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DIVINE GOVERNMENT AND UNITY OF PURPOSE.

A DISCOURSE
DELIVERED ON
St. George's Day, Sunday, April 23d, 1882,

"let mercy be our boast, and shame our only FEAB."*j
BV
The Rev. B. F. PeCOSTA, D.D.,
Minister in charge of the Anglo-American Free Church of St. George tlie Martyr.
NEW YORK CITY.

NEW YORK:
HENRY DAWSON, PRINTER, 23, 25 and 27 VANDEWATER STREET

1882. ••*>*

•5?

NOTE.
The following correspondence explains the publication of this Dis
course, delivered on St. George's Day, April 23d, 1882, in the Church of
St. John the Evangelist, New York City, where the Church of St. George
the Martyr worships, by invitation of the former Church, Prayers being
said, at stated times, for the Queen and the Royal Family.

& Morris Street, New York,
Mayl, 1882.

The Rev. B. F. DE COSTA, D.D.
Minister in charge of the Anglo-American Free Church of St. George the Martyr,
Reverend and Dear Sib,— The Anniversary of St. George's Day having fallen on
Sunday, 23d of April, it waB unanimously decided by tho President and officers of St.
George's Society of New York, and the Wardens and Vestry of the Anglo-American Free
Church of St. George the Martyr, to request you to deliver a Sermon on that occasion be
fore the members of the above Society. It now affords us much pleasure to tender y in
our sincere thanks for the eloquent and appropriate Discourse which you delivered in
response to our request.
We cannot but feel that the circulation of your Sermon will be productive of good in
many ways, and we take this opportunity of requesting you to favor us with a copy of the
same for publication.

F. W. J. HURST,
President of St. George's Society.
EDWARD HILL,
1st Vice-Pres. St. George's Society.
R. J. OORTIS,
2d Vice-President.
JOHN G. DALE,
Treasurer.
ALEXANDER E. TUCKER,
Secretary.

We are, dear Sir,
Yours faithfully, ROBERT WALLER,

JOHN MOULSON,

)¦ Wardens
)N, ) ]

E. M. ARCHIBALD,
EDWARD HILL,
R. D. PERRY,
BERKELEY MOSTYN,
H. A. BACKER,
P. C. GOSTENHOFER,
F. N. SAUNDERS,
SIDNEY P. SLATER. J

} Vestrymen.

REPLY.

20 West Twenty-fifth Street, New Yobk,
May 3, 1882.
Mr. F. W. J. HURST,
President of St. George's Society, New York,
Mr. ROBERT WALLER,
Senior Warden of the Anglo-American Free Church of St. George the Martyrf
And Others :
Gentlemen,— Your communication of May 1st, conveying such kind expressions
respecting the Sermon which was preached on St. George's Day, April 23d, and request
ing a copy for publication, is at hand.
I thank you very cordially for tlie honor you have done me, and shall take pleasure in
preparing a copy for the press.
I remain, Gentlemen, with great respect,
Very faithfully,
B. F. DeCOSTA,
Minister in charge of the A nglo- American Free Church
of St. George the Martyr.

PREFATORY ADDRESS.

As the representative of the Anglo-American Free Church of
St. George the Martyr, it gives me pleasure to welcome the mem
bers of St. George's Society of the city of New York, this being the
ninety-sixth anniversary of its organization. Not only the time, but
the place, suggests this recognition, since your Society is one con
secrated to acts of mercy, or, as you express it, a Society intended
to relieve "brethren in distress "—while this is the House of God.
As the years have rolled by, and time has told off well-nigh a hun
dred years, the objects for which St. George's Society was established
have been kept steadily in view, thousands of the sick and distressed
having received essential aid from its funds, and in many ways have
had their journey through life made brighter, reaching its end in
comfort and peace. Though making no particular religious profes
sion, St. George's Society has never failed to conduct its affairs in the
spirit of religion ; and hence no one will feel surprised to find upon
your roll the names of many well-known and faithful adherents of
the Church, both of the clergy and laity — in the list of the former
being the name of the venerable Bishop Moore, one of the founders,
who selected your motto,
"Let mercy be our boast, and Bharae our only fear."
Your records show that the chaplain elected in 1836 was the late
Dr. Francis Lister Hawks. In 1837, the Eev. Manton Eastburn, then
Rector of the Church of the Ascension, and afterwards Bishop oi
Massachusetts, was chaplain. The following year, when an act of
incorporation was obtained, Mr. Eastburn was named as one of the
incorporators. Another well-known name was that of the late Dr.
Francis Vinton. But above them all stands the name of Jonathan
Mayhew Wainright, formerly Bishop of New York, of whom this
church, where we are now assembled, is a Memorial. Well-known
clergymen, still living, have also been prominently identified with
the Society, which, in a sense, originated the Church of St. George
the Martyr, its organization having been suggested by one of your
chaplains — the Rev. Moses Marcus — the plan involving both a church
5

and a hospital. This movement, indeed, anticipated that in favor of
St. Luke's Hospital. The land having been secured, and a fund
contributed in England and America, the work was eventually trans
ferred to the projectors of St. Luke's, who, under the leadership of
the late Dr. Muhlenberg, enlarged upon the original idea, and estab
lished the beneficent institution that we now know as St. Luke's
Hospital. Still, but for the action taken by members of St. George's
Society, that noble hospital might to-day have been unbuilt. As it
remains, however, the Church of St. George the Martyr owns a wing
or ward, in St. Luke's Hospital, the result of the transfer of land
and moneys, which were devoted to carrying out the benevolent idea
of Dr. Muhlenberg. It is capable of containing twenty free beds.
The Annual Report of St. George's Society shows that during the year
past sixty-nine patients have enjoyed the advantages of treatment at
St. Luke's Hospital, on the account of the Church of St. George the
Martyr, which has its accredited representatives on the hospital
Board. This church was received into union with the Convention of the
Diocese of New York in 1845, and for nearly forty years has pursued
the line of duty to which it felt called. By invitation the church
now worships with the Church of St. John the Evangelist, its organi
zation being carefully preserved ; representing, not some unreal, in
tangible body, but, to a large extent, tlie membership of the venera
ble St. George's Society, together with many residents scattered in
various parts of the city, all of whom may have a' voice in the man^
agement of its affairs, and, as members of St. George's Society, share
in the disposition of its hospital endowments.
Once more, therefore, permit me to welcome the members of the
St. George's Society to this consecrated place. Time has shown
the usefulness, and the necessity of such a Society. Time, too, will
only add to the value and efficiency of its work. May the spirit of
brotherly kindness and charity which animates the Society continue ;
and, when its one hundredth anniversary arrives, may it be found
replenished with new life and energy, and ready to start afresh with
even larger hopes upon its appointed way.
Let us now, however, turn to consider the train of thought that
calls for particular consideration on this anniversary.

Psalm xxii : 28.
" For the kingdom is the Lord's, and He is the Governor
among the nations."
These words will remain true in every age. They will remain
true, whatever may be the particular condition of the world at any
given period ; whether the age is one of peace or war, of light or
darkness, of untroubled administration or of perplexity among the
nations. The acknowledgment that God is must be followed by
the confession that God reigns the Governor among the Nations.
This text contains elements, which, if properly employed, may
compose the differences among mankind. Indeed, these words of the
Psalmist contain a majestic declaration. A king himself, David
knew the force of his words when he spoke of the kingdom ; yet he
understood that the kingdom of God went outside of all ordinary
kingdoms, that what he sought to do as a monarch within his own
realm was done by the Supreme Ruler throughout the world at
large, there being one Governor and one government, and that all
nations and peoples were working to accomplish one general plan ;
and, therefore, that there was a unity of interest throughout the
world, all being common subjects of one King, no people being in
conflict with any other. This is why it has been said that the text
contains the elements needed for the accommodation of differences.
Substantially, it is a peace proposition — a prescription for the
healing of the nations. For if the kingdom is the Lord's, the ad
ministration must seek the good of all. It must have respect to the
welfare of the highest and the lowest, and embrace all.
One fallacy we have to contend with is a fallacy that we are will
ing to entertain, and in accordance with which we incline to think
that the welfare and the final destiny of particular nations in no way
stand connected with those of other nations; and that nations may
live altogether within themselves and still accomplish the highest
purpose for which they exist. To every such fallacy the words of the
Psalmist stand opposed. It is God, not man, who reigns; and the
7

kingdom of God has respect to a general plan, upon the accom
plishment of which the happiness of all depends ; thus forming a
community of interests, and requiring all nations and peoples who
regard their own welfare to work together for the common good.
There are certain combinations of certain discolored liquids which,
however long they may stand, will never settle and become clear ; but
which, when you drop in a particle of another chosen substance, will
at once enter into a new combination, becoming as clear and spark
ling as crystal. So with society. It will lose its murkiness, and
will clarify, only with the introduction of a certain element. That
element is a divine element. When men come to receive this — that
all are subject to the one Supreme Will — we shall realize that the
harmonizing power is at hand.
This thought, however, is a large one, and it will be impossible
for us to enter upon its study this morning. Under the circum
stances, it may be better to take the general government of God as
granted ; to recognize, as we certainly may, that, in administering
this government among the nations, He intends to accomplish cer
tain ends. Thus we shall be the more ready to act in accomplishing
our particular part in connection with the great plan. Yet only so far
as our text stands connected with this thought, will it be urged this
morning ; but so far, at least, it may be applied to this congregation
here present, and to those whom it represents, for you certainly
anticipate the meaning where it has been said that certain peoples
have a common purpose in their existence, and you readily under
stand that I refer to England and America, in claiming that par
ticular nations are linked together for particular ends. What part
the two great English-speaking peoples are to take at last in the
general plan, it is impossible for us now to see; yet we must be
alive to the situation, and we must realize the importance of hearty
and intelligent co-operation between the English and the Americans.
being well assured that there can be no excuse for any in
difference. That God has a great work for the English-speaking race, few
persons are so hardy as to doubt. Pre-eminently, this race has a
mission ; for, by nature and training, its character is missionary. It
is a race that is " sent" — sent to promulgate various kinds of ideas ;

moral, religious, political, philosophical, financial. Of late years,
as you are well aware, the question has been debated with deep in
terest whether or not; originally, the English were of the Semitic
stock. But, whatever may have been their origin, one thing is very
evident, namely, that the habit of the English mind is similar to that
of the Phoenicians, who spoke a Semitic language. The Phoenicians,
at Tyre and Sidon, were the Englishmen of antiquity. They were
manufacturers, traders, explorers, and religionists. They controlled
the commerce and exchange of nearly all the ancient world, as the
Englishman does the modern. The Phoenicians had a peculiar geo
graphical position, which gave them great advantages. It is so with
the English. If you take a globe and a pair of dividers, and place
one point of the dividers on London, extending the other point to a
certain distance, and then describe a circle on the face of the globe,
you will find inside of that circle all the better portion of the earth.
Commercially, London is the centre of the globe, while towards this
point all roads converge. A people so situated, and at the same
time having such moral and intellectual endowments, must be des
tined to play an important part among the nations. Then, again,
look at what has already been achieved. Go, for instance, to the
east, and view the British Empire in India. See what has been
done in the face of difficulty. See what England has done in a
short time, and what Russia has failed to do in a long time.* Then
look to the rapidly rising empire in Australia, to the colonies in
Africa and in the islands of the sea. Consider the immense extent
of the Dominion of Canada, and, lastly, the United States, which are
the outgrowth of British enterprise. When we do this, and see the
English-speaking race multiplying and establishing its trade, re
ligion, and political ideas, one can but feel impressed by the vastness
of the work, and feel assured that such a people must have a special
mission. A study of the growth of society on the North American Conti
nent seems to indicate that, in the general plan, this country was
intended to be the home of an English-speaking people, though the

* During tbe last two hundred years, Bussia has acquired the control of only twelve
millions of tbe people of the East, while England, in one hundred years, has brought
under her sway no less than two hundred and fifty millions.

lo
English were not the first to obtain possession. An English expe
dition, commanded by Cabot, the Venetian, indeed reached North
America before Columbus ; yet, at that period, English enterprise
was well-nigh paralyzed by Spain, whose claims to the continent
were supported by the Pope. English colonial enterprise, therefore,
fell behind, while France advanced with rapid strides, and at one
time the region lying east of the Mississippi was well-nigh walled in
by the Spanish and French. Nevertheless, both were at last dispos
sessed by the English, whose advance was attended by many signal
exhibitions of what appears like a providential power ; and to
day, with a single trifling exception, the entire continent north of
Mexico, is governed by English ideas and laws.
Here the Anglo-American is to work out his mission; yet work
ing in entire sympathy with Englishmen in other parts of the world;
while this sympathy will be the deeper among the workers in pro
portion as we comprehend the true relations existing between the
Anglican and the Anglo-American, and in proportion as we accom
plish the practical assimilation of ideas. For we should remember
that we are not so far apart as some fancy. This is true even with
regard to our respective governments, a point on which many think
we are extremely dissimilar. There is, indeed, a difference in form.
We call one Monarchial and the other Republican. But what is the
Queen, beyond a permanent President, save that, in many respects,
she does not have the power of a President, and often not even that
•of a Cabinet officer, not being expected to make or unmake
very humble servants of the Crown. Her Ministers are responsible to
Parliament, in a sense, not acknowledged by the American Cabinet
in its relations to the Houses of Congress. It may be said of the
British Government, in a sense in which it cannot be said of the
American, that it is a government by and for the people. In Eng
land, when the Ministry no longer represents the Parliament, that
is, the people, it must resign ; but the Cabinet of the President of
the United States may continue to obstruct the wishes of the peo
ple and oppose, as they often have done for years, and in the
most haughty and dictatorial manner, the enlightened opinion of
the land. In Great Britain the voice of the people is no sooner
heard than obeyed. It is true that in England suffrage is more

restricted, but in this country sober and thoughtful men are fast
coming to the conclusion that we have made suffrage too general,
and that we hold the ballot cheap. The British Constitution has
never been written, but, as a practical, operative thing, its existence
is none the less real. Like the American Constitution, it is a growth.
The Constitution of George the Third is not the Constitution of to
day. If it had been, our own miglit never have been written ; while
it is not at all likely that there would have been any revolution.
Prior to the severance of this country from Great Britain, the best
minds saw that there was something like an identity of mission in
the future of the two peoples, and they were unwilling to take the
final step that led to the establishment of two governments. Even
after blood had began to flow, it was hoped to effect a reconciliation.
The writings of John Quincy Adams show that the independence
first aimed at by a class was simply a temporary independence, it
being supposed that, after the difficulties were adjusted, the two
countries might again become one. What the fathers contemplated
it remains for us, in no low, unworthy sense, to accomplish. This,
indeed, may be done in a sense far more beneficent than any of
which the fathers of the Republic dreamed. The constitutions of
both countries have experienced a wonderful growth, holding the
idea of liberty in a truer sense than ever before. The American now
sees that he could confidently entrust his happiness and welfare to
the protection of the British Constitution, and the Englishman is
prepared to estimate the written provisions of the American Consti
tution. Englishmen are everywhere joining with Americans in ap
preciating this instrument, it being the first written constitution that
human ingenuity devised, and they also share in the celebration of
our great national festivals, realizing that what is ours is theirs.*
A few days since, a writer in one of the daily papers, in mention
ing some of those terms upon which the Dominion of Canada might
be joined to the United States, objected to the celebration of the
Fourth of July, as standing in the way of union. Whether such a

* Mr. Gladstone says: "As tbe British Constitution is the most subtile organism
which has proceeded from progressive history, so the American Constitution is the most
wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by the brain and purpose of man."

union would prove beneficial, it is not our business to consider.
The subject is referred to here simply to gain an opportunity for
suggesting, that it is not very likely that such writers represent any
considerable portion of the best elements in the British mind. I
would fain believe that we are all advancing too rapidly towards
common ground for that. Though, for convenience, we may regard
ourselves as two distinct peoples, it is yearly becoming more and
more evident that both are devoted to certain common political
ideas; and as these ideas become more prominent, the means by
which many of them have been attained will assume a different
aspect in the minds of all. Thus, such an anniversary as that of the
Fourth of July will come to be regarded as a common festival on
both sides of the sea. Already, in widely separated lands, that anni
versary finds a recognition; and why? Simply because the act which
it celebrates was not an act performed for one, but for all peoples.
The Declaration of Independence must bring blessings to nations yet
unborn. In time, it will be regarded with the same reverence with
which we now think of Magna Charla, as wrenched from King John
by the bold Barons. The independence of these United States does
not stand in the way of union between the two nations. American
independence meant British independence, and such it has proved,
its accomplishment having made the rights of all men everywhere
more secure. The steps by which it was secured, the battles and
sieges, the many desperate encounters on land and sea, the victories
and defeats, will alike sink back into their proper proportions in the
face of the great political results accomplished. Sometimes, during
the war for independence, one side was victorious, and sometimes
the other. But this is the instructive fact for us, that the battle of
which Americans have always, perhaps, been the most proud, was
the battle in which they were overwhelmingly defeated and driven in
wild disorder from the field; yet the battle of Bunker Hill proved to
the defeated party that they possessed those elements of character
which justified their independence, and formed a pledge of their
capacity to achieve it. Otherwise, that unsuccessful battle brought
them face to face with the real issue. The mere defeat was what
philosophers would call the " accident" ; the "essential" was found
in the fully-developed consciousness of their own power and their

»3
grasp upon principles. The Americans could afford such a defeat,
just as the subsequent defeat of the king's troops was the precise
thing they needed to establish the principles of British liberty. The
results of such engagements as those at Yorktown and Saratoga were
equally in favor of both sides, and the time must come, in the pro
gress of ideas, when those results will have no party significance.
The Revolution was a contest, not between Englishmen and a foreign
power, but between Englishmen and Englishmen; so that whatever
glory may be attached to any particular contest will come, in time,
to appear not the possession of one, but the common inheritance of
all. Let us emphasize the fact that the struggle for Independence
was not a foreign enterprise, but a civil war; a war carried on by men
of the same stock, a war that even divided families, and engaged in
contest generals and private soldiers who, not long before, had
fought under the same flag for the Crown. If any one questions this
view, that, in time, both the English and Americans will take a com
mon pride in the conduct of those struggles, independently of the
immediate result, which made some appear like victories and others
like defeats, I beg you to consider what has already transpired in
British history; for how few men there are who, when they think of
the superb valor displayed on British ground— say at Marston Moor,
where the regiments of Cromwell were hurled with such irresistible
fury upon the foe — now trouble themselves with regard to the fact
that the immediate victory was for the Parliament instead of the
Crown. It was a victory for civil liberty, and men who have any of
the juice of youth left in them, or true British admiration for cour
age, are now as proud of the valor displayed at Marston Moor as of
the heroism at Balaklava and the charge of the Light Brigade. For
a time, Cromwell was hated by his opponents, for there was just
cause for the most aggravated feeling upon the part of the friends of
the martyred king, and the bones of Cromwell were thrust out of
the Abbey when the RoyaLFamily regained its rightful place. But
it is, perhaps, not too much to say that, to-day, there is scarcely a
prominent defender of the Crown who does not regret that act, and
who does not see the advancement of England's glory in the splen
did reign of the Lord Protector. Time brings a revision of all
ideas, and, at last, battles and events, which once were a source of

H
mortification, are seen to have a providential bearing, and become a
source of national gratification equally with Agincourt and Water
loo. Now, however slow we may appear to believe it, this same
result will at last be brought about in connection with those strug
gles which took place between the two parties of Englishmen in this
country. We are going to realize, more and more, with the passage
of time, that the Revolution was a struggle, as we have said, between
Englishmen and Englishmen. We shall realize, too, more distinctly,
the difference between an Englishman and a British subject. With
sufficient time, many things may do for "subjects," but for an Eng
lishman we need language and ideas, and certain blood and brain.
These things, however, can easily grow in any portion of the
United Kingdom; on the island of St. Helena; in any place where
the Cross of St. George flies; on the banks of the Thames and the
Ganges. Then why not on the banks of the Hudson ? One's birth
place is the accident; character is the essential. Hence, in time, we
shall break down lines created by birth, and look for the English
man in the individual who carries the English blood in his veins
and English thought in his life. That is, the sentiment of the
human brotherhood is to be more fully developed, and thus, men
who owe a separate allegiance, are to be welded into one, taking a
common interest in all that belongs to the English-speaking race.
That such a result must at last come, is indicated by our text. The
kingdom may, indeed, appear to belong to this King or that Queen,
or to a certain President; yet these different rulers are simply the
appointed agents of the great King; for the kingdom is the Lord's,
and He is the Governor among the nations. The English and
American people simply form a part of one grand family. They are
two peoples, intended to work for a similar purpose. The different
lines will at last converge in one. The main thing, therefore, to be
done, is to recognize the facts and seek to do our duty, under the
circumstances, laboring, by all the means in our power, to secure
the practical co-operation of the two great peoples in their common
work. The encouragements to enter upon this course are numerous,
as we have many things that naturally tend to bring us together.
First of all, there is the Church, which is a mighty power in the
Old Country, though now undeveloped in this land, where, as a sis-

'5
ter Church, her future mission will be to unite the jarring denomina
tions in one compact body.
We have, likewise, a common literature, for America shares in
all the glories of England's genius and learning, claiming a common
inheritance in the works of Shakespeare, Milton, and other imper
ishable names, even affording a larger field for some British authors
than they find at home.
We also enjoy the common use and freedom of the Press, whose
enterprise in this country is second to none, while its influence is
correspondingly great. Our educational institutions, likewise, are
being developed along parallel lines with almost equal success.
We appeal to the same system of common law, and have before
us, substantially, the same political end, which is that of constitu
tional self-government.
The commercial connections of the two countries are daily be
coming more intimate and extensive; and, in time, all will agree in
the application of those principles which underlie a division of
labor among both individuals and nations.
Here are lines on which we can and must work together; but
this is not all. There must be that particular co-operation on the
part of the two nations that will enable them, at any time, to combine
their- influence upon any given point, making themselves felt more
and more as one great power. To this end, may we not encourage
the principle of arbitration and the peaceful adjudication of those
irritating questions which so often lead to strife? No people occupy
such an advanced position as the English-speaking people, and who
may do so much to bring in the era when the nations shall not learn
war any more.
But, as indicated, we are a trading people. Hence the necessity
of reciprocity between the two countries, including international
copyright, and the removal of all needless restrictions from commerce;
for there is a kind of protection which does not protect, and which,
while assuming to keep our money in, really keeps the money and
prosperity out. Let us level all Chinese walls. Especially must
we cultivate friendly personal relations, and seek to slay the
dragons of envy, jealousy, malice, and all uncharitableness, en
deavoring to carry into all our affairs the kindly, sympathetic feeling

i6
of the Queen, as shown towards this country and towards the af
flicted, but brave, unfaltering woman, lately so prominent; for Eng
land's Queen can never cease to be the example to which all must
point when we desire to cite a shining example of the motherly and
sisterly nature enshrined amid the clustering beauties of a Royal
Crown. In Victoria we see the noble woman, as well as the pattern
Queen. We know full well how perfectly she understands the dis
tinction, and how well she recognizes the time and occasion to lay
aside the formality of State, and speak directly from the heart.
Her language was brief, but her few words were sufficient.
They transformed the cold wire running along the bottom
of the sea into a living, throbbing,, human nerve, connecting heart
with heart, and binding the people of America, for all time, to both
the Woman and the Queen. Let that spirit, I repeat, be carried into
our international relations, making us all one — one in our aims; one
in our policy; one in our religion and literature; one in our influ
ence upon the world; and one in the exposition of the highest type
of Christian civilization. Acting thus, though there may be two
nations, there will be only one aspiration, in the expression of
which all will be able to employ the language of that noble poet
who has but lately gone to his rest, mourned alike by the two
nations : " Thou, too, sail on, O ship of State !
Sail on, O Union, strong and great !
We know what master laid thy keel,
What workman wrought thy ribs of steel ;
What anvils rang, what hammers beat,
In what a forge and what a heat
Were forged the anchors of thy hope !
Sail on ! nor fear to breast the sea ;
Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee.
Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears,
Our faith triumphant o'er our fears,
Are all with thee ! Are all with thee I "

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