cally, to a man's being interested in the subject, but we do object
to giving it more than its fair share of interest. When one is
carried away by it — when it is evidently uppermost in his
thoughts — when the house of God, and place of prayer, and the
business of life, and the claims of the family, are all made sub
ordinate, the man is not letting his light shine before men ac
cording to the exhortation of Christ. For it is ever to be insist
ed on, that even though the most momentous national interests
may be at stake, there are other infinitely higher interests
whose claims to supremacy are ever to be maintained.
2. There is danger of one's becoming a party man, and so
zealous for the victory of party that the question of right may
be lost sight of. Whether our modes of procedure could be so
amended that this temptation would be entirely removed, it is
not for me to say. I look at things as they are. Strength is
secured for carrying any measure or electing any man to office
by organization. The individual cooperates with the men with
whom he sympathizes. He consults and works with them,
until the interest so increases that he is in danger of forgetting
the original bond of union in the passion for victory. The suc
cess of the party swallows up every other consideration. Now
surely, I need not say to you, that no party has ever yet .been
formed perfectly pure, and in every particular right. And yet
how often have we seen men after theyhad identified themselves
with any party ready to justify its measures and tactics through
out. How hard is it to discern truth through the glasses of
party prejudice. How the aspects and bearings of measures
differ when contemplated by men of equally good judgment
from different party.positions. How the vices of public men are

10
apologized for, or exaggerated— their virtues magnified or de
preciated, according to the point from which they are viewed.
Of what bitterness and wrath, clamor and evil speakings, sepa
rations of chief friends, and lasting enmities, is party spirit the
prolific parent. Here then, there is a great danger, a most in
sidious danger to character, for .we can suffer nothing to obstruct
a clear vision of the truth without receiving damage to our
selves. And when the success of party becomes everything
with a man, no matter how honest he may be in his views, he
does not let his light so shine before men that they may see his
good works and glorify his Father in heaven.
3. Another great source of peril is found in the temptation to
exclude the code of Christian morals from the domain of politics.
Is not the maxim "All is fair in politics" acted on by very
many, and openly avowed by not a few ? Are not manifest de
partures from Christian morality sometimes apologized for by
the fact that they were caused by the temptations of political
life, and are we not exhorted to exercise unusual charity in such
cases? Is it not deemed fair and right to meet party oppo
nents with their own tactics, to fight them with their own wea
pons, to meet lie with, lie, slander with slander, bribery with
bribery? Is it not spoken of as a settled and undisputed thing,
that a man should be allowed a little larger license in politics
than he would claim in other matters, and that he must have it
in order to be an efficient and successful worker?
Against all this, in the name of our Blessed Master, I enter
a most solemn and earnest protest. He has laid down the law,
and wo to the man who shall grant himself a dispensation in
any particular. And yet if the state of things be such as we
have intimated, who can not see that a man who mingles in poli
tical affairs must fall into most powerful and ensnaring tempta
tions! How many, alas, have made a total shipwreck of cha
racter! How many who started with the purest and firmest de
terminations, have been proved too weak to resist the assaults
pressing on every sidel You probably all are familiar with
cases of men who have fallen, some from even a high Christian
position, by heeding the Jesuitical maxims and following the
Jesuitical practices of party-tacticians. There are many noble
exceptions of men who have passed through the temptations of
political life without receiving a spot on the moral or religious

11
character. I shall be excused for mentioning the name of one
whom I revere and love as a father. Hon. Theodore Freling-
huysen, at this time, President of the Rutgers College, to which
I may add the names of the Hon. Peter D. Vroom, Minister at
the Court of Berlin, and Hon. Daniel Haines, formerly Governor
of New Jersey. You will be able easily to extend the list.
Now what men like these have by the grace of God accom
plished every one else can do, and the idea therefore that suc
cess in political life demands a compromise of Christian charac
ter is utterly untenable and false.
Still we would not depreciate the perils and temptations of
political life. It is a most severe ordeal for a man to pass
through. It is in truth a fiery furnace, and the fire will prove
every man's work of what sort it is. If his piety be nothing
but dross it will speedily be burned, if he have the gold it will
be refined by the trial and come out shining more brightly than
before. Those who occupy permanent positions, office holders,
professed workers for party, committee men, office seekers,
letter-writers, and editors, are under temptations peculiarly
strong to forget the right. But even the quiet though inter
ested citizen will find the tempter coming into his retirement,
and ere he is aware will find himself profaning the Lord's day by
reading political papers, or by talking on the subject with his
neighbors, and perhaps will after a little adopt not the most
honest or honorable means to secure the success cf his party,
or, wink at and justify the adoption of such means by others. Of
the corruptions and abominations found in high places, I need
not go into details. They are proverbial. Many of you know
more about- them than I do. I would that we all know less.
None admit them more frankly than the men who have reached
the point of glorying in their shame. We have had develop
ments enough for years past to teach us that any man who
obtains a place in our national or state halls of legislation must
have by God's grace a firm determination to stand by the right
at all hazards or he will not hold fast to his integrity. Cowper's
words might well have been written to-day.
" But th' age of virtuous politics is past,
And we are deep in that of cold pretence.
Patriots are grown too shrewd to be sincere
And we too wise to trust them. He that takes
Deep in his soft credulity the stamp

12
Designed by loud declaimers on the part
Of liberty, themselves the slaves of lust,
Incurs derision for his easy faith
And lack of knowledge, and with cause enough :
For when was public virtue to be found
Where private was not 1"
Look also at the temptations that throng around a man who
enters actively into a political campaign. There are tempta
tions to make use of a lie to secure the defeat of a man, and to
repeat it, and print it and adhere to it, after it has been proved
to be such — temptations to take up every slanderous story, and
circulate it without enquiring into its foundation — temptations
to intemperance, and to lead others into intemperance — -tempta-
tions to profanity, to betting and gambling — temptations to
bribery by the buying of votes or rather of men— temptations to
take the sabbath for electioneering purposes, for meetings of
committees and for concocting plans of action — temptations to
sow discord and stir up envious and malicious feelings — tempta
tions to assume or throw aside the sacred garb of religion as
may best suit selfish ends — temptations in short to all immoral
ities and trickeries unbecoming to those who would be esteemed
just and honorable men, and the appearance of which should be
carefully avoided by those who profess to have a master who
hath said, " Let your light so shine before men that they may see
your good works and glorify your Father which is in heaven."
To such temptations a man makes himself particularly liable
when he adds to his general interest as a citizen, the personal
interest of an office-seeker. I tremble for any young man who,
tired of the honest occupation that secures him a livelihood,
enters the lists as a competitor for some snug office. Timely
defeat, in most cases, alone will save him. Success is usually
ruin. One term of office is generally sufficient to create in him
an utter distaste for ordinary work. The departure of power
from his party, leaves him like a piece of drift-wood on the beach,
waiting for the turn of the tide that shall carry it again on the
bosom of the swelling current. Often he waits in vain. He
endeavors to accommodate himself to the changes that take
place around him, and becomes a schemer, a watcher for the
loaves and fishes. He meets, perhaps, with those who are more
shrewd than himself, and who snatch away the prize which he
thought already grasped. He is despised by those who use

13
him as their tool. How much better if he had adhered to the
work to which Providence called him, and waited patiently
until others summoned him from it. Then would he have become
a man strong in himself and strong in the confidence of others.
The truth is, that no man has a right, nor should he be willing
to put himself in the position described. Office should seek the
man, not the man the office. He ought to be independent of it,
yet willing to take it and perform its duties when put upon him,
and he can consistently attend to it. When he occupies such a
position, he has an immense advantage. The peculiar tempta
tions to which we have alluded, are in a great measure shorn of
their power. He will be unwilling, as he ought, to lift one
finger to secure his election. If it be hinted or said that if he
would succeed, certain measures are necessary to be adopted,
certain moneys he must pay to meet necessary expenses, certain
kinds of work are to be done, which he only can do, he will
answer, see ye to those things, it is your business not mine, the
desire is on your part to elect me, not on mine to be elected, and
therefore I must leave you to do as well as you can. Perhaps
you will say that this course would, in the present state of
things, invariably secure defeat. Very likely — but the ultimate
result would be a change in the state of things. Defeat after
defeat would be well compensated for by the gradual strength
ening of manly, Christian principle, which would in the end gain
a victory worthy of commemoration.
III. The safeguards.
Time will not allow me to dwell as fully on these as I had
hoped to do. I regret this the less since all that need be said
can be comprehended in a few general directions. From what
was said in the first part of the discourse, you all know that I
have no faith in one's consulting safety by an entire withdrawal
from the field of political life. Every citizen has his duty to
his country to perform, and the specific form of the duty he must
find out for himself. Of many it is the duty to take arduous,
trying positions, and in which they shall be exposed to the hot-
est fires of temptation. Although we must on the one hand
never unnecessarily seek temptation, so on the other we must
never run from it when dutydeads our way directly into it. We
must not always consult safety by flying from temptation, but
very .often by resisting and overcoming it. "Blessed is the

14
man that endureth temptation." Temptations surround every
calling, and a decided shining Christian character is formed only
by frequent successful contests with the tempter. These root
and firmly establish principle.
The chief thing necessary is undoubtedly this, that in all our
conduct in reference to this subject, we bow with supreme re
verence to the law of God — that we submit our consciences to
the Christian code of morals in political as well as all other
matters. If we hide that law in our hearts our feet shall never
slide. Then shall we have earnest desires after the right and
courage to embrace it, whatever influences may press us to do
otherwise. Connected with this there must be a consciousness that God's
all-seeing eye is ever upon us. We must feel that to him dark
ness is as the light, and that every secret deed or counsel is
known to him altogether. This will lead to a salutary holy
jealousy — to watchfulness over heart, and tongue and hand,
and oft will the anxious agonizing prayer be offered. 0 Father!
hold thou me up, and I shall be safe.
We must also have faith in God as a supreme governor, and
who has an overruling power over all affairs. We must divest
ourselves utterly of the notion that success in any one political
campaign is every thing, and that all is to be sacrificed to it.
No matter what maybe the interests at stake there is something
more desirable than success, even to have a conscience void of
offence toward God and toward man. Success may be purchased
at entirely too great cost. All efforts made must be in strict
subordination to God's authority. And then if defeat come it
will be cheerfully borne. And with the firm conviction that He
will bring good out of what seems to us evil. In politics, as in
other things, do right, do duty always, and let God take care of
the consequences. If the desires of your heart in reference to
the election of men or adoption of measures should always be
disappointed, better have it so, than buy success at the cost
of a good conscience. The odds will still be in your favor, for
if you have God with you, you have every thing; if He be
against you, the most brilliant success is an irreparable loss.
But if you would at once and totally rout the tempter you must
choose your position, and intrench yourself under the shadow
of the cross. Be not driven from that strong hold, be not enticed

15
from it. Your victory will then be easy and sure. Think,
think always. On the most exciting day of the most exciting
campaign, think that the mark of Christ's blood is upon you,
and say to yourself, let me not crucify him afresh, let me not re
ceive a single polluting spot on the white robe with which he
has clothed me. Oh! that all who profess Christ's name would
give heed to this. Oh! that we were assured that they all
through the length and breadth of this land were determined in
the present campaign to carry out the principles we have advo
cated. How gloriously would they illustrate the Savior's pre
cepts. It would be worth more to his cause than seven years
of protracted meetings.
I have spoken these words of exhortation, because I feel that
they are called for, and I trust that they are timely. It is no
thing to me what a man's political sentiments are, and God
forbid that I should obtrude mine on other men, and if ever I
should prostitute this pulpit to that purpose, I charge you to
pronounce me unworthy to occupy it. But it is much to me,
and above all much to my Master, if the interests of his sacred
cause and the salvation of souls be put in jeopardy. The time
of danger is the time to sound the alarm. Is not the present
a time of danger to every one's spiritual interests? The perils
of which I have spoken, even now surround you, and will press
closer and closer. You may hold every possible shade of opi
nion, belong to various political organizations, but forget not
that there is One who will call you to account for every secret
as well as open thing. It matters not to me how you vote, but
I am deeply concerned that in political life you let your light
so shine before men, that they may see your good works. It is
matter of great concern to me whether the elders and deacons
who are with me, overseers of the house of God, and those who
at the sacramental table receive from my hands the emblems of
a Savior's love, and pledges of their consecration to him, except
from that consecration their conduct in political life. It is
matter of great concern to me if the world says of those who
should be living illustrations of the gospel that I preach, these
men pray well, and exhort well, and talk fair, and doubtless
are very good men, but when it comes to politics they are as
unscrupulous as others, they are as ready to make gain by pan
dering to base and corrupt passions as other men. Against

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this I would guard you. Be just Md fear not. Let conscience
speak. Remember that God's IsfV applies to the whole man —
that Christ's purchase covers' body and spirit, and that in the
great judgment your political conduct will not be ruled out as
irrelevant. God give us true wisdom, holy fear, tenderness of
conscience, and keep ns by His grace while in the world, yet
unspotted from the world until we reach His heavenly kingdom.
Amen.

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