cyrr

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY Bequest of
Rev. T. Lawrason Riggs,
Yale 1910

rtlAKiL.E^ Jlo

THE

•• "I I STO RY

OF

nw^ton miomt IMnhtt

VOL. IV.
STUART TIMES.
ILLUSTRATED WITH COPPER PLATES, ETCHINGS, ENGRAVINGS, ETC.
BY
BARRISTER-AT-LAW,
Author of the "Historical Catalogue of the Pictures of Hampton Court ; "
"A New Guide to Hampton Court," &'c.

GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
1885.

CHAPTER XII.

CHARLES I. S ESCAPE FROM HAMPTON COURT.

Charles Intrigues to Escape — Further Rumours of Designs against his Life —
Ashburnham and Berkeley privately admitted to the Palace — The Plan of
Escape settled with Charles — Ominous Letter from Cromwell — The King retires
to his Private Chamber — His Flight from the Palace — Drops a Rare Tract —
Thomason's Marvellous Bibliographic Collection — ^Anxiety of Colonel Whalley —
Why is the King so long coming out ? — The Door of King Charles's Room
broken open — The King gone ! — Documents found in his Room — Letter to
Colonel Whalley — His Solicitude for his Works of Art — His Incapacity for
appreciating his Real Position — Consternation in the Palace — Excitement in the
Army — Cromwell rides over to Hampton Court — Writes to the Speaker of the
House of Commons — Charles's Letters to the Parliamentary Commissioners,
and to the Parliament — The Detention of the King ordered — Colonel Whalley's
Account of the King's Flight — The King arrested in the Isle of Wight — Royalist
Rising near Hampton Court — Strange Discovery of Skeletons in the Palace.
iFTER the events narrated in our last chapter,
things went on at Hampton Court much as
before, except that Charles, having now relieved
himself from the obligation of his pledged
word, immediately set about scheming how he
should effect his escape. He sent Mr. Legge, who was
now the only one of his old attendants still permitted to
remain with him, to see and confer with Ashburnham, who
lingered in the neighbourhood, and who himself afterwards
entered into communications with Sir John Berkeley on the

144 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
subject. The result of their discussions was that a meeting
between them and the King was arranged to take place one
evening in the Long Gallery, to which Ashburnham and
Berkeley were to gain access secretly.
In the meanwhile the rumours as to the peril he incurred
in remaining at Hampton Court ^ grew so persistent that all
hesitation in Charles's mind as to the wisdom of the step he
was about to take was dissipated ere the time for adopting a
final resolution arrived. Indeed, on the morning of the very
day when the meeting was to take place, he received an
anonymous letter signed only with the initials E. R., warn
ing him against a design formed by the agitators to take
away his life.
This was on the loth of November,'' on the afternoon of
which day Berkeley and Ashburnham were let in through
the back way by Colonel Legge, and ushered into the King's
presence. Ashburnham, who was the chief spirit in the enterprise,
began by assuring his Majesty that he was ready to obey
him in everything, but still he " did most humbly beg of
him that he would be pleased to say whether really and in
very deed he was afraid of his life in that place, for his going
from thence seemed to them an occasion of a very great
change in his affairs." His Majesty "protested to God,
that he had great cause to apprehend some attempt upon his
person, and did expect every hour when it should bee." '
Ashburnham replied that " it did not then become them
to make any further inquiry, but to apply themselves to the
discharge of their duties, and therefore if his Majesty would
be pleased to say whither he would go, they would carry
him thither, or lose themselves in the endeavour of it." The
' Ashburnham's Narrative, vol. ii., p. m.
^ Berkeley's Memoirs, vol. ii., p. cbciv.
' Ashburnham's Narrative, vol. ii., p. m.

1647] Rumoured Designs against the King's Life. 145
King then told them that " he had some thoughts of going
out of the kingdom, but for the shortness of the time to pre
pare a vessel to transport him, and for the other reasons
Ashburnham had sent him by Major Legge, he was resolved
to go to the Isle of Wight."
The details of the plan were then settled, and Ashburn
ham and Berkeley withdrew to prepare for their execution
on the following day.
Next morning being a Thursday, which was one of the
days on which Charles wrote his letters abroad, he remained
most of the day occupied in his own room. He granted an
audience, however, to Colonel Whalley, who asked to see him
in order to show him the following remarkable letter from
Oliver Cromwell ^ : —
For my beloved cousin Colonel Whalley, at Hampton Court,
These. Putney, November, 1647.
Dear Cos. Whalley,
There are rumours abroad of some intended attempt on his
Majesty's person. Therefore I pray have a care of your guards.
If any such thing should be done, it would be accounted a most
horrid act. . . . Yours,
Oliver Cromwell.
This letter is especially interesting as lending some
colour to the accusations brought against Cromwell, that
not only was he aware that the King was meditating an
escape and took no steps to prevent it, but that he was even
fostering it by retailing the alarming rumours current —
if indeed he had not himself set them afloat for that very
purpose, and was, in effect, treacherously working for this
end in order to entrap and ruin him.
* Carlyle's Cromwell j Rushworth's Historical Collections, voL vii., p. 871.
L

146 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
After showing Cromwell's letter to Charles, Colonel
Whalley withdrew, and the King was left alone and undis
turbed to write his letters, it being a mail day, until five or
six o'clock. About that hour it was his custom to come out
from his bed-chamber to go to evening prayers ; and half an
hour after that to go to supper, when Colonel Whalley set
guards about his bed-chamber, as his Majesty usually retired
early. On the day in question, accordingly. Colonel Whalley
came as usual at about five o'clock into the anteroom next
to the King's bed-chamber, where he found the Parlia
mentary Commissioners and bed-chambermen assembled,
waiting for his Majesty. What then ensued had best be
told in Colonel Whalley's own words, extracted from his
report to the House of Commons : " I asked them," he
said, " for the King ; they told me he was writing letters in
his bed-chamber. I waited there without mistrust till six of
the clock ; I then began to doubt, and told the bed-chamber-
men, Mr. Maule and Mr. Murray, I wondered the King was
so long a- writing ; they told me he had (they thought) some
extraordinary occasion. Within half an hour after I went
into the next room to Mr. Oudart, and told him I marvelled
the King was so long a- writing. He answered, he wondered
too, but withal said, the King told him he was to write
letters both to the Queen and Princess of Orange, which
gave me some satisfaction for the present. But my fears
with the time increased, so that when it was seven of the
clock, I again told Mr. Maule I exceedingly wondered the
King was so long before he came out. He told me he was
writing, and I replied, possibly he might be ill, therefore I
thought he should do well to see, and to satisfy both myself
and the House, that were in fear of him. He replied, the
King had given him strict commands not to molest him,
therefore durst not, besides he had bolted the door to him.

1 647] Escape of King Charles from the Palace. 147
I was then extreme restless in my thoughts, lookt oft in at the
key-hole to see whether I could perceive his Majesty, but
could not; prest Mr. Maule to knock very oft, that I might
know whether his Majesty were there or not, but all to no
purpose. He still plainly told me he durst not disobey his
Majesty's commands."
While these discussions were going on outside the King's
room, the decisive step had already been taken some time ;
for as soon as the shades of the dark November evening
had fallen, King Charles left his chamber accompanied only
by Colonel Legge, and passing through the room called
" Paradise," went by the private passage to the river-side.^
Here he was met by Berkeley and Ashburnham, and in
their company probably crossed the river in a boat to the
Surrey side, where they all took horse, and proceeded in
the direction of Oatlands, and thence towards Southampton.
The evening was dark and stormy ; and as Charles was
going away, he dropped on the road, in the dirt, a book,
which he happened to have with him, and to which the
following curious history attaches. While Charles was
negotiating at this Palace with the officers of the army,
he wanted to refer to a certain rare tract which had been
published at an early period in the contest between the
King and Parliament. He accordingly requested his faith
ful attendants Colonel Legge and Mr. Arthur Trevor to
try and see if they could not procure it for him. After
applying at all the ordinary shops and booths where such
things were sold, they had recourse to a certain bookseller
named George Thomason, who as early as the year 1640
had conceived the idea of preserving every tract published
by either side, and who was at this time collecting them and
continued to do so until the year 1660, with the most extra
ordinary care and perseverance. He was obliged to work
' Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 92. See also post, p. 157.

148 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
out his design in secret, with the assistance of confidential
servants, as he was known, or suspected to be a Royalist,
and it was therefore dangerous for him to be housing
treasonable literature against the Roundheads. At first
they buried the volumes as they collected them, but the
tracts and pamphlets issued during that stirring time
amounted to at least thirty thousand pieces, and forming, as
they now stand in the British Museum, no less than two
thousand volumes, they soon became too numerous to be
concealed in this way. " The owner, dreading that the
ruling government would seize on the collection, watched
the movements of the army of the Commonwealth, and
carried this itinerant library in every opposite direction.
Many were its removals northward or westward, but the
danger became so great, and the collection so bulky, that
he had at one time an intention to pass them over into
Holland, but feared to trust his treasures to the waves.
He at length determined to place them in his warehouses
in the form of tables round the room, covered with canvas.
It is evident that the loyalty of the man had rendered him
a suspected person, for he was once dragged from his bed
and imprisoned for seven weeks, during which time, how
ever, the collection suffered no interruption, nor was the
secret betrayed." ^
To this man it was that the King's attendants, who
secretly heard of his wonderful bibliographical enterprise,
had recourse. In a memorandum that Thomason after
wards wrote in the very volume which he lent to the King,
he tells us that he assured them that whatever the King
wanted was at his Majesty's disposal, but that he was very
loth to part with "a limb of his collection," as it were,
which if it were lost it would be impossible to replace. This
answer they took back to the King at Hampton Court,
^ Disraeli's Amenities of Literature, vol. iii., p. 305.

1647] A precious little Tract. 149
whereupon they were ordered to go to him again, and tell
him upon the word of a King (to use the King's own
expression) that they would safely return it," whereupon he
immediately sent it to his Majesty. Perhaps it was on
account of his kingly pledge that Charles carried it with
him in his own hand when escaping from Hampton Court ;
at any rate, when he dropped it in the mud, he gave it in
charge to two of his attendants, with the most solemn
command, as they would answer for it another day,
speedily and safely to restore it to the owner, and at the
same time, in his name, to desire Thomason to go on with
the collection he had begun.
This injunction they scrupulously obeyed, and the precious
little quarto, thus sanctified in the eyes of all true Cava
liers, and still bearing "the honours of its mischance,"
in the deep stains of mud upon its leaves, is now safely
lodged, after many vicissitudes, with the rest of Thomason's
extraordinary and very valuable collection, on the shelves
of the British Museum. The volume in question is num
bered 100. It contains several tracts bound together, one
of which bears the significant title, " The Broken Heart,"
written by Shawe, a Puritan divine. The collection having
belonged to George III., is usually known by the name of
the " King's Tracts."
To resume our narrative. In the meanwhile Colonel
Whalley's anxiety as to the King increasing, he went at about
eight o'clock to Mr. Smithsby, Keeper of the Privy Lodg
ings, desiring him to go along with him the back way, through
the Privy Garden, to the Privy Stairs, where he had sentinels
stationed. To resume Whalley's narrative : " We went up
the stairs, and from chamber to chamber, till we came to the
next chamber to his Majesty's bed-chamber, where we saw
his Majesty's cloak lying on the midst of the floor, which
much amazed me. I went presently back to the Com-

I50 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
missioners and bed-chambermen, acquainting them with it,
and therefore desired Mr. Maule again to see whether
his Majesty was in his bed-chamber or not; he again
told me he durst not. I replied, that I would then com
mand him, and that in the name of the Parliament, and
therefore desired him to go along with me. He desired I
would speak to the Commissioners to go along with us.
I did. We all went. When we came into the room next
the King's bed-chamber, I moved Mr. Maule to go in.
He said he would not, except I would stand at the door.
I promised I would, and did. Mr. Maule immediately
came out, and said, the King was gone. We all then went
in, and one of the Commissioners said, ' It may be the
King is in his closet.' Mr. Maule presently replied and
said he was gone. I then, being in a passion, told Mr.
Maule, I thought he was accessory to his going ; for that
afternoon he was come from London, it being a rare thing
for him to be from Court. I know not that he hath been
two nights away since I came to wait upon his Majesty."
When there was no longer any doubt that the King
had fled, the greatest excitement prevailed throughout
the Palace, and Whalley at once sent parties of horse and
foot to search the lodge in the park and Ashburnham's
house at Ditton, while he forwarded despatches to Fairfax
and Cromwell at the headquarters at Putney, to apprise
them of what had happened.
On the King's table he found three letters — one ad
dressed to the Parliamentary Commissioners, one to be
communicated to both Houses of Parliament, and another
to himself, which was as follows :—
Hampton Court, 1 1 November, 1647.
Colonel Whaley,
I have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntingdon,
that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under

1647] The King's Escape becomes known. 151
my hand ; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie, by
your protecting of my household stuffe and moveables of all
sorts, which I leave behind me in this house, that they be neither
spoiled or embesled : only there are three pictures here which
are not mine, that I desire you to restore ; to wit, my wives
picture in blew, sitting in a chaire, you must send to Mistris
Kirke [one of the Queen's dressers] ; my eldest daughter's picture,
copied by Belcam, to the Countess of Anglesey, and my Lady
Stannop's picture to Cary Rawley [Carew Raleigh — Sir Walter's
son]. There is a fourth which I had almost forgot, it is the
original of my eldest daughter (it hangs in this Chamber over the
board next to the chimney), which you must send to Lady Au-
bigny. So, being confident that you wish my preservation and
restitution, I rest. Your friend,
Charles R.
P.S. — I assure you it was not the letter you shewed me to-day,
that made me take this resolution, nor any advertisement of that
kinde. But I confess that I am loath to be made a close prisoner,
under pretence of securing my life. I had almost forgot to desire
you to send the black grew bitch to the Duke of Richmond.
This letter, while showing how ready Charles was to
acknowledge any little attention or kindness, betrays at
the same time how constitutionally impossible it was for
him to understand facts, and to appreciate his real po
sition. It is almost pathetic to note the way in which he
writes of his much cherished works of art and articles de vertu
(under the designation " household stuffe and moveables "),
as if they were in truth still his, and as if he would shortly
re-enter into possession of them all again.
Everyone else, of course, appreciated the deep signi
ficance of the step Charles had chosen to take ; and the
excitement both in London and at the headquarters of
the army at Putney, when the news became known, was
very great. Among the chief officers of the army the

152 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
feeling was not unmingled with one of gratification that
things had at last been brought to a crisis. Cromwell,
immediately on receiving the intelligence, rode over post
haste to Hampton Court to learn the particulars for him
self; and, as soon as he had conferred with Whalley, sat
down and indited the following letter to the Speaker of the
House of Commons : —
Sir, .... Majesty .... withdrawn himself at nine o'clock.
The manner is variously reported ; and I will say of it at
present but that his Majesty was expected to supper, when the
Commissioners and Colonel Whalley missed him; upon which
they entered the room. They found his Majesty had left his cloak
behind him in the gallery in the private way. He passed, by the
backstairs and vault, towards the waterside.
He left some letters upon the table, in his withdrawing room, of
his own handwriting; whereof one was to the Commissioners of
Pari, attending him, to be communicated to both houses, and is
here enclosed. Oliver Cromwell.^
For the Honourable William Lenthall, Speaker of the
House of Commons, these.
Hampton Court, Twelve at Night,
iith Nov. 1647.
The tone in which Cromwell speaks of Charles's escape,
taken with the sending of the warning letter to WJialley,
confirms the suspicion that he was not unprepared for what
occurred, if, indeed, he had not connived at it and tried to
bring it about. Certain it is that the continued residence
of the King at Hampton Court had begun to grow very
embarrassing to him, and Marvell the poet, his friend and
panegyrist, actually commends him for his cleverness in
entrapping Charles into this injudicious act —
^ Rushworth, vol. vii., p. 871. See also Commons Journals, vol. v., p. 356.

1647] Letters to the Parliament. 153
And Hampton shows what part
He had of wiser art.
When, twining subtle fears with hope,
He wove a net of such a scope.
That Charles himself might chase
To Carisbrook's narrow case.
Charles's letter to the Parliamentary Commissioners was
addressed :
To THE Lord Mountague of Boughton.
MOUNTAGUE, First, I do hereby give you and the rest of your fellows
thanks, for the civilities and good conversations that I have had
from you.
Next, I command you to send this my message, which you will
find on the table, to the two Houses of Parliament ; and likewise to
give a copy of it to Colonel Whalley, to be sent to the General.
Likewise I desire you to send all my saddle horses to the Duke of
York. For what concerns the resolution that I have taken, my Declara
tory Message says so much, that I refer you to it ; and so I rest
Your assured friend,
C. R'
His Letter or Declaration to the Parliament, which
Cromwell enclosed to the Speaker, was a somewhat lengthy
and elaborate document, vindicating the step he was taking,
and expatiating on the position of affairs. As it has often
been printed in full, we now give but a few extracts here.
It began thus : —
Liberty being that which in all time hath been, but especially
now is the common Theame and Desire of all men; common
Reason shewes that Kings, lesse then any, should endure Cap
tivity ; and yet call God and the World to Witnesse, with what
^ Heath's Chronicle, p. 148 ; and Parliamentary History, vol. iii., p. 786.

154 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint : which, so long as I
had any hopes, that this sort of my suffering, might conduce to the
peace of my kingdomes, or the hindering of more effusion of blood,
I did willingly undergoe : but now finding by too certain proofes,
that this my continued Patience, would not only turne to my
Personall Ruine, but likewise bee of much more prejudice, then
furtherance, to the Publike good ; I thought I was bound, as well
by Naturall as Politicall Obligations to seek my safety, by retiring
my selfe, for some time, from the public view both of my Friends
and Enemies : And I appeale to all indifferent Men, to judge, if I
have not just cause, to free myselfe from the hands of those, who
change their Principles with their Condition, and who are not
ashamed openly to intend the Destruction of the Nobility, by
taking away their Negative voice ; and with whom the Levellers'
Doctrine, is rather countenanced then punished ; and as for their
intentions to my Person ; their changing, and putting more strict
Guards upon Me, with the discharging most of all those Servants
of mine, who formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon me,
does sufficiently declare : Nor would I have this my retirement
mis-interpreted ; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour
the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace, wherever I am, or
shall be.
Much more followed in the same strain, and it ended
thus : —
To conclude let Mee be heard with freedom, honour, and safelie;
and I shall instantly breake through this Cloud of Retirement, and
show My Selfe Really to be Pater Fairies.
Hampton Court, 1 1 Novemb. 1647.
The letter was endorsed —
For the Speaker of the Lords pro tempore, to be communicated
unto the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at
Westminster, and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland,
and to all my other subjects of what degree, condition, or calling
whatsoever.

1647] Charles and the House of Commons. 155
The whole document was in truth an appeal to public
opinion against the usage to which he had been subjected by
the Parliament and the army, and it shows how confident
Charles seems to have been that he would be able to retreat
to some place of secrecy, whence he might begin, in safety,
once more bargaining with, and at the same time intriguing
against, his enemies.^
These documents, together with Cromwell's own letter to
the Speaker, were read when the two Houses met next day
— Friday, November 12th — and measures were at once
taken to prevent the King's flight to foreign parts by order
ing all the ports to be closed and embargo to be laid upon all
ships ; while it was declared to be an offence punishable
with loss of estate and life, for anyone to detain the King's
person, and not to reveal the fact to both Houses of Parlia
ment.^ The House of Commons met again on Saturday the 13th,
when " Colonel Whalley was called in and gave a particular
relation of all the circumstances of the King's going away
from Hampton Court." He also handed in the warning
letter from Cromwell, which he had shown to Charles. The
House then ordered " that Colonel Whalley do put in writ
ing the said relation, and set his hand to it ; and that he do
leave a copy of the said letter from Lieutenant-General
Cromwell." Whalley accordingly drew up and presented to the House
" A More Full Relation of the manner and circumstances of
His Majesties departure from Hampton Court," the docu
ment from which we have largely quoted above.^ In it
he vindicates himself against any blame for the King's
going away (" for I cannot term it an escape," he says, " be-
• Parliamentary History of Eng- ^ It is reprinted in full in Peck's
land, voL xvi., p. 324. Desiderata Curiosa, lib. ix., p. 374.
' Commons' Journals, Vol. v., p. 358.

156 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
cause he never was in custody as a prisoner "), by laying
stress on the fact that the most eminent ofificers in the army
all agreed that he " could no more keep the King if he had
a mind to go than a bird in a pound. I was not to restrain
him from his liberty of walking, so that he might have gone
whither he had pleased ; neither was I to hinder him from
his privacy in his chamber, or any other part of the House,
which give him an absolute freedom to go away at pleasure.
The House is vast, hath 1,500 rooms, as I am informed, in
it, and would require a troop of Horse upon perpetual
duty to guard all the outgoings. So that all that could be
expected from me, was to be as vigilant over the King as I
could in the daytime ; and when after Supper he was retired
into his Bed-chamber, to set sentinels about him, which I
constantly performed, as is well known to the Commissioners
and others."
Whalley's account of what occurred is undoubtedly the
most authentic we have ; but it is curious to note that the
facts are given somewhat diversely by the various other
authorities. Even Cromwell's letter to the Parliament,
written on the spot a few hours after the escape and after
conferring with Whalley, differs, at any rate in some details,
from the information furnished by Whalley himself to the
Parliament — notably in saying that his Majesty had " with
drawn himself at nine o'clock," when it is perfectly clear that
he must have left the Palace some hours before that. Then
we find that the Speaker is reported to have told the House
of Commons the morning after he received Cromwell's letter,
that the letter gave information " that the King went last
night, with nine horses, over Kingston Bridge."^ While
Clarendon, in his " History of the Rebellion," declares that
Charles's escape was not discovered till the following morn
ing, an error so palpable and gross that it is impossible to
' Parliamentary History, vol. iii., p. 788.

1647] Various Versions of Charles Escape. 157
conceive how, with the very smallest care, he could have
fallen into it. When we add that in the origplnal manuscript
he had positively written that the escape took place " about
the beginning of September," we may judge what reliance
is to be placed on his ungenerous strictures upon Ashburn
ham's conduct and his unjustifiable insinuations against his
loyalty. Clarendon may have had more warrant, however, for say
ing that "they discovered the treading of horses at a back
door of the garden, into which his Majesty had a passage
out of his chamber, and it is true that way he went, having
appointed his horse to be there ready at an hour." For
though the simplest and safest way for the fugitives to
make good their escape, would seem to have been at once
to put the river between them and their possible pursuers,
by crossing in a boat to the Surrey side of the Thames,^
where they could have mounted their horses and made their
way through West Molesey to Oatlands, it is not certain
that they may have taken horse on the Middlesex side and
ridden along the towing-path to Hampton, and thence to
Oatlands over Walton bridge. This supposition derives
some colour from a paragraph in a newspaper published a
week after the event, which we subjoin as a specimen of
the journalism of the day.
' Kennett, in his History of Eng- the King leaves his chamber, Novem-
land, voL iii., p. 155, explicitly says berii (in a very dark and tempestuous
that " the King in disguise went from night) with his cloak spread on the
his lodging, through a door into the floor thereof, and by the backstayrs
Park, and taking a boat there laid for descends to the vault, and so over the
him, he crossed over to Thames Ditton, Thames to his company." While Sir
where Sir John Berkeley, Mr. Ash- Thomas Herbert (p. 53), his groom of
burnham, and Mr. Legge were placed the bed-chamber, who was in constant
with horses ready to escape ; " but he attendance on him during the last two
gives no authority. Heath in his years of his life, says they "passed
Chronicle of the Civil Wars, p. 148, through a private door into the Park,
says : " Horses being therefore laid where no Centinel was, and at Thames
ready on the other side of the water, Ditton crossed the River."

15^ History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
Mercurius Anti-Pragmaticus.
From Thursday, Nov. nth, to Thursday, Nov. i8tA, 1647.
An EXACT AND PERFECT RELATION OF HIS MAJESTIES PRIVATE
DEPARTURE FROM HAMPTON COURT, THE ELEVENTH OF
NOVEMBER AT FIVE OF THE CLOCK IN THE AFTERNOONE,
RECEIVED FROM THE MOUTH OF SiR JOHN CoOKE.
His Majesty, the day before his departure, was noted not to look
with so cheerfuU a countenance as he was wont ; to be somewhat
heavie and pensive, and on the day he departed, about two of the
clock in the afternoone, six men in different habits, leading in their
hands six lusty horses, were ferried over from Ditton to Hampton
Court, and were seene to take an hill neer adjacent to his Majesty.
From Oatlands, as we have said, Charles and his com
panions made their way to the Isle of Wight, and at the very
time that the Commons were hearing Whalley's narrative of
his escape from the Palace, he had already surrendered him
self to Colonel Hammond, the Governor of the Island, and
was lodged in Carisbrook Castle as a prisoner of State,
though he was still treated with some deference and respect.
While Charles was still confined at Carisbrook, there
broke out the Second Civil War, a memorable episode of
which was the Royalist rising, that took place at Kingston-
on-Thames, under the Earl of Holland, at the beginning of
the month of July, 1648. The mustering of their force of
some six hundred horse, not a mile from Hampton Court,
doubtless excited a deep interest in the Palace, which must
have been intensified when Holland was gallantly joined in
his rash enterprise by the young Duke of Buckingham and
his brother, Lord Francis Villiers, "a youth," as Clarendon
tells us, " of rare beauty and comeliness of person," only
eighteen years of age. After they had been in the town
about two days, they all advanced towards Reigate, but
were compelled to retreat thence upon Kingston again,

1648] Death of Lord Francis Villiers. 159
where their last skirmish occurred in the lane between the
town and Surbiton Common.^ " Here," says Aubrey, " was
slain the beautiful Francis Villiers, at an elm in the hedge
of the east side of the lane, where his horse being killed
under him, he turned his back to the elm, and fought most
valiantly with half-a-dozen. The enemy, coming on the
other side of the hedge, pushed off his helmet, and killed him,
July 7th, 1648, about six or seven o'clock in the afternoon."
With the fate of this gallant young Cavalier is con
nected a story about Hampton Court, which we ought
perhaps to narrate here, though we cannot pretend to give it
the same credence, or attach the same significance to it, as
would the believers in supernatural occurrences and spiritual
visitations. It seems that now some seventeen years ago, there dwelt
in one of the suites of private apartments on the west side
of the Fountain Court, a certain Lady — — , who had, for
several years, assured her friends that she was frequently
conscious of the presence in her rooms of two invisible
beings ; and that she was greatly disturbed by the myste
rious sounds of rapping that emanated from them in various
quarters of her apartments. So convinced, indeed, was
Lady  of the genuineness of her weird and unearthly
visitants, that she addressed a formal complaint to the Lord
Chamberlain on the subject. His lordship, however,
answered, so the story goes, that "he must decline to move
in the matter, as it was not one that fell within the purview
of his department ; " but he referred her ladyship to Her
Majesty's Board of Works. To that august and omniscient
body she accordingly had recourse ; but, in reply to her
requisition, was informed, so it is said, that "the Board"
declined to interfere in the matter, on the ground that "there
' Whitelocke's Memorials, 317, 318, Journal, 35 ; Aubrey's History of
320 ; 1.0x^1% Journals, 367 ; Common^ Surrey, vol. i., p. 46.

i6o History of Hampton Court Palace. [1648
were no funds at their disposal" for any such purpose, and
that the jurisdiction of the First Commissioner did not
extend to the Spirit World.
There for a time the matter rested, the two departments
still maintaining their attitude of sceptical and masterly
inactivity, and Lady  still complaining that her rooms
were haunted, and inveighing bitterly against the incredulity
and apathy of " that tiresome Board of Works."
At last, however, a few years after, on the 2nd of November,
1 87 1, some workmen, while excavating in the cloister of the
Fountain Court, nearly opposite Lady  's door, for the
purpose of carrying out the new system of drainage, came
upon two perfect human skeletons, about two feet below
the level of the pavement. They were the remains of two
full-grown men, and from the position in which they were
found, it was evident that they had been hastily buried, or
rather, perhaps, thrust beneath the surface of the ground.
No satisfactory explanation has ever yet been offered as to
their history. It was suggested, at the time of their dis
covery, that they might be the remains of Lord Francis Vil
liers and some other cavalier,^ ignominiously interred here
by the Roundheads after their deaths in the skirmish ; and
this conjecture seemed to derive some probability from
Mr. G. A. Sala having introduced into his historical novel,
" Captain Dangerous," an episode of Lord Francis and a " Mr.
Greenville " being taken prisoners at Kingston, instead of
being slain there, and of their being then brought to
Hampton Court, and shot in one of the court-yards of
the Palace — an incident for which it was naturally assumed
that Mr. Sala must have had good historic warrant. This,
however, did not prove to be the case, for Mr. Sala wrote
to the " Times " ^ to say that the whole scene was entirely
^ See The Times, Nov. 4th, et seq., 1871. Also Notes and Queries.
^ Nov., 1871.

1648] Strange Discovery of Skeletons. 161
an imaginative one on his part. And when it was further
pointed out that the evidence of history left no doubt that
the two young Cavaliers were really killed in the skirmish
on the spot, and that the body of Lord Francis Villiers was
buried, after the Restoration, in Westminster Abbey, where
his tomb may still be seen, this theory fell completely to
the ground.
It is not likely, indeed, that history will ever now reveal
the identity of these two skeletons ; but the condition in
which they were found seemed to indicate that they had been
interred some two hundred and fifty years, and they may,
therefore, be assigned with some probability to the period
of the Great Rebellion.
To this, however, it has been objected that if they had
occupied the same position when William III. built the
Fountain Court, they could not fail to have been disturbed
during the progress of the works. But this assumption
was made by persons not familiar with the topographical
history of the Palace. For Wren's building, at the point
where the bones were found, is little more than a screen,
extending only to the first floor, to mask the original Tudor
frontage of this court, which still exists behind it.
Consequently, it is not unlikely that the surface on which
this side of the quadrangle was erected, was not disturbed
to any depth, and that the pavement, under which the dis
covery was made, was laid down on the level ground of the
old cloister, the bodies remaining untouched below.
If this be so, it is not impossible that they were the re
mains of two unfortunate victims of some Roundhead
villainy, secretly and hurriedly interred beneath the west
cloister of the old " Cloyster Greene Courte." (See Plan of
the Palace, page i .)
However this may be, the discovery quite set at rest in
the mind of Lady  all doubts as to the origin of the
* M

1 62 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1647
mysterious beings, and the weird sounds that had haunted
her apartments, and she triumphantly exclaimed : " Just
like that stupid Board of Works ! Why, of course, those
are the two wretched men, who have been worrying
me all these years, and the Board never found it out ! "
Whether, on the bodies receiving Christian burial at Hamp
ton Church, the supernatural manifestations thereafter
ceased, the story does not record.
To return to Charles I. After his detention at Caris
brook Castle, he never set eyes on Hampton Court again ;
but about a year after was moved from the Isle of Wight
to London, soon to take his trial in Westminster Hall.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE COMMONWEALTH. HAMPTON COURT FOR SALE.

" The late Charles Stuart's " Property to be Surveyed, Valued, and Sold —
Trustees appointed for the Purpose — Inventory of Goods, Furniture, and Works
of Art at Hampton Court — The Great Three Years' Sale — Appraisement of the
Splendid Tapestries — Insignificant Prices for the great Pictures — The Furniture
and Antiquities — Survey of the Manor of Hampton Court — Valuation of the
Parks — ^All the King's Houses and Parks to be Sold — Hampton Court to be
exempted from the Sale —Return of Cromwell to London — The Palace prepared
for him and his Family — Hampton Court to be Sold — The Vote reversed : Not
to be Sold — Reversed again : To be Sold — Reversed once more ; Not to be
Sold — Reversed yet again : To be Sold — Another Resolve : Hampton Court
offered to Oliver Cromwell — He refuses it — The Manor and Parks sold — Bought
back again for Cromwell — He takes Possession of the Palace.
IHARLES I.'s head had no sooner rolled on the
scaffold at Whitehall, than the Parliament at once
proceeded to deal with all the property of " the
late Charles Stuart," directing inventories to be
taken of all his goods and chattels, and surveys
to be made of his lands, houses, and palaces.^
This was done with a view to their being forthwith turned
into money ; and to effect this object in regard to the per
sonal property of the Royal Family, a bill was almost im-

Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting. The order is dated March 23rd, 1649.

164 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1649
mediately introduced into Parliament setting forth that :'
" Whereas the goods and personal estate heretofore belong
ing to the late King Charles, and to his wife and eldest
son, have been, and are justly forfeited by them, for their
several delinquencies, the Commons of England assem
bled in Parliament, taking the premises into their serious
consideration, have thought fit and resolved, that the
said goods and personal estate, heretofore belonging to
the persons above named, and to every and any of them,
shall be inventoried and appraised, and shall also be sold,
except such parcels thereof as shall be found necessary to
be reserved for the uses of State. Be it therefore enacted ....
that John Humphreys, John Belchamp,''&c., shall be and are
hereby constituted and appointed Trustees for the enquiring
out, inventorying, appraizing, and securing of the said goods
and personal estate, to repair to any and every house, and
to make perfect inventory  And whereas divers of the
said goods and premises are of such nature, as that though
by reason of their rarity or antiquity, they may yield very
great prices in foreign parts, where such things are much
valued, yet for particular men's use in England they would
be accounted little worth, and so yield no considerable
price, if they should be forthwithe sold here .... it is
further enacted and provided, that for such particulars " the
trustees might treat and agree with foreign merchants and
adventurers. It was further decreed that the proceeds of the sale should
be devoted, in the first instance, to the payment of the King's
and Queen's debts.
The bill was passed on July 4th, 1649, and the valuers at
once set themselves to work to prepare a most full and ample
' Scobell's Collection of Acts and by Charles I., and his opinion would
Or^zi'^awcfj, 1649, vol. ii.,chap.xli.,p.46. therefore have been useful as to the
' Belchamp was an artist employed value of the pictures.

1649] Charles I.'s Property to be Sold. 165
inventory, taking account of all the furniture, pictures, tapestry,
carpets, plate, jewels, utensils, and movables of all sorts to
be found in each palace. A contemporary copy of the in
ventory, if it be not the original, is still preserved aniong the
Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum, making an
enormous folio volume of some thousand pages, about
seventy-six of which are filled with a list of " Goods Viewed
and Appraised att Hampton Court, in the custody of Wm.
Smithsbie, Esq., Wardrobe Keeper, October 5th, 1649."'
Attached to the entry of each lot is its estimated worth, and
the price for which it was eventually sold, with the name of
the purchaser. The sale, which began in the winter of 1649-
50, was the most gigantic on record, and lasted on and off
for nearly three years. It is interesting to observe, in noting
the valuations set upon the various lots, how different was
the relative estimate of such things in those days as com
pared with our own times.
Prominent among the articles of value were the splendid
tapestries, which had belonged to Wolsey and Henry VIII.,
and which were appraised at a rate such as would be thought
exorbitant even in our own day, when such extravagant
prices are given for articles of this sort. Thus the famous
" Ten pieces of Arras hangings of the Story of Abraham,"
which we described in our first volume,^ containing 826 yards,
were valued at ;^ioayard, that is, ;^8,26o; "ten pieces of rich
arras of Josuah, at ;^3,399 ; nine pieces of Tobias, at ;i^3,409 ;
nine pieces of rich arras of St. Paule, at ;^3,o65 ; and ten
pieces of Julius Caesar, at ;^5,oi9 ; and many others on a
similar scale.
Whether they would have found bidders, however, at
these prices, we cannot say, for the tapestries just men
tioned were never offered for sale; and, instead of the names
' Harleian MSS., No. 4898, folio 238. » Page 239.

1 66 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1649
of purchasers, we find such notes subjoined to the entries as
" Now in the use of the Lord Protector;" " In his High
ness Service att Hampton Court;" "In his Highness
Service." The high values placed on the tapestries contrast markedly
with those assigned to some of the finest pictures in the
collection. Thus the great picture of Charles I. on a
brown horse, recently acquired by the National Gallery at
the cost of £\ 1,000, was valued at only ;i{J^200 ; the Venus
del Pardo, one of the finest works of Titian, now at
Madrid, fetched only ;^6oo; Raphael's famous Cartoons
were valued at ;^300 ; and Mantegna's " Triumph of
Julius Caesar," one of the most precious treasures of the
English Crown, at only ;^ 1,000!
These last two lots, however, were not disposed of, but
were reserved, by order of the Council of State, together
with Titian's " Herodias with the Head of John the Baptist,"
valued at ;^i50 and other pieces, for the decoration of the
Palace, which was soon after occupied by Cromwell.
The pictures at Hampton Court numbered altogether
332, and were valued at ;i^4,675 16^-. td.
There was, in addition, a great deal of splendid furniture,
some of which had belonged to Cardinal Wolsey, such as
beds, chairs, canopies, church robes, chests, instruments of
music, looking - glasses, and also many antiquities and
curiosities, the description and prices of which sound most
tantalizing to the ears of modern connoisseurs. Thus
Cardinal Wolsey's looking-glass, surmounted with his
arms, went for ^5; Henry VIII.'s cane for 5^^. ; his
hawking glass was valued at a shilling, "but 2s. was bid
for it ; " his gloves, valued at 6d., went for i.y. ; " six comb-
cases, which were Henry y' 8"",'' sold for 'js.
In the meanwhile, ere the valuing and inventorying of
the personal effects of the King had been proceeded with

' 9 1 ' P-'l^

View of the First Court of Hamptoii

]

\::l:%'-..^:

P&m'^:^^k^M,

i>iW.

E

i

/4

t Palace as seen Trom the Roof.

1649] Surveys, Inventories, and Valuations. 167
far, an Act was passed, on the i6th July, 1649,^ declaring
that " forasmuch as the Parliament, finding the office of a
King in this nation to have been unnecessary, burthensome,
and dangerous, hath utterly abolished the said kingly office ; "
therefore belt enacted that all " honors, manors, castles, houses,
messuages, chases, parks, and lands, and all tenements and
hereditaments, royalties, privileges, franchises, immunities,
and appurtenances," belonging to the late King should be sur
veyed, valued, and sold for the benefit of the Commonwealth.
In view of this a rough survey of the Manor of Hampton
Court ^ was accordingly forthwith made, and laid on the table
of the House of Commons, being afterwards elaborated into
a more exhaustive one, which was not completed until April,
1653. As the latter survey affords a great deal of informa
tion on the state and condition of Hampton Court and its
parks and gardens at this time, and contains many interest
ing particulars relating to the topography of the Palace, we
have printed it in full in the Appendix.^
Of the Palace a very detailed description is given, and also
of the courts and yards between and amongst the build
ings, the materials of which, " and of all such things as are
valluable upon any part of the several parcells of ground,"
the surveyors reckoned "to be worth upon the place (over and
above demolishing charges) ^7,777 i3.y. ^d." " The Ground
and Soyle aforesayd," added they, " (when it shall be cleared
of the sayd buildings, or layd for conveniency to several pts.
thereof) will be worth yearly ;^36."
The acreage and valuation of the parks were as follows :
The House Park, 363 acres, ;^243 a year ; Hampton Court
Course, 144 acres, ;^io7 a year; The Hare- Warren, 380
acres, ;^8o a year; Middle Park, 370 acres, ;^225 a year;
' Scobell, chap, xlii., p. 51. sidiary surveys relating chiefly to out-
' In the Record Office, dated 1649. Jyi"g meadows and other lands of the
' Appendix A. There are also sub- manor.

1 68 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1649
and Bushey Park, divided into The Old Park, 183 acres,
;^i02 a year; The New Park Part, 23 acres, ;^23 155'.; and
Other Part, 144 acres, ;^ii5. Various smaller enclosures
were likewise surveyed and valued, as well as the "trees,
buildings, fixtures, &c., on the land. The deer, of which
there were 199 in the House Park, 70 in the Middle Park, and
29 in Bushey Park, were valued at £\ per head, that is ^298.
Altogether, the total of the annual values amounted to ;^ i , 204,
and the total of the gross values to ^10,765 \<^s. 9^.
From the way in which the several portions of Hampton
Court are valued separately, it would appear that it was
contemplated to divide it into lots and sell it to various
bidders, with a view perhaps of destroying its palatial cha
racter and aspect, if indeed the expression " when it shall be
cleared of the sayd buildings," does not imply that it was in
tended to obliterate all traces of its royal associations by
demolishing the palace entirely.
The Council of State,^ however, advised that Hampton
Court, together with Whitehall, Westminster, and a few
other palaces, should be excepted from the sale and " be
kept for the public use of the Commonwealth," and an
exempting clause was accordingly inserted in the Bill.
A similar exception was made in regard to some of the
furniture and movables of utility in this Palace, as distin
guished from works of art and curiosity ; for in the following
month of April the Council of State gave an order that " the
hangings and carpets, which were at Hampton Court when
the Committee was there, were to be reserved to the use of
the Commonwealth." ^
For the next year or two, however, no suitable purpose
' The Council of State consisted of State Paf)ers, Domestic, Common-
Ludlow, Lord Fairfax, and others. wealth, vol. i. No. 29, May 24th, 1649,
They were at this palace when the and vol. ii. No. 91, Aug. 31st, 1649.
news of the battle of Dunbar reached " State Papers, Domestic, anno 1650,
London. — Ludlow's Memoirs, p. 329. vol. ix., No. 38.

Map of the Domain and Parks of Hampton Court.

i6si] Hampton Court excepted from the Sale. 169
was found, to which the Palace or its furniture could be
devoted, and the many stirring events that were taking
place in the three kingdoms — the battles of Rathmines,
Dunbar, and Worcester, and the thrilling escape of
Charles II. — prevented the question from being much
considered. But with the return of Cromwell and his
victorious army southwards, it occurred to the Council
of State that Hampton Court would be a convenient
place for him to retire to, as he seems to have taken
a liking to the locality, and a suite of apartments were
accordingly prepared for him and his family at the public
expense. Here, therefore, after a triumphant procession
in his state carriage through London, where he received
a most enthusiastic welcome from the citizens, and was
presented with addresses of congratulation from the Parlia
ment and City Corporation, he arrived on the evening of
the 1 2th of October, 1651.^
It is curious to think of Cromwell thus installing himself
in the very Palace which, a few years previous, had been the
scene of his intimate conferences with Charles I., and
in which he had probably first cast an envious eye on the
regal splendours of his great victim.
We hear no more of Hampton Court for upwards of a
year; but in the month of November, 1652, a bill was
introduced into Parliament for the sale of the late King's
houses and lands exempted from the operation of the
former Act, among which, as we have seen, was Hampton
Court. The bill at first proceeded pretty smoothly, and on
Nov. 27th, 1652,^ it was "Resolved that Hampton Court,
together with Bushey Park and the other two parks, the
Harewarren, and Meadows there, with the Appurtenances
. belonging to the State there, be sold for ready money."
' Whitelock, p. 509 ; Ludlow, vol. i., p. 372 ; Heath's Flagellum. Journal of
the House of Commons, ^. yti. ^ Common^ Journal.

170 History of Hampton Coiirt Palace. [1652
This resolution, however, was not suffered to stand for more
than a month ; for when the question was put, on December
29th following, that " Hampton Court, &c., do stand in the
bill," the House divided, when thirty voted with the noes,
and eighteen voted with the yeas, " so it passed with the
negative." ^ The minority, however, were by no means dis
posed to acquiesce in this decision, and on December 31st,
" the question being propounded that leave should be
given to speak against the vote that Hampton Court
and other lands thereto belonging should not be sold by
the bill, and the question being put, that this question be
now put, it passed with the affirmative. And the main
question being put : It was Resolved that leave shall be
given to speak against the vote." The question being thus
re-opened, the debate resulted in a reversal of the previous
decision of the House, which perhaps had been arrived at
by a snap division, and "the Mansion-House, commonly
called Hampton Court, in the County of Middlesex, with
the Barns, Stables, Outhouses, Gardens, Orchards, Yards,
Courts and Backsides belonging to or used and enjoyed
with the said Mansion House, with the Park commonly
called the House Park, and the two Parks there, the
one called the middle Park, and the other called Bushey
Park," were accordingly ordered to stand part of the bill,"
which was passed into law on the last day of the year.
But even yet the question was not finally determined, for
the full survey of Hampton Court being completed on April
5th, 1653,^ and laid on the table of the House a few days
^ Commotis' Journals. a.wd. State Papers, Domestic, Charles I.,
' There was a claim of Sir John vol. cxiv., No. i8, Oct. 4th, 1628. Sco-
Hippesley, who had a grant of the bell's Acts and Ordinances of Parlia-
custody of Bushey Park in 1628 from ment, part ii., p. 227.
Charles I., and whose rights were ' See ante, p. 167, and post, Appen-
ordered to be reserved by a clause in dix A.
the bill. — Lysons' Middlesex Parishes j

ltvm"i\o6tH,ts.y. Y

Parapet of the Great Hall as seen from the Roof.

1653] Is Hampton Court to be Sold ? 171
after, the Parliament, probably at the instigation of some of
Cromwell's friends, who knew of the liking he had taken to
Wolsey's palace, passed a resolution on Friday, April 15th,
1653, that "the House called Hampton Court with the
appurtenances, and the three Parks thereunto belonging,
and what is contained in the survey, be staid from sale until
the Parliament take further order : And that the Trustees
and Contractors be enjoined to forbear to make sale thereof
accordingly." * Nevertheless, on the 23rd of August, this
vote, on the recommendation of the Committee for raising
moneys, was again rescinded, and the manor and palace of
Hampton Court were once more to be put up to auction.
Ere a month had elapsed, however, namely, on the 20th
of September, another departure was taken, by the Parlia
ment resolving that " there should be an offer of Hampton
Court to the Lord General (Cromwell) in exchange for New
Hall * upon a proportionate value," and that " Sir Anthony
Ashley Cooper do tender this offer to the Lord General
from this House." But the time was not yet ripe for such
an assumption of state and dignity, and Cromwell, while
returning " his humble acknowledgments for the great
respects of the House towards him therein," yet desired
that it would " proceed to dispose thereof according to their
former resolution." ^ Not much heed, however, was paid to
this pretence of disinterestedness, for it was ordered that " the
house called Hampton Court, with the outhouses and gardens
thereunto belonging, and the little park wherein it stands,
be stayed from sale until the Parliament take further
order."*
' Common^ Journals, p. 307. Collection. Parliamentary History,
' New Hall, in Essex, was an estate vol. xx., p 223, and Morant's His-
of the Duke of Buckingham's, which tory of Essex,yo\. ii. p. 15.)
had been sequestrated by the Parlia- " Burton's Diary, vol. i., p. xi.
ment, and bought by Cromwell, * Common^ Journals.
April 2nd, 1651. (See Mr. Booth's MS.

172 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1653
The parks, however, other than the House Park, were put
up to auction ; and contracts were entered into by the Trustees
of the Royal Lands for the sale, on November 15th, 1653,
of Bushey Park and its appurtenances to Edmund Backwall
for ^6,638 ']s. ; and, on December 3rd, of the Middle Park
to Colonel Norton for ^3,701 19.$-. The fee of the Manor
and Honour of Hampton Court had previously been sold to
a Mr. John Phelps, of London, gentleman, for ^750.^
But almost, immediately after these transactions, namely,
on the 1 6th of December, 1653, the whole aspect of affairs
was changed by Cromwell being proclaimed Lord Protector
of the Commonwealth, when steps were at once taken to
re-acquire, on behalf of the State, the premises recently
sold. There was at first some difficulty in effecting the neces
sary surrenders on reasonable terms, because the purchasers
had not only already paid the purchase-money and entered
into possession, but had even disposed of part of their in
terests to other persons. However, after some negociations,
which are set out in detail in Appendix B., arrangements
were eventually agreed upon for the redemption by the State
of all the parks and lands sold, on the return of the purchase-
moneys, and the payment of some ;^ 2,000 surplusage by way
of profit to the purchasers and their assignees.^
As to the Manor, Mr. Phelps was easily induced to con
sent to a re-conveyance of it to Cromwell for £t^o. This
' Apparently on July 23rd, 165 1 ann. ; " and — in reversion — "2 peases
(Lyson's Middlesex. Parishes, p. 52). ofpasture, after one liffe,;^27 per ann.;"
The amount was calculated on the " a house with one Rooade of ground,
basis of sixteen years' purchase of the per ann., £(>•," " and the wood and
manorial rights, profits, and rents. trease, after 2 lives, being valued in
These consisted of— in possession — possession at ;£6o." — (State Papers,
" the quit rents of the Honour, ;^i6 Domestic, Commonwealth, vol. bcxii.,
per annum ; " " the profits of the Courts No. 30, June 27th, 1654.)
Leatte and Courts Baron, ^20 per ann. ;" " July 20th, 1654.
and the "rent of an ozier eight, ^i per

1653] Cromwell takes Possession of Hampton Court. 173
was effected on August 30th, 1654 ; ' and in the year 1657
Cromwell's name is entered in the Court Rolls as owner of
the manor.
In the meanwhile, an order was issued directing that " the
house at Hampton Court, with the Park and all the lodges,
stables, and outhouses, and the houses in the Park, were to
be forthwith cleared for the Protector's use ; and all persons
concerned to take notice and conform."* Thus did the royal
Palace of Hampton Court, the home of so many of England's
Kings and Queens, pass into the hands of the Regicide,
Oliver Cromwell.
' Stt Warrants of the Protector and ^ State Papers, Domestic, Common-
Council Do., July 31st, 1655. wealth, vol. bcvii., No. 88.

CHAPTER XIV.

OLIVER CROMWELL S PRIVATE LIFE AT HAMPTON COURT.

Cromwell installed as Lord Protector — " His Highness'" Visits to Hampton
Court — Plot to assassinate him on his Way — The Conspirators arrested, tried and
condemned — Proclamation of Charles II. against Cromwell — Free Leave to
murder the "Detestable Villain" — Promise of a Large Pension to the Assassin —
Mrs. Cromwell, " the Lady Protectress " — Comical and Ribald Stories against
her — Her " Court and Kitchen" — Charged with Niggardliness — The Protector's
State Banquets — His "Court of Beggars" — His Boisterous Joviality with his
Familiars — Practical Jokes — Puts Hot Coals in his Friends' Boots — Cromwell out
Hunting — His Appreciation of Pictures and Tapestry — Furniture of his own
Room in the Palace — His Delight in Music— Milton playing on the Organ in the
Great Hall— Another Plot against the Protector's Life — An Infernal Machine—
His " Removal" commended by Charles II. and his Brother James — Cromwell
haunted by the Dread of Assassination — Marriage of Mary Cromwell to Lord
Falconberg in the Chapel — Sycophantic Language of the Court Scribes.
ROM the 1 6th of December, 1653 — the date of
Cromwell's installation as Lord Protector of the
Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ire
land — we find that " His Highness," as he was
henceforth designated, resided very frequently
at Hampton Court, his visits, whether of short or of long
duration, being all carefully chronicled in the official journals
of the time. When the Protector came to reside at Hamp
ton Court for any length of time, the members of the Coun-

THE U a 1 L.

1654] Plots for Assassinating Cromwell. 175
cil also came with him ; " and there," says one of the news
papers of the day, " the great affairs of the nation are trans
acted with labour and care as if they were at Whitehall." ^
His first visit after his promotion to his new dignity took
place on April 15th, 1654, when we find it duly notified
that " His Highness went this day to Hampton Court, and
returned at night." " Soon after this, his often-repeated
journeys backwards and forwards from London to the
Palace, attracting the attention of his enemies, who were
always on the look-out for an opportunity of despatching
him, a bloody plot was entered into by some desperadoes,
with the intention of lying in wait to murder him when he
was on the road to Hampton Court.
The conspirators were, however, unable to agree as to
the point in the journey where the assassination should
be attempted ; so it was put off till the Protector was
coming back, before which time he received information
of the danger threatening him, and returned another way.'
If they had succeeded in perpetrating the crime, the others
engaged in it were to have murdered the rest of the Council,
and seized on Whitehall, "sparing only some that they had
excepted, and some to be cruelly tortured." Another party
was to seize the Tower. To a third was entrusted the re
doubtable task of overpowering the Lord Mayor and
aldermen; while Charles II. was to be proclaimed king,
and "was presently to be sent for, and with all his crew
from all nations, whither they had fled, to hasten for
England, and seize on all forts and harbours." Fortunately
the conspirators, among whom was a brother of the Portu
guese ambassador, were tracked, arrested, and brought to
trial at Westminster, and condemned to death.
^ Perfect Proceedings, No. 300.
" Cromwelliana, p. 139, arid passim. Sev. Proc. of State Affairs. April 13
to 20. ' Cromwelliana, p. 144.

1 76 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1654
We could hardly believe that so dastardly a plot could
have emanated from the baser sort even among the chival
rous Cavalier party, did we not know that about a month
before its concoction a proclamation had been issued by
Charles II., in which, after reciting the "accursed ways and
means of a certain low mechanic fellow, by name Oliver
Cromwell," went on to give, in the King's name, "free leave
and liberty to any man whomsoever, within any of our three
kingdoms, by pistol, sword, or poison, or by any other ways
or means whatsoever, to destroy the life of the said Oliver
Cromwell ; wherein they will do an act acceptable to God
and good men, by cutting off" such a detestable villain from
the face of the earth," ^ and giving his kingly word that the
man, by whose hand the deed might be done, should have a
pension of ;^500 a year for the rest of his life.
Even the presbyterians lent themselves to these designs
against his life, and one of their ministers, who had preached
before his Highness at Hampton Court, seized the oppor
tunity of being in the Palace, to " pump " the servant boy,
who waited on him, by asking him " what was the reason
his Highness did sweat so much when he took exercise?"
The boy answered that he always wore a " close coat (that
is a coat of mail) under his other clothes." This piece of
information the rascally presbyter forthwith communicated
to his co-religionists, who in their plots against his life took
their measures accordingly.^
With Cromwell, when he established himself permanently
at Hampton Court, also came Mrs. Cromwell, " the Lady Pro
tectress," as she was half-satirically called, who, as the wife
of the arch-enemy, was the favourite butt for Royalist abuse
and ridicule. The Cavalier wits, indeed, seem to have borne
her a particular aversion, and they were never tired of
' Thurloe's State Papers,xo\. ii. p. 248.
" Thurloe, vol. i., p. 708.

Mrs. Cromwell, " the Lady Protectress."

1655] Mrs. Cromwell, " the Lady Protectress." 177
scoffing at " old Joan," as she was derisively called, and of
recounting scandalous and comical stories about her. She
was no doubt a plain, and perhaps a commonplace woman,
and not being over-wise, and having no great aptitude for
accommodating herself to her new and great position, fre
quently said and did things, that afforded the smart ladies
and gentlemen of the opposite party the most exquisite
amusement. But beyond this, there does not appear to
have been anything in her conduct or demeanour, which
could fairly subject her to censure, for she seems to have
settled down at Hampton Court to a simple, unostentatious
life. Whatever she did, however, exposed her to laughter
from the most opposite points of view. Sometimes it was
the preposterous airs that she gave herself as Lady Protec
tress, and her ridiculously awkward imitations of Court
manners, that were found fault with. At another time it
was her simple tastes — "the impertinent meannesses" of
her mode of life, so unbefitting a lady of her station !
In a publication entitled " The Court and Kitchen of Joan
Cromwell," a scurrilous writer particularly makes fun of her
household establishment at Hampton Court, laughing at her
habits of " nimble housewifery," and declaring that she had
employed a surveyor to make little labyrinths and trap
doors for her, " by which she might at all times, unseen,
pass to and fro, and come unawares upon her servants, and
keep them vigilant in their places." Besides, they accuse her
of being continually down in the kitchen, worrying the cook
about all sorts of trivial things, and being at the same time as
niggardly and stingy as she was exacting. Even her moral
character was assailed : some of the libellous pamphlets of
the time charging her, without any shadow of foundation,
with low gallantries with the common soldiers of Cromwell's
regiment, and with an excessive indulgence in strong liquor.^
^ Noble's Memoirs of the Cromwells, vol. i., pp. 127, 130, &c.
* N

178 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1656
Nevertheless, in spite of the general homeliness of the
lives of the Protector and his family at Hampton Court, the
exigencies of State functions sometimes compelled him to
depart from his domestic habits and give great public
entertainments, such, for instance, as the banquet with which
he feasted the Swedish ambassador in this Palace on July
26th, 1656. On occasions of this sort something of the old
princely splendour of the Court of the Stuarts was imitated,
the Protector's bodyguard of halberdiers attending in the
banqueting room, and the dishes being brought to the table
by the servitors with the ceremonial of the old English
Court. All this, of course, did not escape the censure of his critics,
who commented severely on his " Court of Beggars, and
such like mean people," who were rendered " very gay and
jocund " by festivities of this sort. " A great deal of State,"
writes Heath, ^ one of his bitterest satirists, " was now used
towards him ; and the French Cringe, and other ceremonious
pieces of gallantry and good deportment, which were thought
unchristian and savouring of carnality, introduced in place
of austere and down-cast looks, and silent mummery of
starched and hypocritical gravity, the only becoming dress,
forsooth, of Piety and Religion ! "
Cromwell, however, was in truth chiefly solicitous about
being treated with respect, in the presence of foreigners, as
head of the English Commonwealth. Among his ordinary
associates and the colonels of the army he still maintained
his former relations of somewhat boisterous familiarity.
Whitelock, who was in constant intercourse with him, tells us
that "He would sometimes be very cheerful with us, and
laying aside his greatness, be exceedingly familiar with us,
and, by way of diversion, would make verses with us, and
everyone must try his fancy. He commonly called for
' Flagellum, p. 164.

i6s6] Cromwell's Court at the Palace. 1 79
tobacco-pipes and a candle, and would now and then take
tobacco himself Then he would fall again to his serious and
great business, and advise with us in those affairs." '
Heath also gives us a similar account of his life at Hamp
ton Court, though, of course, tinged with a strong satirical
animus. " His custom," says he, " was now to divert him
self frequently at Hampton Court (which he had saved from
sale, with other houses of the King's, for his own greatness),
whither he went and came in post, with his Guards behind
and before, as not yet secure of his life from the justice of
some avenging hand. Here he used to hunt, and at the fall
of a Deer, where he would be sure to be present, embrue his
hands in the blood of it, and therewith asperse and sprinkle
the attendants ; and sometimes to coax the neighbouring
Rusticks give them a Buck he hunted, and money to
drink with it.^ His own Diet was very spare, and not so
curious, except in publique Treatments, which were con
stantly given every Monday in the week to all the officers
of the Army not below a Captain, where he dined with them,
and shewed them a hundred Antick Tricks, as throwing of
Cushions, and putting live Coals into their pockets and
boots ; a table being likewise spread every day of the week
for such officers as should casually come to Court 
With these officers while he seemed to disport himself,
taking off" his Drink freely, and opening himself every way
to the most free familiarity. He did merely lye at the catch
of what should incogitantly and with unsuspected provoca
tion fall from their mouths, which he would be sure to record
and lay up against his occasion of reducing them to the
speaker's memory, who were never likely to forget the
prejudice and damage they had incurred by such loose dis-
^ Whitelock's Memorials, p. 656. hunted with him at Hampton Court.
, 'P. 165. On the 25th of July, 1656, — VJhh.Aoc\i's Memorials, ^. 6^q.
the Swedish ambassador dined and

l8o History of Hampton Court Palace. [1656
coveries of their minds and inclinations  He had
twenty other freaks in his head, for sometimes before he had
half dined, he would give order for a drum to beat, and call
on his Foot Guards, like a kennel of hounds, to snatch off
meat from his table and tear it in pieces ; the like Jocos and
Frisks he would have with other company ; even with some
of the nobility, when he would not stick to tell them, what
Company they had lately kept, when and where they had
drank the King's health and the Royal Family's, bidding
them when they did it again, to do it more privately, and
this without any passion, and as festivous droll discourse."
Cromwell, however, also occupied himself with other amuse
ments and tastes more refined than these rather rowdy gam
bols. For instance, he appreciated the arts sufficiently to
keep Mantegna's "Triumph of Julius Caesar" at Hampton
Court, in order that it might decorate the walls of this Palace.
This magnificent work, consisting of nine great canvases,
each nine feet square, he had placed in the Long Gallery,
which adjoined his own private rooms, and in which he
must often have walked. That he was, besides, not indif
ferent to the beauty of the old tapestries preserved in the
Palace, is proved by the facts that not only did he have the
Great Hall decorated with them, but that he even hung his
own bedroom with such an ungodly and carnal subject as
" five pieces of fine tapestry hangings of Vulcan and Venus ! "
We learn this from the " Inventory of the goods at Hampton
Court," ^ taken after his death by order of the House of
Commons, from which document we find his bedroom also
contained the following furniture : " 2 window curtains,
one of scarlet baize, the other of serge ; i small couch of fly
coloured damask, and cased with watchet baize ; 2 elbow
chairs, ditto ; 4 back stools, ditto ; i black table with a turned
^ Dated June, 1659. State Papers, p. 198, and Appendix C, where we have
ZJf^wifj/iV, vol. cciii.. No. 41. St&post, printed it in full.

i6s6] Oliver Cromwell at Home. i8 1
frame ; i pair of andirons with double brass ; i pair of
creepers with fire-shovel and tongs ; i pair of bellows." In
his dressing-room were : " i old coberd ; i Spanish table ;
2 small Turkey carpets ; i pair of andirons with double
brass ; i pair of creepers, and fire-shovel, tongs and bellows ;
4 back stools of Turkey work."
All of these articles, except the " i old coberd " and the[
tapestries, which are described as belonging to the State,
are entered in the inventory, which is still preserved in the
Record Office, as being the private property of Cromwell \
and similar distinctions are made throughout that document
in regard to the contents of every room in the Palace. How
he can have become possessed of the enormous amount of
furniture and household goods, thus made out to be his own,
is not clear. They evidently were part of the original
contents of the Palace ; and, perhaps, he bought them
in bulk from the persons to whom they had been knocked
down at the sale, and who had not removed them from
the Palace when the Protector entered into possession of
Hampton Court. Certain it is, at any rate, that they were
claimed by his family after his death as his private property.^
Cromwell seems to have taken some interest also in the
gardens and parks of Hampton Court, for we find that, soon
after his coming into possession of the manor, he gave orders
that the bridges and banks of the New or Longford River,
which, as we have seen, was made by Charles I. to supply
the fountains and ponds at the Palace,^ should be repaired
and the water made to flow again. The supply had been inter
rupted in 1648, when the inhabitants of the parishes of Fel-
tham, Hanworth, Bedfont, Hampton and Teddington, through
which its course lies, taking advantage of the political dis
orders, stopped its passage by sinking the bridges, and throw-
' See^w/, p. 199. " See ««/«, p. 123.

i82 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1656
ing down stones and gravel. They did this on account of
the injury which, as it was alleged, this artificial water-course
had frequently done them, by overflowing its banks and
drowning the corn and hay in their fields, and ruining and
rotting their sheep. ^ Cromwell's action in restoring the
obnoxious water-course was, therefore, not at all relished in
the neighbourhood of Hampton Court. But he was now
too secure to heed their disapproval : so much so, that
having re-established the flow, he went on to divert it into
the " Hare- warren" (that part of Bushey Park which lies
along the north of the road from Kingston to Hampton
Court), where he caused two ponds to be dug, which were
thenceforward known as " the Hare-warren Ponds," ^ a name
now corrupted into "the Heron Ponds," and sometimes
absurdly enough called "the Herring Ponds." At the same
time he barred the passage, which had been considered an
immemorial right of way, through the Hare-warren from
Hampton Wick to Hampton Court, erecting palings across
it, much to the dissatisfaction of the inhabitants of the Wick.
But no open protest was ventured during the Protector's
life-time, though in an anonymous satirical piece, hawked
about the streets of London at this time, entitled " The Pic
ture of a New Courtier, drawn in a conference between Mr.
Time-Server and Mr. Plain-heart" ^ " Time-server," as one
of Cromwell's sycophants, while contemplating with " trem
bling heart and shaking bones " the contingency of a change
in the Government, is made to refer to this unpopular act in
asking : — " Who will have the fine houses, the brave parks,
the pleasant fields and delightful gardens, that we have pos
sessed without any right, and built at other men's cost ?
' 7th Report of the Historical Com- ton Court.
mission, pp. 77 and 78. ' Civil War Tracts, vol. 682, King's
' Lysons' Middlesex Parishes and Library, B.M.,
Court Rolls of the Manor of Hamp-

i6s6] Cromwell's Occupations and Amusements. 183
Who shall enjoy the delight of the new Rivers and Ponds
at Hampton Court whose making cost vast sums of money,
and who shall chase the game in the Harewarren, that my
dear master hath inclosed for his own use, and for ours also
that are time-servers ? "
Cromwell was, besides, very fond of music, often enter
taining those who were proficient in it ; and patronizing
John Hingston, a scholar of Orlando Gibbons, by appointing
him organist and music-master to his daughters.^ During
his banquets at the Palace he usually had music played,^ and
after dinner, when the gentlemen joined the ladies in the
drawing-room, there was instrumental music and singing,
Cromwell himself sometimes intoning a psalm for the com
pany.^ He took besides, like his secretary Milton, great
delight in the organ, and had two very fine ones put up
in the Great Hall, the larger of the two being a gift from his
friend. Dr. Goodwin, president of Magdalen College, Oxford,
who took upon himself to remove it from the College and
present it to the Protector.* It is pleasant to picture to
oneself the scene in the Hall of Hampton Court at this time,
when Milton, would seat himself at the organ under " the
high-embowed roof," with the
Storied windows richly dight.
Casting a dim religious light,
and make " the pealing organ blow," while Cromwell and his
family and attendants sat listening enraptured at the rever
berations of the solemn music.
^ Hawkins' History of Music, vol. Magazine, 1877, p. 753. Hawkins in
iv., p. 44. his History of Music, voL iv., p. 45,
^ Noble's Memoirs of the Cromwells, gives a somewhat different account of
vol. i., p. 314. the organ, stating that it was taken
^ Tharlos's State Papers, Aiir\\i2t\i, down during the Civil War, and that
1654. it was by Cromwell's orders that it
* Inventory of Cromwell's goods, was conveyed to Hampton Court, and
taken in August, 1659. Gentleman's placed in the Great Gallery.

184 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1657
The identical organ is now in Tewkesbury Abbey, to which
it appears to have been presented by the authorities of Mag
dalen College, after having been returned to them at the
Restoration.^ Another glimpse that history gives us of Cromwell's life
at Hampton Court at this period, exhibits him to us with
his family seated in the Chapel — probably in the Royal
pew — attending the sombre Presbyterian service ; or listen
ing to the sermons of the servile ministers, who, like the
court chaplains under the monarchy, framed their discourses,
when they had the privilege of preaching before his High
ness, so as to flatter and please their chief auditor. There
is record, for instance, " of a sermon preached before the Lord
Protector at Hampton Court, by the minister of Hampton,
about the latter end of Aug., 1655 :" in which he drew " a
parallel between David cutting off the top of Saul's garment,
and the cutting off" the late King's head ; and how David
was troubled for what he had done, though he was ordained
to succeed Saul"* — which was a delicate way of justifying
the King's murder, and Cromwell's usurpation, doubtless
very pleasing to his Highness.
But though Cromwell was so comfortably established at
Hampton Court, he was soon awakened again to the con
stant danger threatening him from his secret foes, by the dis
covery, at the beginning of the year 1657, of another con
spiracy against his life, known to history as " Syndercomb's
plot." The assassins, who, on this occasion, received en
couragement and assistance from Don Alonzo, a former
ambassador of Spain in England, again selected one of
Cromwell's journeys to Hampton Court as the best oppor
tunity for effecting their devilish purpose. A spot at Ham
mersmith was chosen, where they intended " planting an
' State Papers, Domestic, Charles II., vol. xi.. No. 57, Aug. 27th, 1660.
^ Ashmolean Museum, No. 826, 2S4a.

1657] The Protector beset with Assassins. 185
engine which, being discharged, would have, upon occasion,
torn away coach and person in it, that should pass by."'
This seems to be the first recorded instance of an attempt
to use an infernal machine ; and it is strange to find
the Duke of York, afterwards James II., and his brother,
Charles II., calmly discussing, like a couple of dynamiters,
such designs for " removing " the usurper — and the Duke,
in a letter to his brother, speaking of it with approval, as
" better laid and resolved on than any he had known of the
kind."^ After the Restoration, also, we find a certain C ptain
Thomas Gardiner petitioning Charles II. for relief on the
ground of his faithful services in the Royal cause, mention
ing among them that "in 1657, he intended an attempt on
Cromwell, but was taken in the Gallery at Hampton Court,
with two loaded pistols and a dagger, kept twelve months a
prisoner, and only failed to be sentenced to death by want
of evidence on the trial." '
No wonder that the frequent discovery of conspiracies like
these, and the suspicion that he was perhaps encompassed in
his own palace by spies and traitors, should have begun to
shake even Cromwell's iron nerves, and that the heart, which
had never quailed in battle, should have been made to flinch
at last before the haunting terror of unknown and in
visible foes.
We are assured by Heath * that, " He began to dread every
person or strange face he saw (which he would anxiously
and intently view) for an assassin, that book of ' Killing no
murder' perpetually running in his mind. It was his con
stant Custom to shift and change his lodging, to which he
passed through twenty several locks, and out of which he had
' Cromwelliana, p. i6o. ' State Papers, Domestic, vol. Ixvi.,
"^ Thurloe's State Papers, vol. ii.. No. ii8.
P- 666. * Heath's Flagellum, p. 193.

1 86 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1657
four or five ways to avoid pursuit. When he went between
Whitehall and Hampton Court, he passed by private and
back ways, but never the same way backward and forward, he
was always in a hurry, his Guards behind and before riding at
full Gallop, and the Coach always filled, especially the Boot,
with armed persons, he himself being furnished with private
weapons ; and was now of more than difficult access to all
persons." Nevertheless, he continued to receive his intimate friends
and supporters at Hampton Court, and among those who
associated on familiar terms with him and his family was
Thomas, Viscount Falconbridge, who, after a short courtship,
which Cromwell encouraged, became engaged to Mary Crom
well, his third daughter. The marriage waspublicly solemnized
in the chapel of the Palace on Thursday, November 17th,
1657,^ by one of Oliver's chaplains, but the same day they
were also privately married, according to the form prescribed
by the Church of England, by Dr. Hewitt, with the privity of
the Protector, who pretended to yield to it "in compliance
with the importunity and folly of his daughter" — who was a
staunch member of the Church of England — though he was
doubtless also swayed not a little by the fear that, in the event
of a Restoration, the marriage might otherwise be afterwards
invalidated.^ The language in which the wedding was an
nounced in the gazette of the day, the " Mercurius Politicus,"
shows how completely the political scribes of the time
adopted the language of courtiers in treating of the doings
of the Protector's family : — Tuesday, Nov. 17th.
Yesterday afternoon his highness went to Hampton Court, and
this day the most illustrious lady, the lady Mary Cromwell, third
daughter of his Highness the Lord Protector, was there married to
^ Noble's Memorials of the Cromwells, vol. i., p. 143.
" Noble's Cromwell, vol. i., p. 144.

1657] Marriage of Oliver's Daughter. 187
the most noble lord, the Lord Falconbridge, in the presence of
their highnesses, and many noble persons.'
Cromwell's behaviour, however, at these festivities was
not always consonant with such magniloquent phrases ; for
at the marriage of his daughter Frances to Mr. Rich, a short
time before, he amused himself with such vulgar horse-play
as throwing about " the sack posset amongst all the ladies
to spoil their clothes, which they took as a favour, and
daubed all the stools where they were to sit, with wet sweet

meats." '

' Cromwelliana, p. 169. See also Noble's Cromwell.
^ Noble's Cromwell, vol. i., p. 155.

CHAPTER XV.

DEATH OF MRS. CLAYPOLE — CROMWELLS LAST ILLNESS.
Cromwell gathers his Family about him — Estrangement of his old Friends —
He is solaced by his Children in his Troubles — Illness of Mrs. Claypole — She up
braids her Father with his Crimes — She dies — Buried in Westminster Abbey —
Cromwell's Grief — His failing Health — He has the Bible read to him — Submis
sion to the Will of God a hard Lesson — He gets better — Meets George Fox, the
Quaker, in the Park — "A Waft of Death" — Worse again — The Fever creeping
on — " I shall not die by this Illness" — " God has answered our Prayers" — The
Saints declare "He shall recover" — A Public Fast in the Palace — His Speedy
Recovery peremptorily demanded of the Deity — But Cromwell grows worse —
Removed to Whitehall — His Death.

jHE day after Lord Falconbridge's marriage to
Mary Cromwell, the newly married pair, accom
panied by the Protector and his Court, removed
to London for a short time. But neither he
nor they were absent from Hampton Court long :
for Cromwell had become so attached to the Palace, and
had taken so great a dislike to the surroundings and
associations of London, that he always seized the earhest
opportunity of getting back here, and equally made a point
of bringing with him his children and their families, to all

i6s8] Cromwell's Domestic Troubles. 189
of whom regular apartments in the Palace were assigned,
and always kept ready. ^
In the following summer we again find him residing here ;
when, on July the 17th, 1658, there arrived his son, or as the
"Mercurius Politicus" puts it, "the most illustrious Lord, the
Lord Richard, who being returned from the western parts,
was received by their Highnesses with the usual demonstra
tions of their high affection towards his Lordship." ^ And
on the 30th of the same month arrived "the most noble
Lord Falconbridge, with his most illustrious lady the Lady
Mary, being safe returned out of the North."'
It was, in truth, in his domestic life, and in the society of
his children and grandchildren, that Cromwell now found
his only solace, amid the besetting cares that darkened the
last years of his life — the disaffection among the people, the
clamour in the army on account of the arrears of pay, the
constant plots against his life, and the falling away of so
many of his old friends, who viewed with a very deep and
natural disgust his abandonment of all his former principles,
and his turning his back on the professions of his whole
lifetime. By gathering his family about him, and cherishing their
love, he sought to mitigate, in some degree, the feeling of
desertion and isolation that all these troubles caused him.
But even in his domestic relations he was now to meet with
disappointments, still more painful . One of these was the defec
tion of his son-in-law Fleetwood, to whom he had been espe
cially kind and indulgent, but who now began ostentatiously
to court the Republican party, and to set his wife against
her father; and though he was living close to Hampton
Court, refrained from visitingCromwell.* But the bitterest trial
to him of all was the serious illness of his favourite daughter,
' Noble's Cromwell, vol. ii., p. 155. ' Cromwelliana, p. 174.
' Cromwelliana, p. 174. * Bates' Elenchus, p. 327, ed. 1676.

190 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1658
Elizabeth Claypole, the news of which was suddenly brought
to him at the end of July in London, where he had gone
for a few days on important business. He at once hastened
back to Hampton Court, and put aside all state affairs to
watch unremittingly by her bed-side. The exact nature of
her disease is not known to history, nor does it appear to
have been understood by her physicians, whd, if we are to
believe almost all the authorities, most lamentably mis
managed her case. Dr. Bates, one of those who attended
her, speaks of it as " an inward impostume in her loins,"
and it is certain that she underwent most acute sufferings,
which her father witnessed with most poignant distress.
To heighten the tragedy of the scene, the Royalist pam
phleteers drew harrowing accounts of how, in the agony of
her fever and pain, she wildly reproached her father with his
crimes and cruelties, adjuring him most solemnly, with her
dying voice, to make atonenient, ere it was too late, by
restoring the rightful sovereign to his ancestral throne.
Though discredit has been thrown on the probability of this
story, it is strongly corroborated by the testimony, of Dr.
Bates,^ Cromwell's physician, then resident in the Palace,
who may, not improbably, have witnessed what he relates,
and who, in any case, would . scarcely have given currency
to an anecdote so startling, unless he believed it had a good
foundation in fact.
However this may be, Mrs. Claypole's illness did not
last long; for she died about a week after she was first
taken ill, at three o'clock in the morning of August the 6th,
1658, to the great sorrow of all the Court, and the inex
pressible., grief of her father.^ The funeral, which was
carried out on the most sumptuous scale, took place a few
1 Bates' Elenchus Motuum Nupero- ' Thurloe's State Papers. Mercu-
rum, in Anglia, Pars Secunda, p. 327, rius Politicus, Whitelock, p. 674.
ed. 1676.

..v-vs-

Engraved, "by TT "Rnhi-n am

OLIVER CROMWELL

rfiOJVr TKE OBIGIMAL OT "WALKEU.XN" THE COIiUiCTION (iV

Doorway in Tennis Court Lane.

192 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1658
days afterwards, the body being taken by water to West
minster, where it lay in state in the Painted Chamber,
whence it was carried into the Abbey to be buried among
the tombs of the Kings and Queens of England.
This cruel blow, combined with the feeble state of his
health, already shattered by sleepless nights and the haunting
terrors of assassination, produced an immediate and most
disastrous effect on the wretched Protector. Within a
week of her death, he was seized with a bad attack of gout
and other disorders ; and for four or five days lay in a very
dangerous state.^ One day, while laid up in his bed-chamber,
"he called for his Bible, and desired a person honourable
and godly then (with others) present, to read unto him
Phil. 4, II, 12, 13 : ' Not that I speak under peril of want,
for I have learnt in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be
content. I know both how to be abased, and how to
abound : everywhere and in all things I am instructed, both
to be full and to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer
need.' v. 13, 'I can do all things through Christ that
strengtheneth me.' Which read, said he (to use his own
words as near as I can remember them) : ' This Scripture
did once save my life, when my eldest son died, which went
as a dagger to my heart, indeed it did.' "'^
"And then repeating the words of the text himself, declared
his then thoughts to this purpose, reading the loth and
nth verses of Paul's contentation and submission to the will
of God in all conditions, said he ; ' 'tis true, Paul, you
have learnt this, and attained to this measure of grace, but
what shall I do ? Ah, poor creature, it is a hard lesson for
me to take out. I find it so.' But reading on to the 13th
^ Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii., p. lo, v?ritten by one that was the
pp. 320, 340, Letter of Aug. 17th. Groom of his Bed-chamber. (Under-
" A Collection of several passages wood, according to the British Museum
concerning his late Highness Oliver Catalogue, Major Butler according to
Cromwell in the time of his Sickness, Cromwelliana)

1658] Cromwell's last Illness. 193
verse, where Paul saith, ' I can do all things through Christ
that strengtheneth me,' then faith began to work, and his
heart to find support and comfort, saying thus to himself :
' He that was Paul's Christ, is my Christ too ; and so drew
waters out of the well of salvation, Christ in the covenant of
J J)
grace. Soon after this he grew better for awhile, an improvement
which he, doubtless, set down to a direct Divine interposi
tion, and on the 1 7th of August he was well enough to go
out for an hour.
It was most likely on this occasion that he was met, as
he was riding in Hampton Court Park, by the Quaker,
George Fox, with whom he had already had one or two inter
views, and who now came to present a petition in favour of
his co-religionists, the victims just then of much persecution .
in various parts of the country, though Cromwell himself
was not unwilling that they should receive every reasonable
toleration, and had been, in consequence, bitterly reproached
by religious people of rival sects. " Before I came to him,"
says he, " as he rode at the head of his Life-Guards, I saw
and felt a waft of death go forth against him, and when I
came to him he looked like a dead man." ' After Fox had
laid the sufferings of the Friends before him, and had
warned him, Cromwell told him to come and visit him at
the Palace. Fox, accordingly, went to stay the night at
Kingston, and came over to Hampton Court on the
following day ; but on requesting to see the Protector, he
learnt that he was ill and that the Doctors would not
allow him to see anyone.^ The fever was, in fact, in
sidiously creeping on ; and though he was afterwards
able to walk once or twice in the Palace gardens, on
the 24th August he was again confined to his room. The
' G. 7 oyCs Journal, 3rd ed. 1765, p. 127.
" Sewel's History of the Quakers, vol. i., p. 242.
* O

194 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1658
five physicians who were attending him pronounced that
he was suffering from an ague, called a " bastard tertian ; "
one of them, as he felt his pulse, observing that it inter
mitted.' The words caught the ear of the sick man, and
he at once turned deadly pale, a cold perspiration covered
his face, and staggering, he begged to be taken to his bed ;
where, when he had been revived by cordials, he made his
private will.
Next morning, when one of the doctors came to see
him, he asked " why he looked so sad ? " to which the doctor
answering that " he was naturally anxious with the responsi
bility of such a life as his resting on him," Cromwell replied :
" You doctors think I am going to die." Then ordering the
rest out of the room, and taking his wife caressingly by the
hand, he said : " I declare to you that I shall not die by
this illness ; of this I am certain." Observing the surprise
these words caused, he added, "Don't think me crazed.
I am telling you what is true ; and I have a better authority
than your Galen or Hippocrates. God Himself has vouch
safed this answer to our prayers — not to mine alone, but
those of others who have a closer intercourse and greater
familiarity with him than I have. Be cheerful; banish
all grief from your faces ; and act towards me as though
I was a mere servant. You are able to do much by your
scientific knowledge, but nature is more potent than all the
physicians in the world ; and God surpasses nature in a still
greater degree." '•'
The same communication was made to Thurloe and
the different members of the Protector's family ; ' nor did it
fail to obtain credence among men who believed that " in
other instances he had been favoured with similar assurances,
and that they had never deceived him." Even the doctors
' Bates' Elenchus (pars secunda), p. => Bates, ubi supra.
275. " Thurloe, vii., 367, 376.

i6s8] The Dying Protector. 195
were impressed, or affected to be, by his apparent con
fidence : and one of them accidentally meeting another of his
particular acquaintance coming out of the sick room, who
happened to remark that " he was afraid their patient was
going to be light-headed," replied, "You are certainly a
stranger in this house ! Don't you know what was done
last night ? The chaplain, and all who are dear to God,
dispersed in several parts of the Palace, have prayed to
God for his health, and all brought this answer : "He
shall recover ! "
Indeed so certain were the Saints that all was now
settled as they wished that " a public fast being ordered for
his sake, and kept at Hampton Court, they did not so much
pray to God for his health, as they thanked him for the
undoubted pledges of his recovery." ^
Dr. Goodwin, " his creature, and trencher-chaplain," as
Ludlow disdainfully calls him,'' especially distinguished
himself in this way, giving out the form of prayer : " Lord,
we beg not for his recovery, for that thou hast already
granted and assured us of; but for his speedy recovery."
And for a day or two it seemed as though their " saucy ex
postulation with God," to use a quaint expression of War
wick's, was likely to succeed in extorting a fulfilment of the
promise, which it was sought to put on the Deity ; for
Cromwell was well enough, on August 26th, to receive a
visit from Whitelock, whom he kindly entertained at dinner.®
But the improvement was shortlived. Instead of getting
better Cromwell again grew worse, and the fever increas
ing, his mind was frequently affected with delirium. It was
at length decided to try the effect of change of air ; and the
dying Protector was removed to Whitehall.* Here he lin
gered but a few days ; and on the night of the 2nd of
^ Echard's History, p. 824. ' Whitelock, p. 674.
* Ludlow, p, 257. * Thurloe, vol. vii., p. 355.

196

History of Hampton Court Palace.

[1658

September, the eve of his " fortunate day," the anniversary
of the battles of Worcester and Dunbar, and in the midst
of a terrific storm, the once mighty Oliver breathed his last,
"embalmed with the tears of his people, and upon the
wings of the prayers of the saints." '
' Thurloe's State Papers, vol. vii., p. 373, and Peck's Cromwell, p. 39.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE RESTORATION.

Richard Cromwell proclaimed Protector — Submits to the Long Parliament —
Money to be raised by the sale of Goods at Hampton Court — Curious Inventory
of the Furniture in the Palace — Hampton Court again to be sold — The Sale pre
vented by Ludlow — The Palace and Parks to be offered to General Monk —
Twenty Thousand Pounds given to him instead — Restoration of Charles 1 1. — " The
Royal Oak" — Refurnishing of Hampton Court Palace — Works and Repairs —
The Tennis Court improved — Charles II. plays Tennis — "Beastly Flattery" —
The Gardens — Planting of the Avenues and Digging of the Canal in the Home
Park — The Parks re-stocked with Game — The King entertained at the Upper
Lodge in Bushey Park — Account of Edward Progers the Confidant of Charles's
Intrigues — Numerous Applicants for Offices and Posts.
|S soon as Cromwell had breathed his last, the
Council assembled to deliberate, and after a short
consultation proclaimed his eldest son his suc
cessor in the Protectorate. But the burden under
which even the great Oliver had staggered, soon
proved too heavy for the feeble Richard, and before many.
months had elapsed, he had practically surrendered the govern
ment into the hands of the Long Parliament, the remnant of
which now met and reasserted their claim to be the supreme
constitutional authority in the country.

198 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1659
The restored members had not been long in session
when their attention was imperatively called to the im
poverished state of the national exchequer, and especially to
the difficulty of meeting the great and dangerously increas
ing arrears in the pay of the army. They likewise had to
take over and provide for the payment of the late Protector's
debts, of which Richard Cromwell handed in a schedule
amounting to ;i^29,ooo. To have had recourse to taxation
would have been certainly inexpedient, if not impossible :
the only thing to do, therefore, was to find out what property,
belonging to the Commonwealth, might most conveniently
be turned into money, to meet these pressing needs. A
committee was accordingly appointed " to examine what
furniture, hangings, and other goods, in Whitehall, Hampton
Court, Somerset House, and St. James's do, or ought of
right to belong to the Commonwealth," ' and it was ordered
" that it be referred to the said committee to take special care
that the Goods and Household stuff at Hampton Court be
kept from Embezzlement and spoil, and to bring in an act
for their sale."
The inventory compiled by the Commissioners is, as
we have before said, still preserved in the Record Office,
and it contains much of curiosity relating to the furniture of
the Palace, and incidentally throws a good deal of light on
the domestic life of the Pro tectorial family.*
As to how he became possessed of them, we have already
stated our inability to explain. We know, however, that the
bulk of the contents of the Palace was declared by Mrs.
Cromwell to belong to her late husband's estate, though
after the Restoration she was found to have collected a lot
of things at a fruiterer's warehouse, which unquestionably
^ Commons Journals, May 23rd, ' See a«/tf, p. 180, and Appendix C. ;
1659, and Jupe 3rd ; Noble's Cromwell, and State Pctpers, Domestic Common-
¦vcA. i., p. 333. wealth, vol. cciii.. No. 41.

1659] CromwelFs Goods at the Palace. 199
had belonged to the Crown, and which she consequently
was compelled to disgorge.'
Though the necessity of providing money for the public
service was the ostensible reason for the resolution to sell
the contents of Hampton Court, and so to leave it destitute
of furniture, the Parliament was probably quite as much
influenced by the intention of rendering it so comfortless
as to discoi^rage any desire Richard Cromwell might enter
tain of occupying it. Indeed, when he showed a reluctance
to leave the State apartments at Whitehall, the Parliament
sent him repeated messages to vacate them, until he thought
it best to obey their injunctions and go. One day, also,
when he had come down to Hampton Court to shoot deer
in the Park, and had just shot one, a messenger arrived from
the Commons, ordering that " none were to be killed," and
he had to desist from his sport, not daring to shoot any
more.* With the same purpose in view, and likewise to prevent
the royal palaces " from becoming objects of desire by
ambitious men " in the future, a strong party in the House of
Commons wanted to revive the long dormant order for the
sale of Hampton Court and other Royal manors and parks ;
and a resolution had actually been passed to that effect'
when Ludlow fortunately interposed to save the Palace.
" For the house of Hampton Court, having been ordered
to be sold that day," writes he in his " Memoirs,"* "which
place I thought very convenient for the retirement of those
that were employed in pubHc affairs, when they should be
indi.sposed in the summer season, I resolved to endeavour
' Parliamentary Intelligencer, May ' Commons Journals, Oct. 4th, 1659.
7-14, 1663; and Mercurius Politicus, There is no record in the Journal of
May 10-17, 1660. this order being rescinded.
^ State Papers, voL cciii. No. 34, * Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. 1771, p.
June 6th, 1659. 286.

200 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1660
to prevent the sale of it, and accordingly procured a motion
to be made at the sitting down of the House to that end,
which took effect as I desired. For this I was very much
blamed by my good friend. Sir Henry Vane, as a thing
which was contrary to the interests of a commonwealth.
He said that such places might justly be accounted amongst
those things that prove Temptations to Ambitious Men,
and exceedingly tend to sharpen their appetite to ascend
the Throne. But for my own part, as I was free from
any sinister design in this action, so I was of opinion that
the temptation of sovereign power would prove a far
stronger motive to aspire by the sword to gain the sceptre,
which, when once attained, would soon be made use of
to force the people to supply the want of such accom
modation." The Palace, accordingly, was not sold, neither was the
intention of disposing of its furniture persevered in ; and for
the next six months or so, the question as to what use -it
should be put to, was left undetermined. But when Monk, in
the month of February following, soon after his arrival in
London, declared for a free parliament, and brought back
the secluded members to the Long Parliament, a proposal
was brought forward in the House for settling the Honour
and manor of Hampton Court, with its parks and other
appurtenances upon him and his heirs ; and the bill for it
was read a first time ' on the 25th of February, and a second
time two days after. But this proposal Monk thought a
snare of his opponents to bind him against the King ; and
he used all his influence with those members who were
friendly to him to have the bill rejected.
This was accordingly done, but, by way of compensation,
a sum of ;i^20,ooo was voted to him on March 15th, 1660,
' White Kennett's History,-^. 67, No. 6. 'Dr. Vr'ice's Hist, of the King's
Sat. Feb. 2Sth, 1660. Publ. Intell., Restoration. 'Phxlvp^' Charles n.,'p.Tii^.

'/"¦'V

t f •/ f/ f r

r>

i' ('/,'<• r>,

-M^

/^//^/ //('

i66o] Restoration of Charles II. 201
together with the custody and stewardship of Hampton
Court Manor and Park for life.'
The Restoration, which Monk was so instrumental in
bringing about, took place, it will be remembered, just two
months and a half after this, and one of the first acts of the
restored monarch was to confirm Monk in the offices of
lieutenant, keeper, ranger and steward of Hampton Court,
with the parks and warrens, which he accordingly retained
until his death.^
The day on which King Charles II. made his triumphal
entry into London, amid the wild enthusiasm of the people,
was the 29th of May ; and in commemoration of that event,
and of his romantic preservation in the oak tree at Boscabel,
after the Battle of Worcester, he had at one time the intention
of founding an order of the " Royal Oak." The plan, how
ever, was not persevered in ; but we have at Hampton
Court a rather curious instance of the sentimental interest
which attached to the oak tree at this period, in two old fire-
backs of cast-iron, each having a representation of an oak tree
with three branches bearing three crowns, while below is
the legend " The Royal Oak," with the King's initials,
C. R. These fire-backs were doubtless made in order to
be used in some of the fire-grates at Hampton Court in the
first year of Charles's reign, at which time also many of the
rooms in the Palace were refurnished and made ready for
the reception of his Majesty — many of the pictures, tapes
tries, and other articles, which had been sold in the time of
the Commonwealth, being recovered and sent down from
London.^ But the works at Hampton Court at the beginning of
' Sir Hy. Verney's Papers. Seventh ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles
Report of the Historical Commission, II. voL x., No. 2, Aug ist, 1660.
p. 463 ; also Commons Journals, March ' House of Lords Papers; Seventh
1 5 th and 1 6th. Report of the Historical Commission.

202

History of Hampton Court Palace.

[1660

Charles I I.'s reign were not confined to re-furnishing and
re-decorating the interior of the rooms. On the contrar}',
here and there, in the building, considerable structural
repairs and alterations were made, of which there is full
record in the old accounts,' and of which traces are recog
nisable in various parts of the Palace. One of these is an
old doorway which may be found in the north range of the

One of Charles II.'s Cast Iron Fire-Backs.
Preserved at Hampton Court.
old Gothic palace, at the further end of the Tennis Court
Lane. But it was in the Tennis Court itself that the works at
this period were most considerable. Charles had been
always fond of tennis, and with his Restoration the game,
which had, of course, been condemned by the Puritans as
ungodly and sinful, revived a great deal and came much
into fashionable vogue. But in his visits to the Tennis
' See Hari. MSS., Nos. 1618, 1656, 1657, and 1658.

i66o] The Tenms Court renovated, 203
Court here he could not but observe that, though it was the
best court in England as regards size and proportion, it was
not quite abreast of all the recent improvements, that had
been lately introduced in Paris and other continental cities,
where he had himself played the game. He accordingly
gave directions for the laying out of a considerable sum of
money on various alterations. The " tambour," for instance,
was mended, a new floor laid down, lines of black marble
inserted to mark the chaces, the galleries improved, and the
roof rebuilt. From the old accounts of the Board of Works
are to be derived many particulars for these works, which,
on account of their interest for lovers of this noble game,
are collected in an appendix to this volume.' From other
sources we find records of charges " for netts, curtains, and
lynes, for the covering of seats with velvet cushions and
other necessaries," and for the expenses of Long, the
marker, taking the dimensions of this court, on which were
modelled the King's new tennis courts at Whitehall and
St. James's.*
Pending the completion of his new courts in London,
Charles frequently played in this one, not only, it would
seem, when in residence in this Palace, but also when stay
ing in London, whence he would come down to have a
game of tennis by preference here, like many players of the
present day.
A letter of one Stephen Charlton, written to Sir R.
Leveson about six months after his accession to the throne,
and now preserved among the Duke of Sutherland's papers,
gives us a glimpse of his habits in this respect : * — " London,
21" Jan. 1660-1. The King is in very good health and
goes to Hampton Court often, and back again the same
1 HarL MSS., No. 1618, Dec, 1663. ' Trtntham Hall MSS.; Fifth Re-
See Appendix D. port on Hist. MSS.
' Marshall's Annals of Tennis, p. 89.

204 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1661
day, but very private. Most of his exercise is in the
Tennis Court in the morning, when he doth not ride
abroad ; and when he doth ride abroad, he is on horseback
by break of day, and most commonly back before noon."
He appears to have been a fair player ; but the way in
which his servile courtiers flattered him in this as in other
things, utterly disgusted honest Pepys, who writes ' : — " To
the Tennis Court, and there saw the King play at tennis,
and others ; but to see how the King's play was extolled
without any cause at all was a loathsome sight, though
sometimes, indeed, he did play very well and deserved to be
commended ; but such open flattery is beastly."
The other works about the Palace, undertaken at this
time, we need not particularize. Their cost amounted in
one year to about ^7,000 — an order " To pay Hugh
May, paymaster of the works, ;;^3,2 25 for charges in the
buildings of Hampton Court," being issued on May 19th,
1662, and in the following October, £/i^,']\'^ for repairs
there " during the past six months." * These expenses were
chiefly in consequence of Charles spending his honeymoon
with Catherine of Braganza in this palace, as we shall see
in our next chapter.
At the same time a guard-house for the foot-soldiers in
the King's service was built in the Tilt Yard, which ap
pears to be the origin of the present barracks, and which
was subsequently enlarged. The stables on the green, also,
were repaired at the cost of ^628.®
Charles II. was rather fond of gardening, and one of his
first cares after his accession was the putting the gardens :;
here in order, French gardeners being sent for to improve
them, and a Mr. May being appointed supervisor of
' Diary, Jan. 4th, 1664. ' State Papers, Domestic, Charles
State Papers, Domestic, CharlesIL, II., vol. xxxvii. No. 47, June, 1661.
vol. Ixi, No. 41, Oct. 13th, 1662.

i66i] Charles II.'s Improvements at Hampton Court. 205
them.' Later on in his reign. Rose, the royal head-gardener,
planted some very famous dwarf yew-trees here, which
were long celebrated as being the finest in England.^
To Charles II. also we owe the first laying out of the
Home Park in its present form — the planting of the great
avenues of lime trees, radiating from the centre of the east
front of the Palace, and the digging of the great canal,
extending from the same front towards the river to a
distance of three-quarters of a mile. This fact is worthy of
note, as hitherto it has been erroneously stated that it was
William III., who carried out these works. The avenues
are symptoms of the influence of that French taste, which
Charles imbibed only too strongly in many directions, during
his sojourn abroad; while the canal, fringed with rows of
lime-trees, is clearly a reminiscence of the Dutch scenery,
with which he became familiar during his residence in
Holland. The preservation of the game in the Parks and about
the manor of Hampton Court, was also a subject of concern
to King Charles, who had the covers restocked, and who
gave injunctions that all dogs, guns, nets, etc., used for its
destruction should be destroyed." ^
He likewise rebuilt the Upper Lodge in Bushey Park,
and gave it as a residence to Mr. Edward Progers, by
whom he was occasionally entertained at dinner there, when
he came down to Hampton Court for a day's sport.
Progers was a groom of the bed-chamber to the King, and a
man of notoriety, at any rate, if not of note, in his time,
having been a faithful servant to Charles II. during his
troubles, and having been banished the King's presence in
' State Papers, Domestic, Charles Gardening in England.
II., vol. xxxvii, No. 47, Dec. i8th, 'State Papers, Domestic, Charles
1661. II; vol. xliv.. No. 98, Nov. 2Sth, 1661,
' "Wal'polds Observations on Modern and Aug. 27th, 1662.

2o6

History of Hampton Court Palace.

[1662

1650, by an Act of the States of Scotland, "as an evil
instrument and bad counsellor of the King's."
De Grammont, to be more specific, declares that he was
the confidant and instrument of the King's intrigues, and
among the many scandalous stories of that scandalous time,
there are several that lend colour to the accusation.' At
any rate, he frequently acted as a secret agent for the Merry

The Upper Lodge in Bushey Park in the Reign oi Charles II.
Monarch, whose commissions must have been of a very
equivocal nature, and in reward for his services, if not as
the price of the complacency of his own wife, he was the
recipient of numerous appointments and favours from the
King, chiefly of oflices and privileges in and about Hamp
ton Court,^ among which was that of keeper of the Middle
' De Grammont's Memoirs, ed. i S59, //., vol. Ixxxvi, No. 78, Dec. 30th, 1663,
p. 217, and note p. 381. and vol. cii. No. 27, Sept. 7th, 1664 ;
^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles vol. cv. No. 125, Nov. 30th, 1664.

1662] Distribution of Appointments and Offices. 207
or North Park, in reversion after the Duke of Albemarle,
who nominated him his deputy during his life.'
Progers, however, was not the only faithful adherent of
the restored monarch, who claimed his gratitude in the
shape of appointments and emoluments in connection with
Hampton Court. For the first few years after his restora
tion, Charles was literally overwhelmed with applications
from all sorts of persons, each extolling his own services in
the good old cause, and requesting some substantial
recognition from his grateful sovereign. The State
Papers of the years 1662 to 1667 abound with petitions
for such offices as " Housekeeper of Hampton Court,"
" Keeper of the Standing Wardrobe " there, " Keeper of
the Still House," " Keeper of the Game about Hampton
Court," and many similar posts, together with the warrants
and grants, which were the answers to such applications.
One startling claim was that of one Clement Kynnersley,
yeoman of the Wardrobe of Beds, who stated that ^7,000
arrears of salary were due to him ; and who further requested
compensation for that " he had, by his exertions, preserved
;^500,ooo worth of His Majesty's goods together at
Hampton Court from sale and embezzlement." *
^ State Papers, DomestiCjCharles II., ^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles
vol. cxxxvii, No. 145, Nov., 1665 ; vol. //., vol. xxii, No. 171, Nov. i66o.
cbcxxviii. No. 69, June nth, 1667, etc.

CHAPTER XVII.
HONEYMOON OF CHARLES II. AND CATHERINE OF BRAGANZA.
Marriage of Charles II. to Catherine of Braganza — Their Arrival in great
State at Hampton Court — Etching by Dirk Stoop — Reception of their
Majesties in the Palace — The Duchess of York comes to pay her Respects —
Presentations to the Queen — The Judges — The Lord Mayor and Aldermen —
The Nobility — John Evelyn's Impression of the new Queen — Her Ladies —
Hideous and Disagreeable old Frumps — De Grammont's Opinion — " Six Frights
who call themselves Maids of Honour" — "Peter of the Wood"— The Old
Knight — A Fantastic and Comical Crew — Their ludicrous Dress — Their Mon
strous Fardingales — The Queen's Obstinacy in Retaining her Native Dress —
Submits and adopts the English Fashion — A Joyous Time at Hampton Court —
The Queen's Portuguese Band — Evelyn's Description of the Palace — Pepys'
Visit — The Parks and Gardens — A Portuguese Young Lady's Baby.
iiNG CHARLES II.'s restoration to the throne
of his ancestors in May, 1660, was followed,
exactly two years after, by his marriage to
Catherine of Braganza, Infanta of Portugal, who,
having sailed from Lisbon on the 23rd of April,
St. George's Day, arrived off Portsmouth on the 14th of
May, and came ashore when she had recovered from the
effects of the journey, about a week after. On the day of
her landing she received her first visit from Charles, and the

\fl^ Qniinili.j ffj yJUn^'j- M&: OJldj^ ^Tff'tST UtB.
(.(^.//slv u.'iJ:^^ ¦ .r,/',7/: Jrjta,':.:^ Cirolo I.j o i%"-

1,1 ?i

^-¦j^<r— (^t4vl;?2^ iaTjc.

f^/ie J^rr/z^a/ ^ Chd^rhs II ^^/ Catherii
J/a-airnile from a (Ujyitemf.or,

:.vDonaT!ataniu&- Fottsmuit ",r a Haintcn-court

ae oj ^rsi'^sirvja at //cim/itan Court
it':/662.
arif (htchina t?ij e^ irk \ I'oo^

1662] Charles II.'s Marriage. 209
very next day, the 21st, these two very new acquaintances
were married.
After staying two or three days at Portsmouth, the
"happy pair" set out for Hampton Court — where it had
been arranged that they should spend their honeymoon —
" as well," ^ says the chronicler, "for the salubrity eis majesty
of it, being one of the most magnificent structures of all the
royal palaces ; " and here, after stopping a night at Windsor
Castle, they arrived on the 29th of May, Charles's birth
day, and the anniversary of his entrj' into London after the
Restoration.'* Their progress hither took place in great state, as the
accompanying facsimile of a contemporary etching drawn on
the spot by Dirk Stoop shows,^ in a chariot drawn by six
horses, and accompanied by footmen, runners, men-at-arms,
and a stream of carriages, in which were the ladies and
gentlemen of the court, and of waggons and carts, which
carried the guurda-infantas — that is, the fardingales of the
Queen and her ladies, " without which," as Charles some
what complainingly remarked, " there is no stirring." The
royal coach must have driven across the bridge over the
moat in front of the Great Gateway, through the First Court,
to the foot of the Great Hall stairs under Anne Boleyn's
archway, where they alighted, and passed up the stairs
through two lines of guards, followed by the Comtesses of
Pontevel and Penalva, the Countess of Suffolk, and other
ladies and ofificers of the household. Under the screens
of the Great Hall were assembled the Lord Chancellor
' Heath's Chronicle, p. 509. in the Sheepshanks' Collection. Stoop
' Echard's History of England, was a Dutch engraver who went to
voL iii^ p. 8. Lisbon with the vessel that brought the
' From a set of seven plates iQustra- Infanta to England, and accompanied
ting Catherine of Braganza's progress her home, for the express piu3>ose of
from Lisbon to Hampton Court and executing these etchings.
London. A set is in the British Museum
* P

2IO History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
Clarendon,' the Lord Treasurer, and the Counsellors of
State, who received the royal pair, and went before them up
through the Hall and the Great Watching Chamber, to the
Presence Chamber. Here they were greeted by the foreign
ministers, who were present to offer the gratulations of their
respective sovereigns on the marriage.
The new Queen then proceeded through a suite of several
state rooms, in which were gathered, according to their tlc-
grees and several qualifications, the nobility, the lords and
ladies of the Court, and others. After receiving their homage,
the Queen retired to her own room.'^
The same night the Duchess of York came from London
in her barge to pay her respects to her Majesty, and was
received at the Privy Garden Gate by the waterside by
King Charles himself, who, taking her by the hand, led her
to the Queen, who received her in her bed-chamber. The
Duchess offered to kiss her hand, but the Queen prevented
her by raising her up and kissing her. The royal family
then seated themselves near the Queen's bed, and con
versed with her.'
Next morning the Queen was dressed by eleven o'clock,
and received several ladies, among them the wife of Sir
Richard Fanshawe, whom the reader will remember as
being with Charles I. at Hampton Court just before his
escape, and who had performed the office of groomsman to
Charles II. at his marriage at Portsmouth. Lady Fanshawe
tells us that she " had the honour from the King, who was
then present, to tell the Queen who I was, saying many
kind things to ingratiate me with her Majesty, whereupon
' So says White Kennett, but Lord '' Memoirs of Lady Fanshawe, p.
Sandwich, in a letter to Lord Claren- 144.
don, speaks of making "your excuse ' Life o^ Catherine of Braganza, by
that your Lordship did not attend her Miss Strickland, who had access to
Majesty's arrival at Hampton Court." some unpublished Portuguese authori-
See Journal of I^rd Sandwich. ties.

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1662] Queen Catherine of Braganza. 211
her Majesty gave her hand to me to kiss, with promises of
her future favour." '
The rest of that day was probably spent in making the
acquaintance of the various courtiers ; and on the next, the
31st, the judges came to compliment her on her arrival.
On June 2nd her Majesty received in state the Lord Mayor
and aldermen of the city of London, who, by Sir William
Wylde, their recorder (who pronounced a Spanish oration),
presented her with a gold cup and ;^ 1,000 in it.^ On this
and other days she also received addresses from the nobility,
and the submissions of several deputies for the cities and
towns of England. Among them, we may be sure that the
neighbouring town of Kingston-on-Thames was duly repre
sented, especially as it had, about a fortnight before, been
granted by the King the right of holding a weekly market,
" on account of the convenience of thus supplying the house
hold at Hampton Court," and had also received the privi
lege of " a fat buck to be sent every year out of Hampton
Court Park, in consideration of a piece of land formerly
parted with to the Crown." ^
John Evelyn, the diarist, also came down from London to
Hampton Court, and saw the Queen dining in public ; and
was afterwards taken by the Duke of Ormonde to be
presented to her, and kiss her hand.* His impression of
her was tolerably favourable, for he states that " She was
yet of the handsomest countenance of all the rest, and
though low of stature, prettily shaped, languishing and
excellent eyes, her teeth wronging her mouth by sticking a
little too far out : for the rest lovely enough."
But to say that she was " of the handsomest countenance "
' Memoirs,'^. 145. '^ State Papers, Domestic, Charles II,
* Heath's Chronicle, p. 509 ; Pepys' vol. liv., No. 68, May 19th, 1662.
Diary; Echard's History, p. 8oi ; * Diary, May 31st.
Jlchard iii. p. 84.

212 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
of any of the Portuguese ladies who followed in her train,
was not a very high commendation ; for never, according to
the universal opinion, both at Court and among the public,
had a pack of such hideous, odious, disagreeable women
been gathered together to attend a Queen. Lord Clarendon,
who was not disposed to be censorious in this regard, stig
matized them as " old, ugly and proud, and incapable of any
conversation with persons of quality and a liberal educa
tion ; " ' while the vivacious De Grammont, after saying
that the Queen herself lent but little brilliancy to the Court
where she came to reign, gives a caustic account of her
retinue. It was composed, he says, of the Countess de
Pan^tra, who came with her from Portugal, in the quality
of lady of the bed-chamber ; " six frights, who called them
selves Maids of Honour, and a Duenna, another Monster,
who took the title of governess to these extraordinary
beauties." The Court were not less critical of the gentlemen in atten
dance on the Queen. Among these, especially, was one
Taurauvddez, who called himself Don Pedro Francisco de
Silva, and who, though extremely handsome, " was," says
De Grammont, "a greater fool than all the rest of the
Portuguese put together, and more vain of his names than
his person. On him the Duke of Buckingham fastened the
nickname of " Peter of the Wood," which so enraged him
that, after many fruitless complaints and ineffectual menaces,
he left England in disgust. " The Old Knight," also, " a lock
of whose hair quite covered the rest of his bald pate, bound
on by a thread very oddly," was another object of ridicule
to the scoffers.
Altogether, both the ladies and gentlemen of the Portu
guese suite formed such a fantastic and comical crew, that in
a witty and critical Court like that of Charles II., they
' Autobiography, ii. p. 167.

1662] A Fantastic and Comical Retinue. 213
could not but be exposed to a constant fire of satirical
comment. But what gave rise to even more criticism and laughter
than their looks and general appearance, was the ludicrous
Portuguese dress in which the Queen and her ladies in
sisted on attiring themselves, instead of the pretty and
graceful fashion then prevalent at the English Court. Their
obstinacy in thus adhering to their native costume, which
was not only strange, but positively ugly and grotesque,
could not but create a prejudice against them, and tend to
diminish that feeling of respect for the new Queen, which
it should have been the first aim of all of them to foster.
It seems that before leaving Lisbon, Catherine had been
strongly urged by her brother, the King of Portugal, and
by her mother, to cling pertinaciously to all her native
peculiarities of manners, customs, language, and dress, being
foolishly persuaded that to do so would greatly conduce to
the dignity of Portugal, and would soon lead the English
ladies to follow her example, so that it would end in the
Portuguese costume being adopted by every one at
Court. Of this idea Charles had probably got some inkling
before his future wife had left Portugal ; for he despatched
to Lisbon a first-rate tailor, who was to fit her out in the
smartest and best " tailor-made " French dresses ; and when
she landed at Portsmouth he sent her, at once, a most mag
nificent trousseau.
But in both cases Catherine refused to take the hint — the
tailor she would not even see, the trousseau she utterly
declined to wear, and even now that she was under her
husband's roof, she still, with petty feminine obstinacy,
adhered to her foolish resolution, as unconscious, apparently,
of the bad taste of appearing so singular among a foreign
people in the Court where she had come to reign, as she

214 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1663
evidently was of the stupidity of thereby giving her hus
band a good cause of complaint against her so early in
their married life. Never, in truth, was a more foolish
mistake made. Had the dresses she and her ladies insisted
on wearing been pretty or graceful, there would have been
more excuse for the eccentricity ; and had the wearers of them
been remarkable for beauty of feature or form, there would
have been more chance of carrying off their strangeness in
English eyes, and more likelihood of inducing the ladies of
the Court to follow their lead and adopt the costume. But
instead of this, the train of hideous, dowdy, old frumps, with
their dumpy figures, their forbidding countenances, and
their dark, olive complexions, " decked out in their monstrous
fardingales," with " their fortops turned aside very strangely,"
raised a perfect howl of derision wherever they went.
Charles, who was keenly alive to the ludicrous, and
always acutely sensitive to any ridicule cast on those con
nected with himself, and who was, all the time, only too
conscious of the critical eyes and satiric tongues of his
courtiers, implored her to lay this costume aside, and wear
some of the trousseau he had presented to her.
But for a long time Catherine was obdurate ; until at
length, finding that the king, who had used persuasion in
vain, was becoming peremptory, she obeyed, yielding at
last with bad grace on a point in which she was clearly in
the wrong, and on which she should have given in, cheer
fully and willingly, at the beginning.
Throughout this dispute Catherine was so unfortunate as
to receive nothing but bad advice from her ladies-in-waiting,
who, being older than herself, and presumably possessed of
more knowledge and experience of the world, should have
encouraged her to take the wiser and more reasonable
course, instead of from the outset doing everything in their
power to set her against Charles, and to resist his authority

'tu/zdc ui/LfccnL _
^. 0aLt£v~iiy

<y)Lrcfujj (f\ryi/i/t. LuLt/iiir/ffcC (4////cV^ ImmdunLc avLfi'cniE

1662] Grotesque Portuguese Fashions. 215
in every way. Even after she herself had adopted the
English costume, they themselves persisted in appearing
before the whole Court in their grotesque "guarda-in-
fantas," in defiance of her example, and in reproach, as it
were, to her weakness in having surrendered. Eventually,
however, even they had to conform, and were compelled to
clothe their misshapen forms in the prevailing French
fashion. The weakening of the new Queen's influence,
caused by thus making her first stand against Charles on
a question, in which eventual surrender on her part was
inevitable, instead of reserving all her strength of will and
firmness of purpose for a contest, where principles and not
trifles were involved, had, as we shall see in our next chapter,
the most fatal results on her future life with her husband.
After this things went on propitiously for some little time.
For, though Charles was never in love with his wife, still he
was sufficiently pleased with her youth, her simplicity, and
her cheerful and innocent conversation to make the first few
weeks of their sojourn at Hampton Court go off pretty well.
The days were occupied with excursions on the river, sports
in the parks, and games in the gardens ; the evenings with
plays, music, and balls, in which the King, who excelled in
dancing, greatly distinguished himself.'
Evelyn, who was at the Palace for several days, gives us
some account of what was going on. One day he saw the
beautiful gondola sent to his Majesty by the State of Venice
floating on the Thames, bearing, no doubt, the royal party,
but he adds, " it was not comparable for swiftness to our
common wherries, though managed by Venetians ; " on
another day he was present when her Majesty took supper
privately in her bed-room ; and on another he heard " the
Queen's Portugal music, consisting of fifes, harps, and very
ill voices."
' Hist. Casa Real Portuguesa.

2i6 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
At the same time Evelyn made a careful inspection of the
whole palace and its contents and curiosities ; and from
what he tells us, under date June 9th, 1662, we can judge
that it now shone again with much of its pristine splen
dour : —
" Hampton Court is as noble and uniform a pile, and as
capacious as any Gothic architecture can have made it.
There is incomparable furniture in it, especially hangings
designed by Raphael, very rich with gold [he apparently
means the tapestries in the Great Hall, representing the
" History of Abraham," the designs of which are now attri
buted to Bernard van Orlay], also many rare pictures, espe
cially the Cesarian Triumphs of Andr. Mantegna, formerly
the Duke of Mantua's ; of the tapestries, I believe the
world can show nothing nobler of the kind than the storys
of Abraham and Tobit.' The gallery of homes is very
particular for the vast beames of stags, elks, antelopes, etc.
" The Queen's bed was an embroidery of silver on crimson
velvet, and cost ;^8,ooo, being a present made by the States
of Holland when his Majesty returned, and had formerly
been given by them to our King's sister, the Princess of
Orange, and being bought of her again was now presented
to the King.^ The great looking-glass and toilet of beaten
and massive gold was given by the Queen Mother. The
Queen brought over with her from Portugal such Indian
cabinets as had never been seen here.
" The Great Hall is a most magnificent room. The chapel
roof excellently fretted and gilt. I was also curious to visit
the wardrobe and tents and other furniture of state."
Pepys also bears his testimony to the splendour of
' One piece of the Story of Tobit this reign, see post, p. 244. " Un lit
has been returned recently to Hamp- et I'assortiment de velours incamat,
ton Court. d'une parfaitement riche broderie d'or
'^ This bed is also mentioned by M. et d'argent, doubld de brocatelle."
de Monconys a traveller in England in

Old East Front of Hampton Court in the time of Charles II.
From the picture by Danckers.

1662] Evelyns Description of Hampton Court. 217
Hampton Court, when he visited it just after it had been
prepared for the reception of the King and Queen, about a
fortnight before their arrival.' He and his party were shown
over the palace by Mr. Marriott, the housekeeper, and he
also was much struck with "the noble furniture, particularly
the Queen's bed, given her by the States of Holland ;
a looking-glass sent by the Queen-Mother from France,
hanging in the Queen's chamber, and many brave pictures."
The Queen's Portuguese chronicler likewise speaks with
enthusiasm of the hangings of silk and gold, the em
broidered canopies, chairs, and beds, and the valuable
paintings in the Palace.^
But it was not only the furniture and interior of the
Palace that moved the interest of visitors. Its surrounding
amenities, also, did - not fail to attract observation ; and
Evelyn, especially, as a horticulturist, and the author of the
" Sylva," speaks of — " The Park, formerly a naked piece of
ground, now planted with sweet rows of lime trees ; and
the canal for water now near perfected," &c.,^ a remark
which shows, as we have already pointed out in our last
chapter, that it is to Charles II., and not to William 1 1 1., as
is usually stated, that we are indebted for the making of the
Long Canal, and the planting of the great avenues in the
Home Park. If any further proof of this fact were needed,
we have it in a curious contemporary picture of the old east
front of the Palace before William 1 1 I.'s alterations, taken
from the park side, and showing the canal and the recently-
planted lime trees. The picture was painted for Charles 1 1 .
about this time by Danckers, a painter of architecture and
landscape, and it can be traced as being in the royal collec-
' Diary, May 12th, 1662.
^ See Life of Queen Catherine, by Miss Strickland, who had access to
unpublished documents.
' Diary, June 9th, 1662.

2i8 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
tion since the time of James II., in whose catalogue it is
entered thus : ' — " Hampton Court with the Canal, by
Danckers." It has recently been removed, at the author's
suggestion, from St. James's Palace to Hampton Court, and
an engraving of it is here inserted. The space in front
of this facade of the Palace was afterwards, as we shall
show in our next volume, occupied by the large semi
circular garden laid out by William III., and on that account
this end of the canal was partly filled up, so as to be now
further removed from the Palace than appears in this
picture. Its present length is 3,500 feet, or nearly three-
quarters of a mile, and its width 1 50 feet.
On the gardens Evelyn makes the following observa
tions : "In the garden is a rich and noble fountain, with
syrens, statues, etc., cast in copper by Fanelli, but no plenty
of water. The cradle walk of horn-beam^ [now called
Queen Mary's Bower] in the garden is, for the perplexed
twining of the trees, very observable. There is a parterre
which they call Paradise, in which is a pretty banqueting
house set over a cave or cellar. All these gardens might
be exceedingly improved, as being too narrow for such a
palace." While Evelyn was surveying the gardens at Hampton
Court, and noting what improvements might be made in
them, Pepys was busy collecting the latest gossip from the
Palace that reached him in London. On the 22nd of June
he sets down in his diary : " This day I am told of a Por
tugal lady, at Hampton Court, that hath dropped a child
already since the Queen's coming, and the King would not
have them searched, whose it is ; and so it is not commonly
' See James II.'s Catalogue in the have the four houses of the king,
British Museum. In Pepys' Diary, Whitehall, Hampton Court, Greenwich
Jan. 1668-9, we find, "Dancre took and Windsor.
measure of my panels- in my dining- " The trees are wych elm, not horn-
room, where in the four I intend to beam.

1662] The Gardens — A Scandalous Story. 219
known yet. ' Nor does her name appear to be known to
this day, though that of the father has been revealed by
history — a reversal of the usual order of things in these
cases which is sufficiently remarkable. He was, it seems, a
Mr. Edward Tildesley, a member of an old Catholic
Lancashire family, who had been sent to Portugal in the
preceding autumn, with the embassy commissioned by
Charles to bring over the Infanta into England. He
appears to have fallen in love with the lady while in Por
tugal, and continued his suit on board ship on the way
home. As a penance for his fault he was enjoined by the
Queen to give the lady as compensation the sum of ;^ 1,500.
To raise it he mortgaged his estate to some English priests,
who in their turn imposed upon the lady as a penance for
her sin, that she should give the money to them, which she
did.' ' The English Catholic Non-Jurors o/"i7i5, by Escourt and Payne, p. 342

CHAPTER XVIII.

CHARLES II. BETWIXT MISTRESS AND WIFE.
Discontent in London at "the King and Queen minding their Pleasures at
Hampton Court " — The Queen resolved not to receive Lady Castlemaine — The
King determined that she shall — The imperious Castlemaine's Audacity — ^Aspires
to be publicly recognized as the King's Mistress — Charles presents her to Cathe
rine — A Painful Scene — Catherine faints — Charles's " Wonderful Indignation" —
Dreads the Appearance of being ruled by his Wife — Urged on by his Courtiers
not to yield — Their Satirical Comments on the Queen and her Attendants —
Charles's Honour involved — He demands that Catherine should make his
Mistress a Lady of her Bedchamber — Catherine's Passionate Indignation at the
Proposal — The aid of the Lord Chancellor Clarendon invoked — His Lordship
speaks out — " Flesh and blood could not comply with it " — The King's unshake-
able Determination — Requires Clarendon to Persuade the Queen to yield — He
hesitates — Charles's Peremptorj' Letter — " The Keeper of the King's Conscience"
undertakes to pander for his Majesty.
^N the meantime, the King and Queen spending
such a long time at Hampton Court was be
ginning to occasion considerable dissatisfaction
in London, where the presence of the Court was
missed, and where the business of the State was
at a standstill. Pepys, in a note at the end of his Diary for
June, says : " This I take to be as bad a juncture as ever I
observed. The King and new Queen minding their plea
sures at Hampton Court : all people discontented."

1662] The Queen and Lady Castlemaine. 221
But as Sir John Reresby remarked : " Though every
thing was gay and splendid and profusely joyful, it was easy
to discern that the King was not excessively charmed with
his new bride, who was a very little woman, with a pretty
tolerable face, she neither in person nor manners having any
one article to stand in competition with the charms of the
Countess of Castlemaine, the finest woman of her age." '
Indeed, of the King's indifference to her, and his preference
for Lady Castlemaine, the Queen had not long to wait before
receiving very emphatic proof
Previous to Catherine of Braganza's quitting Portugal she
had heard of the too intimate relations, which had for some
time existed between King Charles and the young and
beautiful Mrs. Palmer, afterwards Countess of Castlemaine,
a lady of good birth, whose father had lost his life in the
service of the Crown. And she had been warned by her
mother, on no account, to receive her at Court, or even to
allow her name to be mentioned in her presence. When,
therefore, Catherine came to England and married Charles,
she kept this resolution firmly planted in her mind.
Unfortunately her husband had, on his part, for many
reasons, come to exactly the opposite conclusion ; and he was
determined to insist, at all hazards, on the Queen not only
acknowledging and receiving Lady Castlemaine at Court,
but positively making her one of the ladies of her bed
chamber, and admitting her into her most intimate acquain
tance. He had made this resolve, partly out of his infatua
tion for that fascinating lady, and partly in consequence of a
promise, which the imperious beauty had extorted from him, of
giving her such a position at Court as could not be gainsayed,
and which would be some compensation to her for her loss
of position in more respectable or less tolerant society.
Indeed her ladyship's audacity rose to such presumptuous
^ Reresby's Memoirs, p. 167.

22 2 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
heights that being with child by the King, about a fortnight
before the Queen's arrival in England, she formed the
design of going to Hampton Court for her confinement, so
that that interesting event might occur in the Palace during
the honeymoon of the Queen, and the King acknowledge
her illegitimate offspring as his own, in the face of his
newly-married wife !
This, however, was rather too much, even for the accom
modating good nature of the easy-going Charles. But
Lady Castlemaine, foiled in that part of her scheme, resolved
that she would be satisfied with nothing less than being
publicly recognized and received at Court, as the acknow
ledged mistress of the King, "/a mattresse en litre',' accord
ing to the custom of the French Court, which has always
been the accepted arbiter in all such questions of mere
tricious etiquette.
Such being the intentions and inclinations of the chief
persons concerned, we can imagine the significance of
the scene that occurred one day at Hampton Court, in the
Presence Chamber, where Catherine was sitting, surrounded
by the Court, when the door opened, and Charles, leading
Lady Castlemaine by the hand, himself presented her to the
Queen. Catherine, who, of course, had never set eyes on the lady
before, and who, perhaps, did not catch her name, nor fully
understand who she was, rose and received her with her
usual graciousness. But a moment after, divining who she
was, and conscious of the flagrant insult that had been put
upon her in the face of the whole Court, she sat down, her
colour changed, tears gushed from her eyes, her nose bled,
and she fainted. She was then taken into her own room ;
and all the company withdrew to talk over the scandalous
scene they had just witnessed.
So painful an upshot of the King's first step towards his

y?!y'r"-

i/./'M.iCy /!..//.„

1662] The Kings Mistress forced on the Queen. 223
project, should have made him, one would suppose, relin
quish it at least for a time. But not at all. On the con
trary, he looked upon the demeanour of the Queen in the
affair "with wonderful indignation," and on receiving, in
reply to his remonstrances, her answer that she would main
tain her resolution not to receive Lady Castlemaine, in spite
of everything he might do or say, he became excessively
exasperated. His pride was touched in the one quarter in which it was
most tender — namely, the dread of appearing to the world
as though he was governed by his wife, on which point, as
Clarendon, whose pages are the authority for the particulars
of this story,' observes : " He was the most jealous and the
most resolute of any man," though no man's nature was, in
its essence, "more remote from thoughts of roughness or
hard-heartedness." He had persuaded himself, however,
that his honour was involved in breaking down the resis
tance of his wife to his authority ; and for once the Merry
Monarch, usually so pliable and yielding, was as firm as
adamant." To mark his displeasure the more emphatically,
he entirely avoided the Queen's company, " and sought ease
and refreshment in that jolly company, to which in the
evenings he grew every day more indulgent, and in which
there were some, who desired rather to inflame than pacify
his discontent." Here among his boon companions he was
certain to be strongly backed up in the course he was
taking ; for not only were they eager, from a spirit of courtier-
ship, to flatter his pride, and encourage him to act accord
ing to the promptings of his passion ; but they also feared
that if the Queen were to get her way, it might lead to
the purification of the Court, and put a very unwelcome
period to their own immoral pranks. The courtiers,
therefore, took their cue from the knowledge that the thing
* Autobiography, vol. ii.

2 24 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
above all others in the world, which the King shrank from,
was to appear as though he was ruled by his wife. So they
plied him unremittingly with urgent exhortations to make a
stand now, assuring him that if he yielded on this point, he
would ever afterwards be looked on as that most ridiculous
of all objects — a hen-pecked husband. In a man like
Charles, so alive to the ludicrous, these representations were
not without effect. Nor was he oblivious of the Queen's ill-
advised obstinacy about her native dress ; how absurd she
and her ladies had made themselves appear in the eyes of
the whole Court ; and how, when he insisted, she had been
obliged to give in. This topic, also, his courtiers worked
adroitly to the same end, holding up all the Queen's atten
dants to the most merciless ridicule, and indirectly pointing
the shafts of their satire at the Queen herself We can
imagine the roars of laughter that greeted the sallies of the
Court wits, such as Rochester, Buckingham, De Grammont,
and Sir Charles Sedley, and of Charles's parasites, male and
female, assembled in jovial supper parties around the Merry
Monarch at Hampton Court, at the Guarda-damas, or
Mother of the Maids, an austere, wrinkled old harridan,
who looked more like an old housekeeper in fancy dress
than a lady-in-waiting ; at " Peter of the Wood " with his
Lusitanian pride and his six names ; at the " old knight "
with his one lock of hair plastered across his bald pate ; at
those six frights, the maids of honour, with their shapeless
figures, their absurd top-knots, and their olive-green com
plexions, who were so prudish as to refuse to sleep in any
bed that had ever been slept in by a man ; ' and, by inuendo,
at the Queen herself with her short, stunted figure, her
snub nose, and her protruding tooth !
No wonder that all this confirmed Charles in his resolu
tion not to give way to Catherine, whom he characterized
^ Letters of Philip second Lord Chesterfield, p. 122.

ELiiqlatid.S^ifcotint^pi^^'^^^jWilinot of.hlwtii c

1662] The Portuguese assailed with Ridicule. 225
as a bat instead of a woman ! For a man to be ruled by his
wife was bad enough ; but to be ruled by such a wife !
On the other hand we must not forget the feelings of the
poor Queen — in a strange country, without counsellors, and
without friends, married, after one daj^s acquaintance, to a
man whose affections were already engaged, to whom she
was an object of indifference, and who, instead of being her
protector, was trying to exact a most humiliating concession
from her ; while she, an alien in religion, and ignorant of the
language and customs of the people, was surrounded by a
crowd of cynics and scoffers. Never surely was a young
woman placed in a more painful position !
But a still more bitter and cruel trial was yet in store for
her. Hitherto, though Charles had freely expressed his
displeasure to the Queen at her conduct when he presented
Lady Castlemaine to her, and his determination that she
should receive that lady at Court, he had not yet revealed
to her his intention of insisting also on his mistress being
appointed a lady of her bedchamber. This plan, however,
he now proceeded to unfold, preferring it on the transparent
pretext that it was the only means of vindicating her lady
ship's aspersed character to the world.
But at this proposal the Queen was naturally only the
more transported with indignation ; and she burst out into
a torrent of angry reproaches against her husband.
Finding that all his remonstrances with the Queen were
of no avail, Charles bethought himself of having recourse to
the persuasive powers of his Lord Chancellor, Clarendon, to
whom he accordingly imparted his complaint of the Queen's
"perverseness and ill-humours," and requested his assistance
in his endeavour to break down her resistance to his project.
Clarendon, though he knew of what had taken place in
the Presence-Chamber, had hitherto not heard of this truly
shocking proposal ; and he made bold to speak his mind

226 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
pretty freely to the King, censuring particularly " the hard-
heartedness and cruelty in laying such a command upon the
Queen, which flesh and blood could not comply with," and
urging many other good reasons of policy and morality
against his adhering to it. In answer, the King acknow
ledged that what his chancellor said proceeded no doubt
from affection for him ; but he declared that having undone
this lady and ruined her reputation, he was bound in con
science and honour to do the utmost he could for her, that
" he would always avow to have a great friendship for her,
which he owed as well to the memory of her father as to her
own person ; and that he would look upon it as the highest
disrespect to him in anybody who should treat her otherwise
than was due to her own birth, and the dignity to which he
had raised her. That he liked her company and conversa
tion, from which he would not be restrained, because he
knew there was and should be all innocence in it ; and that
his wife should never have cause to complain that he brake
his vows to her if she would live towards him as a good wife
ought to do, in rendering herself grateful and acceptable to
him, which it was in her power to do." He added that he
had proceeded so far in the business, and was so deeply
engaged in it, that not only would the lady be exposed to
all imaginable contempt if it was not carried through, " but
his own honour would suffer so much, that he should become
ridiculous to the world, and be thought, too, in pupilage
under a governor. Therefore he should expect and exact
conformity from his wife herein, which should be the only
hard thing he would ever require from her, and which she
herself might make very easy, for the lady would behave
herself with all possible duty and humility unto her, which
if she should fail to do in the least degree she should never
see the King's face again : and that in the future he would
undertake never to put any other servant about her without

1662] Charles' Unshakable Determination. 227
first consulting her and receiving her consent and approba
tion." He concluded by saying that nothing should make
him recede from the resolution he had taken ; and that he
required Clarendon to use all the persuasive arts, of which
he was master, to induce the Queen to comply with his
wishes. Such a duty was not one that any man would willingly
have had cast upon him, especially considering the isolated
and forlorn condition of the young Queen ; least of all could
it have been a congenial one to Lord Clarendon, to whom
Catherine had been bidden by her mother to look for
counsel and sympathetic guidance,' and whom, as she
touchingly assured him, she regarded as her only friend in
England. Besides, the woman whom he was desired by the
King to recommend as a lady of her bed-chamber, was one
of his own bitterest personal enemies, hating him both on
account of his grudging her the pernicious influence she
wielded over the King, and on account of his forbidding his
own wife to receive or even to notice her.
In these circumstances he was certainly hesitating to dis
charge the task assigned to him, if he was not actually
endeavouring to thwart the King in his project, when
he received from his Majesty the following peremptory
letter : — Hampton Court, Thursday morning.
For the Chancellor.
I forgot when you were here last to desire you to give
Broderick good counsel not to meddle any more with what con
cerns my Lady Castlemaine, and to let him have a care how he is
the author of any scandalous reports, for if I find him guilty of such
a thing, I will make him repent it to the last moment of his life.
And now I am entered on diis matter, I think it very necessary to
give you a little good council, lest you may think that by making
a farther stir in the matter you may divert me from my resolution,
' Letter of Lord Sandwich from Portsmouth to Lord Clarendon.

228 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
which all the world shall never do, and I wish I may be unhappy
in this world, and in the world to come, if I fail in the least degree
of what I resolved, which is of making my Lady Castlemaine of my
wife's bed-chamber, and whosoever I find endeavouring to hinder
this resolution of mine, except it be only to myself, I will be his
enemy to the last moment of my life. You know how much a
friend I have been to you : if you will oblige me eternally, make
this business as easy to me as you can, of what opinion you are of ;
for I am resolved to go through with this matter, let what will come
of it, which again I solemnly swear before Almighty God ; where
fore, if you desire to have the continuance of my friendship, meddle
no more with this business, except it be to beat down all false and
scandalous reports, and to facilitate what I am sure my honour is
so much concerned in : and whomsoever I find to be my Lady
Castlemaine's enemy in this matter, I do promise upon my word to
be his enemy as long as I live. You may show this letter to my
Lord Lieutenant, and if you have both a mind to oblige me, carry
yourselves like friends to me in this matter. CHARLES R.'
The import of this letter there was no mistaking; and
"the Keeper of the King's Conscience" had the disagree
able alternative plainly put before him, either of resigning the
Great Seal, and incurring the King's eternal enmity, or of
employing all his powers of persuasion and argument, to
induce a friendless and inexperienced young woman,
specially committed to his care, to enter into most inti
mate relations with a woman, whom he thought too in
famous to associate with his own wife !
Clarendon was not long in making his election : and in
exhaustible were the plausible sophistries — set out with
great diffuseness in his autobiography — with which, after
the manner of politicians anxious to retain place and power,
he tried to excuse to his own conscience and to the world,
his adoption of the baser alternative. It was, of course, not
^ Secret History of Charles II., vol. i., p. 447.

1662] Clarendon! s Cant. 229
that he feared the displeasure of the King, nor that he clung
to the lucrative post of the Lord Chancellorship. Not at
all ! It was only his overwhelming sense of what was due
to his sovereign and master, and his deep appreciation of
the imperative exigencies of the political situation, which
compelled him to waive any objections he might have had,
and to subordinate his individual predilections to the good
of the State. With verbose and laboured cant of this sort,
did Clarendon seek to justify himself for assuming the
disgraceful r61e of pander for the King !

CHAPTER XIX.

QUEEN CATHERINE AND LADY CASTLEMAINE.
Clarendon's Interviews with Catherine of Braganza — Her touching Reliance
on him — His unworthy Sophistry — Tries to wheedle her to acquiesce in the King's
Purpose — She threatens to return to Portugal — "Your mother wouldn't have
you back " — High words between Charles and Catherine— Her " Perverseness "
— Clarendon's Pharasaical Cant — The King's Mistress " an estimable and com
mendable Associate " for the Queen — Catherine's Determination — Studied Cold
ness and Indifference of the King — He passes his time in Jovial Company —
The Queen's Attendants sent back to Portugal — Lady Castlemaine installed in
the Palace — The Queen's friendless and forlorn Condition — Subjected to Ridicule
and Indignity — She submits — Treats Lady Castlemaine with marked Fami
liarity — Loathsome Perfidy of Clarendon — Charles and Catherine visit the
Queen-Mother Her Visit to this Palace — Their Majesties' State Entry into
London by way of the Thames — Their Progress down the River in Magnificent
Barges — Splendid Aquatic Pageant.
jLARENDON'S first interview with Queen
Catherine of Braganza, to try and induce her
to conform to the King's wishes, was not much
of a success. For when, in expressing his
regret at the misunderstanding that had arisen
between their Majesties, he coolly did so in such a way as
to show that the King imputed much blame to her, hinting
also that he himself shared that view, she protested so
passionately, and with such a torrent of tears, that there was

1662] Clarendon's Interview with the Queen. 231
nothing for him to do but to retire, stiffly observing " that he
would wait upon her in a fitter season, and when she should
be more capable of receiving humble advice from her ser
vants, who wished her well."
Next day he came to see her again, and found her much
more composed, and she vouchsafed to excuse the excite
ment which she had betrayed the day before, pathetically re
marking that " she looked upon him as one of the few
friends she had, and from whom she would most willingly
at all times receive counsel, but that she hoped he would
not wonder at, nor blame her, if having greater misfortunes
upon her, and having to struggle with more difficulties, than
any woman had ever been put to of her condition, she some
times gave vent to that passion that was ready to break her
heart." To this Clarendon hypocritically replied that " such
was his devotion to her, that he would always loyally say to
her what was best for her to hear, though it might not please
her, and though it should render him ungracious in her
eyes." On which Catherine humbly told him "that he
should never be more welcome to her than when he told
her of her faults." Of the permission thus accorded him,
his lordship at once took advantage, by explaining that her
education, which had been almost entirely in a convent, had
been such as to give her but little information " of the follies
and iniquities of mankind, of which," he presumed, " the
climate from whence she came could have given more in
stances than this cold region would afford, though at that
time it was indeed very hot " ; adding that otherwise " she
could never have thought herself so miserable, and her con
dition so insupportable as she seemed to think it to be."
Whereupon "with some blushing, some confusion, and some
tears," she stammered out that, " She did not think that she
should have found the King engaged in his affection to
another lady — " and being unable from emotion to proceed

232 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
further, gave the Chancellor the opportunity, as he tells us,
of saying, " that he knew well that she had been very little
acquainted with or informed of the world ; yet he could not
believe that she was so utterly ignorant as to expect that
the King her husband, in the full strength and vigour of his
youth, was of so innocent a constitution, as to be reserved
for her, whom he had never seen, and to have had no acquain
tance or familiarity with the sex ; and asked whether she
believed, " when it should please God to send a Queen
to Portugal, she should find that court so full of chaste
affections ? " Upon this her Majesty smiled, and spoke
pleasantly enough, but hinting that she thought all this adroit
sophistication by the Keeper of the King's Conscience
somewhat beside the point— as indeed it was. This
rather nettled " the plain-dealing man," as he calls himself,
and, " with some warmth," he replied, " that he came to her
with a message from the King, which if she received as she
ought to do, and as he hoped she would, she would be the
happiest Queen in the world. That whatever correspon
dences the King had entertained with any other ladies
before he saw her Majesty, concerned her not ; nor ought
she to inquire into them or after them ; that he now dedi
cated himself entirely and without reserve to her ; and that
if she met his affection with that warmth and spirit and
good humour, which she well knew how to express, she
would live a life of the greatest delight imaginable." This,
and a great deal more in the same strain, Catherine heard
with evident pleasure, thinking it all a prelude to an
announcement that the King meant to renounce his design
with regard to his mistress. She accordingly begged
Clarendon to help her " in returning thanks to his Majesty
and in obtaining his pardon for any passion or peevishness
she might have been guilty of, and in assuring him of all
future obedience and duty."

1662] The Chancellor s Sophistical Arguments. 233
But the wily old Chancellor, having wheedled her up to
this frame of mind, then proceeded to expound to her how
fitting it was that her Majesty " should gratify this good reso
lution, justice and tenderness in the King, by meeting it with
a proportionable submission and resignation on her part to
whatsoever his Majesty should desire of her ; " and he then
straightway proceeded to insinuate the full purport of his
mission, namely, that the King wished her to make his
mistress a lady of her bed-chamber.
He had, however, no sooner hinted at this, than she again
burst out "with all the rage and fury she had shown yesterday,
but with fewer tears, the fire appearing in her eyes, where the
water was, declaring that the King's insisting on such a
condition could only proceed from hatred to her person,
and his desire to expose her to the contempt of the world,
who would think her worthy of such an affront, if she sub
mitted to it, which rather than do so she would put herself
on board of any little vessel, and so be transported to
Lisbon," and many other other similar expressions, which
outburst Clarendon coldly interrupted by remarking that
" she had not the disposal of her own person, nor could go
out of the house where she was, without the King's leave ; "
and he, therefore, advised her not to speak any more of
Portugal, where there were enough who wished her to be ;
and so, after advising her not to irritate the King by exhibit
ing any such feeling as she had shown to him, or by giving
him any definite or positive refusal to comply with his
request, he left her.
Such was the sort of chivalrous sympathy, which the
highly religious and moral Clarendon thought it becoming to
extend to the unfortunate Catherine !
He next had an interview with Charles, in which he told
him of all the kind and conciliatory things she had said of
him, assuring him that it was only her passionate love for

2.34

History of Hampton Court Palace.

[1665

him that made her, for the present, obdurate, and entreating
him not to press her on the subject just for a few days.

Back Stairs to the Great Hall.
But Charles had other counsellors, who represented to
him that what he contended for was not of so much
importance in itself, as the manner of obtaining it ; that the
point now involved was who should rule at Court, he or the

1662] The Quarrel intensified. 235
Queen ; and that if he yielded now he would ever after be
under the thumb of his wife. Advice of this sort was only
too consonant with Charles's present mood, and that night,
when he and Catherine met, " the fire flamed higher than
ever," he reproaching her with stubbornness and want of duty,
and she him with tyranny and want of affection ; talking
loudly " how ill she was treated, and that she would return
again to Portugal." To this he replied that she had better
find out first whether her mother would care to have her
back ; " and that he would give her an opportunity of know
ing this by sending to their home all her Portuguese ser
vants, and that he would forthwith give orders for the dis
charge of them all, since they behaved themselves so ill ;
for to them and their counsels he imputed all her per
verseness." The passion and noise of the encounter of that night
reached too many ears to be a secret the next day ; and the
whole Court was full of what ought to have been known to
nobody. Besides, the mutual behaviour of their majesties confirmed
all that had been heard, or could be imagined, for they did
not speak to, and hardly looked at, each other. " Everybody,"
says Clarendon, "was glad they were so far from town, for
they were still at Hampton Court, and that there were so
few witnesses of all that passed. The Queen sat melan
cholic in her chamber in tears, except when she drove them
away by a more violent passion in choleric discourse ; and
the King sought his divertissements in that company that
said and did all things to please him."
Affairs at the Palace continued in this posture for two or
three days, at the end of which time Clarendon, at the in
stance of the King, again saw the Queen, and entered into
a long discussion with her, urging her with the pharasaical
cant, of which he was so great a master, to yield to the

236 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
King's demands, and blaming her for her vigorous re
sistance. The plea he chiefly used was that " as the
husband would not impose a servant against whom just
exceptions could be made ; so it was presumed that no
wife would refuse to receive a servant that was esteemed
and commended by her husband " — as if Lady Castlemaine
was a woman that any man could truly regard as an
estimable and a commendable companion for his wife! —
" and showing his trouble and wonder when she firmly
declared, that however willing she might be to subordi
nate her personal feelings in the matter to those of the
King," she could not, in conscience give her consent. All
his dexterous pleading, however, was without avail ; for the
Queen declared to him her final determination that the King
might do what he pleased, but that she would not consent
to receive Lady Castlemaine as a lady of her bed-chamber.
After this rebuff. Clarendon's part in the affair was at an
end, and he retired from the contest, with the discredit of
having failed to move the Queen's resolution, and still more
with the dishonour of having accepted the office of pander
to the King's disgraceful whim.
Charles now gave up all idea of influencing his wife in the
matter through persuasion ; and tried instead what a little
brutality would accomplish. Accordingly he seldom came
into the Queen's presence, and when he did he treated her
with studied coldness and indifference, neither speaking to,
or noticing her. All his time he passed in the gay and care
less company of those who, as Clarendon expresses it,
" made it their business to laugh at all the world, and who
were as bold with God Almighty as with any of his
creatures ; " and to make the Queen feel the more lonely,
directed nearly all her Portuguese attendants to be shipped off
back to Lisbon, without giving any reason for their sudden
dismissal to the King and Queen of Portugal, and without

1662] Humiliations put on the Queen. 237
offeringthem any remuneration for having attended Catherine
into England, so that she, not having as yet received any
money of her own, had to see her old friends depart with
their faithful services unacknowledged.
That the cup of her humiliation might be filled, her law
agent, who had undertaken to pay her dowry into the
Treasury, and who, according to Charles, had made default,
though, in fact, he had not, was thrown into prison ; while
her venerable friend and relative, the Portuguese ambas
sador, was so grossly insulted on her account, that he was
made ill, and after a long sickness " which all men believed
would have killed him, as soon as he was able to endure
the air, he left Hampton Court, and retired to his own
house in the city."
All this time, Charles steadily pursued his point : Lady
Castlemaine came to Hampton Court, and had apartments
assigned her in the Palace, and she was every day, with
brazen face, flaunting herself in the Queen's presence, the
King being in constant conversation with her, while the
Queen sat alone and unnoticed, the courtiers ostentatiously
flocking round the King's mistress, whose favour they
valued more than hers. If Catherine, resenting these in
dignities, rose to retire to her own room, scarcely any of those
present troubled themselves to attend her ; but the company
remained in the room, while as she left, she could hear the
intentionally ill-suppressed whispers and titterings, levelled
at her " prudery." Charles, who at the outset of the mis
understanding had appeared worried and dejected, now
assumed an air of the most perfect gaiety and good-humour,
which made her feel — as it was intended to do — her isolation
the more acutely. " On all occasions she was forced to see
that there was a universal mirth in all company but in her's,
and in all places but in her chamber ; " and while her even
ings were spent alone, those of the King were passed among

238 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
his boon companions, men and women, at jolly supper
parties, the jokes and incidents of which were the one topic
of conversation and laughter by the whole Court the next
day — so that in everything, and at all times, the Queen
should always feel completely " out of it."
Even her own attendants now began to take their cue
from the rest of the Court, and were inclined to treat her
with less respect than the King's shameless and triumphant
paramour, who ruled the Court in her stead.
Never, in truth, was a woman, much less a Queen, placed
in a more humiliating and cruel position ; and it is a marvel
that she should have endured it so long. At last, however,
overwhelmed by the misery of her situation, and her
spirit beaten down by the reiterated slights put upon her,
she thought it best to end the contest by yielding unre
servedly to her husband's wishes. Suddenly, one day, when
least expected, Catherine condescended first to notice,
then to speak to. Lady Castlemaine ; and soon after treated
her with marked familiarity. " She was merry with her in
public, talked kindly of her, and in private used nobody
more friendly." From that time forward the struggle was
at an end : the Queen, having submitted to the King's
terms, at once regained his goodwill, was admitted to share
in all the gaieties that were going on, and resuming her posi
tion in the Court, was henceforth treated with the respect
due to the Queen of England.
But though she purchased peace by this unconditional sur
render, there were not wanting those who, though they had
rendered her no assistance in her struggle with the King,
now pretended that they had always "looked upon her with
great compassion, commended the greatness of her spirit,
and detested the barbarity of the affronts she underwent ; "
and who censured her most severely for not persevering in
her former dignified resistance.

1662] Catherine receives her Husband's Mistress. 239
Conspicuous among these, and excelling them all in loath
some cant, was the man who had himself employed all his
arts of sophistry and persuasion to induce her to accede to
the King's demands, namely, the moral and religious
Clarendon, who, in his Autobiography, sharply blames her
" for this sudden downfall and total abandoning her own
greatness, this low demeanour, and even application to a
person she had justly abhorred and worthily condemned "
— the " downfall " he had himself tried to bring her to ; the
" abandoning of her greatness," which he had himself coun
selled ; the " low demeanour " he had himself urged her to
adopt ! The baseness of the Pharisee could not sink to
lower depths !
Almost immediately after the reconciliation between
Charles and Catherine, they had to go together to Greenwich
to pay a visit of welcome to the Queen-Mother, Henrietta
Maria, who had just come over to England to offer in person
her congratulations on their marriage. The King and
Queen set out from Hampton Court on the 28th of July,
attended by a brilliant suite, and after a very amicable visit
of four hours' duration, they returned the same day to
this palace, and supped together in public' The following
day the King went up to town on business — or pleasure —
" and in the evening the Queen, accompanied by her house
hold, went to meet his Majesty on the road — a gallantry
which the King so highly appreciated, that he expressed
his pleasure most heartily, which was much applauded by
the court." *
A day or two afterwards the Queen- Mother came to
Hampton Court to return their visits. It must have been
with sad and painful feelings that she revisited the Palace
in which she had first resided with Charles I. thirty-six
^ Inedited Portuguese Records, collected and translated by J. Adamson, cited
by Miss Strickland. " Hist. Casa Portuguesa.

240 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
years before, just after her own marriage ;' and in which she
had not set foot for twenty years, since their fatal flight from
London in 1642, after the attempted arrest of the five
members.^ When the Queen-Mother arrived, the King her son re
ceived her at the foot of the Great Hall stairs, and on her
alighting led her up to the Hall, where the Queen, who was
waiting for her, came forward to receive her. After the
first greetings, they passed through the Hall and Guard
Chamber to the Presence Chamber, where the two Queens
seated themselves under the " cloth of state," or canopy, the
Queen-Mother on the right of Queen Catherine, while the
Duchess of York sat a little removed to the left. " The
King and the Duke of York stood, and either one or the
other acted as interpreters between the two Queens, for
Catherine could not speak French, nor Henrietta Spanish,
much less Portuguese."
Charles and Catherine dined in private with the Queen-
Mother the first day of her arrival at Hampton Court, and
in the afternoon the Duke and Duchess of York joined them
in the Queen's Chamber, where they heard her Majesty's
Portuguese band.^ A few days afterwards she probably left
Hampton Court and returned to Greenwich.
Charles and Catherine, however, remained on here till the
23 rd of August, the day fixed for their state entry into
London, which took place by river, with all the magnificent
aquatic pageantry which was usual in that age. They em
barked at Hampton Court in the afternoon in their own
state barge, with the bargemen in their picturesque scarlet
liveries, and were accompanied by the Duke and Duchess
of York, Prince Rupert, his brother Prince Edward, and the
Countess of Suffolk, the first lady of the bed-chamber to the
^ See ante, p. 96. ° See ante, p. 128.
° Hist. Casa Real Portuguesa.

South \'\c\v of Hampton Court Palace from
/¦'rom nil

-^^^ J,i 'Zju^/,;-j,i,/jfu

he River Thames in the Reign of Charles II.
'd painting.

1662] A splendid Aqtiatic Pageant. 241
Queen.' The ladies and gentlemen of the Court followed
in other barges, and in one was, no doubt, the King's band
of musicians, who played lively airs as they were rowed
down the Thames. When they reached Teddington, a
larger vessel, which drew too much water to have proceeded
higher up the river, was in waiting to receive the royal party.
This vessel had glass windows, and a crimson awning
bordered with gold, for the ladies of honour and other atten
dants.^ At Putney was another barge, in which they were
to make their public entry. It was fashioned like " an
antique-shaped open vessel, covered with a state or canopy
of cloth of gold, made in form of a cupola, supported with
high Corinthian pillars, wreathed with flowers, festoons, and
garlands."' In it were four and twenty oarsmen clad in
scarlet. All down the river the banks were lined with spec
tators, who gave the King and Queen a cordial reception ;
and at every point the procession was joined by barges and
boats of all sorts, until, as it neared Westminster, the river
was so thick with them that the water could not be seen
between.'' So, at any rate, we are informed by Pepys,
who must have had a good view, as he was on the top of
the Banqueting House at Whitehall, and who computed
the boats of all sorts that he saw in one sight to number at
least a thousand. Evelyn, also, witnessed the scene in the
barge of the Royal Society ; and he gives the following
graphic account of what he saw : " I was spectator of the
most magnificent triumph that ever floated on the Thames,
considering the innumerable boats and vessels, dressed and
adorned with all imaginable pomp, but above all the thrones,
arches, pageants, and other representations, stately barges of
' Echard's History, vol. iii., p. 84. London entertaining their Sacred Ma-
» Hist. Casa Real Portuguesa. jesties on the River of Thames, and
' Evelyn's Diary. welcoming them from Hampton Court
* See " Aqua Triumphalis j being a to Whitehall, &c. By John Tatham,
true relation of the honourable City of folio, 1662."
? R

242 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
the Lord Mayor and companies, with various inventions,
music and peals of ordnance both from the vessels and the
shore, going to meet and conduct the new Queen from
Hampton Court to Whitehall, at the first time of her
coming to town. In my opinion it far exceeded all the
Venetian Bucentoras, &c., on the Ascension, when they go
to espouse the Adriatic."
All this splendour and rejoicing must have seemed like a
keen satire to poor Catherine, after all the humiliation,s she
had lately been subjected to, and the misery she was suffer
ing still.
But there was yet much more that she was to be called
upon to endure. Only a fortnight after her triumphal
entry into the capital, we hear of her having to drive away
from a ball given by the Queen- Mother at Somerset House,
in one coach with the King, Lady Castlemaine, and young
Crofts (afterwards Duke of Monmouth), the King's illegiti
mate son by Lucy Waters ! Well might she reply to Lady
Castlemaine, who bounced into her bed-room one day, as
she was at her toilet, saying, impertinently, " I can't think
how you can have the patience to sit so long a-dressing ; " —
well might she reply, " Madam, I have so much reason to
use patience, that I can well bear such a trifle."'
' Pepys' Diary.

n /! I / J>.c/

7-'':>7Ji a/i Ori^niiit P./h/t/u.j hi i/ie 7'<'/ j^-/.^t^>/ cy 's:'7i rccVc /Jc.j///'f'7j,rry

CHAPTER XX.

HAMPTON COURT UNDER CHARLES II. — ^JAMES II.
King Charles's occasional Visits to the Palace — Lady Castlemaine's Apart
ments — The Due de Monconys' Description of Hampton Court — Outbreak of the
Plagfue — The Court retires to Hampton Court — Pepys at the Palace — " Not
invited anywhere to dinner " — Lely paints the Beauties of the Court — Descrip
tion of those Frail and Lovely Ladies — The Court removes to Salisbury and
Oxford — The King and Duke back again at this Palace — Cordial Thanks to
Pepys for his gallant Services during the Plague — Also to John Evelyn — Visit
of Mandeslo — The Parks — The Upper Lodge in Bushey Park — Cosmo III.
Duke of Tuscany joins a Hunting Party here — Description of the Sport —
Deer Netting — Cosmo's Account of the Parks, Palace and Gardens — -M. Jorevin
de Rochford — Charles II. suddenly dissolves Parliament — The Duke of Mon
mouth forfeits the King's Favour — Anecdote of Charles II. and Verrio —
James II. — Canopy under which he received the Papal Nuncio — His Fireback
— His Army on Hounslow Heath.
jFTER Charles II.'s long sojourn with his Queen
at Hampton Court in the summer of 1662, he
rarely came to stay here for any considerable
1^ time, as he much preferred to pass his time
amid the gaieties and dissipations of Whitehall
or Newmarket. Nevertheless, he paid occasional visits
here, and the state apartments were always kept ready
for his reception ; and alterations and improvements were
continually being made in and about the Palace. Among

244 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1662
these was the fitting up of a suite of rooms for the use of
Lady Castlemaine, who always insisted in being most luxu
riously housed in all the Royal palaces.'
In the meantime, the Palace was frequently visited by
foreigners of distinction, who in this reign came in consider
able numbers to travel in England, and of whom several
have left us records of their impressions.
Among them was the Due de Monconys, who drove
down here in a coach and six on the 23rd of June, 1663,
accompanied by M. de la Moliere ; ^ and who remarked of
the country which he traversed, that it was wonderfully
beautiful, like it is everywhere in England. What struck
him most in the Palace itself was the mass of towers,
turrets, cupolas, pinnacles and ornaments of all sorts which
produced a confusion that was not unpleasing. In the
garden he noticed the fountain, " composed of four syrens
in bronze, seated astride on dolphins, between which was a
shell, supported on the foot of a goat. Above the sirens,
on a second tier, were four little children, each seated, holding
a fish, and surmounting all a large figure of a lady — all the
figures being of bronze, but the fountain itself and the basin
of marble." This description evidently refers to the same
fountain as the one noticed by Evelyn, the statues of which
he states to be by Fanelli. The figure at the summit was,
according to the Inventory of 1659, a statue of Arethusa:
though as she holds a golden apple in her hand, it seems
probable that it represents Venus.^
It was aftewards moved by William III. into the centre
of the great basin in Bushey Park, where it has since been
known as " the Diana fountain " — a misnomer, which it
probably acquired from the sylvan surroundings of its present
position, and which it would now be difficult to correct.
> Harl. MSS., No. 1658, Feb., i666, fol. 138.
' Voyage (TAngleterre. ' See post. Appendix C.

BEHWET 'Eail of ARLIMGTOM^

1665] Visitors to the Palace — The Plague. 245
De Monconys likewise noticed in the same garden " un
grand berceau touffu de hestre " (doubtless the curious bower
in the Privy Garden, known as Queen Mary's Bower, which
Evelyn describes as being of " Horn-Beam," though it is
really " Wych Elm ; ") " and opposite to it a terrace, along
which, from the brick cloister, several little chambers or
cabinets of various shapes, round, square, and in the form of
crosses, with their little turrets, jut out into the park."
After August, 1662, we do not hear of Charles or his
Queen being at Hampton Court until June 29th, 1665,
when they retired here from Whitehall,' on account of the
plague, which had been raging already for some time in
London, and which was now rapidly increasing and spread
ing, the deaths in the capital alone amounting to two
thousand a week.^
Here the Court remained about a month, in comparative
security and isolation ; though the King went frequently to
Sion to transact business with the Council, which met
there for greater safety.'
The quarantine between London and Hampton Court
was not so strict, however, that it did not allow of Pepys
coming down to the Palace occasionally. On Sunday, July
23rd, he notes : " To Hampton Court, where I followed
the King to chapel and there heard a good sermon ; and
after sermon with my Lord Arlington, Sir Thomas Ingram,
and others, spoke to the Duke about Tangier, but not to
much purpose. I was not invited anywhere to dinner,
though a stranger, which did also trouble me ; but yet
I must remember it is a Court, and indeed where most
are strangers; but, however, Cutler carried me to Mr.
Marriott's, the housekeeper,* and there we had a very
' Pepys' Diary. ' Evelyn, July 7th. Pepys.
' Pepys' Diary and Clarendon's * Mr. Richard Marriott was already
Autobiography, vo\.\\., -p. t^oy " Privy Lodging Keeper " at Hampton

246 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1665
good dinner and good company, amongst others Lilly the
painter." It was just about this time that Lely, commissioned by
the Duchess of York, was painting the beauties of Charles
II.'s Court. " II emploia," says Du Grammont, "tout son
art dans I'execution. II ne pourvait travailler a de plus
beaux sujets. Chaque portrait parut ^tre un chef-d'oeuvre."
And, in truth, no more congenial task could have been
selected for the pencil of Lely than that of portraying on
glowing canvas the sensuous contours and lovely features
of the frail and seductive nymphs in the amorous court of
the Merry Monarch. For it must be acknowledged that he
has succeeded in rendering to perfection that voluptuous
expression of blended drowsiness and sweetness, and that
air of tender languishment, which reflect so well the
characters of these beautiful and charming creatures. Their
" night-gowns fastened with a single pin," and the " sleepy
eye that spoke the melting soul," would sufficiently have
revealed to us their histories, had the memoir writers failed
to supply them.
These pictures are now all hung together in the King's
Bedchamber at Hampton Court, than which no more appro
priate place could have been chosen. It is a real delight
to sit in this room and contemplate these charming portraits
with Pepy's " Diary," or De Grammont's " M^moires" in one's
hand. One can imagine oneself for a while transported into
that mixed but fascinating society — the imperious Lady
Castlemaine, with her disdainful lips, her dark flashing eyes.
Court in December, 1660, at which of great charity and generosity, as well
time Simon Bazill was " Clarke of the as wealth — his benefactions to the col-
Workes," and " Tobie Rustick" under- leges and University of Cambridge
housekeeper (Harl. MSS., No. 1656, amounting to no less than ;£ioo,0!ro
fol. 218). Tobias Rustat, to spell his (Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, lib. xiv.,
name properly, was also a Yeoman of p. 553).
the Robes to the King. He was a man

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Mr Hyde

i66s] Beauties of Charles II' s Court. 247
her rich black hair ; the transcendantly lovely Miss Stewart,
with her figure of ineffable grace, and her face of entrancing
sweetness ; Mrs. Hyde, with her half-closed eyes melting
in a dreamy tenderness ; Lady Falmouth, with her cheeks
purpling with, the blushes that suffused her lovely face at
the slightest word. Here, too, we can see the famous Mrs.
Middleton, the first of "professional beauties " in those days,
whose picture was painted over and over again by all the
fashionable artists, whose engraved portraits, in every atti
tude and every attire, were exposed for sale in every print-
seller's window all over the town ; who was followed by a
crowd whenever she walked in the Park, who drew every
eye upon her when she went to the play, and who even
created a flutter of excitement in church when she entered
her pew, as honest Pepys faithfully records. Here also are
the two Miss Brookes — " toutes deux faites pour donner de
I'amour, et pour en prendre " — one afterwards Lady Whit-
more, and the other the unfortunate Lady Denham. And
above all we can gaze on Lely's masterpiece of portraiture,
the picture of the matchless "Belle Hamilton," afterwards
Comtesse de Grammont, whose delicately moulded features,
beautiful neck, e'xquisite mouth, and brilliantly expressive
eyes, are as vividly perpetuated by the pencil of Lely, as
they will be celebrated through all time in the pages of De
Grammont. With regard to the style of Lely's " Beauties," all of them
are represented in three-quarters' lengths, in landscapes, or
as Walpole expresses it, " trailing fringes and embroidery
through meadows and purling streams." Their draperies
are disposed with a sort of graceful negligence, which
though affected, is not unpleasing ; and the free exposure of
their busts gave the painter full scope for depicting that de
licate softness of the flesh in which he chiefly excelled.
They are bare-headed, with their hair arranged in coquettish

248 History of Hampton Court Palace, [1665
little curls on the forehead. As each picture conforms to
the same type, it is not surprising that they are all too much
alike — a fault, perhaps, inevitable in painting a series of this
sort. To resume our citation from Pepys' Diary. After he had
dined with Lely, he went to " the councill-house,' but the
council began late to sit ; so that when I got free, and came
back to look for Cutler, he was gone with his coach, without
leaving any word with anybody to tell me so; so that I was
forced with great trouble to walk up and down looking
for him, and at last forced to get a boat to carry me to
Kingston." On the 26th of July the King went down the river for the
day to Greenwich and Woolwich, where he was rnet by
Pepys, who came the day after to Hampton Court to see
him and the Queen set out for Salisbury, whither they went
on account of the increase of the plague in the environs of
London. Afterwards he saw the Duke and Duchess of
York, who were going northwards, and he kissed the
duchess's hand ; " and it was the first time I did ever, or did
see anybody else, kiss her hand, and it was a most fine
white and fat hand. But it was pretty to see the young,
pretty ladies dressed hke men, in velvet coats, caps with
ribbons, and with lace bands, just like men."
The King and Queen did not stay at Salisbury, more
than a couple of months, after which they removed to Ox
ford, where Parliament had been summoned to meet.
When the plague had somewhat abated, Charles, the
Duke of York, Prince Rupert, and some of the council came
to Hampton Court at the end of January,' to transact busi
ness, intending to return, after an absence of a few days, to
' See Pepys and Evelyn ; and 7th don, with his usual inaccuracy, says
Report of Historical Commission, p. " the end of February."
485 (Sir H. Verney's Papers). Claren-

Tbigrnvcd. "t^- B. HoTL

GEORGE MONK, DUiCE OF AI,BE,MAilLE .

IKCat THE ORIOlilM. OF SIR P. lET.Y, IK TI{E

i666] Pepys at the Palace. 249
Oxford, where they had left the Queen and the Duchess.
But almost at once after the King's arrival, the plague so
rapidly diminished, that there was thought to be no danger
in their staying on at Hampton Court, and they had not
been many days in the Palace when there came down
the indefatigable and ubiquitous Pepys, who, to his great
credit be it said, had remained at his post throughout the
awful dangers of that terrible time, and upon whom had de
volved the whole management of the navy. His visit is thus
chronicled in his own diary under date January 28th, 1666:
" Took coach, and to Hampton Court, where we find the
King, and Duke and lords, all in council ; so we walked up
and down : there being none of the ladies come and so
much the more business I hope will be done. The council
being up, out comes the King, and I kissed his hand, and
he grasped me very kindly by the hand. The Duke also I
kissed his, and he mighty kind." He afterwards went down
into one of the courts, and there met the King and the Duke.
" And the Duke called me to him, and the King came to
me himself, and told me, ' Mr. Pepys,' says he, ' I do give
you thanks for your good service all this year, and I assure
you I am very sensible of it.' And the Duke of York did
tell me with pleasure that he had read over my discourse
about pursers, and would have it ordered in my way, and so
fell from one discourse to another. I walked with them
quite out of the courts into the fields (i.e. the Park) and then
back." Next day came the other famous diarist, Evelyn, to pay
his respects, and render an account of his services, and was
welcomed by the King and Duke with equal gratitude and
cordiality. " I went," writes he, " to wait on his Majesty,
now returned from Oxford to Hampton Court, where the
Duke of Albemarle presented me to him ; he ran towards
me, and in a most gracious manner gave me his hand to

250 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1666
kisse, with many thanks for my care and faithfullnesse in his
service in a time of such great danger, when everybody fled
their employments ; he told me he was much obliged to me,
and said he was several times concerned for me, and the
peril I underwent, and did receive my service most accep
tably, though in truth I did but do my duty, and O that I
had performed it as I ought ! After this his Majesty was
pleased to talk with me alone, neere an hour, of several parti
culars of my employment .... Then the Duke came
towards me, and embraced me with much kindnesse, telling
me if he had thought my danger would have been so greate,
he would not have suffered his Majesty to employ me in
that station. Then came to salute me my Lord of St.
Albans, Lord Arlington, Sir Wm. Coventrie and severall
greate persons after which I got home, not being very well
in health."
The King remained on at Hampton Court for about a
week,' after which he returned to Whitehall, where he was
joined by the Queen on the i6th of February,^ after she had
stayed a couple of days here on her way back from Oxford.
From Whitehall, in the following September, at the time of
the Great Fire of London, the King sent many of his choicest
goods by water to Hampton Court for safety.^
It was in this year 1666, also, that Mandeslo, the famous
traveller, visited this Palace. In the account he gives of it
he makes especial mention of some very ancient tapestries
illustrative of the " Creation of the World," which was the
best designed of all, and which represented the Trinity under
the form of three persons attired as bishops, with crowns on
their heads, and sceptres in their hands.*
' Evelyn and Pepys say Feb. 2nd, Domestic, Charles II, vol. cxlviii.. No.
Clarendon says a fortnight or three 38.
weeks, which is another instance of his ^ Antiquarian Repertory, vol. ii., p.
carelessness. 154.
^ Pepys' Diary and State Papers, * Mandeslo's Voyages, ii., p. 736.

1669] Hunting at Hampton Court. 251
We have noticed in a preceding chapter that Charles II.
took care, almost at once on his accession to the throne, to
preserve the game in the parks at Hampton Court, and to
keep up the sport of stag-hunting there, for which he often
came down from London for the day. On one of these
occasions he was entertained at the Upper Lodge by Mr.
Progers, for whom, as we have seen, it had been rebuilt and
enlarged.' The print on page 206 shows the lodge as it ap
peared about a hundred and fifty years ago, since which it
has been considerably altered.^ The sport, which the Hamp
ton Court preserves afforded, was sometimes enjoyed by dis
tinguished foreigners, one of these being Cosmo III., Duke of
Tuscany, who was travelling in England in 1 669, and who
on the 30th of May set out from London, attended by Lord
Philip Howard and Lord Anthony Ashley Cooper, and fol
lowed by the gentlemen of his suite, to visit the Palace and
witness the stag-hunting in the park. In the account that was
written by his secretary, Magalotti,* there is an interesting
description of the " sport " — if, after reading it, we can con
sider that word applicable to what took place.
" On first entering the park, he was met by Prince Rupert,
who was likewise come thither for the diversion of seeing
the hunt. After the usual compliments his highness went
forward. Prince Rupert remaining in the place appointed for
him under the shade of a tree, on a stage a little raised from
the ground, which is the same where the King stands to see
this amusement. When the huntsmen had stretched out the
nets after the German manner, inclosing with them a con
siderable space of land, they let the dogs loose upon four
deer which were confined there, who as soon as they saw
them took to flight ; but as they had not the power of going
' Ante, p. 205, and also State Papers, Alfred Paget.
Domestic, Charles II., vol. cii.. No. 27. ' Magalotti's Travels of Cosmo III.
' It is now in the occupation of Lady in England, London, 1821, p. 208.

252 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1669
which way they pleased, they ran round the net, endeavour
ing by various cunning leaps to save themselves from being
stopped by the dogs, and continued to run in this manner
for some time to the great diversion of the spectators I till at
last the huntsmen, that they might not harass the animals
superfluously, drawing a certain cord, opened the nets in one
part, which was prepared for that purpose, and left the deer
at liberty to escape.
" Having walked during the deer-hunting over the park,
which is rendered truly delightful by its numerous canals
and amenities of every kind, his highness repaired to the
Palace to view the building."
The aspect of the park at this period, with the canal and
the recently planted avenues of lime, can be well imagined
from the contemporary picture now at Hampton Court, of
which we have given an engraving and a description on
page 218.
With the Palace Cosmo III. was much pleased, observing
in a long description he gives of it, that " although the more
elegant orders of architecture are not to be found in it, so as
to make it a regular structure according to the rules of art,
yet it is, on the whole, a beautiful object to the eye. The
numerous towers and cupolas, judiciously disposed at irre
gular distances all over the vast pile of building, form a
most striking ornament to it, whether viewed near or at a
distance." " The gardens are divided into very large, level and well
kept walks, which, separating the ground into different com
partments, form artificial pastures of grass, being themselves
formed by espalier trees, partly such as bear fruit and partly
ornamental ones, but all adding to the beauty of the appear
ance. This beauty is further augmented by fountains made
of slate after the Italian style, and distributed in different
parts of the garden, whose /i?/.y d'eaux throw up the water in

/ ¦\-

/•-

1672] Latter Half of Charles II.'s Reign. 253
various playful and fanciful ways. There are also in the
gardens some snug places of retirement in certain towers,
formerly intended as places of accommodation for the King's
mistresses." Another foreign visitor, M. Jorevin de Rocheford, who
visited Hampton Court about the same period, namely,
1672, mentions "the large pavilion on the banks of the
Thames," and the park filled with all sorts of beasts of the
chace." Charles II., during the latter half of his reign, came but
rarely to Hampton Court, and never resided here for any
length of time. One of his recorded visits took place at the
end of August, 1 669, when he retired to this palace with his
brother, the Duke of York, on receiving the news of the
death of their mother. Queen Henrietta Maria.^ Another
of his visits of which we find mention occurred in the end
of June, 1679,^ when at a council held in the Palace,
Charles, in opposition to the large majority of those present,
suddenly turned to his chancellor, and to the dismay of
Shaftesbury and his party, ordered him to prepare a procla
mation for the dissolution of the then Parliament and the
calling together of a new one.*
The House of Commons thus summarily dismissed was
the one which had passed the bill for the exclusion of
James II. from the succession to the throne, and which was
going on, to the extreme vexation of the Court, to enquire
into the corruption and bribery of members of Parliament,
when their activity was thus abruptly terminated. This
unexpected action of the King's, came as a severe blow to
* Antiquarian Repertory, vol. iv., »«ww», p. 473 (Sir H. Verney's papers.)
p. 574. In 1672. Charles was at this palace again on
* Memoires of Queen Henrietta Nov. 14 ; ditto, p. 185.
Maria, 1671, p. 89. * Temple's Works, vol. ii., p. 511-
' Diary of Henry Sidney, p. 21, 512.
and Seventh Report of Historical Com-

2 54 History of Hampton Court Palace. [1681
Shaftesbury and the popular and. anti-Catholic party, and
indirectly to the Duke of Monmouth, who had attached
himself to them for the purpose of furthering his own
ambitious project of being recognised as the King's legiti
mate son, and the heir apparent to the throne, to the exclu
sion of the Duke of York. But Monmouth's aspirations,
though for a time flattered by the great affection Charles
bore him, and by the favours he heaped upon him, were
not destined to be fulfilled. Soon after this, his overbearing
conduct exciting his father's deep displeasure, he was
ordered to surrender his post of commander-in-chief, and,
one by one, all his other offices were taken from him, and
he was directed to retire to the Continent. After a while
he was suffered to return to England; but in 1681, at a
Council held at Hampton Court on May 23rd, an order was
issued by King Charles that "all the King's servants and
all such as had dependence on him, should not keep
company with the Duke of Monmouth or frequent the said
Duke for the time to come," on account of his having had
the audacity to threaten Lord Halifax for giving advice
hostile to him at the Council board.'
Charles II. continued to the end of his reign to pay
occasional flying visits here ; ^ and to his latter years
belongs an anecdote told of Verrio the painter, who had
done much decorative work for the King in the way of
painting ceilings and staircases. Verrio, it seems, was
very extravagant, and kept a most expensive table, so that,
he often pressed the King for money with a freedom, which
his Majesty's own frankness indulged. " Once at Hampton
Court, when he had but lately received an advance of
;!^iooo, he found the King in such a circle that he could not
' Reresby's Memoirs, p. 264. 1684. See Report of Historical Com-
' He held councils in the palace on mission, pp. 352, 363, 405, and 410.
May 23rd, June 17th and 23rd, 1682, (Sir F. Graham's papers at Netherby.)
and again in 1683, and on July 24th,

1687] Anecdote of Verrio^fames II. 255
approach him. He called out : ' Sire, I desire the favour
of speaking to your Majesty.' ' Well, Verrio,' said the
King, ' what is your request ? ' ' Money, Sir, money ; I
am so short of cash, that I am not able to pay my work
men ; and your Majesty and I have learnt by experience,
that pedlars and painters cannot give long credit.' The
King smiled and said he had but lately ordered him
;^iooo. 'Yes, Sir,' replied he, 'but that was soon paid
away, and I have no gold left.' ' At that rate,' said the
King, ' you would spend more than I do, to maintain my
family.' ' True,' answered Verrio, ' but does your Majesty
keep an open table as I do ? ' " '
The reign of James II. was, as far as the history of
Hampton Court is concerned, an uneventful one ; for it is
not certain whether, as King, he ever passed a single night
in the Palace ; though he seems to have held a Council
here about the 29th of May, 1687, at which " the militia was
put down and the licensing of ale-houses was put in other
hands than the justices of the peace." ^
James, however, was frequently in the neighbourhood
of Hampton Court, namely at Hounslow Heath, which
adjoins the outskirts of Bushey Park, and on which was
encamped during the year 1687 the army of 1 6,000 men,
on whose support he relied to carry out his schemes against
the liberties of the English people.' But his armed force
was regarded, by his subjects, with little else but derision ;
of which we have a good example in the contemptuous
irony of the following lines, published at the time : —
" Near Hampton Court there lies a Common,
Unknown to neither man nor woman ;
' V7a\po\e's Anecdotes of Painting. ' See Antiquarian Repertory, vol. i.,
' 7th Report of Historical Commis- p. 230.
sion, p. 504 (Sir H. Verney's papers).

256 History of Hampton Court Palace.
The Heath of Hounslow it is styled ;
Which never was with blood defiled.
Though it has been of war the seat
Now three campaigns, almost complete.
Here you may see great James the Second
(The greatest of our Kings he's reckoned)
A hero of such high renown,
Whole nations tremble at his frown ;
And when he smiles men die away
In transports of excessive joy." ^

[1687

AK"t"R H«we^s ov
Old Cast-Iron Fire-back bearing James II.'s Arms and Initials.
We have a reminiscence, also, of this reign in the canopy,
' From a collection of songs. See Mr. Henry Morley's Library of English
Literature.

JAMES II

1687] Reminiscences of James I I . 257
now in the Queen's Audience Chamber, which was removed
here from Windsor Castle, and under which King James
there received the Papal Nuncio — an event which gave such
deep offence to his Protestant subjects — and another in the old
cast-iron fire-back in the Queen's Gallery, which bears
the royal arms, his initials I.R., and the date 1687.
With this date, on the eve of the Revolution and the
advent of William III., who opens a new era in the history
of the Palace, by his great alterations and additions to the
buildings, we may fitly close this second volume. In our
third we shall conclude the History of Hampton Court by
bringing the reader to the Jubilee Year of the reign of her
Gracious Majesty Queen Victoria.

APPENDIX A.
(See pages 167 and 171, and Plan, page i, and Map, page 168.)
Survey of Hampton Court Mansion House and Parks
made by the parliamentary commissioners in 1 65 3.
Preserved in the Record Office. Middlesex, No. 32.
A Survey of the Mansion Howse commonly called Hamp
ton Court in the County of Middx, with the Barnes, Stables,
Outhouses, Gardens, Orchard, Yards, Courts and Back-
sydes belonging unto or used and enjoyed with the sayd
Mansion howse ; togeather with the Parke, comonly called
Howse Parke, The Course, and Meadows, thereto adjoyning.
The Hare Warren, wth Two other Parkes, the one comonly
called The Middle Parke and the other Bushie Parke,
And all Lands, Buildings, Woods, Timber, and other Apur
tences (as yett unsold) to the foremenconed prmss or any
Part of them belonging ; made and Returned, &c.
All that Large Capitall Messuage or Mansion Howse of the King,
comonly called Hampton Court with the Rights, Members and
Apurtences thereof, situate, lying and beeing in the County of
Middx neere unto the River of Thames, betweene the way Leading

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (165^). 259
from the Towne of Kingston vpon Thames in the County of Surrey
(over Kingston bridge) to the Towne of Hampton in the County of
Middx and the River of Thames aforesayd ; Consisting of the
severall Perticulars heereafter menconed. That is to say
One greene court, inclosed, beeing the outer court of the sayd
howse, and lying west thereof, conteyning 3 roodes and 27 perches,
more or lesse.
One range of building, beeing the front of the mancion howse
aforesayd, westward, built with brick and covered with leade, con
teyning in length, from north to south (excluding the north and
south wings of the said buildings), 152 foote of assize, or there
abouts, in the middst whereof is the first greate gate, or entrance
into the sayd howse, leading through an arched bridge built over the
moate that lieth betweene the saydd range of building and the
outer greene court aforesayd.
One other greene court, beeing the first court within the sayd howse,
conteyning in length, from north to south, 152 ffoote, and in breadth,
144 ffoote.
One range of brick building, covered part with tyle and part with
leade, standing on the north syde or end of the last mentioned
court, containing in length, from west to east, 184 ffoote, and in
breadth 24 ffoote, or thereabouts.
One range of the like building, scituate on the south of the
sayd court, opposite to the last mentioned range, and of like
dimension. One piece of grownd adjoyning on part of the backsyde or
South pt. of the last menconed Range, and in other part upon
the south parts of the two next menconed Ranges, beeing parcell
of a certeyne garden or yard commonly' called or known by the
name of the Pond Garden, otherwise the Pond Yard, consisting of
one small slip of ground ranging behind the buildings aforesayd
120 fift from West to East, and beeing in breadth from the south pt
of the sayd buildings to a lowe wall there 20 ffoote, and of one
other piece of grownd (beeing the greatest part of the Pond yard or
Pond Garden aforesayd) conteyning from the North East corner
of the sayd lowe wall (ranging southwards by a Diall standing
in the sd yard) to the Greate wall adjoyning to a certayne way
by the River syde called The Towing place, 240 ffoote or there
abouts.

=26o Appendix A.
One range of building on the east part of the sayd second greene
court, and fronting the entrance thereinto, built with brick, and
covered (for the most part) with leade, conteyning in length,
from north to south, 203 ffoote, breadth 17 ffoote, or thereabouts,
in the midst whereof is the gate or passage into the court or yard
next mentioned.
One other court or yard, paved with stone (with a ffountayne
standing iti midst thereof), conteyning in length, from north to south,
144 ffoot, and in breadth 80 fifeet, or thereabouts.
One Range of Brick Building, covered also (for the most part)
with leade, situate on the south end of the sayd Stone Court, being
in breadth 20 fifte or thereabouts.
One Range of Building with severall aditional Buildings to the
same adjoyning. Built also with brick and covered with leade,
situate on the north end of the sayd Stone Court and oposite unto
the last menconed Range.
One Range of Building being the Range ffronting the aforesayd
passage into the sayd Stone Court situate on the East syde thereof.
Built with brick and covered with leade, and being in breadth 25
ffoote or thereabouts, with a passage or way under the midst thereof
into the next menconed Court.
One other court, commonly called the Cloyster Greene Court,
conteyning in length, from north to south, 104 ffoot, and in breadth
98 ffoot.
One Range of Brick building covered with Leade lying on the
West syde of the sayd Cloyster Court, conteyning 40 fft in breadth
or thereabouts, the back pt whereof adjoynes to the back part of
the last menconed Range of Building lying on the East syde of the
Stone Court aforesayd.
One Range of Building built with Bricke and covered with lead
situate on y' north pt of y' Cloyster Court cont. in br. 32 ft or
thereabouts. One Range of Brick Building and severall other buildings adjoyn
ing to the same, covered part with Tile and pt with Leade situate
on the south of the sayd Cloyster Court, and conteyning 52 ffoote
in breadth or thereabouts.
One large piece of ground or garden, comonly called the PnVj'
Garden, lying on the backsyde or south part of the last menconed
Range of building, togeather with one other garden, commonly

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (1653). 261
called the Mount Garden, lying on the south syde of the said Privy
Garden, both which parcells of ground or garden do contain three
acres and one Roode more or lesse.
One piece or parcell of ground measured to be taken out of the
park coinly called the Howse Park, lying on the East part of the
last menconed gardens, and of a certain building called the Still
Howse and the orchard belonging thereto, which piece of ground is
to be fenced (upon a streight lyne) from a broken place in the wall
that devides ye sayd howse pk from the Course, beeing 264 ffoote
from the East End of the sayd mansion howse and of like measure
from the South East corner of the wall of Mount Garden aforsdto
the pale that fenceth the sayd park on the south and conteyneth
4 acres 3 Roo : and 26-pch more or lesse.
One Range of building built with brick and covered with Leade
standing on the East pt of the aforesayd Cloyster Court conteyii
in breadth thirty two ffoote or thereabouts, under which is a way or
passage into a large peece of pasture ground coinonly called the
Course. Severall other buildings, covered part of them with leade, and
part with tile, togeather with the severall yards or courts lying
betweene and amongst the sayd buildings, which buildings and
yards or courts do abutt east upon the said Course, north upon a
parcel of grownd commonly called the Paddock, west on a garden
or p. of ground known by the name of the Kitchin Garden, and doe
adjoyne south to the back part of the range of building (before
mentioned), which standeth on the north part of the Cloyster
Court. One long peece of grownd measured to be taken out of the
Course afore mensioned lying on the East pt of the buildings of
the sayd Mansion Howse and of the Paddock aforesayd, which
peece of ground is to be fenced upon a straight lyne, one end whereof
is to bee sett 264 fft Eastward from the remotest pt. of the North
East corner of the pale of the sayd Paddock, and the other one to
bee sett at like distance from the west end of the wall that divides
the house pk and Course aforesayd and doth conteyne 7 acres more
or less.
One Long Range of Buildings with sondrey aditionall buildings
neere or adjoyning to the same (wherein is included the North Wing
of the ffront of the sayd Mansion howse) lying behind or on, the'

262 Appendix A .
North parts of the North Ranges of the said Greene Court and Stone
Court aforesayd.
One parcell of ground, commonly called the Kitchen Garden,
lying behind the last mensoned buildings abutting west upon part
of the Tiltyard wall, and north upon a parcell of ground called the
Ould Orchard, cont. three acres more or lesse.
The materialls of all the before mensioned Buildings and of all
such thinges as are valluable upon any part of the severall parcells
of ground. Courts, yards, or Gardens before described and sett
forth :—
We vallue to bee worth upon the plase (ouer and above demolish
ing charges) Seaven thousand, Seaven hundred and Seventy seaven
pounds, thirteen shillings five pence.
The Ground and Soyle aforesayd (when it shall be cleared of
the sayd buildings, or layd for conveniency to severall pts thereof)
will bee worth yearly thirty six pounds.
All that parcell of ground with th'apurtenances commonly called
the Paddock lying on the East pt of the Ould Orchard next
menconed. And all that peece of grownd with the apurtenances comonly
known by the name of the Old Orchard lying East from pt of the
Tilt yard thereafter menconed, both which parcells of grownd are
fenced on the north with part of the brick wall that standeth on the
south of the high way leading from Kingston to Hampton and doe
conteyne 8 Acres 2 Roodes more or lesse.
(Note thus :) The ffence betwene the old orcyard and kitchin
garden is to be made by the purchaser of the sd old orchard.
And all that prcell of pasture ground with the apurtnces com
monly called The Tilt Yard inclosed with a good brick wall abut
ting westward upon the way that Leadeth by the Greene to
Hampton Court fferry and conteyning nine acres i roode more or
lesse. And all those five buildings or towers with their appurtenances
built with brick and covered with Leade, three of which Towers
are standing in the sayd Tilt Yard and the other two part in the
sayd Tilt Yard and part in the Old Orchard aforesayd. Which
these parcells of ground last mentioned do conteyne together 17 Ac.

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (1653). 263
3 Roodes, worth by the yeare (the benefitt of the sayd wall con
sidered) Thirty-five Pounds.
The materialls of the buildings and Towers aforesayd with the
Trees growing in the sayd old Orchard are vallued in gross at three
hundred eighty six pounds 9 sh. 6**.
Memd. It will not be convenient or safe to sell the grounds and
prmss last mensioned before the buildings and prmss first before
vallued are disposed of
All that Wing of brick building beeing the South wing ^ of the
ffront of the sayd Mansion howse and all that Greate howse of Ease
ment' standing over the Moate, And other Roomes adjoyning thereto,
togeather with a small dwelling house heretofore belonging to the
Garden Keeper, with a small stable and Coach house adjoyning,'
And all that litle garden lying on the North part of the sayd Wing
of building togeather with one peece of ground in forme of a Triangle,
to be taken out of the Outer Greene Court of the sayd mansion
howse by a straight lyne from the North West corner of the wall of
the sayd Garden to the East end of the Stile coming from the water
syde to the sayd outer Court.
And all such Yards or Courts as lie before any of the sayd build
ings towards the River syde, with so much of a certayne yard or
garden, commonly called the Pond Yard or Pond Garden, as shall
range from the North East corner of a lowe brick wall standing
20 fft from the south syde of the sayd Mansion house (by a diall
standing in the sayd garden) to the Greate Wall of the sayd Garden
South. All which we vallue to be worth yearely, Twenty pounds.
Memd. The ffence that must divide the sayd Pond yard or Pond
Garden is to be made by the purchasar of the last mensoned prinss.
AH those severall Buildings and Towers, wth their apurtences
built with brick and covered with Leade, commonlycalled the Feather
Howse and the Hott Howse with the Store Cellars (betweene the sayd
houses), formerly called the old Bowling Alley, And all that slipp of
' Now in the occupation of Her occupied by her Royal Highness Prin-
Royal Highness Princess Frederica. cess Frederica, and partly by the gar-
' No longer in existence. dener of the Privy Garden.
' Apparently the rooms now partly

264 Appendix A.
ground lying on the South part and before the sayd buildings next
unto a certayne way by the River syde called the Towing plase.
The materialls whereof we vallued at the grosse summe of 333''.
or. 10''.
The ground whereon the sayd buildings stand with the slipp of
ground aforesayd worth by the yeare tenn shillings.
Memd. The wall round about the prinss is vallued herewith.
All those brick buildings covered with Leade with them every of
their apurtences comonly called or known by the severall names of
the Stillhowse and The Water Gallery, pt of which buildings doe stand
over the aforesayd Towing place, close to the River syde, and all
yards, Courts, and Gardens belonging to and used with the sayd
buildings, or any of them. All which prmss doe abutt upon the
Mount Garden wall to the North and the howse park West.
The severall Materialls of and belonging to the sayd Buildings
amount to 504 : 04 : 04.
The soyle cleared of the sayd Materialls p ann. 33sh. 4d.
All that office or Building with the yard and apurtences thereto
belonging, heretofore used for a wood yard, situate on the North
syde of the sayd Towing place and in the Outer greene Court of
the sayd Mansion house, havfng the sayd Greene Court on the East
and North pts thereof p ann. ffive pounds.
All those three severall buildings with the yards and other apur
tences belonging to all and every of them, heretofore used as a Privy
Bakehouse and Poultry office and a Scalding house^ situate in the sayd
Outer Greene Court, having the sayd Court north, the foresayd
Woodyard office East, and the Towing place South, worth togeather
yearly xi".
Memd. We have comprehended the Benefitt and accomodat. of
the Towing plase to all ffive last vallued pcells (before their
grownds and howsing respectively) within the sayd vallues.
All that Tenement with the apurtetices comonly called the Toye,
now used for a Victualling House, scituate neere unto Hampton
Court fferry, adjoyning on or neere The South west corner of the
' These buildings were opposite the present barracks ; but were pulled down
about twenty years ago.

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (1653). 265
wall of the Outer Greene Court of the Mansion howse aforesayd,
and in the present occupation of M"' Mark Gibson, worth by the
yeare seaven pounds.^
All that Messuage or dwelling howse, with the Yards, Gardens,
and other aprtnes to the same belonging, built part with brick, part
with Timber, and covered with Tile, situate upon or neere to the
Greene comonly called Hampton Court Greene, on the west syde of
the way to tkie fferry plase, conteyning in Length 133 ffoote of
Assize, and in breadth 84 fft, or thereabout, in the present tenure
of M"' Thomas Smyhthsbye, and worth by the year xv''-
Mmd. To this house there is to be layd 20 fft in breadth before
it and 12 fft in breadth all along the east part of it, beeing pcell of
the Greene aforesayd.
All that dwelling house and Garden thereto adjoyning situate on
the westpt of the last mensond Mess: and heretofore belonging to the
Survyor Gen''" of the late K' workes being in length (with the
sayd garden) 140 ffoote in breadth next the foresayd Greene 44
ffoote or thereabout, unto which also is to be layd 20 ffoote of the
sayd Greene before the ffront thereof, and then it will be worth
yearly six pounds.
All those severall messuages. Tenements, or dwelling houses, with
their and every of their apurtens, heretofore used or enjoyed by the
master carpenter. Mason, Locksmyth, and Clearke of the workes to
the late Kinge. And all those stables with the. apurtes to the
sayd Tenements neere adjoyning, comonly called The Queenes'
stables, all which tenements and Stables are situate on the west of
the dwelling howse and Garden last before vallued, having the afore
sayd Greene called Hampton Court Greene on the North, and are
worth in the whole yearly ;^26.
Memd. The last mensoned premises are to have layd before
' The " Toy " inn was a picturesque have been used as a barrack during
building in the same style as the the Commonwealth for Cromwell's
Palace, standing on the now unoccupied soldiers. Tokens of the house during
piece of ground, next to the " Trophy the seventeenth century are still extant.
Gates" entrance to the Palace, and — History of Sign Boards, i\.\i edM\or\,
opposite the present "Mitre" Hotel, p. 505.
It was not pulled down till 1857. It is ^ Still existing. See p. 314 and 315
said, on what authority I know not, to of vol. i.

266 Appendix A.
them (out of the fore sayd greene), 35 fft in breadth at the east end
and 40 fft in breadth at the west end of them.
All those severall dwelling houses, tenements, Great Barne Stable,
and other Buildings, with their and every of their apurtnces, scituate
westward from the Tenements and premises last mensoned and
abutting upon Hampton Court Greene north, bounded with an Old
Barne and certayne meadow grounds in the tenure of S'' John
Hippesley or his assigns West, and with a narrow way or passage
by the syde of the Q* Stables on the east, conteyning in length
from East to West 336 fft of Assize, and in breadth 170 fft or there
about p. An. xxviii''.^
Mn''. There is to be layd to and before the sayd prmiss respec
tively 40 ff in breadth out of the Greene aforesayd.
All that Great Greene or pcell of pasture ground comonly called
Hampton Court Greene Lying and beeing on the West syde of the
wall of the Tilt Yard aforesayd and on the South pt of the Midle
pke hereafter mensoned, which greene or pcell of ground was here
tofore Grazed as A stinted pasture by severall officers of the late
King according to their respective allowances, and doth conteyne
in the whole (over and above what is to be taken out of the same
as is before pticularly menconed) 29 Acres more or less vallued,
with respect to the severall Wayes which must be continued through
the same at by the yeare Nine Pounds.
All that pcell of Impaled or enclosed ground, with the apurte
nances (except those after excepted) commonly called or known by
the name of the House Parke, lying and beeing neere unto the fore
sayd Capitall Messuage or Mansion House, between a large peece
of Inclosed pasture ground comonly called The Course, and A cer
tayne way or passage by the side of the River of Thames, comonly
known by the name of the Towing place. And all that Large
messuage or Lodge, with the Barnes, Stables, and Outhouses thereto
belonging, standing neere or adjoyning to the Brick wall that divideth
the sayd Howse Parke from the howse aforesayd. And all those
two other small Lodges or Tenements with their appurtenances
^ These premises seem to have been the site of the present " Cardinal Wolsey "
and " Henry VIII." public-house.

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Cotirt (1653). 267
situate and being within the sayd Park. And all Timber Trees,
and other Trees, woods, underwoods, shrubbs, and bushes. Deer, or
wild beasts, comodities, privileges, franchises. Immunities, advan
tages, and all other apurtenances to the sayd Parke and Premises
last mentioned, or to any of them of right belonging and appertain
ing. Which sayd parcell of Inclosed Ground doth conteyne (over
and above one small parcell to be taken out of the same hereafter
excepted) 363 Acres 3 Roodes more or less, and is vallued to be
worth upon Improvement yearly Two Hundred and ;^43 \os.
Out of which parke or prcell of ground there is to excepted so
much as is before sett forth to be Layd to the Mansion house afore
sayd, the ffense to be made by the purchaser of the Parke and
premises last mentioned.
The materialles of the Lodge and other Buildings within the sayd
Park are vallued in Grosse at ;^ 184 19J. %d.
The trees, woods, and Bushes there at ;^ 163 15J.
The Deer in the sayd parke reckoned to be in number 199, at
one hundred and ninety-nine pounds.
All that Large peece or parcell of Inclosed Pasture ground with
the appurtenances (except those hereafter excepted) commonly
called or known by the name of the Course, otherwise Hampton
Court Course, ffenced on the North part thereof with a brick wall
that standeth on the south side of the highway leading from
Kingston to Hampton Court, and ffenced on the south part thereof
also with a brick wall that devideth the sayd Course from the House
Park aforesayd. And all that little Building scituate within the
sayd peece of ground neere the Great Lodge of the house park
last mencioned, usually called The Standiifg. And all trees, woods,
bushes, and all other apurtenances (except so much of the sayd
Course to be fenced by the purchaser thereof) as is before layd out
to goe with the mansion house aforesaid, and two little Courts
(paled in and used with the Great Lodge before mentioned) to the
sayd pcell of ground or Course in any wise belonging or apertain-
ing. All which doth conteyne over and above the excepted pre
mises. One hundred 44 acres more or less vallued by the year at
one hundred and seaven Pounds.
The Trees, Bushes, and little building aforesayd vallued in
grosse at £t^^

268 Appendix A.
All those three Meadows or Several parcells of meadow ground,
with their and every of their appurtenances, commonly called or
known by the several names of the Kings Meade, the Middle
Meade, and the Upper Meade, Sett, Lyinge, and being betweene
sertayne bowses and buildings with the backsydes belonging to
some of them, pcell of a certayne hamblett commonly called King
ston Wick in the County of Mdx. and the two last menconed pcells
of ground, known by the names of the Course and Howse Parke,
and abutting southwards upon the River of Thames. All which
pcells of Meadowe ground do conteyne together ninety one
Acres, i Roode, more or less, worth per ann. Eighty Eight
pounds. The Trees standing and growing in one of the said meadowes
called King's Meade are worth Tenn Pounds.
All those severall parcells of meadow grounds with their
apurtenances commonly called The Tenn Acres and the five acres
peece, lying and beeing on the West Part of Upper Meade aforesayd,
having the aforesayd house pice Northwards and the aforesayd
Towing Place southwards, and contayning Eighteen Acres more or
less worth yearly Eighteen pounds.
Memorandum. The fee of the last mensioned meadows was pur
chased with the Honor of Hampton Court, but the present Interest
of and in the premises was allowed to M"' W™ Smythsbie during
his life as Keeper of the Privy Lodgings and Standing Wardrobe at
Hampton Court, and expressed accordingly, so that the purchase
will be only for and during the life of the said Wm.
Memord. The benefitt of the foresayd pc. of ground commonly
called the Towing place, is to belong to the purchaser of the pre
mises lying before any part of the same respectively.
All that large piece or parcell of Course ground with the appur
tenances, commonly called or known by the name of the ITare
Warren, lying and beeing within the parrish of Hampton, in the
County of Mddx, bounded Westwarde with the Wall belonging
to the middle Parke hereafter mentioned, northwards and East
wards with the common fields and other grounds belonging to
Teddington and Kingston Wick, and southwards with a high brick
wall belonging to the premises and conteyning in the whole Three

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Court (1653). 269
hundred and eighty acres more or lesse, vallued to be worth yearly
ffowre-score pounds.
The trees, wood and bushes upon the sayd peeces of ground
value at ffifty pounds.
The Middle Parke. — All that inclosed prcell of ground with the
appurtenances, commonly called the Middle Parke, lying and being
between the Hare Warren last mentioned and the Parke called
Bushie PKe next mensioned, bounded northwards ^\•ith parcell of
the Great Heath, commonly called Hounslow Heath, and south
wards with Hampton Court greene before mentioned. And all
that large dwelling house or lodge, with the Barnes, Stables, Out
houses, and other appurtenances, standing towards that syde of the
Parke which borders upon Hounslow Heath aforesaid. And all
Timber Trees and other Trees, Woods, underwoods, Bushes,
Shrubbs, Wild Beastes, and all other commodities, and advantages,
privileges, ffranchises, and Immunities, with their and every of
theire appurtenances to the forsayd Parke and premises, or to any
pt or parcell of their belonging or aperteyning. Which sayd
parcell of ground or parke doth conteyne 370 acres i rood more or
less, and is vallued to be worth upon Improvement yearly £21-^.
The materialls of the Lodges and Outhouses thereto belonging,
amounts in grosse to the somme of one Hundred eighty four
pounds 1 5 J.
The timber trees with other trees, wood, and Bushes are vallued
t<^eather at Three Hundred and twelve pounds, three shillings
and four pence.
The Deer or wild beasts within the sayd Parke reckoned to be
in number seventy, vallued at seventy pounds.
Bushie Parke. — ^AU that parcell of Impaled ground with the fix
tures, members and apurtenances thereof, commonly called Bushie
Parke, situate, lying, and beeing in the pish, of Hampton in the
County of Middx, between the Highway Leading by the River of
Thames from Hampton town to Hampton Courte, and the Great
Heath, commonly called Hounslow Heath, conteyning altogether
three hundred 50 Acres, 03 R. 16 P., more or less, consisting of the
pticulars following. That is to say.
One parcell of Inclosed ground commonly called the Old Parke,

2 70 Appenclix A .
lying neere and adjoinying upon pt of Hownslow Heath aforesayd,
wherein is scituate the messuage or dwelling house in the tenure of
Sir John Hippesley, commonly called the Greater Lodge, consisting
of a hall, a faire parlor, a kitchen, a pantry, and other convenient
Roomes belowe stayres, seven Lodging roomes above stayres, with
a Large Barne, Stable, and other outhouses, belonging to the
same, which sayd parcel of ground doth conteyne one hundred
83 acres 21 perches more or less, worth upon improvement one
Hundred and two pounds.
The materialls of the sayd Lodge distinctly calculated amounts
to One Hundred ;^S9 \os. 4d.
The Trees and Bushes of all sorts whithin the sayd Old Parke
amounts to Six Hundred ;^20 6s. 8d.
The Deere belonging to the same accounted to be but nine and
twenty, are vallued at twenty-nine pounds.
The New Park Part. — One peece of Inclosed ground parcell of
the new ground taken into the foresayd parke lying between the
sayd Old Parke and the highway last mencioned next unto the sayd
Towne of Hampton, wherein standeth a small Lodge with a Barne
and yard belonging to the same, and conteyneth together twenty
three Acres 2 Roo. and 23 pch. more or less, worth per Acre Three
and Twenty Pounds 15/.
The Trees standing in the sayd prcell of grownd are valued
at;f2S. The New Parke other part. — One other peece or pcell of Inclosed
grownd beeing the remayning pt. of the sayd new grownd lately
taken into the sayd pke. lying betweene the pcell of ground last
mensoned, and Hampton Courte Greene aforesayd, and abutting
southwards upon the sayd way Leading from Hampton towne to
Hampton Court, Northwards upon the old parke aforesayd, and
conteyneth one Hundred and forty four acres 12 pch. more or lesse
vallued to be worth nearly One Hundred and Fifteen Pounds.
There are Yong Elmes growing upon the last mencioned peeces,
worth twenty pounds. And all liberties, privillidges, ffranchises,
Immunities, Commodities, and advantages, with their and every of
their apurtetices, to all the three last mensoned pcells of ground or
to any of them of right belonging and apurteyning.
Memd. The said p^e called Bushie Pke is at present divided into
3 parts, as the same is before sett forth, and finding the sayd divi-

»v; jLj * (APE .» ' -'

"tjt :^"

Parliamentary Survey of Hampton Conrt (1653). 271
sion to be rather advantageous than prejudicial to the Common
wealth, we have so returned it.
All that peece or parcell of pasture ground, eomonly knowen
by the name of Conduitt Close, lying neere or adjoyning to the
high way leading from Hampton Town to Cheston, and cont. three
Rhoodes more or less, worth p. acr. 22s.
Memd. There is standing upon the sayd peece of ground a con
duitt Heade and Conserve for conveyance of water to Hampton
Court house, which, with the pipes and watercourses passing from
the same is (by the Act) reserved.
William Smithsby his clayme. — William Smisby, Es' (by pattent
from the late King Charles, dated at Westminster the 15"^ of Nov'
in the 4* of his Raigne) claymeth to hold the Office of Keeping of
the Privy Lodgings and wardrobe within the Honour of Hampton
Court, with all wages, ffees, proffitts. Advantages, and Emoluments
to the sayd Office incident, or in any wages belonging toge
ther with the ffee or standing wages of 12" a day to be pd. out of
the Exchequer qterly during the natural lyfe of the said William.
William Hogan his Clayme. — William Hogan, by letters pattent
of the late King James, dated the 12th day of ffeb. in the first of
his Reigne, Claymeth to hold the Office of Keeping the two little
new gardens at Hampton Court next adjoyning to the Thames syde,
and the distilling of all hearbes waters, etc., together with the dis
tilling house and other howses within the sayd gardens as well
above stayres as beneath, and the late Bowling Ally adjoyning
thereto, and also One Annuity for Annual Fee of Fortie pounds by
the yeare, to be payd out of the Reseits of the Exchequer at the
fouer most usuall ffeasts by equall portons, for and during the naturall
lyves of the sayd William Hogan, and of Anne Hogan his wyfe,
and of Charles Hogan his sonne, and the lyfe of the longest of
either of them.
Both which claymes were referred to the directions of the Act
for of the prmises.
Totall of the Annual Values in this Survey
doe amount unto  An. 1 20" 00 04
Totall of the grosse Values is . . . . Gr. 10765 1909

APPENDIX B.

(See page 172.)
Extracts from the Calendars of State Papers of the
TIME of the Commonwealth, relating to the Sale of
THE Manors and Parks of Hampton Court in 1653,
AND their Repurchase by the State for the Use and
Occupation of the Protector Oli-ver Cromwell.
VoL XXXVII, No. 83. J2ine x^th, 1653.
" Mr. Thurloe to bring in an instruction authorising the trustees
for sale of the late King's lands to let out the parks about Hamp
ton Court, and the houses belonging to them, at the best
advantage."
Vol XLII, No. 51. Dec. 20, 1653.
(2) Order that Sir W" Roberts and Edw. Cressett treat with
those persons who have bought the parks, hare warren, meadows,
&c. of Hampton Court, for their surrender to the commonwealth
on reasonable terms, annexing : —
No. 52. Their report thereon — "We treated with Edmund Black-
well, goldsmith and jeweller, who contracted for Bushy Park 15

Sale and Repurchase of Hampton Court (1653). 273
Nov. 1653, at the rent of £\oZ \^s. a year, and for materials,
timber, deer, &c. to the gross value o{ £g\i, lys. The rent being
sold at 14 years' purchase came to ;£'5,722 los., so that the total of
the purchase was £6,62,8 7s."
Of these he reserved to himself the New Park, valued at ;^ 1 1 5 a
year, which cost him ;^ 1,635, for which he demands ;£^450 profit.
Part of New Park, 23 acres, he sold to M'. Casewell, of Hampton,
for ;^407 lOJ. — ;^53 more than it cost him; this is paid for and
conveyed. He sold the meadows to his brother, John Backwell,
for;£'i,5So — ;^308 more than it cost him, and old Bushy Park to
M' Woolmer, of Gracious Street, for ;^i,528 — ;^ioo more than it
cost him ; and the hare warren to M"' Bryce and M" Inwood for
;^i,i70. Of these none are conveyed, nor is more than a moiety of
the purchase-money paid.
Backwell has thus received ;^46i profit for the part sold, and he
demands for his own part ;^45o profit. His brother demands
;^450, M' Woolmer ;^ 400, M'' Bryce and M"" Inwood demand ;^200
besides their charges. The total of the purchase, less M"' Casewell's
is ;^6,283 17J., the moiety of which, ;^3,i4i i8j. 6d., is presently to
be paid into the purchasers, besides the profit demanded, ;^ 1,968,
the sum total being ^^5, 109 i8s. 6d.
The Middle Park of Hampton Court, was sold to Col. Norton, 3
December, but no proceedings have been taken therein except
about contracts. 10 Jan. 1654.

Vol. LXV., No. 23. Jan. 11, 1654.
15 Nov. 1653. Edward Backwell contracted for ;^4o8 15^. rent
for the meadows, hare warren, Bushy Old Park, new park ground,
&c., for £S>722 10s., which, with the trees, &c., comes to ;^6,638 17^.,
which is paid. The premises are not conveyed, except part of the
new park ground to Rich. Caswell.
13 Dec. 1653. Reginald Merryott for Col. Rich. Norton, con
tracted for the middle park, called Jockey's Park, at Hampton
Court, rent ;£'225, with the materials, ;^ 3,701 igs. The contract
was not signed nor any money paid, and it is therefore void.
12 Jany, 1654.

2 74 Appendix B.

Vol LXV., No. 33. Jan. 18, 1654.
7. Order that as [Sydrach] Brice and [John] Innwood are willing
to relinquish the contract for the hare warren in Hampton Court,
transferred to them by Edm. Backwell, the Trustees for sale of
Crown lands issue warrants to their treasurers to pay Brice and
Innwood ;^ 1,370 therefor. Approved 20 Jan.

Vol. LXVI, No. 7. Feb. 2, 1654.
8. Col. Sydenham reports that a treaty has been had with Edw.
Backwell and Joshua Woolnough, about relinquishing lands belong
ing to Hampton Court contracted for at Worcester House, viz.,
Bushey Park, the 3 meadows, the new park ground, and the other
part of New Park, with the lodge, materials, deer, and timber, and
the hare warren, for which there was paid in full of the purchase,
£6,6^8 js.
That there has been paid by virtue of a former order to M"^ Brice
and Inwood, for their interest in the hare warren, part of the said
contract (besides ;^200 allowed him above his purchase money),
/i,i70 That there is reserved by Richd. Caswell part of the New Park
conveyed to him by the trustees under M"' Backwell's contract,
which makes up the said purchase money, ;^357 los. Total,
j^ 1,527 \os. This reduces the original purchase money to
;^S,iio 17J.
That on payment of this sum, and of ;^ 1,100 over and above the
purchase money, viz., ;^8oo to Backwell and ;£'300 to Woolnough,
total, £6,2\o 17s., — being .^4,792 8j. 6d. to Blackwell and
jf 1,418 8s. 6d. to Woolnough, — they are willing to relinquish their
interest in the premises.
Order thereon, that the said offer be accepted, and that orders
be prepared for the said trustees to receive a relinquishment of
their interest, and to the Treasurers at Worcester House to pay the
respective sums.

Sale and Repurchotse of Hampton Court (1653). 275

VoL LXVI, No. 23. Feb. 9, 1654.
6. Jones, Strickland, and Sydenham to treat with the person
that bought the honour of Hampton Court, and with Rich. Caswell,
to whom part of the lands are conveyed, to relinquish their interest
to the use of the State on reasonable conditions.
13. Order — ^that as Edw. Blackwell has contracted with the
trustees of exempted Crown Lands for Bushy old park, and part
of the new park, deer, &c. at Hampton Court, and transferred his
interest to Joshua Woolnough, who has paid J- the purchase money,
viz., ;^i,ii8 8s. 6^., but is willing to relinquish his interest on a
profit of ;^300 — the said trustees accept his release of contract, and
pay him ;£'i,i48 8j. 6d. Approved 13 Feb.

Vol. LXVI, Nos. 40, 42. Feb. 20, 1654.
8. Order that as Edw. Backwell has contracted with the trustees
for sale of exempted Crown lands for 3 meadows and the hare
warren in Hampton Court, Bushy old park, and part of the new
park, and assigned his interest in the hare warren to [Shadrach]
Brice and [John] Imwood, i of old Bushy park to Joshua Wool
nough, and the 3 meadows to his brother John, who has paid
therefor £ 1,242, and is willing to relinquish his interest on repay
ment, with £6$8 surplus, which the Protector and Council have
accepted, that the trustees receive Backwell's release of contract,
and pay him ;^ 1,900. Approved 21 Feb.
Order that — as part of the land in the said contract is conveyed
to Rich. Caswell, and Edw. Backwell has paid for the remainder,
that is, for 4 old Bushy park ;^i,ii8 8s. 6d., and for new Bushy
park £ 1,632, and is willing to relinquish his contract on payment
of ;f 142 surplus, — on his so doing, the trustees pay him ;^ 2,892 8.f. 6d.
Approved 21 Feb. annexing : —

276 Appendix B.
No. 42 (l. II.) Valuation of the interests in Bushey
park of Josh. Woolnough
Edward Backwell, goldsmith .
» j> it ' '
John Backwell . . . .

The profit given by the State to the purchasers
being ;^i,ioo.
No. 42 (in. IV.) Notes of the sums required by the several
claimants named in the order for re-purchase of Hampton Court
lands, viz., £6,61,8 ys. purchase money repaid, and ;£'i,20o surplusage
allowed. Total, £7,82,8 7s.

£

s.

d

1,418

8

6

1,118

8

6

1,774

0

0

1,900

0

0

£6,2\o

17

0

APPENDIX C.

(See pp. 1 80 and 198.)
Inventory of Goods mostly claimed as belonging to
Cromwell, at Hampton Court Palace in 1659.
Taken by order of the Council of State. Now preserved in the Public Record
Office. See State Papers, Domestic, Commonwealth,\o\. cciii. No. 41.
For the Right Honot" the Councell of State.
In obedience to your Hono''''^ order of the Eleventh of June
instant commanding us to repaire to Hampton Courte and to take
an Account of the Goods in the Howses there soe as there bee noe
Imbezillment of them and likewise to take notice of such servants
as there remaine alsoe to take care of the Watercourses and Rivers
and certify the state of the whole to yo' Honour with our opinion
what servantes are fitt to bee continued for looking to the house
and what is fit to bee done therein.
We doe humbly certify that wee found in severall Roomes these
the particular goodes in this Booke mentioned, as foUoweth : —
[All the articles following, except those to which an asterisk is
prefixed, are in the original marked as belonging to Cromwell.]

278 Appendix C.

In the Greate Presence Chamber.
Nine peices of Tapestry hanginge of Ahashuerus and Esther.
*One Turkey Carpett, five yards long.
*One Turkey Carpett, three yards and a halfe long.
*Three Spanish Tables.
Twelve back stooles of guilt leather and one Elbow Chaire.
One paire of Andirons with double brasses.
One paire of Creepers, fire showell, and Tongs with double
brasses. One Spanish Table. In the Privy Chamber.
*Nine pieces of Tapistry hangings of the old and new Law.
One large fine Persian Carpett.
Eighteene back stooles and one elbow chaire of a Cinamon
collour Cloth.
One large joyned table.
In the Supping Chamber or Withdrawing Room
*Five peices of Tapistry hangings of the Morians.
Twelve back stooles of guilt leather.
Fower Spanish Tables.
Three leather carpetts.
Two Courtines of greene bayes for the wyndowes.
One paire of Andirons with double brasses.
One paire of creepers, fire-showell. Tongs and Bellowes.
In the Ballcony Roome.
* Fower peices of rich Arras hangings of ye History of Tobyas.
*One Couch and two Elbow chaires ) of Crimson velvett
*Six back stooles V imbroidered with
*One long seate with a cushion J cloth of gold.

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 279
One fine Persian carpett.
Three window courtines of red bayes.
One Spanish Table. In the Clossett next to itt.
Two wyndow Courtines of red cotton.
One paire of small Andirons with creepers.
One Joynd Table.
In the Rich Bedchamber.
*Five peices of rich Arras hangings of the Antiques.
*One peice of the like Arras of .^neas.
*One large persian Carpett under the bed.
*One bedsted with a sackcloth bottome.
*The furniture of rich incarnadine velvett imbroidered very rich
with gold and silver conteyning
*Three courtines
*Fower Cantoones
*Deepe vallons and bases of the same velvett,
*Fower Cupps \ and imbroidered
*One French Carpett suitable to the said bed.
*Two Elbow Chaires
*Six back stooles
*The ceeler and head-cloth of the said bed is of rich cloth of
gold, with inward vallons, cases for the posts and lynynges of the
courtaines and cantoones all of the same.
*Two large wyndow courtines of scarlet cloth, lyned with Crim
son Taffety and laced about with gold and silver needle worke lace
like acorns.
*One small Spanish table.
One large feather bed and bowlster.
One Canvas Materis.
One holland quilt.
One paire of blankets.
Three large courtins of scarlet bazes being a case about the
bed.

28o Appendix C.
One paire of rich guilt stands and a table suitable.
One large looking glasse in an Ebony frame.
One paire of Andirons wi"" double brasses, and creepers fire
shovell and Tongs suitable.
The chaires, stooles. Tables and Stands are covered with scarlet
bayes, fower plumes with red and white feathers.
One counterpane of white sattin quilted with silke of severall
collours. In the late Queenes Dressing Roome.
*Three peices of fine Tapistry hangings of Vulcan and Venus.
*One peice of Arras hangings of Lazarus.
TT ^ , 1 , , (of white cloth of Tissue with
Fower back stooles > r i <. u
One footstoole I """^^'^ ^^ ^""^'^^^ ^^^y^^'
One paire of Andirons with double brasses and creepers fire-
shovell and Tongs suitable.
One paire of Bellowes.
One small screene.
One fine counterfeit Ebbony.
One pair of stands of counterfeit Ebbony.
In his late Highnes Bedchamber.
*Five peices of fine Tapisty hangings of Vulcan and Venus.
Two wyndow courtines one of scarlet bayes, th' other of sarge.
One small couch 1 r i u ^ ,
Two elbow chaires ( of sky collour damaske
Fower back stooles ( and cased with watchet
One carpet ) ^^^^^^
One black Table with a turned frame.
One paire of Andirons with double brasses.
One paire of creepers with fire shovell and Tongs.
One paire of bellowes.

Inventory of Cromwell 's Goods (1659). 281
In his Dressing Roome.
*One old Coberd.
One Spanish Table.
Two small Turky Carpetts.
One paire of Andirons with double brasses.
One paire of creepers and fire shovell. Tongs and Bellows.
Fower back-stooles of Turkeyworke.
In Paradice Roome.
*Seaven peices of rich hangings of Arras, of the Tryumphs of
the Capitall Sinns.
*One peice of the like Arras of Meleager.
*One chimney peice of Arras of Tobias.
Fower Courtines of watchet Bayes.
Two paire of Andirons.
One paire of Creepers. In the Long Gallery.
*Nine peices of painting of the Tryumphs of Julius Ctesar done
by Andrea Montanea.
One small Billiard board.
One paire of Andirons.
One paire of creepers. In a syde Gallery adioyning.
One Billiard board.
One paire of Andirons.
In a small closett in the lady Faulconberges lodgings formerly
the Duke of Richmond's.
The closet hanged about with old greene perpetuano.
Two back stooles ]
Three folding stooles \ of old greene cloth.
One footestoole j

282 Appendix C,

In the Lady Frances' lodgings formerly the late King's
Cabinet Roome.
*Five peices of Tapistry hangings of Meleager.
*One peice of Tapistty hangings of Sorteene.
One feather bed and boulster.
One holland Quilt.
One paire of Andirons with double brasses.
One paire of Creepers and fire shovell. Tongs and Bellowes.
Two wyndow Courtines of red bayes.

In a Roome appointed for Strangers.
The roome hang'd with 44 panes of Crimson velvett and cloth
of gold. One Bedstead with a furniture of needle work of poeticall
fancyes cut double vallons. Tester, headcloth and fower courtines
of greene sattin branched with flowers of gold and silver.
One elbow chair.
Two back stooles of needlework suitable to the bed.
One long seat for a cushion.
One long cushion )
One square cushion \ of greene cloth of gold.
One footstoole )
One counterpane of greene sattin quilted with gold twist.
One large feather bed and boulster.
One Canvas Materis, a holland quilt, and a paire of blanketts.
Seaven guilt cupps and seaven plumes of feathers.
Three courtines of scarlet bayes.
One small Turky Carpett and a looking glass.
One paire of Andirons.
One paire of creepers, a fire shovell, Tongs and a paire of
bellowes.

Inventory of Cromwell 's Goods (1659). 283

In the L^ President's Roome formerly the late King's
Dressing Room.
Two wyndow courtines of watchet bayes.
One paire of Andirons.
One paire of creepers, fire shovell. Tongs and Bellows.
In the next roome, for a servant.
One halfe headed bedsted.
One small feather-bed and boulster.
One paire of blanketts and a rugg.
*One old Table.
*One furniture for a bed of stripe stufte that came from Sweden.
In the late King's Bedchamber.
One paire of Andirons and a fire shovell.
One paire of Tongs and a paire of bellowes.

In a little Roome adjoyning.
One halfe headed bedsted.
One small feather bed and boulster.

In the late King's Withdrawing Roome.
*Two peices of rich Arras hangings of the Antiques.
*One peice of Arras hangings of Meleager.
*Two old Court Cupbords.
*One small peice of Tapistty of the Cardinall's armes.
One large Spanish Table.
One new Turky Carpett.
Eight backe-stooles of Turky worke.

284 Appendix C.
In the Ministers room,e formerly for private Oratory.
The roome hanged round with stript stuffe.
One bedsted the furniture of liver collour sarge Contt: Courtines,
vallons, and counterpane.
Two folding Stooles ) -^ ui 4- 4.u tj j
T^ , , ^. , > suitable to the Bed.
1 wo back stooles J
Two small carpetts of stript stuff.
One feather bed and boulster two blankets and a rug.
*One paire of Andirons with creepers, fireshovell and tongs.
In the late King's privy Chamber.
*Fower peices of rich Arras hangings of y" history of Tobias.
*One peice of Arras of Meleager.
*One large elbow chaire of crimson velvet.
Three Spanish Tables and two Turky carpetts.
Two large courtins for ye wyndow of sad collour bayes.
Fower back stooles of Turkey worke of flower potts.
In the late King' s presence Chamber.
*Three peices of fine old hangings of the Tryumphs.
*Two peices of the like stuffe of ye Cardinall's armes.
*One Turkey carpett.
Five Spanish Tables.
One large Turkey carpett.
Fower wyndow courtines of sad collour bayes.
Eighteene backstooles of Turky worke of flower pottes.
Two paire of Andirons.
One paire of Creepers, fire shovell and Tongs.
In the late Prince's Gallery.
One hundred. Twenty and seaven homes of severall sorts of
Beasts. One picture of a large paire of homes from Amboiz.
Twelve branches for Candles.

Inventory of Cromwell 's Goods (1659). 285

In the late Prince's Bedchamber.
*Six peice of good old Tapistry hangings of Sorteene with the
Cardinall's armes.
One standing bedsted the furniture of needle-worke being ye
labours of Hercules cont: Tester, head-cloth, and double vallons.
Fower Courtines of purple cloth of gold bodkin, lyned with
greene and white damaske.
One counterpane of Crimson sattin quilted with gold twist.
Thre^badc'stooTes I of needlework suitable to the Bed. This
One foot stoole i ^^^ brought out of Scotland.
One seate for a long Cushion.
One large feather-bed and boulster.
One Canvas materis and a holland quilt.
One paire of blanketts.
One large foote carpett and a small carpett.
Seaven guilt cupps and seaven plumes of feathers.
One paire of Andirons.
One paire of Creepers, fire shovell, Tongs and bellowes.
One small Table.

In the two next Roomes, being the late Prince's Withdrawing
Chamber and Dressing Roome.
Two paire of Andirons.
, Two paire of Creepers with fire shovell and Tongs.
Fower new back stooles of Turky worke.
One Spanish Table.
In a Clossett in the Passage to the Tennis Courte.
The roome hang'd with French greene Sarge.
Two elbow Chaires ]
Two back stooles \ suitable.
Two square cushions

286 Appendix C.

In the Nursery at the end ofy said Passage.
The roome hang'd round with stript stuffe.
One carpet of the same.
One small Table.
Fower leather Chaires.
One elbow chaire \ of red say belonging to a bed in the
Three back chaires ( wardrobe.

In the lodgings formerly Duke of Hambletons, late Lord
Claypoole's as Master of the Horse {vizt.)
In his Bedchamber.
Two paire of Andirons.
One paire of Bellowes. In his Dressing Roome.
One elbow Chaire ] of cloth of silver rased with velvet and
Fower back Stooles J cased with red bayes.
One paire of Andirons and one fire shovell.

In his Ii/'' Drawing Roome.
One dbow^hatre I ^^ ^^^^^^ *=^°*^ ^^ ^g°><^ ^""^ <^^^^^ ^'^
Three back stooles ) red bayes.
One paire of Andirons.
One paire of Creepers, Fire shovell. Tongs and Bellowes.

In a small Clossett adyoning.
The Closset hang'd with liver Collour sarge.

Inventory of Cromwell' s Goods (1659). 287
In his Dyning roome adioyning.
Twelve back stooles of Turky worke.
Three Spanish Tables and two small turky Carpetts.
Fower wyndow Courtines of greene bayes.
One paire of Creepers, fire shovell and Tongs.
In another Dyning Roome adioyning.
*Six peices of ye old Tapistry hangings of the Amazons or
Hypolite. *Two old Turky Carpetts.
One Couch \
Six back chaires j- of Turkey worke.
Six high stooles J
Two Spanish Tables.
Three wyndow courtins of Stript stuffe.
Three peices of stript stuffe under y' wyndowes.
In another Roome adioyning.
One wyndow Courtine ) r ^ • ^ i. A-
One peice under the wyndow J "
One paire of creepers, fire shovell. Tongs and bellowes.
In a roome next to it for Servants.
One bedsted the Courtines of linsey woolsey and narrow vallons
of Damaske. One small feather bed and boulster.
One paire of blanketts and a rug.
In a Clossett in the late King's private Oratory.
Two stript Courtines.
*One old Spanish Table.

288 Appendix C.
In a little Roome adioyning.
*Three old Coberds.
*One settee.
*One old Table covered with greene cloth.

In the Comptrowler Co" Jones lodgs, formerly the Lord
Chamberlines.
One roome hang'd round with liver collour sarge.
One standing bedsted the furniture of like Sarge cont.
Fower courtines, head cloth, Tester and Counterpane w"' fower
cups. Two elbow Chaires "\
Five folding stooles |- suitable to the hangings.
One Carpett j
One Feather-bed and bowlster.
One paire of blanketts and a rugg.
In a room,e adioyning.
*One feather bed and boulster.
*One paire of blanketts and a rugg.
In his Withdrawing Roome.
*Two pieces of Hercules ) r t- ¦ i. i
*r\ ¦ CT- u r of Tapistry hangmgs.
*One peice of Tryumphs j i- j i> -a
Two Deale Tables.
In his Dyning Roome
Two dozen of Turky worke Chaires.
Two Spanish Tables.
One side Table of Deale.

Inventory of Cromwell' s Goods (1659). 289
In a Roome for Servants adioyning.
Three long formes of Deale.
One large Table standing on Tressells.
In a roome for Servants above Staires.
One standing bedsted w** stript stuffe furniturne.
Two square Stooles | suitable to the Bed
Two Chaires j
One feather bed and boulster.
Two blankets and a rug.
*One Table and a Coberd.
In ye la: Claypool's nursery, being parte of the Armory.
The roome hang'd with stript stuffe.
In Mrs. Grinawayes chamber, gentlewoman to the Lady
Faulconberge, being part of the Armory.
The roome hang'd round w* greene and yellow stript stuffe.
One standing bedsted the furniture of greene sarge cont : fower
courtines head cloth and counterpane.
One feather bed and boulster.
One downe pillow.
Two blanketts.
One Carpet of stript stuffe.
In a roome below Stairs where Mrs. Fairecloth lay formerly
the late Lady Denbighes.
*One standing bedsted, ye furniture in the Wardrobe.
*One bed.
One bowlster, two blankets and a rugg.
u

290 \ Appendix C.
Two folding stooles ") •.. ui *. ^u a -o a
Thre Ch i es ( S"'*^able to the said Bed.
One Spanish Table.
One Dressing Table.

In the next Roome for a servant.
One halfe headed bedsted w"" a Canopy of greene and yellow
stript stuffe.
One feather bed and bowlster.
One blanket and a rug.

In a Roome adioyning.
Two Spanish Tables.
In Mad'mozelle Durett's Roome.
The roome hang'd round with stript stuffe.
One standing bedsted with furniture of the like stuffe.

Two Elbow Chaires ^ c^i. c^ a-
> of the same Stuffe.

Two Square Stooles
One side Table.

In the La: Denbyes chamber, late M^- Claytons.
One brasse figure of Mercury.

In the Roome where the young lady Cromwell' s gentlewoman
lay below staires.
One bedsted.
One Table.

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 291
In a roome below staires where the Servants Dyne, fo7'merly
called the Vestrey.
*Five tables and Eight formes.
In M"' Maidstone' s lodgs, formerly the Earle of Hollande.
One halfe head bedsted with a Canopy of greene Sarge edged
with guilt leather.
One canvas and one fustian quilt.
One bolster and a pillow.
Two blankets and a rug.
In the Blew Roome.
Six back chaires of Turky worke and one Spanish Table.
One pair of Andirons and Creepers with brasses.
A paire of Tongs and bellows.
*One carpet of Crewell.
In his Dyning Roome.
Five Spanish Tables.
Tenn back Stooles and a high stoole of Turky worke.
One paire of Andirons, fire shovell and Tongs.
In the Lower Wardrobe.
One standing Bedsted the fumiture of gold collour damaske
4;ont: Fower courtines and double vallons "j
Tester and headcloth |- suitable to the Bed.
One Carpet and fower Cupps J
Fower Courtines of gold collour bayes being a case about the
.Bed. One Case for the Carpet of the like Bayes.

- suitable to the Bed.

292 Appendix C.
One Counterfeit Ebbony Shelfe.
Fowre pieces of greene Taffety hangings lyned with Sarge for
a Closset and a wyndow Courtine of the same.
One standing Bedsted the furniture of sky colloured Taffety
and imbroidered with silke and gold after the Indian fashion lyned
with sky colloured Sarcenet cont :
Fester and head cloth
Double vallance.
Four courtines.
One Counterpane.
Four cupps & 4 plumes of Feathers.
One Carpett and a screene cloth.
Three courtines of watchet bayes being a Case for the Bed.
One piece of the like bayes to cover the screene cloth.
Two small looking glasses, one of them being broke.
One standing Bedsted the furniture of a sad collour.
Fower courtines single vallons and Carpett suitable.
The Tester headcloth and single vallons being of clouded
Taffety. The Courtines lyned with the same and a counterpane.
Fower Cupps and fower sprigs of silke to stand upon them.
And a Cyprus Chest that this bed lyes in.
*Two fine persian Carpetts Eight yards long a piece.
*One Turky Carpet five yards long.
*One Turky Carpet fower yards and a quarter long.
*One Turky Carpet Three yards i long.
*One Turky Carpet Three yards long.
*One Turky Carpet Three yards long.
One Turky Carpet fower yards i long.
One Turky Carpet three yards \ long.
One Turky Carpet three yards long.
Three Turky chest Carpetts two yards long a piece.
Two small Carro Carpets one yard and three q'ters long a
piece. Three small yellow ground carpetts for syde Tables.
*One red and two blew sarge swede furnitures for Bedds.
*One stript stuffe sweed furniture for a bed.
*Two old footstooles of cloth of gold.
Six cushions of cloth with red leather bottomes.

Inventory of Cromwell' s Goods (1659). 293
One furniture for a bed of stript stuffe used for the Lord
Richardes ladyes gentleman usher
One furniture of hver colloured sarge belonging to a bed M'
Faircloth lay in.
One led collour sarge furniture M'^ Lockeire lay in.
One piece of grey stript stuffe hangings that hang'd M"^ Lockeire 's
roome. Greene sarge hangings y' hanged M'" Fairclothe roome.
Two Courtines of greene kersey edged about w"" guilt leather.
One fumiture of red say for the Lord Richard's nursery used.
One peice of stript stuffe with pillars y' hang'd the said roome.
One furniture of stript stuffe used for the Comptson Butler.
One furniture of stript stuffe with hangings to the roome of the
same used for the Ld Richards ladys gentlewomen.
One fumiture of stript stuffe with hangings to ye roome of the
same used for the Ld Richards gentlemen.
Two back chaires and fower stooles to the furniture of the
aforesaid two roomes.
One bundle of stript stuffe hangings used in the roome where
the Doctours lay.
One peice of stript stuffe hangings that hanged on the roome
for M"^ Faircloth.
One furniture of a liver collour sarge for ye lady Clapoles
gentlewomen. One back stoole and two square stooles of the same.
Nine courtines for wyndowes. \
Two peices to hang under wyndowes. j- of stript stuffe.
Seaven small Carpetts. J
Two small Carpetts of greene serge belonging to M^. Faircloth.
One peice of stript stuffe that hanged a closset for Auditor
Barrington. *One needleworke carpett five yards long.
Two chaires of sad collour cloth.
Twenty and two chaires and two high stooles of Turky worke.
Fower peices of Tapistry hangings of David & Abigaill.
Two peices of Tapistry hangings of the old & new lawe, being
parte of the suite y' hangs in ye late Queenes privy chamber.
Five pieces of old Tapistry hangings of the Prodigall sonn.
One small peice of Arras hangings of vEneas.

294 Appendix C.
One peice of Tapistry hangings of Meleager.
Three fustian Quilts and one small holland Quilt.
One round down bolster.
Nineteene feather beds and boulsters w"" paires of blankett and
ruggs. One old feather bed and boulster.
Five small feather beds and boulsters with paires of blanketts
& ruggs. One canvas materis belonging to the red say bed.
Thirteen canvas materisses with feather boulsters and ruggs.
Five paire of small blanketts.
*Three old cloth blanketts.
*Two small feather beds and boulsters with paires of blankets
and ruggs.
*Forty chaires and fifteene high stooles of Russia leather.
*Five blew courtines of Linsey Woolsey.
*Eleven downe pillowes.

In the Upper Wardrobe.

One Elbow chaire
Two low stooles
Two Cushions.

Fower Elbow Chaires "j of gold collour damaske and cased with
Six back stooles V yellow bayes suitable toy' furniture
One footstoole. J in y' lower wardrobe.
One small couch "j of greene Taffetyand cased with greene
bayes, being suitable to y' greene
taffety hangings in her late Highnes
closet.
One small Table of Counterfeite Ebbony.
Two large Tables and a hanging shelfe of the same.
Nine Cushions of turky worke bottomed with red leather.
One large China Jarr.
Two small Jarrs of purslane.
One wanscot Table to the gold collour Damaske bed.
One Cabbinet and frame of Speckle wood.
One small wanscott Chest of drawers.
Tenn paire of blacke stands.

ci,£.

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 295

In the late Queene' s Oratory where M"- Blowfeild lay.
One small standing bed the furniture of greene sarge cont :
Tester and head cloth
A Counterpane
Fower Courtins
One Carpett 4 Cupps
Two back Chaires.
One small feather bed & boulster.
One paire of blanketts and a down pillow.
One wainscot Table and two Deale tables.
One small back stoole of Calves leather.
One Deale presse for Clothes.
*One presse of wanscot covered with printer's leather.
*One Courte coberd.

suitable to the said bed.

In M''- Cofferer's man's Roome.
One Sweed standing bedsted the furniture of Red sarge Cont :
Fower Courtines and a headcloth with a buckram Tester.
One featherbed and boulster.
Two blanketts and a rugg.
One Spanish Table and one half-headed bedsted.

In a roome formerly the Ury.
One large Deale Table.

In the Great Hall.
: large Organ and a C
about ;^300. ) brought from Maudlin Colledge in Oxford.

value ( One large Organ and a Chaire Organ which was

296 Appendix C.

In the Roome over the Lower Wardrobe.
*One standing Bedsted the furniture of watchet velvett cont
*Tester & headcloth
*Three Courtines
*Fouer Cartoones
*Fower Cupps
*One Counterpane
•Double vallons
*One Elbow Chaire
*Two high stooles
*One foote stoole
*One square cushion
*One long cushion.
*One long seate to lay the cushion on and fower plumes of
feathers. One large feather bed and boulster.
One canvas materis.
One paire of blanketts.
Two Deale Tables.

of the like velvett and laced w*
gold and silver lace.

In M''' Waterhouse Roome, formerly the Qtieenes Robe
Roome.
The Roome hanged round with freench greene sarge.
One standing bedsted the furniture of greene sarge cont : tester,
headcloth, double vallons, fower courtines fower cupps and one
counterpane. One carpett \
Two backstooles V suitable to the said bed.
Fower folding stooles j
One feather bed and boulster and a Downe pillow.
One paire of blanketts and a rug.
One small wanscot Table.

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 297

In the Roome adioyning.
One halfe headed bedsted.
*One Spanish Table.

In Co" Will: Cromwell's lodgs. formerly S' Math: Listers.
*One halfe headed bedsted.
*One Table and a long forme.
*One Courte Coberd.

In M'' How the ministers Withdrawing roome, formerly
Secretary Windebank's.
The roome hanged with hare colloured stript stuffe.
One carpet of the same.
Five back chaires and one high stoole of russia leather
One Spanish Table.

In M" How's Bed-chamber.
The Roome hang'd round with grey stript stuffe.
One standing bed the furniture of the like stript stuffe.
Single vallons. Tester, headcloth, 4 courtines and a carpet.
One Feather bed and boulster
One paire of blankets and a rug.
Two back stooles and two folding stooles of sarge.

In the next Roome for a servant.
One halfe headed bedsted.
One small feather bed and boulster.
One paire of blanketts.

298 Appendix C.

In a roome formerly the late King's gentleman ushers, late
Mr. Robinsons, yeoman of the Race.
One halfe headed bedsted.
One feather bed & boulster.
Two blankets and a rug.

In a roome formerly the Signetts office late Doctour
Clarkes.
One halfe headed bedsted.
One Deale Table and a forme.

In a roome formerly the late Qtieenes gent: late M^ Jones
the Carvers.
Two backstooles of russia leather.
One Deale Table.

In a room£ formerly for the late King's robes late M""
Birds.
One halfe headed bedsted.
Two formes.
One Courte Coberd.

In a room£ formerly the L"^ Treasurer's Bedcham,ber.
One greate Deale presse.
One half headed bedsted.
One paire of iron Doggs.
One greate fireshovelL

iKventory of CromvLcU's Goods (1659). 299

In a Roome formerly tiu Bis'::p :j Cattterburyc^ iatc t he-
Lady Claypcolc's Nursery.
Seaven peices cf Tapistrj- hangings oi Artimesia.
Eig^ht peices oi Tapistrj- hang:n^5 of Orlando.
One large persian Carpet: seaven yarci long uTied with blew
Unnen. One square old Turkey- a::: Carpett.
Fower Elbow Chaires'- ^^ ,'^-,- "coZo-.ired tanet^- imbroidered
Fower backe ^^tooles ^^ ^-^^ ^^ , ^ ^^ .^^ ^^^^
One large Couch I ^^^^„ _, ^^^ ^^ ^,^^ ^^.^
Une .^.n- beate 1 ^.jjtable to ve fumiture in the lower
One Cushion ,t- , _.^ •
One Footstoole ' of sad collour cloth, imbroidered w:±i
Fower elbcvr Chaires ( silke in trayles and flowers and cased
Fower folding stocles .- v.-:th sad collour bayes suitable to
One footstoole | ye Bed y lyes in the C>"prj3 Chest
in ].-* lower wardrobe.
One large looldiig glasse in a:i Ebbony frame vr^ a string of
silke and gold.
One wanscot Table and one Spanish Table.
One greene thread p.ush stoole.
One canvas Materis and a holland c j:lt.
One fine Downe bed and bowlster.
One paire of Spanish blankets.
One large feather bed and bcwister.
One canvas Materis and a holland O jilt.
One paire of Spanish blankets.

In the Lauy.dry.
Three halfe headed bedsteds.
Three feather beds and boulsters.
Three paire of blanketts & three ruggs.
Three Downe pUlowes.
Three iron grates and two Coppers.

300 Appendix C.
In the two Porter's lodges.
Two halfe headed bedsteds.
Two feather beds & boulsters.
Two paire of blanketts & two ruggs.
In M'' Kerbyes roome yeoman of the bin cellar.
One halfe headed bedsted w*^ rayles.
One furniture of red sarge Cont. fower Courtines, a headcloth
and a tester of buckram.
Orie feather bed and boulster.
One blankett ; a rug ; and a Downe pillow.
Two stooles of russia leather.
One Deale Table.
In M'' Drewer the Granary mans Roome.
One halfe headed bedsted with rayles.
One Tweed fumiture of strype stuffe cont. three courtines a
headcloth and a tester of buckram.
One feather bed and bowlster.
One paire of blanketts and a rug.
Two backstooles and one high stoole of russia leather.
In Robert Dobsons roome, otie of the grooms of ye stables.
One halfe-headed bedsted.
One canvas materis and a feather bowlster.
One paire of blankets and a rugg.
In Thomas Beard's roome, another of ye groomes.
One featherbed and bowlster.
Two blanketts and a rugg.

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 301

In the Dairy Maid's Roome.
One halfe-headed bedsted.
One feather bed and boulster.
Two blanketts and a rugg.
In the Lady Claypooles mans Chamber.
One standing Bedsted the furniture of pink-colloured sarsnet
cont. headcloth and tester, three courtines fower cantoones, fower
Cupps and fower spriggs of silke, one counterpane and eighteene
silke strings w"" tassells to tye up the courtines.
Two Elbow Chaires ^
Two Back Chaires I suitable to the bed and cased with
One foote-stoole [ pink-collour'd bayes.
Two long Seates. )
One carpet of the same.
Three courtines of bayes being a Case about the bed.
One Elbow Chaire of lemon collour sarsnet with a foote-stool.
One long seate and cushion of the same cased with yellow
bayes. One featherbed and Boulster.
One holland Quilt and Spanish blanket.
Two wyndow Courtines of pink collour bayes.
One Turky foote Carpett five yards long.
One standing bedsted with a furniture of liver collour sarge
lyned with lemon collour sarsnet cont : Tester and headcloth and
counterpane of the like sarsnet, as alsoe inward vallons of the
same, fower courtines and outward vallons, one Carpet and fower
cupps of the same.
One Elbow Chaire \
Two back Stooles j- suitable to the bed.
Fower folding stooles J
One featherbed and boulster.
Three blanketts and one holland Quilt.
One long black hanging shelfe for books.
One looking Glasse.

302 Appendix C.
One ordinary blanket.
One wanscot Table and one Deale Table.
Memorandum. Where the lynes are drawn in the margant those
goods by the wardrobe keeper are said to belong to his late
Highness. In the Banquetting house in the Mount Garden.
*Twelve wainscot scollop Chaires w'* backs.
*Eight peices of grotescoe painting on cloth with Cheilde, over
them. *Two peices of the same over the doores.
*One large concave Sundiall of Stone.
In the great Banquetting howse below these.
*A marke head and a scollop basin of white marble.
*One large ovall Table of blacke and white marble.
In the Privy Garden.
*One brasse Statue of Venus ^
*One brasse Statue of Cleopatra I with fower pedestalls of
*One white marble Statue of Adonis j stone under them.
*One white marble Statue of Apollo J
*One large fountaine of blacke marble with a curbe of Eight
cants about it of the same marble lyned with lead.
*Fower scollop basins -v
*Fower Sea-monsters I of brass about the
*Three Scrowles j Fountaine.
*Fower boyes holding Dolphins J
*One large brasses Statue on the top of the Fountaine called
Arethusa.^ *Fower large flower potts of lead.
*One large bench of Oake, the backe lyned with Deale.
*Five stone rolls with fower iron frames.
*Fower large backe seates of Deale and one old one.
' See page 244.

Inventory of Cromwell' s Goods (1659). 303
In the Cloyster Courte.
*One Stone roll with an iron frame.
In the Bowling Greene.
*Two large Seates with Covers of Oake and Deale.
*Two greene back seates of Oake.
*One stone roll with an iron frame.
*One large wood roll with a wood frame.
*One large Horizontal Dyall of brasse with a pedestall of carved
stone. In the Moate Garden.
*One stone roll with an iron frame.
In the Chappell.
*A pulpitt standing on a table of Deale.
*Twelve long formes. In the Anti-chappell.
*A Cedar planke eight foote square lying on two formes.
In his late Highness' Kitchin.
*Six very large copper pottes tin'd.
*Two of a smaller size tin'd.
*Five brasse kettles tin'd w* iron feete to them.
*Two greate copper pans to boyle fish in.
*Two very large gridirons.
*Fower large iron dripping panns.
*Three iron Trewetts.
*Six storing panns of Copper tin'd.
*Fower pudding panns.
*Five large brasse peices with holes in them to take fish out of
y' panns.

304 Appendix C
*One long Copper with a false bottom to boyle fish in.
*Three greate frying panns.
*Eleven brasse flat dishes tin'd over.
*Nine spitts.
*Three brasse scummers and one brasse ladle.
•Eighteen wooden trayes.
*Five cleavers or chopping knives.
•Eleven small molds or pastipans.
*One paire of large iron racks.
•One Copper to boyle meate in covered with lead.
In a Roome at the end of the wardrobe.
•Fowerteene paire of andirons with double brasses.
•Nine paire of iron Creepers with brasses and 1 1 paire without
brasses. •One paire of greate iron doggs.
•Twenty two fireshovells with brasses.
•Seaven plaine fire shovells.
•Three greate fire shovells.
•Three paire of plaine tongs.
•Tenn paire of ordinary bellowess.
•One paire of the best bellowes.
•Nine Spanish Tables.
•Fower Joyned Deale Tables.
In the Scullery.
•Twelve large pewter Dishes
•Fowerteene lesser Dishes
•Nine Dishes of a third size
•Fifteene Dishes of the fowrth size
•Sixteene Dishes of the fifth size
•Two dozen of Trencher plates
•Two pastey plates
•Six pye plates
•Five sawcers
•Two stoole panns

> of Pewter.

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659).

305

*Two dishes tin'd
•One Scummer
•Two Coppers

of Brasse.

In t/ie Comptrowler s Kitchin.

of Iron.

•One very greate pott
"•Three other greate potts
*Two greate panns
•Eighteen panns or Cullenders
*Two peices to take up fish
•Six dishes & Eight tin'd Chaf
*Fower sawce panns
*Two Scummers
•Two ladles
•One mortar
"•One large frying pann
•Two dripping panns
•Twenty Spitts
*One large fireshovell
•One peale & one pestle
¦•One paire of greate rackes
"•Two gridirons.
*One Cisteme covered with lead,

In the Pastrey.
^One large pott with a Cover
•fower Chafors
^Eight greate dishes tin'd
•Eight small pans tin'd
•Sixe large Covers
•One mortar
•Three greate Ladles
*Two little Candlesticke
•Six greate Collenders tin'd
"•Two greate pans w"" covers tin'd
"•Seaven greate saucepans tin'd
•Two lesser saucepans tin'd
•Fifteene saucers tin'd
"•Two greate Scum''" & two small ones
* X

of brasse.

of Brasses.

3o6 Appendix C.
•Fower peales
•One pestle
•One raker \ of iron.
•four screw'd Candlesticks
•Two Chopping Knives

In the flesh Larder.
•One large Cisterne for water \
•One brine Cisterne \ covered w* lead.
•One powdering place j
•fower large Dressors of Elme set on tressells.
•One paire of scales w"' weights weighing two hundred.

In the Brewhouse.
•One Copper
•One mash tun, and underbacke.
•One Guill tun and two upper backs.

Store Cisternes.
•One large Store Cisterne in the Privy Garden which serves
the greate fountaine there.
•One large Cisterne under the Square stone Courte that serves
the fountaine and Maze there.
•One large Cisterne in the Kitchin Garden to serve the Kitchin
and Offices on that side.

Ifi the Howse Maids' Roome.
•Twenty Stoole panns
•Fowerteene Chamber potts \ ^^ p^^^^^
•Eight pewter Basons
•Two Cisternes

Inventory of Cromwell's Goods (1659). 307

In the Grooms of the Chambers Roomes.

•Twenty two large Candlesticks
•One perfuming pott
•Twelve branches for Candles
•One Warming pann
•Seaventeene paire of tin'd Snuffers.
•Thirteene pewter Candlesticks.
•One halfe headed bedsted.
•One Spanish Table.

of Brasse.

May it please yo"' Hon"
As to the other partes of y' Hon" order vizt :
That wee should take notice what Servants remaine at Hampton
Court, as alsoe care of the Watercourses and Rivers.
Wee humbly certify
That M' Kenersley (as we are informed) was of late ordered to
be Howsekeeper, as well as Wardrobe Keeper there, under whome
there are these Servants (vizt.)
Richard Marriott { ^^° 1°°^"*^ *°^*Jj ^^.x^^ohe and
JohnClemente { ^°'^*'='' °^ '^housr^^^^ °^ *^^
Robert Blanch j ^'''^^' ^^ ""I^aTI ?^* ^^^^^ '"^°
t the Paddock Course.
As to the safeguard of the goods in the house, wee humbly con
ceive it necessary for the present to continue as yet these two men
untill the goods by yo'' Hon'' order shalbe otherwise disposed of
Gardiners f Tobyas Yares
( John Darley.
As to the watercourses and Rivers wee humbly Certifye that
there are severall pipes broken that lead from Coome park hill and
Hampton Town unto the house alsoe y' River hath been turned

^o8

Appendix C.

out of its course bj- severall persons for private use & likewise
stopt by weeds which wee are now clearing to supply the park and
ponds for the preserving of the fish.
Lastly though the parkes were not mentioned in yo"' Hono**
order for our Inspection, yet the Comon wealth having a consider
able interest there, wee humbly certify
That in the House parke the number of Deere are computed to
bee about Seaven hundred.
And in Bushy parke about seaventeene hundred, greate and
small — And of Red Deere about thirty.
The ser\'antes relating to those parks being as following

l\r. Place

\ Ranger to both the parkes.

Keep"^ of ye House pke ¦!

Charles Daine.
WilUam Myles.

Huntsman

Keep^ of Bushy pke

[ \ formerly under-
] Thomas Lovell \ keeper of
( J Richmond parke.
These have
had of late two
men allowed
und"^ them.

I Richard Browning
j William Howling

C. Denely. John Embree.
Endorsed Certiff' of Goods & Servants at Hampton Court.
Ord"*- 1 8 June 1659.

APPENDIX D.
Accounts for Various Works done at Hampton Court
IN THE Reign of Charles IL

I. The Tennis Court. (Had. MSS. No. 1656, Folios 215
et seq.)
Dec. 1660.
Masons, Imployed in squaring, working, and fitting of stones to
make the damboes (tambours i") in the Tennis Courte, sawing part
of the blacke marble for the line Crosse the Courte.
John Ashlee  xvii dales £2 2 6
William Ffitch — xvii daies ;^2 2 6
Carpenters. Imployed in plateing all that side of the Tennis
Courte next the Garden new plancking both sides of the s"* courte
upon the wall.
Bricklayers. Imployed in tileing y^ Long Gallory going out of
the privy Lodgings to the New Tennis Court, on that side next
the parke, working up with bricks, and p" of the new Tennis Court
wall, and underpinning all the plateing after the Carpenters, on that
side next the garden, huinge, rubbing, squareing, peeringe, and
scimonting (cementing) of tiles for to pave the Tennis Court.
Sawyers. Imployed in cuting out of timber into divers scant
lings, viz' for plates and other uses to be used about the Tennis
Courte.

3IO Appendix D.
Jan : 1 660-1.
Bricklayers imployed in Lathing and tileing of ye Tennis Courte
Keepers house mending ye Ranges in ye Kitchinge and makeing
a new boyling place.
Feb. 1 660- 1.
Masons — squaring & working of ffree stone for the Tumber
belonging to the Tennis Court.

'fa

Carpenters — taking down the gallery at the Tennis Court, and
the roofe of the end gallery where the hazard is, planning all the
timbers and seting them up again, etc.
Sawyers — in cutting out of new & old timbers into several scant
lings for rafters for ye Tennis Courte. . .
March 1 660-1.
Carpenters plaining and shooting of deale boords to cover the
galleries at the Tennis Court over the side gallery and both the
ends ; working and framing the timbers for the whole frame of the
side gallery and both ends ; fastening of peeces to the wall to lay
the joysts upon & pinning them all down ; boarding the gallery
over head, making of frames for the nets to catch the balls.
Bricklayers — working up the bricke worke of the gallery at
the Tennis Court, huinge and squarring of bricks, mending the
buterisses there next the park side, cuting out 3 windows in the
little roome nere the Tennis Court, .... working up with brick
between the wall and the stone worke of the Tambour. (Folio
229.) To John Phillips Turner for turninge 9 cullums (columns) for
the Tennis Court at 6^ the peece ; & for turning 4 other cullumes
for that place at 12'' the peece.
To John Gregory for 600 of f square paving tiles. (Folio 231.)
To John Miles, Smith for 43 great thimbles for 2 curtain rods
for the Tennis Court.
April 1661.
Carpenters making a frame for the mason to sett their saw in to
saw the black marble for the Line crosse the Tennis Court. (Folio
235)-

Works in the Reign of Charles II. 3 1 1
Plaisterers imployed in burning of plaister of Paris, & laying of
a great part of the walls of the Tennis Court therewith. (Folio
236.) May 1661.
Masons .... working black marble for the Line to goe on crosse
the Tennis Court, making the grill by the Tambor. {Folio 241.)

II. The Parks. (Hari. MSS. No. 1656, Foho 216.
Dec. 1660.)
Carpenters .... Imployed .... in making of a large square to
sett out the worke in the parke by, for the trees and river, clearinge
out of poles for stakes, sharpening of them & helping to drive the
stakes to sett the ground.

III. Miscellaneous.
I. The Ferry. (Harl. MSS. No. 1656, Folio 232.)
To Simon Winsloo Ferryman at Hampton Court for his allow
ances for one quarter of a yeare last past for ferrying over the
workmen & Labourers 10/-.
2. The Great HaU. (Harl. MSS. No. 1618, Folio 204).
Joyners Imployed in making two paire of doores for the Great
Hall and fitting the Ironwork &c. setting them up and making
one paire of doores for the Duchess of Yorke's bedchamber.
3. The Astronomical Clock. (Harl. MSS. No. 1618,
Folio 219, Oct. 1664.)
To Robert Streeter, Serjant Painter for guilding and painting
the great Diall in the Fountain Court & shadowing of all the
Letters, Ciphers, and Characters and painting of the landskips and
seapeices ;^48 16. For guilding and painting the Clock Diall that
is over the other side the gatehouse £\\ 70.

CHISWICK PRESS : — C. WHITTINGHAK AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE.

Uniform rvith the present volume, and illusiratfd 7vHh 130 autotypes, etchings, engravings,
maps, and plans. Price £1 $s.
THE
^ietorv of i^ampton Court palace.
vol. I.
IN TUDOR TIMES.
BY ERNEST LAW.

OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
" Mr. Law has ransacked annals and records, and, as he tells us in his preface, he has
familiarized himself with each nook and corner of the buildings. The volume is richly illus
trated with engravings after famous historical portraits by Holbein, Antonio More, Zucchero,
or their imitators ; by maps and quaint architectural elevations, after old drawings and
designs ; and by views of the interior, from the venerable cellar-doors to the richly-wrought
ceilings of the State Apartments. But if these illustrations appeal to the eye, there are
others still more interesting, which forcibly address themselves to the imagination ; for
although Mr. Law's narrative is based upon patient archteological investigations, he has
succeeded in avoiding all dulness of detail, and has presented us with a succession of vivid
pictures of the manners of courtly life in England under the rule of the magnificent Tudors."
—The Times.
" It is seldom that one comes across so satisfactory a combination of research and recital
as this volume presents. Mr. Law has spared no pains in the collection of facts, and shown
no little skill in his treatment of them. . . . Mr. Law has been successful in finding a most
interesting subject for his pen. Every page of his book bears traces of care, and it will be
read with pleasure not only by the historian and the antiquary, but by every one who shares
in the English fondness for the relics of a glorious past." — The Academy.
"There is no resort of holiday makers more completely satisfactory [than Hampton
Court] to the ordinary sightseer ; and Mr. Law's work, by adding the charm of historical
association to so many nooks and corners of the buildings, has greatly increased the pleasure
of a visit," . . . Of Heniy and his wives at Hampton Court we have many particulars which,
if not exactly new, are now for the first time gathered and grouped together with their
appropriate scenery. . . . We cannot follow Mr. Law through all the curious and interesting
details which he gives of the occasional sojourns of Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth at
Hampton Court. He has contrived verjr dramatically, as we have said, to make a continuous
nanative without trenching on general history." — Saturday Revieu<.

opinions of tkej'ress on Volume I.
" The large and handsome volume which Mr. Law has produced supplies a want, and
speaks highly for the labour and research which must have been employed to achieve the
result ; a story which reads like the stately portions of ' Kenilworth ' — a splendid record of
royal banqueting and processions, of princely extravagances, of the romance that accompanies
even the ceremony of Court life, of secret happenings and dark tragedies, true things stranger
than fiction, and enacted on the magnificent stage of Cardinal Wolsey's great architectural
monument. . . . The charming and plentiful illustrations add greatly to the enjoyment of
this fine work, an example of the most luxurious and pleasant form in which historical
information can be conveyed." — The Literary World.
" In many ways an attractive book. Tastefully got up, pleasantly written, and liberally
illustrated, it cannot fail to awaken an interest in the picturesque old Palace. . . . Mr. Law
deserves credit for the earnest way he has worked up his subject. ... It is satisfactory that
it should at last have been taken in hand by a man with the ability to produce a trustworthy
and exhaustive work." — Spectator.
" Mr. Law has brought all the advantages of knowledge, opportunity, research, and official
aid of the heartiest kind to bear on ' The History of Hampton Court Palace in Tudor Times,'
with the result that a complete monograph is now before the public, and claims the par
ticular gratitude of the antiquarian, the architect, and the historical reader. . . . Nothing of
historical importance is omitted from the materials carefully gathered by Mr. Ernest Law,
whose chief merit, however, is the artistic sense of colour and congruity with which the whole
is put together." — Daily Telegraph.
" Mr. Law has gathered together all perhaps that is known . . . and has neglected no
feature in the vast pile, however minute, which has an interest, whether it be for the historical,
the archseological, or the artistic reader." — Daily News.
" A wide field of historical interest is traversed in Mr. Ernest Law's first volume on the
famous palace, originally built with such stately splendour by Wolsey, and subsequently
occupied by successive sovereigns of England. The illustrations add greatly to the attractions
of the work, which throws much light on the lives of our kings and queens during some of
the most momentous periods of English history." — Daily Chronicle.
" Mr. Law has left untouched no source of information from which he could learn anything
worth knowing concerning the Cardinal's magnificence in curtains, carpets, furniture, pictures,
and plate; concerning his innumerable attendants and the entertainments which he
lavished on foreign ambassadors, and upon his grasping and ungrateful master. Mr. Law's
pages seem to glow with purple and gold ; and if mere words would dazzle, this description
of Wolsey's life at Hampton Court would throw the rest of the book into obscurity. But
there is much else that is entertaining, and ... he presents us with a careful, accurate, and
exhaustive account of the many strange scenes of Henry's reign here, where so large a part
of the lives of five of his Queens was passed, where Edward VI. was born, where Catherine
Howard was imprisoned, and where Catherine Parr brought up the children of her dreadful
husband. But for all this, and much more, the reader must go to the book itself, which is a
truly instructive and entertaining one." — St. James's Gazette.
" From first to last Mr. Law has done his task well ; his information is complete on
whatever subject it may be proffered. The illustrations are excellently clear and well chosen."
—Pall Mall Gazette.
" In truth the history of the Palace is the history of so much of the Tudor era, told in a
scholarly and admirable style, with taste, accuracy, and some enthusiasm. The various
changes made in the building from the original plan ; the careful explanation of all its
important parts, the charming manner in which the author avoids dullness and long winded-

opinions of the Press on Volume I.
ness ; the thorough mastery of the subjects, architectural and archaeological discussed
throughout, render it very readable.
" A vast amount of curious collateral information, both social and political, is interwoven
upon many a page. So much so, indeed, -that the book may be regarded as a very model.
. . . This, in all sincerity a most delightfiil book, can be commended, as well for its dignified
literary tone, thorough independence of thought, and excellent taste, as for its well-chosen
subject-matter, scholarly treatment, and literary completeness." — Vanity Fair.
" He has produced a work of great historic and artistic interest and importance." — The
World. " Mr. Law is well qualified for his task, for, in addition to diligent and fruitful researches
among the state papers and original records which have enabled him to furnish much fresh
information, and to correct some prevalent errors, he has had the advantage which a long
residence within the Palace walls and a very special genius loci give in this case to the
historian. " Much local colouring is given by Mr. Law to the account of Edward's birth and
christening, the death of his mother, the scenes which took place at the arrest of Catherine
Howard, whose paroxysm of grief gave rise to the mystery of the shrieking ghost and the
Haunted Gallery." — The Scotsman,
" This is a delightful book. . . . The narrative, which binds all together, is written in
modem English, but a pleasant illusion of age is kept up in a certain quaintness of printing,
and in the general get-up of the work." — Manchester Guardian.
" Mr. Law evidently loves the ancient pile, and by dint of ransacking almost every likely
source of information, has managed to bring within the compass of one moderately-sized
volume an amount of information respecting Henry VIII., his ministers, his wives, and his
children, which it would be hard to find in any single library. . . . Nor with all his learning
is. Mr. Law dull, though, as becomes the chronicler of a palace and the pranks of princes, he
is never flippant. ... A work which must have cost Mr. Law an enormous amount of loving
care, and which, we may add, is well worthy of the pains he has bestowed upon it."^ — The
Observer. " With every attraction of type, paper, and binding, worthy of the royal and historical
¦palace it describes, it gives us a most minute and yet most interesting record of Hampton
Court. Such local records are often dry reading through the accumulation of antiquarian
details ; but though such details are by no means wanting, Mr. Law has interwoven with
them so much of narrative and anecdote that the interest never fails, and we feel ourselves for
the moment living in the times which he is describing, and historical personages pass over
the stage before our eyes as if alive." — The Tablet.
" Good arid scholarly work. ... It is worth reading, not only as a good history of the
Palace, but as giving some interesting glimpses of the private lives of the Tudor sovereigns."
-rThe Guardian.
"The story is so interesting that one can almost imagine oneself in the sixteenth
century. It is impossible in a paragraph to give any idea of the research and literary ability
which unite themselves in Mr. Law's book ; but it is eminently one to be read, and will find a
place by no means to its disadvantage beside those of the late Mr. Hepworth Dixon treating
of similar themes." — The Graphic.
" The work has a twofold interest. It contains 130 illustrations, maps and plans, and a
carefully and brightly written narrative of the Tudor palace and its celebrated inhabitants . .
. . The book is one worth reading and possessing, and does credit alike to publisher and
mitti."— Illustrated London News.

opinions of the Press on Volume I.
" The results that have been obtained are placed before the reader in an extremely
pleasant manner. The author's style may not be so picturesque as Hepworth Dixon's, or as
gracefully learned as that of Surtees, but it is clear, unaffected, and truthful, and these are far
more important characteristics." — The Builder.
"The work is altogether one of absorbing interest" — The Queen.
" The author has invested the now desolate rooms and galleries of the Palace with a
fresh charm, derived from a patient and appreciative research into all the circumstances
which have attended the eventful history of the edifice in Tudor times." — The Building News.
" In the limits of a paragraph it is impossible to do justice to a work at once so thorough
and so readable, so entertaining and so sound. We shall content ourselves with remarking
that it is vastly more interesting than most good novels, and that, historically speaking, it is
worthy of the age of Brewer and Bishop Stubbs." — The Magazine of Art.
" This is a most delightful book, full of all that is amusing, instructive, and entertaining,
and one that cannot fell to thoroughly interest any reader." — Naval and Military Gazette.
" Mr. Law has brought forward with signal success the picturesque side of the chronicle.
He has provided a series of historical pictures, which are signally striking and impressive,
and details of familiar life, which the historian too often overlooks." — Notes and Queries.
" Mr. Law has succeeded in producing a really delightful history." — The Bookseller.
" This book has been written and got up with great care. The labour bestowed upon his
researches must have been immense." — British Quarterly Review.
" The subject is an interesting one, and Mr. Law has handled it in a highly attractive
maimer. . . . While making the record rigidly accurate and complete, as becomes a high-
class historical work, the author has at the same time very appropriately invested the volume
with an additional charm by slightly tinging its pages with a faint glamour of the romance
inseparable from the varied life 'that filled the spacious times of great Elizabeth.'" — The
Textile Manufacturer.
" Mr. Law has done his work thoroughly. It owes its liveliness, picturesqueness, and
interest to the author himself, who shows great skill in clothing the dry facts with flesh, and
giving them an air of reality, as if he were describing contemporary events." — Leeds Mercury.
" The illustrations are most informing and the letterpress extremely erudite, and at the
same time most entertaining." — Court foumal.
" The author s account of the amusements of the Palace, and of all the romantic associa
tions connected with it, is both entertaining and interesting. Mr. Law has done his work in
an effective and exhaustive manner." — Sydney Morning Herald.
" The chief attraction of the book is in the pictures it gives of the life of the time, and
the colour that is added by the use of contemporary testimony. The severity of history
is softened here by many touches of gossip of which contemporary literature furnishes
abundance." — The Nation.

LONDON :
GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN.

UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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