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THE RISE AND FALL

miSH EEANCISCM MONASTERIES,

MEMOIRS OF THE lEISH HIEEARCHY,

IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.

WITH APPENDICES

CONTAINING

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS FROM THE RINUCCINI MANUSCRIPTS, PUBLIC
RECORDS, AND ARCHIVES OF THE FRANCISCAN
CONVENT, DUBLIN.

BY C. P. MEEHAN, C.C.

lifil iMtion.

DUBLIN:
JAMES DUEEY AND SONS, 15, WELLINGTON-QUAY,
AND
lA, PATEENOSTEE-EOW, LONDON.

DUBLIN :
printeb b» ^mmn ^Toort,
2, Crampton-quay.

F5

Mm

I DEDICATE THIS BOOK
TO
W. H. O'LEART, F.E.C.S.L, M.P.,
ETC., ETC., ETC.,
WITH AFFECTIONATE REGARD,
AND IN GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE
OF HIS
PEE-EMINENT SKILL AND KINDNESS.

C. P. M.

Dublin,
22nd June, 1877.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.
Pkeface ........ t
The Eise and Eall of the Franciscan Monasteries in Ireland :
CHAPTEE I.
The Monastery of Donegal, ...... 1
CHAPTEE II.
O'Neill's letter to James I  Carr, earl of Somerset — Camden's
Annals — The Spanish Armada — Lord deputy Fitzwilliam —
Archbishop Loftus — Execution of Hugh Gaveloc — Monastery
of Adare . . . . . . .17
CHAPTEE III.
O'Neill and the Bagnals — He marries Mabel — The Monasteries of
Drogheda and Dundalk . . . . .26
CHAPTEE IV.
The Monastery of Multifernan — Origin of the Name — Foundation of
the Monastery — The Delamers — The Nugents of Delvin and
Donore — The Monastery plundered and burned by the English
— The Friars imprisoned in the Castle of Ballimore— Escape of
Father Mooney — Cruelties perpetrated on the Prisoners —
Eichard Brady. Bishop of Kilmore — Ee-establishment of the
Friars in Multifernan — Notice of distinguished Members of the
Community . . . . . . .37
CHAPTEE V.
Church and Monastery of Kilcrea — Its beautiful Site and Archi
tecture — The Tomb of MacCarthy of Muskerry — The Church
and Monastery plundered in 1584 — Again in 1599 — Fathers
MacCarthy and O'SuUivan — Church and Monastery of Timo-
league — Plundered and damaged by English soldiers, who are
cut to pieces by O'SuUivan, prince of Bear — Lyons, Protestant
Bishop of Cork, dOapidates Timoleague — Persecutes the
Catholios . . . . . . .48
CHAPTEE VI.
Franciscan Convents of Moyne, Eosserick, and KilconneU . 56

CONTENTS.

CHAPTEE VII.
Franciscan Monasteries of Galway, Eosserilly, Kenalehan, and
Creevelea .......

69

Monastery of Clonmel

CHAPTEE VIII.

81

CHAPTEE IX.
Convents of Armagh, Baile-an-Chlair, Dublin, Ennis-Cluain-road,
Irelagh, Kiloullen, Kilkenny, Limerick, Lisgool, Waterford,
"Wexford, "Wicklow, briefly noticed by Father Mooney, with
additional details by the Editor . . ' . . .87

Memoirs of the Irish Hierarchy in the Seventeenth Century 108
Appendix to the Irish Franciscan Monasteries . . . 267
Appendix to the Memoirs of the Irish Hierarchy . . . 342
Massari's narrative of Einuccini's Journey from Kenmare to
Limerick — Latin and Italian . ... 463
Massacre on Eock of Cashel — Latin ..... 476
Siege of Eoscommcm — Latin and l^lnglish . . . .479
Franciscan Chalices and Inscriptions . . . 486
Memoir of O'Shiel ....... 445

PEEFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION.

A F OTJKTH Edition of this work having long since gone
through the Press, the representatives of my lamented
friend, the late Jajies Duffy, asked me to prepare a,FiFTH,
which they determined to bring out on fine paper and in
clear bold type. I gladly complied with their wish, for in
doing so I had opportunity to rectify some errors, and,
above all, to introduce many important documents, most of
which never before appeared in print. I hope these acces
sions will be appreciated by those who take an interest
in the ecclesiastical and civil history of Ireland in the
seventeenth century. A glance at the copious Index
will sufficiently indicate them, and save the trouble of
adding a single word about their transcendent value.
As in duty bound, I offer my heartfelt thanks to the
Most Eeverend P. F. Moran, D.D., bishop of Ossory, who
kindly placed at my disposal some volumes of 'his unique
copy of the Rinuecini Manuscripts. Many extracts from
that great work will be found within these covers. I have

IV PEEFACE.
also to thank J. P. Prendergast, Esq., W. Hennessey,
Esq., and the Eev. Luke Carey, O.S.F., for their assistance
whenever I required it. Nor should I omit to mention
that Father Cooney, Guardian of St. Francis', in this city,
generously allowed me free access to the archives of his
convent. Of this and many other favours I will preserve
an abiding remembrance. I now present this last edition — ¦
emphatically the last, as far as I am concerned — -to the
Public, hoping they will give it the same patronage they
bestowed on its predecessors, and fully persuaded that its
intrinsic characteristics will do more for its extensive cir
culation than adverse criticism or extravagant eulogy.

THE
HISE AND FALL
OP
THE FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES
IN IRELAND.

CHAPTER L
THE MONASTERY OF DONEGAL.
On the everung of the 16th of August, 1617, two Irish Eran-
ciscans were seated in the library of the house which they
occupied at Louvaia as a teinporary domicile for themselves
and community, pending the erection of the convent of St.
Antony, the first stone of which had been laid a few montljs
before by Albert and Isabella, joiat sovereigns of the ISTether-
lands. These two friars, fathers PurceU and Mooney, were
both advanced in years ; but the latter, though considerably
older than his companion, was stifl hale and vigorous, not
withstanding the austerities of cloister life and the hardships of
his early career ; for in youth he had been a soldier, and served
ia the army of the great earl of Desmond, till the power of that
once mighty palatine was utterly destroyed. Tired of camp
life, and hoping to pass the remainder of his days in the calm
seclusion of a convent, he ultimately took the habit of St.
Francis, and, after due probation and a brief course of studies,
was ordained priest, and advanced to various offices in the
venerable monastery of Donegal, where he resided till the year
1601. Father PurceU, unlike his colleague, togk the habit of
St. Francis when he was a mere stripling, and proceeding to
Rome, passed the greater part of his life in that city, where his
learning, and, above all, his profound knowledge of the classics,
placed him on a level with the most erudite of his day.
~ B

2 THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
Returning to Ireland, he resided for some time in the convent
of St. Francis at Kilkenny, till at length the combined forces
of O'Neill and O'Donnell were routed at Kinsale, and he, like
most of his brethren, had to fly for shelter and ^protection to
Louvaia, where the Irish Franciscans met cordial welcome from
Albert and Isabella. Indeed, so solicitous were the archdukes
— the title by which the joint sovereigns were designated — for
the comfort and advancement of the community, that they
not only assisted in person and with great pomp at the laying
of the first stone of the Louvain monastery, but also bestowed
considerable endowments upon it, in order that it might serve
as a sanctuary for the persecuted Irish, and a seminary for
training of future missionaries.
At the period of which we are writing, father Mooney was
provincial of the Irish Franciscans, and father Purcell taught
rhetoric, philosophy, and theology to the small community, the
first of whom had been adm.itted to the noviciate in the year
1607. Next to his desire of beholding a spacious monastery
erected for Irish Franciscans in the old Flemish city, father
Mooney had nothing so much at heart as to leave behind him a
history of the houses of his own order in Ireland ; but although
thoroughly acquainted with the annals that chronicled their
foundation, and having been a personal witness of the terrible
calamities that befel most of them, he, nevertheless, felt himself
incompetent to write anything like a succinct narrative of their
rise and fall. A history of the Irish Franciscan monasteries
should be written in Latin, and Mooney's imperfect knowledge
of that language deterred him from undertaking such a task.
A man, the greater part of whose early life had been spent
among kerne and galloglass, bivouacking in the glens of Ahar-
low, driving preys and making fierce inroads on the bawns of
the English, when they were wresting the fair valleys of
Munster from the followers of Desmond, had little time, and
perhaps less inclination, for the study of Thucydides or Tacitus.
Nevertheless, from the moment he had renounced sparth and
matchlock, and taken the cowl in Donegal, his mind was con
stantly set upon his cherished project ; and he resolved to collect
all available fragments of the history of the Irish Franciscan
monasteries, trusting that he might one day meet some member
of his order willing to cast them into a readable and inter
esting memoir.
This laudable ambition was stimulated by other considera^
tions. The great families of O'Neill and O'Donnell had long
been the benefactors of the Irish Franciscans in Ulster— ynay.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. .3
founders of their monasteries, and protectors of their order, at
a time when English law proscribed their very existence, and
decreed the dissolution of their time-honoured institutions.
During the entire of , that war which those two princes waged
against Elizabeth, and which did not terminate till the disastrous
victory of Kinsale, father Mooney passed much of his time in
the camps of the chieftains, ministering to the wounded and
dying on many a weU-fought field, where their valour stemmed
for a while the tide of English conquest. In fact, he witnessed
all their fitful triumphs on the Blackwater, in Tyrone, as well
as in the passes of the Curlew mountains in Connaught ; and
he finally beheld the French brigantine sailing away from
Lough Swilly, freighted with the chief families of the old Celtic
nobility, whose banishment and ruin involved that of his entire
order. At the time when he conceived the idea of writing a
history of the Eranciiscan monasteries in Ireland, most of those
chieftains were lying in their foreign graves — one, the greatest
of them all, in Valladolid, and the others in the crypts of the
Janiculum at Rome : but their representatives were still living
on the precarious bounty of the Spanish government, some
serving in the armies and fleets of that power, and one in
particular — Bernard, youngest son of the great earl of Tyrone —
occupying the distinguished place of page in the court of Albert
and Isabella at Brussels. Gratitude for benefits conferred on
the Irish Franciscans by the ancestors of those fallen chieftains,
and the remembrance of the protection which the latter
extended to the order during the reign of Elizabeth, were of
themselves sufficient motives for leaving a lasting record of both
— a record, too, which in all likelihood might advance the
interests of the exiled nobles in the homes of their adoption,
and secure for them the esteem and veneration of their com
patriots, should heaven ever restore them to their forfeited
domains. Influenced by such motives, father Mooney spent the greater
part of the year 1608 visiting the various monasteries of his
order in Ireland, collecting, as we have already observed, every
waif and stray that related to their early history, carefully
treasuring the legends pertaining to each of them, and what is
of still greater interest to us, faithfully chronicling the vicissi
tudes of those venerable institutions, after the friars — or, as the
annalists term them, "the sons of life" — had been obliged to
emigrate and seek shelter either in the unfrequented glens of
their own land, or in the hospitable asylums which were thrown
open to them on the Continent.

4 THE RISE AND FALL OP THE
The facts which he had thus gleaned and rescued from oblivion,
needed some careful hand to give them shape and order ; and to
the end that such a work might deserve a place in the library
of the Irish convent of St. Antony, at Louvain, then fast ap
proaching completion, father Purcell midertook the task of
digesting the valuable papers which were committed to his
charge, and translating tjiem into Latin. On the evening we
have already named, the two friars were seated together, jooring
over the pages which father Purcell, had just then completed;
and no sooner did Mooney's clear grey eye light on the word
" Donegal," than the tears streamed hot and fast down his chan
nelled cheeks, and then, after a moment's pause, he turned to
his companion, and said : " Dear brother, read for me the history
of that monastery I loved so well — aye, and that I love still,
though it is now a lonely, rifted ruin. From time to time you
must refresh my memory out of the pages which owe so much
to your graceful Latinity ; but mind that you read slowly, for
I am growing dull, and without that Italian pronunciation, to
which these aged ears are but ill-accustomed."
Father Purcell crossed his arms on his breast, bowed reve
rently to his superior, and then opening the volume at the place
indicated, read in the original Latin, of which we give a faithful
paraphrase, the following history of the monastery of Donegal :
It was in the year 1474, when the Franciscans were holding
a provincial chapter in the monastery of Ross-Rial, that Nuala
O'Connor, daughter of O'Comior Faily, one of the most power
ful of the Leinster princes, and wife of Hugh Roe O'Dpnnell,
came, accompanied by a brilliant following of noble ladies, and
a , goodly escort of kerne and galloglass, to present an humble
memorial to the assembled fathers. When the latter had duly
considered the prayer of the lady Nuala's memorial, they
deputed the provincial to inform her that they could not comply
with her request at that moment, but that at some future time
they would cheerfully send a colony of Franciscans to the prin
cipality of Tirconnell. "What!" replied the Princess, sorely
pained by the refusal, "I have journeyed a hundred miles to
attain the object that has long been dearest to my heart, and
will you now venture to deny my prayer 1 If you do, beware
of God's wrath; for I will appeal to his throne, and charge
you with the loss of all the souls which your reluctance may
cause to perish in the teriitory of Tirconnell !" Earnest and
energetic was the lady's pleading ; so much so, that she ulti
mately overcame the hesitation of the friars, some of whom
professed themselves ready to accompany her to Tirconnell.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 5
Proud of her success, the lady Nuala then set out on her
journey homewards, followed by a goodly number of Franciscans,
who, when they arrived in the barony of Tir-Hugh, immediately
commenced building the far-famed monastery at the head of the
lovely bay of Donegal. The site, indeed, was happily chosen,
and nothing could surpass the beauty of the prospect which it
commanded. Hard by the windows of the refectory was the
wharf, where foreign ships took in their cargoes of hides, fish,
wool, linen cloth, and f aiding ; and there, too, came the galleons
of Spain, laden with wine and arms, in exchange for the mer
chandize which the lords of Tirconnell sent annually to the
Brabant marts, then the great emporiums for the north of
Europe. In sooth it was a lovely spot, and sweetly suggestive
of holy meditations. In the calm days of summer, when the
broad expanse of the estuary lay still and unrufiled, mirroring
in its blue depths the over canopying heaven, was it not a fair
image of the unbroken tranquillity and peace to which the hearts
of the recluses aspired? And in the gloomy winter nights,
when the great crested waves rolled in majestic fury against the
granitic headlands, would not the driving storm, wreck, and
unavailing cry of drowning mariners remind the inmate of that
monastery that he had chosen the safer part, by abandoning a
world where the tempest of the passions wreaks destruction far
inore appalling 1 But the lady Nuala died before the building
w^as finished, and good reason had the friars to cherish lasting
remembrance of her piety and munificence. Her remains were
interred in a vault which her widowed lord caused to be con
structed almost under the grand altar, and he also determined
that thenceforth his entire posterity should repose in the same
crypt. In the course of that year, 1474, Hugh Roe O'Donnell took
to his second wife, Fingalla, daughter of Conor O'Brien, king
of Thomond; and this lady, emulating the virtues of her prede
cessor, spared no pains in forwarding the work, until at length
she saw the monastery, with its church, cloisters, chapter-house,
refectory, library, and other appurtenances, entirely completed.
The dedication of the sacred edifice took place in the same year,
and a more solemn spectacle was never before witnessed in Tir-
Hugh ; nay, not even in the days of blessed Columba, that
greatest of all church builders. 'The munificence of O'Donnell
and his wife Fingalla to our friars was unbounded ; for, not
satisfied with presenting rich altar furniture to the church, they
also bestowed some quarters of fertile glebe on the monastery,
and, furthermore, gave the friars a perpetual right to fish for

b THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
salmon ; nay, and authorized them to build a weir just where
the Esk empties its silvery waters into the bay. This was
matter of great convenience to the monastery during the Lenten
and other fasts which the rule of St. Francis prescribes ; and,
indeed, so much did salmon abound in the waters of the bay,
that I, myself, in the time of my noviciate, have often seen the
friars taking, right under the windows of the infirmary, pro
digious quantities of this delicious fish at one haul of the net.
In the year 1505, Hugh O'Donnell,* who, at the instance of
his first and second wife, conferred so many benefits on the
Franciscans of Donegal, died in the castle which he had erected
within bowshot of the monastery, and was buried with great
solemnity in the sepulchre that he caused to be built for his last
resting-place. After his demise the lordship of Tir-Connell
devolved on his son, Hugh Oge, who was duly inaugurated at
Kilmacrenan. As soon as his mother saw him in undisputed
possession of his rights, she abandoned all the pomp and state
of a princess, and caused a small residence to be erected for her
near the monastery, where she passed the remainder of her days
in prayer, alms-giving, and penitential austerities, till she was
finally laid in the same tomb with her husband. He, indeed,
was a full moon of hospitality ; and, during his reign, such was
the security for life and property in all the borders of 'TirconneU,
that the people only closed their doors to keep out the wind !
In the person of his successor, the Donegal monastery had a
faithful friend and zealous patron, who desired nothing so much
as to have the vacancies caused by the decease of its early
colonists, most of whom came from Connaught, filled up by
natives of his own principality. And, indeed, his wish was
ultimately realized ; nor was it long till he saw a community of
forty Franciscans, mostly his own native-bom subjects, domiciled
in Donegal.
In 1510 this Hugh Oge set out on a pilgrimage to Rome,
where he spent two years ; and, on his way back to Ireland,
tarried sixteen weeks at the court of Hemy VIII., who received
hrm as an independent potentate. The career of this prince
was singularly fortunate ; for dm-ing his reign the seasons, and
the sea itself, were favourable to the people of Tirconnell. As
for the Franciscans, he was their constant benefactor ; so much
so, that when a general chapter of the order met in the monas
tery of Donegal, he generously supplied that large assemblage
with food and Spanish wines. Always triumphant in the field,
* See Appendix A.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 7
he achieved the still grander victory over self, by taking the
habit of St. Francis in our monastery, where he died and was
buried in 1537. Two-and-twenty yeai-s previous to that period,
Menelaus MacCarmagan, bishop of Raphoe, took our habit, and
was buried in the same monastery ; and in the year 1550, Rory
O'Donnell, bishop of Derry, feeling death approach, requested
to be clothed in om- coai-se serge, and ordered that his remains
should be laid in our cloister. Nor was it as a resting-place,
after their earthly race was run, that the great and high-bom
desired our peaceful solitude : far otherwise, indeed ; for many
a valiant chieftain, tired of life's transient glories, and many a
noble of the oldest lineage, famed in bardic song or chronicled
in history, severing every tie that bound him to the world, came
to Donegal, and there cast away sword, scutcheon, and such
worldly vanities, for our poor habit and holy conversation.
Long before the great emperor Charles abdicated an empire for
the solitude of St. Just, princes of Conal Gulban's line might
be seen in the cloisters of Donegal, enjoying that peace which
nor he nor they could ever find in mundane glories.
Indeed, during the one hundred and twenty-seven years of
its existence, no house of our order, at home or abroad, could
boast of men more distinguished for their virtues. But to anti
cipate all accidents of time, and rescue from oblivion the memory
of one of our brotherhood, whose wonderful sanctity shed lustre
on the monastery of Donegal, I deem it my duty to record in
these pages what I have learned of him from the lips of those
who were living witnesses of his holy life ; for, indeed, he was
singularly blessed with the gift of miracles.
Father Bernard Gray, surnamed " Pauper," from his unparal
leled love of holy poverty, was a native of the ancient city of
Clogher, where his opulent parents bestowed sedulous pains on
his early education. Even from his infancy the child was the
admiration of all who came in contact with him, and as he grew
up his virtues were the theme of every tongue. Arrived at
man's estate, a powerful chieftain of Fermanagh offered him the
hand, heart, and wide domains of his fair daughter ; but the
proposal was hardly made when Bernard disappeared from the
scene of his childiood, and entered on his noviciate in the
monastery of Donegal. During the entire of the probationary
period, his whole life was a practical commentary on the rules
of our sainted founder, whose self-denial, and above all, love of
poverty were the constant subject of his meditations. After
completing his studies, and receiving the order of priesthood,
father Berna,rd's eminent virtues shone out, if possible, stiU

8 THE RISE AND FALL OP THE
more conspicuously, his love of retirement, and total seclusion
from the world notwithstanding. Faithful in the discharge of
all the monastic duties, always the first in the choir, when the
midnight bell called the friars from their hard pallets, and glo
rying in the coarse habit for which he had cheerfully exchanged
purple and fibne linen ; he, to all appearances, seemed to have
inherited the glowing fervour and profound humihty for which
holy Francis was celebrated during his mortal term.
"The fame of this man's sanctity and wisdom soon sped beyond
the borders of Tirconnell, and reached the ears of Gerald, earl
of Kildare, who was then lord deputy.* Desu-ous of ascertain
ing what credit he should give to the marvellous anecdotes
related of father Bernard, the earl summoned him to Drogheda,
to preach in the presence of his entire court. Bernard obeyed ;
and so charmed was Kildare with his eloquence and piety, that
he not only invited him to dine at his table, but gave him pre
cedence of all his nobles. After dinner, Kildare requested him
to entertain the company by narrating some passages in the life
of St. Francis, and proving, at the same time, that God had
bestowed the choicest privileges on this holy personage.
Bernard complied ; and when he came to speak of the singular
privileges with which God invested our holy founder, he pithily
remarked : " Were there no other evidence of the transcendent
honour with which the Lord has crowned blessed Francis, I
think that what you have witnessed here to-day should be
amply sufficient. Surely, my lord, when you treat with such
deference a man wearing this poor habit, nay, and give him
precedence of all your nobles, it must be manifest that God has
exalted St. Francis to the highest place in the heavenly court."
" I agree with you," replied the earl ; " and I now proclaim to
this noble company that you have read my inmost thoughts.
I summoned you hither in order to test you in person ; and
when I gave you the most distinguished place at my table, I
was actually thinking of the honour with which your holy
founder has been received at the banquet of the heavenly
court. I am now convinced that you are a special favourite of
the Most High." Next day the earl craved his blessing, and
dismissed him with many presents for the convent of Donegal.
As a complete narrative of the miracles wrought through the
instrumentality of father Bernard would fill many a goodly
page, I will mention only a few of them here. One night in
Lent, when it was his turn to serve the brethren at supper, the
* A.D. 1632.

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 9
guardian playfully remarked that the fish was very bad, and
that the salmon seemed to have deserted the weir which prince
O'Donnell buUt for the benefit of our community. "The
Cistercians of Ashi-o,"* said the guardian, "have salmon in
abundance; and sm-ely the Esk was ever fishful a river as
Saimer f of the blue streams. How comes it, then, father
Bernard, that we take no salmon in our weir 1" I know not,"
replied the latter. " Well, then," continued the guardian, " I
command you to bless the weir in the name of him, at whose
word Simon's net was filled ^dth fish till the meshes snapped
asunder, in the lough of Genesareth. I know that you are a
special instrument in the Almighty's hands ; do, then, as I tell
you." Bernard obeyed ; and thenceforth the weir of our mon
astery nevermore lacked abundance of salmon and trout. On
another occasion a creaght,J who used to receive alms for our
monastery, came to teU him that a fatal distemper was destroy
ing his sheep and cows. Bernard pitied the poor man, and
gave him a vessel of water which he had blessed, telling him
to sprinkle his flocks with it in the name of the Trinity.
" Avoid," said he, " the speUs and incantations of wicked
people, calling themselves fairymen ; but recite the creed and
angelic salutation." The creaght hastened home, did as he was
directed, and lo ! his sheep recovered, and his cows, ever after
wards, gave more than the usual quantity of milk. In gratitude
to God and father Bernard, the man erected a mound of stones
on the summit of Drom,bearr,§ to commemorate such signal
mercy ; and even to this day that mound is called JBrian's
Cairn. Singularly remarkable were the circumstances of this holy
man's death ; for, when worn down by penitential austerities,
heaven forewarned him of the very hour of his dissolution.
One evening, after vespers, the friars hastened to the infirmary,
for they knew that he was in his last agony ; 9,nd when they
knelt round his poor pallet, after the supper-bell had rung, he
raised himself up, and told them to go to the refectory. " Go,
go ! " said he ; " for my soul shall leave earth to-night in com
pany with that of the chanter of Armagh cathedral." The
friars obeyed his command, and on their return found him
* Ballyshannon, where the O'Cananans founded the Cistercian monas
tery in 1 1 84.
t The old name of the Erne, which falls into the sea a short distance
helow Ballyshannon.
J Anglic^, grazier.
§ The top of the reek.

10 THE EISE -AND FALL OF THE
kneeling, though dead, his sightless eyeballs turned heaven
wards, and his rigid arms outstretched in attitude of prayer.
This occurred in May, 1549 ; and the guardian lost no time in
sending messengers to Armagh, to ascertain if Bernard's friend
was still living. On their arrival they learned that the chanter
had died at the very moment of Bernard's departure, and after
telling those about him that on that same night a sanctified
sonl should leave Donegal monastery for the kingdom of the
just. For fully half a century after the decease of this venerable
brother, our monastery continued to flourish in peace and
happiness, under the fostering protection of the princes of
Tirconnell. In the interval, countless fugitives from the Pale
came with strange tidings to our friars, telling them how king
Henry of England had decreed the spoliation of the religious
houses, and how his immediate successor, and his wicked coun
sellors, had laid sacrilegious hands on the gold and silver of
many a sanctuary. The Franciscans pitied their plundered
brethren of the Pale, but they never thought that similar
horrors were one day to overtake themselves. Wars, fierce
and bloody, it is true, wasted Tirconnell, when Shane O'Neill,
in his mad ambition, strove to reduce all Ulster to his sway ;
but although the fields of Tir-Hugh were desolated by fire and
sword, and the prince and princess of Tirconnell lay fettered
in the stronghold of Shane the Proud, still no faggot reached
our roof-tree, and no hand profaned our altars. Nor is it to be
supposed that we lacked wherewithal to tempt the cupidity of
the sacrilegious, were such to be found among the clansmen of
Tyrone or Tirconnell. Quite the contrary ; for many years
afterwards,* when I was sacristan, no monastery in the land
could make a goodlier show of gold and silver than ours.
During the time I held that office, I had in my custody forty
suits of vestments, many of them of cloth of gold and silver —
some interwoven and brocaded with gold — the remainder silk.
we had also sixteen silver chalices, all of which, two excepted,
were washed with gold ; nor should I forget two splendid
ciboriums inlaid with precious stones, and every other requisite
for the altars. This rich furniture was the gift of the princes
of Tirconnell ; and, as I said before, no matter what preys the
Tyronians might lift off" O'Donnell's lands, there was no one
impious enough to desecrate or spoil our sacred treasury. We
fed the poor, comforted them in their sorrows, educated the
• A.D. 1600-1.

FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN IRELAND. 11
scions of the princely house, to whom we owed everything,
chronicled the achievements of their race, prayed for the souls
of our founders and benefactors, chanted the divine offices day
aiid night with great solemnity ; and while thus engaged, the
tide of war swept harmless by our hallowed walls.
But it was not heaven's will that our peaceful domicile should
always be exempted from outrage and invasion ; for, alas ! the
mad dissensions of the native princes precipitated their own
ruin, which involved ours. The O'Donnell who then ruled the
principality had grown old and feeble ; and were it not for the
energy of his wife, who possessed the heart of a hero and the
mind of a warrior, her younger son Donnell would have wrested
the wand of chieftaincy from the feeble grasp of his hoary
parent.' The latter, it is true, had been valiant in his day ; but
his wars against Turlogh O'NeUl, then the ally of queen
Elizabeth, and the blood and treasure he lavished in defeating
domestic treason, rendered him unable to repel the encroach
ments of the English. To add to his miseries, his eldest son,
Hugh, had been captured by the deputy Perrott, and re-com
mitted to the dungeon of Dublin castle, after an unavailing-
effort to baffle his pursuers. A second attempt,- however, proved
successful ; for when the avaricious Fitzwilliam replaced his
attainted predecessor, the former, for a bribe of a thousand
pounds, given, as was said, by the baron of Dungannon,*
connived at the flight of the illustrious captive, who, after tar
rying fourteen days in the fastness of Glenmalure, spurred hard
across the English Pale, and finally reached his father's castle
at Ballyshannon.
Good reason had the people of Tirconnell to rejoice at the
escape of Hugh Roe ; for during his imprisonment the entire
principality was plundered by Fitzwilliam's sheriffs and captains,
to whom he sold the appointments. The more remote the shire
and the more Irish, the larger the sum paid. One Been, for
example, obtained a captaincy for a bribe of two gold chains,
which he gave to the sordid deputy's wife ; and another, named
Willis, got a similar preferment for sixty pounds. These
unscrupulous marauders pillaged the country and held the
heads of families in their grasp till ransomed, some for two
hundred, and others for three hundred cows ; and when the
cattle were not forthcoming they tortured their prisoners by
frying the soles of their feet in seething butter and brimstone.
As for our friars, they were obliged to betake themselves, with
* Hugh O'Neill.

12 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
their muniments and altar-plate, to the fastnesses of the moun
tains, to avoid Willis and his brigands ; who, a few months
before Hugh Roe's return, swooped down on Donegal in the
dead of night, killing thirty of the inhabitants, and occupying
the monastery as a garrison. But the day of deliverance was
nigh ; for Hugh Roe had hardly been inaugurated at Kilmacre
nan when he marched with his trusty clansmen on Donegal,
and laid siege to the monastery, into which WiUis and his
rabble had driven three hundred head of cattle. Sensible of
the straits to which he was reduced, Willis threatened to fire
the buildings ; but the young prince, anxious to preserve the
sacred edifice, suffered him and his people to depart unharmed.
The friars returned immediately afterwards ; and O'Donnell,
for such was now his name and title, seeing the poverty of the
district — swept so bare by the English — offered to support the
community and repair the buildings out of his o-wn revenues,
if we would forego our usage of questing from door to door.
The proposal, however, was declined ; and the people, then-
scant means notwithstanding, shared their last morsel with us.
For fully nine years after the inauguration of Hugh Roe, the
monastery of Donegal enjoyed uninterrupted happiness ; for,
indeed, the young prince, or, as he was more generally styled,
" the son of prophecy,"* ever proved himself our special bene
factor. After joining his forces with CNeill's, these two great
princes defeated queen Elizabeth's armies on many a hard-
fought field — nay, and so routed them, that her craftiest deputies
and bravest marshals were often fain to sue for truce and peace,
no matter how humiliating the conditions. Right heartily did
the friars of Donegal pray for the success of their prince, for the
repose of the clansmen who fell in his cause ; and, oh ! how their
jubilant voices made vault and cloister ring, when forty throats
pealed out " Te Deum" for the defeat of Norris, at Clontibret ;
Bagnal, on the field of the Yellow Ford ; and Clifford, in the
passes of the Curlew Mountains ! The father of Hugh Roe
always assisted at those grand solemnities ; for, after resigning
the name and title of O'Donnell, he lived almost constantly
among us, preparing himself for the better life, and doing
penance for his sins, the weightiest of which was a cruel raid
on the -wrecked Spaniards of the Armada, whom he slew in
Innishowen, at the bidding of deputy Eitz-william. He died
full of years, and we buried him, clothed in our habit, in the
tomb of the lords, his predecessors. * See Appendix B.

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 13
And, lest it might be thought that the Franciscans were un
charitable to the enemies of O'Donnell, I wUl now state a fact
which cleai-s them of such an imputation. When Mon'o^h,
lord Inchiquin, was slain by our prince's troops, at the ford of
Ballyshannon,* Burrogh, the defeated deputy, had the body
interred in the Cistercian church of that place. Three months
afterwards, our friars claimed the remains ; and when O'Donnell
and two bishops decided the controversy in favour of us, we
exliumed the corpse, and buried it with great solemnity in the
cloister of Donegal. Inchiquin was the foeman of our liege
lord; but the O'Brien's were always buried in Franciscan
churches ; and was not this Morrogh a scion of the race of the
noble lady who did so much for the Franciscans when they first
settled in Tir-Hugh '2
In 1601, our community consisted of forty friars; and in
that same year, so memorable for calamities, the English Govern
ment landed a large force of horse and foot, under the command
of sir Henry Doc-wra, on the shores of Lough Foyle. This
general was instructed to sow dissensions among the Irish, by
setting up chieftain against chieftain, and holding out every
bribe that might induce officers and men to abandon the standard
of their liege lord. The scheme prospered; and, alas that I
should have to record it ! Nial Garv, our prince's brother-in-law,
went over to the enemy, -with a thousand of his followers. The
perfidious wretch stipulated that he should have all Tirconnell
as a reward for his treason, which placed DeiTy, Lifford, and
many other strong places, in the hands of the English . O'Donnell
was in Thomond when the news of the revolt reached him, and
he lost not a moment in hastening homeward to inflict summary
vengeance on his faithless kinsman, who combined the venom
of a serpent -with the impetuosity of a lion. Ha-ving had timely
notice that Nial, -with the revolted Irish, and his English auxi
liaries, were marching on Donegal, we placed all our sacred fur
niture in a .ship, and removed it to a place of safety. I myself
was the last to go on board that vessel ; and, as for the rest of
the brotherhood, they fled to the wooded country, where they
awaited the issue of the impending contest. On the 10th of
August, the feast of St. Laurence, martyr, Nial's troops took
possession of our monastery, and of another belonging to the
Franciscans of the third order, that lay close to it at Maghara-
beg.f Assisted by engineers from an English war ship at anchor
* A. D. 1597. Athooolo-wing, on the Erne, between Belleek and Bally
shannon. t The little plain.

14 THE RISE AND PALL OP THE
in the bay, the traitor threw up earthworks before the two
monasteries, strengthened the Castle of Donegal, then consider
ably dilapidated, and made every preparation for a vigorous
defence. Meanwhile O'Donnell arrived, pitched his camp at
Carrig, -within two thousand paces of Donegal, and resolved to
give Nial and his followers no rest, night or day, as long as they
remained within the desecrated walls. A series of hand-to-hand
conflicts, in which Nial's people suffered severely, ensued ; and,
in the com-se of a fortnight many of the revolted Irish, repent
ing their treason, deserted in twos and threes to our prince's
camp. Cooped up in the monasteries, and so vigilantly watched
by O'Donnell that they could not come out into the open country
to lift preys, Nial's people began to mutiny; when on the night of
Michaelmas, the powder stored in the monastery of Donegal took
fire, whether accidentally or by the special interposition of heaven
I know not, and exploded -with a terrific crash, that was heard
far out at sea, nay, and scared the wild deer in the coverts of
Barnesmore. Oh, the appalling spectacle ! hundreds of the
besieged were blown to atoms ; others, and among the rest,
Nial's own brother,* were crushed to death by masses of the
rent masonry ; and all that night, while the woodwork of the
buildings blazed like a red volcano, in whose glare friend and
foe were distinctly visible to each other, O'Donnell's swordsmen
pressed the survivors back across the trenches into the flames,
where upwards of a thousand of them perished miserably. Nor
should it be forgotten that a ship, laden -with munitions for the
besieged, ran on a rock, and went to pieces that very night, just
as she was entering the bay of Donegal. Next morning Nial
proceeded unobserved by O'Donnell's troops, along the strand to
Magharabeg, and returned, under cover of the guns of the
English war vessel, -with the soldiers he had left in that place,
determined to maintain himself to the last among the smoulder
ing ruins.
O'Donnell immediately shifted his camp nearer to Donegal,
and continued the siege till October ; when, being informed
that the Spaniards had landed at Kinsale, he struck his tents,
and marched to their assistance.
Let me draw a veil over the disasters which befel our prince,
and console myself by recording that O'Dunle-vy, a friar of
Doneg8,l, received his latest sigh, and that the Franciscan
monastery of Valladolid holds his mortal remains.
In the year 1602, Oliver Lambert, the English governor of
* See Appendix C.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 15
Connaught, seized the entire of our sacred furniture, which he
desecrated, turning the chalices into drinking cups, and ripping
up the brocaded vestments for the -vilest uses. Thus perished
that fair monastery,* -with its treasures of gold, and silver, and
precious books. " Ergo tam doctee nobis periere tabellte,
Scripta quibus pariter tot periere bona ! "
Some years afterwards, Rory, the brother of O'Donnell, who
had obtained a considerable portion of the -wide domains of his
ancestors, together -with the title of Earl — ah ! how inferior to
that with which the piince of Tirconnell used to be acclaimed
on the sacred rock of Kilmocrenan ! — set about restoring the
monastery of Donegal ; but learning that the English were
plotting against his life, he fled with the great O'Neill to Rome,
where they both died, and were buried in the Franciscan
monastery on the Janiculum. Thus were our poor friars left
without a protector, and there was no one to re-edify our once
beautiful convent. The English, who now possess the whole
country, suffer the old friars to pass the residue of their years
among the mountains and glens, because they know that they
must all die out very soon ; but they -will not allow them to
receive any young members. Such is the actual condition of
our community in the neighbourhood of that once fair house I
loved so well, and over whose ruins mine aged eyes have wept.
" But, father," said Purcell, closing the book, " you have
not told us how it fared -with Nial Garv % "
" May God assoil him ! " replied Mooney. " He was treated
as he deserved — for the English seized him ; and although
Apsley, lieutenant of London tower, reports ' that Nial did
the state as great service as any man of his nation, in the late
queen's reign,' nevertheless, he and his son Naghtan, whom they
took from Oxford college, are still held in chains, -without hope
of enlargement. Nial shared the fate of many other traitors —
the English used them for their o-wn purposes as long as they
required their infamous ser-vices ; and when their work was
done, flung them to rot in a dungeon."
At this moment a lay-brother entered the apartment, and
told father Mooney that a courier from the court of the arch
dukes was waiting to see him on a matter of serious moment.
" Let him come in," replied the good friar ; " for assuredly the
archdukes have unequalled claims to our poor attentions."
* See Appendix D.

16 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
"Father," said the courier, as he crossed the threshold,
" their highnesses have charged me -with a doleful mission. I
have ridden in hot haste from Brassels, to inform you that
Bernard O'Neill, son of the great earl of Tyrone, and page to
the archduke, has been found murdered in his apartment this
afternoon." " Murdered ! " exclaimed the two friars.
" 'Tis too true," continued the courier. " The fact has
astounded all Brussels. The court goes into mourning this
very night, and the obsequies -will take place to-morrow, in the
cathedral of Saint Gudule, where their highnesses expect the
presence of your reverend community."
" But what Judas perpetrated the horrid deed 1 " demanded
the aged friar, covering his- face -with his hands. " Was it
some fiend in human shape, like those whom Cecil and Mount-
joy employed to assassinate his illustrious father by dagger or
poison ^ "
" I know not,'' answered the courier ; " for, as yet, the
whole affair is shrouded in mystery. The noble youth was
found strangled in his o-wn lodgings, to which the murderers
got access in the absence of his tutor and two valets, mere
striplings, one of whom was Irish and the other French.
Doubtless it would have been perilous to attempt such an atro
city in the palace of the archdukes, and the murderers — be
they who they may — sought their opportunity in the page's
private lodgings. His throat bears marks of -violent compres
sion ; and after life was extinct, the perpetrators of this execra
ble "villany suspended the corpse by a cord five feet long, to
make it appear that he committed suicide. Their' highnesses'
chirurgeon, however, affirms, after a careful autopsy, that he
was cruelly murdered. Who could think that he would com
mit suicide ¦? "
" He ! " interrupted the provincial. " His noble soul never
harboured a thought of such a cowardly hellish crime. Alas !
alas ! we knew him well ; for his father entrusted him to the
care of our friars here in Louvain when he was only nine
years old. Would to God that he had brought him -with him
to Rome, where he would have been farther removed from the
sworn enemies of his creed and race ! But heaven's -will be
done, and let us bow to its inscrutable behests. Dear, gene
rous youth, what a hapless lot has been thine ! — how rapidly
hast thou followed thy glorious father to the grave ! * Among'
* Hugh O'Neill died in 1'616, just one year before the murder of his son.

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 17
all thy compeers there was none like to thee, for comely face,
virile gravity, and heroic virtue. Foremost in our schools, most
distinguished in all science that became thy lofty lineage, thou
wouldst have rivalled thy father's deathless deeds, had heaven
spared thee to our hopes and bleeding country. Ah, how often
has this old heai-t throbbed with joy when I heard the arch
duchess call thee the fairest rose in her garland — and oh, with
what ill-suppressed emotion have I listened to our archduke —
whom may God preserve ! — telling how, instead of being ener
vated by four years of court life, thy knowledge of booklore,
love of learned men, and skill in every chivalrous exercise,
raised thee far above aU thy young competitors. Woe to the
impious hand that wrought the heinous deed ! — woe to the en
vious heart that conceived it ! Envious ! Alas, doth not
experience teach that the sordid and grovelling plod their way
through life unharmed and little noticed, while those who chan
nel a distinguished course for themselves, either by the innate
force of their own genius, or the perpetuation of ancestral
fame, become targets for the poisoned shafts of calumny — nay,
and often objects of the murderer's implacable hatred'? God rest
thee, Bernard, son of Hugh ! and since we cannot lay thee in
thy father's grave, we will crave it as a boon that thy loved
remains be given to us, to be interred in our new church, where,
unless my forecastings deceive me, many another Irish exile
shall await the resurrection. Go, kind sir, and tell their high
nesses that we will hasten to Brussels to-morrow morning, after
ha"ving chanted mass and requiem for the soul so untimeously
sent to its account."
"Father," continued the provincial, addressing his colleagu.e,
after the courier had retired, " let us try to snatch a few hours'
sleep, if the dolorous tidings we have just heard -will suffer it
to visit us. We will resume our reading some other time, and
I will unfold certain matters of great interest which do not
copae -within the scope of your volume. Peace be with you ! —
good night ! "

CHAPTER II.
O'Neill's letter to James I. — Carr earl of Somerset — Camden's Annals —
The Spanish Armada — Lord deputy Fitz-william — Archbishop Loftus
— Execution of Hugh Gaveloc — Monastery of Adare.
Two evenings after the obsequies of the young page, father
Mooney and his colleague Purcell were seated in the little
c

18 THE EISE AND FALL OP THE
library, talking over the event which had spread consternation
through all Brassels, and hazarding various conjectures anent
the motives which might have led to the commission of such a
horrid crime.
"For the present," observed the provincial, "the whole
affair is shrouded in darkest mystery; but I trust that Providence
will sooner or later overtake the murderer, and hold him up to
the execration 'of mankind. For my o-wn part, I am qonvinced
that the atrocity was instigated by some of those who bore a
deadly hatred to the grea,t earl of Tyrone, and who at present
have an interest in his plundered domains."
" But, father," asked Purcell, " what could the undertakers
or planters as they are styled, have to apprehend from a mere
stripling, like poor ill-fated young Bernard'? Surely, king
James, the crowned pedant who now reigns, never entertained
a thought of restoring Tyi-one even to a portion of his vast
estates ! "
" Strange as it may seem to you," repUed the provincial, -
"some of the undertakers did fear that king James would
reverse the outla-wry, and caU back Tyrone to Ireland. As you
may not be aware of the fact, I may as well tell you that there
was a negotiation afoot for Tyrone's recall from Rome ; and that
James's prime favourite, Somerset, encouraged the noble exile
to memorial the king for an act of oblivion and indemnity.
Tyrone adopted the suggestion ; and just three years ago, -wrote
to the king, stating ' that he had given no other cause for just
indignation, than lea-ving the royal dominions -without licence,
ha-ving been thereunto constrained by unjust vexations, and
sundry oppressions of some of his majesty's ministers.' * It is
likely enough that sugh an appeal to mercy might not have
altogether failed had Somerset continued in James's favour ;
but in the following year the murder of sir Thomas Overbury,
in which the minion and his countess were accomplices, and for
which both would have been sent to the block, had they not
possessed some awful secret affecting the royal character, put an
end to all correspondence between the king and the earl of
Tyrone. The latter died last year ; and, although his brother
Cormac is now a prisoner in the tower of London, it is not un
likely that the good offices of our archdukes, Ferdinand and
Isabella, would have been employed in behalf of him and his
lamented nephew. Intervention of the sort would not have been
slighted; and it is for this reason I conjecture that the young
* See " Flight of the Earls," second edition, p. 377.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 19
lad's death was compassed by some of those undertakers, as they
call themselves, who have an interest in his forfeited estates.
Be that as it may, I pray God to avenge the blood of slaughtered
innocence." " Withal, father," resumed Purcell, " it is difficult to imagine
that the king's pardon would ever have been extended to
Tyrone ; for, besides the war of ten years which he waged
against the English, the greatest of their historians has charged
him -with an act which lowers him to the level of a vulgar
hangman. Accident has just thrown into my hands a Latin
work by one William Camden,* entitled ' Annals of England
and Ireland during the reign of Elizabeth ; ' and I find that this
very elegant and erudite author represents Tyrone in the most
odious colours. Let me read the passages, for I have no doubt
that you will criticise them fairly. Writing of the events of
1589, he says : ' Hugh Oaveloc, so called because he was a
long time a chained prisoner, the natural son of Shane O'Neill,
accused Hugh, earl of Tyrone, of holding treasonable parleys
¦with certain Spaniards who were cast on the Irish coast in the
¦wreck of the Armada. The earl desiring to escape the charge,
ordered that Gaveloc should be arrested and strangled ; but
finding that no one could be had to do the office of executioner
— so great was the respect for the name of O'Neill — he himself,
it is said, adjusted the rope, and put the unfortunate man to
death.' A little further on, Camden gives us a portrait of the
great earl. ' His body,' says he, ' was capable of enduring
hardships, long vigils, and want of food ; and as for his mind,
it was insatiable, equal to any sort of statecraft, skilled in war
fare, and profoundly versed in dissembling ; so much so, that
most people regarded him as bom either for the great weal or
the great woe of his country.' "
" You have read quite enough to con-vince me,'' interrupted
the provincial, " that Camden, of whom I never before heard,
is a plagiarist, or, as the adage has it, a beggar dressed in stolen
clothes. Without pretending to a very extensive acquaintance
¦with classics, I remember the same description of Catiline in
Sallust ; and it seems to me that in this particular instance
Camden hath appropriated another man's words. ' Doubtless
the description is fair enough ; but anent that power of dissem
bling, which I do not gainsay, I will merely observe, that
Tyrone acquired it in the school of Burghley and Cecil, who were
masters of the craft. Then, again, it is said that dissimulation
• Published in 1615.

20 THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
is the art of kings, and that he who does not know how
to dissemble is not fit to reign. So thought the great emperor
Charles V. ; and assuredly Hugh, earl of Tyrone, was for a time
a true sovereign in his own principality. As for the insinuation
that he hanged Gaveloc ^vith his own hands, it is absolutely
false ; and I suspect that Camden was indebted to sir Nicholas
White, master of the rolls in Ireland, for the statement he has
left on record. Indeed the said Wliite wrote to Burghley, the
high treasurer, that Tyrone did hang Gaveloc -with his own
hands, when he could get no other to do it — nay, and that he
refused a ransom of 300 horses and 5000 cows for the unfor
tunate man's life. This I had from Tyrone himself. But as
you have alluded to the unfortunate Armada, I -will premise
some facts that may not have come 'to your knowledge, as you
were in Italy when they occurred. At the time when the
Spanish ships were ¦wrecked on the northern and western coast
of Ireland, Fitzwilliam, the lord deputy, and Adam Loftus, the
queen's archbishop of Dublin, distinguished themselves in a
manner that I think should not pass unnoticed. The deputy,
who was the most sordid man that ever held that high office,
lost no opportunity of making a profit of it ; and no sooner did
he learn that some of the crews of the Spanish vessels had been
saved in Galway and Innishowen, than he marched -with a
¦ considerable force to the ancient city of the Tribes, where he
caused the unfortunate sailors to be arrested, and closely
searched for any valuables they might have on their persons.
The search, however, was fruitless, and so sorely disappointed
was the a-varicious deputy, that he ordered two hundred of those
•wretched men to be executed on the hill where the Augustin
friars had their convent. Pursued by the curses of the people
of Galway, who were unable to prevent this cruel butchery,
Fitz-wiUiam hurried on to Innishowen, where, not satisfied -with
slaying many of the disarmed Spaniards, he carried off all the
cattle of the district, burnt the haggards, and made prisoners of
sir Owen O'Toole and O'Doherty, although the former had
entertained him sumptuously in his own house. On arri-ving
in Dublin, O'Doherty was set at large, but the aged O'Toole
was thrown into the castle dungeon, where he died after a long
imprisonment. " It was precisely at this period that Loftus, the queen's
archbishop of Dublin, made his celebrated reply to Burghley,
the high treasurer, accounting for what he termed the general
backwardness in religion, and showing how it might be remedied.
A few extracts from that, remarkable document, of which a copy

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 21
has fallen into my hands, will show you how the archbishop
and the deputy s-trove to forward the reformation. ' Your
lordship,' ¦wi-ote Loftus, ' hath most wisely considered that the
sword alone without the word is not sufficient to bring the
people of this realm from popery — a thing whereto they are
misled over from their cradles. But I assure your lordship,
that unless they he forced, they -will not ever come to hear the
word preached ; as by experience we observed at the time
appointed by the lord deputy for a general assembly of all the
noblemen and gentlemen of every county, after her majesty's
good success against the Spaniard, to give God thanks for the
same : at which time, although the sheriffs of every county did
their duties with all diligence, and warned all men to repair to the
principal church, where order was taken for public prayers and
thanksgivings unto God, together -with a sermon to be preached
by choice men in every diocese, yet very few or none almost
resorted thereto ; but even in Dublin itself the lawyers in term
time took occasion to leave the to^wn on purpose to absent
themselves from that godly exercise. It is bootless labour for
any man to preach in the country out of Dublin, for want of
hearers ; but in mine opinion this may be easily remedied, if
the ecclesiastical commission be put in force, and if liberty be
left to myself to imprison and fine all such as are obstinate in
popery — nay, and to send such of them as are able to bear theii-
own expenses to England, for example sake. The sooner this
course of reformation is begun the better it -will prosper, and
the longer it is deferred the more dangerous it -will be.' "
"A strange de-vice," remarked father Purcell, " and assuredly
a most cruel mode of propagating a creed. Fines and imprison
ment for what they termed recusancy, were poor arguments for
the apostoUcity of the new religion. Nevertheless, Loftus's
lament over the failure of his mission reflects credit on the Irish
Catholics, and on the la^wyers in particular. It is manifest,
too, that the Irish did sympathize ¦with the ship-wrecked
Spaniards." " Most certainly," resumed the provincial : " and be it
recorded to the honour of the women of Galway, that they pro
vided shrouds and coffins for the mariners so inhumanly
massacred by Fitz-william. O'Rourke, of Breffny, afforded
protection to many of them — nay, refused to surrender them
to Bingham, Elizabeth's governor of Connaught ; and the
MacSwynes, of Tirconnell, treated others of them with their
wonted hospitality. As for Tyrone, he entertained some of their
most distinguished captains at Dungannon, thus bringing on

22 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
himself the dark suspicions of the EngUsh, and gi-ving Gaveloc
a pretext for accusing him of holding a treasonable correspon
dence -with king Philip of Spain. Touching the manner of
Gaveloc's death, however, and the reasons which compelled
Tyrone to compass it, Camden is entirely mistaken ; and to
show you how sedulously his enemies laboured to blacken the
character of the greatest Irishman of his age, I "will now give
you a brief and veritable account of the circumstances -which
preceded and accompanied the execution. Hugh Gaveloc .
returned to Strabane early in 1589, after ha-ving spent a year
and a-half in Scotland, where he met some of the survivors of
the Armada, whom Tyrone had sheltered in Dungannon.
Worming himself into their confidence, they unbosomed them
selves to him, and gave a glo-wing description of the hospitality
which they had received in the earl's house, at the very moment
when Fitzwilliam's soldiers were searching for them along the
coast, from Sligo haven to the headlands of Innishowen. What
the Spaniards may have said of the earl's devotedness to king
Philip, I have not been able to learn ; but an intercepted
letter, despatched by Gaveloc to the deputy, left no doubt that
he intended to impeach Tyrone of high treason before the privy
council. In fact, he wrote that he ' had great matters to reveal,
which would he more better for her majesty's commonweal than a
thousand pouiids ; ' and concluded by ' craving his honour not
to pardon any man of great estimation, aiid specially the man
w/iom the bearer of the letter was to name, as he was forthcoming
for matters of great importance,' till he himself, Gaveloc, had
repaired to Dublin castle. The man to be named by the mes
senger was the earl of Tyrone, who, as soon as the letter fell
into his hands, resolved to keep close watch on the movements
of the -writer. Presuming that he had thus secured for himself
the support of the English government, Gaveloc committed
several murders and robberies on the people in and about
Dungannon ; till Tyrone, no longer able to endure such savagery,
had him seized, and tried according to the ancient custom in
Ulster, where, as yet, there was no course of English law,
judge, sheriff, or magistrate, ajid where, from immemorial time,
each lord of a sept had full power to deal summarily -with
evildoers. The lord deputy was in Galway at the time of
Gaveloc's arrest, and the chancellor -wrote to Tyroiie, entreating
him not to put the sentence in execution till his lordship had
returned to Dublin. Out of respect for the chancellor, and
yielding to the urgent instances of his brother Cormac, Tyrone
gave the prisoner a respite of fourteen days, on the strict

FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN IRELAND. 23
understanding that Bryan, Con, and tKe rest of Gaveloc's
brothers, should submit themselves to him, and that one of the
three should always remain pledge for the other two by turns,
and at his choice, stipulating at the same time, that if they
failed to perform this -within fourteen days, then Gaveloc should
be hung without further delay. Gaveloc, confiding in his
brother Con, agreed to the ai-rangement ; but the latter, setting
no value on the compact into which he had entered, and caring
little for the prisoner's fate, -violated his solemn oath, and
refused to return to Tyrone, who, at the expiration of the
fourteenth day, caused Gaveloc to be executed, in presence of
his brother Cormac, Art O'Hagan, and more than a hundred
others, whereof part were of the most distinguished men in the
country. The executioners were Loughlin MacMurtagh and
his brother, who came from the borders of Meath and Cavan.
Camden, therefore ventilates a foul calumny, when he insinuates
that Tyrone lowered himself to the level of a hangman. The
termination of this affair was very curious ; for when the deputy
affected to be -wroth with Tyrone for hanging Gaveloc, he
replied, that he had done no injury to the latter, but that if any
injury was done him, it was by Con O'Neill, lohofell from a
reasonable composition, in whose defaidt execution followed.
Gaveloc's death took place in January, 1590 ; and in the March
foUo-wing, Tyrone obtained the deputy's licence to proceed to
London, where, taking up his abode in the house of Sir Henry
Wallop, he remained three weeks restrained from her majesty's
court and presence, till he con-vinced the lords of the privy
conncU that he had acted according to the ancient laws of his
country, by ridding society of a notable murderer, whose father
had slain his father and brother, and whose many crimes
justified him in cutting off' so -vile a miscreant. Elizabeth was
finally placated by his artful pleading, and Hatton, the far-famed
dancing chancellor, and lord Ormond, offered themselves as
securities that the earl would be forthcoming in Ireland when
ever it might suit deputy Fitzwilliam to arraign him for having
taken the law into his 0"wn hands. Tyrone soon afterwards
returned to Ulster ; but he had not been long there when Fitz-
¦william summoned him to appear before the privy council.
Ha-ving signified his readiness to obey the mandate, he
despatched his secretary to Dublin, with orders to provide a
splendid banquet, at which he was to entertain the chiefest of
the English nobility on the night of his arrival. The guests
were all assembled when Tyrone entered the city after sunset ;
but instead of going at once to preside at the feast, he rode to

24 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
the castle, and presented himself to the deputy, who received
him with great show of friendship, and told him to return on
the morrow. Tyrone was well aware that Fitz-william had
received private instructions to arrest him ; but as he had no
wish to join O'Donnell and the other nobles, then prisoners in
the castle, he remounted his horse, and spurred hard all night,
till daybreak saw him beyond the northern boundary of the
Pale. The guests imagined that he had been detained by the
deputy on matters of state ; but Tyrone was fully satisfied that
he had acted as became an honourable man, by presenting him
self when summoned, and thus exonerating his bailsmen from
all responsibility. These," continued the provincial, "are some
of the incidents which I said did not come -within the scope of
your volume ; but let us now return to our subject ; and as I
forgot to give you my gleanings anent the monastery of Adare,
take your pen and write while I dictate."
_" Father," observed Purcell, " I was anxious to learn some
thing concerning Tyrone's conduct in that extraordinary marriage
¦with Mabel Bagnal, sister of the marshal of that name."
" Some other time," replied tJie provincial, " I will satisfy
your curiosity on that head ; but let us now save from oblivion
the little that I have to relate concerning our monastery of
Adare." _ Father Purcell took a pen, and -wrote, from his superior's
dictation, the following narrative : —
"Of all our Munster monasteries, there was none more
^ beautiful than that of Adare, whose rains look do-wn on the
silvery Mague. The venerable edifice stands twelve miles
south-west of Limerick, and within eight of the Shannon, where
the Mague pours its tributary waters into that mighty river.
" The Franciscans are mainly indebted for this monastery to
Thomas, seventh earl of Kildare, and Joanna, his wife, daughter
of James, earl of Desmond, who laid its first stone in 1464, and
erected the church and a fourth part of the cloister within the
same year. Kildare and his countess were munificent benefac
tors to our brotherhood ; for, not satisfied -with furnishing the
church with glass windows, they bestowed upon it a bell of great
value, and two silver chalices. The church was consecrated in
honour of Michael the Archangel, on the saint's festival, in
1466, precisely one year before the decease of James, earl of
Desmond, who was executed in Drogheda, for ' fosterage,
alliance, and alterage -with the Irish.'
" The places consecrated as cemeteries outside the church
were the cloister, within and without, and both sacristies

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 25
together -with a field which was destined for public sepulture.
South of this a small patch of ground was left unconsecrated,
in order that it might be reserved for those who were deprived
of Christian burial. The remaining portions of the building
were completed by different persons, whose names are inscribed
in an ancient register, which I saw in the hands of father
James Hickey, formerly guardian of the convent, and which
was read in the chapter-room on all Fridays of the year,
when it was customary to pray for the health of our benefactors'
souls. Cornelius O'SuUivan erected the belfry, and made an
offering of a silver chalice burnished -with gold. Margaret
Fitzgibbon, -wife of Cornelius O'Dea, built the great chapel ; and
John, son of the earl of Desmond already mentioned, erected a
second chapel of minor dimensions, to which Margaret, wife of
Thomas Fitzmaurice, added a third, small, indeed, but ex
quisitely beautiful. O'Brien of Ara and his wife built the
dormitory, while Rory O'Dea completed a portion of the cloister,
and presented a silver chalice. Marianus O'Hickey, who sub
sequently took our habit and died in Adare, built the refectory ;
and it was he who furnished the northern side of the choir -with
its beautiful panellings and stalls. Donald O'Dea and Sabina,
his ¦wife, finished another portion of the cloister ; and Edmond
Thomas, knight of the Glens, and his ¦wife, Honora Fitzgibbon,
built the infirmary. The latter died May, 1503. Another
lady, ¦wife of Fitzgibbon, added ten feet to the length of the
chancel, that the priests might have ampler space about the
great altar, and she likewise caused a vault to be constructed
for herseK under the choii\ O'SuUivan, who erected the belfry,
died in 1492; and Margaret Fitzgibbon, who built the chapel
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, passed out of this life in
January, 1483. Donough, son of Bernard O'Brien, who built
the dormitory, died on the -vigil of the feast of St. Francis,
1502 ; and our founder, Thomas, earl of Kildare, departed
March 25, 1478. Joanna, his ¦wife, expired on the feast of St.
Antony of Padua, 1486, and was interred in the sacred edifice
that owed so much to her munificence. Among the other
illustrious personages buried in our convent of Adare, was
Raymond de Burgh, a friar of our order, and bishop of Emly,
who died July 29, 1562. He is said to have been the last
bishop of Emly, for the see was united to that of Cashel in the
time of his successor.
" When I was in Cork I saw a considerable portion of the
sacred furniture of this convent in possession of father Thomas
Fitzgerald, who showed me a very beautiful silver-gilt ciborium

26 THE RISE AND FALL OP THE
for the most holy sacrament, a silver cross, used in processions,
and six or seven chalices, nearly all of which were washed -with
gold. He also had the register of the convent, and_ various
suits of sumptuous vestments, which were seriously injured by
time. " During the wars of the great earl of Desmond, our friars
were ejected from the convent of, Adare ; and when queen
Elizabeth bestowed the desecrated edifice on one Wallop, a
soldier of fortune, he allowed it to go to ruin. When I -visited
it the roof had fallen in, but the walls were still standing.
Withal it may one day revert to the Franciscans for whom it
was built ; and even if it should not, these few particulars of
its history are worth presei-ving. Enough for the present ; so
let us postpone the narrative of Tyrone's marriage -with Mabel
Bagnal till we have more leisure for gossip." *

CHAPTER III.
O'Neal and the Bagnals — He marries Mabel— The Monasteries of
Drogheda and Dundalk.
" Now, father," said Purcell, " I will remind you of your pro
mise, and ask you to tell me all you have gleaned of Tyrone's-
marriage with Mabel Bagnal."
"In good faith, dear brother,'' interrupted the pro-vincial,
" it is a subject that I would fain eschew, for 'quid monachis cum
faminis 9 ' o'r, in other words, what have we poor friars to do
¦with gossip of the sort ! Nevertheless, I ¦will keep my word,
and tell you all that I remember of an event which caused
great noise in its day ; for, strange as it may seem to you,
Tyrone's marriage ¦with Bagnal's sister was made a question of
state, not only in Dublin castle, what time Fitz-william was lord
deputy, but also in the Honor of Green-wich, where Burghley
and other lords of Elizabeth's privy council treated the matter
¦with as much gra-vity as if it perilled the continuation of
English dominion in Ireland. I myself often spoke to Tyrone
on the subject; and I need hardly tell you that he complained
bitterly of the manner in which he was dealt -with by sir Henry
Bagnal, his brother-in-law, nay, and by the lords of the pri-vy
council, who insinuated that he not only carried off Mabel
against her ¦will and consent, but married her while his la^wful
* See Appendix E.

FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 27
¦wife was still alive. I could not enumerate all the letters that
were written on this subject ; but I remember well that Tyrone
showed me the entire correspondence, including his own
answers to the charges laid against him by Fitz-william, the
lord treasurer, and others of the queen's cabinet. Withal, as
I said before, I'd rather eschew the subject altogether, and
leave it to some Irish seanachie -with the genius of that good
Lope de Vega, who, after delighting all Spain -with the exquisite
beauty of his verse, renounced Parnassus for Calvary, a,nd
sword and shield for the cowl and rosary of a Carmehte in the
monastery of Toledo.
" I deem it necessary, however, before entering into a detail
of the circumstances connected with Tyrone's marriage, to in
form you that sir Nicholas Bagnal, the first of that name who
figiu'es prominently in our history, came to Ireland in 1542.
This Nicholas was a native of Staffordshire, in England ; and
being a hotheaded galliard, killed a man in a brawl, for which
he had to fly his o-wn country, and seek refuge in Ireland,
where, at the urgent entreaty of Con, first earl of Tyrone, he
received pardon of Henry VllL, and in course of time became
an energetic enemy of the O'Neills. Ha^ving obtained large
grants of land in Down — the principality of the MacGinnesses
— he laid the foundation of the modern Newry, and there built '
a strong castle, in which he resided constantly. Early in the
reign of Elizabeth he was appointed marshal of the queen's
forces in Deland, and when he died Ms son sir Henry succeeded
to all his honours. The latter was a man of considerable
ability at the pen, for he "wrote a description of Ulster in 1587 ;
but if fame does not belie him, he was at heart a very craven.
Sharing his father's hatred of the Irish, and intent on his own
aggrandizement, he lost no opportunity of adding to the grants
which he inherited ; so much so, indeed, that he ultimately
became one of the most active of the supplanting foemen of the
O'Neills and their, subordinate lords. When the MacMahon
of Monaghan was executed at his own door, by the infamous
order of deputy Fitzwilliam, sir Henry Bagnal received a con
siderable portion of the murdered chieftain's lands ; and there
can be little doubt that he hoped to oust Tyrone himself, and
share the partition of his -wide domains. He was, in sooth, a
greedy adventurer, restless, rapacious, unscrupulous ; in a word,
one who deemed it no sin or shame to aid in any process by
which the rightful occupant might be driven from his holding,
provided he got share of the spoil. This man hated Tyrone
with implacable animosity ; and indeed the earl reciprocated the

28 THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
sentiment — nay, branded him in public and private as a coward,
who shrunk from the ordeal of single combat."
" Single combat ! " interrupted father Purcell. " Surely
Tyrone was not justified in accepting or proposing such ! "
" Have you not read," replied the pro"vincial, " how Wen-
ceslaus, the canonized duke of Bohemia, offered to enter the
Usts and fight his mortal enemy, Radislaus 1 "
" Yes," answered father Purcell ; " but the legend tells how
an angel armed Wenceslaus in celestial panoply, and forbade
his adversary to unsheath the sword."
" Be that as it may," continued the pro"vincial, " Bagnal re
fused to encounter Tyrone, when the latter proposed to meet
him — nay, slunk away like a craven, although the earl offered
to allow the dastard to come armed from head to foot, against
him in hose and jerkin, to encourage him the rather to accept
the challenge. Bagnal was valiant enough "with the pen, when
indicting charges of covert treason against Tyrone — a perfect
master of fence when nothing but the pen was needed to deal
an assassin thrust ; but when there was question of cold, glitter
ing steel, his heart melted "within him like wax. In fact, like
the pedant king James who now reigns, he trembled at sight of
a drawn sword."
" And yet," resumed Purcell, " is it not strange that this
man allowed his sister to marry Tyrone 1 "
" Allowed her ! " replied the pro"vincial. " Therein you are
wrong, for he did his utmost to prevent their union — nay,
sought to dissolve it when it had been effected. But let me
tell you all that I know of the wooing and wedding. Tyrone's
"wife, the countess Judith, sister of Hue Roe O'Donnell, died
early in 1590; and some months afterwards the earl met, I know
not where, but most likely in Ne"wry, Mabel, sir Henry's sister.
Fascinated by the beauty of the English damsel — for indeed
she was a comely creature, just entering her twentieth year — ¦
and captivated by the winsome grace of her manners, the earl
resolved to marry her, and, like an honourable man, declared
his intentions to her brother. Sir Henry, on hearing the pro
posal, raised sonle foolish difficulties about the incivility of the
earl's country, as though there were no lordly halls in Dungan
non, sweet-sounding harps, tender matrons, blooming gardens,
and genial hearts in all Tyrone ; but his real objection was to
part with the lady's do"wry of one thousand pounds, which he
held in trust. Tyrone arranged to settle a jointure on Mabel ;
and she, dear creature, had made up her mind to marry him,
"with or "without her churlish brother's consent. Finding that

FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 29
his sister had set her heart upon the earl, sir Henry refused to
allow the nuptial ceremony to take place till he had received
letters from queen Elizabeth's cabinet sanctioning the project ;
and in the meanwhile he caused Mabel to be removed from the
castle of Ne-wry to Tui-s-ey, some eight or nine miles north of
Dublin, the residence of sir Patrick Barnwell, to whom her
sister was married. How it fared -with the marshal's applica
tion to the queen's ministers I never heard ; but it is quite
certain that Mabel's removal to her sister's mansion did not
realize her brother's intent; quite other-wise indeed, for the earl
followed her to Turvey, and employed all his persuasive
eloquence to obtain lady Barnwell's consent to the match ; and
I need hardly say that she was little loath to see her fair sister
mated -with one whose ancestry, chivalry, and wide domains
entitled him to the hand and heart of the most nobly-bom dame
in Christendom. Sir Patrick Barnwell gave -willing ear to his
pleading; and as for Mabel, such was the vehemence of her.
love, that she then and there solemnly trothed herself to Tyrone,
who presented her "with a chain of gold, as a symbol of that
union in which then- hearts were to be linked for evermore.
The 'trondhal' took place early in July, 1591, and towards the
close of that month the earl, accompanied by a gay retinue of
English gentlemen, went to dine at Turvey, whei-e their host
made them good entertainment, and where it had been pre"viously
arranged that Mabel should bide her opportunity, and leave the
mansion with a gentleman who came in Tyrone's suite. And
in good faith she was true to her word ; for, after dinner, when
the guests were betaking themselves to various games, she
mounted on horseback behind the earl's friend, who, followed
by two serving-men, never drew bridle till they arrived at the
house of Mr. Warren, who lived at Drumcondra, within a mile
of Dublin. As soon as the earl ascertained that his ' prey ' —
I use his o-wn word — was well forward on her road to the place
agreed upon, he, too, mounted his horse, and, accompanied by
his English friends, spurred hard after his ladylove. There
was no time to be lost in solemnizing the nuptials; and the earl
despatched a messenger to Jones, the queen's bishop of Meath,
who happened to be in Dublin at that moment, praying him to
hasten -without delay to Warren's house, where his presence
was urgently needed. The bishop, for aught I know, may have
imagined that Tyrone was about to renounce his faith ; but if
any such idea haunted his mind it was soon removed, when, on
entering the house, he found arrangements made for a wedding,
and the fair girl in a noble apartment, attended by a considerable

30 THE ElSE AND FALL OF THE
number of English ladies and gentlemen. ' My lord,' said the
earl, ' I have invited you hither to marry myself and this
gentlewoman, to whom I was betrothed about twenty days ago;
and I am desirous that rather you than any other should per
form the office between us, that the world may know we are
married according to her majesty's laws.' 'What you require
from me,' replied the bishop, ' is a matter of great importance ;
and you must first permit me to confer with the gentlewoman
herself ; ' and with this he took Mabel aside, and demanded of
her whether she had plighted her tl-oth to the earl. To this she
answered that she had done so twenty days before, and that she
had received from him a gold chain, worth a hundred pounds,
as a token. To the question whether she had come away volun
tarily from Turvey, she replied that she had done so of her
own free consent ; and finally, when asked whether she was
resolved to take the earl to her husband, she answered : ' My
lord, you see in what case I am, how I came hither ¦with mine
own consent, and, have already promised the earl to be his ¦wife.
I beseech you, therefore, for my credit's sake, to perfect the
marriage between us ; the sooner the better, for my honour's
sake.' Satisfied with the examination, the bishop remarked
'that it barely remained for him to perfect ' the knot that them
selves had already knytt;' and he instantly solemnized the
marriage according to her majesty's laws. The merry makings
on this occasion lasted four or five days, and I need not tell you
that such revel was never before 'witnessed in Drumcondra.
At its conclusion, the earl hastened to Dungannon -with his
young bride, and upwards of a hundred English gentlemen
whom he entertained there right sumptuously for the sake of his
countess.* " But how am I to describe sir Henry Bagnal's conduct when
he was certified of his sister's marriage? He stormed and
vapoured like a very madman, accursing himself, that his
father's blood and his o-wn, which had been often spilled in
repressing this rebellious race, should now be mingled -with so
traitorous a stock and kindred !' And not satisfied with this,
he vented his rage on Jones, his o-wn countr3rman, for solem
nizing the marriage. ' The bishop of Meath,' said he, ' partici
pated in this -villany ; and by such like examples in men of his
sort, God's word is greatly slandered, and many men in this
kingdom, who, I think, would otherwise -willingly embrace the
truth, are brought into detestation of the gospel ! ' But he
* See Appendix I".

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 31
made a graver charge against him ; for he asserted, as I have
already told you, that Mabel's marriage was performed while
the earl's -wife was still aUve, and that he, the bishop, was
aware of the impediment. Burghley, on recei-ving this intel
ligence, wrote by the queen's orders, commanding Jones to
account for his conduct ; and the poor nian, frightened out of
his wits, replied ' that he never was cognizant of any such
" barr ; " and that if he had had an inkling of it, he would not
have done what he did, not even for the marshal's yearly
revenue.' Thus was the unfortimate bishop involved in a very-
perplexing embroilment ; and what was still more ludicrous, a
council of cabinet ministers bent all their energies to discover
the truth or falsehood of the allegation against Tyrone. As
for him, he satisfied deputy Fitz"william that the accusation was
grounded on an intimacy which he had formed, in the days of
his hot youth, -with the daughter of sir Brian M'Phelim, from
whom he was separated by order of the Church, long before he
married his late wife, countess Judith, daughter of O'Donnell.
The sentence invalidating the former connexion, on account of
a diriment impediment, was duly registered by the officials of
Armagh cathedral ; who, when examined by the deputy, pro
duced the instrument signed and sealed, and furthermore de
clared, that, by reason of said impediment, the Church never
could have sanctioned the sacramental union of the parties.
Thus was the earl cleared of the charge which sir Henry made
on such loose information — a charge, indeed, which, to use
Tyrone's words, ' was, meant to discredit him, and to icndo his
wedded -wife.' Bagnal was utterly discomfited in his attempt.
"to disgrace his o-wn sister ; and Burghley, the queen's favorite
minister, pronounced that Tyrone had acted honourably in the
transaction, when the latter -wrote, that 'if he had not' been
thoroughly cleared from the gentlewoman whom the marshal
would now thrust upon him, he would not for any worldly goods
have stained his credit and conscience by taking a second -wife.'
Let me add that Tyrone a short time after his nuptials went to
London, where he purchased rich furniture for his castle of
Dungannon. I have now told you all that I know of Tyrone's
marriage -with Mabel Bagnal ; but I should not omit mention
ing that she became a Catholic, and lived to witness many a
glorious "victory -wrested from the soldiers of her o-wn race by
her gallant husband. As for sir Henry, his hatred of Tyrone
grew more deadly as years sped onwards ; so much so, that he
never could be induced to pay the do-wry which he held in trust
for Mabel. She died in 1596 ; and two and a-half years after-

32 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
wards her -widowed lord and brother, at the head of their
respective armies, confronted each other on the field of the
Yellow Ford. Towards the close of that memorable action,
Hugh, earl of Tyrone — or, to speak more correctly, the O'Neill,
— leading a squadron of horse, pricked forward in the hope of
encountering his brother-in-law ; but they were not destined to
meet. In the confusion of the bloody rout, the marshal was in
the act of raising his beaver when a bullet pierced his brain ;
and thus deprived O'Neill of an opportunity of avenging "with
his 0"wn good sword the injuries and insults which long lay
rankling in his heart. Happily for Mabel, she did not live to
"witness that day of fearful retribution !
" Now let me hear how you have dealt "with the memoranda
I gave you of our Drogheda monastery."
" Would that the details were more copious," replied father
Purcell; "but, such as they are, they "will perpetuate the
memory of that house." And he then read :
" The Franciscan convent of Drogheda was founded by the
Plunkets, barons of Louth, 1240, and not, as some have asserted,
by the Darcys of Flatten ; for the progenitor of the latter
family did not come to Ireland tUl 1323, when he was appointed
lord justice by Edward II. The site of this venerable edifice,
in th'e northern di"vision of the town, and diocese of Armagh,
was extremely beautiful, being -within the walls, and close to
quay where ships receive and discharge their cargoes. The
land belonging to this convent extended, on the south, from the
river's brink to a street on the decli"vity of the hill leading to
St. Laurence-street, and from a street on the west, near the
quay, to the city wall on the east. The ground bestowed on
our convent outside the walls, comprised a spacious garden and
orchard east of the city ; and our friars had a private gate
which gave them access to both places. As for the buildings,
they were very magnificent ; and nothing could exceed the beauty
of the bell-tower, which was of cut stone, lofty, and encrusted
"with marble. The church was very elegant, ha"ving a choir
capable of accommodating two hundred friars. In the centre
of the choir stood the monument of the Darcys of Flatten,
surmounted by a marble bust of John, the lord justice, who
was one of our special benefactors, and whose posterity were
aU buried -within the same precincts. The fact of this monu
ment ha^ving been one of the most conspicuous objects in the
church, led many to suppose that the Darcys were founders of
the convent ; but, as I have said, the Plunkets are entitled to
that honour, although the Darcys frequently repaired the sacred

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 33
edifice, and the eastern window of the church, which was set in
the city wall.
" Early in the reign of queen Elizabeth, the Franciscans were
violently extruded from their venerable convent, which was
then leased to Gerald Aylmer, of Dollardstown, who, in 1612,
sold the buildings, together with their appurtenances, to one
Moses HUl, a mere adventurer, who came to Ireland a beggar-
man, and enriched himself ¦with the plunder of many an honest
man's homestead. This Hill was an implacable persecutor of
the Catholics, and an ever-willing instrument in carrying out
the detestable policy of king James I. Intent upon his 0"wn
aggrandizement, he spared no effort to add to his ill-got fortunes ;
and no sooner did a convent fall into his hands, than he began
to remodel the entire structure, so as to accommodate it to the
requirements of shopkeepers and others, from whom he exacted
exorbitant rents. Father Baltassar Delahoyde, an aged
ecclesiastic, and native of Drogheda, who for many years was
vicar-general of the diocese of Armagh, informed me that he
was an ocular witness of Hill's sacrilegious vandalism, and en
deavours to derive an income from the tenants to whom he let
the cloisters and infirmary of the convent, which stood right
upon the river's brink : but, strange to relate, the shopkeepers
who settled there, instead of becoming rich, grew poor, and had
to give up their holdings ; thus bringing on themselves the curse
pronounced upon those who turn the house of God into a place
of chaffering and profane traffic.
- " Seeing that this speculation did not prosper. Hill resolved
to pull do"wn the whole edifice, and sell the cut stone of which
it was built ; but as he could not get any of the to"wnspeople to
carry out his "wishes, he employed a number of strangers, at
very high wages, to do his bidding. They commenced at the
bell-tower, which, as I have already said, was a very beautiful
object ; but the first stone that was disturbed fell "within a few
inches of one of the masons, which so terrified his fellows, that
they were all scared away, and refused to continue the work of
demolition. A second attempt to destroy the bell-tower was
equally unsuccessful ; but, in the meanwhile. Hill had pulled
do"wn the infirmary and the guest-house, meaning, as I have heard,
to erect on their site a mansion for sir Arthur Chichester, who
was -then lord deputy, in 1614. Chichester approved the pro
ject, for he liked the locality ; but being suddenly recalled to
England, and replaced by Jones, the king's archbishop of
DubUn, the undertaking was abandoned, and Hill lost much
money in laying the foundation of an edifice which was never
D

34 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
completed. Thus, by the manifest interposition of heaven, the
bell-tower and eastem -window of our once splendid con-vent
were saved from destraction, while the rest of the sacred edifice
was uprooted from the very foundations. Nor did it fare well
with HUl, the author of all this sacrilege ; for, when I visited
Drogheda, in 1615, his, wife was suffering from paralysis, and
he himself was abhorred by the whole population. To us
Franciscans he was another Heliodoras, desecrating our holy
places, persecuting the members of our brotherhood, and laying
sacrilegious hands on the consecrated utensils of the sanctuary.
So perished the ancient convent of Drogheda.
" At present (in 1617), notwithstanding the despotism of the
deputy, Oliver St. John, we have in that city a community of
four friars, who live in a house which they rent, and in which
they have erected an altar, pulpit, and confessionals. The
secular priests have this house in common -with our friars, and
they all labour to preserve the faith among the people. As for
the Franciscans, they live strictly according to their rule, wear
ing the habit in their conventual church, reciting the office in
choir, and regretting heartily that they are obKged to exchange
the garb of their holy founder for secular apparel when going
abroad in the streets.
" A few incidents connected "with this little convent — alas,
how unlike the stately monastery founded by the Plunkets, on
the banks of the historic Boyne ! — which occurred under my
own eyes, deserve to be recorded to the honour of our friars,
and for the edification of future ages.
"It was in the year 1610 that father Maurice Ultan
O'Dunlevy, hired the house for our four friars in Drogheda ;
and soon afterwards, when it was noised abroad that the little
community possessed some silver utensils for the altar, sir
Arthur Chichester, then lord deputy, instructed his myrmidons
to watch their opportunity and make a raid upon the house, in
order to carry off the plate. The priest had hardly left the
altar, when the ruffians forced their way into the chapel, and
made off "with the vestments, chalice, and everything else that
they considered valuable. As for the friars, "they escaped by
secret passages kno"wn only to themselves ; for Chichester's
hirelings were too intent on plunder to think of arresting them.
On another occasion, father Francis Helan, an aged man, was
seized at the foot of the altar, and dragged into the streets,
where the women of Drogheda assailed his captors with a shower
of stones. The soldiers would wUKngly have released their
prisoner to save themselves; but the old man, desirous of

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 35
screening the people from Chichester's vengeance, surrendered
himself voluntarily ; and being conducted to Dublin, was
arraigned in his habit before Adam Loftus, the chancellor.
The officer of the escort interposed on behalf of father Helan,
and generously represented that he had surrendered voluntarily ;
stating, at the same time, that he, the officer, had never been
in so great peril of his life, as from the Drogheda women and
their impro"vised artillery. The chancellor and his confreres
laughed heartily on hearing this, but the old priest was flung
into prison, where he had to dree six weary months. Ludicrous
as the occurrence was, it exacerbated the hostility of the
authorities against the good people of Drogheda. It would be
tedious to narrate the stratagems to which the government had
recourse for the total destruction of priests, seminarists, and
friars in Ireland, ever since James I. ascended the throne. ITie
seaports were vigilantly watched by ruffians hired to arrest
those whom they supposed to be priests or students going abroad
for education; and no one was allowed to come or go without
the scrutiny of those "wretches. I myself was present on the
quay of Drogheda in 1614, when a young priest, a native of
Cork, who had just then returned from Flanders, was an-ested
on suspicion ; but as he was in secular apparel, he contrived to
get off, o-wing principally to the interference of some bystanders,
who said he was a merchant from Cork, of which he was a
native. I remember, too, when the lodging of Eugene Mathews,
archbishop of Dublin, was entered by a posse of those vile mis
creants in quest of his grace, who escaped through a window,
and hid himseK on the roof of a neighbouring house. I was in
the metropolis when that event occurred ; and seeing the house
in which I lodged surrounded by a vast crowd, I rushed into the
street, and being in secular apparel, mingled with the throng,
and thus fortunately eluded my pursuers.
" Far more memorable was the case of John Stuart, a native
of Scotland, and lay-brother of our little community in
Drogheda. This excellent man was arrested near Dublin, and
committed to the prison of that city, where he was detained
for some months. He was subsequently sent to England, and
brought before the king, who, as was his wont on all such occa
sions, waxed theological, and began to dispute "with him about
the dogmata of the Church. The poor friar was an illiterate'
man, but yet he was able enough to expose the sophistry of the
royal logic, which was always employed to justify the most
absurd paradoxes — one day pro"ving the unlawfulness of
smoking tobacco, and when tired of that thesis, strenuously

36 THE RISE AND FALL OP THE
maintaining the legality of smoking witches to death. When
argument failed, the king had recourse to bribes, for he was
very anxious to make a proselyte of a man who bore his ovi n
name ; but finding that this sort of persuasion was of no avail,
he ordered him to be imprisoned in the tower of London, from
which he was liberated after a long detention. Brother Stuart
did good service to our community here at Louvain, and re
turned to Ireland, where his zeal and fideUty shall not be
forgotten, if these poor pages can serve to perpetuate his
memory. " I find," continued the pro"vincial, " that I have not given
you my memoranda of the Franciscan house of Dundalk ; and
as the volume would be imperfect if it lacked a notice of that .
convent, I will now narrate the little that I have gleaned of its
"vicissitudes. It was founded in the thirteenth century,- by
John de Verdon, and was one of the first that was destroyed
when Henry VIII. decreed the dissolution of the religious
communities. When I "visited it, in 1616, nothing remained
of the church except the bell-tower, and even that was sadly
dilapidated. The entire of the sacred edifice, wifh its appur
tenances, that is to say, about three or four acres of meadow-
land, was held by John Brandon, a most respectable denizen of
Dundalk, whose grandfather got a lease of -the premises in the
reign of king Henry. The said John waited on me when I was
examining the ruin — alas, not so much the martyr of time as
of man's "wrath — and told me that he scrupled holding posses
sion of the place without the consent of the friars. I, therefore,
for the security of his conscience, laid the whole matter before
John Cassel, a native of Dundalk, and syndic of the convent,
who, by authority from Rome, allowed him to retain the
dilapidated walls and the aforesaid acres of land, on the following
conditions : First, that he would renounce all right to possession
whenever the Franciscans might claim it from him. Secondly,
that he should not sell or alienate any portion of the premises,
or their appurtenances, without consent of our brotherhood.
Thirdly, that he should not suffer any one to do further injury
to the place, but save it from decay, and pledge himself not to
let any portion of the land to another. Fourthly, that he would
give something annually, by way of alms, to our friars, out of the
rents which he received from the land. Brandon agreed to
these conditions, and indeed he has been faithful to his word.
Such conduct deserves to be recorded ; and who knows but this
poor testimony to true worth may one day meet the eyes of
some of his posterity !¦ — who knows but in years to come, some

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 37
of our convents may be re-edified by the very representatives
of those who helped to destroy them ! Oh, how joyfully -will
they who -witness that most longed-for consummation exclaim,
'the children of them that afflicted thee shall come bo-wing
do-wn to thee, and all that slander thee shall worship the steps
of thy feet.' " *

CHAPTER IV.
THE MONASTERY AT MULTIFERNAN.
Origin of the Name— Foundation of the Monastery — The Delamers — The
Nugents of Delvin and Donore — The Monastery plundered and burned
by the English — The Friars imprisoned in the Castle of Ballimore —
Escape of Father Mooney — Cruelties perpetrated on the Prisoners 
Eichard Brady, Bishop of Eilmore — Re-establishment of the Friars in
Multifernan — Notice of distinguished Members of the Community.
" It ¦will afford me great pleasure," said father Mooney to his
colleague, " to give you an ample account of the -vicissitudes of
our once noble convent of Multifernan ; for, indeed, of all our
Irish houses,' there is not one, that of Donegal excepted, -with
whose history I am better acquainted. And how could it be
otherwise ? It was in Multifernan I made my novitiate, and
'twas there I hoped to have made my religious profession,
tm  "
" But, father," interrupted Purcell, " I thought you com-
- menced your monastic life in the convent of Donegal."
" No, dear friend ; 'twas in Donegal I renounced the world,
abandoning sword and matchlock ; and no sooner did I avow
my intention of devoting myself to the ser-vice of God and St.
Francis, than our good provincial sent me to Multifernan, to
enter on my no-vitiate. I was then in my twenty-fourth year,
strong and active, inured to' hardships and privations, having
served some time under the banners of O'Neill and O'Donnell,
in their campaigns against Elizabeth's choicest generals. I,
too, had my share of martial glory ; for I may say, without
any idle self-laudation, that I bore myself as it became a true
soldier on many a battlefield, from Clontibret to the Yellow
Ford, where the clans of Tyrone and Tirconnell routed the
English army under marshal Bagnal. Reminiscences such as
these may not beseem a poor disciple of St. Francis, so let me
rather proceed to satisfy your inquiries concerning the rise and
fall of the monastery of Multifernan. * Isaias, Lx., 4.

38 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
" I need hardly obsei-ve that that venerable house, now, alas,
a charred and mouldering mass of ruins, stands hard by the
river Gain, in the county of Westmeath. Our annals, as well
as the traditions of the locality, date its erection in the year
1306, when William Delamer, whose ancestor, Herbert, came
to Ireland in the days of Hem-y II., built the church and con
vent to the honour of God, and his chosen patron, St. Francis.
As to the meaning of the word Multifernan, it may not be
amiss to inform you, that it signifies Fearmar^s Mill ; for it
appears that an Irish family of that name o-wned the territory,
and had a mill on the Gain, long before the Delamers — or, as they
were subsequently styled, in the Irish vernacular, MacHerberts
— possessed a single rood in the county of Westmeath. The
appellation ' Montis Fei-ruMvli,' given to the monastery and
"village, is doubtless a euphonious latinizing of the primitive
Celtic word, and must have been invented by the first guardian
of the convent, in his correspondence -with the general of our
order in Italy.
" The' site which Delamer chose for this monastery, was
admirably suited to the contemplative life of its inmates ; for it
was in low ground, at a considerable distance from the village,
away from frequented thoroughfares, and in the vicinity of the
lake of Derreghvera, through which the sweet Inny flows to
join the Shannon. In fact, there is only one road by which the
place can be approached — the great, highway leading from
Mullingar to Longford. The monastery itself was very spacious,
capable of affording accommodation to a large number of friars, ¦
ha-ving all requisite appurtenances, such as cloisters, refectory,
dormitory, guest-house, library, and chapter-room. The church,
which is still surmounted by a graceful belfry, was of exquisite
architecture, and amply furnished "with all requirements for its
sacred purposes. The groined ceilings, panelled choir, and
richly-carved altars, bore ample testimony to the devotion of
the lordly Delamer and his posterity, who for many centuries
were our unfailing benefactors ; and, indeed, I may justly style
them such, for not satisfied with building the church and con
vent, they endowed the latter "with many acres of rich land,
and empowered our friars to erect mills and weirs on the Gain.
Thus did the Delamers* pro"vide for the wants of the com
munity ; and) in return for such bountiful munificence, the
friars of Multifernan prayed for the souls of their illustrious
• The last Irishman -who held the high office of Diffinitor-general of
the Franciscan order was Francis De la Mer, A.D. 1725.

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 39
patrons, preserved their tombs from decay, and took special
care to guard against all accident the beautiful south-eastern
"window of the church, once all ablaze "with their armorial cog
nizance. " In progress of time, however, the lands which Delamer won
by the sword, lapsed to the no less illustrious family of the
Nugents, barons of Del"vin, who, like their predecessors, proved
themselves constant benefactors and patrons of the friars of
Multifernan. How many instances could I give you of the
fostering protection which the Nugents bestowed on that con
vent ! At the time when Henry VIII. decreed the dissolution
of the Irish monasteries — especially those in the English Pale
— Multifernan, "with all its appurtenances, was granted to
Edward Field, Patrick Clynch, and Philip Penteney, at a fine
of eighty pounds, and the annual rent of four shillings Irish.
Yet, notwithstanding this sacrilegious alienation of our vener
able- house, the friars were not disturbed ; for, owing to the
interposition of the barons of Delvin, they still continued to
retain possession of the church and monastery. In fact, the
Nugents were so devoted to our order, that they always con
trived to purchase the monastery and church from the grantees,
as they were styled ; who cared far more for a round sum of
money than they did for the dispersion of a poor community,
or the few acres which they cultivated. The fidelity of the
Nugents to the English government in the reign of Elizabeth,
enabled them to extend protection to the inmates of Multifer
nan ; and although the monastery was frequently garrisoned
by English troops, during the war between O'Neill and that
queen, it sustained little or no injury from such visiters.
Seven years before Elizabeth's decease, James Nugent, of
Donore, died, seised in fee of the manor of Multifernan; and in
the succeeding reign, his son Richard purchased the monastery
from alderman Jans of Dublin, to whom it was granted by
James the First. This Richard,* who died in 1615, and was
buried in the ancestral tomb in Multifernan, was a great bene
factor of our order ; for, not satisfied "with repairing the church
and monastery, he bestowed additional grants of land, and
several costly pieces of altar-plate, on our community. His
son Andrew, who succeeded him, was a worthy representative
of a sire whose memory shall never perish, if my poor words
can transmit it to posterity.
" Let me now relate to you what I myself "witnessed during
? See Appendix G.

40 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
my novitiate in Multifeman. In October, 1601, a strong
detachment of English soldiers, commanded by Francis Shane,
was sent from Dublin by Charles Blount, the then deputy, "with
instructions to pillage the monastery, and seize the friars. On
their march, and "within bowshot of the convent, they arrested
Richard Brady, bishop of Kilmore, a member of our order ;
Father John Gray, the provincial ; Father James Hayn ; and
Bernard Moriarty, dean of Ardagh. On entering the convent,
they seized father Nehemias Gray, the guardian, together -with
five or six other members of the brotherhood; it was then dark
night, and we were returning from the church to our cells,
when we found ourselves in the hands of the soldiers. In the
confusion, some of the friars escaped out of the convent, and
sought refuge in the neighbouring woods. As for the bishop,
Shane sent him and some others under escort to the castle of
Ballimore on Loughshodie, some twelve miles south-west of
Mullingar ; while I, the guardian, and a few other members of
the community, were detained prisoners in the monastery.
Thus were we kept for two days. Shane, indeed, hoped to light
on some rich treasure in our poor house, but he was disappointed;
for, after searching the entire edifice, he could find nothing save
a goodly store of provisions, which was sent to the monastery
by the nobility and gentry, who were wont to come thither on
the feast of St. Francis, then nigh at hand. This was an old
usage in that place, as there were no inns in the neighbourhood.
In the meantime, while the soldiers were making merry on the
good cheer, never intended for them, I contrived to effect the
escape of the guardian and some others ; and, indeed, I too
might have got off, had I so willed it, but as it was within two
days of the time appointed for making my religious profession,
I preferred remaining in custody, knowing right well that Shane
would send me to the castle on Loughshodie, where the pro
vincial was confined. On the expiration of the second day,
Shane ordered me and a lay-brother out of the convent, and
setting us on horses, sent us prisoners to Ballimore. Alas, I
never will forget the horrors of that day ; for we had gone
hardly a mile when Shane came galloping up, and commanding
us to halt, directed our attention to a mass of fire and smoke
clearly visible in the distance, exclaiming at the same time,
¦with fiendish malevolence : ' Vile poltroohs ! see how I have
burnt your monastery to the ground.' Thus, on the 3rd of
October, 1601, did that inhuman monster give our venerable
house of Multifeman to the flames.
" With a heavy heart we held on our way to the castle of

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 41
Ballimore ; and as we rode along, Shane, who did not venture
to do me personal harm, waxing jocose, began to banter me
about the habit I wore. ' You,' said he, ' have been a soldier,
and you ought to be ashamed of that papistic dress. Cast it
off; I don't ask you to abjure your popery ; but come and take
ser^vice under our queen, and you may be certain that you will
not be forgotten when Blount, our puissant deputy, has crushed
O'Neill and O'Donnell. The broad lands of those base traitors
shall soon be given to her majesty's true lieges ; and, assuredly,
fingers like yours were better employed with sword or match
lock than fumbling a rosary.'
" Little did I heed the ribaldry of the profane soldier ; and
weary as was the road to the castle of Ballimore, it seemed
light and pleasant when I reflected that it led to the crowning
of my most cherished aspirations. At length we reached out'
journey's end, and I had the happiness of finding myself face
to face with the bishop of Kilmore, the guardian of Multifeman,
father Bernard Moriarty, and some other members of our com
munity. They all were astonished at seeing me, for they knew
that I could have escaped from the convent had I wished to do
so ; but when I explained to them the motives which induced
me to remain a prisoner in Shane's hands, nothing could exceed
the joy which each of them e^vinced. ' Ydu know, dear father,'
said I to the pro^vincial, ' that the term of my novitiate expires
to-day, and that I desire nothing so much on this earth as to
be enrolled a poor and humble disciple of St. Francis. If,
therefore, you deem me worthy of such an honour, permit me
this instant to make my profession.'
" ' What I' said the venerable bishop, from whose aged eyes
the tears streamed fast and hot, ' are you prepared to renounce
your liberty for the poor habit of our order 1 do you consent
to forego the enjoyments of a secular career for a life of penance
and mortification ? You told us that the man into whose
power we have fallen has promised you much, provided you
would divest yourself of the habit, and betake you to your old
profession of arms. Ponder, therefore, what you should do,
lest, perhaps, you might one day repent of your precipitancy.'
" ' Most reverend father,' I replied, ' nothing can shake or
alter my firm resolution. I have long yearned for this day ;
and if it be not presumptuous in one unlettered as I am to
make the reflection, I would humbly submit that all the calam
ities which have overtaken us of late should be regarded as so
many stumbling-blocks cast by Satan across my path, to divert
me from the goal for which I have been struggling.'

42 THE RISE 'and FALL OP THE
" ' Enough, enough,' replied the bishop ; ' your desire shall
be satisfied ; and may heaven help you on the rugged road you
have chosen !'
" I then threw myself on my knees at the pro"vinciars feet,
and in the dim light of the prison-chamber made my profession,
and was duly received into the order of St. Francis. Never,
never shall I forget the joy I felt on that day ; never while I
live shall the recollection of that hour fade from my memory.
Countless are the splendid functions I have witnessed since
then here in Louvain and in Brussels ; but I doubt much if
any of them all could equal the solemn rite of my profession
in that castle of Loughshodie. Realize it to your imagination,
dear brother ; picture to yourself a young man, in the pleni
tude of his strength, kneeling at the feet of an aged bishop and
his pro"vincial, both captives for their loyalty to God and the
faith of their fathers ; and there, in the gloom of that dungeon,
pronouncing with unfaltering tongue those irrevocable vows
which consecrated him the liege servant of God, and doomed
him to the persecution of ruthless laws.
" The recollection of that crowning moment of my life has
made me digress. So let me now relate how it fared "with
myself and fellow-captives, soon after my profession. Young
and vigorous as I was, it was only natural that I should think
of effecting my escape from the castle of Ballimore ; and I ac
cordingly took counsel with father JBernard Moriarty, to whom
I communicated the various projects which presented themselves
to my mind. He and I were lodged in the same tower every
night ; and our jailors, acting more from caprice than system,
occasionally secured us with a ponderous iron chain. It oc
curred to me, then, that we should bide Our time, and break
prison ^ome night when our limbs were unshackled ; but on
proposing this idea to my fellow-sufferer, he would not enter
tain it. I next bethough-t me that we might watcli our oppor
tunity when the soldiers where out exercising ; bolt the gates
against them, and hold the castle till such time as either of the
native princes, O'Neill or O'Donnell, then in arms, would send
troops to our rescue. This expedient seemed to me very feasible ;
but, after a careful scrutiny of the premises, I discovered that
we had not as much gunpowder or food as would enable us to
maintain ourselves in the place for four days. Then again it oc
curred to me that such a proceeding would necessarily be attended
with bloodshed ; and as my conscience rebuked me for enter
taining so hazardous a scheme, I resolved to abandon it. At
length I found a quantity of tow, of which the soldiers used to

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN .IRELAND. 43
make matches for their arquebuses and the falconets mounted
on the ramparts ; and I immediately set about twisting it into
a rope, by which I might, whenever a favourable moment
appeared, let myself do"wn from the -window of the tower into
the ditch of the castle, and thus regain my liberty. It was
idle to think that father Moriarty would adopt my plan, and I
therefore did not impart it to him. At last the long-"wished-for
night came ; and commending my soul to God and St. Francis,
I fastened one end of the rope to an iron stanchion of the win
dow, and gradually lowered myself till I was "within ten or
twelve feet of the ditch. At this critical moment the strain on
the rope caused it to break, and I fell into the ditch, receiving
in my rapid descent some trifling bruises from the projecting
waU. Fortunately for me the ditch was full of water, which
reached above my chest ; and still more fortunately the ward
on the castle-tower was quite unconscious of what was passing.
Nevertheless, I had hardly cleared the ditch when I saw the
shado"wy figures of the soldiers running hither and thither in
the little camp outside the castle, "with blazing torches in their
hands, as if alarmed by an unexpected onfall. There was no
time to be lost : so, ner"ving myself for the worst, I made what
haste I could ; and, although not very well acquainted "with the
locality, I walked fully ten miles that night, tiU I reached the
house of a friend, who gave me shelter and cordial welcome.
Thus was God pleased to deliver me from that stronghold of
Ballimore. "Almost immediately after my escape, Shane resolved to
send his remaining prisoners to Dublin castle, for he thought
that the Irish princes, O'Neill and O'Donnell, would attempt
their rescue. However, as the bishop was far advanced in
years, and very feeble, Shane allowed him to take up his abode
in the house of a Catholic nobleman, li"ving in the neighbour
hood, who pledged his honour that the prelate would present
himself to the English authorities in Dublin at the close of
-winter. The bishop was faithful to his engagement ; for he set
out for the metropolis about the end of March, and on his
arrival "was thro"wn into prison, where he remained till the
summer of 1602, when his friends effected his enlargement by
paying a hea"vy fine.
"As to the other prisoners, among whom was my friend
father Bernard Moriarty, they were sent under a strong escort
to Dublin ; but no sooner had they reached the neighbourhood
of Multifeman, than they were met by Walter Nugent, standard-
bearer to the baron of Del"vin, who commanded a company of

44 THE RISE AND FALL OP THE
thirty soldiers in the queen's pay. This valiant young officer
demanded the release of the prisoners ; but when that was
refused, he and his men attacked the escort, and eventually
succeeded in liberating the friars. Unfortunately, however,
two other companies of the queen's troops, on hearing, the
musketry, came speedily to the scene of action, and overpowered
Walter Nugent's detachment, sis of whom lost their lives in the
skirmish. The friars were then sent on to the prison of Dublin
castle. As for my friend Moriarty, he received a gunshot wound,
which fractured both his thighs ; and after lingering a short time
in intense agony in a dungeon, where they refused him bed,
medical attendance, or any other comfort, he finally surrendered
his pure soul to God, and was buried in the cemetery of St.
James, outside the city wall. Thus terminated the career of
this venerable priest, who, in my opinion, deserves to be styled
a martyr. He was profoundly versed in civil and canon law,
and distinguished himself by his acquirements, when a mere
stripling, in Spain. He was dean of Ardagh, archdeacon of
Clonmacnoise ; and when Matthew de O-viedo succeeded to the
archbishopric of Dublin, he appointed my lamented friend his
-vicar-general. " Meanwhile the pro"vincial and another priest remained in
custody, and I need hardly tell you that I spared no effort to
obtain their enlargement. My exertions were finally cro"wned
"with success ; for, on representing the matter to the princes
O'Neill and MacMahon, they "wilUngly exchanged two English
prisoners of war, then in their hands, for my two reverend
confreres. " Elated by this favourable tum in our affairs, I assembled
as many of our friars as had survived such a sad series of
calamities, and exhorted them to join me in re-establishing our
selves in Multifernan. They one and all adopted my "views ;
and owing to our untiring efforts, we contrived to erect, before
the festival of the Nati-vity, 1601, a small dwelling-house "within
the ruins of our burnt monastery. In the following year, how
ever, father Nehemias Gray, our guardian, resolved to repair,
as far as he could, the church and the monastery; and he there
fore procured a large quantity of timber from the barony of
Garrycastle, in order to roof one of the chapels and a portion
of the ancient dwelling house. The undertaking prospered
beyond our expectations ; but scarcely were the partial restor
ations completed, when a body of English troops, commanded
by Francis Rochfort, came suddenly upon us, and mercilessly
burnt do"wn every inch of the work on which we had expended

PRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 45
SO much toil. As for the friars, some saved themselves by
flight, and others were earned off to Dublin, where they were
thro"wn into prison. The bishop of Kilmore was among those
whom Rochfort arrested on that occasion; but as he was
decrepid, and unable to walk or stand, they flung him into a
brake of briars, and there left him, as they thought, dead.
Not"withstanding this second demolition of our poor house, the
friars returned to Multifernan as soon as they were released
from prison ; and even now, despite unrelenting persecution,
we have there a community of eighteen, including lay-brothers,
who reside in cabins which they raised "within our ancient pre
cincts. " Lest, however, their names or memories should be forgotten,
I would have you know that, of all oiu' enemies, none were more
cruel than sir Dudley Loftus, sir Richard Grear, Patrick Fox,
high sheriff of Westmeath, and sir Oliver Lambert, formerly
president of Connaught. As for Loftus, he came accompanied
by the said Grear to Multifeman, and carried off five of our
brethren to Dublin; where, after being detained in custody
eighteen months, they were ultimately released, on pledging
themselves to appear whenever it pleased the authorities to
summon them. This occurred, as well as I remember, in 1607.
In 1613, Fox came stealthily on bur poor friars, and arrested,
among others, father Bernard Gray, who, after a year's imprison
ment, was suffered to seek refuge in France, where he died of
disease contracted in the dungeon of Dublin castle. In the
following year, sir Oliver Lambert came "with a company of
soldiers to Multifernan, seized the few friars he found there,
and committed them prisoners to the jail of Mullingar. Never
theless, as I said before, Multifernan has never lacked a com
munity of Franciscans, for whose maintenance we are mainly
indebted to the illustrious house of Nugent, and the unfailing
charity of the Catholics residing in the neighbourhood and
throughout Westmeath.
" But as these reminiscences of Multifeman would be imper
fect without some notice of the most distinguished members of
our order, whose society and friendship it was my happiness to
enjoy there, I ¦will now furnish you ¦with a few particulars
which I think deserve to be recorded. Let me, therefore, begin
¦with Richard Brady, bishop of Kilmore, whose virtues and suf
ferings should never be forgotten by the future historian of our
calamitous times.
" That illustrious individual sprang from the noble house of
his name, which, for many an age, ruled with princely sway in

46 THE EISE AND PALL OF THE
Breffny-O'Reilly. At a very early period of his life he distin
guished himself as a jurist, for indeed he was profoundly versed
in the canon and civil law. Family influence and talents such
as his would, doubtless, have raised him to eminence had he
chosen a secular career; but, caring little for the fame or fortune
which he might have won so easily in the senate or in the forum,
he renounced the world, and took our poor habit in the convent
of Cavan. His piety, learning, and prudence were the theme of
every tongue ; and although he never left Ireland or sought for
himself any dignity, the supreme pontiff promoted him to the
bishopric of Ardagh, on the 23rd of January, 1576. , Resigning
that diocese, he was translated to the see of Kilmore, and held
the office of vice-primate after the death of Raymond O'Gallagher,
bishop of Derry, who was slain by the English in 1601. It
may not be superfluous to inform you, that during the vacancy
of tlie- see of Armagh, or the absence of its metropolitan, the
office of mce-primate has, according to immemorial custom, de
volved on the senior suflxagan of the pro-vince. Thus, O'Gallagher
succeeded to that dignity when Edmund MacGauran fell in an
action fought -by M'Guire, prince of Fermanagh, against the
troops commanded by Bingham, president of Connaught ; and
when the bishop of Kilmore departed this Kfe, Cornelius
O'Deveny, the martyred bishop of Do-wn and Connor, filled the
vacant place. I have deemed it necessary to make these remarks
lest such a venerable usage should ever be forgotten. Now let me
resume my narrative of our bishop's life. He dwelt constantly
in Multifernan, and never left it, except on the business of his
diocese, when he always preferred such accommodation as he
could find in some house of our order to the comforts and hos
pitality which he might have received from the Catholic nobility
and gentry. During his residence among us, he invariably wore
the habit, partook of such fare as our poor refectory afforded,
and never dined apart from the common table of the friars, ex
cept when strangers were entertained in the guest-house. His
entire retinue consisted of his confessor, chaplain, and two boys,
who attended him when saying Mass. I had frequent oppor
tunities of "witnessing the austerities he practised; and can
vouch that Franciscan never lived who took greater delight in
obeying the rigid ordinances of our holy founder. Even when
broken do"wn by old age and infirmities, he could not be induced
to wear a coarse linen shirt ; and, despite all remonstrances of
our friars, he rejected any little luxuries we could procure for
him, graciously thanking those who offered them, and saying,
at the same time, that he had chosen a life of mortification, and

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 47
would die as he had lived. He, as I have already told you, was
arrested three times by the English authorities, who, on two
occasions, set him at large on payment of a hea-vy fine ; but on
the last they tore the habit off his aged person, and left him for
dead in a thicket. Towards the close of his days he resigned
the see of Kilmore, and finally departed this life, September,
1607. In compliance with his wishes, we interred him in the
usual burial place of the friars, that is [to say, in the cloister,
and right under the door leading to the church.
"Another remarkable personage who entered our community
of Multifernan, about the time of the bishop's decease, was
Andrew Nugent, a member of the illustrious house to whom we
owe so much. This gentleman was for a long time anxious to
take our poor habit ; but, as he was married, he could not be
received till his wife died. On her decease, however, he entei-ed
as a lay-brother ; and, during the five or six years he sur-vived,
he was an exemplar of every "virtue that might be expected from
a sincere follower of St. Francis. Ha"ving completed his seven
tieth year, he died in 1614, and was buried "with his brethren.
"A few of my old confreres are still living, after having
passed through the fiery ordeal of persecution. Among them is
father James Hayn, who, when a very young man, was sent by
Gregory XIII. "with a consecrated banner to James Fitzmaurice,
when he entered on that campaign in which he laid do"wn his
life for religion and country. This reverend father, now in his
ninetieth year, was among those arrested by Shane at the first
burning of Multifeman. At a subsequent period, when Rochfort
invaded our precincts, father Hayn received three severe wounds,
and was committed to a dark cell in the castle of Dublin.
0"wing to the humanity of a fellow-prisoner, he recovered and
was finally set at large. He is now living at Multifernan.
Father John Gray, whom I m.entioned before, was again arrested
in 1608, together "with the baron of Delvin, on a charge of having
aided the flight of the princes O'Neill and O'Donnell. As soon,
liowever, as the baron cleared himself of complicity in that
transaction, father Gray was dismissed, and suffered to pass the
remainder of his days in the neighbourhood of Multifernan.
"Two others are still in prison, namely, father Charles Crassan
and father Didacus Conry, who were arrested by Daniel, the
king's archbishop of Tuam, in 1617, when questing alms for
their brethren of Multifeman. I have now detailed to you all
that I know of that venerable monastery, where persecution
raged against us, and where our brethren comported themselves
with heroic fidelity that should never be forgotten. Let me

48 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
add that father Maurice Ultan is at present guardian of the
community." Neither should I omit mentioning that sir Arthur Chichester,
in a letter to lord Salisbury, dated, "Dublin, Uth May, 1610,"
speaks of Multifernan, and of our late venerable provincial,
O'MuUarkey,* who was chaplain to the unfortunate sir Cahir
O'Doherty, in that memorable year, and disarmed the English
caj)tain who strove to arrest him : —
" A priest and a friar were the late traitor O'Doherty's chief
counsellors in betraying Derry, Culmore, and Doe Castle. One
of them they lately apprehended, by disguising themselves, as
he was saying Mass, at Multifamham ; and as they were carry
ing him before a justice of the peace, the country rose upon
them and rescued him from the parties employed, and hurt them,
not-withstanding they showed them his (Chichester's) warrant,
and told them he was a proclaimed traitor. By this," concludes
the blood-boltered deputy, " you may perceive their boldness
and what hope they have to restrain them other than the sword; -
for, put all these offenders and the friar himself (if they had
him) to be tried by a jury, they will acquit him." O'MuUarkey,
thank heaven, escaped to Spain, where he wrote an account of
O'Doherty's ill-starred uprising. I believe that the work is still
in manuscript.

CHAPTER V.
MONASTERIES OF KILCREA AND TIMOLEAGUE.
Church and Monastery of Kilcrea — Its beautiful Site and Architecture —
The Tomb of MacCarthy of Muskerry — The Church and Monastery
plundered in 1.584 — Again in 1599 - Fathers MacCarthy and O'SuUivan
¦ — Church and Monastery of Timoleague — Plundered and damaged by
English soldiers, -who are cut to pieces by O'SuUivan, prince of Bear — •
Lyons, Protestant Bishop of Cork, dilapidates Timoleague — Persecutes
the Catholics.
" None of our Munster monasteries," resumed the provincial,
" were more famous than those of Kilcrea and Timoleague ; and
having made a pilgrimage to both, some years ago, I took good
care to collect every particular relating to their foundation and
fall. Centuries hence, the notices I now give you may help to
throw light on a dark and tempestuous period of our history ;
and I would fain persuade myself, should it please God to restore
those sanctuaries to their rightful owners, that you and I shall
* See " Flight of the Earls," second edition, page 302.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 49
not be forgotten when the altars have been re-erected, and matin
and vesper song resounds as of old, in choir, chancel, and cloister,
now, alas, desecrated by art-destroying heretics."
"The memorabilia you are gi"ving me," observed father
Purcell, " make a goodly volume ; and who knows but it may
yet fall into the hands of some one who "will turn it to account,
and make future generations familiar with the "vicissitudes of
our venerable houses."
" Doubtless," replied the provincial; "and you may be assured
that a time "wiU come — be the fate of our houses what it may —
when the historian and antiquarian will thank us for ha"ving
saved even fragments of our monastic records from obli"vion.
I would fain persuade myself that the, Irish Franciscan monas
teries "will yet revert to the uses for which they were founded ;
but even though that wish never may be gratified, and those
venerable piles should totter into shapeless ruin, rank weeds
gro"wing out of their altars, mournful ivy clothing their mullions,
gables, corbels, and bell-towers ; no tenant in their chancels,
cloisters, or choirs, save the skulking wolf and the screeching
owl — even so, you and I shall not have laboured in vain ; for
the volume we leave behind us will tell generations yet to come
what those monasteries were in the days of their splendour ;
what pious munificence founded them ; what saints, sages, and
warriors Ke buried in their vaults ; and, alas that I should have
lived to -witness it, what unparalleled sacrilege desecrated their
shrines, and drove their pious inmates houseless and homeless
on the world. You and I have reason to be thankful for the
hospitality we have received in a foreign clime ; and, indeed, we
would be ingrates if we omitted to record that Albert and
Isabella pro"vided shelter for Irish friars, when king James, the
degenerate son of a truly Catholic mother — true even to the
death — banned and persecuted them, as though they were the
opprobrium of mankind.
" I "will now relate to you all that I have learnt concerning
the monasteries of Kilcrea and Timoleague, and let me com
mence with the former. Of all the Irish princes, none ruled
¦with kingHer sway than did the MacCarthy.s, lords of Muskerry.
Their martial prowess was famed in the songs of bards, their
lineage was traced to progenitors who sailed with MUesius from
Spain to Deland, and their strong castles studded the banks of
the Bandon from Knocknanavon to Kinsale. Nor were they
less famed for their piety and devotedness to our holy founder,
St. Francis, as Kilcrea, even in its rains, will testify to future
ages. The founder of that venera'ble house was Cormac Mac-

50 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
Carthy, lord of Muskerry, who erected it, under the invocation,
of St. Brigid, for Franciscans, A.D. 1465. The site selected
for the monastery was very beautiful, away from the tumult of
the world and close to the sweet river Bride. The church was
admirably constructed of the finest materials, and nothing could
excel the exquisite workmanship of the nave and choir, from
which springs a graceful bell-tower of considerable height. Rich
marbles, finely-turned "windows, and a beautiful arcade forming
one side of a chapel, still show that Cormac, lord of Muskerry,
was a man gifted with a high appreciation of art, and, as I
have already said, with true devotedness to our order. In the
chancel, and close to the grand altar, he caused a tomb to be
constructed for himself, and he was interred there in 1495,
ha"ving been slain by his 0"wn brother and nephews. The same
tomb contains the mortal remains of many of his race, all of ¦
whom were distinguished for their martial prowess, but none
more so than his son, Cormac, who defeated the Geral dines in
the celebrated battle fought near the abbey of Moume. The
inscription on the founder's tomb is worth preserving, and runs
thus : — 'Hie Jacet Cormac, Filius Thadei, F. Cormac, F. Dermitii
magni MacCarthy Dominus de Musgraige, ac istius conventus
primus fundator. A.D. 1495.' The Barrets, and many other
noble families, selected Kilcrea as their burial-place, and their
tombs are still there ; for they spared no effort to preserve the
sacred edifice from the ravages of the English troops during the
wars "with the Geraldines and the Ulster princes. The entire
of the buildings, including the monastery, which is of no con
siderable magnitude, is to this day in very good condition, and
lacks nothing but friars, who are not allowed to inhabit their
ancient abode, since Dermot MacCarthy, who basely abjured the
religion of his glorious progenitors, had a grant, of -the place
from sir Arthur Chichester, lord deputy, on condition that he
would not suffer the Franciscans to return, or let his lands to
any but Protestants. Nevertheless, some of our friars live
among the people in the neighbourhood, and are supported by
the bounty of the Barrets and others, who, as I have already
said, are very anxious to preserve the monastery and its church
from dilapidation. "Whilst I was at Kilcrea, the particulars I
am now about to give you were related to me by trustworthy
persons, and I am sure that you will think them worth re
cording. "In 1584 — the year after O'Moriarty had compassed the
cruel murder of the great earl of Desmond — a company of English
soldiers, marauding through the district, entered the monastery

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 51
and church of Kilcrea, intent on plunder. Those miscreants,
unawed by the sanctity of the place, demolished the statues and
paintings, and laid their sacrilegious hands on the sacred utensils.
At that time, the church possessed a beautiful representation of
the crucifixion, a rare work of art, indeed ; for at each extremity
of the cross there was a beautiful medallion of the evangelists,
exquisitely "wrought in gold and silver. Stimulated by a desire
to seize the precious metal, the soldiers began to quarrel among
themselves, and in this brawl they turned their swords against
each other's breasts, till two of them fell mortally wounded, one
of them dying that very night, and the other the next morning.
The gold and silver glutted the impious greed of the sur"vivors,
and that noble work of art was lost to the convent for ever.
"In 1599, when the lord deputy Essex marched against the
remnant of the Geraldines, Kilcrea was again invaded by English
soldiers, who scared away the friars, and kiUed father Mathew
O'Leyn, at the very moment he was endeavouring to effect his ¦
- escape by fording the Bride. He was a man remarkable for the
holiness of his life, and had then entered on his sixty-seventh year.
" Nor should I omit mentioning a very remarkable member
of this convent, whose history deserves special notice. The
person to whom I allude was Felix MacCarthy, who, during the
Geraldine war, distinguished himself by his charity and hospi
tality to all, friends as well as foes. One day, ha"ving an alter
cation "with his brother, Felix allowed himself to be carried
away by passion, and in his fury stabbed the unfortunate youth
to death. Overwhelmed "with remorse, he resolved to renomice
the world; and ha"ving obtained a dispensation from the in-egu-
larity, he earnestly begged, and fimally received, the habit of
our order, thenceforth devoting himself entirely to the ser"vice
of God.* He subsequently was ordained priest, and living to a
great old age, all the nerves of his fingers, those of the index
and thuinb of either hand excepted, became so paralyzed, that
he could make no use of them. His brethren of Kilcrea, how
ever, and indeed every one else, regarded this as a singular
manifestation of God's mercy, since he allowed this devout
penitent the use of the four fingers which are employed at the
holy sacrifice of the Mass.
"Another highly-gifted member of the brotherhood of Kil
crea, was father Thaddeus O'SulHvan, whose powers as a preacher
won him fame in every region of Ireland. During the terrible
* An incident and expiation of similar character -wiU be in the memory
of those who have read Manzoni's " Promessi Sposi."

52 THE EISE AND PALL OF THE
commotions attending the wars of the great earl of Desmond,
this venerable priest was wont to follow the Irish troops into
the woods, where great licentiousness prevailed; and, indeed,
his eloquent exhortations not only kept alive the faith in
the souls of those who heard him, but prevented many a bloody
deed in those disastrous times. During one of his charitable
missions he fell sick and died, and the people who loved him so
well would fain convey his corpse to the monastery of Kilcrea.
This, however, was a dangerous undertaking; for at that time all
Munster was garrisoned by the English troops, and the people
ran risk of death if they appeared abroad in daylight. At
length some who were thoroughly acquainted -with the by-roads
resolved to place the remains on a horse, and set out after night
fall for the monastery; but losing their way in the darkness,
they were about to retrace their steps, when one of the party
said, 'Let us leave the horse to himself, and he "will certainly
carry his burden to its destination.' Adopting this suggestion,
they followed the horse all that night, and next morning they
found themselves "within the precincts of the monastery, where
the remains of father O'SulIivaii were interred in the cloister at
the door of the chapter-room, December, 1597. This venerable
father of our monastery of Kilcrea had very many escapes from
the English during the Munster wars; and if his memory re
quired any further commendation, it would suffice to state that
he was the bosom friend of MacCraghe, bishop of Cork, who
consulted him on all matters of importance, and was always
guided by his comisels. I have nothing further to add to this
brief account of that venerable monastery; so let us now talk
of Timoleague.
" That "village is situated in the barony of Barryroe, in the
county of Cork, and close to a little harbour formerly much
frequented by Spaniards, who can-ied on a considerable trade
"^vith the Irish, taking in exchange for their rich "wines, hides,
fish, wool, linen cloth, skins of squirrels, and other' native
products. I have not ascertained exactly by whom the convent
was foimded, for some assert that it was erected by WilKam
Barry, while others maintain, and perhaps with good reason,
that we are indebted for it to the pious munificence of Daniel
MacCarthy, prince of Carbery. Be that as it may, there can he
little doubt that the actual convent was buUt about the year
1320, on the site of an ancient house once inhabited by St.
Mologa, from whom the surrounding district takes its name.
The church was, indeed, a splendid edifice; ha"ving a spacious
choir, aisle, lateral wing, and magnificent bell-tower — a remark-

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN IRELAND. 53
able feature in all ov/r Irish churches — rising to a height of nigh
seventy feet. The cloister was very beautiful; square, richly
arcaded, and covered "with a platform, on which there was a
suite of apartments, comprising chapter-room, refectory, and the
guardian's ample chamber. Along -with these the convent had
its dormitory, kitchen, cellars, and other appurtenances, which
made it one of the noblest houses of our order in Ireland. In
the choir of the church is the tomb of Donald MacCarthy, who
is supposed to have been the founder; and there yet remain
many other monuments of the O'Donovans, O'Heas, and De
Courceys, lords of Kinsale. One of that noble faniily, Edmund,
bishop of Ross, a member of our brotherhood, was a great bene
factor to the church and convent; for, owing to the munificence
of his nephew, James, lord Kinsale, he rebuilt the bell-tower,
dormitory, infirmary, and library ; and at his death, which
occurred in 1518, he bequeathed to us many valuable legacies
of altar-plate and books. He, -with many of his ancestors, is
interred in the church of Timoleague.
" 'Wlen I "visited the place, the entire edifice was still stand
ing, though sadly in need of repairs ; for, indeed, it had suffered
much from the ruthless vandalism of the English soldiers, and
also from the sacrilegious rapacity of William Lyons, heretic
bishop of Cork, and one Hanmer, an Anglican minister, of
whom I "will have occasion to speak hereafter.
" During the late war, a body of English soldiers, consisting
of a hundred infantry and fifty horse, halted before Timoleague,
and, entering the church, began to destroy the beautiful
stained-glass "windows, and the various pictures about the altar,
not"withstanding the entreaties of the people, who strove to
dissuade them. It so happened that the carpenter whom our
friars employed to look after the repairs of the sacred edifice,
was present on this occasion, and, seeing the impiety of those
creedless cut-throats, he addressed himself to our holy founder
thus : ' St. Francis, in whose honour this house was built, I
know that thou art all-powerful "with God, and canst obtain
from him whatsoever thou askest : now, I solemnly swear, that
I "will never do another day's work in this monastery, if thou
dost not take speedy vengeance on those sacrilegious wretches
who have desecrated thy holy place.' And, indeed, it would
appear that the poor man's prayer was soon heard; for,. on th^
follo"wing day, when the soldiers had struck their tents, after
doing such serious damage to the church and monastery, they
were encountered by Daniel O'SuUivan, prince of Bear, who,
¦with the small force then under his command, fell upon them.

54 THE EISE AND FALL OP THE
and cut them to pieces. Of their entire number only one
escaped.* " The Anglican minister whom I mentioned, destroyed the
dormitory in 1596 ; for he came in a small vessel to Timoleague,
in order to procure timber for a house which he was building
near Cork ; and ha"ving learned that the friars' cells were wain
scoted "with oak, elaborately carved, he pulled asunder the rich
woodwork, and placed it aboard- the vessel. But his sacrilege
was duly avenged ; for the ship had hardly put to sea when a
gale sprang up, and sent it "with its freight to the bottom.
" Lyons, the heretic bishop, as I have abeady told you, was
an unrelenting enemy to om' convent of Timoleague, and never
spared that beautiful house, when he required building materials.
In 1590, ha-ving commenced building a mill, he and his retainers
made a descent on the mill belonging to owe friars, which stood
on the Arrighideen, and carried off the cut stones and machinery,
which he re-erected in his o"wn neighbourhood. Soon after
wards, however, an inundation swept away all his work ; and
many who ¦witnessed the fact attributed it to the indignation of
heaven. " Many and many a heartrending tale could I relate to you
of Lyons's implacable hatred to the Catholics, and our poor
friars in particular. In 1595 he was appointed a commissioner
to outroot the Irish population from their homesteads in Mun
ster, and plant English in their pleasant fields. How any man,
and particularly one calling himself a Christian bishop, could
undertake such a work, appears unintelligible ; but, assm-edly,
a fitter instrument could not have been chosen by queen
Elizabeth than that remorseless tyrant. Even in his extreme
old age he persecuted the Catholics with fire and sword ; and it
was not till he felt the hand of God hea-vy upon him that he
desisted, as -will appear from what I am going to tell you. On
the Christmas-eve of 1612, word was brought him that the
people all round Timoleague were to assemble in the convent
to assist at midnight Mass ; and no sooner was he made aware
of this than he resolved to set out, attended by a posse of
ruffians who usually accompanied him, to disperse the friars
and congregation. Hardly, however, was he outside Cork
when he was seized with a sudden illness, which so alarmed his
companions that they besought him to return home. Heedless
of their remonstrances he alighted from his horse, and wrapping
himself in warmer -clothing, mounted again, intent on his
* See Appendix H.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 55
bloody mission. God, however, baffled him ; for, a few hours
afterwards, the intensity of the pain compelled him to retrace
his steps to Cork. Ever since then, for he is still living, he has
become somewhat forbearing. Let me not forget to mention,
that among those who await the resurrection within the hallowed
precincts of Timoleague, lies Eugene MacEgan, bishop-elect of
Ross, who, when acting as chaplain to the Catholic troops com
manded by Daniel O'SuUivan, in 1602, was mortally wounded
by the English, and died on the field of battle. He, in sooth,
was a man of great promise, having been educated in Rome,
whence he had just then returned. O'SulHvan and the sept of
the MacCarthys had his remains conveyed to Timoleague, where
they buried hrm in the cloister, just at the north-western angle,
and under a little cross which they set in the wall to mark the
resting-place of one who was faithful to his God and country.
Such are the few memorabilia that I have gathered concerning
Kilcrea and Timoleague, and I trust that they will be of use
ages after you and I shall have passed away."

CHAPTER VI.
FEANCISCAN CONVENTS OP MOYNE, ROSSERRICK, AND
KILCONNELL.
" The Franciscan monasteries of the west of Ireland, and par
ticularly those of Moyne, Rosserrick and KilconneU," resumed
the pro"vincial, " deserve to have a chapter especially devoted
to their history ; for, indeed, they once ranked among the most
famous houses of our order either at home or abroad. I "visited
each of them in the year 1606, and lost no opportunity of collecting
on the spot every incident relating to their foundation and fall.
Let us, therefore, save from obli"vion a record which, in time to
come, "will be appreciated by the pilgrim and antiquarian when
they "visit those haUowed places, now, alas, desecrated and
¦wrested from their rightful o"wners."
" I have heard," said father Purcell, " that the Franciscans
had many estabKshments in the west of Ireland ; but I thought
none of them could compare with those of Donegal, Multifernan,
Timoleague, or KUcrea ^  "
" On that head," interrapted the pro"vincial, " your judg
ment has deceived you ; for the chieftains of Connaught were
most munificent benefactors of our order ; and the churches
and monasteries which they erected for us were no"wise inferior

56 THE EISE AND FALL OP THE -
to those for which we are indebted to the piety of the native
princes of the north and south. 'The Anglo-Norman nobles of
the Pale bruit many a fair and spacious monastery for Francis
cans ; but, assuredly, their veneration for our institute could
not have been greater than that which the De Burgos, O'Kellys,
and Joyces ever e"vinced for our poor habit and rigid rule. lie
De Burgos, I admit, entered Ireland as invaders ; but in time
they became more Irish than the Irish themselves; mingling',
their blood with that of the aboriginal magnates, the O'Flahertys,
O'Dowds, and other princely families, each and all of whom
have undeniable claims to our gratitude. You have not been
in Connaught, and I greatly fear that my poor description -wUl
not enable you to realize more than a faint idea of the magnifi
cent monasteries — magnificent even in their ruins — which the
De Burgos and O'Kellys erected and endowed for us in that
pro"vince, where, until these disastrous times, they lived and
reigned -with all but kingly state. Take your pen, therefore,
and follow me while I dictate, as "well as I can, the history of
the monastery of Moyne, as I have learned it from ancient
records, and also from the lips of those who "witnessed its latest
¦vicissitudes. "In the year 1460, Nehemias O'Donoghoe, the first ^pro-
¦vincial-"vicar in Ireland of the Observantine order of St. Francis;
memorialed MacWilliam Burke to grant him a piece of land in
Tyrawley, whereon he might erect a monastery for a community
of the reformed order of Franciscans. Mac'William gave will
ing ear to the pro"vinciars prayer, and told him he was at Uberty
to elect any site he liked, "within the borders of his territory,
for the church and convent he was about to buUd. Indeed,
MacWilliam could not refuse any request coming from such a
man as the pro"vincial O'Donoghoe, for he was famed throughout
all Ireland as an eloquent preacher, and friar of most exemplary
life ; so much so, that his name is recorded with special praise
in the Booh of Adare. After examining various localities
within the Umits of MacWiUiam's principality, O'Donoghoe
pitched on a spot in the barony of Tyrawley, a short distance
from the ancient episcopal city of Killala ; and no sooner had
he made the selection, than MacWiUiam, accompanied by his
subordinate chieftains, warriors, bards, and brehons, proceeded
to lay the first stone of the new church and monastery. No
words of mine could adequately describe the beauty of the site
which the pro-vincial chose for the buildings ; let it suffice to
tell you that it was a sweet verdant plain, cro"wning a gentle
eminence, at whose foot the silvery Moy discharges its waters

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 57
into the bay of Killala, right opposite a sandy ridge, called by
the natives of the place the island of Bertragh or Bertigia.
Within an incredibly short time wUling hearts and sturdy hands
raised the church and monastery from the foundations ; and, in
"the year 1462, Donatus O'Connor, bishop of Killala, consecrated
the new church under the invocation of St. Francis. The ex
quisite beauty of the architecture of both church and monastery,
was the theme of every tongue ; and the rich display of orna
mentation in the tracery of the -windows, and the coupleted
pUlars of the cloister, even to this day, attest that the men who
executed the work were thoroughly skUled in their craft, and
enthusiastic cultivators of art in its every department. The
entire of the edifice, even to the very altars, was constructed of
oolite, or that stone so Kke marble which is composed of petrified
sea-sheUs ; and what is no less remarkable, the mortar used in
the buUding was made of burnt shells, which, as the fact proves,
is the most binding description of cement that can be found.
In sooth, it was a beautiful and spacious buUding, that most
solemn church near the mouth of the Moy ; and oh, how this
poor old heart throbs when I recall the glorious prospect which
presented itself to my eyes when first I ascended the massive
square tower, ninety feet high, that springs from the gable ends,
forming the choir and nave of that holy edifice I There was
the great Atlantic roUing its crested bUlows against the granitic
headlands ; and from the same eminence I could see the time-
worn belfry of the ancient cathedral of Killala, and that old
round tower, whose origin and use must ever remain shrouded
in mystery. Never, never shall the impressions of that splendid
prospect fade from my memory.
" As soon as the buUding of the church and monastery was
completed, MacWUHam caused the entire to be enclosed with a
strong stone waU, and he also endowed the friars ¦with some
acres of good pasturage, and empowered them to erect mUls for
grinding com, and also sundry ponds in order that they might
never want fish. Nor should I omit to mention that there is
"within the said enclosure a never-faUing spring of wholesome
limpid water, which sweeps so impetuously to the sea, that the
mills could never be idle when there was corn to be ground.
Apart from the picturesque, surely never was site more happily
chosen for a convent of our order. Ships, hea-vily laden, dis
charged their cargoes almost under the -windows of the infirmary;
and, when the tide ebbed, one might walk, dry-shod, to the
island of Bertragh. In fact there was no commodity of life
"wanting to our friars, as long as they were allowed to Uve

58 THE EISE AND FALL OP THE
peaceably in Moyne. Their gardens and orchards supplied
them with vegetables and f rait ; their ponds with fish ; the
beach with crastacea ; the island of Bertragh with succulent
rabbits ; and, as for "wine, did not the Spanish caravels come
freighted with it into the neighbouring harbour of Killala?
It has been asserted — I know not on what authority — that the
church and convent of Moyne were founded by the Barrets,
before the latter were driven out by the De Burgos ; and others
have affirmed, that father Nehemias O'Donoghoe merely took
possession of the place in obedience to a mandate of pope
Nicholas V. In my opinion, neither of these statements is
true ; and I am sustained in what I have said of the founder,
and the date of the foundation, by various ancient records,
which I have examined carefully. As for Nehemias O'Donoghoe,
his death is recorded in the Book of Adare as ha^ving occurred
in the year 1500.
" Like the monastery of Donegal, and other houses of our
institute in Ireland, Moyne possessed a valuable library, for it
was during a century and arhalf the provincial school, which all
the aspirants of our habit were wont to frequent. Hence, in
times anterior to the dissolution of the religious houses, tlie
community of Moyne never numbered less than fifty friars,
including priests, professors in the various departments of litera
ture, students, and lay-brothers.
" In the crypts of Moyne are interred many of the great
famUies of Tir-eragh and 'Tirawley, whose gorgeous monuments
I have seen in the church. The O'Dowds,* once potent lords
of the fair lands extending from the river Robe to the Codnagh,
at Drumcliff, now moulder in the vaults of Moyne, side by side
"with the De Burgos, the Barrets, and the Lynotts, whose fore
fathers came from Wales to Tirawley, in the e"vil days of Dermod
MacMurrough. Indeed, so devoted were the O'Dowds to the
order of St. Francis, that many and many a chief of that martial
race renounced the world for the austerities of Moyne, and
died there in the habit of our order. Thus, in 1538, Owen
O'Dowd, after ha"ving been thirty years chief of his name, died
a mortified brother, in that venerable monastery ; and at a
later period, another Owen O'Dowd, a chieftain far-famed for
many a warlike deed, and his "wife, Sabia, daughter of Walter
de Burgh, were interred in the same ancestral sepulchre.
" In the thirty-seventh year of the reign of queen Elizabeth,
one Edmond Barret had a grant of the monastery and all its
* See Appendix I.

PRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 59
appurtenances, to hold the same for ever, at an amiual rent of
five shillings per annum ; but when I visited the place in 1606,
I found that it was in possession of an English widow, who let
the church and a few ceUs of the monastery to six of our friars.
Be it told to the honour of the most noble Thomas de Burgh,
that he not only contributed to the maintenance of the little
community, but also paid annually the sum for which the friars
rented the place from the "widow. The whole neighbourhood
was then thickly planted -with EngUsh and Scotch settlers ; and
although I appeared among them in the habit of my order,
they gave me a cordial welcome ; and, as far as I could leam,
they invariably treated the friars with marked kindness. This,
however, was not from a love of our religion, but from sheer
wordly prudence ; for as those Scotch and English settlers
carried on an extensive trade in fish and other commodities
"with the natives, they knew right well that they were only
consulting their o"wn interests by suffering the friars to live
there unmolested, as the people of the whole district, for many
miles round, were in the habit of resorting to the monastery on
Sundays and hoUdays. In a word, to drive away the friars
would have been to sacrifice the gains on which those greedy
adventurers were so intent. I found both church and monas
tery in good condition ; for the people, notwithstanding all they
had to suJffer, contributed generously towards the repairs of the
edifice. " But heartrending, indeed, were the accounts which I heard
from some of the old people, who had -witnessed the atrocities
perpetrated by the English soldiers within the precincts of the
church and monastery, during queen Elizabeth's reign, when
Edward Fitton was president of Connaught. I give you the
story as I heard it, for I think that incidents of the sort should
be transmitted to posterity.
" In the year 1577, a detachment of Fitton's soldiers gar
risoned the convent ; and ha'ving made prisoners of some dis
tinguished individuals, supposed to be disaffected to the queen,
they threatened one of them -with instant death if he did not
reveal a conspiracy, in which they said he was implicated. The
accused denied that he was cognizant of any plot ; and no
sooner had he made this declaration than the EngUsh com
mander ordered him to be hung. At this terrible crisis, the
prisoner implored permission for one of our friars to hear his
confession, and the request was granted by the commanding
Dfficer, who fancied that he would be able to induce the_
confessor to reveal the secrets of the doomed man. In this, how-

60 THE EISE AND PALL OF THE
ever, he was disappointed ; and when he found that he could
not persuade the priest to -violate the sacramental seal, he caused
him to be put to death within the very precincts of the church.
I had the account of this fiagitious transaction from some who
were eye-'witnesses of it, and who, as they had assisted at the
execution, came to me begging absolution and penance.
" On another occasion, that is to say, 1578, it was notified to
the community of Moyne, that a marauding party of the
English was about to make a raid on the monastery ; and on
liearing this, the friars resolved to save their lives by making
out to sea in boats that were moored hard by. A venerable
lay-brother, however, named Felix O'Hara, refused to quit the
place, alleging that the English would not harm one so aged as
lie, and that his presence might induce them to respect the holy
place. At length the soldiers arrived, plundered the church,
and then made off -with their booty. After some time had
elapsed, the friars returned to Moyne; and on entering the
church,, found O'Hara dead, and bathed in his blood, on the
steps of the grand altar, where the sacrilegious miscreants had
wantonly murdered him. So much for the venerable monastery
of Moyne, which, I trust in God, -wUl one day revert to its
rightful owners.
" A few miles south-east of KUlala, Rosserrick, another of
our monasteries, sees itself reflected in the waters of the Moy.
It was founded early in the fifteenth century, by a chieftain of
the Joyces, a potent family, of Welsh extraction, singularly
remarkable for their gigantic stature, who settled in West
Connaught, in the thirteenth century, under the protection of
the O'Flahertys. Rosserrick occupies the site of a primitive
Irish oratory, and the place derives its name from Searha, a
lioly woman, who is said to have blessed the Ross, or promon
tory, that rans out into the river. The site, indeed, was happUy
chosen, and the entire edifice is an exquisite specimen of the
architect's skiU. The church and monastery are buUt of a
compact blueish stone, and the former is surmounted by the
graceful square beU-tower, so peculiar to all our Irish Francis
can houses. The -view from the summit of that campanUe is
traly enchanting ; and as for the internal requirements of such
an estabUshment — its cloisters, library, dormitory, refectory, and
schools — the munificence of the Joyces left nothing to be
desired." _ " Am I to understand," asked father Purcell, " that Rosser
rick, Uke the convent of Moyne, was a school for those who
aspired to our poor habit ? "

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 61
" By no means," replied the provincial ; " for Rosserrick
belonged to the third order of St. Francis, which counted well
nigh fifty houses in various parts of Ireland. Most of them
date their erection in the fifteenth century, those especially of
KUlybegs, KU-0-Donel, and Magherabeg, near our great
monastery of Donegal, which were found by the O'Donnells
and their subordinate chieftains. The friars of these houses
lived in community, observed strict discipline, discharged pas
toral duties, such as attending the sick and dying in the im
mediate neighbourhood, and devoted themselves to educating
the youth of the circumjacent districts. Such was the rale of
the tertiaries of St. Francis ; and, indeed, so soUcitous were
the heads of the great families — the O'Donnells and MacSwynes
of Fanad, for example — for the education of their people, that
they took special care to settle large endowments on the houses
of the third order, which, I need hardly tell you, were always
subject to the control of our generals and pro-vincials. The
tertiaries, indeed, did good ser"vice in Ireland ; for the liberality
of the native princes enabled them to diffiise learning among
the poorer classes, who were always addicted to booklore. I
myself have met peasant lads educated in those schools, who
were as familiar with VirgU, Horace, Homer, and other classic
-writers, as they were -with the genealogies of the Milesian
princes. 'Tis, almost superfluous to tell you that the good
fathers of those venerable houses reared their scholars in un
alterable hatred to the principles of the new reUgion, which,
under the pseudonym of reformation, has laid its sacrUegious
hands on all that once was ours. Rosserrick, too, shared the
hard fate of the other reUgious houses ; and when I visited it,
its roof had fallen in, thus exposing the elaborate carvings of
the -windows, and the fine tracery of the coupleted cloister, to
the pitUess rain and storm, that -will wreak their rage on both
tUl better times da^wn for Ireland. Alas, alas, the hope I
cherished of seeing the advent of such a day has long since
faded from my heart ; and I myself, like the edifices of which
we are discoursing, have gro^wn to be a very ruin — weak, hoary,
and tottering. This is digression ; but I may as well tell you
that, ever since September 1603, I abandoned all hope of
seeing Ireland and our holy order rescued from the misfortunes
that have fallen heavUy on both ; for in that fatal year we lost
the only one who could, perhaps, have reversed our destiny."
" And who was he ? " demanded father Purcell.
" Who ! " repUed the provincial — " who but Hugh Roe
O'Donnell, who, when all seemed lost in the disaster of Kinsale,,

62 THE RISE AND PALL OP THE
hastened away to Spain to implore aid for Ireland in that hour
of her direst need. Alas, that aid never came ; and he who
went to seek it found an untimely grave in our monastery at
ValladoUd. On him my hopes were based, and with him they
lie buried  "
"Father," interrupted PurceU, " every one has heard of the
achievements of that great chieftain ; but I'd suggest' that you
would enable me to leave in these pages a faithful description
of his personal appearance. It has been truly said that history
has a charlatanism, which usually represents its heroes in
perspective, in order to tone do-wn whatever is base or repulsive
in their features. Sure I am that he should not be treated
thus, for doubtless you knew him."
" Knew him !" replied the pro-vincial ; " and who could have
known him better ? In sooth, dear brother, I knew him from
his fifteenth year, when Perrott's hired agent basely decoyed
him aboard the ship that anchored opposite the CarmeUte nun
nery of RathmuUen. Often and often, during the four years
he was prisoner in Dublin castle, have I loitered about that
fortress, to catch a glimpse of him when he and his fellow-cap
tives were allowed to walk out on the ramparts to breath fresh
air ; nay, and after deputy Fitz-wUliam had clutched the bribe
of a thousand pounds — given him by O'NeUl's justiciary. Art
O'Hagan,* surnamed buidhe, that is, flavus, or, the yellow-
haired — -to connive at his brother-in-law's escape, I was one of
the first to congratulate him as he lay sick and frostbitten in the
fastness of Glenmalure, tended by doctors, and guarded by
Feagh MacHugh O'Byrne's galloglass."
"And did the lord deputy really take the bribe?" asked
father Purcell.
" There can be no doubt of it," answered the pro-vincial ; " for
FitzwiUiam was one of the most sordid men that ever fflled
that high office ; and, like his predecessor Perrott, he turned the
deputyship to good account, never shrinking from any atrocity
that might help him to fill his coffers. He was, in sooth, a very
miser, and you must have heard that he went to Connaught
¦when he learned that some ships of the Armada were aground
on that coast, and laid waste whole territories of the Irish
chiefs because they could not, or would not, give him the
* The ancient sept of the O'Hagans is now worthily represented by the
Eight Hon. the Baron of TuUahogue. For the prominent part taken
by Henry O'Hagan in Lord Essex's negotiations with the Earl of Tyrone
at the Ford of Aolint, see Essex's Journal in Appendix.

FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 63
Spanish gold, which was said to have been found on the per
sons of the ship^wrecked sailors. But as to the bribe given for
O'Donnell's enlargement, sir Robert Gardiner and others charged
FitzwUliam -with having accepted it."
" And how did he meet the accusation of ha^ving connived at
the escape of the prisoners?"
" Very clumsUy, indeed," repUed the pro-vincial ; " for some
months after their return to Ulster he -wrote to queen EUzabeth
that the whole blame was to be thro-wn on Maplesdon, the chief
warder of DubUn castle, and the jailor under him, whose busi
ness it was to see, twice every twentyfour hours, that the pri
soner's chains were well secured ; and he concluded this strange
letter by telling her majesty that he had dismissed Maplesdon,
and committed the under-jaUorto a dungeon with good store of
irons upon his back.
" But you ask me did I know Hugh Roe O'Donnell ! I was
but a stripling when he was seized by deputy Perrott's trea
cherous device ; and Uttle did I then think that I would one
day wear a friar's habit in the monastery of Donegal. Father,
I told you before that I was a soldier in my prime, and that I
marched under his banner, after I had witnessed his inaugura
tion on the mound of Kilmacrenan, That, indeed, was a glo
rious day, when O'Freel, the erenach, placed the wand of
sovereignty in his smaU, white hand, and proclaimed him the
O'Donnell. Knew him ! Oh ! well I did in every phase of his
career : in the hour of his splendid victory over CUfford in the
passes of the Curlieu mountains ; and was I not at his side when
his cavalry chased the remnant of Bagnall's routed forces from
the Blackwater into Armagh ? But what have I to do -with re
collections which bring tears to these aged eyes — tears that I
should reserve for the sins of my youth ? I knew him too in
the hour of his misfortune ; and was one of the last to kiss his
hand on the beach of Castlehaven, when he was about to em
bark for Spain. The treachery, the defeat of Kinsale, had not
broken his noble spirit ; for he told us that we might soon ex
pect to see him again, with Spanish ships, men, arms and
money, in the bay of Donegal. Alas ! his hopes were not des
tined to be realised ; and king PhUip III., for reasons best
kno-wn to himself, did not dispatch the promised aid. But as
you think it right that generations yet to come should be ac
quainted -with his person, take your pen, and follow me carefully
whUe I dictate.
" In stature he was above the middle height ; his body was
robust ; his features symmetrical, and entire mien elegant ; his

64 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
voice, sweet and musical. In his enterprises he was quick and
active, ever a lover of justice, and a most inflexible punisher
of malefactors. Persevermg in his undertakings, faithful to
his promises, most patient in hardships, rigid and severe in
maintaining miUtary discipline, courageous in presenc.e of diffi
culties, brave in battle, affable and courteous to every one,
zealous for the restoration of the CathoUc faith, and a great
despiser of the world ; so much so, that I have often heard him
say, that if it pleased God to give a fortunate issue to the war,
he would become a friar of St. Francis's order. He never mar
ried ; his mind was great, but no-wise proud ; he was a- zealous
promoter of ecclesiastical discipline ; so much so, that, through
excess of zeal, he sometimes carried himself austerely -with cer
tain priests. He had a singular love for our order, and in all
his actions he was truly sincere. As for his purity of Uf e, it
was never questioned — he was fond of the society of spiritual
men, whose aid and counsel he was wont to seek. On his
deathbed he begged St. Francis's habit, in which he was buried,
and he asked it ¦with the intention of renorpncing the world,
had it pleased God to restore him to health.*
" Now," said the provincial, " you have a true portrait of a
great man ; not such, indeed, as our friend. Van Dyck,' the
greatest of U^ving Flemish painters, would produce on canvas,
but in my judgment a great deal better ; for who could depict
the -vu-tues or internal" emotions? You might as well think of
painting a sound ! But you have led me into a digression; and
as I have given you all the particulars that I was able to col
lect regarding Rosserrick monastery, we will now speak of
another far more famous — I mean that of KilconneU.
" For many a century before and after the EngUsh invasion,
the potent famUy of O'Kelly ruled "with regal sway over the
vast territory of Hy-Many, which originally extended from Clon-
tuskert, southwards, to the boundary of the county Clare, and
from Athlone, westwards, to Seefin and Athenry, in the county
of Galway. Well, indeed, do the O'Kellys deserve to be styled
a great famUy, for their strong walled castles were numerous,
their martial prowess unsurpassed, and their piety most exem
plary. But of them all, there was none more celebrated for his
¦virtues than WUUam O'Kelly, presumptive heir, to the lordship
of Hy-Many, who, in 1353,' founded the beautiful monastery of
KUconneU for conventual Franciscans. It was, indeed, an
edifice second to none of its class in Ireland, admirably con-
* See Appendix I.

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 65
structed, spacious in all its departments, and most eligibly
situated on the great thoroughfare leading from Athlone to
Galway. In 1460, however, the original building was con
siderably modified and enlarged, when, at the instance of
Malachy O'Kelly, the community was reformed, and adopted
the strict observance. Malachy O'Kelly died in 1464, and
was buried in the sculptured sepulchre which was erected "within
the waUs of the church by WUUam, the original founder, for
himself and his posterity. Indeed, I have seen in that church
numerous monuments erected by the chief families of the border
ing districts, which, whether we regard the marble of which they
were -wrought, or the exquisite finish of their elaborate detaUs,
might challenge comparison -with some of the most artistic de
velopments of the same character in the cathedral of St. Gudule
at Brussels.
" It is not my intention to speak of the Franciscans who
dwelt in KilconneU before the disastrous days of the English
schism ; and I -will, therefore, content myself with leaving on
record some facts connected with that venerable house, which I
learned from trustworthy "witnesses, when I visited the place
some years ago. On that occasion I found the church in good
preservation, 0"wing in great measure to a singular circumstance,
which I "will mention by-and-by. It may not be out of place,
however, to premise, that the church and monastery were built
of finely-cut stone, and that both were covered "with a roof of
wood, made to resemble tUes. Within the church are seven
altars ; and all the internal decorations, whether in stone or
wood, are admirably finished. The sacred edifice is surmounted
by a lofty tower, and, strange to say, its sweettoned bell is still
there, not"withstanding the rapacity of the English heretics,
who seldom spare such things. In' a word, I found the church in
exceUent condition ; the stained glass of the "windows unbroken,
the pictures undefaced, and the sculptured work unmutilated.
I was there on more than one occasion, and "with the six poor
friars who stUl clung to the holy place, sang the office in choir
• — nay, and preached to -multitudes so great that the church
could not contain them all.
" It would seem that a special pro"vidence watched over Kil
conneU, to save it from the destruction which had fallen on nearly
all our other houses ; and you will agree -with me in this when I tell
you, that it stood in a most exposed position, and was frequently
head-quarters of English regiments during the war between
O'NeUl and queen Elizabeth. Indeed, from time to time it was
garrisoned by whole companies, who messed and lit fires "within

bb THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
the very church ; and yet, strange to say, it sustained Uttle or
no injury from such unbidden guests ! A few manifest proofs
of that special interposition of heaven cannot but interest you,
and assuredly they deserve to be placed on record.
" You have heard, no doubt, of sir Richard Bingham, the
governor of Connaught, whose inhuman treatment of the native
Irish so shocked even queen Elizabeth herself, that she was
obliged to dismiss him from that high office in 1595, and sum
mon him to London to answer the charges of cold-blooded mur
ders which were preferred against him by the Burkes and others.
You are aware that that heartless miscreant sailed round Tircon
nell, and with his ship's crew plundered the defenceless nuns of,
the Carmelite convent of RathmuUen, of vestments, chaUces,
and all their other valuables. You have heard, too, how he and
his brother George, subsequently slain by UUck Burke, as he
deserved, swept with fire and sword the island of Tory, de
molishing its crosses and oratories, which stood there since the
days of blessed Columba. Nevertheless, incredible as it may
seem, this very Bingham behaved kindly to the friars of KU
conneU, where he used to keep his head-quarters. In fact, he
gave strict orders to his officers and men to see that the church
and the monastery should sustain no injury at their hands —
nay, he summoned some of the friars to his presence, and ex
horted them to do all in their power to keep the buUdings in good
repair. "In the year 1596, too, during the presidency of sir Conyers
Clifford, KUconneU was once more turned into a barrack for
English soldiers, after they had been signally defeated by
O'Donnell and O'NeUl in various engagements. On this latter
occasion, the EngUsh garrisoned the monastery "with not less
than fifteen companies ; for they came to besiege Calla and
Aughrim, two strong castles, situated -within three or four
miles of each other, which belonged to O'Kelly, then in alliance
"svith the Irish princes, O'NeUl and O'Donnell, who now sleeps-
God rest him ! — in our monastery of ValladoUd. Now, it so
happened that one of the EngUsh officers then stationed there
had a horse of which he was very fond, and he determined to
stable it "within the very chancel, hard by the steps of St.
Francis' altar, where he causedhay and straw to be laid down
for the brute. Heaven, however, it would seem, resented this
outrage ; for, on the next morning, the valuable charger was
found stark dead, though sound and strong the night before.
Even the very companions of this captain Rynck — for such
was his name — admitted that this was a just judgment

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 67
on his impiety. Nevertheless, the English soldiers forced
open the tombs of the princes and chieftains buried in the
church, thinking that they would light on concealed treasure ;
nor did they desist from these outrages tUl one of them had
his legs fractured by the falling of a huge block of stone.
'"It was in the same year (1596) that captain Stryck, a
heretic indeed, yet, "withal, a man of generous disposition, for
I knew him weU, influenced no doubt by the facts which I
have been relating, sent for the friars, and gave them his word
of honour that no one would be allowed to molest them — nay,
issued orders that no injury shoiUd be done to the convent, and
forbade his soldiers to burn the woodwork of the church or of
the cloisters. He then gave up the sacristy to the friars, and
also some cells in the dormitory for their use ; and so liberal
was he, that he allowed Mass to be said privately in the sacristy.
During the nine months he remained there the friars continued
to Uve in the precincts which God enabled them to preserve.
MeanwhUe, all the trees in the orchards and gardens were cut
do"wn by the soldiers and used for fuel; for although they
often "went to the neighbouring woods to fell it, and never
returned without losing some of then men, yet so fearful were
they of injuring the church or the woodwork of the convent,
that they preferred meeting the enemy face to face, and fight
ing for every stick they carried off.
" Now, wUl you not agree "with me in attributing the pre
servation of this monastery to the especial providence of God 1
What else could have restrained that bloody-minded monster,
Bingham, from reducing it to a charred and rifted ruin ? "What
else could have kept Stryck from demolishing it stone by stone?
But this account of that venerable house would be imperfect,
if it did not bear testimony to the zealous exertions of those
friars, who spared no effort for its protection. Let us, there
fore, hand do"wn their names to posterity ; and should it please
God, in some future age, to restore KilconneU to the Francis
cans, let them never forget to pray for the souls of fathers
Solomon and Hugh MacEgan, and their worthy brother, PhUip
Clune.* " I have nothing more to add to this narrative, except that
the monastery of KUconneU has been granted to one Callthorp
and other English settlers, and that the cruel ordinance of
queen Elizabeth, commanding ' houses freight -with friars ' to
be suppressed, and ' made fit habitations for Englishmen,' is
* See Appendix K.

68 THE EISE AND PALL OF THE
now being carried out to the letter. On some future occasion
I will narrate to you various particulars relating to some of
our other convents in the province of Connaught."

As Mooney's account of the monasteries of his order was
"written towards the close of 1616, it may interest the reader
to know how it fared with KUconneU at a later period. The
transfer alluded to in the text, was made in 1614 ; and the
property belonging to the monastery was then described as con
sisting of " three acres, on which stood a convent, containing
O'Donnellan's chapel,* a chapter-house, library, hall, storehouse,
four chambers, twenty-eight smaU chambers, four granaries,
three orchards, sixty ash-trees, a mill, a watercourse, and four
acres of arable land," all of which were granted by James I.
to one Callthorp. The Franciscans, nevertheless, continued to
reside in the neighbourhood of the convent for nearly a century
afterwards, and were supported by the O'Kellys, many of whom
bequeathed legacies to them, "with injunction to pray for their
departed souls. The last of these pious donors was, we believe,
John O'Kelly, ancestor of count O'Kelly, of France, who, dying
in 1714, left some money to the poor friars then dwelling near
the ruins of KilconneU, and ordered that his remains should he
interred in the ancestral tomb. Many of the leading CathoUc
famiUes of Leinster, transplanted to Connaught by Cromwell —
the Trimlestons,t Betaghs of Moynalty, county of Meath, and
others, — erected monuments for themselves, which may stUl he
seen within the ruins ; and it would appear that the friars con
tinued to say Mass there occasionally, tUl some short time be
fore the battle of Aughrim, when they took refuge in a neigh
bouring bog, now called " the Friar's Bog," where they existed
as best they could in miserable shielings. Dr. O'Donovan, the
most learned of our topographers and antiquarians, in the Ord
nance Survey of the county Galway, says, that the bell of KUcon
neU, weighing one and a-half c-wt., and bearing an inscription, was
found in the same bog some time pre-vious to 1838 ; and he
adds, that a person li-ving in that neighbourhood had then ia
his possession a wooden image of St. Francis, that formerly
belonged to the monastery.
* See Appendix L.
t For a fine engra-ring of Lord Trimleston's monument in the Guest
house of KilconneU, see Prendergast's CromweUiau Settlement, p. 187;
(2nd edition.)

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 69

CHAPTER VII.
FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES OP GALWAY, EOSSEEILLY, KENALEHAN,
AND CEEEVELEA.
" The Franciscan monastery of Galway," resumed the provin
cial, " was founded by WUUam de Burgh, surnamed Liagh, the
grey, in the year 1296, outside the city wall, and in the fair
Uttle island called after the protomartyr — Insula S. Stephani.
The Ulustrious founder spared no expense to render this monas-
"tery one of the finest in Ireland ; and, indeed, the spacious
dimensions of its church, the rich marble of which it was con
structed, and the splendour of its altars, are so many irrefra
gable e^vidences of the piety and taste of the noble De Burgh.
He lived to see it solemnly consecrated, and when dying
ordered that his remains should be laid in the richly wrought
monument which he caused to be buUt for himself and his pos
terity, right under the shadow of the grand altar. When I
¦visited Galway, the tomb of the founder, like those of most of
the ' chief families of the neighbourhood, was in good preserva
tion, particularly that of De Burgh, round whose recumbent
effigy I read the following epitaph : ' Memorise Illmi. Domini
Gid. de Burgo suae nationis principis et hujus monasterU fun-
datoris qui obut 1324.' The endo-wments which De Burgh made
to this monastery were very numerous, and consisted of water-
mills on the river, and the tithes of some arable land near the
city ; and that our friars should never lack fish, he wUled that
on every Wednesday they should be suppUed ¦with one salmon
out of the great weir, on every. Saturday ¦with three out of the
high weir, and on the same day ¦with one out of the haul-net,
and -with all the eels that might be taken one day in each week
out of the many eel weirs on the river.
" As an instance of the high esteem in which the Franciscans
of Galway were held by the court of Rome, I shoiUd not omit
to teU you that, in 1381, pope Urban VI. empowered the guar
dian of that venerable liouse to excommunicate every one ¦within
the borders of Connaught who presumed to adopt the party of
the anti-pope, Clement VII., whose abettors were very nume
rous in France, Naples, and Scotland. That, in sooth, was a
disastrous era for the Church, when cardinals, kings, and
laymen contested the legitimacy of the election of the two rival
jfontiffs, the one in A^vignon and the other in Rome ; but, be it
recorded to the honour of our Galway brethren, they adhered
-with unalterable fideUty to pope Urban, the rightful successor

70 the RISE AND FALL OP THE
of Gregory XL, who, at the instance of St. Catherine of Sienna
re-established the residence of the popes in Rome, after an in
terval of seventy years, which the people of that city termed
the aeten decades of the Babylonish captivity.
" I may say, unhesitatingly, that the Galway monastery had
as many benefactors as any other house of our order in Ireland;
for, indeed, the inhabitants of that ancient city loved our habit,
and never tired of contributing to the maintenance of our bre
thren. The largesses of the rich and noble helped to keep the
buildings in good repair, and the poor man was ever ready with
his mite to promote the same object. Indeed, the register which
records the multitudinous bequests and legacies of the to-wns-
people to the brotherhood is still in the possession of one of om-
friars in Galway ; and on turning over its pages I f oimd ample
e^vidence of the love and veneration which the citizens of every
grade always cherished for our institute. How many instances
could I adduce of their almost princely munificence ! but I must
restrict myself to mentioning only a few of the many which, I
trastj will never be forgotten. Thus, for example, as I learned
from the register, Edward PhUibyn, a wealthy merchant, re-
buUt the dormitory for our friars in 1492 ; and in 1538, John
French, then chief magistrate of the city, erected the beautiful
chapel on the south side of the monastery, in honour of God and
St. Francis, and for the good estate of his own soul and the souls
of his posterity. As for the tombs of the distinguished deni
zens of Galway and its neighbourhood who selected our church
for their last resting-place, they are very numerous, and splendid
productions of the sculptor's chisel.* De Burghs, Lynches,
Fitz Stephens, and O'Flahertys, moulder there beneath marble
monuments, exquisitely wrought, rich in heraldry and pompous
epitaphs, recording many a high achievement on the battle-field,
in the senate, and in the mart. Apart from those gorgeous
monuments — last efforts of human vanity if you wUl — there
is in the south side of the choir an unostentatious one,
sacred to the memory of a truly great man, whose extensive and
profound erudition reflects honour on the Franciscan order, of
which he was, in sooth, a most distinguished ornament ; I speak
of Maurice O'Fihiley, or Maurice de Portu, whom Julius II.
advanced to the archiepiscopal see of Tuam in 1506. From
what I have been able to leam of this wonderful scholar, it ap
pears that he was a native of Baltimore, in the county of Cork,
and took the surname ' De Portu ' from the haven on which
* See Appendix M.

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 71
that to-wn is situated. Ha-ving completed his studies in Padua,
he for a long time taught philosophy in that learned city, and
earned a world-wide reputation by the variety of his writings,
some of which were not published till after his death. His
principal works are ' Commentaries on Scotus,' a ' Dictionary
of the Scriptures,' the ' Enchuidion Fidei, or a Manual of the
Faith,' which he dedicated to the earl of Kildare ; ' The Com
pendium of Truths,' in Leonine metre, and many others which
it would be superfluous to enumerate. This truly learned man
was corrector of the press for that far-famed printer, Benedict
LocatelU, and filled the same place in the printing establish
ment of Octa^vian Schott, at Venice. Having assisted at the
early sessions of the councU of Lateran, 1512, and returned to
Ireland in the foUo-wing year, he landed at Galway, where he
feU sick, and died in our convent there. Few, indeed, have
won greater reno-wn in the republic of letters, and well did he
deserve the epithet bestowed upon him by the erudite men of
his day, who justly styled him ' Flos Mundi.' Two of his suc
cessors in the see of Tuam, Thomas O'MuUaly and Christopher
Bodkin, await the resurrection in the same humble sepulchre.
" This venerable monastery, however, was doomed to share
the fate of most of our other houses in Connaught ; and accord
ingly, in the year 1570, the greater part of its possessions was
-wrested from the friars, and granted to the corporation of Gal
way and their successors. As for the convent and church, they
were both assigned to an individual, who, pretending to have
adopted the doctrines of the AngUcan religion, in order to
accommodate himself to the times, contrived -withal to do great
service to our brotherhood when they were banished from their
ancient precincts. Nothing, indeed, could have been more
strange than the conduct of this anonymous grantee ; for he
possessed himself of the old conventual register, in which all
legacies bequeathed to our friars were entered : and not only did
he vigorously enforce payment of the amounts, but he actuaUy
handed them over to the community, then residing in a house
which they rented in the city, in order that all such pious donar
tions might be expended on the repairs and preservation of the
ancient edifice. Furthermore, as the island on which the
monastery stands belonged to him, he could not be induced to
part -with a single perch of it at any price, no matter how tempt
ing ; and instead of letting it to others, he built there sundry
handsome houses, which accommodate upwards of fifty persons,
together -with three water-mills for grinding com. It was
during the construction of the latter that the weir which for-

72 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
merly belonged to the Franciscans was demolished. From the
earliest times, too, it was customary for all vessels coming up
the river ¦with wood and other sorts of fuel, to give a little of it
by way of alms to our friars ; and, strange as it may seem, this
anonymous benefactor still insists on the observance of the
usage, and .thus supplies our brethren in the city ¦with coal and
firewood. He also maintains the ancient immunities of St. Ste
phen's island ; so much so that he "wUl not allow the mayor to
carry his insignia beyond the middle of the bridge leading to
the island, which, in the olden time, marked the limit of muni
cipal jurisdiction in that quarter. Two customs which strack
me as very peculiar are still observed in the city of Galway, and
so remarkable are they that I think them worth recording.
First, almost everyone who has anything to leave when dying,
bequeaths a proportionate sum for the preservation and repairs
of the monastery ; and secondly, vast numbers of the citizens, of
every age, sex, and condition, go each evening at sunset to that
venerable old church to pray to God, who, I doubt not, -will one
day reward their most edifying piety. I have already told you
that, at the tirne of my "visit to Galway, the monastery and
church were in excellent preservation; but I should not forget '
to mention that, in 1603, James the First of England granted
both to Sir George Carew and his heirs for ever. Thenceforth
our venerable church was turned into a profane courthouse,
where judges appointed by Chichester, the lord deputy, held
assizes for the to"wn and county. Alas ! it was heartrending to
¦witness such desecration ; and the tears fell fast and hot from
my eyes when, on entering the holy edifice, I found it crowded
¦with litigants, the pulpit turned into a -witness-box, the choir
and chancel adapted to accommodate a multitude of brawling
lawyers, and worst of all, the grand altar transformed into a
bench for a bloated judge, who was entirely ignorant of the
language and customs of the people. Witnessing the sad spec
tacle, I was .forcibly reminded of that passage in the Psalm :
' Then shall they lay calves upon thine altar ! ' I have nothing
further to add to this meagre account of our once splendid
monastery of Galway, except that I was not able to ascertain
what became of its altar-plate and rich vestments, all of which
had fallen into the hands of our rapacious enemies. A few
Franciscans stUl continue to live in the house which father
Maurice Ultan hired for them in the city, and their zeal is of the
greatestbenefittothe townspeople as well as tothoseof thesuburbs.
" Another house," continued the provincial, " where I spent
some days during my visit to Connaught, pleased me ahnost as

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 73
much as did that of Moyne. I now speak of the beautiful and
spacious church and monastery of RosserUly* — or, as it is called
by the Irish, Ros-Irial — which is situated in the diocese of
Tuam, and within eight or nine mUes of that ancient city. "Who
its founder was I have not been able to ascertain, but there can
be no doubt that it was erected for Franciscans, in the year
1351. Never was a more solitary spot chosen for the habita
tion of a religious community than that on which RosserUly
stands ; for it is surrounded by marshes and bogs, and the stUl-
ness that reigns there is seldom broken save by the tolling of
the church-bell, or the whirr of the countless flocks of plover
and other -wild birds that frequent the fens which abound in
that desolate region. Another remarkable feature of the locality
is that the monastery can only be approached by a causeway
- paved -with large stones, over an extent of fully two hundred
paces, and terminating at the enclosure, which was buUt in
1572, by father FerraU MacEgan, a native of Connaught, and
then pro"vincial of the Irish Franciscans. He was, in sooth, a
distinguished man in his day, far-famed for eloquence and learn
ing, and singularly fond of RosserUly, which he used to compare
to the Thebaid, whither the early Christians resorted for prayer
and contemplation. He died in our house of KilconneU, where
he made his reUgious profession, and there he awaits the resur
rection — peace to his memory !
" As for the church of RosserUly, it is, indeed, a beautiful
edifice ; and the same may be said of the monastery, which,
although often garrisoned by EngUsh troops during the late
war, is stUl in exceUent preservation. Cloister, refectory, dor
mitory, chapter-house, Ubrary, and lofty beU-tower, have all sur
vived the disasters of that calamitous period ; but, in the twenty-
sixth year of the reign of Elizabeth, the friars were forcibly
expelled from their beloved retreat, and monastery and church
were, by a royal ordinance, granted to an Englishman, who laid
sacrilegious hands on our vestments, altar-plate, books, and
muniments, lea"ving us nothing but bare waUs and the rifled
tombs of our benefactors.
" It was not long, however, till the friars returned to Ros-
' serilly ; for that good and great man, the earl of Clanricarde,
took pity on them, and ha"ving purchased the grantee's interest
in the property, restored them to their venerable abode. Thence
forth the community of RosserUly consisted of six priests and
two lay brothers, who laboured indefatigably for the repairs of
* See Appendix K.

74 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
the sacred edifice, tUl Daniel, the Protestant archbishop of
Tuam, at the instance of sir Arthur Chichester, then lord de
puty, drove them out once more, and caused the altars to be
demolished. In justice, however, to this heretic bishop, who
was deeply learned in the Irish language, I must say that,
although authorized to arrest the friars, he did not do so, but
rather sent them word privately that he was coming, in order
that they might have time to save themselves by flight. In
fact, he acted against his o-wn ¦wUl, and in obedience to the lord
deputy's commands. "
" How strange, "~ interrupted father Purcell, " that the earl
of Clanricarde should take such interest in the safety and well-
being of our poor friars ! "
" Indeed, " replied the provincial, " it was only natural that
he should do so, for his mother was a true benefactress to our
order, as you ¦wiU see by what I am going to tell you. In the
diocese of Olonfert, and on the decli^vity of Slieve-Aughty, in. a
place almost as solitary as RosserUly, we had a small but hand-.
some monastery and church, called Kenalehan, founded by the
De Burghs, some time in the fourteenth century. It was, in
deed, a fair building as friar could -wish to see ; and the few
acres of land with which it was endowed yielded all that was
necessary for the maintenance of a small community. Its gar
dens and orchards were the best in the whole district, and, as I
said before, its situation — far away from public thoroughfares,
and in the immediate territory of the earls of Clanricarde — ^pro
tected it for a considerable time from the inroads and devasta
tions of the English soldiery. In the late war, however, both
monastery and church were burnt to the ground by sir Richard
Bingham ; but the moment intelligence of the catastrophe
reached the ears of the most noble lady, the actual earl's mother,
she ordered that the church should be re-roofed, and a ¦wing of
the monastery made habitable for the community. Nay more,
the present earl and Richard de Burgh, surnamed the red, re
built the dormitory and other appurtenances of the place, and
purchased the entire from the cro^wn, rather than allow it to fall
into the hands of heretics. How truly doth holy writ say that
a good tree beareth good fruit ! "
" And yet, " remarked father Purcell, " the present earl,
whom you have so much lauded, was dubbed Richard of Kin
sale, for the services he rendered the English when they besieged
the Spaniards in that town. "
" It is, alas, too time ! " replied the pro-vincial ; " and, indeed,
the Anglo-Irish nobles always sided "with our enemies — nay.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 75
and induced multitudes of the Irish themselves to swell the
ranks of our oppressors. Withal, it would be unjust to deny
the De Burghs that gratitude which our order owes them ; for
they were always among the best and most distinguished of its
benefactors. But let me resume, and conclude what remains to
be said of RosserUly. In 1604, the munificence of Richard of
Kinsale enabled the community to repair the monastery and
church, which, as I have already told you, was considerably
dUapidated during the late war; and in that same year our
friars buried beneath its precincts one of the noblest and bravest
heroes of whom his country coiUd boast, namely, Bryan Oge
O'Rourke, son of Bryan-na-Muitha, of whose glorious death
you, doubtless, have heard. "
" Methinks, " repUed father Pm-ceU, " that he was executed
in London ; but I confess that I am not acquainted with the
circumstances which brought him to the scaffold. "
" Listen, then, " continued the pro"vincial ; " for it will not
take long to narrate them, and, indeed, they deserve to be re
corded. When some of the ships of the Ul-fated Armada went
to pieces on the coast of SUgo, Bryan-na-Murtha O'Rourke,
pitying the Spaniards who appealed to him for protection, not
only sent them immediate aid, but in"vited them and their chief
officer, Antonio de Leva, to his castle of Dromahere, where they
were entertained "with warmest hospitality. O'Rourke's conduct
provoked the vengeance of the queen, who ordered her deputy,
FitzwiUiam, and sir Richard Bingham, to waste with fire and
sword the j)rincipaUty of Breffhy-O'Rom-ke. As for the chief
tain himself, he was obliged, after some ineffectual resistance,
to fly to Scotland, where he was arrested by order of James VI.,
now king of England, who perfidiously sent him in chains to
London. Arraigned on a charge of high treason, the noble-
minded chieftain refused to bend his knee before the insignia of
royalty; and, when taunted by one of the pri"vy councUlors that
he used to make no difficulty about kneeling in presence of
images of saints, he cooUy replied that there was a very "wide
difference between effigies of holy personages and the men "with
whom he was then confronted. Sentence of death being re
corded, he was soon afterwards led to the place of execution,
where he was met by that vile apostate, MUer M'Grath,* heretic
archbishop of Cashel, who strove in vain to make him abjure the
faith ; but O'Rourke spumed him as a renegade dog, and died a
true son of holy Church. "
* See Appendix 0.

76 THE RISE AND PALL OF THE
"Alas, alas ! " interrupted father PurceU, " M'Grath's apos
tasy is a sad reflection on our seraphic institute. Is the wretched
man stUl living ? "
"You might as well say, dear brother," repUed the provincial,
" that Lucifer's fall reflected disgrace on the faithful angels.
Scandals, you know, have been and must be, as we leam from
holy writ. M'Grath is stUl alive, extremely old, and bedrid;
cursed by the Protestants for wasting the revenues and manors
of the ancient see of Cashel, and derided by the CathoUcs, who
are well-acquainted "with the drunken habitudes of himself and
his coadjutor. Knight. Nevertheless, from all I have been able
to learn of M'Grath, there is reason to hope that he will return
to 'the Church; and, if I be not misinformed, he would now
gladly exchange the Rock of Cashel for the Capitol, where he
spent his youth in the convent of AracceU,
" But before we dismiss him, I must not omit telling you
that the unfortunate old man had a controversy with one
Montgomery, king James's heretic bishop of Derry, Clogher,
and Raphoe, concerning church lands ; for avarice seems to have
been the dominant passion of this well matched pair. But I
"will let sir John Da-vys, the king's attotney-general, state the
case in a letter to lord Salisbury, dated September 20, 1609, a
copy of which has come into my hands by a fortunate accident :
" About the inquiry of church lands there has gro"wn a difference
between the old archbishop of Cashel, and the bishop of Derry
and Clogher, who, in the right of his bishopric of Clogher, claims
all the patrimony of the archbishop in these parts, for the arch
bishop's father was a Corb or Erenagh of the Termon, wherein
St.' Patrick's Purgatory stands, called Termon-Magrath. The
archbishop in queen EUzabeth's time obtained letters out of
England, that his father's surrender should be accepted and a
grant made to him by letters patent, and the archbishop inherits
that land by virtue of the queen's grant. How be it, because
the bishop of Clogher has a rent out of that Termon, he claims
the possession by "virtue of his majesty's letter."
" Let us now come back to Bryan Oge O'Rourke, who, when
the news of his father's death reached Ireland, was duly inaugu
rated in his stead. This worthy son of a martyred sire dis
tinguished himself in many a glorious action during the
Elizabethan war, and particularly in that far-famed fight near
Boyle, where he and O'Donnell routed the English, under
Clifford, on the memorable feast of the Assumption. Ever
active and indefatigable in the ser"vice of his reUgion and
country, he marched with O'DonneU to Kinsale, and did his

PRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 77
utmost to retrieve the disasters of that fatal day, holding out
to the last, tUl the usurpation of a step-brother compelled him
to return home, and reassert his rights to the principality of
his fathers. Thenceforth his castle of Leitrim became the
refuge of such of the Irish chieftains as still held out against
the English, in the hope of obtauiing succour from Spain. In
that hospitable mansion he sheltered M'Guire of Fermanagh,
and the O'SuUivans, after their unparalleled march of a hundred
leagues, in the depth of "winter, from Glengariffe to Breffny ;
and beneath its walls he routed, "with signal slaughter, a
large body of troops, commanded by Lambert, governor of
Connaught, and captain Bustock, who was slain on the field.
The treason, however, of his step-brother, who was supported
by the English, ultimately succeeded ; and the gallant chieftain,
deserted by his followers, after making terms for his life,
returned to Galway, where he fell sick and died of a broken
heart. His last "wish was that his remains should repose in
the cloister of RosserUly, and our friars took care to see that
"wish fulfilled ; for, in the month of January, when the snow
lay thick on the roads, the funeral cortege, accompanied by a
few faithful friends, entered the enclosure of the monastery ;
and, as soon as the Requiem had been sung, our brotherhood
piously hollowed out a grave in the cloister, and there interred
all that remained of one of the bravest and best of those Irish
men whose names deserve to be canonized in the pages of his
tory. I know not whether that grave is marked by . a monu
ment ; but as long as a single fragment of Rosserilly stands,
the pUgrim and the wayfarer "wUl point to it as the last resting-
place of Bryan Oge O'Rourke.*
" God rest his soul ! " said father Purcell, " for he was
faithful to the land that gave him birth. Did not one of his
ancestors found a monastery for Franciscans ? ''
" Most certainly," replied the provincial ; " nor did I intend
to omit that fact. Indeed, I have good reason to remember
the monastery and church of Ballyrourke — or, as some call it,
Creevelea — for it was there I was ordained priest, and cele
brated my first Mass. That once splendid monastery was
founded in 1508, by Owen O'Rourke, prince of Breffny, at the
instance of his -wife, Margaret O'Brien, daughter of Conor,
king of Thomond, and sister of Fingalla, the fair-shouldered,
who, as I have already told you, was mainly instrumental in
erecting our venerable house of Donegal. The spot which the
* See Appendix P.

78 THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
princess of Breffny selected for the building lies on the bank
of the river Boned, "within an easy walk of the castle of Dro
mahere ; and, if we may credit local tradition, St. Patrick
erected a church on the same site, which is stUl called Camg-
Phadruig, or Patrick's Rock. The entire edifice, including
altars, columns, and chapter-room, was constructed of fine stone,
resembling grey marble ; and for its dimensions it was not
inferior, as regards architecture and elaborate sculpture, to any
other house of our institute in Ireland. Owen O'Rourke
erected a monument for himself and his posterity "within the
chancel ; and three years after the foundation-stone was laid,
Thomas MacBrady, bishop of KUmore, attended by a brilUant
retinue of ecclesiastics and laics, consecrated the church and
monastery under the invocation of St. Francis. The first friars
who took possession of Creevelea were sent from Donegal ;
for the princess Margaret* out of affection for her sister, pre
ferred those to whom the latter had been such a constant and
munificentbenefactress. The community, though small, was well
endowed by the O'Rourke ; and as long as that princely family
ruled their ancient territory, the Franciscans of Creevelea
lacked nothing that could contribute to theic peace and humble
maintenance. The princess Margaret died in 1512, and
was the first tenant of the splendid tomb erected by her lord ;
and he himself, after taking our habit, was laid in the same
sepulchre in 1528. It was, indeed, a year remarkable for the
decease of many of those to whom our order is indebted ; for
in it our brotherhood had also to bewaU the loss of Fingalla,
¦wife of O'Donnell, who, after a life spent in acts of charity,
and after wearing our habit two-and-twenty years, passed out
of this world to that everlasting blessedness, which she so weU
merited by her fidelity to God, and our holy founder St. Francis.
Eight years after the death of Owen O'Rourke, a sad misfortune
overtook the community of Creevelea ; for, in the dead of
night, when the friars were asleep in their cells, a fire
broke out — I know not by what accident — and burned down a
goodly portion of the edifice.
" It was, indeed, a disastrous night ; for, along with the loss
of many valuable books, the community had to lament the
death of Heremon O'Donnell, one of the brotherhood, who
perished in the flames whilst stri"ving to save the sacred vessels.
Bryan Ballach O'Rourke, however, Owen's successor, and
father of Bryan-na-Murtha, of whom I have already spoken,
* See Appendix Q.

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 79
partiaUy restored the sacred edifice ; but, o"wing to the constant
wars in which he was engaged, he was never able to fully re
pair the damage caused by the fire. Nevertheless, the com
munity continued to live there, labouring, pra3ring, and educat
ing the youth of the district, till they were expelled from
their venerable abode by sir Richard Bingham, who, on more
than one occasion, turned the monastery and church into
quarters for his soldiers, pUlaged the place, and burned the
richly-carved panels of the choir for fuel. The fatal issue of
the late war, and the revolt of Teigue O'Rourke, who, after
the defeat at Kinsale, as I have already told you, joined the
enemies of his country, completed the ruin of Creevelea ; for he
who would have restored, nay, renewed its beauty, now lies
sleeping his last sleep in the cloister of Rosserilly."
" And how fared it "nT.th that traitorous Teigue ?" asked
father Purcell.
" As he deserved," replied the pro"vincial ; " for the English,
on the accession of James I., rewarded his recreancy with the
title of knight, and made him a grant of some hundreds of acres
in the ancient principality of Breffny. He did not, however,
Uve long to enjoy either title or lands, for he died in 1605, and
was buried in "the ancestral tomb at Creevelea. May God
assoil him ! for he hated his step-brother, the rightful prince of
Breffny, and would not rest in the same sepulchre "with him I "
" 'Tis a sad instance of fraternal discord," observed father
PurceU. " Only one of the many which wrought Ireland's ruin, dear
friend," added the provincial. " Alas, to what excesses "will
not ambition and sordid self-interest impel even the hearts of
brothers ! Is it not Virgil who says of that passion —
" ' Tu potes unanimes armare in proeKa fratres ' ?
and does not Lucan tell us in his ' Pharsalia ' that a brother's
blood shed by a brother's hand was the first to stain the walls
of Rome ? " ' Fratemo primi maduerunt sanguine muri.'
But why go beyond the inspired books for examples, when we
can find them in the history of Jacob and Esau, of Absolom
and Ammon, and in that of Lisimachus and Menelaus ?
" True, true," repUed father Purcell ; " 'tis the old story of
Eteocles and Polynices repeating itself The ashes of these
two brothers, conscious of resentment to the last, would not
consume on the same pyre ; and perhaps — shall I hazard the

80 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
reflection ? — perhaps the bones of those O'Rourkes would not
crumble in peace had they been laid in the same sepulchre —
" ' Fratrum quoque gratia rara est,'
as 0"vid hath it."
" What an extravagant supposition ! " remarked the pro-
"vincial. " But, instead of indulging such idle fancies, let us
pray that the Irish of future times, warned by the calamities
that have fallen upon their predecessors, "wUl guard against an
accursed policy, which has worked out its worst ends by sow
ing the seeds of dissension in hearts created by. God to struggle
and combine for their country's happiness.
"Little more remains to be said of Creevelea; for when
Bryan, son of Teigue the usurper, was summoned to London in
1615, and told that he should allow his lands to be colonized
by English and Scotch undertakers, he refused to agree to such
a proposal, and was then immured in the tower, where he is at
this moment. Breffny, meanwhile, was parcelled out between
Villiers, duke of Buckingham, and the HamUtons, who scourged
the native population "with a rod of iron. As for the monas
tery, it was leased , to one Harrison, who, in consideration of
an annual and exorbitant rent, allowed the friars to cover a
portion of the church with thatch, and themselves, now reduced
to four or five, to live as best they may in miserable shielings
near the ancient monastery. A truculent, grasping -wretch is
this Harrison ; for he no sooner discovered that peculiar trait of
the Irish character — I mean the hereditary love of being in
terred in the graves of their forefathers, or within the precincts
of some haUowed ruin — than he erected a gate at the entrance
of the cemetery, and le-vied toll on every corpse that was brought
to be buried there."
" A veritable Charon," observed father PurceU;" who -will
not allow the dead to cross the Stygian lake, tUl he has received
his piece of money ! "
" Or rather one, " replied the pro"vincial, " who ignores the
virtues which recommended Tobias to the angel Raphael. We
have talked far into the night ; so for the present enough."

We may supplement Mooney's narrative by stating that Cree
velea was repaired by the Franciscans in 1642, when sir Owen
O'Rourke made an attempt to recover the lordship and lands of
his ancestors ; but, at the close of the CromwelUan war, that
famUy was once more involved in the general confiscations.
That some of the O'Rourkes, however, stUl clung to their natal

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 81
soil is quite certain, as we learn from the beautiful ejntaph,
which Teigue O'Roddy, of Crossfield, co. Leitrim, composed for
one of them, who died young, in 1671.
CONDITUR . EXIGUA . ROURK . HAC . BEENARDUS . IN . URNA .
STIRPE . PERILLUSTRI . MENTE . LYRAQUE . LINUS .
HIC. PUDOR . HIPPOLITI . PARIDIS . GENA . PECTUS . ULYSSIS .
iENEAE . PIETAS . HECTORIS . IRA . JACET .
FLOS . JUVENUM . SPLENDOR . PROAVUM . JUNII . IDIBUS .
EHEU !
INTEEIIT . RUTILOS . VECTUS . AD. USQUE . POLOS .
As for the Franciscans, they continued to live in thatched
cabins in the neighbourhood of the monastery; and be it recorded
to their honour, one of them, in 1718, taught the venerable
Charles O'Conor, of Belanagare, the first rudittients of Latin, as
he himself tells us in his memoirs. At present Creevelea is a
very extensive ruin, containing, along with the tomb of its
founder — alas, neglected and fast crumbling away — various
fragments of monuments to the O'Murroghs, Cornins, and other
ancient families of Breffny-O'Rourke.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE MONASTERY OP CLONMEL.
The monastery of St. Francis at Clonmel is justly classed
among the most splendid of the many houses belonging to our
order in Ireland ; and even to the present day a small commu
nity of the friars retain a portion of their ancient church, where
they celebrate the di"vine mysteries. The history of its founda
tion is involved in obscurity ; for some say that it owes its origin
to the family of the Fitzgeralds of Desmond, whereas others affii-m
that it was founded by Otho de Grandison, who, in 1269, not
only gave the friars a considerable sum of money to erect the
church, convent, and its appurtenances, but also bestowed on it
a rich tract of land, sites for mills, and two or three fishing
weirs on the Suir. At the dissolution of the religious houses,
that of Clonmel shared the fate of all similar establishments in
the pro"vince of Munster ; for, by an inquisition taken 8th of
March, 31st king Henry VIII., it appears that the then guar
dian was seised of a church and steeple, dormitory, hall, three
chambers, a store, kitchen, stable, two gardens of one acre, toge
ther ¦with fom- messuages, six acres of arable land, four gardens,
a fi.shing-pool and weir in Clonmel — aU of which was parceUed a

82 THE RISE AND PALL OF THE
out. May 19th, 34th of same king, between the sovereign and
commonalty of Clonmel, and James earl of Ormond, to be
held for ever in capite by the said grantees, at a small annual
rent. Nevertheless, although the friars were dispossessed of the
lands, weirs, &c., with which De Grandison had endowed them,
the inhabitants of Clonmel insisted on retaining the church,
cemetery, and sacristy, of which they held possession in the year
1615, when father Mooney, then pro^vincial of the Franciscans,
visited the place. To this zealous friar, on whose valuable mar
nuscript notices of the convents of his order we have heretofore
drawn so copiously, we are indebted for the f ollo"wing particulars
regarding the monastery of Clonmel. At the period of his visi
tation, already specified, he found the church in good repair, the
architecture very magnificent, and nearly all the requirements
of a conventual establishment in as good condition as if Henry
VIIL, Elizabeth, and other plunderers of the religious houses
had never thought of Clonmel. In fact, Mooney tells us, that
the altars were still standing in the church, and that in the centre
of the choir there was a very gorgeous monument,* consisting of
groups of marble statues, to the memory of the lord baron of
Cahir, together "with many other memorials of the same charac
ter, to mark the last resting-place of the nobles who were wont ,
to bury "within the sacred precincts. Father Mooney, however,
says, that he was greatly scandalized by the conduct of some
Jesuits and other ecclesiastics, who, in the absence of the Fran
ciscans, allowed the remains of the Protestant sovereign of Clon
mel to be interred close by lord Cahir's monument in the choir,
and that he caused the body to be exhumed in the night time
and buried elsewhere. This, h^ informs us, he did "with the per
mission of the archbishop of Cashel. At the period of father
Mooney's visitation, it would appear that the Jesuits and secular
clergy had possession of the conventual church, the former
aUeging that they had a grant of it from pope Paul V., and the
latter supporting them in their pretensions; so much so, that the
citizens, acting under the influence of the Jesuits and secular
. clergy, on two different occasions refused to receive a commu
nity of Franciscans into their town. The pro"vincial, how
ever, a very sturdy inan, took active measures to re-estabhsh
the claims of the brotherhood ; and it was finaUy decided, by a
papal rescript, that they should take possession of their ancient
church, the opposition of the Jesuits and secular clergy not-
* See Appendix E, ,

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 83
"withstanding. Father Mooney's next effort was to get back
from the representatives of the earl of Ormond, the original
grantee, some portion of the ancient endo"wments of the monas
tery, but we need hardly say that he was u.nsuccessful.
He insisted that the friars were entitled to the buUding called
the " Aula Comitis," or earl's palace, standing hard by the
monastery; and that the flsh ing- weir and mills on the Suir
should be restored to them. But, despite all his instances, he
coiUd get no redress from the heirs of lord Ormond ; and
the lands, mUls, weirs, and fishing-pools escheated for ever
from the friars. Of the " Aula Comitis," or earl's palace, we
believe there has been no vestige in the memory of the oldest
inhabitant of Clonmel; but it may interest some to know that it
stood "within the precincts of the convent grounds, in Kilshelan-
street, and was one of those edifices which some of the Irish
nobility bmlt in the ¦vicinity of religious houses, to serve them
for a temporary residence whUe going through a course of peni
tential exercises.
In 1615, all the buUdings of the convent, ¦with the exception
of the church and cloister, were entirely dilapidated ; but the
then earl of Ormond remodelled the infirmary, and converted it
into a dwelling-house, which was subsequently given as a mar
riage do^wry to the lady Helen de Barry, whose second hus
band was Thomas, earl of Somerset. Mooney petitioned to
have this edifice given to the Franciscans, but his memorial
was rejected, and the friars were constrained to fix their abode
in a house which they rented. To this convent of Clonmel be
longed a far-famed statue of St Francis, which father Mooney
tells us was rescued from the iconoclasts of the days of king
Henry and queen EUzabeth — a statue in the presence of which
no one could commit perjury -without incurring the penalty of
sudden death, or, at all events, -without ha-ving the whole truth
brought to light by a special interposition of heaven. This
statue or image was enshrined in the sacristy of the church
when father Mooney visited Clonmel ; and we would suggest
that some one should look after it, as it is likely enough that a
reUc so venerated may be stUl in existence, secreted somewhere
in or about the remains of the old monastery. To these meagre
details regarding the Franciscan convent of Clonmel, we have
only to add what father Mooney says of its site, namely that it
was most happily chosen — ^picturesque and commanding, though
buUt inside the to^wn wall, and in a comer of the city-=-m
angulo civitatis.
With this venerable edifice we must naturally associate the

84 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
memory of a highly distinguished Franciscan, of whom his
native land, and Clonmel in particular, may justly be proud ;
for, indeed, his voluminous -writings, and the esteem in which
he was held by the celebrities of his day, must always entitle
him to our respect and veneration. How very few of the many
who frequent the little church of St. Francis in Clonmel, ever
think that more than two centuries ago there lived a townsman
of their o-wn, who, when a mere stripling, was wont to kneel
and pray within the same hallowed precincts ; and who, in his
maturer years, acquired a world--wide renown as a profound
metaphysician, theologian, poet, and historian ! And yet each
of these attributes has been freely accorded to a native of Clon
mel, whose numerous and learned works are the clearest e"vi-
dences, not alone of a master mind, but of industry which has
seldom been equalled before or since the time in which he
flourished. Father Bonaventure Baron, the indi^vidual to'
whom we have been alluding, was born in Clonmel early in
the seventeenth century ; and after completing his preparatory
studies in that city, proceeded to Rome, probably in 1636, just
eleven years after his uncle, the celebrated Luke Wadding, had
founded the convent of S. Isidore for Irish Franciscans. Wad
ding soon perceived that his sister's son possessed grand abUi-
ties, which were destined to reflect honour on the order of
which he himself was even then foremost among the great; and
he accordingly resolved to spare no pains in forwarding the
education of his nephew and protfegfe. Congeniality of tastes,
and a never-wearying love of research in the -wide domain of
history and speculative science, endeared these ardent students
to each other, and caused them to concentrate all their energies
on one grand object, equally valued by both, namely, the
revival of the literary glory of the Franciscans, and the pre
servation from obli"vion of the memories of the great men of the
same body, who conferred such signal service on mankind
during that long and dismal period when knowledge and
ci^vilization could find no biding-place outside the cloister.
It would be superfluous to recount all that Wadding achieved
in this wonderful self-imposed task, of which he has left us so
many valuable monuments, evidencing genius of the highest
order, and industry which challenged the encomiums of sir
James Ware, who, his Protestantism not-withstanding, could
appreciate such gigantic labours, amounting to thirteen or four
teen tomes, eight of which (the Annals) are large foUo, to say
nothing of other works which this great Irishman projected.
As for Baron, it would appear that he had made up his mind,

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 85
to rival his preceptor and patron ; and, indeed, it may be said
that in some respects the pupil outstripped the teacher in the
rapidity with which he produced some of his earliest works.
Considering the various duties that devolved on him after his
ordination, when he was appointed to teach theology in the
school of S. Isidore, and discharge other offices comiected -with
that establishment, we cannot but wonder how one man could
have "written so much, so learnedly, and on such a variety of
topics, before he had yet hardly passed that period which Dante
caUs the mid-term of life., And yet such is the fact ; for we
have it on the authority of father Wadding himself, that his
nephew had actually -written in Latin, singularly remarkable
for its elegance, some five or six volumes, while he was yet
considerably under thirty-three years of age. The titles of some
of these, strange as they must appear in an English translation,
¦wUl show how versatUe was the genius of this eminent man,
and "with what facUity he could turn from the profounder pur
suit of studies, philosophical and theological, to the cultivation
of the muses, and, indeed, of almost every department of light
literature. The dates, too, of some of his numerous publica
tions, ¦vrill prove what we have already asserted, namely, that
his industry was indefatigable, and, we might almost say, un
equalled. Thus, the " Panegyrical Orations," the first volume
which he published at Rome, in 1643, was, two years after
wards, followed by his " MisceUaneous Poems, including Epi
grams and Eulogiums of Eminent Men." In 1651 he edited
his " PhUosophical Essays ;" and in the same year " The Dia
tribe on SUence," or " Harpocrates Quinqueludius," — a, work
in which he displays an extensive knowledge of all the ancient
systems of phUosophy, and profound acquaintance with the
¦writings of the most celebrated of the Christian apologists in
the early ages. In fact, it would seem as if the energies of this
wonderful man never flagged — that his active mind needed no
relaxation; for not only the printing-presses of Rome, but those
of Paris, Lyons, Florence, Wurtzburg, and Cologne found
ample employment from his pen, which at intervals of two,
three, or more years, gave to the world no less than six volumes,
three of which are large folio, devoted to theological and philo
sophical controversies, and a ¦vindication of that great luminary
of the fourteenth century. Duns Scotus, or the Subtle Doctor,
he, too, a Franciscan, the fame of whose learning drew together
upwards of thirty thousand students to Oxford, when he taught
in that university. Besides the works we have already speci
fied, father Baron -wrote a " Course of Theology," in sis tomes ;

86 THE EISE AND FALL OP THE
and, towards the close of his Ufe, he published, at Rome, the
first volume (folio) of the " Annals of the Order of the Most
Holy Trinity for the Redemption of Captives," commencing
"with the year 1198, and carrying it down to 1267. This re
markable work narrates the foundation of the various houses of
the order, and, along "with biographies of its most eminent men,
gives interesting details of the number of capti"ves rescued from
the horrors of Saracen bondage, by the heroic charity of a single
brotherhood, who, in their day, rendered signal ser"vices to their
f ello"wmen. Father Baron proposed to himself to continue this
history do"wn to his own times ; but, growing feeble and blind,
after expending such an amount of vitality on the works we
have enumerated, he was obliged to renounce the pen towards
the close of the year 1686. The remaining ten years of his
life were for him a series of great bodily infirmities, rendered
all the more painful by the total loss of sight, tUl, at length,
after ha"ving spent over sixty years in Rome, he died, at a great
old age, in the convent of S. Isidore, and was buried near
the grave of Luke Wadding in 1696.
The respect in which this native of Clonmel was held by the
great men of his period was such, that he might well be proud
of it, if a heart like his could find place for self-esteem ; but he
was above all such petty weaknesses, and cared more for the
honour of his order than he did for his own glorification. Ne
vertheless, the criticisms of his great contemporaries pronounced
him to be " a man among men," and a writer who deserved to
occupy a niche in the temple of fame. As volume after volume
came from his pen, the reviewers haUed them, each and aU,
¦with most respectful praise ; and, among those who were fore
most in lauding the labours of the Clonmel friar, we find a
countryman of his own, Neal O'Glacan, a native of Donegal, who
professed medicine in the universities of Toulouse and Bologna,
¦wrote a " Cursus Medicus," and other works on cognate sub
jects, and was finally appointed physician and privy councUlor
to the king of France. As for father Baron, he, too, had
honours bestowed on him by another potentate ; for Cosimo III.,
grand duke of Tuscany, elected him to fill the en-vied place of
historiographer and theol ogian to his court in 1 6 7 6 . The grand
duke, in his letter of appointment, states that he conferred this
high honour on Baron because he had won fame in the schools
where he taught, as well as in the various departments of polite
literature. We may also add that Magliabecchi, the celebrated
keeper of Cosimo's * Ubrary, and one of the most distinguished
See Appendix S.

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN IRELAND. 87
men of his time, highly appreciated the subject of this brief me
moir, and was proud of the friendly relations that existed be
tween them. Father Baron's works have become very rare — his
poetical compositions especially. The poem we reproduce, with
translation by S. Ferguson, deputy-keeper of the RoUs, -wUl give
the reader some idea of the father's style, which is occasionally
subtle. We may well suppose that he was anxious to be re
membered among the poets of the Franciscan order, two of whom
have left us the " Dies Irse," and " Stabat Mater." *—
BARONII IN MORTEM MAEI^ WADDINGiE MATRTS SIJ^.
Chara parens, quam prsenipite te poUioe sol-vit
Impatiens fatis parcere Parca tuis !
Nil natura tibi ; minimum fortuna nega-vit ;
Ambabus gemina freta parente parens.
Purpureas succensa genas, trabeata capHlos ;
M essuit arcana frons tua mentis opes.
Virginibus, viduis, genialibus auota corollis,
Audis illustri sanguine, prole, thoro ;
Et fugis ? et fas est : patrio quota piguora coelo
Digna, peregrina ne remorentur humo.
Dear mother mine, -with what a thumb of haste
Impelled, fate's scissors have your threads unlaced !
You Nature nothing. Fortune nought denied.
Parent, -well parented on either side.
Still ruddy-cheeked, still robed -with tresses wrought,
Round grave brow garnered -with the wealth of thought,
Cro-«med -with all chaplets of a genial life.
Maid's, -widow's, happy mother, happy wife.
Most honored ! and you leave us. Be it so.
Heaven's pledge from alien earth should early go.

CHAPTER IX.
OTHER CONVENTS, BRIEFLY NOTICED BY FATHER MOONEY, WITH
ADDITIONAL DETAILS BY THE EDITOR.
Armagh. — A.D. 1264, Maelpatrick O'ScannaU, archbishop of
Armagh, introduced the Franciscans to the primatial city, and
MacDonneU, chief of O'NeUl's galloglasses (heavy-armed body
guards) began the erection of the conventual buUdings, which
were completed 1266. The O'NeiUs ever esteemed the Francis-
• See Appendix T.

08 THE EISE AND FALL OF THE
cans more than any other reUgious order, and had their place of
burial within the convent church of Armagh. There Gormlaith,
¦wife of Donald O'NeUl, king of Ulster, was interred in 1353.
' But, not^withstanding the patronage and protection of the
O'Neills, the poor friars were placed under many restraints, and
deprived of some of their pri^vileges, by Richard Fitz-Ralph, a
native of Dundalk, who was advanced to the primacy of all Ire
land in 1347. The friars represented their grievances to Inno
cent VI., who cited the archbishop to his presence, at A^vignon,
where, after committing the controversy to the arbitrament of
four cardinals, he decided against Fitz-Ralph, and restored the
friars to all their rights and exemptions. During this unseemly
misunderstanding, the Franciscans had an able advocate in Roger
Connow, a Welshman, and pro-vincial of the Friars Minors in
England. In 1 450, John May, who, from the lowly place of -vicar of
Delvin and KUmessan, was advanced to the see of Armagh, held
his court in our convent ; and five years afterwards, when that
same primate, laid his whole diocese under interdict, he
granted an exemption in favour of the Minorites. The house
was reformed in 1518, and in 1566, during the fierce war waged
by Shane O'Neill against sir Henry Sidney, queen Elizabeth's
lord deputy, it was burned to the ground. Our friars then
sought shelter in remote fastnesses, to escape the malevolence of
the queen's lieutenant ; but three of them, after being tracked
to their hiding-place, were arrested, stripped, and flogged through
the streets of Armagh. The friars on whom this indignity was
inflicted were Roger McCong^il, Con Mac Ward, and Fergal of
the same name. But, even in its dismantled condition, the con
vent of Armagh proved of value to the most iUustrious of all the
O'Neills; for, in 1596, Hugh the Great placed his son Con in
ambuscade among the ruins, from which he sallied out with his
forces, surprised, and cut to pieces a large detachment of En
glish conveying provision to the city, whose governor, Stafford,
was obliged to surrender it to the prince who now sleeps far
away in our convent church on the Janiculum.
[In 1620 the site and precinct of the monastery being granted
to the see of Armagh, the premises became incorporated ¦with
the demesne lands," where a considerable portion of the venerable
ruin still exists. * — Ed.]
Baile-an-Chlair. — AD. 1290, John de Cogan erected, on
the banks of the gentle stream that flows through that ¦vUlage, a
* Reeves's "Ancient Churches of Armagh."

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 89
Franciscan monastery, whose architectural beauty cannot be ex
celled by any other of our Irish houses. Singular benefactors
of that foundation were the Berminghams, or rather Mac Feoris,
lords of Athenry, one of whom, baron Thomas, gave our friars,
in 1368, the lands of Cluan-Melayn, that they might never lack
means of purchasing requirements for due celebration of the
august sacrifice.
/ This noble convent ha^ving been suppressed by Henry VIIL,
was granted by queen Elizabeth, with all its appurtenances, to
sir Richard de Burgh in 1570. Our friars, nevertheless, con
tinued to live near their ancient house, until compelled to fly
before Richard Bingham, whose soldiers frequently garrisoned
the church and convent, both of which they wantonly damaged.
After the close of the fifteen years' war, a few of our fathers
were allowed to inhabit a portion of the ruin, where they
preached and dispensed the sacraments.
[After the commencement of the civU war in 1641, the Fran
ciscans made an attempt to restore the sacred buUdings but,
owing to the turbulence of the times, were unable to carry out
their intention. They clung, however, to the old walls per
sistently — so much so, that Pocock, Anglican bishop of Meath,
who died in 1765, states in his journal that the chapel of
Clare-Gal way was in his time used as a " Romish Mass House."]
Dublin. — In the year of our Lord, 1233, just seven years
after our blessed founder's translation to heaven, king Henry
III. issued a ¦writ to the Chamber of the Exchequer to pay
out of the king's treasure to the custodian of the houses of the
Friars Minors of Dublin 20 marks for repairs of their church
and houses ; and three years afterwards another writ to Maurice
Fitzgerald, justiciary of Ireland, empowered him to pay the
Franciscansof Dublin 50 marks of the king's gift, in aid of the con
struction of buildings which they had commenced in the metro
polis of Ireland. Ralph le Porter gave the Conventual Francis
cans a plot of ground in the southern suburb of the city, whereon
they erected a spacious church and dwelUng-house. In the same
year the king settled on the Conventuals of Dublin, an alms-
offering of five marks annually, and a similar sum on our con
vents of Drogheda, Cork, Waterford, Limerick, and Athlone.
The greatest patron of the Conventuals was John le Decer,
mayor of Du'blin, who, in 1308, erected -within the church a
handsome chapel, dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, beneath whose
altar he and his posterity had their last resting-place. Le Decer
was a singular benefactor to his native city, and to all orders of
its religious. "When there was dearth in Dublin, he despatched

90 THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
three ships to France for com, which he distributed gratuitously
to the indigent ; and as for the Franciscans, whom he prized
above all the other regular communities, he pro"vided them with
sustenance every Friday during his lifetime. He died, 1332,
and was laid in the sepulchre which he had prepared for him
self About 1518, the Conventuals of Dublin, and throughout
Ireland generally, were reformed to Observantines — i.e., ob
servers of the primitive rule of our holy founder. In 1534,
when Thomas Fitzgerald, lord deputy of Ireland, renounced his
allegiance to Henry VIIL, the convent and its precincts were,
for a brief space, head-quarters of that rash and Ul-fated scion
of the Geraldines. A year pre"viously, king Henry suppressed
and plundered the friary, which, with its appurtenances; he con
veyed to one Stephens, at the rent of two shillings per annum.
Stephens pu}led down the church and convent, and sold the
beautiful corbels, exquisitely wrought mullions, and marble
altars, in England. Thenceforth our poor friars had a precarious
life in the city till 1615, when they rented a small house in
Cook-street, which served them for oratory and convent.
[Fifteen years afterwards (1630), Bulkely, Protestant arch
bishop of Dublin, in compliance with an order from the king
and common council of England, commanding the demolition of
all religious houses throughout Ireland, made a raid on the Cook-
street oratory, an account of which, in the autograph of father
Turner, now in the Franciscan archives, Dublin, follows. The
¦writer, who, it would appear, was an ocular "witness of Bulkely's
ruffianism, was kinsman of father Luke Wadding, and parish
priest of Lady's Island, county Wexford — ¦
" Our oratories begun again to be opened, and in the last
tearme before Xmas, there was great resort to ye friars in Cooke-
street for that we held ourselves out of danger of ye last procla
mation ; but uppon St. Steevan's day last it befell yt ye pseudo-
archbishop of Dublin and ye mayor, a great puritan, went "with
soldiours to ye said friars' howse about noone of ye day, and
there defaced ye autle [altar] and oratory, and weare leading
away two friars which they tooke. The devoute -women, which
weare in ye oratory, together with young men yt came to ye
crie, did so play on ye mayor and archbishop and their men,
¦with stones and clubs, yt they were forced to take howse, and
some persons weare hurt. Some Catholic aldermen who weare
not at all in ye streets, but only in their own howse, because
they gott not out to rescue the mayor, be putt in prison. I
know not what wUl be ye issue. Some of our CathoUcs be gone

FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES IN lEELAND. 91
with speed to Ingland ; I hope yt they "will be hable to divart
the king's indignation. The Jesuits weare not so forward as the
friars in opening then- schools or oratories ; and you know
they judge it prudence to suffer others to try ye foorde before
them. " Your lo"ving cossen,
"J. K. Turner.
"6th January, 1630.
"To F. Luke Wadding, &c., &c."
In another letter, of same date, father Turner states that the
Jesuit's residence and oratory were ransacked next day by the
archbishop and his men. — Ed.]
Ennis-Cluain-road. — A.D. 1240, DonoghCairbreach O'Brien,
prince of Thomond, fixed his residence at Clonroad, and two
years afterwards commenced the erection of a church and dwell
ing-house for Conventual Franciscans, near his newly built
palace. He did not live to complete the work, but died, 1242,
and was interred in the crypt which he had prepared for himself
and his posterity in the half-finished church. His son and suc
cessor, Conor, carried out his princely father's designs, and saw
the splendid edifice perfect in 1247. Twenty years afterwards
Conor was slain on the field of Burren, from which his remains
were removed to the ancestral sepulchre. In this church of ex
quisite workmanship, the chief nobUity and gentry of the adja
cent districts had their places of sepulture ; for they venerated
our holy founder, and -wished that their ashes might mingle -with
those of the princes of Thomond. In 1305, Turlough O'Brien
enlarged the structure, and bestowed on the friars rich vest
ments, book-cases, and painted -windows for the church. A year
afterwards, MacNamara, lord of Clann-Choilen, was buried in
our cloister, where that powerful family had their tomb. In
1313, Dermot O'Brien, prince of Thomond, was laid beside his
ancestors, after having taken our poor habit, and lived in peni
tential austerity. Thirty years afterwards, Matthew MacNa
mara, surnamed the blind, enlarged the sacristy, and beautified
our refectory. He, too, died in the habit, and was buried with
his forefathers. In 1375, owing to dearth then prevaUing in
Clare, the friars of Ennis obtained leave from Edward III. to
enter the EngUsh pale and purchase provision. The Irish Fran
ciscans, at that time, were regarded as the Irish enemy. In
1540, Murrogh O'Brien, son of Turlough, and the chief men of
Thomond, transferred the monastery to Observantines. This

¦92 THE EISE AND PALL OP THE
occurred in the very year when the English were slaying the
Irish monks in Monaghan and elsewhere throughout Ireland.
In 1577, queen Elizabeth's government seized the monastery
and its beautiful church. The former was then occupied as a
barrack, while the latter was turned into a court-house. O'Brien
' prevented the demolition of the entire edifice by pleading that
the church was the burial-place of his ancestors. He who thus
saved our monastery from being pulled down was Donogh, who,
after joining the De Burghs in their rebellion, came back under
protection, was arrested, tried, and executed at the gate of
Limerick in 1582. His remains were laid in the famUy vault.
[After their expulsion the friars lived, as well as they could,
in the -vicinity of Ennis, where the charity of the faithful sus
tained and sheltered them. In 1621, the monastery was granted
to William Dongan, and at a later period to the earl of Tho
mond. The friars never deserted the neighbourhood of their
once splendid house, for we find them there in 1674, when the
notorious Murrogh O'Brien, lord Inchiquin, bequeathed £20
"to the Franciscans of Innis." — Ed.]
Ieeelagh, anciently Oirbelach,* (now Muckruss). — AD.
1 430, MacCarthy Mor, prince of Desmond, laid the foundation
of our convent in a most sequestered spot on the eastern shore
of Loch Lein.t This prince was ever afterwards styled "of
the monastery," but it was his son Donnell who completed the
buUdings in 1440. In the centre of the choir, under the grand
altar, MacCarthy Mor caused a tomb to be made for himself
and his posterity. Here, in 1560, was interred Eveleen, wife
of the earl of Desmond. She was daughter of the MacCarthy
Mor, and had for her second husband Connor, earl of Thomond ;
here also, in 1582, was buried Catherine, daughter of Teigue Mac
Carthy and wife of Fitzmaurice of Kerry, whose mortal remaias
were conveyed from one island to another, through fear of the En
gUsh marauders then garrisoning Ardfert, under Zouch. Within
the same, hallowed precincts the O'SuUivan Mor and the two
O'Donohoes had their sepulchres. Persecution drove the friars
from their' soUtary dwelling-place in 1542, when Henry VIIL
issued a commission to Edmond Sexton and others, empowering
them to dissolve the religious houses in the counties of Cork
and Kerry. At this period some of the friars were murdered
by the lord deputy's soldiers. In 1602 a smaU community re
turned to the monastery, and set about repaU-ing the injuries it
had sustained. * The eastem gap.
t Celtic name of Killarney.

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 93-
[The then guardian, father Holan,* found that part of the
church nearest the dormitory almost unharmed,! and he may
be said to have re-edified the whole structure in 1626, Three
years subsequently he and his friars were compelled to fly for
their Uves. Thenceforth the venerable place became desolate  •
a picturesque ruin and burial-ground for the neighbouring dis
tricts. — Ed.]
KiLCULLEN. — AD. 1486, Rowland Fitz-Eustace, lord high
treasurer of Ireland, and lord of KilcuUen, erected our con
vent -with all its buUdings near the ancient bridge of the same
name. The iUustrious founder died 1496, and was buried in
the tomb which he had prepared for himself under the grand
altar. Our friars were expelled from this convent in 1547,
but o-wing to the instances of the gentry of KUdare, many of
whom had their burial places in the church, the latter was
suffered to stand. But, meanwhUe, the convent -with its offices
became a ruin.
[In 1554, the second year of queen Mary, when cardinal
Pole came to England, -with legatine powers from Rome,
the guardian and community of KilcuUen presented a memo-
rialf to that personage, praying restitution of the convents of
KilcuUen, Enniscorthy, Trim, Multifeman, and Carrickfergus,
which had been forfeited to the crown during the schism. In
the lifetime of Rowland Eustace (second viscount Baltinglass),
says the memorial, the friars were suffered to live within the
ancient to-wn of KilcuUen. As for the house of Enniscorthy,
it was held -without any title by Richard Butler ; whUe the
convent of Trim (whose founders § were Henry VIIL and his
queen Catherine of .happy memory) had been bought by the
now deposed bishop of Meath, || who gave it to the burgesses
to be used as a court-house. Multifeman, too, had been pur
chased by Thomas Cusack, who, being well disposed to the
* In the wall of the chancel the foUo-wing epitaph still exists : — " Pray
for the happy state of Brother Thadeus Holenus, who cared for the re
storation ofthis sacred Convent, in the year of our Lord, 1626." There
can be little doubt that the CromweUians, when in 1651-52, besieging the-
castle of Ross, did irreparable injury to the sacred edifice  [Ed.]
t " Ecclesia ex parte dormitorii Integra."
J The original in Latin, is among the Harleian MSS., 416, F. 73.
§ The convent of Trim was founded in the thirteenth century by the
Plunkets, lords of Fingal ; but it is likely that Henry VIII. and queen
Catherine may have contributed to its maintenance.
II Staples, an Englishman, who, from being one of cardinal 'Wolsey's-
canons, was promoted to the See of Meath by Clement VII,, 1530.
Staples was a -wretched tuft-hunter, utterly devoid of religious principle.

94 the rise and fall of the
religious, was -wUling, pro"vided he got some compensation from
the queen to restore that monastery to them. " Expelled from
then" houses," continues the memorial, the " friars have had to
fly to mountains and woods, where they endured every phase of
"hardships ; so much so, that they could neither disseminate
the word of God, nor exercise their sacred office. We, there
fore, beseech that the queen's majesty will be pleased to direct
her letters to her deputy chancellor, and other officers in this
realm, commanding them to see restitution made of the fore
said place to the poor friars. And we further pray that the
captains and EngUsh soldiers those especially who have re
cently been sent to Ireland, may not be allowed, for sake of
sparing their purses, to turn the monasteries of said poor friars
into stables for their horses, as they have done in Carrick
fergus, to the desecration of the holy place, and scandal of
the people. Supplicating your eminence to pro"vide a remedy
for such e"vUs, your poor petitioners "will be ever bound to pray,"
Ac, &c.
The prayer of memorialists was favourably entertained, and
the Franciscans were restored to KilcuUen, and dwelt there
till James, third Viscount, was compelled to fly to Spain, 1583,
after an abortive attempt to place Mary of Scotland upon the
throne of England. Later in the reign of Elizabeth, while the
war of the Ulster princes was raging, the friars were obliged
to forsake the ancient house of KUcuUen ; but, before quitting
the premises, they took down the bell from the campanUe, and
hid it in the earth, lest the English should forge it into cannon.
Kilkenny. — AD. 1234, Richard Mareschal, earl of Pem
broke, erected our monastery on the bank of the Nore, and in
that same year he was interred "within its walls. In 1246,
Henry III. issued a mandate to the justiciary of Ireland, to
cause the Franciscans of Kilkenny to have 30 marks of the
King's Irish treasure, namely, 10 marks for the king, 10 marks
for the queen, and 10 marks for the king's chUdren, to con
struct their buildings and discharge their debts. A pious
king, indeed, was he, for he provided the communities of some
of our Irish houses -with tunics at the feast of All Saints, and
commanded that four wax tapers, each one pound in weight,
should continually bum before the cross in the church of the
Holy Trinity, Dublin ; furthermore, he maintained at his o-wn
charge, the anchorite li"ving in the church of St. Mary de Dame
in same city. The church and convent were noble buUdings,
exquisitely flnished, and richly furnished "with all requirements.
The grand altar was a beautiful work of art, and its mensa or

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 95
table, of native marble, was the largest of its sort m
Ireland. It was consecrated in 1321 ; and ten years
afterwards WeUfed, bishop of Waterford, blessed the ad
joining cemetery. In 1374 a confraternity of the bur
gesses of the city charged themselves -with the care of
the beautiful beU-tower, and repairs of the church.- Within
those cloisters lived and -wrote John Clynne, our famous anna
list, who died of the plague 1348. Many of the nobility and
gentry of Kilkenny and its neighbourhood, had sumptuous
monuments in our beautiful church, whUe the convent library
was filled -with choicest literature. All, however, went to destruc
tion whenHenryVIII. suppressed the house, expelled the friars,
and granted the conventual buildings, church, and lands, to the
corporation of KUkenny. The Franciscans, however, continued
to live near their ancient abode, till John Bale, an EngUshman and
apostate CarmeUte, made his appearance in KUkenny as bishop
of Ossory, 1552. He persecuted the community, but was
obUged to fly when Mary ascended the throne in 1553. This
"wretched man expelled our friars, and plundered the church
and convent of all its valuables. The Franciscans then re
sumed ¦ possession of their desecrated premises, when John
Thonory, a native of Kilkenny, was advanced to the see of
St. Canice. The beautiful buildings, after having for a time
served as a sessions-house, fell into decay ; so much so, that
in 1612, when our friars rented a dwelling house in the city,
they could not, even though permitted, use the church for the
divine offices.
[In 1668, Peter Walsh, O.S.F., author of " The Loyal For
mulary or Irish Remonstrance," published 1674, addressed the
subjoined to the duke of Ormond : — " It is not a time for me
to brag that I have been a constant servant of your grace, and
now seeing sickness and age conspire to deprive me of Ufe, I
seal my friendship by conjuring you, ' "visceribus Christi,' to
grant me two requests as an indelible mark of all your obUga-
tions. The first is that your grace may be pleased to give the
poor Fryers of my order the convent of Kilkenny,* formerly
belonging to them, where I lived, and to which I was son and
superior ; which wUl be an act worthy of perpetuating your
greatness and piety. The second is to take to your grace's
consideration to protect and help a poor nephew of mine who
has charge of eleven chUdren. His name is Andrew Laborne,
of Cloghiniske, in the county of Catherlogh. This being my
0"wn dictation, written by the lord nuncio's chaplain, who
* See Appendix U.

96 the rise and fall of the
absolved me from all incumbrances to which I was subject this
long space of time." — Ed.]
Limerick. — The Franciscans it is said, had two convents in
this city, one in the king's island founded 1293 ; and the other
in the Irish to"wn, which was founded by O'Brien, prince of
Thomond, in the reign of Henry III. Some maintain that we
owe our Limerick convent to the lady Marina, "wife of the earl
of Desmond, who flourished in 1350. Be that as it may, the
brotherhood were not over kindly treated by Creagh, bishop of
Limerick, who in 1376, during the pontiflcate of Gregory XL,
made some charges against them, which were referred for ex
amination to the archbishop of Canterbury. Torrington, at
that time archbishop of Cashel, and of our order, maintained
the cause of our friars successfully and "vindicated their fan-
fame. As for archbishop Torrington I may not omit mention
ing that he visited the court of pope Urban VI., and returning
home through London preached in presence of Richard II.,
against the king of France (Charles VI.), who sided "with the
upholders of the antipope Clement VII. Torrington to whom
we are so lastingly indebted, passed out of this life in 1380. The
Limerick convent was reformed to Observantine in 1534; and
in 1543 that rapacious monster, Henry VIIL, decreed its dis
solution. I myself -visited the rains, some years ago, and could
not help admiring the spacious garden and orchard which" piety
had bestowed upon our community. Subsequently, the Fran
ciscans abode in a hired house (domus conductitia) ; and even
now — the dangers of the times not"withstanding — they labour
sedulously for the preser-vation of the faith. The glorious death
of O'Healy, bishop of Mayo, of whose martyrdom we may be
justly proud, made the citizens of Limerick stUl more attached
to our order, of which he was a holy and distinguished member.
Arrested by Drury, the lord justice, on his return from Rome,
he and his chaplain. Con O'Rourke, brother of prince Bernard,
were committed to a loathsome prison in Limerick, whence they
were removed to Kilmallock, and there executed neai- the gate
of the city, after ha"ving been subjected to tortures which, for
their de"vUish ingenuity, might provoke the jealousy of the arch
fiend. Fourteen days after O'Healy and O'Rourke had ascended
into heaven, Drury was seized "with mortal illness, and breathed
his last in Waterford. I have heard that the remains of the
murdered prelate, "with those of O'Rourke, and the instruments
employed to torture them, were interred in the beautiful clois
ter of our convent in Askeaton. That house was founded in
1420, by James, seventh earl of Desmond, who was there

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 97
interred in 1558. Askeaton was reformed to Observantine in
1490. A provincial chapter was held there in 1564, in the
reign of good queen Mary ; but the place is now a ruin, beau
tiful even in its desolation. I had almost forgotten to say that,
some few years ago, su- Arthur Chichester made a grant of our
Limerick house to one Sexton, who had been his secretary. This
Sexton took do-wn the buUdings, and turned the precincts into
a tannery." " How strange," observed father Purcell, " to find the lord
deputy's confidential friend and amanuensis turning tanner ! "
"Aye, brother," replied Mooney, "it was, indeed, a strange
transformation. But I have no doubt that Sexton bore no re
semblance to ' Simon of the same trade who hospitably en
tertained blessed Peter what time he tarried in Joppe ! " *
LiSGOOL.f — A.D. 1106, Maguu'e, prince of Fermanagh,
founded a house for regiUar canons of the order of St. Augustine,
on the western shore of Lough Erne. There the lords of that
deUghtful island-region had their last resting-place, and there,
too, were interred then- historians and poets — the O'Keenans,
and the O'Husseys. Munificent benefactors of Lisgool were the
Maguires, and none of them departed this life -without leaving
some mark of his veneration for its church and community.
How many proofs might be given of their zeal for the beauty of
that holy house ! Let one suffice. Alba, daughter of Hugh,
prince of Fermanagh, the year before her decease, retired from
the world, and bestowed all she possessed on the fraternity of
Lisgool, where she was buried -with her forefathers, A.D. 1477.
Over a hundred years afterwards, the then lord of Fermanagh,
percei-ving that -the abbot, a kinsman of his o"wn, took Uttle or
no pains to preserve the monastery, which was a monument of
the piety of his ancestors, resolved that it should be transferred
to the Franciscans. But as this could not be effected -without
consent of Rome, Maguire, and CorneUus MacCardell,J bishop
of Clogher, refeiTed the project to his holiness, who not only
¦* Father Francis Harold, Luke "Wadding's nephew and biographer,
who compiled an abridgment of his uncle's " Annales," was a native of
Limerick, and professed theology and philosophy in Rome, Prague, and
Vienna. He was chronographer of the Franciscan order, and died,'
jubilate lector, in St. Isidore's, Rome, 1685. The first stone of the new
Franciscan 'convent in Limerick was laid by most reverend Dr. Butler,
May 28, 1876; the eloquent bishop of Ardagh preaching on the solemn
occasion. For many valuable notices of the Limerick Franciscans, see
Lenehan's exhaustive history of that city.
t lisgabhail — ^the fort of the river fork.
% Alias Mercadell. H

98 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
approved it, but exhorted the prince to carry out his designs.
Thereon the abbot surrendered his title to Maguire, who guaran
teed that the former and his representatives should sustain no
loss by the incoming of the Minorites.
[The deed executed on this occasion has been preserved in
King's Collections, R.D.S., translated from the original Latin in
the Annales Nenaghtenses : —
" These are the articles between Cuchonnaght Maguire, lord
of Fermanagh, of one part, and my lord abbott of Liosgowel,
viz., Cahal McBrian Magwyer, of the other part, about the
abbey of the said Liosgowel, which heretofore was possessed of
the monks of St. Augustine, now gone to ruine and base decay,
for want of reparation and de"vine ser"vice. Mag"wyer, being
grieved at his own and the chiefest of his countrie's selected se
pulchre to be so ruinated, intreated the forementioned my lord
abbott to surrender his titles and right in the abbey, and suffer
himself to provide for it another order, that should maintain
and keep the abbey in due reparation and continuall devine ser-
"vice. My lord abbot, being moved by the intreaty of Maguire,
by the consent of the then lord bishop and chapter, this mutual
consent of the abbot, bishop, and chapter, was sent to the pope;
The pope, agreeing to the mind of the bishop, sent letters and
straite commanding charge to expel the order of St. Augustine,
in whose possession the abby decayed, and there estabUsh the
order of St. Francis, which should keep the abby in all dutifuU
offices thereunto belonging. The bishop, recei"ving the pope's
letters, incontinently did put them in execution, and ratified the
abby unto ye order of St. Francis. Magwyer, ha"ving enjoyed
the assent of the abbot, bishop, and pope, built and re-edified
anew, nigh the place where it was formerly buUt, being better
and far more commodious a place for sundry respects ; to the
honour of God and St. Francis, to the utiUty and profit, both of
his own soul, his father's, and all his name in general. Maguire,
in obtaining the abbot's voluntaiy assent in the premises, re
warded him by a temporal recompence — to wit, ten dry cows
yearly, and every year, for ever, for himself, and aU other Mag-
"wyers him succeeding, to be paid unto the abbot and his heirs
after him. The cows are in manner follo"wing to be paid, "viz. :
as much as shall be due ratably upon his o"wn lands, to receive
it in first part of payment ; and the remnant of the cows are in
manner foUo-wing to be leviable and paid out of the lands of
Carrig. Moreover, the abbot changed two tates, kno"wn by the
names of Drumcon one tate, and the tate whereon the monastery
standeth, which Maguire bestowed upon the friars, for the grealt' ;

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 99
tate called Lathragh, -with the appurtenances thereunto belong
ing unto himself and his heirs successively ; and if any of the
natives of Claen-inis* would make claim thereunto, is for ever
voided and of no forceable effect, in regard the whole authorita
tive and disposition of the lands of Claen-inis came from the
pope unto Maguire ere he was created lord, and then had both
the authorities, as well of the . . . lands of Claen-inis, by
mutual consent of spirituall and temporall superiors. It is Uke-
"wise agreed that the abbott and his heirs are to enjoy and pos
sess the rest of the lands of the abby, together with spirituall
duties and beneficial prevents thereunto belonging. Item, a
place for a house and garden is reserved for the abbot and his
heirs, upon the land exchanged and bestowed upon the fryers.
Item, the abbot and his heirs are in the affectionate and special
prayer, honour and councell of the fryers, above aU men in the
whole country, Mag^wyer only excepted. Item, no abbot hence
forward is to be caUed in the abby or monastry. Item, the
fryers are to warrant, defend, and patronise the dwellers of the
rest of the lands of the abby, as well as those inhabiting the
exchanged lands by the abbot ¦with Maguire, and by him
bestowed upon the fryers. Item, the abbot, as far as he may,
is to keep and 'observe towards the fryers and theirs, all honours
and pri"vileges, both in spirituall and temporall authority. Item,
the abby lands are to enjoy at the hands of the Magwyer, and
aU other Magwyers him succeeding, all honours, pri"vUeges, and
Uberty whatsoever by them formerly enjoyed when the abby
flourished, "without taxing them -with any country charges, in
cumbrances, or impositions. Item, if any debate or controversy
should at any time arise, either between Magwyer, or any other
Magwyer .... the fryers are to enjoy and possess their
grant not"withstanding .... whoever shall gainsay or in
any "wise contradict this agreement is liable to the payment of
the foUowing fines and forfeits, that is to say, one hundred
cows, to be payable unto Magwyer, and to each Mag-wyer him
foUo"wing, his heirs, and whole name, together with twenty
cows, payable unto the race of Brien Maguire, and twenty cows
unto each other name or sect [clan] now in request and power
•within this country, viz., McManus, Caflfrie, the Hughes, and
O'Hoines. Item, besides these fines payable to the specified
names or sects', the disturber or disturbers of the fryers or their
monastery is to suffer banishment and exile out of the whole
country of Fermanagh during the power and might of the same
* Cleenish, i.e. Sloping Island.

100 THE RISE AND PALL OF THE
names and sects. Item, another fine of . . . cows out of the
goods and lands of the beginner of disturbances are payable unto
"the poets, "viz., O'Hosies and McCrifferties, who "will reprove,
infame, and reprehend the disturber in their taunting poems ;
otherwise, the ordinary fine of twenty cows to be le"vied out of
their own goods or lands. Item, the churchmen of all sorts
"within the country are to excommunicate the f orenamed sects or
names if they fail in taking these fines or forfeits. Item, the
like fines and forfeits are duly payable to the abbot and his
heirs, and unto said sects and poefs, out of the goods and lands
of him and them that will not fulfill and perform the f orepassed
articles. Finally, one hundred cows be payable unto O'NeUl,
and all other O'NeUls for the time in the like manner. O'NeUl
is like"wise to further and help the rest against the disturber or
disturbers. Torlogh O'Neill is lord of Tiron, Manus O'DonneU
lord of TirconneU, Cuchonnaght Magwyer lord of Fermanagh,
Brian McBrian O'Roirk lord of Breflny, and Daniel McTaig
O'Connor lord of lower Connaught. At the perfecting of the
said deed being present, God before all, the bishop of Clogher,
"viz., CorneUus McCardell, the dean and officiall of Clogher, Cahal
MaguU-e, the dean of Lough Erne, the same abbot that was in
Lisgowell, the dean of Clann Hugh and his clergy, Owyn
O'Duffie, minister provincialis, Walter McCuard, the guardian
of Armagh, WUUam McCormack, the guardian of Lisgowell, and
his fryers, McGuire, McCaffrie, McManus, -with many others.
"Anno Dni. 15 — .
"Cornelius, Epus. Clogh.
" Hugo, Decanus Clogh.
" Donaldus, Officialis Clogh.
" Eugenius O'Duffie, Minister Provincialis.
" Mag"wyer.
" Cahal Magwyer, the Abbot."
It is hard to determine the precise time when the Franciscans
superseded the canons regular ; but supposing they did not enter
into possession till the foregoing deed was executed, we must
conclude that this remarkable event tookplaceabout 1567, when
ComeUus M'Ardell was bishop of Clogher, and Turlogh O'NeUl
had been inaugurated lord of Tyrone. At all events, it is quite
certain that Maguire was not able, o"wing to the turbulence of
the times, to complete the new building, whicK, however j was
tenanted by Franciscans until 1598, when they were obliged to
seek refuge in tlie neighbouring mountains. Having returned
to the convent after an interval of some years, we find them
there in 1631, when Michael O'Cleary and his four assistants

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN lEELAND. 101
began to compile the " Book of Invasions,"* under the protec
tion of Brien Roe Maguire, the first of his race created a peer
of Ireland by Charles I., by the title of lord Maguire, baron of
EnniskUlen. This lord, dying, was succeeded by his son Conor,
¦who received his education in the convent of Lisgool, and
proved himself a generous patron of the friars. Ha^ving taken
a leading part in the insurrection of 1641, he was betrayed and
committed to the tower of London, tried for high treason in
1644, and hanged at Tyburn. A short time pre^viously he made
his ¦will, which clearly proves that he never forgot the convent
on the shore of lough Erne, before whose altar he often knelt in
youth, and at which he desu-ed to be remembered after his heroic
soul had gone to its account.!
" I do enjoin my said heirs, executors, the equal distribu
tions, and give fifty pounds to those convents or friaries fol-
lo^wing : — that is, Lisgool, twenty pounds ; ten pounds to sun
dry of the convents of Ardmagh, Cavan, and Monaghan ; and
that to have Masses said for my soul. And I do most ardently
pray that this money be given ¦with the greatest speed that
may be. . . .
" I do desire those, my friends, herein mentioned, and all
others my friends, to have many Masses and prayers said for
my soul ; and last of all, I do appoint this, my will, to be and
remain in custody of the Friars of Lisgool, whom I entreat to
keep it safely in their custody, until it pleases God that the
contents be fulfilled ; and also to send authorised copies of it
to each of these, my friends, entrusted and mentioned by me as
above mentioned. I do Uke^wise beseech the said Friars to
soUcit, frequently and earnestly, all those that ought from time
to time to fulfil and perform this, my last will and testament,
to be mindful of their duties in discharging their parts; and
also I do desire the said Friars to be mindful always in all
their Masses and prayers to pray for my soul. . . .
" What is in this paper contained, although -with many blots
and interlinings, is my last ¦will and testament, and so I desire
it may be confirmed and taken to all intents. I did intend to
have it fairly ¦written after this form and meaning herein con
tained, but that I was denied this. I enjoin and desire it may
* A narrative in Gaelic of the early successive colonizations of Ireland.
t The trial of Lord Maguire is one of the most remarkable among the
" State Trials " of the seventeenth century, and his conduct on the
scaffold, when teazed and insulted'by canting hypocrites, shows that he died
a thorough Catholic — a true martyr to his faith and country — both at
that period persecuted by Parsons Borlase and other puritans.

102 THE RISE AND PALL OP THE
be fulfilled in all as if it had been fairly engrossed, and to that
intent I now have put my hand and seal to this draft, the day
and year above "written. " Connor Enniskillen.''
Although the premises were seized by the Cro"wn early in
the reign of James I., the Franciscans must have been in the
neighbourhood so late as 1739, when sir Bryan Maguire, knight
of the order of St. Louis, gave a chalice for the use of the con
vent of Lisgoole near InniskilUng. Just now there is hardly a
vestige of the ancient buUding, and even the graveyard, says the
learned and highly accomplished artist, Wakeman, " has been
devoted to agricultural purposes."* Thus abbots, warlike
chiefs, and fair ladies returned to dust, have made that spot
loamy If — Ed.]
QuiN.J — A.D. 1402, Mac Namara, lord of Clan-CoUein,
founded a monastery for Conventual Franciscans within a short
distance of Dromoland, and on the site of the ancient church
dedicated to St. Finghin. A princely benefactor to our friars
was that chief of the broad lands lying between the Fergus and
the Shannon ; and it is almost superfluous to add that the
once splendid convent of Quin, even in its ruin, testifies his
high appreciation of architectural grace and elegance. He
laid its foundation close by a gentle stream, and the material
employed for the fabric was a fine black marble. The principal
entrance was approached by an easy ascent, and the worshipper,
on reaching the threshold, beheld the magnificent grand altar,
and two small ones on either side of the chancel arch. Here,
too, was the richly sculptured tomb of the founder, and in
close proximity to it were the monuments of the O'Kennedys,
and other noble famUies of Clare, many of whom took our poor
habit on the bed of death. Dormitory, refectory, Ubrary,
cloister, beautiful square campanUe, and all other requirements,
were generously supplied by the munificence of the lord Clan-
ChoUean. A.D. 1433, another Mac Namara, surnamed Ball — i.e. the
blind — memorialed pope Eugene IV. to send the Observantines
to Quin ; for about that period the blessed Bemardin of Sienna,
* " Scenery of Lough Erne," Mullany, Dublin.
t In the third year of James I. a lease was granted to "William Bradley,
of Dublin, gentleman, of the site, &c., of the religious house of St. Francis,
near to the late dissolved abbey of canons of Lisgoole. It was subsequently
granted to sir John Davies, as it appears by an inquisition taken at En
niskillen, 16th March, 1630, that he was then seized thereof.
i Hibemioe" Cuinohe."

FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 103
was revi"ving the primitive fervour of the Franciscans. Quin,
therefore, was the first of the Irish houses which adopted that
reformation. In 1583, the very year in which the great earl
of Desmond was treacherously slain for English gold by
O'Moriarty, our friars were expelled from their beloved pre
cincts, of which queen Elizabeth made a grant to Turlough
O'Brien, of Inishdyman, as a reward for recreancy to his God
and country.
Waterford. — This convent was founded in the reign of
Henry III. A.D. 1240, by Hugo Purcell, a pious magnate,
whose recumbent effigy may stUl be seen in our much-injured
church. Within the same precincts the great faniily of the
Powers of Curraghmore had their ancestral tomb, and there,
among others, were interred Richard the baron, and his holy
¦wife, the lady Catherine Barry, daughter of the Barry Mor,
viscount Buttevant. The church was a spacious and beautiful
edifice, -with its numerous altars, and all the other requirements
befitting it. It was held in great esteem by Henry III., who
annuaUy granted to the brotherhood a considerable sum for
the purchase of habits ; and I may not forget to state that his
successor, king Edward I., was extremely fond of, and liberal
to, our Waterford house. During the reign of Edward IV.,
a pro-vincial chapter was held there ; but when Henry VIIL
abjured his fealty to God and the supreme see of Rome, the
house was dissolved and granted to one Patrick Walsh and the
brethren of the hospital of the Holy Ghost. Then commenced
the ruin and dilapidation of our stately church, which those
tasteless impropriators made an asylum for the sick. A
part of the sacred edifice, however, remained untouched, and
there several families of Waterford continued to bury in their
ancient tombs. Our convent gave two prelates to the see of
Waterford — Roger Cradock, O.S.F., in the year of our Lord
1350; and in 1472, Richard Martin, jubUate lecturer, was
advanced by Pope Paul II. to the united sees of Waterford and
Lismore. In 1521 the Waterford Franciscans adopted the
strict observance. A very distinguished -writer in his time
was one of the brotherhoqd, namely, WUUam De Waterford,
who signalized himself by exposing the heresy of the WickUf-
ites. I was in Waterford in 1615, and assisted at the secret
chapter which, all unworthy as I was, elected me minister pro-
¦vincial. Our friars were then living clandestinely in a house
they rented ; and had to be constantly on their guard against
their truculent enemies. The Catholics, however, were true to
the brotherhood, and generously sustained them even at their

104 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
imminent peril. "When I was there, I was told that the remains
of one John Luker, a member of our institute, which had lain
for centuries beneath the floor of the church, were found in a
state of perfect preservation, a sign, I take it, that the "de
ceased was a special favourite of heaven, which often manifests
its complacence in this mysterious fashion. A singularly gifted
young member of our order — Luke Wadding, of whom, doubt
less, you have heard, was bom in Waterford, in 1588, and
is now, in the thnteenth year of his religious profession,
teaching theology with great distinction in the learned city
of Salamanca. I remember seeing the splendid tomb of the
Wadding family in the church ; and even now I call to
mind the intense sorrow of young Wadding's father when
the remains of his "wife, Anastatia Lombard, had to be .
interred in the cemetery of the priory of the canons of St.
Augustine; because she died of the pestilence which deso
lated the southern to"wns of Ireland, in 1602. Fondly
united in life, they were denied the consolation of resting in
the same sepulchre. Luke, the child of their united loves and
hopes, I venture to predict ¦will one day reflect lustre on their
name and memory.* I have not a word to add to this meagre
notice of our house in that ancient city of the Ostmen, who
there embraced the religion of Christ.
Wexford. — Early in the reign of Henry III., probably,
about 1240, the Conventual Franciscans had a house in this
maritime to^wn, which accepted the reformation, and became
Observantine in 1486. The dearth of records relating to this
convent is singularly remarkable, and may, perhaps, be attri
buted to the rapacity of one Alexander Devereux, native of
Balmagir, who, although abbot of Dunbrody, apostatized, and
was made schismatical bishop of Ferns, by Bro^wn, apostate
archbishop of Dublin, 1539. This unscrupulous pseudo-prelate
thought of nothing but enriching his relations, to whom he
made fee-farm leases of nearly all the church lands ; so much
so, that his nepotism and selfishness disgusted even the heretics.
As might be expected, he ousted our friars from their holy
domicUe, which was granted by Henry jVIIL, in 1544, to one
Paul Turner, and James Devereux- — a kinsman, doubtless, of
the apostate Cistercian. The ancient buUdings thenceforth
fell into decay, but some of the Observantines continued to Uve
* When Waterford, Kilkenny, and other Irish cities shall have become
acquainted with the great men born in their midst, it is to be hoped that
they will be honoured by some monument commemorative of their splendid
achievement's. Does not Wadding, priest, scholar, and patriot, deserve a-
Btatue in his birth-place ?

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 105
in the neighbourhood, where they were generously sheltered
and maintained by the people, who pitied and loved them. In
1615, father James Synnott rented a house in the town for a
small community, and there they muiister to the spiritual wants
of the people, as well as the circumstances of the times permit.
[About Easter-tide, 1654, four of the Franciscans were ar
rested in Wexford by CromwelUan officers, who had them
hanged -without formaUty of trial, in the neighbourhood of
their ancient convent. Five years pre-viously, on the memo
rable 11th of October, 1649, the Franciscans were involved in
the massacre which took place in the streets, when the town
was captured by Cromwell. French, bishop of Ferns, who at
that time lay sick in a ¦vUlage near Wexford, and had a narrow
escape from the CromwelUan soldiers, has left us the foUo^wing
¦vi-vid narrative of the butchery, which the reader may peruse
in the original, as well as translation : —
" Omnia amisi undecimo Octob. a. 1649. Ilia funestissima
die ci-vitas Wexfordia gentilitia, opibus, ratibus, mercimonUs
florens, in ore gladU deleta fuit, et furenti mUiti in praedam
data a Cromvello, peste imperii Anglicani. Ceciderunt ante
altare Dei "victimae sacrse, sancti Domini sacerdotes. AUi extra
fores tempU reperti flageUis csesi sunt, aUi capti et -vincti cate-
nis, aUi suspensi, crudeUter necati Fundebatur clams civium
sanguis, quo inundabant platseas. Vix erat domus non fcedata
strage, et plena ploratu. In ipso palatio immaniter trucidati
sunt unus ephoebus, amabilis puer, hortulanus, et sacristanus,
capeUanum vero, quem domi reUqueram, sex gra-vibus vulneri-
bus affectum reUquerunt in cruore sue volutatum. Et haec
abominanda facta sunt in facie soils a profanis sicarUs ! A qua
die non vidi (quod me fecit hominum sub sole miserrimum)
civitatem, gregem, patriam, gentem. A civitatis excidio -vixi
in syl^vis quinque mensibus, in horas ad necem qusesitus. Ibi
erat potus mens lac et aqua, panis in arcta mensura, quem qui-
dem semel spacio quinque dierum non gusta-vi. Cubavi sub
dio sine tecto, et stragulis. Demum sylva in qua delitui, densis
hostium turniis circumdata, qui eo venerant, ut me caperent,
et in AngUam mitterent catenis ligatum, erupi, angelo tute-
lari me ducente, ac evasi generosi equi velocitate.
" To his excellency the Internunzio. "Antwerp, Jan., 1673.
" On that 11th October, 1649, I lost everythmg I possessed.
On that most fatal day, Wexford, my native town, then abound
ing in merchandise, ships, and wealth, was taken at the sword's

106 THE RISE AND FALL OF THE
point by that pest of England, CromweU, and sacked by an
infuriated soldiery. Before God's altar feU severi^l sacred
¦victims, holy priests consecrated to the Lord. Some who were
arrested outside the church doors were flogged with scourges,
others were laden -with chains, whUe many were hung or other-
•wise cruelly done to death. The best blood of the citizens inun
dated the streets, and there was hardly a house that was not
fiUed -vvith slaughter and wailing. In my palace were bar
barously butchered an amiable lad not fifteen years old, my
gardener, sacristan, and chaplain, whom they left weltering in
his blood after he had received sis wounds. And these abomi
nations were committed in open day by ruthless assassins I
Never since have I seen my native city, flock, country, or people,
and this makes me the most -wretched of men. After the cap
ture of the town I Uved five months in the woods, hourly sought
after by those who would have murdered me. There my drink
was mUk and water, and small was my portion of bread, without
which, on one occasion, I had to live as well as I might five
days. I had to sleep in the open air, without roof or blanket.
At length the wood in which I lay concealed was surrounded
by strong detachments that came to arrest and send me in chains
to England ; but, thanks to my tutelar angel, and the fleetness
of a well-bred horse, I escaped. "
[Bishop French's silence about the massacre of the women in
the Bull Ring, if indeed such an event took place, is very
remarkable. Had his lordship been able to bring such a charge
against Cromwell, would he have spared him 'i But the story
never appeared in print tUl 1758, when Abbe M'Geoghegan
pubUshed it. French died 1678.]
Wicklow. — A.D. 1252, in the reign of Henry III. of Eng
land, the O'Byrnes and the O'Tooles founded near that Uttle
maritime to-wn a church and dwelling-house for Conventual
Franciscans. About 1436 the community adopted the strict
observance, and thenceforth our friars continued to minister to
the mountain septs, many of whose chiefs they educated, tUl the
reign of Edward VI., who seized the premises, and expulsed
Dermot O'Moore, the last guardian. In 1575 sir Henry Har
rington obtained a lease of this monastery for a term of twenty-
one years, at a small annual rent. This Harrington sustained
a signal defeat at the ford of Rathdrum in 1599, when he was
routed by the O'Byrnes, and had to fly for his life to his strong
hold, Newcastle. The convent of Wicklow was the poorest of
our order in Ireland ; for , in its tranquUlest days it had only
nine acres of land and a meadow. I visited it in 1615, when

FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES IN IRELAND. 107
the venerable church had been turned into a court-house, which
was then filled by noisy and u-reverent Utigants. The cloister
and other appurtenances were sadly dUapidated, and falling into
shapeless rain. The chancel arch and its beautiful window
prove that it was a graceful structure, creditable to the piety of
its founders, and the architectural science of those they employed
to buUd it.*
" And now, dear friend, " said the pro-vincial, " our task is
ended ; for I have exhausted all the fragmentary memoranda
anent our Irish houses that I was able to collect. Let us hope
that God "wiU one day inspu-e some member of our institute to
look to the lacunffi or inter-historic spaces which we are
reluctantly compeUed to leave unfilled in this volume. "
" Amen ! " replied father Purcell ; " and, for my o-wn part,
I heartUy -wish that somebody else had written these pages.
Withal, I earnestly beseech the indulgent reader to admit that
my essay, notwithstanding its numerous shortcomings, is better
than none at all Haec a quo"vis alio quam a me scribi vellem ;
a me potius quam a nemine. "
* Father John Colgan, who ¦visited Wicklow a considerable time before
the publication of his works (1645-47), says that the ancient church of
St. Mantain was then an unfenced ruin, -with sheep depasturing -within
its walls ; and that this desolation had befallen it in fulfilment of a
prophecy uttered by St. Patrick. Kalmantain, we may add, was the
primitive name of the to-svn and district now called Wicklow.

THE lEISH HIERARCHY
IN THE SE"SrENTEENTH CENTURY.
CHAPTER I.
On Monday, the 22nd of October, 1645, an armed frigate, with
the " fieur-de-lis " flying at the main, and carr3ring at her prow
a gilded figure-head of St. Peter, dropped anchor at the mouth
of Kenmare river, not far from the point where it falls into the
bay to which it gives its name. Soon afterwards a boat was
seen pulling shoreward; and a few shepherds, who were attracted
to the beach by the sight of the large ship, could easily discern
that the party approaching were strangers, and that one among
them was a personage of high distinction, an ecclesiastic dressed
in costume ¦with which they were not famUiar, accompanied by
a retinue of twenty-six indi^viduals, whose garb and features left
no doubt that they too were natives of a foreign clime. Scarcely
had the boat touched land, when the whole party proceeded to
a shieling, which the shepherds had erected to protect them from
the inclemency of the weather, and set about' preparing for the
celebration of Mass. It was the feast of St. Philip, bishop of
Fermo, an episcopal city in the pontifical states ; and he who
now robed himself for the holy sacrifice was John Baptist
Rinuecini, bishop of that see, and nunzio-extraordinary, sent by
Innocent X. to ¦the Irish Catholics, then in arms for their king,
religion, and country. Good reason had Rinuecini to be grateful
to God for ha-ving enabled him to reach the shores of Munster
in safety ; for the frigate in which he saUed was nigh falling
into the hands of one Plunket, a renegade Irishman, who com
manded the parliament squadron, then cruising in the Irish
channel, and pursued the St. Peter -with two of his vessels f uUy
a hundred mUes, till a fire breaking out in the galley of his own
ship, compelled him to shorten sail and abandon the chase. It
is certain that the nunzio's frigate would have shown fight had
she come -within range of Plunket's guns, for he tells us that
the St. Peter's carronades were cast loose and shotted, and that'
the Irish, most of whom were soldiers and officers who had

THE IRISH HIERARCHY, ETC. 109"
fought in the Netherlands, under Preston and O'NeUl, and were
now returinng home to serve in the confederate ranks, declared
that they would rather die in action and be buried in the sea,
than fall into the hands of the fanatical Puritans, from whom
they could expect no quarter. The chances, indeed, were all
against the St. Peter, for Plunket's frigate carried heavier metal,
had a larger number of hands, and was in every respect better
equipped for emergencies. The fire, however, on board the par
liament vessel saved the nunzio, who, like his retinue, was
already half-dead of sea sickness, from becoming a prize to
Plunket ; and we can easUy imagine how the latter cursed the
accident that caused him to lose the St. Peter, with its rich
freight of gold and sUver, arms and ammunition, destined for
the use of the confederated Irish Catholics, to say nothing of the
person of the pope's nunzio, who, had his o^wn forecastings been
realized, should of necessity have resigned his high function for
a prison in the tower of London. Rinuecini attributed his escape
to the special guardianship of him whose image .decorated the
prow of his frigate ; but, be that as it may, the fire m Plunket's
cooking gaUey will account for it proximately.
Ha^ving celebrated Mass of thanksgiving in the shieling, the
nunzio had a large portion of the arms and ammunition and all
the money brought ashore ; and finding no safe place for storage
nearer or more secure than the old castle of ArdtuUy, he con
verted it into a temporary magazine, and then ordered the St.
Peter to weigh for Waterford, and discharge the residue of the
freight in that friendly haven. The -wind, however, proving
contrary, the vessel had to make for Dingle, where the arms
were landed, and soon afterwards sent to Limerick, in order to
save them from the enemies of the confederates, who, by way
of retaUation for not having Rinuecini himself in person, were
intent on seizing them. After remaining two days in the shep
herds' hut, the nunzio proceeded by slow marches to Limerick,
keeping clear of the high roads, accepting the hospitality of the
nobiUty and gentry who welcomed htm, and escorted bysquadrons
of confederate cavalry, commanded by Richard Butler, brother
of the marquis of Ormond, who was specially appointed to that
duty as soon as Belling, secretary to the supreme councU, had
announced his arrival in Ireland.
On the last day of October, 1645, Rinuecini entered the city
of Limerick, at whose gate he was met by the clergy, and the
municipal and military authorities, who, in solemn procession,
preceded him to the ancient cathedral, where Richard Arthur,
bishop of the see, awaited his arrival. The venerable prelate.

110 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
then far advanced in years, and in broken health, was habited
in rich pontificals ; and the nunzio, f amUiar as he was in his o-wn
country ¦with all that is gorgeous in church costume, could not
but admire the splendid crozier and "mitre which the bishop used
in the solemn function of receiving the pope's ambassador on
the threshold of his metropolitan church.
So highly appreciated at that period were the mitre and crozier
of Limerick, made for Cornelius O'Dea, bishop of the see in
1418, that they were generally supposed to have been the work
of some celestial artificer, and not of mortal hands ; " for,"
says the legend popularly beUeved at the time, " on one occa
sion, when there was a synod of prelates in Dublin, it so hap
pened that the bishop of Limerick went thither -without Ma
pontificals, and was compelled to seek throughout the metropoKs '
a crozier and mitre. At length, when he had given up all hope
of getting either, a youth, just landed from a ship which a few
moments before had entered the harbour, approached and handed
the bishop a case, in which he told him he would find what he
was looking for, adding that if he admired them he might appro
priate them. The bishop could not but like the rich sUver croaer
and exquisitely elaborated mitre ; and when he sent a messenger
in hot haste afterthe stranger to pay whatever he might demand
for such precious objects, lo, the ship had weighed anchor, and
vanished beyond the horizon ! " " The mitre ," says the authority
from which the legend is quoted, " was entrusted to a wealthy
Catholic merchant, to keep it from falling into the hands of the
so-called reformers ; but the dishonest trader abstracted some
of its precious stones, and replaced them -with false ones — a
sacrUege which heaven avenged on his posterity, for they aU
died in misery." To return to the venerable prelate, who, as
we have already said, was then aged and in faUing health, we
may observe that he belonged to a family which had already
given a prelate to the see of Limerick, at the close of the fifteenth
century; and that his near kinsman, James Arthur, a Dominican
friar, and author of a "Commentary on the Works of St.
Thomas Aquino, " was then acquiring world--wide reno-wn in
Spain and Portugal, -where he taught di-viiuty in various schools
of his order.
We have thus briefly alluded' to Richard Arthur, because he
did not live to take a prominent part in the momentous trans-
tions which followed the nunzio's arrival in Ireland. It -will
not, however, be out of place to state, that he was consecrated
by David Rothe, bishop of Ossory, on the 7th September, 1623,
the bishop of Cork and Luke Archer, abbot, of Holy Cross,

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. Ill
assisting at the ceremony ; and that he died on the 23rd May,
1646, and was buried in the tomb of his predecessors, in his own
cathedral of Limerick, then recently restored to the uses of that
religion for which it was erected. Let us, moreover, mention,
as one of the most memorable incidents in this prelate's life,
that it was he who conferred priest's orders on the celebrated
John Lynch, Lucius Gratianus, awthoroi "CambrensisEversus,"
" Icon Antistitis," " Alithinologia," and other works by which
that distinguished Irish ecclesiastic has attained imperishable
celebrity. The prelate who was destined to succeed Richard Arthur, and
to occupy a much larger space in the history of his unfortunate
country, was Edmond O'D-wyer, a native of the county of
Limerick, who had distinguished himself during his collegiate
course at Rouen, where he studied phUosophy, and at the Sor-
bonne, where he won character for profound knowledge of
theology. Soon after obtaining the degree of doctor of di-vinity
at Rheims, he returned to Ireland, and became acquainted with
Malachy O'Queely, then vicar-apostoUc of KUlaloe ; and, as we
shall see, the intimacy thus formed at the commencement of
O'D-wyer's missionary career, ripened into a warm friendship,
which terminated only -with the life of the former, many years
after he had been promoted to the archiepiscopal see of Tuam.
In fact, such was the archbishop's high appreciation of O'D-wyer's
abUity and prudence that he sent' him to Rome as his proctor,
in 1644, and made him the bearer of a report on the state of his
diocese, which he drew up for the Congregation de Propaganda
Fide. Along with this valuable document, O'Dwyer was
entrusted -with a memorial* from the supreme councU of the con
federates, praying his holiness. Urban VIIL to bestow a car
dinal's hat on Luke Wadding, in consideration of the great
ser-vices he had already rendered to the Irish Catholics then in
arms for God, the king, and their country. Urban, however,
died before O'Dwyer reached Rome ; and the memorial, signed
by O'Queely, Walsh, archbishop of Cashel ; Fleming, archbishop
of DubUn ; lords Castlehaven, Fermoy, Netter-vUle, and others,
fell into the hands of father Luke, who, instead of ha-ving it
presented to Innocent X., the late pontiff's successor, modestly
buried it in the archives of S. Isidore, where it remained till
1872, when the most reverend the general of the Franciscans
allowed its removal, together -with a large collection of most
valuable manuscripts, to the convent of St. Francis, Dublin.
* See Appendix A.

112 THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN
The high opinion which the supreme council entertained , of
O'D-wyer, whom they styled in their memorial a " doctor of
di-vinity, and an ocular -witness of their proceedings," to say
nothing of the commendations of archbishop O'Queely, must
have had great weight -with the college of cardinals ; for,' on
reaching Paris, on his way to Ireland, after some months'
sojourn in Rome, a bull was despatched to the French nunzio,
nominating the Irish priest coadjutor to the then decrepit bishop
of Limerick. O'Dwyer made no difficulty about accepting the
exalted dignity which the holy see conferred on him, and he
was therefore duly consecrated by the bishop of Senlis, in
the church of St. Lazare, Paris, on Sunday, the 7th of May,
1645. Having purchased a goodly supply of vestments, books, and
other requirements for the diocese of Limerick, O'Dwyer set
out for Ireland from one of the French ports ; but he had not
been many days at sea when the ship in which he sailed was
captured by a Turkish corsair, who carried him and his fellow
passengers a prize to Smyrna. The bishop, however, when he
saw that there was no chance of escaping the pirate, divested
himself of all the decorations of his rank, and heaved overboard
the valuable vestments and other sacred objects which he had
coUected at Paris, and which he knew would be desecrated had
the Turks got possession of them. On reaching Smyrna he
was sold as a slave, and condemned to work at a mill, with a
mask on his face ; and in this condition he might have Uved
and died, were it not for a contingency which seems almost
mnaculous. An Irish lady, ¦wife of a French merchant, then
U-ving at Smyrna, happened to -visit the null ; and discovering
that the illustrious captive was a countryman of her own, and a
bishop in reluctant disguise, she lost no time in reporting the
fact to her husband, who at once paid a ransom for the prisoner,
and sent him back to France, where he soon replaced the sacred
furniture which he had flung into the sea, as we have already'
stated. O'D-wyer returned to Ireland early in the year 1646 ;
and he was the first bishop who introduced the missionaries of
St. Vincent de Paul to this country. As matter of course, he
joined the supreme councU of the confederates as spiritual peer;
and in that capacity he secured for himself the esteem of the
pope's nunzio, who, in one of his earliest despatches, speaks of
him in the highest praise. Another letter, dated Limerick,
July 16, 1646, and addressed by the same personage to dardinal
Panfilio, mentions the bishop of Limerick taking part in the
grand function solemnized in his cathedral, in thanksgiving for

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 113
the memorable victory which Owen O'NeUl won at Benburb,
on the 5th of the precedUig month. "At four o'clock, p.m.,''
writes the nunzio, " the procession moved from the church of
St. Francis, where the thirty-two stands of colours taken from
the Scotch had been deposited. The ganison of Limerick led
the van, and the captured colours were carried by the nobiUty
of the city. Then followed the nunzio, the archbishop of
Cashel, the bishops of Limerick, of Clonfert, and Ardfert, and
after them the supreme coimcU, the mayor, and magistrates,
in their official robes. The people crowded the streets and
¦windo-ws acclaiming the grand festivity ; and as soon as the
procession reached the cathedral, Te Deiun was sung by the
Italians of the nunzio's choir, and the latter pronounced the
usual prayers, concluding the ceremony "with solemn benediction.
Next moming Mass pro gratiarum actione was sung by the dean
of Fermo, in presence of the aforesaid bishops and magistrates.
It, might, perhaps, have been fortunate for O'Dwyer had he
died at that hour of his country's transient triumph; but, as we
shaU see, he was doomed to taste bitterness and sorrow, at home
and abroad, and to find his last resting-place far away from the
old cathedral where his predecessors were entombed, and where
he had recently assisted at one of the most splendid spectacles
ever "witnessed beneath the roof of that ancient historic
pile. Pious and zealous he was, no doubt, in the discharge of
his high office, and none could gainsay the hoUness of his life ;
but, when the fortunes of the confederates waned, he unhappily
proved himself in the poUtics of the period weak and vacUlat-
ing. His conduct -wiU not suffer us to doubt this ; for, instead
of championing Rinuccini's uncompromising policy, which re
fused to be satisfied -with mere toleration* of the ancient reUgion
of Ireland, he allowed himself to be duped by the artifices of
the lay members of the supreme councU, most of whom
were identified, either by blood or partizanship, -with the
crafty enemy of their creed and race — James, Marquis of
Ormond. In fact, the bishop, with several others of his own
order, aUied himself to that nobleman's faction, signed the fatal
truce with lord Inchiquin, and thus deserted the straightforward
course which Rinuecini and the old Irish strove to maintain.
" For the last eighteen months," -writes the nunzio, in 1648,
" the bishop of Limerick, to my utter amazement, and that of
every one else, has devoted himself to the party of lord Ormond ;
and this, indeed, is a sorry return for the benefits bestowed on
* See Appendix B.

114 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN
him by the holy see ; but he has had his reward ; for he is
now the object of universal odium, and has separated himself
from the sound politics of the rest of the clergy." Six. months
had hardly elapsed since these words were penned, when Rinue
cini, finding it impossible to harmonise the adverse faptions
which he strove to govern, or to bring about a solidarity of in
terests for, the general good, deemed it necessary to abandon a
country whose wretched factions were precipitating it to irre
trievable rum. For some, the last and direst weapon in the
Church's armoury had no terror ; and, unhappUy for O'Dwyer,
he was one of the few bishops who, despite the nunzio's censures,
foolishly adhered to the party of lord Ormond. With the theo
logical controversies that agitated Ireland after the n"unzio's
departure, touching the censures, in all of which O'Dwyer took
a prominent part, we have nothing to do in this paper, our ob
ject being simply to give an outline of his eventful life, tUl its
close in a foreign land. Pretermitting, therefore, much that
could not interest the general reader, we may state to the
bishop's credit, that during those a"wful months when Ireton
beleagured Limerick from "without, and pestilence swept off the
famished population "within the walls, there was no braver man
among the besieged than their spiritual chief. He exhorted
the inhabitants to hold out to the last extremity, and lay do"wn
their lives rather than yield to the lieutenant of the man-
who could show no mercy either at Drogheda or Wexford.
Fully conscious of the doom that awaited such gallant resist
ance, a multitude of the citizens called on the bishop, and be
sought him to give them permission to blow themselves up,
rather than fall aUve into the hands of their enemies ; but he
dissuaded them from such a suicidal project, teUing them that
it became them better as Christians to die "with arms in their
hands, than to rash, uncalled, into the tremendous presence of
God. At last, when Limerick was forced to capitulate to
Ireton, who was indebted for his success to the treason of a
captain Fennell, one of Rinuccini's most implacable enemies,
0'D"wyer, finding that he was excepted from quarter, disguised
himself in peasant's garb, and ha"ving smeared his face "with
gunpowder, passed unnoticed through one of the city gates,
and eventually contrived to make his way to Brussels,
where he lived tUl 1654, eating the salty bread of exUe, and,
as we may suppose, regretting, "with his latest sigh, the fatal
error that helped to bring ruin on his unfortunate country. On
the night of the 6th of April, 1654, his remains, followed by
a few torchbearers, were conveyed from the convent in which

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 115
he breathed his last, to the church of St. James in the above-
named city, and were there deposited in the subterranean chapel
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin, without a single line to record
his -virtues or his faUings. A career such as his, under other
circumstances, would surely have been thought worthy an
epitaph — that last of human vanities; but the nocturnal inneral,
divested of all ghastly pomp, and the nameless grave, wUl be
sufficiently accounted for by the nunzio's censures.
In accordance with the plan we proposed to ourselves when
commencing these notices of some of the most distinguished
Irish prelates of the seventeenth century, we now return to the
venerable cathedral of Limerick, where we left Rinuecini re-
cei^ving from bishop Arthur aU the honours prescribed by the
ritual for so solemn an occasion as that when the pope's accre
dited ambassador makes his first appearance in a to"wn or city.
A few days had hardly passed since -that memorable event, when
news reached the nunzio, that the most distinguished of the
Irish archbishops, and one in whom, according to his instruc
tions, he was to repose most confidence, and whom he was to
consult on all occasions of great moment, had been slain in an
inglorious skirmish near Ballysadare, in the county Sligo. Sad
inteUigence, indeed, was this for the nunzio at the outset of his
diplomatic career ; and we can easUy imagine how the joy ¦with
which his arrival was greeted in Limerick must have been
dashed when he found himself called upon to celebrate the ob
sequies of Malachy O'Queely, archbishop of Tuam, in that
very cathedral where, a few days pre^viously, his choristers
chanted Te Deum, in presence of a vast multitude, who
never before Ustened to such thrilling harmony. AU the
festive adornments of the cathedral were now replaced "with
mournful emblems, the altars and columns draped in black ;
and the nunzio, assisted by the aged Arthur, sang Mass of
Requiem for the heroic soul of the metropoUtan of Connaught,
whom he was not destined to meet in this world. Ha"ving left
Limerick a few days afterwards, Rinuecini caused the same
honours to be paid to the deceased archbishop in St. Canice's
cathedral, Kilkenny, about the middle of November, 1645,
when all Ireland was plunged in grief for the loss of such an
iUustrious champion of her faith.
Malachy O'Queely, son of Donatus, was a native of the
county Clare, and lineally descended from the lords of Conmac-
ne-mar, where they ruled as princes long before and after the
-Anglo-Norman invasion. A chieftain of this race marched

116 THE IRISH HIEEARCHY IN
-with Brien Borumlia to Clontarf, in 1014, and centuries after
wards the name was famous in bardic story —
" Over Conmacne-mara great
Was O'Cadhla friend of banquets."
Malachy, when a mere youth, went to Paris, where he studied
in the college of Navarre, and took the degree of doctor in
divinity. On his return to Ireland, he was appointed vicar-
apostolic of KUlaloe, and ultimately, on October 11, 1631, was,
by Thomas Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, consecrated successor
to Florence Conry in the archiepiscopal see of Tuam. The
prelates who assisted on this occasion were Richard Arthur, of
Limerick, and Boetius Egan, of Elphin ; and the ceremony took
place at Galway. A curious incident, which we may not omit
to mention, occurred on the day named for O'Queely's conse
cration. The archbishop elect had received from Rome a draft
of the bull nominating him to the vacant see ; and on present
ing it to the officiating prelate, the latter, after demurring some
time, finally refused to proceed with the ceremony, tUl the
autograph instrument should be submitted to his scrutiny. It
was a moment of great embarrassment for all the parties con
cerned ; and as they were about to retire from the church, a
priestf who landed from a ship which had just then dropped
anchor in the bay, rushed into their presence, and handed to
Arthur the authentic bulls. In 1632, the year immediately
foUo-wing his elevation, O'Queely presided in Galway, at a synod
for remo"ving abuses and enforcing the decrees of the councU of
Trent ; and in the interval between the last-named period and
the rising of 1641, he devoted himself "with singular zeal to the
discharge of his high office, consoling and enlightening the flock
committed to his charge, then sadly harassed by the tyrannical
proceedings of lord-deputy Strafford. Nor should we omit to
state that O'Queely's appointment to Tuam *^as at first badly
received by the province over which he was named chief pastor,
some alleging that none but a native of Connaught ought to have
been raised to the archiepiscopal see; but in progress of time his
generosity and open-heartedness sUenced the malcontents, and
won for him the esteem and love of all classes. In 1641, when
the people rose to shake off the intolerable oppression under
which they had so long groaned, O'Queely took his place among
them, not indeed as a military chief, but rather -with a view to
repress tumultuary assaults, and save the Protestant portion of
the community from pUlage and insult. For this laudable

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 117
object he raised a regiment, which was officered by the
O'Flahertys and others of the Connaught gentry, whose zeal for
their religion and the false-hearted Charles I. was cro-wned -with
a temporary triumph, though sadly requited by the son and
successor of that unhappy monarch. In all the transactions of
the confederates, O'Queely, then president of Connaught, was
regarded as a high authority, and not only by them but by the
court of Rome ; for, as we have already observed, the instruc
tions given to Rinuecini by Innocent X. marked out the arch
bishop as the fittest person for his guidance. " Although each
of the four archbishops," says the document, " is remarkable
for zeal, nevertheless, he of Tuam is to be your confidant, and
among the bishops he of Clogher." The last appearance of
O'Queely in the general assembly at Kilkenny was in October,
1645, the month of the nunzio's arrival in Ireland, and the same
in which the ferocious Coote was appointed by the parliament
president of Connaught, -with a commission " to extirpate the
Irish people by fire and sword." Sligo, at that time, had fallen
into the hands of the Scotch Covenanters ; and the supreme
councU of the confederates, -wishing to possess a seaport which
enabled their enemies to land men and munitions of war, resolved
to recover it if possible. As a spiritual peer, O'Queely voted
suppUes for the undertaking, and immediately set out with the
forces destined for the expedition, which was commanded by lord
Taaff'e and sir James DUlon. On lea-ving Kilkenny, the arch
bishop's mind was overclouded by sinister omens ; and he not
only removed aU his baggage, but bade adieu to each of his
friends, telUng them that he was destined to never see them
again. On crossing the Shannon, he was met by a vast concourse
of the people, who came to look their last on him : for there
was then rife among them an old prophecy concerning the
violent death of one of St. Jarlath's successors, and it was
popularly believed that the prediction was to be fulfilled in the
person of O'Queely. Indeed, he himself seems to have given
it credit ; for, a few years before, while being punctured for a
dropsical affection, he told doctor Nicholson, his medical attend
ant, that the prophecy was to be fulfilled in him, and that he had
not long to Uve. The nunzio, too, in his despatches, alludes to
the prediction, remarking that the Irish were much given to the
" foUy of prophesying." On Sunday, 17th October, 1645, the
Irish troops encamped in the -vicinity of Ballysadare ; and so
confident were Taaffe and DUlon of the safety of their position,
that they accepted on that fatal day an in-vitation to dine -with
the archbishop, who, always proverbial for hospitality, had also

118 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN
asked all the officers to his table. It was during this merry
making that sir Charles Coote, sir "William Cole, and sir Francis
Hamilton had intelligence of the loose discipUne observable in
the confederate camp; and taking advantage of the information,
they swooped do"wn unexpectedly "with a large force, and before
the Irish could arm themselves, put them to flight, and cut them
up fearfully. In this extremity DUlon told the archbishop to
save himself as best he could ; but being obese amd of great
stature, he lacked the necessary speed. His faithful secretary,
father Thady O'Connell, of the order of Hermits of St. Augus
tine, and another priest, lost their lives endeavouring to protect
him from the Scotch, who, ignorant of the prize they had
within their grasp, hewed him to pieces with their claymores
after wounding him with a pistol shot in the loins. The Ust of
prisoners made in this sad raid shows that the archbishop was
accompanied by some of the foremost men in Connaught ; for
it mentions, among others, Murragh-na-do O'Flahertie, WUliam
O'Shaughnessy, and captain Garrett DUlon, son to sir Lucas
DUlon, who stated that his father was shot in the thigh. Intel
ligence of this unfortunate event, which the Puritans styled
" Good News from Ireland," was immediately forwarded to
both houses of parliament, and that very quaint bulletin tells
us that "the Irish forces amounted to 1,000 foot and 300
horse. In the pursuit," says the writer, " their commander
and president of that province was slain — the titular archbishop
pi Tuam, who was a principal agent in these wars. Divers.
papers were found in his carriage. He had for his 0"wn par
ticular use an order from the councU at Kilkenny for le"vying
the arrears of his bishopric, and the pope's bull and letter from
Rome. The pope would not at first engage himself for the send
ing of a nunzio for Ireland, untU the Irish agents had fully per
suaded him that the re-establishment of the Ca/uholic religion
was a thing feasible in this kingdom ; whereupon he undertook
the solicitation of their cause with Florence, Venice, and other
estates, and to delegate his nunzio to attend to the affairs of
this kingdom." In the archbishop's baggage was found the
private treaty which Charles I. empowered lord Glamorgan to
negotiate -with the confederates; and the discovery of this
important document, we need hardly say, helped to exasperate
the Puritans against the unfortunate king.
As soon as the Scotch discovered the high rank of the indi-
"vidual whose mutUated corpse was left on the road-side, they
demanded a sum of thirty pounds before surrendering it ; and
when the money was paid by Walter Lynch, he caused the

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 119
remains to be dressed in pontifical robes and conveyed to Tuam,
where Mass of Requiem was duly celebrated in presence of a
vast crowd, who bitterly lamented their brave and well-loved
archbishop. Unfortunately, there is now no record of the place
of O'Queely's interment ; but we have it, on the authority of
one who was personally acquainted with him, that some years
after his decease, Brigid, lady Athenry, "wife of Francis, 1 9th
lord of that title, and daughter of su- Lucas Dillon, of lough
Glynn, in the county of Roscommon, caused all that remained
of the archbishop to be reinterred in some place known to none
but herself and the pious few who were employed to perform
that charitable work. There is little to be said of O'Queely's
Uterary tastes or labours ; but we may state that they were
appreciated by John Colgan, who was indebted to him for the
" Description of the Three Islands of Arran and their Churches,"
which the learned Franciscan published in his " Acta Sanc
torum Hib.," p. 714. This valuable communication, and a
description of the churches and other sacred edifices in the
diocese of Tuam, must have been compiled by the archbishop a
short time pre^vious to his death. Lamented by every lover of
his country, none could have been more keenly sensible of his
loss than the nunzio, who, in his despatches to cardinal Panfilio,
speaks of him in most pathetic terms ; asserting that he had lost
his life in actual defence of the faith, and that the supreme
councU had thus sustained a ten-ible calamity, as no one could be
found competent to replace such a prelate either in the ci^vil or
the miUtary department. " VerUy," concludes the nunzio, " he
has closed his career gloriously, and won for himself in heaven a
reward commensurate -with his labours." In concluding this
brief memoir, we have only to add that Edmond O'Meara, M.D.,
who venerated the archbishop's noble character, and would have
erected a monument to him had he known where his remains
lay, has left us the subjoined epitaph, hoping, perhaps, that it
might one day be inscribed on his friend's tomb, should some
fortunate accident ever clear away the mystery that surrounds
the forgotten grave : — *
PEjESULIS . HIC. MULTO. LANIATUM . VULNEEE . CORPUS .
CANITIESQUE . SACRO . SANGUINE . SPARSA . JACET .
PRO . EEGE . NON . EENUIT . VITAM . PEOFUNDEEE . PASTOE .
QUAM . BENE . PASTOREM . MORS . ISTA . DECET . BONUM .
PUEPUEEI . FULGETE . PATEES . IN . MURICE . SANGUIS .
PULCHRIUS . HIC . VESTEI . MUEICIS . IGNE . EUBET .
* See Appendix 0.

120 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN

CHAPTER IL
On the 21st November, 1645, Rinuecini, after a few days' repose
in the residence which the confederates appointed for him at
Kilkenny, proceeded on foot to pay a formal ¦visit to lord
Mountgarrett,* then president of the council, who, to do the
pope's minister greater honour, had arranged that the reception
should take place in the grand gallery of the ancient castle of
the Ormonds. On this occasion he was accompanied by general
Preston, lord Muskerry, and other distinguished personages,
who, doubtless, were anxious to "witness the inter"view, and learn
what hopes they might entertain of succour from abroad, for
prosecuting the war against the king's enemies. At foot of the
grand stau-case he was met by Thomas Walsh, archbishop of
Cashel, Thomas Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, and Heber
MacMahon, bishop of Clogher ; who, after mutual congratula
tions, ascended the'stairs, and were then ushered, by sir Richard
Belling, into the presence of the lord president. The latter
was seated at the head of the gallery ; but, when the nunzio
appeared, he stood up, "without, however, advancing a single
step ; and as soon as the ceremony of presentation was over, he
motioned the pope's high minister to a chair, covered "with gold
and crimson damask, at his right, but so placed that neither of
them could be said to be the central figm-e. Rinuecini then
handed his credentials to the president, who caused the document
to be read aloud ; and when this was concluded, the former
addressed all present in Latin, stating that the grand object of
his mission was to maintain the rights of the Catholics, to pro
mote union of parties, and to assist the king in his struggle "with
the parliament. At the conclusion of his speech, he gave them
all the apostoUc blessing; and after a few words in reply, spoken
by MacMahon, bishop of Clogher, he took leave of the president
and retired, the bishops accompanying him as far as the grand
entrance of the castle, and Preston, Muskerry, and others to the
saloon of his o"wn domicile, which was now distinguished by the
insignia of Ms nunciature — a shield surmounted by the papal
tiara and keys, with a dove holding in its beak an olive-branch.
The reception, indeed, was cold and rigidly formal ; and
Rinuecini must have remarked that Mountgarrett, although a
Catholic, would have been much better pleased had he come
from the pope in any other capacity than that of nunzio. Be that
as it might, Rinuecini was agreeably impressed by the magni-
* &e Appendix D.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 121
ficence of the gallery in which the introduction took place; and,
although famUiar "with grander structures in his own country,
where architecture, sculpture, and painting, under the fostering
patronage of the Roman pontiffs, to whom we are indebted for
the revival, advancement, and preservation of art in all its
departments, had reached their apogee, he did not allow this
Uttle incident to pass unobserved, when "writing an account of
his first interview "with lord Mountgarrett. Each of the prelates
by whom he was attended on this occasion — ^two of whom he
had never met tUl then — was destined to take a prominent part
in the transactions which f oUowed Ui such rapid succession after
his arrival ; but as the space allowed us in these essays is
limited, Ave have deemed it best to. treat their biographies con
secutively and briefiy, and, if possible, to give our readers "vi"vid
portraits of those eminent ecclesiastics who so signaUy impressed
the age in which they Uved. We "wiU therefore commence "with
the archbishop of Cashel, reser"ving our notices of the others for
a future page.
Thomas Walsh, son of Robert Walsh and Anastasia Strong,
was bom on the 3rd of February, 1588, in Waterford, where
his paternal ancestors were for many centuries opulent mer
chants. Indeed, it may be said of Waterford that no other city
in Ireland produced so many learned ecclesiastics — the Wadding
family alone numbering four of that calling, and the most dis
tinguished, perhaps, of their time ; nor "will it be out of place to
mention here, that the celebrated Luke Wadding and Thomas
Walsh were bom in the same year. A fact, however, worthier
of being recorded, is that Thomas came into this world whUe his
father was prisoner for refusing to take the oath of supremacy,
-which the Protestant authorities were then endeavouring to
force on the denizens of that old city so historically associated
with the Ostmen and the Anglo-Norman invaders. Waterford,
we may also observe, had been at aU times singularly distin
guished for its fidelity to the ancient reUgion ; for, notwith
standing every effort to pervert its people, the doctrines of the
English apostasy of the sisteenth century made very few prose
lytes ainong them — most of those who did fall away being officials
of the government and strangers. Just three years before the
hirth of Thomas Walsh, we find a grand proof of this in the
utter failure of an attempt made by John Long, the schismatical
primate, to propagate the new reUgion there by means of schools,
which, it would appear, were then immediately under that dig
nitary's superintendence. Indeed, the report forwarded to him
iDy one of his teachers, or mayhap inspectors, throws much Ught

122 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
on this subject, and shows clearly that, of all places in Ireland,
Waterford was the last he should have thought of selecting as a
field for proselytism. The document to which we aUude is so
extremely interesting, and iUustrative of the age in which it was
written, that we cannot help submitting it to our readers, pre
mising at the same time that it reads very like letters of the
same tenor ¦with which disappointed zealots, fanatics, and
hypocrites have made our o^wn times famUiar.
" To THE Right Honble. the Lord Primate of Ireland,
AT HIS house in Tradagh, give these.
" I ¦wrote unto your honour of late, desUing to have received
an answer to satisfy me for two especial causes, which moved
me to write ; the one, for that I understood that your honour
was offended "with me ; the other was to desire your honour's
assistance in this place, where it pleased your honour to place
me, against a number of professed enemies of God and good
men, although outwardly a few of them make some hypocritical
show, yet their Uves, for the most part, shew the contrary ; so
that I have not seen nor heard of the like contempt of the
word of God, and manifest resistance of her majesty's pro
ceedings — -no, not in the whole island. It is not for any man
that f eareth God to dwell among them ; for, although they can
not martyr his body, yet they "will trouble his mind. Then-
abuses are so many, that I would be loath to trouble your
honour "with the reading of so endless a matter. But some of
them are so detestable and execrable, that I cannot overpass
them : (as these) first, there is not one couple among twenty
married, according to her majesty's injunctions, but handfasted
only, or else married at home -with a Mass ; then they never
christin their children but in their house, either with a Mass
priest, or for want of him (which commonly the wealthiest of
them want not) the women themselves christin. Their dead
they bury not, if they choose, but tumble them into the graves
like s"wine, "without any word of ser"vice, or any minister — the
proof whereof I myself have seen very often, even before the
school door, to my great grief ; and as for themselves altogether,
they either abuse the word, or absent themselves from the
church ; or when they come there, they walk round about like
mill horses, chopping and changing, and making merchandise,
and in such order, that they which are in the choir, and "wUUng
to hear, for their babbling cannot hear a word ; and these be
not smaU fools, but even the chief of the city. These and such

the seventeenth CENTUEY. 123
other monstrous "vices being suffered, it is not for any good man
to stay among them ; for they put such great confidence in
their bribery, that they hope by it only to maintain their
knavery. The ministers cry out that they are abused, deceived,
despised, and almost discoBafited ; and for this especially, that
they being constrained to send up a true certificate of such as
frequented not the church, nor received the communion, their
certificate was presently showed to then- enemies, and such
comfortable and friendly speeches given unto them, that they
returned home again with open jaws and foaming mouths, and
revUed the ministers -with such opprobrious terms, as men of
their profession use to do, that they, poor shepherds, for fear of
those brutish and savage lions, are almost afeard to come near
the sheepfold. It was little credit for him who shewed it to
them ; for even they themselves know what his drift is, silicet,
either to be -wrapt in a mantle, or cloked -with a caddow,* or
made drunk with aqua vitae. I beseech your honour suffer
them not to make merchandise of God's cause, and to take
money for that which was given them freely. Cursed is the
man that taketh the function upon him to make a gain of it ;
the case is common to me -with all other Christians, which
causeth me the rather to presume upon your honour's patience.
But I "vdU leave off" that, and come to my own private case.
This, therefore, is to let you to understand, that since my com
ing hither I had not above thirty scholars, which was no small
grief unto me, especiaUy being sent hither by you ; the cause
why they received me was rather for fear, than for any desire
they had to have their chUdren instructed in the fear of God,
and knowledge of good letters, which I soon perceived by them
for -within one month most of them took away their children
from me, and sent them to other tutors in the town, that
were professed papists, which was so great a grief unto me
that I could not tari-y among them ; for I cannot . pos
sibly make myself subject to them that are no subjects them
selves. The reason they allege why they took them away was,
because, as they say, for that they did not profit ; neither did
they indeed, in that they looked for ; for I constrained them to
come to the service, which they could not abide, whereat they
muttered privately among themselves. There was never a boy
among them that was able to read fables, and yet they mur
mured because I did not use them to make epistles, themes,
orations, and verses; for which cause and for that they took
them from me, and sent them to papists. I was -wUUng to give
* Irish for an over garment.

124 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
into their o"wn hands, to bestow it where they wUl ; so they
have bestowed it upon a youth that is of then- own damnable
' profession ; one that was apprentice in the town, and since that
a serving man in DubUn. And whereas your honour persuaded
me that I should find them such loving and courteous people,
I have found thein clean contrary. Even the mayor himself,
of whom you made so great account, hath dealt but strangely
"with me ; I never ate nor drank in his house but once, and
then not of his 0"wn bidding. As for the sheriff's, they were
the greatest enemies I had, and went about to disgrace me most.
I had thought I should have come to Dublin before my depar
ture for that they denied me part of my wages ; because mid
summer quarter is shorter than the rest, they would have paid
it me by the week, not by the quarter. They desire to dis
pleasure me, and procure their children that were my scholars
to revUe me, as they have done most devilishly, in reporting
that I went and hanged myself, and called me rogue, rascal,
-viUain, and such like speeches, which never proceeded from
them, but from their parents. They caUed a son of Peter
Strange's where I lie, tui-ncoat, traitor, and Protestant, because
he useth to go to the English ser-vice. These speeches, and far
worse, aye, in their children ; but if your honour did but dwell
among their parents, to see their villany in massing at home,
and murmuring at God's word in the church, I know you could
not abide it. They that took their children from me, and let
them all this while go loitering up and the streets, have now
sent them to this fellow again. For these foresaid causes, I
I thought good to give over the place, and betake myself to my
country, where I hope to live "with a quite conscience, for here
I could have no comfort, because there is not one professor of
the gospel to be found among them — no, not one. Thus gi^ving
your honour to understand what the cause of my departure
was, I commit you, ¦with your good bedfellow, to God, beseech
ing you to shew forth yourself and your authority to the glory
of God, and your o-wn commendations, and be not like unto
them which hunt after bribes, chopping and changing the word
of God, which is the heavenly manna, for ornaments and sweet
meats, which please the body, and destroy the soul.
" Fare ye well. The xUth of July, ano. 1585, Waterford.
" Your honour's to command,
"John Shearman."
It is to be regretted that the -writer of this educational re
port did not give us the name of the Catholic teacher who robbed

the seventeenth CENTURY. 125-
him of his scholars, and who, probably may have initiated young
Walsh into the tu-st rudiments, many years after Shearman in
sheer disgust took his departure from Waterford, as though it
had been one of the doomed cities of the plain. Certain it is,
however, that Robert Walsh, and his "wife Anastasia, found a
better school for their chUd beyond the seas ; and they accord
ingly sent him to his maternal uncle, Thomas Strong, bishop of
Ossory, then an exUe for reUgion, and coadjutor to the arch
bishop of Compostella. This was in 1600, when the boy had
reached his twelfth year. Ha"ving finished his preparatory
studies, under the superintendence of masters pro"vided for him
by his uncle, young Walsh was soon afterwards sent to the
Irish seminary at Lisbon ; and after completing his theological
course there, he proceeded to the Irish college of Salamanca,
where he took the degree of doctor in di"vinity, and was
ordained priest. He then made a tour of the entire continent,
visiting each of its principal cities, and was created a
knight of St. John of Malta. At length ha"ving come back to
Ireland, in 1624, he devoted himself to missionary duties for
some time ; and then set out for Spain, whence he was sum
moned to Rome, by order of pope Urban VIIL, who caused
him to be consecrated archbishop of Cashel, on the 8th of July,
1626. Shortly after the last-named period, he again returned
to Ireland, and appUed himself in his high capacity to the
removal of abuses, which, o"wing to the distracted state of
the times, were then prevalent in his diocese. Indeed, incre
dible difficulties fceset him at every step ; for the spy and in
former, so munificently patronized by Adam Loftus and sir
Richard Boyle, who then held the reins of government, were
constantly on his track, whether he confirmed in the depths of
the forests with which Ireland was then extensively covered, or
administered the other sacraments, as was then usual, at night
time, and "within barricaded doors in the houses of CathoUcs,
in to-wns and hamlets. Withal, despite such terrible restraints,*
he held many synods, not indeed in church or chapel, but in
woods (in sylvis) ; and it was whUe presiding at one of these,
early in 1633, during the deputyship of Thomas _ viscount
Wentworth, that he was arrested and brought prisoner to
Dublin. On the journey to the metropoUs he was accompanied
by Archibald HamUton, son of the then heretic archbishop of
Cashel "with whom he discussed various points of doctrine, so
learnedly and so much to the young man's satisfaction, that
* See Appendix E.

126 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
they ever afterwards thought more kindly and better of each
other. After a short imprisonment in the castle, the arch
bishop was summoned to appear before the deputy, who could
elicit nothing from him except that he was aUowed a small
stipend by the king of Spain, to enable him to live ; and as
soon as he had proved to Strafford's satisfaction that he main
tained no traitorous correspondence ¦with that monarch, he was
set at large, and allowed to return to his diocese. Thenceforth,
that is to say, from 1633 to 1639, he was suffered to exercise
his high functions ¦with less constraint. After the rising of
1641, he, like another prelate of the period, hesitated sometime
before joining the confederates; but at last when the lawfulness
of a resort to arms for God, kuig, and country, was proclaimed
and sanctioned by Hugh O'ReUly, archbishop of Armagh,
and other bishops, he was duly elected a spiritual peer of the
supreme councU. The revolution, thus suddenly effected,
placed the Irish Catholics in possession of many of their ancient
churches and cathedrals ; and the bishops lost no time in puri
fying the sacred edifices, and appropriating them to the uses
for which Irish piety had erected them in the ages of faith.
FoUo^wing the example of the other prelates, Walsh reconcUed
the venerable cathedral of Cashel, about the close of 1641 ; and
on this memorable occasion he was attended by all the clergy
and gentry of Munster, who shed tears of joy on seeing that
glorious monument of their religion restored to the Catholics.
The grand old temple, indeed, had been sadly dilapidated, more
than half a century before, by the apostate MUer Magrath ;
but now that it was once again in the possession of its rightful
bishop, the people raised a large sum of money, to enable him
to restore the edifice, as far as might be, to its pristine splen
dour. This, indeed, was a labour of love for Walsh ; for, after
ha-ving re-erected the altars, and provided all necessary require
ments for the ancient ritual, he spared no pains in preserving
and embellishing the sacred edifice, where for the greater part
of the foUowing seven years, he duly performed the functions
of his high office.
Resuming our notices of Walsh's position among the confede
rated Catholics, we have sufficient e^vidence to show that he
was regarded as one of the most influential members of that
body, from the moment he took the oath of association tiU its
final dissolution. Thus, so early as 1644, we find him' subscri
bing letters of recommendation, given by the supreme coimcil
to father Hugh de Burgh, when they appointed the latter their
agent in the court of PhiUp IV. of Spain, where, doubtless, the

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. ' 127
name of the archbishop of Cashel was already known. In the
same year he subscribed the memorial, prayUig the pope to
make Luke Wadding a cardinal ; and in that which imme
diately followed, he attested the genuineness of the copy of
Glamorgan's treaty, which was found in the baggage of the
archbishop of Tuam, after that prelate had been slain. His
devotedness to Rinuecini cannot be questioned ; for, on his
arrival, he hastened to Limerick to congratulate him ; and
whenever the former came to Cashel, he was received in the
archiepiscopal palace "with cordial welcome and unbounded hos-
pitaUty. In fact, Walsh was the nunzio's constant companion,
on aU occasions when the latter "visited Munster ; follo"wing
in his train, as we have already seen, when Limerick feted
the "victory of Benburb ; and assisting him "with his counsels
when he went in person to press the siege of Bunratty. Such
close intimacy could not but ripen into warm and lasting friend
ship ; and, we may therefore conclude that the nunzio's appre
ciation of Walsh's character was as high as it was just. In
stead, however, of adopting his "views on all occasions, Walsh,
on more than one instance, had the manliness to dissent from
them, nor could he be induced to embrace the non-expediency
principles of the over sanguine Italian, tiU the latter, miscalcu
lating his resources, assured him of aids from abroad, which
eventuaUy never came, or came so sparingly that they proved
worse than useless. Thus, for example, in the congregation of
the clergy of Waterford, in 1646, when articles of peace "with
lord Ormond were discussed, the archbishop of Cashel would
have subscribed them, doubtless as an instalment of larger con
cessions, despite the opposition of the nunzio, had not the latter
con"vinced him that subsidies from Rome and elsewhere would
soon come for the equipment of an army, which, "with the assis
tance of O'NeUl's and Preston's troops, would clear Ireland of
the king's enemies, and enable his majesty to restore all the
churches to his Irish CathoUc subjects and cancel all penal
statutes against them and their faith. This surely is proof that
Walsh was an independent-minded man, whose judgment could
not be warped by cringing subservience to superior authority.
In the same spirit, doubtless, and not as one bUndly follo"wing
the policy of Rinuccioi, he joined the latter in rejecting the
truce -with lord Inchiquin, in 1648, when Ormond's creatures.
in the supreme councU basely aUied themselves to the man
who had changed sides three times, and slaughtered the Muns
ter Catholics remorselessly. Some bishops, it is true, and the
Jesuits especially, were, on this occasion, sternly opposed to the

128 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
nunzio, when he resolved to pronounce sentence of excommuni
cation against the abettors of the truce ; but Walsh, far from
coalescing "with the dissentient prelates, or maintaining the
speculations of the Jesuits regarding the validity of the cen
sures, stood by Rinuecini and the national party, who,
instead of compromising themselves, or "violating the oath of
association, resolved to protract the war tUl they had ob
tained u-refragable securities for a free parliament, and uncon
ditional freedom for their religion. It must be acknowledged,
however, that Walsh formed one of the deputation that waited
on lord Ormond when he resumed the viceroyalty ; and that he
then did sign the articles of peace with that nobleman, in the
fullest assurance that he was thus securing all the concessions
which Rinuecini' had demanded. The latter, who was then
preparing to quit Ireland, was apprised of this act, and took
care to record it thus : — " The Roman agents, ha"ving returned
to Ireland, brought -with them a brief, which the pope ad
dressed to the Irish prelates ; and, -without mentioning the
matter to ms, they gave out that, as penal briefs have monitory
power, they, the bishops, were bound to pay more respect to
such documents than to the nunzio. By means of this most crafty
and diaboUcal device, they succeeded in bringing to Kilkenny
three of the most scrupulous of them, namely, the archbishop
of Cashel, and the bishops of Waterford and Emly. He of
Emly, however, on being made aware of the fraud that was
about 10 be practised, contrived to escape, as he lodged in the
suburbs ; but as for the other two, who slept in the city, they
were detained, and had to subscribe, in order to complete the
required number of signatures." In extenuation of this most
imprudent act, it may be alleged that Walsh fancied he was
thus realizing the nunzio's requirements — fiUl security for the
free exercise of religion, retention of the churches and their re
venues — all of which were duly guaranteed by lord Ormond ;
but be that as it may, he discovered, when too late, that the
double-deaUng -viceroy set no value on treaties or stipulations
"with the Irish Catholics. Indeed, so grievously pained was
Walsh by this momentary defection, that he soon afterwards
asked and obtained absolution from the censures. At length
when the confederation was ¦virtually broken up by Ormond's
astuteness, and when the last representatives of that
body denounced the "viceroy's insincerity in the manifesto
which they issued from the Franciscan convent of James-
to"wn ; Walsh, although absent from the meeting, did
concur in the -views and sentiments of the patriotic prelates.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 129
The meeting took place on the 6th of August, 1650 ; but on the
23rd of the same month, Walsh, with other five bishops then in
Galway, subscribed the aforesaid instrument, in which Ormond
was proclaimed an implacable enemy to the Catholics. Having
thus glanced at the principal incidents in what may be termed
Walsh's reUgio-political life, we will now direct our regards to
some of its more interesting phases connected with his episcopal
functions. One of the archbishop's cherished projects was to
repair the various churches of his diocese, which, during the
two preceding reigns, had been sadly dUapidated, and turned to
profane uses by creedless grantees. For this end he spared
neither money nor labour ; for, indeed, like Rinuecini, he
desU-ed nothing so much as to see the ritual of the Church
carried out in all its splendour. We have already mentioned
that he reconciled the cathedral of Cashel,* and it is worth
knowing that he performed the same ceremony over again on
the 13th July, 1648, after Inchiquin's troops had sacrUegiously
pUlaged and defiled that most noble monument of Irish piety
and art. In less than two years afterwards, however, the
archbishop had to deplore the fatal final fall of the grand old
temple on the Rock into the hands of anti-Catholics, for then,
" The creedless, heartless, murderous robber came ;
And never since that time
Hound its torn altars burned the sacred flame.
Or rose the chant sublime ! "
Having thus exerted himself to the utmost in prosecuting this
laudable design, Walsh's next care was to pro^vide for the edu
cation of his flock; and so intent was he on this, that he gave
the Jesuits a considerable sum, part of which was contributed
by Brigid, countess of Ejldare, in order that they might found
a large seminary in the city of Cashel.f This money, however,
was subsequently lent to the nunzio, to enable him to recruit
Owen O'NeUl's army, after the rejection of the peace with lord
Ormond by the congi-egation of the clergy in "Waterford ; but,
although it was refunded afterwards, the unhappy state of
Ireland prevented the Jesuits from carrying out the archbishop's
noble intentions. In short, no other prelate could have laboured
more zealously for the well-being of the people committed to his
pastoral care ; for, indeed, the grand aim of his whole life was
to pro"vide them "with everything that could conduce to their
eternal and temporal prosperity.
* See Appendix F. t See Appendix G. K

130 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
That this was the ruling principle of his life there can be no
doubt ; for we are told by one who was personally acquainted
with him, that his last public act was to convene a synod of
the clergy in Limerick, about the close of 1649, when Crom
well's success in Drogheda and Wexford thunderstruck aU
Ireland, in order to impress upon them that they should stand
by the people to the last extremity, sharing all their "vicissitudes,
and encouraging them, by word and example, to remain true to
their faith. For some time pre"vious to the siege of Limerick
Walsh had to conceal himself in the woods ; but, on the approach
of Ireton he fixed his abode in the city, where he remained till
it surrendered. By what means he contrived to effect his
escape thence we know not, but it is certain, that, after
leaving Limerick, he lay concealed for some time in the "village
of Ballygriffin, where he was arrested on the 4th January, 1652.
He was then removed, under escort, to the prison of Clonmel.
The hardships he had to endiu-e in the last-named place were
truly appalling ; for, as we can readily imagine, the mercUess
Puritans had no commiseration for the sufferings and privations
of a Catholic archbishop. In the same jaU there was then a
large number of priests, awaiting deportation to the West Indian
colonies ; and as they were not allowed to officiate, they con
trived to have the holy Eucharist brought clandestinely into the
prison, where they and Walsh had it dispensed to them as often
as they could elude the ¦vigilance of their keepers. Withal,
there was some deference sho"wn to him by the CromwelUan
authorities, for they offered to set him at large on condition that
he pledged his word to never resume his episcopal functions.
Every instinct of his heart was now revolted ; and scorning to act
the hireling and flee, whUe the wolf -with bloody fangs was raven
ing the fold, he at once "without a moment's hesitation rejected the
overture. Thinking that they might, perhaps, succeed in forcing
him to subscribe their conditions by remo^ving him to another
jail, the authorities sent him to the prison of Waterford,
about the middle of July, 1652, where he was kept in close
confinement till October of the year following. But all their
de^vices f aUing to shake his resolution, he was at last suffered to
take his departure for Spain. Broken in health and spirits, the
Ulustrious prelate reached Corunna about the middle of Novem
ber,' 1653, and, after a few days' repose, he set out for Compos
tella, where the superior of the Irish seminary had made prepar
rations for his reception. Surrounded by all the comforts which
compassionating hearts could pro-vide, he now found a temporary
solace in the society of his compatriots, and the hospitable

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 131
attentions of the archbishop of Compostella. But the hand of
sickness pressed hea-vily upon him, and he knew that his disso
lution was rapidly approaching. During the entire six months
after his arrival in the venerable city of St. James, he lay
stretched on a bed of pain, worn do-wn by old age and the hard
trials through which he had passed, and, worst of aU, by the
terrible consciousness that his country and her religion were now
in the power of the fanatical Puritans. How wonderful were
God's designs in relation to this great archbishop I In child
hood, he came to Compostella to find book and board in the
house which charity had assigned to his uncle, an aged prelate,
expatriated for his steadfastness to the faith ; and now, at the
close of a long career, he came again to the same place, a
tottering old man, seeking alms and a grave in the far-famed
cathedral where his earliest and best preceptor lay mouldering.
Indeed, Walsh's Ufe, spanning as it did more than half a century,
and taking in some of the most memorable facts recorded in
the chequered pages of his country's history, may be justly re
garded as one of the most varied and eventful of the times in
which he lived, when every Irishman, in his high position, might
be said to have had an indi"viduaUty, singularly decided and re
markable. Father St. Leger, a Jesuit, to whom he was particularly
attached, remained at his bedside throughout his last Ulness,
tending him "with fiUal affection, carefully noting down all the
incidents of the sick chamber, and ministering all aids, spuitual
and temporal, tUl the iUustrious exUe resigned his soul to God,
on the 4th of May, 1654. The faithful Jesuit, true to his
memory even after he had passed away, has left us an admirable
memoir of the archbishop, from which we take the follo"wing
account of the honours "that were bestowed on his mortal re
mains : —
" He was translated, as we may piously believe, from earth
to heaven, and buried in a distinguished place in the church,
dedicated to the glorious apostle of Spain. His obsequies were
performed ¦with the greatest splendour and piety, the archbishop
of Compostella and the chapter of his cathedral defraying all
expenses. The canons and aU the religious orders of the city
attended the funeral, and so . did all the secular clergy and
people of ComposteUa. In fact, such was the high estimation
in which the deceased archbishop's memory was held, that the
populace -vied ¦with each other in their efforts to get a sight of
his corpse, or touch it "with their fingers. You might see
crowds kissing his hands and feet, nay, laying their rosaries and

132 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
handlcerchiefs on his remains. Each and every of them gave
expression to their feelings thus — 'Thrice happy city and
chni-ch, whereui the relics of so great a bishop, exUe, and con
fessor, lie interred !' " We know not whether there is any in
scription to mark the place where he sleeps, in that old temple
of St. James, the goal of so many a pUgrimage in the ages of
faith ; but, at aU events, the good St. Leger, hopuig that the
tomb of such a great archbishop would not be suffered to remain
noteless, has given us in the following epitaph a veritable
epitome of a grand and chequered career, befitting a great high-
priest who in his day was acceptable to the Lord, and was
found just.
EXILIUM . LATEBRAS . INCOMMODA . DAMNA . PEEJCLA .
VINCLAQUE . .PRO . VERA . RELI6I0NE . TULI .
ILLA . TULISSE . MEI . SUNT . OENAMENTA . SEPULCHRI .
NOBILIOR . TITULIS . OMNIBUS . ILLE . MIHI . EST .
CGETEEA . NIL . FACIUNT . SUNT . NOMINA . VANA . LEGATUE .
IN . TITULI . MAEMOEE . MULTA . TULI .
EXILIUM . TERRA . EST . CCELUM . MIHI . PATRIA . CCELUM .
MOETE . PETO . EXILII . ET . TEEMINUS . ILLE . MEI .

CHAPTER III.
Among the more important personages presented to the nunzio
immediately after his arrival in Kilkenny, was the confederate
lord chancellor, who held his court in that city, and there adju
dicated on all causes, ci-vU and criminal, independently of the
supreme council. The indi-vidual who then held that high
office was John, bishop of Clonfert, and subsequently archbishop
of Tuam, who, as we shaU see, was destined to occupy a dis
tinguished place in the history of his country during some of its
most eventful political and religious phases.
John de Burgh,* whose father descended from a junior branch
of the noble house of that name, was born near Clontuskert, in
1590, and, -with his younger brother Hugh, received the rudi
ments of his education from a distinguished teacher named
O'Mullally, who resided under the paternal roof till his pupUs
had acquired considerable knowledge of Greek and Latin. The
two brothers, it would appear, had determined, whUe yet mere
striplings, to embrace the ecclesiastical profession, and they
* See Appendix L.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 133
accordingly set out for the continent some time in 1614, Hugh
proceeding to Louvain, where he took the Franciscan habit in
St. Anthony's, and John to Lisbon, where he was entered of
the Irish secular college. Singularly remarkable for his talents
and application, he made rapid proficiency in his studies ; and
in the course of six or seven years attained the highest academi
cal distinction ; so much so, that he was elected by his superiors
to go to the great school of Evora, and there, according to usage
prevalent at the time, pubUsh a challenge inviting the learned
men of the latter place to dispute ¦with him a thesis comprising
the whole body of theology, ci^vil and canon law. At the close
of three days' trial, the Irish disputant was cro^wned -with
honours, and then returned to Lisbon, bringing -with him mag-
nUoquent attestations of his extensive learning, duly sealed and
subscribed by the professors of Evora. Ha-ving completed his
studies, he was ordained priest when he attained his twenty-
fourth year, and then set out for Salamanca, where he disputed
another thesis so clerkly, and so much to the admiration of the
erudite of that famous university, that they one and all pro
nounced him hahilis ad docendvmi, and conferred upon him the
degree of doctor in di-vinity. Returning to Ireland about 1624,
the young priest found that his pedagogue had abjured the faith
and turned Protestant, why or wherefore he knew not : but
their relations to each other being now reversed, O'MiUlally
submitted to instruction, and o-wned himself vanquished by his
former pupU, who had the satisfaction of rescuing the old man
from heresy, and anointing his eyes before they closed in death.
After labouring two years as a simple missionary in his native
diocese, Boetius Egan, bishop of Elphin, -wrote to Rome, re
commending De Burgh as a fit and proper person for the apos
toUc vicariate of Clonfert, then about to be vacated by Thomas
Egan, a Dominican ; and in the year 1627 the holy See replied
to the bishop, empowering him to confer that dignity on his
friend. In this new function De Burgh toiled assiduously for
the people committed to his charge, and as far as in him lay
supplied to some extent the want of a bishop, for the see of
Clonfert had not been provided -with one since the death of its
late chief pastor, O'FarreU, who died -within the Spanish lines
during the siege of Kinsale. De Burgh's promotion to the
apostolic--vicariate took place during the deputyship of lord
Falkland, who, being constantly haunted by the apprehension
of " foreign invasion," allowed the Catholics hardly any rest.
Indeed, his hired spies and informers were ever on the track
of bishops and priests; and the mercenary sheriffs of the

134 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
counties, whom he appointed, were ever -willing to persecute
the professors of the old faith, in order to aggrandize their, o-wn
fortunes, and advance then- preferment. De Burgh was well
aware of this ; and not-withstanding dark hints thro-wn out by
the deputy, questioning his loyalty, he was -wise and fortunate
enough to keep clear of the many toils that were spread for
him. On the accession of lord Strafford, however, his anxiety
for the proprietors of the soil involved him in great diSSlculties,
for he made himself peculiarly objectionable to the rapacious
¦viceroy, by opposing, as far as he could, the projected confisca-
cation of Connaught to the cro^wn. Again, when the parUa-
ment of 1634 was summoned, he exerted all his Uifluence with
the Catholic members, urging them to resist the gigantic scheme
of spoliation which was then contemplated, under the pretext
of inquiring into defective titles ; and so enraged was Strafford
on hearing this, that he lost no time in issuing warrants for De
Bm-gh's arrest. The -vicar-apostolic, however, -with many of
his clergy and people, found safe shelter in the woods, where
he lay concealed till Strafford's recall. ' His zeal and energy
in those distracted times raised him more and more in the
estimation of the bishop of Elphin, his earUest patron ; and
when the latter applied to Rome to appoint a bishop to the
vacant see of Clonfert,' he declared in his letters that he knew
none so worthy of that office as John de Burgh. Rome ap
proved, and despatched the bulls of consecration, on the 16th
of October, 1641.
About, half a mUe north of the Slieve Aughty hUls, on the
confines of the county Clare, stood the monastery of Kinelehan,
founded by the De Burghs for Franciscans, soon after the
order came to Ireland. It was a lonely and secluded spot ; and,
indeed, none could have been found better suited for quiet and
retirement from the busy world. The lords of Clanricarde had
a special affection for this little monastery, which they endowed
sufficiently ¦with some fair fields and goodly orchards ; and when
it lapsed to the crown in queen Elizabeth's time, earl Richard,
surnamed of Kinsale, purchased it from the grantee, and re
stored it to the friars. The mother of this Richard, Margaret
Fitzallen, of the house of Arundel, was, like her son, kind and
beneficent to the recluses ; and, owing to her devotion and pro-
tec^tion, the buildings were kept in repair, and their inmates
screened from scathe, for many a year after her decease.
Church and cloister were all perfect on the 19th of May, 1642 ;
and a large assemblage, among whom was Ulick, fifth earl of
Clanricarde, was then gathered -within the sacred precincts, to

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 135
-witness the consecration of John, bishop of Clonfert. Malachy
O'Queely, archbishop of Tuam, assisted by Egan, bishop of
Elphin, and O'MoUoney, of KUlaloe, performed the solemn
ceremony ; and when that evening's sun went do"wn, the neigh
bouring hiUs were all ablaze with fires, lit by the peasantry in
honour of the grand event. The see so long vacant had found
a pastor,' and the mitre of Clonfert rested on the head of one
in whose veins ran the blood of the ancient conquerors and
lords of Connaught.
In obedience to the summons of the Irish primate, presiding
at the general assembly of bishops and priests at Kilkenny,, in
the very month of his consecration, John, bishop of Clonfert,
subscribed the ordinances there agreed upon for prosecuting war
against the parliament; and, indeed, he thenceforth resided
almost constantly in the chief city of the confederates, where he
assisted Da^vid Rothe, then in his seventy-second year, and in
some respects unable to discharge episcopal functions. Age,
literary toU, and unremitting exertions to complete a work
which was not destined to see the light, had so impaired
the health of the learned prelate of Ossory, that he wa% hardly
able to venture abroad or -visit his cathedral ; but in John of
Clonfert he found a "wUling and energetic helper, who repre
sented him at aU the grand functions solemnized in St. Canice's, ,
where he was very constantly engaged confirming and ordain
ing. Towards the close of 1643, the bishop of Clonfert was
elected a spiritual peer of the supreme council ; and in the fol-
lo"wing year, when that body resolved on erecting a separate
court for transacting the civil and criminal • business of the
kingdom, they appointed him its president, "with the title of
chancellor, thus recognizing his extensive knowledge of juris
prudence and fitness for a position of such great responsibUity.
Nor did they faU to mark their appreciation of his brother
Hugh, then a distinguished member of the Franciscan order ;
for they elected him about the same time, out of many others,
to proceed to the court of the Netherlands, "with full powers to
act as their agent and representative.
Meanwhile, the bishop of Clonfert, not"withstanding the
duties he had to discharge in Kilkenny, looked " well to the
administration of his 0"wn diocese ; and in the com-se of a very
short time after his elevation to the see, he had the happiness of
reforming many abuses inseparable from the state of the times,
and doing much for the spiritual and temporal prosperity of
his flock. He caused many of the churches to be repaired,
and supplied "with the necessary requirements, presided at

136 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
synods of his clergy, and strove to his utmost to promote the
education of the young. His reputation in the councU of the
confederates stood high, and particularly so -with that section
of it which was unfortunately biassed in favour of lord Ormond,
but although he did not by any overt act approve the policy of the
latter, he nevertheless gave indication that he would not scruple
adopting it in preference to what were termed extreme measures.
This "will be easily accounted for, when we remember that lord
Clanricarde maintained strict neutrality during the early pro
gress of the confederates, and, as we may suppose, influenced the
action of his kinsman.
He had now been three years in possession of the see of
Clonfert, when the archbishopric of Tuam fell vacant by the
death of O'Queely, slain as we have already described ; and no
sooner was this event signified to the supreme council than
they, "without consulting the primate or any other metropolitan,
as was their custom, recommended De Burgh as a fit person to
succeed the deceased prelate. When this important business
was submitted to the nunzio, who was then ui Kilkenny, he,
although deprecating the right of the supreme councU to meddle
in such matters — ancient privileges claimed by the English
crown not"withstanding — "wrote at once to Rome a dUuted te-
commendation of De Burgh, whom he described as a man " of
honest "views, slow in speech, and suffering from an attack in
the eyes, which might ultimately damage his sight." In the
same letter he bore ample testimony to the fitness of Hugh,
the bishop's brother, whom he had met at Paris, stating that
" he was a man of greater energy and acti"vity, whose nomina
tion was simply meant to reflect honour on the already conse
crated." In the interval between this contemplated translation to the
see of Tuam and the rejection of lord Ormond's peace by the
synod of Waterford, in 1646, it would appear that the nunzio
had no firmer friend or more active partisan than the bishop of
Clonfert. In fact, of all the prelates who declared against the
-viceroy's overtures, none denounced them "with greater vehem
ence than did De Biirgh ; and that nothing might be wanting to
convince the nunzio of his hostility to lord Ormond, and the
terms the latter proposed, he subscribed the condemnation of
all the articles of said peace, and took his place as spiritual
peer in the supreme councU which was elected in August of the
aforesaid year. At that time the archbishopric of Tuam was
stUl vacant, and the nunzio was if possible, more anxious for
.De Burgh's translation. In fact he urged the holy see to lose

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 137
not a moment in sanctioning it ; for, just about the time of the
Waterford assembly he "wrote to Rome — " That he had nothing
more to say concerning the churdh of Tuam save that six
months' experience of the bishop of Clonfert had con"vinced him
that he deserved promotion." There was, however, a difficulty
in the way ; for the grand duke of Tuscany had "written to the
nunzio, praying him to bestow the vacant see on father
Nicholas Donnellan, an Augustme friar, and provincial of his
order in Austria ; but however much disposed Rinuecini might
have been to oblige a sovereign in whose court his o"wn relations
held high office, he declined interfering in behalf of Donnellan,
aUeging, in answer to the duke's request, that the archbishopric
had already been given to some one of the many for whom
interest had been made at Rome. In justice to the nunzio, it
must be admitted that he used his influence with the holy see
for Clonf ert's promotion ; and he was accordingly translated to
the archbishopric of Tuam early in AprU, 1646. The announce
ment of this fact was hailed ¦with joy by the clergy and people
of Connaught, all of whom entertained a high opinion of the
talents and piety of the new archbishop, whom we shall hence
forth designate by his proper title — John of Tuam.
After being duly inducted to the archbishopric, his first care
was to restore, as far as the revenues of his see enabled him,
the ancient cathedral of St. Mary, which had suffered great
dUapidation during the intrusion of the Protestants, who, to
accommodate the small congregation they either forced or
bribed to assemble there, had completely destroyed the archi
tectural symmetry of its once beautiful interior. The arch
bishop, indeed, spared no expense or labour in re-erecting the
altars, and replacing the sacred furniture which had been
carried off by the Anglican prelates ; and as soon as he had com
pleted this portion of his work, he turned his attention to the
archiepiscopal palace, which he rebuilt sumptuously from the
foundations. Hard 'by the cathedral, on the gospel side of the
grand altar, stood the sacellum or oratory, in which the relics
of St. Jarlath were venerated for many an age ; but when
heresy found its way to Tuam, it was unroofed, and stripped of
aU its votive offerings. Fortunately, however, the relics* were
preserved ; and the archbishop had the satisfaction of seeing
them once more deposited in their ancient resting place, which
he took care to restore to something like its former splendoui-.
Indeed, it would be impossible to find, in the history of the
* See Appendix I.

138 THE IRISH HIEEARCHY IN
Irish hierarchy, any prelate worthier of appreciation than this
archbishop of Tuam ; for we have it on the authority of one
who enjoyed his intimate acquaintance, in prosperity as well as
adversity, that he expended the entire revenue of his see in
works of public utUity. His hospitaUty* was unbounded;
and his taste for books, of which he made a vast collection,
¦with the view of founding an extensive library in Tuam, was
so notorious, that bibliopolists from France and Belgium found
in him a ready and generous purchaser of the valuable works
which then issued from the press of those countries. An
enthusiastic admirer of the Jesuits, he advanced them a large
sum for maintaining a seminary which they erected in Galway,
and in the same city he buUt for himself a stately residence
three storeys high. As the see of Clonfert was now vacant,
the archbishop was desirous of having it conferred on his
brother Hugh, in preference to Walter Lynch, -vicar-capitular
of Tuam ; but as the latter was strongly recommended by the
nunzio, his competitor, as may be supposed, had Uttle or no
chance of success. Indeed, the nunzio at this moment did not
conceal his dislike of the aspirant or of the archbishop himself;
for he described them both as " hot-headed, and wishing to
have everything their own way;" and the same letter which
conveyed this intelligence to Rome, represented that it would
be unwise to have " two brothers collated to the two best
dioceses in the province ;" and that the newly-appointed arch
bishop of Tuam was " the most unmanageable and refractory
of all the Irish prelates ¦with whom he (the nunzio) had to
deal." "He blames me," wrote the latter, " for recommending
Lynch, and what is worse, he blames another who is superior
to us all." In this divergence of opinion respecting the fitness
of Hugh for the see of Clonfert, originated that mutual anti
pathy which thenceforth influenced the nunzio and the arch
bishop in their relations to each other. A s for the latter, his
enemies were wont to say he was a mere creature of the nunzio
as long as the see of Tuam remained vacant ; but that, on
attaining the object of his ambition, he cared Uttle for the
person who had been instrumental in elevating him. True or
false as such allegations may have been, a crisis was now fast
approaching when those two high dignitaries were to meet face
to face in the council of the confederates, where, as we shall
see, they differed in their -views of polity, and parted "un
friends." Let us state summarily the causes which brought
about such sad and lamentable results.
* See Appendix J.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 139
During the entire of the year 1647, the confederate armies
were singailarly unsuccessful in the field ; and as most of the
expeditions which proved so disastrous had been undertaken at
the instigation of the nunzio, the blame and censure, always
insepai-able from failure, were unsparingly thro-wn upon him.
The attempt to seize Dublin, which was saved by the want of
accord between the confederate generals, was attributed to the
nunzio's overweening ambition ; and to thwart him still more,
the CathoUc clergy ¦within the walls of the metropolis had
subscribed a protest against his proceedings. Then came the
fatal battle of Ti-im, in which Preston's fine army was utterly
routed by the forces under Jones, the parliament general, to
whom lord Ormond had surrendered the city ; and, as it -were
to cro-wn all these reverses, lord Inchiquin had taken Cashel,
CaUan, and Fethard, and beaten the Munster army, under
Taaffe,* on the field of Cnoc-na-noss,t where Colkitto, alias
Alaster MacDonneU, was crueUy assassinated after he had been
made prisoner. To heighten stUl more this appalling state of
affairs, there was a great scarcity of money throughout the
country ; and as agriculture had been neglected, famine, with
its attendent train of horrors, threatened to sweep away the
remnant of the population. No one, indeed, was more sensibly
aware of this than the nunzio himself ; but he counted on
suppUes of money and munitions from abroad, and on the
support of Owen O'NeUl's army, which, being entirely 4evoted
to his views, would, as he thought, sooner or later, retrieve all
losses, and place him and the clergy once more in the ascendent.
The supreme councU of the confederates, however, thought
otherwise, and could see no remedy for the wretched state of
the country, except in making peace -with Inchiquin, and
gaining him over to their interests. A meeting was accord
ingly held at KUkenny, to deliberate the preliminaries of this
business ; and it was then resolved that French, bishop of
Ferns, and Nicholas Plunket, should proceed to Rome with all
possible haste, and submit to Innocent X. a report on the
unhappy condition of Ireland, and a memorial, praying his
holiness to expedite the supplies which the nunzio had already
promised in his name. Meanwhile, the spiritual and temporal
peers, together -with the representatives of the lower house,
had been summoned to KUkenny, on the 23rd of April, 1648,
to discuss the measures already taken to forward the cessation,
* See Appendix K.
f The shrubby hiU — " Mons Kamo?us."

140 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
and to effect, if possible, a union of Inchiquin's army with
that of the confederates, that both might act in concert
against the parliamentarians. Before proceeding, however, to
the house of assembly, fourteen of the bishops met in the
nunzio's residence, and there, after examining the proposed
treaty, a large majority pronounced that "as it gave no certain
guarantee for the free and open exercise of the Catholic religion
and total abolition of all penal enactments against CathoUcs,
they could not in conscience subscribe it." Among those who
condemned the cessation was John of Tuam ; and his conduct
on this occasion astonished the nunzio, for he had already
signed the instructions given by the supreme councU to the
commissioners whom they empowered to treat with Inchiquin.
Strange, however, and inconsistent as it may appear, John
of Tuam afterwards subscribed the articles of the cessation,
and adopted the policy of the party opposed to the nunzio,
justifying himself in a public instrument, which set forth
" that he never repudiated the agreement -with Inchiquin, but
only certain clauses of it, which were subsequently altered and
amended." The majority of the bishops, indeed, was -with the
nunzio ; but of the eight who opposed him, the most con
spicuous and formidable was the archbishop of Tuam, whose
influence was duly appreciated by the adherents of lord
Ormond. Exasperated by the conduct of the supreme councU, and
apprehensive of his personal safety, the nunzio retired from
Kilkenny soon after the cessation had been concluded, and
betook himself to Maryborough, * where Owen O'NeUl's army
lay encamped, in order to de-vise some measure which might,
perhaps, crush the Ormondists, and prevent all good CathoUcs
from marching under the banners of the perfldious Inchiquin
and the temporizing Preston. Both had vowed eternal hos
tility to O'NeUl and the nunzio himself ; but surely in this
hour of their dU-est extremity, holy Church lacked -not
weapon where-with to smite her oppressors, and protect her
truest champions !
On the 7th of May, 1648, groups of citizens of KUkenny
might be seen collected in front of St. Canice's, reading an
ominous broad sheet, which had been hung out early that
mornmg, on the grand gate of the cathedral, by Massari, dgan
of Fermo, and auditor to the nunzio. Its purport was plaia
and intelligible to the humblest capacity ; it was sentence of
See Appendix L.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 141
excommunication and mterdict, fulminated by the nunzio,
against aU abettors of the trace -with Inchiquin, and the
members of the supreme council who had brought about
that fatal compact. The interdict forbade the opening of
the churches, as well as the celebration of the di-vine myste
ries, in aU cities, to-wns, and -vUlages which submitted to the
peace; and aU bishops and priests were commanded to pro
claim this ordinance throughout the kingdom, chaplains of
regiments being speciaUy ordered to read it aloud in the camps
for the soldiers ser-ving under their respective generals.
The first consequence of this measure was quick desertion
from Preston's ranks to the standard of O'Neill, for such of
the troops of the former as were not " excommunication proof "
quitted the Leinster general's camp, and went over in detach
ments to that of the northern chieftain, who had sworn fealty
to the nunzio, and war to the last extremity against the allies of
Inchiquin. The supreme councU, indeed, had good reason to
dread O'NeUl, who, -with his army, was within twenty-four hours'
march of Kilkenny, and they accordingly despatched letters
under their great seal, beseeching him to disregard the censures ;
but, to the consternation of the messenger, the Ulster general
after perusing the document, flung it into the fire, contemp
tuously, and commanded the bearer, if he valued life, to quit
his camp -with aU possible speed — "Return," said he, "to
KUkenny, and tell your masters of the supreme councU, that I
regard them as ¦violators of the oath of association, enemies
to God and man, and justly smote by the sword of holy
Church." The supreme councU, however, and the abettors of the
peace, looked on the censures in a different light, alleging that
the nunzio had not jurisdiction to proceed to such lengths ;
and in order to qidet the conscience of the populace, they in
terposed an appeal to Rome, pending the examination of
wMch, as they gave out, the excommunication and interdict
must necessanly be null, and of no effect. Some of the bishops,
and they were the minority, maintained this "view of the case,
and John of Tuam, especially "with two of his suffragans, re
solved to treat the sentence as uncanonical, and utterly unjusti
fiable. He, indeed, made no secret of his resistance to the
nunzio ; for when Clanricarde consulted him about levying
troops to act against O'NeiU, he quashed his lordship's scruples,
and persuaded him that he was justified in marching against
the man who professed his readiness to maintain the validity of
the censures at the sword's point, despite the supreme councU

142 THE IRISH HIEEARCHY IN
and the opinions of some of its ablest spiritual peers. Not
withstanding the opposition which the censures encountered
from the latter and the lay chiefs, they were faithfully observed
in many of the to"wnsj but nowhere more so than in Galway,
In that city, however, John of Tuam, "with one of his suffragans,
and two friars of the discalced Carmelites,* preached openly
against the nunzio's authority and interdict ; but the mayor,
warden, and populace were all on the side of the latter, whom
they esteemed highly for his many excellent characteristics of "
head and heart. The archbishop, however, persevering in his re
sistance, caused" the doors of the coUegiate church to be forced
open, and there officiated publicly, despite all remonstrances.
This appeared to the nunzio so heinous a crime, that he charged
his confessor to set out for Rome, and report the whole affair
to the pope ; suggesting at the same time that John of Tuam
should be cited to the Holy See, to answer for his conduct.
Another infringement of the nunzio's authority was also laid
to his charge, inasmuch as he had celebrated, in the church of
the Carmelites, who refused to observe the censures, and were
excommunicated by the nunzio, in a full congregation of eight
bishops and thirty theologians, assembled -within the walls of
the to"wn. Hoping to remedy this sad perplexity, the nunzio
endeavoured to convene a synod in Galway, but Clanricarde
and Inchiquin, acting for the supreme councU, intercepted the
bishops on the way, and then laid siege to the town, which,
after capitulating, was obliged to contribute a large subsidy, as
penalty for its devotedness to the nunzio and rejection of the
cessation. In the midst of this weltering confusion, French and Plunket
reached KUkenny, on their return from Rome, the former
bringing "with him the pallium for John of Tuam, and both
charged with letters from the pope to the bishops of Ireland.
Before they had time, however, to communicate to the supreme
councU the result of their mission, they learned that Massari had
been imprisoned on three distinct charges, namely, publishing
the censures, intercepting letters addressed to the spiritual and
temporal peers, and capturing a ship belonging to the archduke
Leopold of Belgium, while he, Massari,! "was entering the har
bour of Waterford, on his return from Italy. French felt
sorely hurt at this stern proceeding of the supreme councU, and
lost no time in securing the sympathies of the archbishop of
Tuam for the nunzio's auditor, who was indebted for his libera-
* See Appendix M. f Sie Appendix N.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 143
tion to their united exertions, a fact of which he subsequently
lost all remembrance, for as French pithily remarked — " Scivit
beneficium sumere, et reddere nescivit," or, in other words, he
proved himself dead to all sense of gratitude.
But at this juncture the state of the country was truly
appalUng, rent as it was between two conflicting factions —
the Guelfs and GhibelUnes of the West — one maintaining the
nunzio's censures, and the other insisting on the cessation with
Inchiquin. " Altar," says French, an ocular -witness, " was
arrayed against altar, the clergy inveighing against each other,
and the bishops and best theologians in the land maintaining
different "views of the validity of the censures. As for the
populace, they hardly knew what side to take, or what guide
to foUow, for in one church they heard the advocates of the
censures proclaim, ' Christ is here,' and in another, ' He is
not tJiere,' but here "with us, who stand by the dissentient
bishops, and the appeal to Rome against the nunzio's conduct."
The latter, indeed, imputed the blame of all this to John of
Tuam, and spared no effort to prove to him how much he
detested his conduct in aiding any compact "with Inchiquin.
Anticipating the arrival of French, and knowing that he
was bearer of the paUium to the archbishop elect, the nunzio
despatched a letter in cipher to his secretary, then in Duncan-
non fort, telling him to inform French that he was not to deUver
the archiepiscopal insignia tUl he had first communicated per
sonally "with him, the nunzio, then in Galway. That there
might be no mistake in this grave matter, the secretary was
further instructed to leave a copy of the letter, deciphered,
¦with the chaplain of the fort, in case he himself might be
absent when French landed ; and, relying on the faithful dis
charge of this order, the nunzio flattered himself that John of
Tuam would be deprived of that sacred badge without which
he could merely subscribe himself archbishop elect. Whether
the secretary or chaplain ever communicated this message to
French does not appear, but it is certain that the latter carried
out the instructions he had received at Rome, and accordingly
delivered the pallium to John, archbishop of Tuam, in the
cathedral of Kilkenny, on the 26th of August, 1648, the con
dition of the times dispensing, we may presume, -with the law
usually observed of conferring it in the metropolitan's own
church, or at least ¦within his pro-vince. Be that as it may,
the nunzio was thwarted, and the partizans of the archbishop
rejoiced at beholding him so honoured by the holy see.
Early in February, 1648, just as the nunzio was waiting in

144 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
Galway bay for a fair wind to bear him away from the unhappy
land, where, to use his own expression, "the sun is hardly ever
seen," lord Ormond returned to Ireland to resume the vice-
royalty, and organize the scattered forces of the confederates
against the parliamentarians. As soon as his arrival was made
kno-wn, John of Tuam, accompanied by the bishop of Ferns,
waited on him at Carrick, and invited him to proceed 'without
delay to KUkenny, to enter on his new government. The
-viceroy graciously assented to the proposal, and gave orders for
a detachment of Inchiquin's heretic troops to garrison the
castle of Kilkenny, where, on his arrival a few days afterwards,
he dissolved the old confederation, and set about preparing for
the coming campaign. With his usual craft, Ormond thought
it expedient to retain some of the bishops in his councU ; and
when John of Tuam and French of Ferns were proposed, they
were duly sworn, but on the distinct understanding that they were
to sink their episcopal titles, and subscribe themselves in then-
proper name and surname. This, indeed, seems to have been
an undignified compromise ; for it must be borne in mind that
Ormond, on this occasion, guaranteed the open exercise of the
Catholic- religion, possession of the churches ¦with their reve
nues, and many other advantages contingent on the success
that might be achieved by the Catholic forces. None of these
things w^e expressly mentioned by the ¦viceroy in any of his
former treaties; and the nunzio, writing from Rouen, attributed
these ample concessions " to the censures," which, said he, " so
terrified the bishops and laity, that they resolved to secure all
they could, and make terms which should be irrevocable."
"The articles of this peace between Ormond and the prelates
were ratified by Charles II. at the Hague, in March, 1649; but the
faithless monarch, after his Irish forces had been beaten by
Cromwell at Drogheda, Wexford, and elsewhere, basely truck
ling to the Scottish covenanters, recalled all concessions made
in favour of the Catholics, and declared the act of his lieutenant
in that regard null. The Irish bishops now found that Ormond
was not to be trusted, many of them belie^ving that he had
counselled the king to ¦violate his royal word so solemnly
pledged, and they, therefore, assembled at Jamestown, about
the beginning of August, 1650, and decreed that they would
reconstruct the old confederacy, and thenceforth hold themselves
independent of the viceroy, whom they now regarded as an
enemy to themselves and ¦their religion. This declaration was
signed by fifteen bishops, among whom was John of Tuam.
On the eleventh of the same month, the assembly still sitting

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 145
at Jamestown, elected six commissioners to treat with the Duke
of Lorraine, and invite him to land forces in Ireland, then
almost entirely in the power of the CromweUians, and among
the advocates of this project none proved himself more de
monstrative than the archbishop of Tuam. In November im
mediately foUowing, the prelates adjourned to Loughreagh,
and there subscribed a public uistrument teeming ¦with pro
fessions of loyalty to the king, and beseeching lord Ormond to
transfer the "viceroyalty to a Catholic. John of Tuam signed
this important document, and towards the close of 1650, he
had the satisfaction of seeing Ulick de Burgh, earl of Clanri
carde, installed in the high dignity vacated by Ormond. The
negotiation "with the duke of Lorraine was now actively prose
cuted by the new viceroy ; French, bishop of Ferns, and others
ha"ving been commissioned to proceed to Pont^a-Mousson to
hasten the protectorate, but, as we have already said, the busi
ness came to notliing, 0"wing to the imprudence of the Irish
agents, or perhaps the reluctance of Clanricarde, who had no
real desu-e to see foreign soldiers garrisoning Ireland. "Whether
he had or had not made little matter, for sir Charles Coote put
an end to the whole scheme by marching on Galway, into which
he drove Clanricarde's outposts on the 12th of August, 1651, and
then pitched his camp within a few hundred yards of the walls.
During the siege, or rather blockade, the bishops and clergy
from every part of Ireland took refuge in the town, and among
the former was John of Tuam. At last, after a gallant resis
tance, extending over nine months, Galway capitulated, and
opened its gates to the parliament troops on the 1 2th of April,
1652. Foreseeing that the CromweUians would not keep faith
with the inhabitants, the archbishop made his escape out of the
to"wn as Stubbers' soldiers were entering it, and hurried off to
BaUymote, in the neighbourhood of which place he Jay con
cealed tUl 1654, when he was arrested and brought under escort
back to Galway, where, after being robbed of his ring and
other valuables, he was flung into a noisome prison, overcrowded
by numbers of the clergy and chief nobUity of the land. In
this place he had an attack of paralysis, but notwithstanding
the dangerous nature of his malady, he was detained there tUl
August of the following year, when, with many others, he was
put on board ship and landed on the coast of Normandy.* He
then made his way to Nantes, where he resided five years,
maintained by the alms of the French committee formed for the
* See Appendix 0.

146 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
relief of the distressed and expatriated Irish. From Nantes he
removed to Dinan, in order to be near St. Male, a port then
much frequented by Irish merchants, from whom he could leam
how it fared "with his unhappy country. After a year's sojourn
in the latter place, he resolved to brave all risk and retm-n to
Ireland ; for, not"withstanding the many infirmities under which
he laboured, he desired nothing so much as to spend the residue
of his days among his scattered flock. The pains and penalties
of exile were bitter enough, but still more bitter would it have
been for him to fill an exile's grave, far away from the shrine
of St. Jarlath, and that venerable cathedral of St. Mary, for
whose restoration he had done so much. He accordingly set
sail from St. Male, about the beginning of 1663, and even
tually reached Dublin, after a tedious passage of fourteen days.
The moment his arrival in the metropolis was made known, he
was "visited by Peter Walsh, the semi-apostate Franciscan, who
presuming on his influence with the "viceroy, impertinently
rated him for daring to return without permission. Walsh's
grand aim was to get the archbishop to sign his famous Bemon- '
strance, -but all his arguments were unavaUing ; and the only
answer he had from the aged prelate was, " that he came
back to Ireland to lie down at rest in his grave and native
soil." In vain did Walsh remind him of his opposition to the
nunzio's censures, and the declaration he had subscribed at
Jamestown against lord Ormond ; for, although the archbishop
knew the latter was one of those who treasure the remem
brance of a wrong, and ignore that noblest revenge — forgive
ness — he could not be moved by any threat or insinuation, and
merely requested his tormentor to present his respects to the
viceroy, and tell him that he dutifully craved leave to remain
in Ireland " for so short a time as he had to drag on a miser
able existence, and end it by death more welcome, which he
hourly expected."
What precise answer Ormond returned does not appear, but
it is certain that he ordered the archbishop to leave Dublin
with all possible haste. Worn down by many infirmities, he
was unable to perform his journey on horseback, and conse
quently had to be carried by slow marches in a litter, tiU he
reached the neighbourhood of Tuam, where a kind friend had
prepared a humble residence for him. The archiepiscopal
palace, we need hardly say, was closed against him, for it was
then occupied by PuUen, the Anglican prelate, who, on getting
possession of it, could not conceal his admu-ation of the man
who exhibited such refined taste in its decoration and appoint-,

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 147
ments. In the course of the foUo-wing years, 1665-6, John of
Tuam was more than once importuned by Plunket, bishop of
Ardagh, and others to meet them in Dublin, " for the purpose
of giving his majesty assurances of then- future fidelity in all
temporal causes and contingencies," but neither his health nor
inclinations would aUow him to take any part ui these pro
ceedings, ui which he knew right weU that Walsh was prime
mover. He replied, however, at considerable length to the
bishop of Ardagh ; and the letters he wrote on those occasions
may justly be regarded as evidences of sound sense and a
thorough acquaintance -with the English language, such, indeed,
as is rarely met -with in epistolary compositions of our times.
He had done -with politics ; and nothing now remained for him
but to make preparation for his appearance at that bar to which
O'NeUl, Rinuecini, and many others of the great men, with
whom it was his lot to differ, had been summon(3d long before.
Exhausted by sufferings and old age, he seldom left the house
in which he found refuge after his arrival in the metropolis of
his see ; but he attended, nevertheless, as far as increasing ail
ments allowed, to the discharge of his episcopal functions —
confirming the young, and consecrating the holy oils, not only
for his o-wn diocese, but also for that of Cashel ; not, indeed,
on holy Thursday, but eight days previously, by virtue of a
special pri-vilege he obtained from the Holy See, after having
first sought and received, ad cautelam, absolution from the
nunzio's censures. During the last days of his life, when he
himself was no longer able to officiate, he had Mass daUy cele
brated in his chamber by father Thomas Quin, a Jesuit, who
remained constantly at his bedside, muustering to his comforts,
and admiring the resignation -with which the illustrious patient
submitted ^o excruciating agony, for which medical science had
no anodyne. In an interval, however, of comparative freedom
from pain, it occurred to him that he should make arrangements
for his interment ; and, as he knew that he might not hope to
lay his bones -with his predecessors, he gave directions to have
the oratory of St. Jarlath's, situated on the right of the cathe
dral, but detached from that building, re-roofed -with tiles, for
the purchase of which he furnished money, and duly provided
¦with all the requirements of a mortuary chamber. This being
accomplished, he received the last rites of the Church, and then
passed to the better life on the fourth of April, 1667, after
ha^ving completed his seventy-seventh year. His death occur
red on Holy Thursday, and on Easter eve his mortal remains
were borne processionally to the place he himself had chosen.

148 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
and from which the shrine of St. Jarlath had long before been
removed by some pious hand, to guard it against desecration.
Roger O'Flaherty composed an epitaph for this Ulustrious pre
late, as did also the celebrated medical doctor O'Meara, and we
subjoin both for the gratification of our readers : —
" POST . SEX . UNDECIES . SEXCENTAS . MILLEQUE . BRUMAS .
APRILIS . QUARTA . PROXIMIOEE . DIE .
IN . CCENA . DOMINI . DOMINUS . TUAMENSIS . JESU .
FIT . COMMENSALIS . CUI . FAMULATUS . BEAT."*

" BURGIUS . EXCUSSO . VIDUAM . EECTOEE . CAPESSIT .
LUCTANTEM . PELAGO . TUEBINIBUSQUE . EATEM .
QUI . FACILI . SOLEES . FLUCTUS . ELUDEEE . FLEXU .
OBVIUS . ADVEESO . NON . AMAT . IRE . SALO .
HAC . ILLE . ARTE . GEEGEM . SEEVAT . SINE . VULNEEE .
VICTOE.
QUI . TANDEM . IN . PORTU . SOSPITE . SEEUS . OBIT .
PEO . GREGE . CERTANTEM . PASTOREM . OCCUMBEEE ,
PULCHRUM . EST .
UTILIUS . SALVO . EST . CONSENUISSE . GREGI."t

CHAPTER IV.
The second prelate who accompanied Rinuecini on his first
¦visit to lord Mountgarret, was Thomas Fleming of Dublin, a
truly eminent man, whose biography, however, would be in
complete, -without some notice of his predecessors in that see.
Our object in premising such detaUs is to make our readers
aware of the state in which Fleming found the diocese when he
was appointed its chief pastor, and to throw additional Ught on
the history of the archbishops who filled the chair of St. Laurence,
after the apostasy of Hugh Curwen, who, we may observe, Uke
his immediate predecessor Bro-wn, was an Englishman.
After the defection of Curwen, and his removal to Oxford,
in 1567, there was an interval of thirty-three years, during
which the popes did not deem it prudent to appoint an arch
bishop to the vacant see of Dublin ; apprehending, we may
suppose, that to do so would only tend to exasperate queen
Elizabeth's ministers, and involve the Catholics of the pale in
* O'Flaherty. f O'Meara.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 149
difficulties, far greater than those with which they were actually
contendUig for the maintenance of their faith. At length.
however, when the success of Hugh O'NeUl's arms seemed to
threaten the existence of the English mterest in Ireland, or, at
all events, gave reason to hope that the severe enactments
against CathoUcs would be mitigated, if not entirely swept
from the statute book, Clement VIIL, at the suggestion of
the king of Spain, then the ally and supporter of the northern
Irish princes, nominated a Spaniard to the archbishopric of
Dublin.* This was Matthew 'de Oviedo, a Franciscan friar,
and native of Sego-via, whose consecration took place in 1600.t
Very little is kno"wn of the history of this archbishop or his
antecedents ; but it is certain that he was employed by the
king of Spain to negotiate with the Geraldines in the south of
Ireland, twenty years before his elevation to the see of DubUn,
as appears by a despatch sent by the commons of Lisnaw, to
the queen's attorney and recorder of Limerick, dated the 27th
of September, 1580, which mentions him thus: "There is
in great estimation with them, the Geraldines, one Frere
Matthew O'viedo, which they call commissarius apostolicus, and
the bishop of KUlaloe, Donald Ryan's son." The object which
the pope had in -view when appointing a Spaniard to the see of
DubUn must have been to strengthen Spanish infiuence in
Ireland; and, doubtless, the same motive prompted him to
nominate another native of the same country, about the same
period, to the diocese of LeighUn. This was Francis Ribera,
who, however, never -visited our shores, and died at Antwerp,
on the 10th of Septeriiber, 1604, after ha^ving built an infirmary
for the Irish Franciscans of that city. Returning to Matthew
de O'viedo, we may state that he never exercised jurisdiction in
the diocese of Dublin, J indeed, never set foot within the pale,
and knew nothing of the country, save the little he saw of it
on the southern and northern coast. On his arrival as arch
bishop, he tarried some time at Donegal, in the castle of Hugh
Roe O'Donnell, and soon afterwards went back to Spain, to
impress on the king the necessity of sending munitions and
money to the Irish princes. After an interval of about a year,
PhUip III. despatched a flotiUa, with a small contingent of men
and arms ; but unfortunately, Juan d'Aguila, the commander-
in-chief, instead of landing on the north coast, anchored in the
* See Appendix P.
t See Most Rev. Dr. Moran' s, " Archbishops of DubUn."
J See Appendix Q.

150

THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN

harbour of Kinsale, and set about fortifying that place. On
board one of the ships of this squadron, Matthew de O^viedo,
accompanied by Thadeus O'FarreU, a Dominican, and bishop of
Clonfert, revisited Ireland ; but when the expedition failed,
the archbishop returned to Spain with Hugh O'DonneU and
Florence Conry, to supplicate further aids, and impeach the
conduct of the Spanish generalissimo. The latter was repri
manded for his misconduct, but owing to the untimely death of
O'Donnell, the negotiation for the desired aids was abruptly
broken off, and Oviedo, abandoning all hope of ever again see
ing Ireland became suffragan to the archbishop of Compostella.*
Thus the disaster of Kinsale cost Oviedo his archbishopric of
Dublin; but it placed him, nevertheless, in a safer position
than he could have held in Ireland during the reign of Eliza
beth, or that of James I. On his decease, which occurred
some time in 1610, Paul V. caused the vacant see of DubUn
to be filled by Emer MacMahon, bishop of Clogher, whose
translation took place on the 2nd of May, 1611. This prelate
was a scion of the princely house of Farney, which had risked
and lost all its grand possessions for adhering to Tyrone,
and whose utter ruin was accomplished when the latter, ac
companied by James" MaoMahonf and others of the Irish
Catholic nobility, fled from Ireland in 1607. Many years
before that memorable event, Emer, then a mere boy, was sent to
the university of Pont>a-Mousson, where, after passing through
the various schools with great distinction, he was promoted to
holy orders, and honoured with the degree of doctor in ci'vil
and canon law. On his return to Ireland, he devoted himself
to missionary duties in his native diocese, and was eventually
created its bishop in 1609.
When we contemplate the state of the times in which
MacMahon exchanged the see of Clogher for the more eminent
and perilous one of Dublin, the conviction forces itself upon
us that he must have been a man of great zeal and great
courage. Had he insisted on remaining in his native diocese,
the glens and forests of Monaghan, and above all, the devoted
ness of the people to the consecrated member of a family that
had suffered so much for faith and counti-y, would, doubtless,
have afforded him secure shelter in the hour of need, and stood
between him and the myrmidons of the law, who were ever on
the watch for priests and bishops. But in accepting a dignity
* See "Flight of the Earls," p. 257.
t See Appendix E.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 151
which, a short time before, had been filled by the subject of a
monai-ch who had striven to drive the EngUsh out of Ireland,
it is certain that he exposed himself to imminent risk and
certam death, had anyone been found base enough to betray
him into the hands of his enemies. It must also be considered
that the deputy at this period was a rapacious fanatic, famous
for inventing plots and conspiracies, by which he contrived to
aggrandize his fortunes ; and stUl more famous for his aflected
zeal in advancing the reformed religion. Indeed, none of his
predecessors since the beginning of the English schism was a
greater enemy to the popes, or a more unprincipled persecutor
of Catholics, than sir Arthur Chichester, whose sole aim was
to extu-pate the native Irish, and get possession of then- lands,
in order to parcel them out between himself and the new adven
turers, who were subsequently designated "planters." With
this object constantly in view he did his utmost to keep alive the
bigotry of the EngUsh cabinet, and he hardly ever dictated a
despatch from Dublin castle that did not teem -with alarms of
Spanish invasion to retrieve the disaster of Kinsale, or " sure in
telligence " gathered from spies and hired informers, that O'Neill
was on the point of returning from Rome with papal bulls,
ItaUan soldiers, and the Irish legionaries serving in the Low
Countries, to subvert the government of James I. Willing as
the latter was to oppress his Irish Catholic subjects, terrorism
of this sort helped to stimulate the volition ; and as for Chi
chester, it procured him summary licence to plunder, transplant,
and other-wise persecute the professors of the old religion. We
may, therefore, easily imagine ¦what must have been, the con
dition of the CathoUcs of Dublin during Chichester's deputyship,
and what presentiments must have filled the mind of MacMahon
on his arrival in the city, where, instead of an archiepiscopal
throne he was more likely to find elevation to the scaffold.
Church or chapel he had none for the performance of his
functions, and whenever he celebrated Mass, ordained or con-
fiirmed -within the city waUs, he had to trust himself to the
honour of some stout-hearted burgess, who incurred thereby all
the fearful penalties in which the harbourers of priests and -
bishops were involved. Withal, he did fulfil his high mission
successfully, and although his ministrations were carried out
clandestinely and in the slums of the city, his exhortations
and example did more, perhaps, to confirm the people in then-
lealty to Rome than if he had officiated or preached to them in
either of the two metropolitan cathedrals, which the piety of
Ostmen and Anglo-Normans had erected in the ages of faith.

152 THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN
Nor was there any want of a grand example to nerve the
archbishop and his flock for whatever might befall them, as
long as Chichester had power to persecute, and as a neces
sary consequence to make martyrs. Indeed, the year after
MacMahon's translation to Dublin, Cornelius O'Deveny, bishop
of Down and Connor, and friar of St. Francis' order, then in
his eightieth year, was arrested in the house of a Catholic, in
the very act of confirming children, and hurried to Dublin,
where he was arraigned on a fictitious charge of high treason,
but in reality for exercising the functions of a " popish bishop."
Tried by' a jury, eleven of whom were Scotch and English, as
a matter of course he was found guilty, and sentenced to
.death, -with all the revolting accompaniments so common at
that period. Flung back into his cell, while preparations were
being made for execution, Chichester offered him life and liberty
provided he took the oath of supremacy, but he spumed the
l^roposal and refused to compromise his soul. Truly pathetic,
indeed, are all the incidents of this aged prelate's death, and
some of them we may not overpass. On the moming of his
execution, after blessing the poor gu-1 who tended hirn in his
prison, he begged, as a last and crowning favour, that she
would dress his mutilated remains in the Franciscan habit
which he always carried about -with him, telling her that that
coarse serge was dearer to him than the bishop's purple.
Haled through the streets on a hurdle, and followed by a
vast multitude, who knelt at every halt to crave his benediction,
as he sped on what he termed his " triumphal procession," he
at last reached the gibbet ; and mounting it -with steady step,
as though heaven had braced his palsied limbs for the occasion,
he told the spectators that he was about to die for the faith,
and that they should be prepared, if necessary, to go through
the same ordeal for the same glorious object. Rudely inter
rupted by a fanatical hypocrite, who knew how the words of
the doomed prelate would tell on the hearts of the spectators,
and challenged to avow that he was about to pay the penalty
of high treason, O'Deveny solemnly repeated his former de
claration, and then resigned himself to the terrible process of
strangling, decapitation, and embowelling, all of which was
performed by ah Englishman, the Irish executioner having
fled to avoid ha'ving any part in the bishop's murder. 'While
the slaughter was being perpetrated, the spectators remained
silent and motionless, as if petrified by the horrid spectacle,
but when it was done, they flung themselves upon the lines of
halberdiers who kept the ground, and forced their way to the,

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 153
platform, where they struggled with each other for a fragment
of the palpitating flesh or a shred of the clothes of him whom
they now justly regai-ded as a martyi-. Women dipped then-
napkins, provided for the purpose, in his blood, and one man, more
fortunate than his fellows, succeeded in carrying off the severed
head, to preserve it, doubtless, as a venerated trophy of that com
bat in which thevanquished have always been declared victors. So
died Cornelius O'Deveny,* on the north bank of the Liffey, in the
year of grace 1612. We know not what effect all this may have
"wrought on Chichester • but it is certain, that familiarity "with
such scenes served to intensify the devotedness of the CathoUcs
to their faith, and to strengthen their abhorrence of a creed
that was to be propagated by sweeping the people off their
lands, and consigning their spiritual pastors to the hangman.
It is more than probable that MacMahon was in Dublin at the
time of this execution, for, notwithstanding Chichester's in
cessant efforts to lay hands on him, he fortunately evaded
them all. In fact, the archbishop, one would think, must
have borne a charmed life, or at all events placed himself in
the custody of friends who were ready to sacrifice themselves
in order to save him. Small as the population of Dublin was
at that period, the chances of arresting such a personage were
all the greater, but yet, despite every difficulty, he continued
to labour for his people, tending them, as we have already
said, in the purlieus of the metropolis, occasionally in the
houses of the Catholic nobility, and more frequently among
the mountains and in the dense woods, south of the city.
Proclamations of outlawry against priests and bishops were
disregarded by the Catholics, and the hired spy and informer
too often found, that the risk was in excess of the reward,
however tempting the latter might be. The deputy himself
admits all this in a letter which he addressed to lord Salisbury,
just one year before MacMahon's translation, and avows that
he was utterly unable to extirpate the clergy, or bruig the
people over to the schismatical church.
" If," says he, " some course be not speedily taken for re
straining of the bishops and priests, I cannot see how this king
dom can long stand as it doth, for every city and town is fuU
of them, upon a strange apprehension they have taken, gi"ving
it out, that it is the king's pleasure they should have the
exercise of their religion, so it be not public in the churches ;
and when an officer or a soldier lays hold on a priest -within
* See Appendix S.

154 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
their garrison, for none else uiill lay Imnds on them, the young
men and women of the city or to"wn where he is taken, do
flock together, and with ill-usage and blows do make rescue
of the party apprehended. If I have observed anything in
the time I have spent in this kingdom, I may say it is not
lenity and good works that will reclaim these men, but an iron
rod and severity of justice, and seeing the law hath not here
provided for the uprooting and punishments of these firebrands
of sedition, the priests, we can think of no other remedy, but
to proclaim them and then- relievers and harbourers for
traitors." Not"withstanding these restraints, we find MacMahon presi
ding at a provincial synod m Kilkenny, in 1614, and in the same
year Chichester writing to secretary Winwood, after relating
his Ul-luck in not being able to arrest one Meagh, a priest just
returned from Rome, gives us another insight into the actual
state of the country, and at the same time an Uikling of the
mortal dread he had of O'Neill's return.
" We are," says he, " full of priests of this man's condition,
practisers of sedition and insurrection, of which there is not a
greater worker than Oioen MacMahoune, the titulary archbishop
of Dublin, son to Owen McCooley, who is still in this kingdom,
and often in this city of Dublin, albeit I cannot get him, nor
any draught upon him, though I have offered largely for it. I
do my best to discover their plots and frustrate them, but
¦without more help I shall be soon wearied in a tempest, where
commands, law, and proclamations are no use -without the
sivord to make them obeyed. All this assures me they are
hopeful of invasion from foreign parts, and return of the
fugitives." This appeal for larger powers was answered by James I. in
June of same year, when he sent his deputy the following
" instructions " : —
" "Whereas the priests, who are the chief corrupters of the
nobility and gentry of that realm, do employ many turbulent
and working spirits from beyond the seas daily to maintain the
party of ill subjects at home, and send forth others to bring
Tyrone bach, and other active traitors, -with some foreign forces,
to begin a rebellion, hoping vainly to effect that with the sword
which they cannot gain by practice ; and though these mes
sengers can do no other office than blow at coals, yet they
continue to keep the subjects and fugitives in some hope of the
"wished innovation, which our other good and loyal subjects do
most fear. "We think it expedient, and do hereby require you

THE SE^'ENTEENTH CENTURY. 155
to unprint and proclaim a proclamation for the banishing of
.these th-ebrands, the priests and Jesuits."
Notwithstanding the king's proclamation, MacMahon re
mained m Ireland, as neariy as we can calculate, till about
1620, for his government of the see of Dublin stretched over
a period of nigh eight years, at the termination of which he
repaired to_ Rome, after committing his fiook to the care of a
VLcar. Thinking, probably, that lapse of time would render
James considerate to his Irish Catholic subjects, the ai-chbishop
spent thi-ee years in the eternal city, hoping, as we may sup
pose, to be able to return, but he was seized with fever and
died there, on the 24th of August, 1622, in the 53rd year of
his age. His remains had honoured sepulture beside his kuismen
O'Neill and O'Donnell — the banished earls — in the church of
St. Pietro Montorio, of which his successor the present carduial-
archbishop of Dublin, is titular.
Chichester was recalled in 1615, but before retiruig he had
attainted the fugitive earls, confiscated Ulster to the cro-wn,
and erected forty new boroughs, to facUitate the passing of
extreme penal measures against the Irish CathoUcs. His suc
cessors in office, Jones, Denham, and Oliver St. John, proved
themselves unrelenting persecutors, enforcing the oath of
supremacy, and mulcting the "papists," who, because they
would not frequent the Protestant churches, were thenceforth
designated Recusants. Diuing the administration of lord
Falkland, whose tenure of office lasted over eight years, the
same harsh measures were carried out -with more or less
severity ; and although some -writers have given this nobleman
credit for leniency and forbearance, he had little or no claim
to either one or the other. It was in the second year of his
deputyship that Urban VIIL, at the earnest request of the
clergy and people of Dublin, resolved that the see recently
"vacated by the decease of Emer MacMahon should now be
filled by another member of a patrician family, in whose veins,
however, there was hardly a drop of Celtic blood.
The baronial house of Fleming dated then- arrival in Ireland
from 1169, when they came, "seventy heroes dressed in coats
of maU," to fight for the expulsed MacMurcha, and about nine
years afterwards Richard Fleming built the castle of Slane,
and was kUled there in an engagement with the native Irish.
This baron was the founder of the famUy which ever after
wards ranked among the most distinguished of the Pale ; many
of them filling the highest offices in the civil and miUtary
administration, and,pro"vmg themselves at all times strenuous

156 THE IRISH HIEEARCHY IN
upholders of the English interest in the land of their adoption.
Singularly remarkable for their piety, the barons of Slane bnUf;
and endowed many churches and monasteries within the terri
tory they had won with their swords, but none of them all
deserved better of religion than baron Christopher, who, in
1512, restored the ancient monastery where Dagobert, king of
Austrasia, was "shorn a monk," ui the seventh century, and
bestowed it upon the friars of the third, order of St. .Francis.
Like other Catholic families of the Pale, the Flemings always
espoused the cause of the English crown in the protracted
quarrels with the native Irish ; and during the wars of Eliza
beth they maintained their hereditary valour on many a bloody
field, won or lost by O'NeUl and O'Donnell. Their fidelity,
however, to the ancient religion was as signal as their bravery ;
for, despite every effort to uiduce them to apostatize, they"
clung to it persistently ; and when others of their rank
took the oath of supremacy, or played the hypocrite by fre
quenting the schismatical churches, it never could be said that
a single member of the house of Slane turned traitor to the
creed of his forefathers. One of them, indeed, acted un"wisely,
in 1583, by aiding the arrest of O'Hurley, archbishop of
Cashel ; but that baron ever afterwards bewailed his over-
zealous loyalty, when he found that he was instrumental, though
unintentionally, in procuring the archbishop's woeful death.
To heighten his chagrin, a roving gleeman of the period com
posed a ballad set to a dirge-like air, which he called " Slane's
Treason,"* and we can imagine how the baron must have felt
on learning that the ballad was everywhere sung, not only
"within the Pale, but far beyond it, north and south in the
country of the "Irish enemy."
Thomas Fleming, third son of William, sixteenth baron of
Slane, a friar of the order of St. Francis, was the person named
by the pope to succeed to the vacant archbishopric of Dublin.
This Thomas, when a mere stripling, proceeded to Louvain,
where he entered the convent of St. Anthony, long before he
attained the age prescribed for making religious vows. Devo
ting himself entirely to phUosophical and theological studies, he
rapidly acquired great repute for profound learning, so much
so, that he was soon promoted to the chair of lecturer, and in
this capacity it was his good fortune to have for scholars, Col
gan, author of the Acta Satictorum ; Patrick Fleming, his near
* Supplicium Eicardus insignis musious fidibus celebravit lamentabiU
atque fuuesto tone qui " Slanii Baronis delictum " nuncupatur.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 157
kinsman, author of th,e Collectanea Sacra, and many others
whose works reflected honour, not only on the order to which
they belonged but also on their common country. Before he
had reached canonical age, young Fleming was sent by his
superiors to teach philosophy and theology in the school of
Aix-la-Chapelle, and on being promoted to the priesthood, he
was appointed guardian of St. Anthony's, in Louvain. His
large acquirements and profound piety made character for him
at Rome, and won for him the respect of Urban VIIL, who
ordered his consecration to • be performed with as little delay
as possible, although he had not then attained his thirty-first
year. The pontUT's orders soon reached Louvain, and accord
ingly Thomas Fleming was consecrated archbishop of Dublin,
on the 30th of December, 1623, by James, archbishop of"
Malines, and Florence Conry, archbishop of Tuam. It was-
with great reluctance he took upon himself the dignity . to
which he was now raised, and greater, if possible, was the
regret with which he retired from the tranquU little Flemish
convent, where he left behind him such loving and learned
friends, and above all, his nephew Thomas,* who had exchanged
his terrestial for an eternal inheritance, and renounced helmet ,
and glaive for a cowl in the cloister of the Franciscans.
A few months after his consecration, the archbishop arrived
in Dublin "with extensive powers from the pope, relating to
the time and inten-vals of ordination, and authority to confer
holy orders on the sole title of " mission," dispensation having
been granted in those of benefice and patrimony, to meet the
exigencies of the Irish church, then sadly in want of priests.
His first abode in the metropolis was -with his brethren of St.
Francis ; not indeed in the grand old convent of the order,
for that had long since been razed, but in a humble house
which they rented in Cook-street, and where they were suffered
to celebrate the di-vine offices privately, and under the most stern
restriction. Withal, the archbishop carried out, as far as was
practical, the observance of the rigid discipline he had em-
braced in his youth, wearing the habit -within doors and under
the episcopal robes when officiating, maintaining abstemious
diet, and sleeping on a hard pallet, like the rest of the fra
ternity. This was his ordinary style of Ufe, from which he
never departed, whether staying -with the poor community ui
their DubUn house, or in the ancestral castle of Slane. Never
theless, we have it on the authority of one who was personally
* See Appendix T.

158 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
acquainted -with him, that his manners were graceful, while his
genial and warm heart won the respect of all classes, so much
so, that they applied to him what had been so justly said of
another great man of the same fraternity —
" . . . . Clara de stirpe parentum,
Et meritis clarior ipse suis."
Respect, however, for noble lineage did not disarm the bigotry
of the executive, for in the very year of the archbishop's
arrival, a proclamation appeared, ordering all popish prelates
and priests to quit the kingdom. But priests and people had
gro-wn so accustomed to manifestoes of this sort, that the only
heed the former gave them was to disperse for a whUe, and
wait till the excitement had subsided. In fact, instead of
quitting the kingdom, members of the religious orders came
mto it from Spain and Flanders, and among the rest a com
munity of Capuchins established itself for the first time in the
metropolis, in 1623. As for the Franciscans, the archbishop
caused them to open schools for the young, and not only for
them, but for aspirants to the priesthood, who were thus
prnvided -with lectures in philosophy and theology. This,
indeed, was a hazardous experiment ; but Fleming was too
devoted to the welfare of his flock to be scared from dis
charging his high mission by Falkland's threats or proclama
tions. Passionately fond of the ancient literature of Ireland,
he generously entertained brother Michael O'Clery in the con
vent of Dublin, and it was under that poor roof that the chief
of the Four Masters found bed and board while transcribing a
goodly portion of the material which was subsequently incor
porated in the " Annals of Donegal." To his brethren in
Louvain he extended the same patronage, and it is to his
fostering care we are indebted for Colgan's " Triadis Tltawmor
turgce,"* a fact gratefully acknowledged by the author, who
states that the archbishop transmitted to him many a rare
book and valuable record, without which he could not have
completed his noble work. These, surely, are e-vidences of an
intellectual nobility, which, in that transition period, strove to
maintain the honour of Ireland, by preser-ving and perpetuating
its ancient literature.
• Notwithstanding the proclamation to which we alluded, there
was an interval of three years, during which the archbishop
* See Appendix IJ.

IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 159
had opportunity to attend to his flock, -with hardly any let or
hindrance ; so much so, that he officiated with more or leSs
publicity outside his 0"wn diocese, at the consecration of Boetius
Egan, bishop of Elphin, which took place at Drogheda, 1626.
In the year following, however, Falkland found pretext for
enforcing coercive measures in the reluctance shown by the
Ulster Irish, to take military service under the Protestant
cro"wn of Denmark, and still more so in a strange rumour, that
the eldest son of the late earl of Tyrone was about to return
to Ireland, as monarch of the realm, under protection of the
king of Spain.
" It is given out," "wrote the deputy to lord Killultagh,
" that Tyrone hath his crown delivered him, not of peacock's
feathers, as his father's was, but of pure gold, and constantly
Ues upon his table at his bedside, in his chamber, at Brussels."
With the dread of this imaginary king before him, the deputy
pressed on the government the necessity of considering
" Whether indulgence from the laws and promise of toleration
of religion be seasonable," and concludes by asking permission
"to rack one Glassney O'Cullenan, a priest," who dissuaded
" the idle swordsmen of Ulster " — a designation then given to
the peasantry — from abandoning homes and kindred for the
army of a Lutheran sovereign, and was supposed to be in cor
respondence -with the son of the great earl of Tyrone then
commanding for the archdukes in Brassels. About a month
after receipt of the deputy's letter, the pri"vy councU answered :
"You ought to rack and hang the priest if you find reason
for doing so, for such is the opinion of the councU and his
majesty's pleasure." Falkland can-ied out his instructions, and
during the remainder of his term of office dealt rigorously
"with the Catholics, whom, for their supposed sympathy with
the Ulster pretender, he regarded in the light of mortal enemies.
In the midst of such difficulties, however, Flemmg remained
constantly among his flock, tending it as well as he could,
and observing a prudential course, which, for a while screened
the CathoUcs from open outrage. But only for a while ; for
in 1629, the poor Franciscan church in which the archbishop
officiated, was entered diu-ing the celebration of Mass, by a
posse, under command of Bulkeley, the heretic archbishop,
who true to iconoclast tradition and instincts cast down the
image of St. francis, desecrated the altar, and scattered the
congregation with halbert and musket. The CathoUcs, it is
true, resented this cruel insult, and compelled Bulkeley to take
shelter in a neighbouring house; but then- just iadignation

160 THE IRISH HIEEARCHY IN
was severly punished by the closing of the three churches which
they had in the city, and sequestration of the school which
they had ventured to open in Back-lane. In the follo"wing
year, however, Fleming obtained permission to re-open the
Franciscan church ; but as for the Back-lane* school it was, by
order of the lords justices, incorporated with Trinity college,
and so remained till the appointment of the earl of Strafford,
who restored it to the Catholics. In 1631, the archbishop
seems to have enjoyed comparative quiet in the exercise of his
functions ; for at that period he interdicted two English secular
priests — Harris and Caddell ; and by a public instrument to be
read in all the chapels and oratories of Dublin, forbade the
Catholics, under pain of excommunication, to be present at
their ministrations. Harris satirized the friars in a series of
scurrilous tracts, and maintained that the archbishop showed a
decided preference for them, to the exclusion and depreciation
of the secular clergy. Father Patrick CahiU,t too, then parish
priest of St. Michael's, and "vicar-general of the diocese of
Dublin, being suspected of having published some verses
reflecting on the archbishop, was suspended from Ins functions;
but after the lapse of some time, he was reinstated on the re^
presentation of Dease, bishop of Meath, who pronounced that a
cleric of his diocese wrote the objectionable poem, and that the
parish priest did not cultivate the Muses. We mention these
incidents summarUy, in order to show that the archbishop, at
this period, was suff'ered to discharge his high office "with little
or no restraint. During Strafford's administration, when the
great object was to raise money for the king, policy dictated the
"wisdom of treating the Catholics "with forbearance, and we may-
presume that Fleming's exalted position found some show of
respect from the lord deputy, who detested the fanatical low-
church bigots then fast rising to power in England and Ireland.
Again, if the presence in the Irish parUament, of a member of
the archbishop's family could mitigate the severity to which he
and his flock had been subjected, that benefit was made avaU-
able to both in 1634, when William, nineteenth baron of Slane,
"Was summoned to take his place in the councils of the kingdom.
We have already stated that Thomas, eighteenth, baron, had
transferred all his rights and privileges to his brother WUUam,
and taken the habit in St. Anthony's a;t Louvain; and it may not
be out of place to notice here, that the writ which awarded to
William the place of his father deceased, was issued "with a
» See Appendix X. -j- See Appendix T,

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 161
salvo jure to said Thomas, should he or his heirs return to
Ireland and re-assume the title of lord Slane, that WUliam
could take no advantage or beneflt by said writ. Thomas did
come back, as we shall see, but not to exchange the cowl for the
coronet of a peer.
The parliament of 1634, however, did nothing for the
CathoUcs, who, not"withstanding their number, the high cha
racter of their representatives, and large subsidies which they
had given to the king, in consideration of the " graces" or re
moval of grievances affecting their religion and estates, were
overborne by the deputy, who treated them -with high contempt.
Nevertheless, Straffbrd in some instances endeavoured to con
ciliate them ; and in order to show how much he had their
interests at heart, he commanded the Protestant bishops and
their chancellors to desist from fining them for having theu-
chUdren baptized, and their marriages solemnized by priests of
their o-wn faith. This poor concession was, indeed, a boon to
the Catholics ; so much so, that they and then- prelates regarded
it as an instalment of the " graces," and the commencement of
a new and better era. Influenced by this proceeding, Fleming
assembled a Synod, in which he confirmed the ordinances of a
former synod, at which archbishop MacMahon, had presided,
and made various regulations for the spU-itual government of
his pro"vince. The principal subjects mooted on this occasion
were the publication of bans of marriage, contributions for the
support of the bishops, and a limitation of faculties, which,
0"wing to the necessity of the times, had been given to the re
gulars, who then, and for many years afterwards, discharged
all the duties of secular or missionary priests. Solely intent
on raising money for the king, by inquiries into defective titles,
high commission courts, and other infamous de"vices, Strafford
aUowed the CathoUcs the exercise of their reUgion within their
churches, which to do him justice, were not at any time during
his tenure of office outraged by the fanatics, who, he himself
tells us, employed their persecuting power " rather as an engine
to draw money out of the CathoUcs' pockets, than to raise a
right beUef in their hearts."
Soon after Wandesforde's appointment to the deputyship,
Fleming held another synod at Tyrcroghin, and among other
subjects discussed at this assemblage was the preference given
in Salamanca and elsewhere to Irish students of the pale, whUe
those of the northern and western provinces, whose fathers had
sided "with Tyrone in the late wars, were treated harshly by the
superior, who was a Jesuit and admirer of English polity. This,

162 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
indeed, was an old grievance, for it formed the ground of a re
monstrance which was dra^wn up by Conry, archbishop of
Tuam, and presented by Hugh O'Donnel to PhiUp III., thirty-
seven years pre-viously. During Wandesforde's administration,
the Catholics enjoyed the same indulgences granted them by
Strafford ; for the successor of the latter was too much engaged
in exacting subsidies for the king to think of persecuting those
off whom the largest amount was to be levied.
Not"withstanding the excitement caused by the discovery and
failure of the plot to seize Dublin castle, and the persons of the
lords justices, who held the reigns of government after
"Wandesforde's recall, in October, 1641, the Catholics of the
metropolis were not molested or accused of sympathizing with
Rory O'Moore, Maguire, MacMahon, and other chieftains en
gaged in that attempt. Indeed, it would appear that Fleming's
flock displayed great loyalty on the occasion ; for just two
months afterwards, when the Catholic nobility of the pale as
sembled at Swords, to take measures against the extirpation
"with which sir Charles Coote threatened them, we find father '
Patrick CahUl, already mentioned, sent by the said justices "with
a manifesto, in"viting lords Gormanston, Slane, and others to
appear before them ; and what is stUl more remarkable, this
very priest had been previously employed by the executive to
parley "vrith sir Phelim O'NeUl, and other leaders of insurrection
in Ulster. At length, however, when the justices and their
agents threw off the mask, and set about extirpating the papists
by courts-martial, and hanging priests "without formaUty of trial,
the Catholic prelates and nobUity seeing themselves exposed to
certain death on mere suspicion, assembled at KUkenny, in
May, 1642, and there confederated for the defence of their lives,
religion, and liberty.* O'ReUly, archbishop of Armagh, was the
leading man in this grand union, and as soon as his letters of
summons reached Fleming, the latter, unable to attend in
person, on account of illness, deputed father Joseph Everard,
then guardian of the Franciscan convent in that city, to act as
his proxy.
A short time after this first meeting, WilUam, baron of
Slane, and Lord Gormanston, died in KUkenny, and as soon as
intelligence of the decease of the former reached Belgium,
* Strictly speaking the first meeting of the confederated Irish Catholics
took place on the hill of Crofty, Co. Meath, when lord Gormanston and
other Catholics of the Pale conferred with Eoger O'Moore, who repre
sented the " ancient .Irish."

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 163
father Thomas Fleming returned to Ireland, to aid the newly-
formed organization by his influence and presence. This,
indeed, was a memorable incident in the history of the Con
federates ; for the man for whose rights to the barony Strafford
had made such special provisos now re-appeared, not indeed to
claim the title, but to play his part in the grand drama, as a
simple friar of St. Francis' order. One* who knew him person
ally lays great stress on this fact, which is best told in his 0"wn
quaint language : —
" Upon intimation of the affairs of Ireland, he left Louvain
and proceeded to KUkenny, where he attended to the public
good, resorting from time to time to the house of his brother-in-
law, the "viscount Clanmorris ; but, at last, finding that things
did not prosper in Klilkenny, he went to the county Louth, and
made up six or seven score weU-armed men, and by -witty and
fine stra-tagems, took twelve garrisons in that county. He
spared no labour night or day in that province. Either in
their sleep, march, or other-wise, where and when the enemy
least expected, this reUgious warrior did come upon them, to
their mightie prejudice, either taking by assault, or demolishing
by fire, then- garrisons at the loss of their proper lives."
As for the archbishop, now elected member of the supreme
councU of the confederates, he apipointed Edmond O'Reilly
"vicar-general of his diocese, and then proceeded to Kilkenny,
where he took up his abode -with his brethren in the Franciscan
convent. There in that poor house, which the community
rented, he observed the strictest discipline, and seldom left its
precincts except when public business demanded his presence
in the house of assembly. Towards the close of 1643, the con
federate arms were cro-wned "with signal success, so much so
that many of the chief strongholds of the kingdom, Dublin
and some of the other seaport to"wns excepted, were entirely in
their possession. Indeed, the metropoUs itself must have
surrendered, had the supreme councU acted with energy, or
rather, if it had not among its most influential members many
of lord Ormond's kinsmen and dependents. At this momentous
crisis — when the Catholics had three well-equipped armies in
Leinster, and when "the forces of the English government
were so oppressed "with wants, and the discontent of their
officers so great, that there needed no other enemy than himger
and cold to devour them" — -lord Ormond managed to bring
* The anonymous author of " The Aphorismical Discovery of Faction."
—T.O.D.

164 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
about a cessation of hostilities, and initiated that clever policy
which enabled him to sow the seeds of division in the con
federate council. The latter were credulous enough to believe
him sincere in his overtures for a peace that would satisfy all
their requirements ; and in order to hasten that end, they sent
their commissioners to meet him near Castle Martin, on the
23rd of June of the aforesaid year. The instrument empower
ing the commissioners to treat with Ormond was signed by
Fleming, and we might attribute this false step to his instinctive
loyalty to the English crown, if we did not find Malachy,
archbishop of Tuam, subscribing the same document. The
ratification of the articles was subscribed by Fleming in Sep
tember follo"wing, and this compromise, made doubtless "with
the best intentions, proved fatal to the confederates, for it
caused them to halt, and lay do-wn their arms at a moment
when they could have dictated their o^wn terms to the -viceroy.
It is almost superfluous to observe, that the latter soon after
wards ¦violated this agreement by countenancing the Scotch
covenanters in Ulster, then nominally under his command,
and sanctioning the raids and massacres of their leader, general
Munroe. In the following year, 1644, father Scarampi, sent
by Urban VIIL, arrived in Ireland, in the capacity of papal
agent to the confederates ; and about the same time the king
wrote to Ormond, urging him to conclude a peace with the
latter. The negotiation, however, was postponed from day to
day by Ormond's astuteness, and nothing was agreed upon
tUl 1646, when the king could derive no benefit from his
viceroy's delusive concessions.
In 1644 Fleming subscribed the memorial, praying the pope
to raise father Wadding to the dignity of cardinal, and we may
easily imagine what pleasure it gave him to beseech that high-
honour for so distinguished a member of his order, whose
literary labours and exertion in his country's behalf richly
deserved any reward the pontiff could bestow upon him. Pre
termitting all notice of that diplomatic juggle, designated the
" Glamorgan treaty," we ¦wUl now tum to the after part of
Fleming's career, and follow it to its close. At the time of Rinuc
cini's arrival in KUkenny, he had completed the twenty-second
year of his archiepiscopate, and it would appear that he himself
was then anxious to di^vide the care of his see, or that portion
of it, then very limited, where he exercised jurisdiction, ¦with
a coadjutor. The indi-vidual named for this dignity by the
Ormondist party in the supreme councU of the confederates
was Edward Tyrrell ; and when the subject was first proposed

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 165
¦to the nunzio, in 16 45, he deprecated the appointment, and ¦wrote
to Rome, that the archbishop's only ailment was "obesity." In
the • following year he objected to Tyrrell, because the latter
" was too 'much inclined to favour lord Ormond," remarking at
¦the same time, "everyone insists that none but the most dis
tinguished subject in the kingdom should be promoted to so
exalted a dignity." 1648, however, he prayed the pope to
promote Tyrrell to the coadjutorship, alleging that his conduct
in the French court, where he was agent for the confederates,
gave great satisfaction to the ecclesiastical party, but some
months later, in the same year, he revoked his former recom
mendation, and deprived him of all chance of the mitre.
As for the archbishop, he resided almost constantly in KU
kenny after the nunzio's arrival, and left his diocese to the
care of O'ReUly, his -vicar-general, who administered its affairs
spiritual and temporal. In fact, it would not have been safe
for him to remain in the metropolis, where Ormond's hostUity
would have met him at every step, and the more so as the
former knew that one of the nunzio's most cherished projects
was to get possession of DubUn, and restore its churches to
the catholics. There can be no doubt that Fleming's devoted
ness to the nunzio, from the first moment of their meeting, was
sincere, and, as we shall see, he subsequently proved himself
a constant advocate of the policy which the former laboured
to carry out. Thus, in the congregation of the clergy at
Waterford, in 1646, when the nunzio rejected lord Ormond's
peace as a mere device to delude the CathoUcs, then triumph
ant at Benburb and elsewhere, the first name on the list of the
twelve prelates who protested against it is that of Thomas,
archbishop of Dublin. Again, in 1648, when fourteen bishops
assembled in Kilkenny to discuss Inchiquin's truce, Fleming
subscribed the instrument which denounced it as iniqiutous,
and dangerous to the Catholic reUgion. "When, finally, the
advocates of that measure were excommunicated, and the nunzio
had pronounced sentence of interdict against all to^wns in which
the censures were disregarded, Fleming, who was then in
DubUn, -wrote to Da-vid Rothe, bishop of Ossory, commanding
him to have them observed, not only in St. Canice's, but in all
the other churches of his diocese. " As your metropolitan," so
runs this stem order, " I exhort, admonish, and to the utmost
of my power, command you to cause said censures to be
observed. ShoiUd you do otherwise', I have exonerated my
conscience, and leave yours to the divine judgment, and the
Terdict of the apostoUc see."

166 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
At length, when the nunzio was about to leave Ireland, the
archbishop followed him to Galway, and joined the party who
adhered to him in an ineffectual attempt to stay his departure.
Rinuecini himself alludes to this in the instructions -with
which he armed his confessor, Arcamoni, who was then setting
out for Rome, to quash the ajjpeal which the Ormondists had
forwarded to the Holy See : — " You -wUl take care to report,"
says he, " how I have been urged to stay in Ireland to save
ecclesiastics from persecution, and you -will not fail to mention
how the archbishop of Dublin implored me -with tears to aban
don my resolution." At this juncture it would appear that the
archbishop was summoned to Kilkenny by 'the Ormondist
council, but though he went there and caused the censures to
be observed in his own convent, he refused to take any part
in their deliberations, which he treated ¦with dignified contempt.
Resenting this, they deposed his vicar-general, O'ReUly, and
substituted in his stead father Laurence Archbold ; the sole
fault laid to the charge of the former being, as we are told by
a trustworthy ¦witness, " his obedience to the nunzio and his
proper metropoUtan ; and if other fault did appear, as did not,
it was beyond any secular power to alter the dignity of such a
place, and confer it on another by lay authority, ¦without advis
ing ¦with the archbishop.*
Cromwell's arrival in Dublin, in 1649, preventing the possi-
bUity of the archbishop's return to the metropolis, or, indeed,
to any part of his diocese, he thenceforth employed whatever
energies he possessed in futile efforts to save Ireland from the
destraction ¦with which it was threatened by the usurper.
Unable, by reason of Ulness, to assist at the assembly of the
prelates in Jamesto^wn, which took place in 1650, he empowered
French, bishop of Ferns, to act as his proxy ; and in the year
foUo-wing he was appointed by lord Clanricarde, then viceroy,
to treat ¦with the duke of Lorraine, who proposed to send an
army into Ireland, on condition that he and his successors
should be declared its protectors, and indemnified for whatever
they might expend in prosecuting the war against the Crom
weUians. Fleming took a very active part in this business ;
for, indeed, the last act of what may be called his reUgio-
poUtical life was to -write to his -vicar-general, O'ReUly, whom
he had reinstated, and also to Edmond 0'Dempsey,t bishop of
Leighlin, then the only Catholic bishop in Leinster, exhorting
them to exert themselves to the utmost in promoting Lorraine's
* Aphorismical Discovery of Faction.
t See Appendix Z.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 167
protectorate. MeanwhUe, however, the negotiation was sud
denly broken off by the imprudence of lord Taaffe and the
other commissioners ; who, on reaching Brussels, were said to
have entered into articles with the duke, exceeding the powers
given them by Clanricarde. At this crisis sir Charles Coote,
at the head of the parlianientary forces, was marching on
Galway, -within whose walls Fleming had taken refuge, hopuig,
perhaps, that general Preston,* -with the -wreck of the confederate
army, would be able to hold the town for Charles II. The
archbishop, however, did not live to -witness the surrender of
the place, for he died there on the 2nd of August, 1651, after
ha-ving governed the see of Dublin twenty-eight years. The
obseqides of this Ulustrious prelate were performed in the
Franciscan church, and after his funeral oration had been
pronounced by Walter Lynch, bishop of Clonfert, the mortal
remains of Thomas, archbishop of Dublin, were interred at
foot of the grand altar, which, in the foUo-wing year, was
pillaged, and levelled by Stubbers, the CromwelUan governor,
who converted the monuments of the church into chimney-
pieces and had various fragments of the costly marbles sold
in England.

CHAPTER V.
On the 23rd of September, 1626, the obsequies of Hugh
MacCaghwell, archbishop of Armagh, were solemnized in the
Franciscan church of St. Isidore, at Rome. Brief, indeed,
was his tenure of the Irish primacy, for in the very month of
his elevation he was seized -with fever, while making a pilgrim
age to the patriarchal basilicas, and died, after a short Ulness,
just as he was preparing to set out for Ireland. His remains
were deposited in the crypt of the church of St. Isidore, where
John, earl of Tyrone, erected a votive tablet to the memory of
his friend and earUest preceptor.
Hugh MacCaghwell was bom at SauU, county of Do-wn,
about the year 1571. His parents were poor, but their poverty
not-withstanding, they did all in their power to advance his
early education, and when the boy grew up he went to the
Isle of Man, and remained there many years, devoting himself
to the study of classics and dialectics tUl he was recalled to
Ireland, by Hugh, prince of Tyrone, who took him into his
household, and appointed him tutor to his sons, Henry and
Hugh. Under such an able master these noble youths made
* See Appendix A a.

168 THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN
rapid proficiency, and so highly were MacCaghwell's services
appreciated by the great chieftain that he conferred the honour
of knighthood on him, made him his confident, and offered him
a command in his army. MacCaghwell, however, ha-ving no
taste for the profession of arms, declined the honour. But
there was another department in which he could serve his lord
and chieftain, and when the latter proposed to him to
accompany his son Henry to the court of Spain, in order to
procure aids for the Ulster forces, he willingly set out, and
faithfully executed the high commission -with which he was
entrusted. Visiting Salamanca, where the court was then stajdng, he
frequented the far-famed schools of that ancient university, and
after attending a course of lectures in philosophy, made up his
mind to abandon diplomacy and all worldly pursuits, for a
quiet studious cell in the monastery of St. Francis. One who
knew him tells us that his no^vitiate, or probation term, was
worthy the most devoted son of that order, and that a better
or more mortified man never wore its poor habit. Weak in
body and suffering from constant aUments, he refused every
little indulgence offered him by the community, ever and
always insisting that he had entered the cloister to leam the
science of suffering and accustom himself to penitential austeri
ties. At the close of his novitiate, he was ordained priest, and
a few years later saw him promoted to teach theology in the
university of Salamanca, where he earned the character of a
ripe scholar, " acute, grave, modest and sublime." From
Salamanca his superiors sent him to Louvain, to fill the chau-
of phUosophy, and to aid the erection of St. Anthony's, where
he had for Ids pupils Fleming, Colgan, and other great men,
whose names are famed in the pages of Irish literature. At
length, being summoned to Rome, in 1623, he set out in com
pany -with father Patrick Fleming, and on his arrival in that
city was appointed diffinitor-general of the Franciscans, and
honoured ¦with the chair of theology in the convent of AracceU.
His splendid reputation had preceded him, and Urban VIIL,
who cultivated literature — himself a poet of considerable abUity
— and esteemed all labourers in the same field, welcomed him
as a valuable accession to the schools of the eternal city. In
deed, so highly was the poor friar esteemed by the pontiff", that
there was no favour which the latter would refuse him ; so
much so, that when he and Wadding proposed to erect a
college for the education of Irish secular priests. Urban not
only entertained the project, but recommended it earnestly to

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 169
cardinal Ludovisi, who generously founded and endowed that
estabUshment. Nor was this the only religious institution in
whose erection he was instrumental, for he had long since co
operated -with Florence Com-y, in founding St. Anthony's, at
Loiivain ; _ and now that he was at Rome, even Wadding
availed himself of his valuable services in completing the
buUding of St. Isidore.
MeanwhUe, his pen was not idle, for to his Life of Scotus,
published in 1620, he now added many other volumes, -vindi
cating the doctrines of the "subtUe doctor," and proving, if
indeed proof were requU-ed, that the great phUosopher of the
fourteenth century was ably represented by his most enthu
siastic and zealous apologist in the seventeenth. WhUe occu
pied in these metaphysical speculations, MacCaghwell was not
unmindful of his countrymen ser^ving in the continental armies ;
and, in order that they might not want wholesome reading in
their native tongue, he -wrote for their benefit a valuable little
treatise in Irish, styled " The MUror of Penance," which, how
ever, was not pubUshed till 1628.*
Towards the close of 1625, the see of Armagh, being vacant
by the death of Peter Lombard, who departed this life, after a
sojourn of many years at Rome, pope Urban resolved that no
time should be lost in providing a successor to that learned
prelate. The pontiff was strongly urged to bestow the Irish
primacy on Ross MacGeoghegan,t a distinguished friar of St.
Dominic's order, who had already done signal ser'vice to religion
in his native land ; but not-withstanding all the interest that
was made for this eminent man's promotion, he was passed
over, at the joint solicitation of John O'NeUl, earl of Tyrone,
and Albert Hugh O'Donel, earl of Tyrconnell, who represented
to the pontiff the unsuitableness of any Talis-mian, no matter
how great his merits, for the metropolitan see of Ulster. Urban
was influenced by the remonstrance of the Irish princes, who
desired nothing so much as MacCaghwell's promotion, and he
was accordingly consecrated archbishop of Armagh in 1626.
We have already stated that his illness was brief, and we may
add, that he himself had a presentiment that it was to prove
fatal ; for when the pontiff''s physician -visited him, he deli
cately decUned his kind offices, alleging that all remedies were
* O'Hussy's Catechism in Irish (published at Louvain in 1608) and~
Stapleton's Catechism in Latin and Irish, published at Brussels, 1639, and
dedicated to the archduke Albert, were compiled chiefly for the benefit of
the Irish troops serving in the Netherlands.
t See Appendix B b.

170 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
useless, as he knew he was dying. He then wrote to the pope
that he ought not appoint any one to the see of Armagh -with
out consulting the earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnell ; and ha-ving
done this he requested to have the last sacraments administered
to him. At his bed side, in the poor cell of AracceU, were
two brothers, Edmond and Anthony Dungan, both Francis
cans, and his most intimate friends. Turning to the former,
he calmly observed : " I have always been weak of body, and
am now about to leave this world ; to you, then, I bequeath
my cross and ring, and to your brother I leave this poor habit,
aU that I have to give." Then, fixing his last look on a
picture of St. Amie, which was sent him from SicUy, and
grasping the crucifix, he resigned his soul to God, and his
reno-wn to the schools. No one could have been more affected
by his premature death than pope Urban, who, on hearing of it,
remarked, " We have lost not a man but an angel ;" and -with
equal trath did Vemuleus, in his panegyric of this prelate;
observe, "The life of great geniuses is like that of flowers,
brief and transitory ; and the purple is oftener the apparel of
death than of life."
During the episcopate of Peter Lombard, who could not re
turn to Ireland, the primatial see was administered by Rothe,
bishop of Ossory, in the capacity of -vice-primate ; and on the
death of MacCaghwell, he was empowered to perform the same
duties, tUl Urban VIIL should thmk it time to fill the vacancy.
As may be supposed, the exiled Ulster princes used all their
influence to have the primacy conferred on a man of their own
pro^vince, and the pope, willingly granted their prayer. Ac
cordingly, the person selected for the highest dignity in the
Irish church was Hugh O'ReUly, bishop of Kilmore, son of
Malmorra and Honora, the one a lineal representative of the
ancient house of Breffny-O'Reilly, and the other, a member of
a junior branch of the same princely race. Hugh, their youngest
son, was bom in 1580, and received the rudiments of education
under the paternal roof, where he made rapid progress in the
study of classics and philosophy. His father -wished him to
join some of the Irish regiments then serving in the Spanish
Netherlands, but he preferred ecclesiastical life ; and after
completing his theological course in Ireland, was ordained
priest in 1618. He then set out for Rouen, where he prose
cuted the study of canon law in the same school with the
justly celebrated John Lynch ; and having distinguished him
self in every department of academic lore, and earned the
reputation of a rare scholar, he returned to his native diocese.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 171
deprived of a bishop since the death of Richard Brady, and
was appointed vicar apostolic of KUmore in 1625. Two years
afterwards he was consecrated bishop of that ancient see, by
Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, in St. Peter's, Drogheda.
During his government of the see of KUmore, Fleming, Dease*
of Meath, and other prelates, were engaged in a controversy
about certain exemptions on which the mendicant orders in
sisted as their right ; and among the bishops who then decided
in then- favour was Hugh KUmore, who, by an instrument
signed -with his hand and seal, in June, 1627, declared that
the regulars were not bound to contribute, of then- precarious
income, to the maintenance of the ordinary or of the parish
priests of the dioceses in which their convents were situated.
In the year immediately following, Boyle, earl of Cork, and
Loftus, -viscount Ely, were appointed lords justices, in the
absence of deputy Falkland, and these two unscrupulous per
secutors avaUed themselves of their ample powers to harass
the unfortunate CathoUcs, fining them for absenting them
selves from the Protestant churches, and having their chUclren
baptized by their rightful pastors. Not satisfied -with this
mode of extortion, they gave a sort of roving commission to a
staff of greedy officials, whom they styled " surveyors of bells
and parish cliurches,"t empowering them to go through the
country and report " on the state of religious edifices ;" and
whUe on this tour of inspection, " to cess themselves on the
papists for chichens and bacon, and to arrest all suspected
dignitaries of the Romish religion." On arri-ving in the neigh
bourhood of Kilmore, where, in virtue of their high powers,
all the hen-roosts and swine-styes were placed under contri
bution, they were informed that Hugh O'ReUly, a popish
bishop, had presumed to exercise his functions in that quarter,
ordaining, confirming, and administering other sacraments ; and
they at once resolved to carry him to Dnblin, if they could
lay hands on such a daring delinquent. The bishop, however,
took refuge in the homesteads of his poor flock, and notwith
standing the temptation of large rewards, the executive could
not induce any one to surrender him to his enemies. How
often, in those evU times, have the Catholic prelates found, in
the poor cabin of an Irish peasant, that shelter and protection
which they could not hope to get within the moated mansions,
* See Appendix C c.
t This oface was created in Queen Elizabeth's time, and so much were
its emoluments prised, that sir Ealph Lane apphed for it in 1596.

172 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN
inhabited by wealthy lords of their o-wn communion ! Another
incident, which we cannot omit, "wiU show that, at the period
of which we are writing, the life or liberty of a Catholic
bishop weighed very lightly in the estimation of an EngUsh
lord-deputy or his subordinates.
We must flrst, however, premise that the pope, after a year's
deliberation, resolved to confer the primacy on Hugh Kilmore,
and that the bull sanctioning his translation to the archiepis
copal see reached Ireland in 1627. Nevertheless, hedid not
¦exercise primatial jurisdiction before 1630, as the pallium was
not sent to him tUl the last-named period, when he was suc
ceeded in the see of Kilmore by Eugene Sweeney.* Let us
now revert to the incident to which we have alluded.
When about to leave the scene of his earliest labours, Hugh,
now archbishop elect of Armagh, asked father Cahill, parish
priest of St. Michael's (within the waUs of DubUn) to get an
artist to make two seals, one bearing the arms of KUmore,
for the, newly-appointed bishop, the other for himself, with the
arms of the primacy. Cahill executed his commission, but no
sooner were the lords justices made aware of this simple fact,
which they regarded as an illegal assumption of ecclesiastical
titles, than they issued a warrant for the arrest of the priest,
whom, as they could not lay hands on the principal delinquent,
they flung into the dungeon of Dublin castle, from which he
managed to escape after a lengthened imprisonment. We
mention this circumstance solely to show how intolerant was
the bigotry of the government at the period, and how delighted
these justices would haye been to trample under foot Hugh,
archbishop of Armagh, if he had the misfortune to cross their
path. As foi* him, be it told to his honour, he was not un
mindful of what Cahill had suffered in his behalf ; for, at a
subsequent period, when the poor man was entangled in some
difficulties about canonical institution in his parish, the primate
generously came to his rescue, and had him rehabilitated.
On taking possession of the see of Armagh, O'Reilly's first
act was to convoke a synod of his clergy at Drogheda, where
among other ordinances he enacted stringent laws against the
use of chalices made of tin and other base metals; for the
plunder of the churches and the confiscation of six counties in
Ulster, after the attainder of the earls, had impoverished both
clergy and people, and compeUed the former to celebrate the
di-vine service as best they could, and -without strict observance
* See Appendix D d.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 173
of the rubric, as far as altar requirements were concerned.
Another matter of no less interest to his pastoral vigUance was.
the depravation of morals then pervading all classes in the see
of Armagh ; for the new colonists, or " undertakers," as they
were called, had imported with them vicious habitudes hitherto
unknown to the Irish. To guard his poor flock against such
corruption and contagion, O'ReUly laboured incessantly, and it
was his good fortune to find his efforts crowned -with success ;
for the sui-vivors of the wars of Tyrone not only clung -with
fideUty to the religion of their fathers, but kept themselves un-
contaminated by the profligate example of the Scotch and Eng
lish planters. "WhUe thus reformuig the discipline of the clergy
and reconciling the dispossessed laity to their hard lot, O'Reilly
had to proceed -with greatest caution, frequently administering
confirmation in the woods or on the hill-sides, and occasionally
resorting to some shieling for the celebration of Mass. Withal,
in the face of these multiplied difficulties, he bore himself
courageously as beseemed a great archbishop, -with the blood of
an ancient and noble race in his veins. "When the represen
tatives of the old septs grew -wrathful, and would have thought
it not ill done to drive out the " planters " by whom they had
been e-victed from their rightful inheritance, he had only to
instance the calamities which had befallen his o-wn family and
kindred, in order to stay the uplifted hand and vengeful blow ;
but when he addressed himself to their religious sensibUities,
and showed that suffering and oppression have ever been the
portion of the predestinated, and that God, in his o-wn good
time might foreclose the term of endurance, they listened to
him 'with reverence, and drew hope and comfort from his holy
counsels. For fuUy eleven years before the rising of 1641,
archbishop O'ReUly was obUged to discharge all the functions
of his office as it were clandestinely ; for, to say nothing of the
anti-cathoUc settlers who were then scattered over Ulster, the
principal to-wns of his see were garrisoned by troops, who, in
their fanatic horror of prelacy of any denomination, would have
deemed it a goodly act to imprison or hang him. We can,
therefore, understand how the foresaid term of his primacy is
not characterized by any of those demonstrative proceedings
which would have been inseparable from his dignity and posi
tion in other and better circumstances. There is, however,
one fact connected -with the early years of his archiepiscopal
government which we may not pass over, namely, his earnest
but unsuccessful attempt to have the Gregorian calendar uni
versally received, not only in his own diocese, but throughout

174 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
all Ireland. In fact, he was the first Irish bishop who endea
voured to supplant the old Julian computation ; but his efforts
did not succeed, as the attempt was generally -viewed in the light
of a strange innovation.
Pretermitting all notice of the cruelties and bitter oppression
which more immediately instigated the insurrection of 1641,
we have only to state, that archbishop O'Reilly, like the other
members of the Irish hierarchy, did his utmost to restrain the
•violence of the people, who would have wreaked vengeance on
their persecutors, had they been left to their own 'wUd instincts,
at that momentous crisis. With sir Phelim O'NeUl and Ma-
gennis, lord Iveagh, he employed his great influence, urging
them to keep the armed multitudes in check, and to prevent,
as far as in them lay, the massacre and pUlage of Protestants.
Such salutary restraint, enforced by, the exhortations of the
chief pastor of the Irish church, produced most happy results ;
for the northern chieftains, and the ill-disciplined fwces they
commanded at the first outbreak, respected him too much to
violate the lessons of forbearance and charity which he perse-
veringly inculcated. It is not our pro"vince to deal "with the
gross misrepresentations which have been ventUated regarding
the conduct of the Irish insurgents at this period, or -with the
calumnies heaped on the head of unfortunate Phelim O'Neill
and his followers, for they cannot stand the test of historical
criticism ; but we may safely assert, that archbishop O'BeUly's
interposition saved many a life, and protected innumerable
homesteads from fire and sword. Borlase, Temple, and others,
have utterly ignored his interference in behalf of the sectarian
colonists, who were then wholly at the mercy of the insurgents ;
but we have only to repeat that the exaggerations of those
writers would wear some show of truth, if O'Reilly had not
interposed his high authority to curb the fierce impulse^ of
men gro-wn desperate by reason of the flagrant injustice -with
which they had been treated by the unconscientious authorities
who then misgoverned Ireland.
At length, when the revolution had spread through the mid
land and Munster provinces, and the lords of the pale found it
necessary to arm for their lives and freedom of religion, O'ReUly
bethought him that the movement might be shaped into a na
tional organization, which, if supported by an efficient parlia
ment, treasury, and army, would be able to sustain the king
against his enemies, and secure for the Irish CathoUcs the
repeal of all those odious laws, which ground them do^wn since
the apostasy of Henry VIIL This, indeed, was a grand idea,

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. . 175
worthy the brain of a great statesman, and never smce then,
or before that period, has Ireland produced a greater prelate
than that one who originated the Catholic confederacy.
Devoting all his energies to this grand object, O'Reilly con
vened a pro-vincial synod at Kells, early in March, 1642, when
the bishops declared that the war undertaken by the Irish
people, for their religion, king, and country, was just and
lawful. In the May following, he caused a national synod,
composed of prelates and lay lords, to meet at Kilkenny,
where, after having ratified their former declaration, they
framed an oath of association, to be taken by all their ad
herents, binding them to maintain the fundamental laws of
Ireland, the free exercise of religion, and true allegiance to
Charles I. Both synods were attended by the entu-e of the
Lish hierarchy, either personally or by proxy, with the ex
ception of Thomas Dease, bishop of Meath, whose eventful
history is inseparably associated with that of Hugh, arch
bishop of Armagh.
The family of Dease is one of some antiquity in the county
Westmeath, where they possessed considerable landed estates
early in the fifteenth century. They were also seized of a
goodly property, in the county Cavan, and the head of the
famUy, in 1596 and 1630, was Laurence Dease, father of
Thomas, who, on the death of his elder brother, succeeded to
the entire estate. This Thomas was bom in or about the year
1568, and from his earliest boyhood resolved to embrace the
ecclesiastical profession. Ha'ving completed his studies at
home, where he earned reputation as a poet, in the Celtic
tongue, and made himself thoroughly master of classical litera
ture, he was ordained priest, and then proceeded to Paris,
where he graduated in theology, philosophy, and canon law,
and was honoured 'with the title of doctor in each of these
faculties. Paris was the first scene of his clerical career, and
in that city he devoted himself to the performance of one of
the most painful, yet charitable offices that come 'within the
sphere of a missionary priest — attending culprits on the scaf
fold. At length, his piety, learning, and gentle breeding made
character for him at Rome, and Gregory XV. raised him to
the^see of Meath. Dease was accordingly consecrated at Paris,
in May, 1622, and arrived in Ireland towards the close of the
foUo-wing October. On taking possession of his diocese, he
convened a synod of the clergy, and after exhorting them to
co-operate -with him in reforming many abuses then prevalent,
he warned them of the necessity of pro-ving themselves loyal

176 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
subjects to the EngUsh govemment in all things compatible
-with conscience. UnquaUfied loyalty was the fixed and raling
principle of his life, and nothing would have been more para
doxical in his eyes than an attempt to subvert any government,
no matter how despotic or unjust. If anything were, wanting
to heighten Dease's respect for English rule, at the period of
which we are writing, he found it, doubtless, in his constant
association with his maternal relative, Richard, tenth baron of
Del-vin, in whose mansion he resided nearly twenty years after
his elevation to the see of Meath. Delvin, it must be recol
lected, was, in his hot youth, " a rebel," but worked his recon-
cUiation, and saved his estates by turning traitor to O'NeUl
and O'Donnell, -with whom he had, according to his own con
fession, plotted, in 1607, to subvert the govemment of sir
Arthur Chichester. Gro-wn old and very religious, he regretted
the past, and Uke many another pardoned revolutionist, found
it safest poUcy to make a parade of his loyalty, and to denounce
on all occasions the abettors of any attempt at insurrection.
The interests of the prelate and the baron were in most respects
identical, for both were zealous sons of holy Church, and both
were in the peaceful enjoyment of a large estate. ReUgion
counselled obedience to higher powers, and prudence suggested
that neither of them ought compromise a fair inheritance by
manifesting discontent or sympathy with "the dispossessed,"
whose main object was to recover then- forfeited lands. Dease,
in fact, was one of those prelates, whom Rinuecini describes
as, "Timid, satisfied with mere toleration, and content -with
being allowed to perform then- few functions privately, -with
out mitre or vestments, thus preserving the substance of the
faith, and keeping themselves clear of all risk."
Actuated by such sentiments, Dease* preached submission
a;nd obedience to the constituted authorities ; and in justice to
the latter it must be admitted that they did not trouble them
selves about him or his flock so long as they kept aloof from
the insurrection. When, however, the people of Meath did
take part in the general movement, Dease found that his pacific
homilies had gone for nothing ; for, not-withstanding his praise
worthy efforts to save the residence and library of Martin,
heretic bishop of Meath, from destruction, the armed multi
tude, instead of obeying, told him that he had already over-
* In a memorandum presented to the court of Eome, Dease is described
as having been educated in France, and very devoted to England. " Anglo-
Hibernus, educatus in Gallia, erga Gallos et Anglos valde afifectus."

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 177
stepped his authority in forbidding them to go to the assis
tance of sir Phelim O'NeUl, while that popular chieftain was
besieging Drogheda. What we have now stated 'wUl account
satisfactorily for Dease's reluctance to take any part in the
organization set on foot by the primate, whose summons to
meet the prelates assembled at Cavan, KUkenny, and Armagh,
either in person or by proctor, he persistently disobeyed. The
primate, however, would not despair of gaining him and lord
Delvin to the confederacy, till he had exhausted his last re
source, which was to send father James Nugent, a Cistercian
friar, to wait on and entreat them to join the movement. Fair
words and gentle exhortations failing, Nugent was authorised
to threaten both prelate and baron with the metropolitan's
high displeasure ; but before resorting to the latter alternative,
he was instructed to employ all his powers of persuasion, Ui
order to show that the newly-formed confederacy had within it
every element that was required to insure ultimate triumph.
Vainly, however, did Nugent urge that Owen O'Neill, with
a numerous staflf of officers, was coining home from Flanders
to supersede the flerce sir Phelim, and discipline the raw le-vies
which had rallied round the latter ; that father WadcUng was
getting large subsidies from the cardinals at Rome, nay, and
from some of the continental princes, for prosecuting the war
against the enemies of CathoUcity and the king ; that the Irish
troops ser-ving the crown of Spain had laid up at Antwerp a
considerable supply of arms, purchased ¦with the sa-vUigs of
their pay, and finally, that the supreme pontiff countenanced
the movement, nay, blessed it, and promised to sustain it.
But all these arguments were lost on Dease ; for, after remark
ing that the condition of a country is never so hopeless as
when it has to trust to foreign invasion for redress of
grievances he shrugged his shoulders, and sUenced the pleader
by quoting that text in which divine wisdom rebukes the
impro-vident and overweening — " What king about to make
war -with another king doth not first sit down and think
whether he be able, 'with ten thousand, to meet him, that -with
twenty thousand cometh against him 1 "
In fact, Dease looked on the whole project as imprudent and
chimerical, and he consequently flouted it. Del-vin, however,
did not -view it in this light ; for, although the bishop would
fain persuade him that Nugent's threats were not to be heeded,
the baron submitted to the primate's counsels, and affected to
join the other lords of the Pale, if we may credit a contem
porary narrative of one intimately acquainted with all the events
N

178 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
of the period.* The immediate consequence' of Delvin's pre
tended adhesion was an interruption of the friendship that
had so long subsisted between him and Dease, who then betook
himself to his mansion of Turbotston, where he resided many
years afterwards, apparently indifferent to the movement which
was then agitating the whole island.
Meanwhile archbishop O'Reilly had the satisfaction of seeing
the confederacy strong and prosperous, supported by a small
fleet of its own, a strong army, commanded by Irish generals
who had distinguished themselves abroad, and the sympathy of
the pope and other continental Catholic powers. In his capacity
of spiritual peer he occasionally took part in the debates of the
supreme council at Kilkenny, where he signed various commis
sions, and discharged other duties of his position. His diocese,
however, engrossed most of his care, for he flattered himself
that the organization, which was the work of his o-wn brain,
would eventually realize his highest hopes, and leave him free
to superintend his spiritual charge, without involving him in
political broils. But in this he was mistaken, for soon after
the arrival of the nunzio, he began to discover that the chief
lay members of the supreme councU had taken upon them, by
¦virtue of some ancient pri-vilege of the English cro-wn in Catholic
times, to nominate bishops to the vacant Irish sees, ¦without
consulting him or askuig his sanction. This assumption he de
precated in personal inter^views ¦with the nunzio, as well as in
letters to that personage ; but the latter, while ignoring any
right of the supreme council to interfere in such matters, under
took the whole trouble of reporting to Rome on the comparative
merits of the bishops-designate. There can be no doubt that
O'Reilly approved the nunzio's general policy, and regarded it
in every sense as most likely to remedy the many grievances
which weighed so heavUy on the Irish Catholics, and for the
removal of which they were now in arms. Owen O'NeUl was
the nunzio's favourite general, and this celebrated soldier was
O'Reilly's kinsman. The Ulster forces! were the staunchest
• Aphorismical Discovery of Faction.
t "The Ulster troops," says the nunzio, " accustomed to hardship and
the cold of the north, require very little for their comfort ; not caring for
bread, they live on butter and trefoil ; they drink mUk, and have special
liking for eau-de-vie {aquavitoe) ; provided they have shoes and a fe-(V
utensils, they deem a woollen mantle suflScient covering for them; they
rarely touch money, and are far more careful of their sword and muslret
than of their bodies." — Nunziatura, p. 399. Elsewhere he tells us that
Owen Eoe's soldiers were good Catholics, but uncouth.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 179
of Rinuccini's adherents, and we need hardly say that the ma
jority of them were recruited -within the immediate jurisdiction
of the primacy, on the hills and in the glens of Tyrone, where
the traditions of Hugh O'NeUl's "victories were not yet half a
century old. In a word, the brain and muscle on which the
nunzio buUt all his hopes of success belonged to the northern
pro-vince, and decidedly the most influential and energetic man
there at that period was the archbishop of Armagh. His o-wn
immediate relatives, and the followers of his ancient house, held
high command and served in the confederate ranks, and so great
was the reliance of the CathoUcs on their valour and fidelity,
that when Malmorra, surnamed the Slasher, was slain on the
bridge of Fenagh, near Granard, in an encounter "with the Scotch
covenanters, his kinsmen carried his corpse to the old burying-
place, in the Franciscan convent of Cavan, and there raised a
monument, "with an epitaph which dolorously set forth that
Ireland lay vanquished in the same grave "with him —
" LECTOR . NE . CEEDAS . SOLUM . PERUSE . MILONEM .
HOC . NAM . SUB . TUMULO . PATRIA . VICTA . JACET ."
It is almost superfluous to add, that at Benburb the
O'Reillys were in the forefront of that memorable battle, and
that PhUip O'ReUly, Owen O'NeUl's brother-in-law, and kins
man to the archbishop, with his followers, helped to achieve a
victory luiparalleled since the days of the " Great Hugh,"
Owen's uncle — a "victory, indeed, which, for 'a while, made the
nunzio fancy that the object of his mission was accomplished,
and established between him and the archbishop a reciprocal
friendship that outlived hopes, reverses, and terrible disasters.
There is, however, another aspect of, the archbishop's char
acter, which shall evermore command the admiration of the
Irish student, scholar, priest, and layman. We mean his
patronage and encouragement of Colgan, the poor Franciscan
of Inishowen, who, in Louvain, at his instance, commenced and
completed the " Acta Sanctorum Hibemise " — a work which
¦wUl perpetuate the name of the author and his patron as long
as men value great genius and profound literary research.
¦Gracefully, indeed, has Colgan acknowledged his obligations
to the archbishop, for he tells us that, " he cheered him on in
his undertaking, and secured for him the sympathy and aid of
his suffragans." Colgan and his community were poor, and had
not where^withal to print the noble tome ; but O'ReUly, Ui
order to eternise the fame of the Irish saints, gave, out of his

180 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
scant revenue, moneys for the publication, and had the happiness
of seeing it inscribed with his o-wn name. May we not imagine
¦with what gratification he perused those pages in which Colgan
so elegantly alludes to his princely origin ; the reno^wn of his
ancestors in ancient times ; their prowess in the battlefield ;
their munificence to church and cloister ; his own promotion to
his native see of KUmore ; his elevation to the primacy, and
the hereditary valour of his kinsmen, who, worthy of their
sires, were then in arms for religion, king, and country. This,
indeed, was a patent of intellectual nobUity which no monarch
could confer.*
Reluctant to take any part in the debates of the supreme
councU at KUkenny, now that the nunzio was there ¦with his
paramount authority, O'ReUly devoted himself wholly to his
diocese, from which the Scotch covenanters had fled to the sea
board, after the victory of Benburb. In fact, his see had
greater attractions for him than the assemblage place of the
spiritual peers, and he does not appear to have concerned him
self ¦with the proceedings of the latter, till the clergy rejected
Ormond's thirty articles, at Waterford, in 1646, when he sent
Edmond O'Teague, -with full powers to act as his proctor, and
subscribe the declaration by which the viceroy's treaty was
pronounced worse than useless. Thenceforth, that is tUl 1648,
he seems to have been nothing more than a spectator of the
events which crowded so alternatingly in that interval. In
telligence of the schism in the confederate councU reached him
from afar. The only incident that could mitigate such calamity
was the success that attended the arms of his kinsman, O'NeUl,
who, at the nunzio's summons, marched rapidly from Connaught
into Leinster, and after beating Inchiquin and the parliament
general, Jones, saved KUkenny for the CathoUcs. These, how
ever, were but momentary triumphs, valueless in their results,
and nowise compensating the di-vision and discord that were
fast breaking up the grand organization on which he had cal
culated so hopefully, but, alas ! so falsely. Let us now leave
him for a whUe, and resume our notice of Dease.
Inflexible in his egotism, this prelate kept aloof from the
general movement, calmly watching passing events, governing
his diocese under pecuUar disadvantages, and looking to the
goodly estate which he had inherited. In this comparative
isolation he had grown very old and feeble ; so much so, that
in 1646 the nunzio -wrote to Rome, that he was at the point
¦* See Appendix E«.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 181
of death, and that he, Dease, was anxious that his nephew,
Oliver, should be appointed coadjutor in the see of Meath.
The nunzio's forebodings, however, were not realized ; for, six
months after the date of that letter, he and the bishop were at
variance about an appointment which the latter had made to
the ancient monastery of Tristernagh. Dease collated one
Gerald Tuite to the priory ; but the nunzio, acting under in
structions from Rome, resolved that that person should be
removed, to make way for father Andi-ew Nugent, a canon
regular of St. Augustine, to which order the place belonged
before the suppression of reUgious houses. This, however, was
but a trifle compared ¦with the charge which the nunzio laid at
Dease's door, alleging that he and the bishop of Dromore had
blown the coals of enmity between generals O'Neill and Preston,
and so inflamed the mutual disUke of both, that Dublin was
lost to the confederates by their antipathies.
Two years afterwards, that is in 1648, Dease grew more feeble
and made his ¦will. Hearing that he was beyond all hope of re
covery the nunzio, anticipating his dissolution, wrote to Rome^ —
"The bishop of Meath died in his eightieth year, to the great ad
vantage of this kingdom ; for he was a man who held opinions
Uttle short of heretical ; and old as he was, I was obliged to
threaten him -with a -citation to the holy see."* But, m about
a month after the despatch of this angry missive, he discovered
that he had been misinformed, and he thereon again "wrote to
Rome — " The bishop of Meath is not dead, but has been spared
to try the patience of the good I " Dease, indeed, did recover,
and when gro"wn convalescent, proved himself more than ever
contumacious to the nunzio. OUver Dease, his nephew, it is
true, subscribed the rejection of Ormond's peace, in 1646 ; but
as for the bishop, his name does not appear in the proceedings
of the confederates tUl the nunzio published sentence of excom
munication against all supporters of Inchiquin's treaty, in
1648. Foremost among the prelates who stood by that fatal
measure was the archbishop of Armagh ; but of all those who
maintained that it was uncalled for, and ruinous to the common
interest, none was more demonstrative than the bishop of
Meath. With the nunzio were Owen O'NeUl and his Ulster
army, and arrayed against both were Preston and his Leinster
* The nunzio regarded Dease as a political heretic, because the latter
dissented from his -views and clung to the doctrine of expediency ; but
as there was nothing to justify even a suspicion of the bishop's ortho
doxy, we may attribute the harsh tone of the nunzio's letter to an ebul
lition of temper, to which good men are sometimes prone.

182 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
compeers "with then- forces. It was, in sooth, a sad battle ; for
on the same field were now arrayed against each other soldiers
and theologians, the cope against the cuirass ; the spiritual
against the carnal weapon ! No sooner, however, had the fore
said sentence appeared, than the party of the supreme councU
opposed to the nunzio drew up seven queries, touchmg the
validity of the censures, and submitted them to Rothe, bishop
of Ossory, that he might pronounce upon same, for quieting of
their conscience and preservation of the commonweal. Rothe
thereon returned his celebrated answer to said queries, and
satisfied the opposition that the nunzio was in the -wrong, and
had exceeded his powers. But in order that nothing should
be wanting to confirm this pronouncement, Rothe submitted
his decision to Dease, who, after maturely weighing all the
arguments and objections advanced by his friend, signed a
Ijublic instrument, in which he declared that the nunzio's ex
communication was null and void, natura sua, as well as by
reason of the appeaL which had been forwarded to Rome. In
a word, Dease treated the nunzio's sentence with disrespect,
and decided that Ossory's "Answers" should be published, "as
conducive to the interests of the crown, and inculcating true
allegiance to the ci'vil government, according to the laws of God
and his Church."
In this conflict of opinions and arms the year 1648 wore
out, and in February of the following year the nunzio set saU
from Ireland, leaving behind him a jaeople whose utter want of
cohesion was soon to involve them in a-wful ruin. To avert the
latter, Ormond had been recalled to take the reins of govern
ment in Ireland ; and nine bishops, trusting to his promise
of protection for religion, life, and estate, issued circular letters
to their respective dioceses, exhorting the people to support the
¦viceroy, who, to use their own language, was sure to -vrin " the
green laurel of peace," and triumph over the CromweUians.
De Burgh, archbishop of Tuam, was at the head of this party,
and Dease, among others, followed that dignitary's guidance.
The primate, we need hardly say, objected to these proceed
ings, and kept himself apart from the bishops who had gone
over to Ormond, and made light of the nunzio's commands.
But a bitterer and hea^vier affliction than their defection had
come upon him in the midst of this turmoil ; for on the 6th
of November, 1649, Owen O'NeUl* died in the castle of Philip
O'ReUly, at Cloughouter ; where, in, the words of his secretary,
* See Appendix P/.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 183
",he resigned his soul to God, a true chUd of the Catholic re
ligion, in fuU sense and memory, many of both secular and
regular clergy assisting him in such a doubtful transit." As
soon, however, as the primate had bestowed the last honours
on the great soldier, and seen him laid in the cemetery of the
Franciscan monastery of Cavan, he hastened to Clonmacnoise,
to preside at a synod of nineteen prelates, assembled under the
shadow of those venerable ruins, when he subscribed a proclama
tion beseeching the Irish people to umte for the preservation
of their religion, king, and country. But such appeals to
patriotism and loyalty were of little avail ; for Cromwell had
already won DubUn, Drogheda, Wexford, and other great ad
vantages. Withal, the archbishop, hoping against hope, presided
at other synods, convened for the same puipose, at Loughreagh
and in Jamesto-wn in 1650 ; and in the last of these he was
appointed one of the commissioners who undertook to make a
final effort for religion, king, and country. The prelates with
whom he acted had selected Galway as the safest place for their
deUberations, and he remained there for a brief space, taking
part in the councils of his colleagues, who now saw no remedy
for Ireland except the protectorate so generously offered by the
CathoUc duke of Lorraine, and which, we need hardly observe,
was repudiated by the advisers of Charles the second, who
would sooner see Cromwell master of the whole island than that
any Catholic potentate should advance his standard there. Hav
ing set this negotiation on foot, the primate empowered
O'Cullenan, bishop of Raphoe, to sign for him as his proctor,
and then took his departure for Trinity Island, in Lough Erne,
where, after closing a life of saddest reverses, he resigned his
soul to God,- A.D. 1652, in the seventy-seventh year of his age.
Some generous friends, who consoled his last moments, thought
it pity to leave his remains far away from the old Franciscan
monastery of Cavan, and they accordingly had them removed
unostentatiously, and interred in the same grave with Owen
O'Neill and Miles the " Slasher." Surely it was a holy thought
to lay the bones of so a true a prelate in the same loam -with the
great chieftains of his own race and kindred !
One year before O'ReUly's decease, Dease passed away* tran
quilly in the Jesuits' house at Galway, for he had fled to that
city thinking that his friend and henchman. General Preston,
would be able to hold it against the parliament. Fully satisfied
¦with his past poUtical Ufe, he declared in his last moments that he
* See Appendix G y.

184 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
had nothing to regret or retract ; and thus he left this life,
after having received the last sacraments, and made his -wiU,
in which he pro-vided for the future wants of his diocese by
leaving money for the education of clerics, or, as he calls them,
"churchmen," who, it would appear, were to be members of his
o-wn ancient house. Whatever his errors may have been, there can
be no doubt that he was a learned and zealous pastor, and those
who differed with and survived him had reason to admit that
his application of the gospel parable was not altogther mistaken.
His remains, followed by the Jesuits, to whom he was a bene
factor, were interred under the threshold of the sacristy of the
coUegiate church of St. Nicholas, Galway, where his friend and
admirer, sir Richard Belling, raised to his memory a monu
ment, for which he composed the foUo-wing epitaph : —
" IN . LACHRYMAS . OCULOS . HIBERNIA . SOLVE . CADATQUE .
HiEC . HECATOMBE . SUPER . PR^SULIS . OSSA . TUl .
HIC . PIUS . HIC . PRUDENS . EEGI . SUA . JUEA . DEOQUE .
EEDDEEE . CALLEBAT . DOCTUS . UTEOQUE . FORO .
BELLA . FIDEM . REGNUM . CCECO . DISCRIMINE . CUNCTA .
MISCEBANT . FIXA . SED . STETIT . ILLA . PETRA .
LCETA . ILLI . GRAVITAS . ET . MENTIS . AMABILE . PONDUS .
ELOQUIO . DULCIS . GEANDIS . ET . IN6ENI0 .
INTEENjE . VULTUS . EUTILABAT . GRATIA . FLAMMjE .
ILLI . ARDENS . ZELUS . SED . RATIONE . SAGAX .
EXTRA . TALIS . ERAT . LUBERET . PENETRARE . SED INTUS .
OCCURRET . SERAPHIM . COR . IN . IGNE . MICANS .
TANTA . ILLI . CAST^ . SEMPER . CUSTODIA . MENTIS .
UT . LIBARE . DEO . PROMPTUS . UBIQUE . FORET .
SI . FLETU . POSSET . REVOCARI . TALIS . IN . AURAS .
FBJESVL . IN . jETERNUM . LUMEN . UTRUMQUE . FLERET."

CHAPTER VI.
About the close of November, 1645, Rinuecini was received at
St. Patrick's gate, Kilkenny, with all the honours due to so
high and puissant a personage as the nunzio extraordinary accre
dited by the holy see to the confederate CathoUcs of Ireland.*
The clergy, secular and regular, awaited his coming in and
* For an account of the nunzio's journey from Kenmare to Limerick,
and thence to Kilkenny, see Appendix H A.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 185
about the gate of St. Patrick, and as soon as he passed under
its arch, he mounted a richly-caparisoned horse, and proceeded
towards the ancient cathedral of St. Canice, escorted by the
municipal and military authorities. It was a wet and dismal
day, the like of which the ItaUan had never perhaps seen in his
o"wn bright land, but notwithstanding the rain, that fell in
torrents, all ElUkenny was astir, and thousands of the peasantry
had gathered within the walls to ¦witness the sho-wy pageant.
Four citizens, bareheaded, upheld the shafts of a rich canopy,
to protect the nunzio from the rain, and as soon as he came m
front of the market cross, the procession halted, whUe a young
student read a Latin oration, extolUng the goodness of Pope
Innocent X., and welcoming his minister to the chief city of
the confederates. To this greeting the nunzio replied in the
language of the address, thanking the citizens for the cordial
reception they had accorded him, lauding their devotedness to
the holy see, and invoking heaven's blessing on their struggle
for religion, king, and country. His words on this occasion
were few, but spoken with all the fervid animation so peculiar
to Italians, and in the rich, sonorous cadences which characterise
their pronunciation of Latin. As soon as he had concluded, the
procession resumed its route -without halting again till it reached
the great gate of St. Canice's, where Da-vid Rothe, bishop of
Ossory, surrounded by all the minor officers of his cathedral,
some bearing lighted torches, others incense and holy water,
stood waiting the arrival of the nunzio.* After mutual saluta
tion the bishop handed him the aspersorium and incense ; and
then they both proceeded to the grand altar, from which, after
the prayers prescribed for such occasions had been said, the
nunzio gave solemn benediction to the vast multitude that
crowded the nave and aisles of the holy edifice. Thus met for
the first time, on the threshold and altar-steps of St. Canice's,
Rothe and Rinuecini, the one a feeble old man, in the seventy-
third year of his age, and twenty-seventh of his episcopacy,
spent by marvellous literary toil and incredible hardships ; and
the other, his junior by some twenty years, hale and fresh from
his archiepiscopal principality of Fermo, and knowing nothing
of persecution for religion's sake, save what he had learned of
it in the Martyrology, or from the glowing freschi that deco
rated the walls of Italian churches. Could it have occurred to
either of these high dignitaries that they were one day to part
irreconcUeable opponents, and that the point of divergence for
See Appendix I i.

186 THE IRISH HIEEACEHY IN
both was to be that very altar at whose foot they now knelt
together, thanking God for favours given, and supplicating him
to send the spU-it of peace and concord into the hearts and
councUs of the half-emancipated Irish Catholics ? Some there
were, indeed, witnesses of this function, who augured little good
could accrue to Ireland from the presence and overbearing in
fluence of the Florentine patrician-prelate at such a crisis in
their country's destiny; but there were many who believed that
he, and he alone, had the wisdom that could save the people
from rain ; and so thoroughly were they con^vinced of this, that,
when all was lost, they attributed faUure and defeat to the
obstinacy of those who slighted his ad^vice and repudiated his
policy. The bishop of Ossory, however, far from sharing the
sentiments of the latter, entertained "views totally different, and
lived long enough to see the metropoUs of his diocese surrendered
to Cromwell ; but not long enough, unfortunately, to add to his
published works a fair and impartial statement of the causes
that brought about such a terrible and irretrievable calamity. ,
The family from which this prelate descended was one of
respectable antiquity in the city of Kilkenny, where they held
the position of opulent merchants early in the fifteenth century,
and for many generations afterwards. In(leed, it is likely
enough that the first of them came to KUkenny with the first
of the Butlers, and established himself under the protection of
that puissant lord ; but be that as it may, there is e"vidence to
show that his descendants were ever faithful and devoted re
tainers of the great house of Ormond.* David, whose works
were destined to elevate and perpetuate the name of his pro
genitors and kuidred, and whose chequered life — extending
over so considerable a portion of the first half the seventeenth
century, would be sufficient to interest us "without his celebrity
as a writer — ^was bom in KUkenny, in 1572, a year memorable
in Irish annals for the stout resistance of the Geraldines in the
south, and the De Burgos in the western province, to Perrot,
Fitton, and other armed preachers of the so-styled reformation.
David and his brother Edward, sole survivors of eight chil
dren, were left^ orphans when very young ; but owing to the
thrifty management of their guardians, they were amply pro-
"vided for on reaching man's estate. Edward devoted himself
to commercial pursuits, and David resolved to embrace the
* Like Dease, Eothe is described in a memorandum to the Curia Eo-
mana as educated in France and Flanders and having French and Eng
lish proclivities — " Erga GaUos et Anglos valde affectus."

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 187
ecclesiastical profession. There can be little doubt that the
latter received the earliest rudiments of education in his
native city ; and it is quite certain that he repaired to the
coUege of Douay for the study of Greek and philosophy.
Ha-ving distuiguished himself there, he removed to Salamanca,
where, on attainUig canonical age, he was ordained priest,
after being promoted to the degree of doctor m civil and canon
law, and acquiring a thorough knowledge of the Spanish lan
guage. It would appear that he tarried a long time abroad,
and -visited Rome, for, if we may credit a brief notice of him,
written by the celebrated John Lynch, he did not return to
Ireland till 1610, when he had completed his tlurty-eighth
year. Long, however, before he set out on his homeward
journey, the fame of his prudence and extensive acquirements
had reached the ears of Paul V., who, at the suggestion of
Maffeo Barberini, appointed him prothonotary-apostoUc, vicar-
general of Armagh, in the absence of Peter Lombard, then an
exUe at Rome where he lived on the bounty of the pope, and,
furthermore, empowered him to arbitrate summarily on certain
non-dogmatic subjects, concerning which the Irish clergy, regu
lar and secular, were then at variance.
Honoured -with such signal proofs of the pope's esteem,
Rothe reached KUkenny, just three years after the memorable
flight of the earls, the apprehension of whose return "with an
invading force, gave sir Arthur Chichester, then lord deputy,
so many plausible pretexts for persecuting the Catholics, and
then- dignitaries especially, who were regarded as emissaries
sent by Rome to stimulate disloyalty and rebellion in Ireland.
How disguised, or from which of the Irish ports Rothe made
his way to his native city has not transpired, but, doubtless,
he must have been aided by more than ordinarily favourable
circumstances in eluding the keen vigUance of the deputy, who
knew well that he stood high in the good graces of Paul V.
At the period of Rothe's arrival, the see of Ossory was vacant,
for Strong, its late bishop, banned and exiled from Ireland for
his devotedness to the apostolic faith, had died in Compostella,
and as it were, to heighten the misery of the people thus de
prived of their chief pastor, sir Arthur Chichester was carrying
out the iniquitous policy of James I., hunting down the "papists,"
enriching himself "with their confiscated lands, and scattering, at
the sword's point, whenever he found it safe to do so, the con
gregations assembled at the celebration of Mass. KUkenny
was more than once the scene of these flagrant outrages ; but,
happily for the citizens, the house of Ormond had not yet

188 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
•entirely apostatized, and many of its members still adhered to
"the ancient religion, and protected its worshippers.
Rothe, we need hardly say, was kindly regarded by lord
Mountgarret and Richard Butler, both sincere Catholics, and
their interposition enabled him to live in comparative ease, and
to discharge, though "with greatest circumspection, the onerous
duties of his calling. Zealous in the fulfilment of all priestly
offices, and labouring earnestly for the spiritual welfare of the
faithful of Kilkenny, he, at the same time, was an attentive
observer of passing events, and took special care to note do"wn
all the atrocities which Chichester was perpetrating on the
oppressed and plundered Catholics. It was in the very year of
Rothe's return to Ireland that O'Deveny, bishop of Down and
Connor, was committed prisoner to Dublin castle ; and,
although the latter was guarded with lynx-eyed -vigilance whUe
waitUig the mockery of trial, Rothe, nevertheless, contrived to
maintain a secret correspondence "with him, and to obtain from
him some valuable notices which he had written of those Irish
archbishops, bishops, priests, and laymen, who were either exe
cuted or outlawed during the reign of Elizabeth, on fictitious
charges of high treason, but in reality for refusing to take the
oath of supremacy. These notices, or, as the bishop of Do"wn
styled them, . " Index Martyrialis," suggested to Rothe the idea
of a grand work on that terrible persecution, and he at once set
about compiling it from the fragments which had thus luckUy
come into his hands, and also from the oral testimony of many
then living, who had a -vi^vid recollection of each and every one
of those who figured prominently, the persecutor and the per
secuted, in that bloody, yet glorious, drama. "WhUe actively
engaged on this remarkable undertaking, he received, letters
from the holy see, commending his zeal and prudence, and con
stituting him arbitrator between O'Keamey, archbishop of
Cashel, and Paul Ragget, prior of the Cistercian monastery of
Holy Cross, who were at issue on some points of pri-vilege, and
had frequently appealed to Rome for the settlement of their
pretensions. Rothe, however, reconcUed the litigants, and so
pleased were Maffeo Barberini and cardinal Veralli, protector
of Ireland, with the tact and address he exhibited in dealing
¦with a matter requiring so much moderation and judgment, that
they both -wrote to congratulate him on the result, signifying at
the same time that the pope had been fully informed of his
efficiency and discrimination. It is almost unnecessary to ob
serve, that his conduct on this occasion secured for him at Rome
two most powerful patrons, one of whom, Barberini, was a dis-

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 189'
tinguished poet and generous patron of literary men, and after
wards ascended the Papal throne as Urban VIIL
We have already alluded to the work which Rothe projected
-with a view to perpetuate the names of the distinguished men
who suffered for religion during Elizabeth's reign ; but it would
appeal- that long before applying himself to that most impor
tant undertaking, he had commenced to -write an ecclesiastical
history of Ireland, from the first Uitroduction of Christianity
do-wn to his 0"wn times, taking in all those stirring events in
which he himself was destined to figm-e so conspicuously.
That he did not contemplate the publication of this work
during his own lifetime is quite certain, for we are informed
by one of his most intimate friends, that he devoted fifty years
to its compUation, and left it ready for the press some few
months before his death. Of its ultimate fate we "will have
occasion to speak hereafter.
Another work of kindred character to which he gave many
of his leisure hours was that which he styled " Hierographia
Sacra Hibemiae," or a general ecclesiastical survey of Ireland,
commencing with the history of Kilkenny, and comprising-
notices of Irish saints, cathedrals, shrines, dioceses, places of
pUgrimage, anchorets, early seats of learning, holy wells, rural
deaneries — ^in a word, a series of essays on Irish archseology,
the great value of which is apparent from the few fragments
that have been preserved through the agency of transcribers.
That Rothe did not intend the " Hierographia " should be a
posthumous production there can be no doubt, for after labour
ing at it in a desultory manner for nearly twenty-one years, he
placed the introductory portion of it in the hands of a Water
ford printer, "with a view to its pubUcation, but owing probably
to the turbulence of the times, it was not destined to issue from
the press.
Reverting to the remarkable work, which we have already
stated was suggested by O'Deveny's memoranda, and which
Rothe published under the title of " Analecta " (Collections),
and the ps&udonym "T. N. PhUadelphus," the reader should
know that he divided it into three parts, each of which has a
special scope. In the first, he describes the terrible sufferings
to which the Catholics were subjected during six months of
Chichester's deputyship. The second he evidently meant for
an exhortation to martyrdom, for it is addressed to those who
were either already marked out for that ordeal, or might, per
haps, have to confess their faith in the face of persecution; and
the third, and by far the most important part, he devoted to

190 THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN
the history and "vindication of those distinguished members of
the L-ish hierarchy, clergy, and laity, who suffered for religion
on the scaffold, in the dungeon,- or in exUe, during the reign of
Elizabeth, and that of James I. There is some difficulty about
fixing the exact time when the two first paHs of the "Analecta"
were published ; but as Rothe dedicated them to O'Deveny,
who was executed in 1611, it is probable that these parts were
either going through the jDress, or had already appeared some
time antecedently to the bishop's demise. Indeed, there can
hardly be any doubt on this subject; for the title of the copy
published in 1617 sets forth that it was a second edition, en
larged and Ulustrated with notes ; and Ware, whose authority
on such matters is paramount, says that " it was formerly
printed," thus mtimatins; that there must have been another
and still earlier issue of the same work. Our motive in dwel
ling at such length on this particular is to enable the reader
to form some idea of the earnestness with which Rothe applied
himself to his task, and to show how energetically he laboured
at it, in the midst of multiplied dangers, and the incessant
duties of the priesthood, which, in those evU times, afforded
little or no opportunity for the amenities of literature. As for
the third part of the " A.nalecta," which deserves a more special
notice, we -wUl have occasion to speak of it hereafter.
MeanwhUe, Rothe had the satisfaction of recei-ving from
cardinal Veralli various letters, in which the latter signified to
him that the holy see was highly pleased with his conduct as
¦vicar-general of Armagh ; and stUl more so, if possible, ¦with
the prudence and zeal he exhibited as prothonotary-apostoUc in
his o^wn native diocese, where, o^wing to his firmness and
moderation, the clergy, secular and regular, worked together
in harmony, and renounced those foolish rivalries and divergences
which had hitherto been productive of many lamentable results.
Constant and indefatigable in the discharge of all sacred duties,
and always acting "with gravest cU-cumspection, it was his good
fortune to elude the toils which were spread for him by the
spies and delators of the lord deputy, who did not deem it
politic to offend such personages as Mountgarret and Richard
Butler, by laying violent hands on one whom they esteemed so
much and so deservedly.
Towards the close of 1615, Chichester was recalled, and the
king appointed, as his successor, Oliver St. John, subsequently
"viscount Grandison, who had special charge to enforce the oath
of supremacy and attendance of " Recusants " in the Protest
ant churches, under pain of imprisonment or hea"vy fines.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 191
Chichester, it is true, had already been instrumental in carrying
out similar instructions ; but being mainly intent on enrichUig
himself, he was less fanatical than his successor, who, some
days before his installation, declared in the hearing of many,
that in the course of a few years he would not leave a single
" papist " in Ireland. Doubtless he meant what he said ; for
within six months after his .accession to office, the prisons of
Dublin and those of the pro"vincial to"wns were overcrowded
with Catholics, who either refused to swear the oath of suprem
acy, or were too poor to pay the fine which was levied on all
those who absented themselves from the schismatical sei-vice.
As it is not our province to enter into a detail of the hardships
which the CathoUcs had to bear during Oliver St. John's deputy-
ship, we "wUl merely observe that that personage was not
exceeded by any of his predecessors in bigotry, intolerance,
and utter disregard of all forms of justice. Rothe, it would
appear, had the manUness to protest against the iniquitous
conduct of the "vice-regal agents in KUkenny, where the crafts
man was often obUged to forsake his worh to escape the collectors
of the non-attendance fine; and where a crowd could rarely
assemble to extinguish the fu-es, which, it seems, were then of
frequent occurrence in that city, -vrithout having their charitable
labours interrupted by the gatherers of the odious impost,
whom the Irish "papists" regarded as worse than the publicans
denounced in the Gospels. Finding, however, that this remon
strance was of no avail, Rothe published in EngUsh and Spanish
a lengthened statement of the deputy's cruel oppression of the,
Irish Catholics, in the hope, we may presume, of enlisting the
sympathy of their EngUsh co-reUgionists ; or what was of
greater moment, the merciful interposition of Spain or some
other Catholic continental power. We wUl not venture to
assert that king James was at aU influenced by this bold
denunciation of his deputy; but it is certain that the latter
received fresh instructions, in which he was charged to deal
more leniently "with the poorer order of the Catholics, and to
reserve all his higher powers for the extirpation, if possible, of
their bishops and other dignitaries. The king, indeed, was
constantly haunted by the dread of an Irish insurrection, which
might be aided from abroad, and this show of affected clemency
was probably suggested by that apprehension. The deputy
was well aware of his master's motives, and he consequently
pursued the line of conduct which he knew would be sure to
please him. Thenceforth the oath of supremacy was not so
generaUy demanded of " Recusants," the poorer classes of

192 THE IRISH HIEEAECHY IN
whom were treated with indifference or forbearance. The fines
for non-compUance "with the act of conformity were not so fre
quently le"vied, and the Mass-houses, as they were contemp
tuously styled by hypocrites and knaves of high and low degree,
were seldom "visited by those unbelie"ving ruffians, who, in their
affected zeal, deemed it no-wise dishonest to pUlage an altar, or
to slay, if they were so minded, the worshippers who knelt ui
its shadow. This clemency, however, was not extended to
popish bishops and other dignitaries of the church ; and as
Rothe belonged to the latter category, and had incurred the
deputy's marked displeasure, his friends counselled him to
remove to France till some new phase of European politics
might induce the king to deal more favourably "with the Irish
CathoUcs. It is not in our power to fix the exact time of Rothe's depar
ture from Ireland ; but it would appear that he was in Paris
towards the close of 1617, and that he brought with him those '
unfinished works on which he had been labouring so long and
Uidefatigably, "with a "view of continuing them in his tranquil
retirement. On reaching the French capital, where he was
hospitably entertained by a wealthy citizen named Escalopier,
he was induced to preach the panegyric of St. Brigid, and so
eloquently and learnedly did he acquit himself, that his gene
rous patron requested him to give a Latin version of the
discourse, enlarged and amply annotated. To this he wUlingly
consented ; but as he was actively engaged in comjpleting "the
thU-d part of the "Analecta," the former did not appear tUl
after Escalopier's death, when he dedicated it to his sons,
Raymond and Balthazzar, as a grateful tribute to the memory
of their father.
In the same city he met a kindred spirit, Messingham, rector
, of the Irish college, who was then compiling the work known
as " Florilegium Insulse Sanctorum," or Garland of Irish saints ;
and at the request of that author he contributed the disserta
tion " De Nominibus Hibernise," to prove that Ireland was
called Scotia, and the Irish Scoti, or Scots, from the fourth to
the thirteenth century. To his learned liberality Messingham
was also indebted for the Elucidations to Jocelin's " Life of St.
Patrick," which were also inserted in the Florilegium, and
gracefully acknowledged by the editor, who tells us that Rothe
" was thoroughly famiUar 'with every department of knowledge,
an eloquent orator, acute reasoner, profound theologian, sharp
reprover of vice, defender of ecclesiastical liberty, vindicator of
his country's rights, and faithful exponent of her terrible "wi ongs."

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 193
WhUe thus engaged earning for himself a celebrity that
raised him so far above the level of his Irish contemporaries,
Paul v., at the instance of Cardinal VeraUi, and in considera
tion of the eminent services he had rendered to religion as a
missionary priest and cultivator of literature, resolved to pro
mote him to the vacant see of Ossory. The pope's announce
ment was made in a consistory held in October, 1618, and in
the course of a few months afterwards Rothe was duly conse
crated at Paris, just as he had entered on the forty-sixth year of
his age.
There can hardly be any doubt that he returned to Ireland
immediately after his elevation to the episcopacy, for, if we
may rely on a memorandum of the " popish clergy," which was
presented to the govemment in 1618, Rothe was then in Kil
kenny, in the capacity of " titular bishop," often staying "with
his brother Edward in the famUy mansion, and occasionally
with lord Mountgarret, in that nobleman's palace at Balline.
Friends and protectors he had many, but it is quite apparent
that the Irish executive kept strict watch on his movements,
and was well aware of his haunts and harbourers.*
The dignity, too, to which he was so deservedly raised, ex
posed him to greater risks than any he could have encountered
whUe acting as a simple nussionary priest, and discharging
the duties of vicar-general of Armagh ; but his prudence and
circumspection, to say nothing of the patronage of the Catholic
members of the house of Ormond, enabled him to live in com
parative tranquUlity, and to perform unostentatiously the
various functions of his episcopal office. In fact, we may regard
him as fiUing at the same time two bishoprics ; for, along -with
his own see of Ossory, he had also to govern that of Armagh,
in the capacity of ¦vice-primate to Peter Lombard. In managing
the affairs of the primatial see, however, he was efficiently
aided by Balthazzar Delahyde, whom he appointed vicar-general,
and, not^withstanding the compulsory absence of the learned
Lombard, so often denounced by the English cabinet, the perse
cuted and plundered CathoUcs of Ulster were taught to cUng
¦with unchanging fidelity to the creed of their forefathers.
Within the limits of his o^wn immediate jurisdiction Rothe
exerted himself unsparingly, correcting abuses prevalent among
clergy and laity, exhorting the former to prove themselves men
of zeal and learning, fit to guide their flocks by word and ex
ample ; and -visiting -with condign punishment the few of the
? See Appendix J J.

194 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
latter, who, through apprehension of loss or love of gain had
faUen away from the faith, and died in apostasy and final impe
nitence. To such he not only interdicted the rites of Christian
sepulture, but even interment in the cemeteries of his diocese,
in order that the waveiing and dissolute might have timely
warning, and be inspired with a salutary dread of an unhallowed
grave, for whose tenant it would be impiety to shed a tear or
say a prayer.*
In the midst of the multiplied cares and responsibilities
which had now devolved on him, Rothe, far from discontinuing
his literary labours, toiled, it would seem still more energeti
cally and rapidly at his favourite pursuit ; so much so, that in
the course of two years after his installation, he had the satis
faction of completing three volumes, all of which prove that he
was a man of singular industry and great critical abUity.
In 1619 he gave to the world the third part of the Analecta,
and in designating this the most important of Rothe's published
works, we do not exaggerate its value ; for indeed, nothing
could be more painfully circumstantial or historically accurate
than the memoirs it contains of Creagh, archbishop of Armagh,
O'Hurly, archbishop of Cashel, O'Hirlathy, bishop of Ross, and
O'Deveny, of Do-wn and Connor, all of whom, -with one excep
tion, were put to death for religion. The importance of this
production was, if possible, heightened by the appendix he
added to it, under the title of " Diasphendon Hibernise," or, in
other words, the Dismemberment of Ireland, in which he likens
the condition of the Catholic church to that of a human body
bound between two trees brought forcibly in contact, and rent
asunder by -violent resilience. This strange title was suggested
by a passage in Li-vius Floras, and Rothe employed the figure
of the two trees to represent the pressure of the two acts of
parliament, respecting the oath of supremacy and Uturgical
conformity. As we wUl have occasion to revert to this work,
we cannot dismiss this brief notice of it without mentioning
that both volumes of the " Analecta" were published at the ex
pense of lord Mountgarret.
The volume on St. Brigid, -with its exhortation to martyrdom,
addressed to Irish students then in ecclesiastical seminaries,
and its strictures on Dempster's misrepresentations, appeared,
as we have already stated, at Paris, in 1620 ; and in the year
immediately foUo-wing, he published simultaneously at Rouen
and Cologne, the work entitled "Hibemia Resurgens," or
* See Appendix KA.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 195
" Preservative against the bite of the old Serpent," in which he
exposes the fallacies and plagiarisms of Dempster, the celebrated
Scotch phUologist, who strove to rob Ireland of her early saints,
by making them denizens of his own country. This latter work
appeared under the pseudonym of Donatus Roirk.
Having now laid before the reader a list of Rothe's 2»d>lished
works, it is necessary to observe that the " Analecta," the
third part of it especially, was impugned, in 1624, by sir
Thomas Ryves, in his book, entitled, " Regiminis Anglicani
Defensio," and also by Harris, in his "Writers of Ireland," both
of whom charge Rotiie with having misrepresented the cha
racters and motives of those distinguished ecclesiastics and lay
men who were put to death in the reign of Elizabeth and James
I. Rothe asserts that they were martyrs to their faith, which
they sealed with their blood, and Ryves, Harris, and Cox
would have it appear that they one and all were executed for
high treason. Rothe wrote a reply to Ryves, but, unfortunately
it remained unpubUshed, and shared the fate of his other manu
scripts. Nevertheless, the gratuitous statements of Ryves and
Harris are amply refuted in the " Analecta," and more so, if
possible, in the official documents relating to those -victims of
intolerance and bigotry which have recently come to light from
the State Paper and other pubUc repositories.
Had Ryves and Harris taken the trouble to look into those
historic records, it is possible that neither of them would have
been so dishonest as to attempt to justify the slaughter of in
nocent men, by charging them with treason, of which no
tribunal, having the fear of God before its eyes, could have
convicted a single one of them. "Who, for example, could have
been more loyal to queen Elizabeth than the unfortunate
Creagh, archbishop of Armagh, or who could have done more
to curb the -wUd impetuosity of Shane O'NeiU than he did 1
In fact, Creagh's letter from his prison in the tower of London
to the lords of the pri^vy councU, shows that he regarded Ulster
as " a barbarous country," and that he did not hesitate to de
nounce Shane O'NeUl to his face in the cathedral of Armagh,
and by doing so incurred the hostility of that proud chieftain,
who five days afterwards set fire to the venerable edifice, and
burnt it to the ground. But Shane's threats and incendiarism
could not shake Creagh's allegiance to his "natural princess,"
as he styles queen EUzabeth, nor could the tempting offer " of
enjoying more of Ulster commodities than ever did any arch
bishop there since St. Patrick's time," induce him to sanction
the O'NeUl's fierce inroads " on her majesty's heretic subjects of

196 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
the Pale." Archbishop Creagh, in fact, cursed (exconlmu-
nicated) him in the open field ; refused to be the bearer of his
letters to the king of Spain ; communicated to the deputies Sussex
and Sydney all that he could leam of his preparations " for
burning, kUling, and spoiling the EngUsh Pale, according to
his cursed custom;" and had finally to get out of Ulster as best
he could, to escape the terrible consequences of his fidelity to
the English crown. And yet this learned prelate, so pious and
submissive, who concludes all his appeals to the mercy of the
privy councU by "wishing her majesty and all the realm as
much wealth and prosperity of soul and body as ever had any
prince or realm," was for no crime of his, but solely for " his
hindering the archbishop of DubUn's godly endeavours to pro
mote the reformation," sent from the castle* of Dublin to the
tower of London, where, after many years of unparaUeled
miseries, it was said he died of poison given him by his keeper.
Who can doubt that Creagh might at any moment have ad
vanced himself to honours and wealth had he been disposed
to compromise his soul by subscribing the queen's supremacy ;
or who that has read Rothe's "vivid sketch of his sufferings in
the foul dungeons of DubUn castle and London tower, can
refuse him the well-earned title of martyr 1
Nor does the charge of treason by which Ryves and Harris
would justify the execution of O'Hurly, archbishop of Cashel,
rest on any other foundation than most gratuitous assertion." In- .
deed the official correspondence of the chief actors in that revolt
ing tragedy shows he had no poUtical mission from Rome or
Spain, and that his death, with all its horrible concomitants, was
brought about by Loftus, who could neither "win him over to
the reformed reUgion, nor induce him to countenance it. Be
trayed by Fleming, baron of Slane, who subsequently figures
in a letter of the deputy, sir WUliam FitzwUliam, to Burghley,
as " a person well affected towards her majesty's service," and
whose kinsman (of the same name) undertook, in consideration
of a bribe from Burghley, to assassinate Hugh, earl of Tyrone,
* Archbishop Creagh has left us the foUo-idng description of his cell in
Dublin castle; — "a hole where "without candle there is 'no Hght in the
"world, and -with candle, when I had it, it was so filled with the smoke
thereof, chiefly in summer, that, had there not been a little hole in the
next door to draw in breath with my mouth set upon it, I had been,
perhaps, shortly undone. But the two gentlemen who elected me to go
out, (i. e.J escape -with'themselves and the said keeper, thought I shoidd
be much sooner undone in the second lodgings -with cold, being thereto
towards winter, removed, where scant was light as could be, and no fire."

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 197
O'Hurly, was flung into the prison of Dublin castle in October,
1583, and detained there till July of the following year, under
hard restraint, and deprived of ordinary comforts. The charge
on which he was arrested was alleged treason committed in
foreign parts; and the Irish crown-lawyers, taking this into
consideration, and doubting whether he could be foundguUty,the
the law not stretching in this particular so far as it did in Eng
land, resolved, as he had neither lands nor goods, that he should
be executed by martial law rather than by an ordinary trial.
Foreseeing what his fate would be if arraigned before such a
tribunal, twenty-four burgesses of Dublin, avaUing themselves
of a statute passed in the reign of Edward IV., memorialized to
have him deUvered to them on bail, in order that he might have
the benefit of the common law, to which, as a ci"viUan, he was fully
entitled. But their application was refused, and the lords justices
"wrote to London for instruments of torture where-with to force
their victim into a confession of guilt, as the only e"vidence
against him was one Barnwell, who had been "with him at Rome,
and had made his peace "with the government by pretending to
renounce the Catholic faith, and conforming to the modern
schism. That O'Hurly could have saved himself by follo"wing
the same course is quite certain; but he would not. Conse
quently, the only alternative left him was a revolting death,
preceded by agonizing torture, concerning which Adam Loftus
and sir H. WaUop, in their letter to sir Francis Walsingham,
¦wrote thus : " We made commissions to Mr. Waterhouse and
secretary Fenton to put him (O'Hurly) to the tortwre, sxich as
yowr honour advised us, which was to toast his feet against the
fire with hot boots." This diaboUcal proceeding was quickly
followed by the court-martial ; for archbishop Loftus was
apprehensive that his victim might escape him on Perrot's
accession to the deputyship. In order, therefore, to deprive the
prisoner of every chance, either of Ufe, or of a new trial by
ordinary law, Loftus caused him to be put to death just two
days before he vacated the office of lord justice, as he himself
tells us in his official report, from which we make the following
extract :
"We thought meet, according to our direction, to proceed
¦with him by court-martial, and for our farewell, two days before
vve deUvered over the sword, being the 19th of June, we gave
warrant to the fcnight-marshal, in her majesty's name, to do
execution on him, Hurly, which accordingly was performed,
and thereby the realm well rid of a most pestilent member, who
was in an assured expectation of some means to be wrought for

198 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
his enlargement, if he might have found that favour to have
had his time prolonged to the end of our government."*
Assuredly, then, the charge of treason against O'Hurly was
not sustained by any reliable evidence ; and the very fact of
kilUng by sentence of court-martial in a country governed by
law, was nothing short of a warfare in which justice seldom or
never has any part. Was not Rothe, therefore, justified in
styling him a martyr, nay, and the most distinguished of those
singularly great men, whose tribulations, constancy, and triumphs
shall live for evermore in the pages he has consecrated to their
memories ] As to O'Deveny and others who perished on the
scaffold, as Rothe describes, we have incontestible evidence
that they were done to death by corrupt judges, perjured ¦wit
nesses, and jurors designedly empanelled for their destruction.
Writers like sir Thomas Ryves, indeed, never ¦will be wanting
to vilify the characters and motives of Catholics of every grade,
and especially of those who were sacrificed to lawless tyraimy
and fanaticism ; but history ¦will eventually vindicate their
fame ; and many a document that has lain for ages in the dust
of public and private archives ¦will turn up to confute and sUence
their unscrupulous slanderers. As for the " Analecta," which
has led us into this long digression, we may remark, that it had
considerable circulation on the continent, and that O'SulUvan,
when ¦writing his " Historia Catholica," borrowed largely from
its pages. It is almost superfluous to add that such a work was
well calculated to keep alive the sympathy of foreign Catholics
for their Irish co-reUgionists, for whose benefit some wealthy
and charitable members of the former founded seminaries in
France and elsewhere.
Resuming our notices of Rothe's govemment of the see of
Ossory, we may state that, although obUged to act -with ex-
tremest caution during the latter years of Oliver St. John's
deputyship, he nevertheless gave ample proof of unwearied zeal
and great administrative ability. Like most of his contempo
rary prelates, he was often compelled to hold confirmations in
the woods and on the hill-sides, and to celebrate the divine
mysteries in the open air or under the roof of a hut impro-vised
for the occasion. The people, however, who knelt before that
rude altar, or listened to his exhortations in some secluded glen,
respected him as much as if he had been addressing them from
* St. Stephen's Green was the scene of archbishop O'Hurly's martyr
dom, and his remains were interred in the cemetery of St. Kevin's
oratory, which was then a ruin  O'SuUivan, Hist. Cath. Hie.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 199
the pulpit of St. Canice's ; for they not only venerated him in
his episcopal character, but also for those extraneous endow
ments which had rendered his name famous among the celebrities
of the time. At length, on the accession of lord Falkland,
when the enforcement of the penal statutes began to be some
what relaxed, he avaUed himself of such favourable opportunity
to hold frequent synods of the clergy, in which he enacted dis
ciplinary laws for then- guidance, and originated an association,
the grand object of which was to allay dissensions and unite the
entire body of the Irish priesthood, regular and secular, in har
monious action for the preservation of the people and their
ancient faith.
Onerous, however, and exacting as his episcopal duties must
have been, it would appear that he did not abate his application
to literature, for he devoted all his leisure to the completion of
the " Hierographia," and the " Ecclesiastical History," of which
we have already made mention. Such pursuits naturally in- ^
volved the additional labour of extensive correspondence with
learned men at home and abroad ; and it is pleasing to be able
to record that the celebrated Ussher not only communicated
with him through the medium of letters, but acknowledged him
self indebted to his erudition and research. Rothe recognised
the cathoUcism of genius, and respected it wherever it appeared;
so much so, that the Protestant archbishop of Armagh, on con
sulting him either about disputed dates or excerpta which Rothe
had made from manuscripts in continental libraries, had no
difficulty in obtaining the desired information. Indeed, it is
likely enough that Ussher borrowed from him some folios of the
"Hierographia," and took from that work the verses on St.
Li^vinus, which he has inserted in the " Sylloge," and gracefully
acknowledged thus : "These elegiac stanzas, glossed by Rosweyd,
were communicated to me by Rothe, a most diUgent investigator
of his country's antiquities." The same kindly relations were
maintained by those singularly eminent men whUe Ussher was
engaged on his " Primordia," in which he elegantly compliments
Rothe, from whose works, published and unpublished, as he
teUs us, he had derived very great assistance. How creditable
to him were such encomiums, at such a time and from such a
man as Ussher, whose writings shall always command the
homage of those who respect great genius and learning of the
most extensive order 1
"While engaged on such congenial pursuits, it would appear
that Rothe had to interpose his episcopal authority in deciding
some unseemly disputes between the regular and secular

200 THE IRISH HIEEAECHY IN
clergy, who were once again at issue about their respective
pri-vUeges, and for the final settlement of which he was obUged
to invoke the aid of Maurice Ultagh, provincial of the Francis
cans, whose name figures in the authentication prefixed to the
autograph copy of the Four Masters. Ultagh, as became him,
acquiesced in the bishop's arbitration, and gave a written
promise that there should not be a repetition of the abuse laid
to the charge of some overbold members of his order, the chief
of whom he relegated to Spain to do penance for his error. It
is almost superfluous to . state, that Rothe was present in the
synod convened by Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, at Tyr-
croghan, in 1635, and also in the stUl more important one held
in the metropoUs of his own diocese, in 1640. On these
momentous occasions he took a leading part, for he was justly
regarded as the most learned of the Irish prelacy, and foremost
among those who had done greatest ser"vices to religion 'and
country. In the year immediately following, kno"wn as that of the
great Irish rebellion, Rothe exerted all his influence to prevent
the effusion of blood and aggression on the lives and properties of
Protestants, many of whom found refuge from "violence in the
house of his brother, then one of the wealthiest merchants in
Kilkenny. When, however, the Irish prelates and lay lords
commenced to organise the confederation, Rothe made a con
spicuous figure in all their earliest deliberations, which were
held under his own roof, where he entertained the prelates
whUe they were debating the question of the justness of an
armed struggle for religion, life, and loyalty. This question, it
would appear, had its opponents as well as advocates among
the bishops ; but when it was submitted to Rothe for his
decision, he at once declared that a war undertaken for the
king, the abolition of penal enactments, and restitution of the
churches to the Catholics was according to all recognised laws,
not only just but obligatory in the eyes of God and man. This
pronouncement, from one whose age, learning, and "wisdom
entitled him to be regarded as an irrefragable authority, re
moved aU doubt from the minds of the dissentient few, and
caused them to subscribe the opinion of the majority. The
revolution thus suddenly effected raised him to the rank of
spiritual peer, and as such he took his place in the upper house
of the confederates after they had established their parliament
in 1642. At that period he had reached the seventieth year of
his age and twenty-fourth of his episcopacy; and we may
readUy imagine -with what feelings he must have looked back

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 201
on the long and dreary interval through which he had to pass
before attaining a dignity so exalted, and, in aU UkeUhood,
never anticipated.
One of the first acts of the confederate government was to
acknowledge Rothe rightful bishop of Ossory. As such he
entered into possession of the see and its temporalities,* which
had been vacated by WUUams, the Protestant prelate, who
fled on the first outbreak of the insurrection. Strange, how
ever, as it may seem, he could not be induced to take up his
abode in the episcopal palace, and it was -with reluctance he
ultimately consented to exchange his brother's house for that of
the deanery, where, on the 11th of October, 1642, being St.
Canice's day, the mayor of the Irishto"wn was, according to old
"usage, duly sworn in his presence. The deanery was thence
forth the place of his constant residence. His next pubUc act
was to reconcUe or rehabiUtate the cathedral of St. Canice for
the Catholic service, and he accordingly performed this ceremony
-with great pomp in presence of many prelates and members of
the supreme councU, foremost among whom were his old friends
and protectors, lord Mountgarret and Richard Butler. Sadly,
indeed, had that venerable edifice suffered during the intrusion
of Bayle, so properly styled by Rothe, " Iconoclastes ganeo,"
drunken iconoclast, who hewed do-wn the altars, smashed the
sculptured effigies, and made away with the gold and silver
utensUs of the sanctuary. To repair such wanton outrages on
objects venerated by religion and art, and to replace the sacred
furniture sacrilegiously purloined, was Rothe's most cherished
aim, and as soon as he had accomp]ishe4 it, he caused a fair
monument! to be erected in St. Mary's chapel, -with an inscrip
tion, doubtless composed by himself, to record the period at
which the cathedral was restored to its pristine uses, and to
mark the spot in which he hoped — ^how vainly — that his bones
might await the resurrection. In connexion ¦with this subject
we may not omit to mention, that he introduced a novel
regulation respecting those who were to have pastoral charge
of St. Canice's parish ; for he limited their tenure of office to
three, and in no instance aUowed it to exceed six months, in
order that the people might be properly cared for, and the
pastors themselves should have ample time for prayerful retire
ment. J * See Appendix L Z. t See Appendix M m.
% " Ecclesise S. Canici pastores tantum ad trimestre, vel, semestre
succeseione, designabat, ut nova semper cura et zelo ad ofEcium ac-
cedereut, ac postea sua intervaUa haberent quibus spiritui vaoarent." —
Lynch, MSS.

202 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
Mainly intent on his episcopal duties, Rothe seldom took
part in the political debates of his compeers in the supreme
council, but whenever he did, his words fell with great force on
all parties, for he was universally respected for his judgment
and moderation. His affability, varied learning, and wonderful
conversational powers, charmed all who approached him or-
partook of his frugal board ; and so liberal was he of the reve
nues of his diocese, that he seldom or never was master of a
hundred pounds, for he expended all he received in alms to the ¦
poor, purchase of altar requirements for his cathedral, and
books, of which he was singularly fond.
As for the clergy who had the happiness of living under
such a guide and chief, we might easUy fancy that their cha
racter was all that could be desired ; but, fortunately, there is.
no room for conjecture on this point, since we have it on the
authority of one who was intimately acquainted ¦with both,
that the priests of Ossory, those of KUkenny especially, were,
at the time of the nunzio's arrival, not only zealous and labo
rious, but models to then- confreres throughout Ireland. " Liv
ing in community," says Lynch, " they cultivated learning,
were remarkable for their piety, and reflected many of the high
attributes of then- bishop ; so much so, that, when Rinuecini
entered Kilkenny, he found there a cathedral properly served
by priests who might have been equalled but could not have
been excelled by those of his o-wn city of Fermo."*
At that time, however, Rothe, as we have stated, was in
feeble health and affiicted with all those physical infirmities
that usually accompany the decline of a long life spent in the
performance of laborious duties and unwearied application to
literary pursuits. Withal, his mental vitaUty, far from being
exhausted or impaired, was both vigorous and elastic, and
although the nature of his maladies prevented him taking part
in the debates of the confederate assembly, his opinions on all
controverted issues of policy were invariably heard "with, re
spectful attention by the members of both houses, all of whom
gave him credit for profound judgment and matured wisdom.
Nevertheless, it must be admitted, that he vacillated in his
¦views, and endeavoured to balance himself, as it were, between
the two parties into which the confederates resolved themselves
* The actual learned prelate who, like his predecessor Dr. Eothe, has
rendered such signal ser'vice to the ecclesiastical history of Ireland, has
recently established the Ossory Archseological Society, which deserves.
the sympathy and co-operation of the Irish priesthood at home and
abroad.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 203
soon after Rinuccini's arrival in Ireland. In fact, Rothe not
only adopted the policy which that dignitary propounded in
the congregation of the clergy at Waterford, in 1646, but
threatened to place KUkenny and its suburbs under interdict
in case the inhabitants declared themselves satisfied with the
articles which lord Ormond granted to the Catholics. Two
years afterwards, however, Rothe either changed or modified
his ¦views and went over to the party of his old friends, lord
Mountgarret and Richard Butler. In the meantime his ina-
bUity to perform episcopal functions became so apparent that
the nunzio 'wrote to Rome, stating that " the aged bishop was
so weak as to be hardly able to leave his chamber," and pray
ing that Bartholomew Archer, a native of Kilkenny, then in
France, and almoner to the duchess of Orleans, might be ap
pointed coadjutor in the see of Ossory. How this recom
mendation was received by the holy see we are- not informed ;
but the nunzio -wrote again in the course of a few months
afterwards to have it superseded. It was, probably, at this
period that Rothe -wrote a small work entitled, " Samaritanus
prcescribens remedia Eibernice," "with the -view, it may be con
jectured, of reconciling the conflicting parties in the confederate
assembly. This work, however, did not appear in print, and
was destined to share the fate of other and stiU more valuable
e"vidences of its author's indefatigable industry.
At length, not"withstanding his great age, and many infir
mities, Rothe contrived to be present at that final and fatal
debate in which the supreme councU of the confederates re
jected the nunzio's policy, and declared for the treaty recently
concluded "with lord Inchiquin. Exasperated by this futile
attempt to affect a fusion of parties so heterogeneous and
antagonistic, the nunzio immediately pronounced sentence of
interdict and excommunication against all abettors of said
compact, and commanded the censures to be observed in every
city and town that presumed to declare for the supreme councU.
Rothe, however, questioned the nunzio's right to publish and
enforce such censures, and sternly refused to close the doors of
his churches against his flock or refuse them the consolations of
reUgion. On learning this, Fleming, archbishop of DubUn,
"wrote to him that he should cause the censures to be observed,
but he continued inexorable and refused to comply. The arch
bishop's letter was "written early in June, 1648, and in the
course of a few days afterwards, the leading members of the
supreme councU submitted to Rothe seven queries, touching
the vaUdity of the excommunication, "with a request that he

204 ' THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
would' assemble all the able divines then in KUkenny, and
have their verdict on said propositions or queries returned with
all possible speed. To this Rothe willingly consented, and, in
August follo"wing, he delivered his celebrated answer, in which
he proved to the satisfaction of the supreme councU that the
nunzio's excommunication was null and void. This elaborate
document, extending over seven-and-twenty folio pages, shows
that its author was thoroughly master of canon law, intimately
acquainted -with sacred and secular history, and deeply versed
in the science of statecraft. Let us add that it was the last
great effort of his pen, and the consummation of his literary
life. It is almost needless to say, that the nunzio was deeply
offended by Rothe's conduct in this business of the censm-es,
or that he suggested to the holy see " that the bishop of Ossory
should be suspended, ad libitum pontificis, from his functions
for ha-ving refused to observe the interdict, and acted as though
he alone were supreme judge in a matter of such momentous
importance. The pope, however, did not gratify the nunzio's
wish, and Rothe retained possession of his see tUl one more
inexorable than either pontiff or emperor deprived him of it.
During the entire of 1649 Rothe was confined to his cham
ber, a prey to excruciating pain, and unable to take any part in
the proceedings of the prelates who had adopted his -views, and
placed themselves under his guidance. In such circumstances
death, indeed, would have been a welcome -visitation, for those
who came to his bedside had little else to speak of except the
unparalleled massacres perpetrated in Drogheda and Wexford,
the probabUity that Cromwell would march on KUkenny, and
the certain destruction of a whole kingdom divided against
itself. To add to his misery, the plague had already appeared
in the city, and on learning this, he arose from his bed, and, his
feebleness not-withstanding, took mei;a3ures for the spiritual and
temporal consolation of his flock.' among whom he ^declared he
would stay till such time as it n^ght please God to remove him,
either by Puritan's bullet, or the less merciful agenly of the
pestilence which had already swept away whole battaUons of
the garrison and reduced it to four hundred mer. Even so, the
brave heart of the venerable bishop never faUed him at this
terrible crisis ; for, instead of escaping fj-om the city as he could
have done, he caused himself to be carried in a Utter from door
to door, in order that he might have the satisfaction of minis
tering with his o-wn hands relief to those who were strack do-wn
by the plague. The mysterious shadows of approaching dissolu
tion were already visible on his pale and wasted features ; and

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 205
when the dying beheld him borne along in their midst, or looked
up to him from their straw pallets whUe he was pronouncing
the last benediction over them, many and many a one derived
consolation from the thought that the pastor would not tarry
long behind his flock.
It was on the 22nd March, 1650, that Cromwell appeared
before Kilkenny, and summoned its garrison to surrender.
Sir Walter Butler, however, notwithstanding the smallness of
the force at his command, resolved that the city should not fall
¦without an effort to maintain it. But despite the heroic re
sistance which he and his four hundred men offered to the be
siegers, he was obliged to capitulate in less than six days. The
terms of surrender were negotiated on the 26th March, and
Edward Rothe, the bishop's brother, was nominated by sir .
Walter Butler one of the four commissioners appointed to see
the treaty duly carried out ; himself, Edward, remaining a
hostage in Cromwell's camp for its fulfilment. Among other
stipulations entered into on this occasion, there was one which
especially regarded the clergy; for when that subject was
mooted to CromweU, he sent a -written answer to sir Walter
Butler, couched in his usual laconic style, but, withal, satisfac
tory enough, if we consider that he might have dealt as he
pleased ¦vrith the city and its inhabitants. " Asfoo- your clergy,
as you call them " — so ran Cromwell's reply — " in case you agree
to a surrender, they shall march away safely with their goods ;
but if they fall otherwise into my hands, I believe they hnow what
to expect from me." AvaiUng himself of this sa^ving clause, the
bishop left the city on the 28th, 'with the remnant of the brave
garrison ; but he had not gone more than half a mUe outside
the waUs, when his carriage was set upon by some stragglers of
CromweU's army, who arrested and robbed him on the spot of
one hundred pounds, all that he possessed. Intelligence of his
capture was at once despatched to CromweU,* and in justice to
the latter it must be told, that he gave permission to have him
conveyed back to the city, and handed over to his kinsfolk, who
were then, we may suppose, residing in the family mansion.
There, surrounded by his sorro'wing friends, he lingered slowly
till the 20th of April, when, after receiving all the comforts of
religion, he resigned his soul to God. ' Strange as it may seem,
when we reflect on what must have been the state of Kilkenny
at that period, it is, nevertheless, certain that Cromwell allowed
the obsequies of the deceased bishop to be performed ¦without
* See Appendix N «.

206 THE IRISH HIEEAECHY IN
constraint or interruption ; for Lynch tells us that he was waked
by torchlight, and that his remains were deposited in the family
vault of St. Mary's* church, after the last offices had been duly
solemnized by his friends. Indeed the latter strove to have
him interred in St. Canice's, under the monument which he
himself had erected there ; but owing, probably, to the fact of
Axtell's regiment being quartered in the sacred edifice, they
were not able to carry out their intentions. It is certain that
Axtell's soldiers destroyed the sumptuous tomb of the Ormond
famUy, and spared that of Rothe, which was subsequently
treated -with less respect by Parry, Protestant bishop of Ossory,
whose " ill-judged zeal " has been justly censured by Harris, in
his notice of that schismatic's life.
As for Rothe's unpublished works, comprising the " Hiero
graphia," "Ecclesiastical History," and "Samaritanus prce
scribens," &o., they were all either carried off or destroyed by
the CromweUians, who pillaged the deanery. HappUy, how
ever, owing to the research and literary zeal of the reverend Dr.
Graves, rector of Stoneyford, a few fragments of the " Hiero
graphia "t have been recovered ; few, indeed, but more than
enough to make us lament that he has not been able to find
the missing parts. Perhaps some more fortunate investigator
may one day bring them to light ; and this wish we would fain
accompany with a hope that some skUful hand 'wUl yet do
justice to Rothe's biography, and supplement the shortcomings
of the present 'writer.
MeanwhUe, let us pray that the city of the confederates may
soon cease to be incurious of one of its most distinguished sons,
and expiate past neglect by raising a noble monument to the
memory of David Rothe.

CHAPTER VII.
Of all the to^wns which Rinuecini -visited during his stay in
Ireland, Waterford was the one that impressed him most
* The 'will of Eobert Eothe, executed in 1619, directs that he should be
buried in " ye chapel of the Blessed Virgin Mary and St. Michael, Kil-
keimy," where his -wife, father, mother, grandfather, and grandniother are
interred. St. Mary's, doubtless, was the burial place of the bishop's an
cestors. The nunzio during his sojourn in Kilkenny officiated very fre
quently in St. Mary's, for which he entertained a special liking.
t See Appendix 0 o.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 207
favourably, and came nearest to his ideal of a Catholic city,
whose inhabitants were not only remarkable for their devoted
ness to the ancient religion, but also for their commercial inter
course -with France, Spain, Belgium, and other great emporiums
of the time. We may also add that he was thoroughly acquainted
¦with the history of the persecution which the Waterfordians
had suffered for the maintenance of then- faith at the first
attempt to propagate the reformation there ; and at a period
much nearer his o^wn, when lord Mountjoy disputed with John
White and O'Callaghan, the Dominican, about the exact mean
ing of some abstruse passages of St. Augustine's theology, and
ended the controversy by threatening to cut king John's charter
¦with king James's sword, in case the CathoUcs should insist on
the public exercise of their religion and the retention of those
old churches which their forefathers had erected to the glory
of God and the honour of his saints. Indeed, to such a man
as Rinuecini, the history of Waterford, during an interval little
short of a quarter of a century before his arrival iti Ireland,
must have presented a series of incidents that could not but
excite his admiration for a people who, despite every species of
oppression, stUl clung unswer'vingly to the old faith, and scorn
fully rejected that most stupid of all modern dogmas, the king's
spiritual headship. Rothe's " Analecta" and O'SuUivan's " Ca
thoUc History " were works 'with which he must have been
famUiar, and from these as well as other sources he, doubtless
had learned how the mayors and other leading men of Water
ford submitted to fine and imprisonment rather than swear the
supremacy oath ; nay, and for refusing to take it had been
deprived of their charter, and robbed of all municipal pri-vUeges
and immunities for a term of over nine years. Constancy and
fideUty to the Catholic reUgion in the midst of unmitigated
hardships during the reign of James I., and that of his Ul-
starred son, were the grand characteristics of the citizens of
Waterford ; and we may, therefore, readUy imagine ¦with what
feelings of respect and reverence Rinuecini, whose sole and un
disguised aim was the absolute triumph of catholicity, must
have regarded them. But along with these there were other
motives which inspired the nunzio ¦with a warm affection, if we
may use such a phrase, for a city so heartUy devoted to the holy
see — motives which had their origin in his just appreciation of
those eminent ecclesiastics to whom Waterford had given birth,
and whose celebrity in the domain of literature was then acknow
ledged by all the great schools of the continent from Rome to
Salamanca. That old city of the Ostmen was the birthplace

208 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
of Peter Lombard, archbishop of Armagh, ¦with whom the
nunzio must have been personally acquainted in the days of
Gregory XV., nor can we doubt that he was intimately familiar
¦with the " Memou- of Ireland,"* which that learned prelate
presented to Clement VIIL, in order to secure that pontiff's
sympathy for Hugh O'NeUl, then in arms against queen Eliza
beth, and all but king of Ireland from Gweedore to Kinsale-
head. How grateful to the nunzio's ear must that euphonious
name, Peter Lombard, have sounded, and may it not have re
minded him of another Pietro — ^he of the Sentences — whom
Thomas of Aquino pointed out to Dante among the blessed
in paradise, cro^wned and refulgent, for ha'ving, like the poor
¦widow in the gospel, given all he possessed, the mintage of his
splendid intellect, to the treasury of the church ?
But there was another of her citizens of whom Waterford
had greater reason to be proud, and that was Luke Wadding,
whose mother, Anastasia Lombard, was near akin to the arch
bishop, and whose reno-wn, as a man of unparalleled erudition,
not only reflected honour on the place of his nati^vity, but
raised the character of Ireland in the esteem of the entire con
tinent. A singularly-gif fced family, indeed, was that of the
Waddings ; for at the period of which we are ¦writing, no less
than fourf of them, all bom in Waterford, were fiUing chairs
of di-vinity and philosophy at Louvain, Prague, DUlingen, and
Coimbra. Luke, however, or as he was famUiarly called at Rome,
" Padre Luca," inherited a larger amount of talent than fell
to the lot of any of his kinsmen ; so much so, that, not-with
standing the claims which each of them has to our respect, they
are all outshone by the brilliancy of his fame, and seem like so
many stars set in the aureole -with which reUgion and science
have encircled his head.
Before leaving Rome for the scene of his nunciature, Rinuecini,
doubtless, had frequent interviews with father Luke, whose
intimate knowledge of the condition and resources of the con
federate Catholics at that period, entitled him to be regarded
as the most reliable authority whom the pope's minister could
* " De Eegno Hibemise" for a correct edition of which, with Introduc
tory notices, we are indebted to Most Eev. Dr. Moran, the learned
bishop of Ossory.
t Father Harold in his biography of ^Wadding gives their names in the
foUowing order : — Eichard CWadding) of the Augustine Heremites who
taught theology at Coimbra ; Peter, a Jesuit, who professed theology and
philosophy in Prague and Louvain ; Luke, also a Jesuit who taught same
sciences at Madrid. All were cousins of the celebrated father Luke,
whose brother Ambrose died at DiUiugen where he taught philosophy.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 209
consult on subjects of such great importance. Without, how
ever, pretending to di-vine all that may have transpired in the
conversations of those two eminent men as they sat together
in St. Isidore's, in the little chamber where hung Carlo Marattis
portrait of the great Franciscan, and where he had deposited
those priceless relics of Irish literature saved from the universal
¦wreck, we may safely assert that Wadding advised the nunzio
to proceed straight to Waterford, and make his first public
appearance in that city. That Rinuecini intended to do so is
quite certain ; but on his way, as we have stated in a former
paper, the frigate which bore him and his fortunes was chased
out of her course by a parliament ship, and had to run before
the ¦wind for the bay of Kenmare. Indeed, there were many
reasons which disposed the nunzio to elect Waterford for the
place of his landing, and among the chiefest of these was the
cordial greeting* with which he would be received there, not
only by the great majority of the citizens, but also by the
opulent classes, the Waddings, Wises, and Lombards, whose
high social position, and zeal for the confederate cause were
notorious, not only in Ireland, but at Rome. Then, again, the
harbour of Waterford was a very desirable place for disembark
ing the specie and arms which he had brought with him to
pay and equip the confederate le-vies ; and above all, the strong
fort.of Duncannon, "with its commanding batteries and Catholic
artillerists would not only thunder out its salvos on his arrival,
but would afford him what he did not prize less, safe anchorage
for his ship, and an open seaboard to maintain correspondence
with the continent. As soon, however, as all perU of being
intercepted hacl passed, the San Pietro made sail for the haven
of Waterford and dropped anchor right under the guns
of Duncannon. " During my nunciature," says Rinuecini,
" Waterford was of all the Irish towns pre-eminently the most
devoted and loyal to reUgion and the holy see."
Anxious, however, as the nunzio must have been to present
himself to the people of Waterford, he was not able to make his
appearance there tUl February, 1646, that is to say, four months
after his arrival in Ireland. On approaching the city, accom
panied by father Scarampi and others of his retinue, he was
met by many of the principal citizens, who presented him with
* SirEichard Belling, who accompanied Einuccini from Eochelle, regrets
that they could not land in "Waterford, where his lordship would have
been welcomed -with a salute from all the great guns. — " Con sparamento
di tutte le bombarde." — Nunniatura. in Irlunda. P

210 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
a congratulatory address, and made him an offer of their hospi
tality. Foremost among the burgesses who were most courteous
to him on this occasion was Thomas Wadding, father Luke's
cousin, a very opulent man, who placed his town residence and
suburban -villa at his disposal, and entertained him with a series
of costly banquets, to which all the most distinguished citizens
were in-vited to heighten the eclat of the occasion. Thenceforth,
whenever Rinuecini -visited the city, he invariably fixed his
residence in Wadding's mansion, and it is unnecessary to say
that while staying there he never lacked any of those obsequious
attentions to which his high and influential position entitled
him. Horses and equipages were at his command, and father
Luke's kinsman thought he could never do enough to manifest
his respect for the pope's minister.*
But the grandest fete of all was the reception given him in
the ancient cathedral of the Holy Trinity, at whose threshold
he was met by Patrick Comerford, bishop of Waterford and
Lismore, a venerable and learned prelate, whom Rinuccini,>in
all probability, had met at Rome, but -with whose zealous and
patriotic character there can be no doubt he was long and
thoroughly acquainted. The function solemnized on this occa
sion was truly grand, strictly in accordance with what the
rubric prescribes for such occasions, and satisfactoiy to the
critical eye of the nunzio, who, although extremely fastidious
about the minutest details of ceremonial, professed himself sur
prised and edified by the accurate and graceful deportment of
the bishop and his subordinates. In fact, Comerford was a
prelate modelled according to Rinuccini's ideal — one who was
intently earnest on restoring not only the open and untram
melled exercise of religion, but the re-vival of all its gorgeous
accessories — on'e, in fact, who, had he the power to do so, would
have surrounded the altar of his cathedral -with a splendour
which might have vied with that of St. Peter's at Rome. In
the person of this bishop the nunzio discovered a man who
like himself was truly zealous for the absolute triumph of
Catholicity, the restoration of the churches to their rightful
claimants, and the due observance of the ancient ritual -without
compromise or curtaUment.
Patrick Comerford, or "Quemerford," according to the ortho
graphy of the fifteenth century, son of Robert Comerford and
Anastasia "White, was born in Waterford, about the year 1586,
just two years before his eminent friend and fellow-citizen,
* " Harold's Life of Wadding.''

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 211
Luke Wadding, came into the world. Robert, father of the
future bishop, was an opulent merchant, and brother to
Nicholas Comerford, a distinguished scholar, who, after taking
his degree in Oxford, in 1562, returned to his native city, and was
there ordained priest. Refusing to conform to Protestantism, he
was obliged to betake himself to Louvain, where he was honoured
¦with the degree of doctor of divinity in 1575 ; and lea-ving the
latter city, he proceeded to Madrid, where he joined the Jesuits,
and died after ha^ving composed various works, which exhibit
indubitable marks of a highly"cultivated intellect. This simple
fact is of itself sufficient evidence of the devotedness of -the
Comerfords to the ancient faith, but the- fragmentary histoi-y of
the . f amUy proves that Anastasia, mother of Patrick, was a
constant and faithful friend to the persecuted priests in those
days of calamity, when that arch-hypocrite, MUer Magrath,
held, along -with his numerous pluralities, the see of Waterford
and Lismore in commeiulam. Among the priests who partook
of Anastasia's shelter and hospitality, there was one Dermot
O'Callaghan, whom she selected as tutor for her child, and at
this good man's knee young Patrick was made acquainted with
the first rudiments, and prepared for entrance into the cele
brated school of Kilkenny, of which Peter 'White was then
president. There it was the boy's good fortune to have for his
fellow-pupUs Peter Lombard, Richard Stanihurst, Luke Wad
ding, and other celebrities, whose after career was destined to
reflect such credit on the " lucky schoolmaster," as Peter White
was caUed. At length, when he completed the course of belles-
lettres, and made up his mind to adopt ecclesiastical life, Anas
tasia Comerford, then a ¦widow, resolved to send her boy, in
charge of father Dermot O'Callaghan, his first perceptor, to the
Irish secular college of Lisbon. Ha^ving tarried some tinie in
that estabUshment, he proceeded to the seminary which De
Sourdis, cardinal-archbishop of Bourdeaux, had founded intl^at
city for the education of Irish priests, and there the young lad
distinguished himself, not only as a clever humanist, but as an
able composer of Latin verses. Owing to weak health, how
ever, he was obliged to relinquish the -vine-clad banks of the
Garonne for those of the Suir and the Blackwater ; but as soon
as he fomid himself rein-vigorated, he again set out for Lisbon,
and appUed himself to the study of phUosophy. His success in
this department was highly creditable, for he disputed a public
thesis, and won the applause of aU those who assisted at this
intellectual tournay. Ha-ving completed his philosophical
studies, Comerford entered the iio-vitiate of the Austin Hermits

212 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
m Lisbon, and at the close of the probationary term, his su
periors sent him to their convent at Angra, capital of Terceiro,
in the Azores, where he professed rhetoric for four years. At
the close of that period he was recalled to Lisbon, where he
prosecuted his theological course, and defended a thesis com-
jDrising the entire cycle of di'vinity. His talents were now pro
nounced to be of a splendid order, and the Austin Hermits of
Lisbon had good reason to congratulate themselves on ha^ving
among them one who, although stUl very young, was, neverthe
less deemed amply qualified to quit the form of the pupU for
the professor's chau- in any of the various departments of
science which were cultivated at the time.
Ha'ving attained his twenty-fourth year in 1610, Comerford
was ordained priest, and as his sei-vices were required at
Brussels, he immediately set out for that city, where, on
his arrival, he was advanced to the chair of theology in
the school attached to the convent of his order. There
can be no doubt that he spent many years thus employed in
the Belgian capital, from which, however, he was summoned
towards the close of the pontificate of Paul V., to assist at a
general chapter of his order which was held at Rome. Comer-
ford's fame had preceded him, and the pope recognizing his
merits, resolved that he should jiot leave the eternal city -without
receiving substantial evidence of the esteem in which "he was
held. Little, indeed, could a pontiff do at that period for the
material advancement of any member of the religious orders
in Ireland, where the conventual domains had been sacrilegiously
aUenated to lay proprietors ; but as the latter did not care to
invest themselves -with the designation of prior or -guardian,
such titles, albeit honorary, were still in the gift of the supreme
head of the Church, who bestowed them as he willed, "with the
twofold object of protesting against spoliation, and rewarding
eminent merit. At the period of which we are writing, the
ancient monastery of the Austin Hermits of Callan, founded
by Richard Butler in the fifteenth century, had no prior, and
as Paul V. was importuned to collate to the "vacancy, he gladly
avaUed himself of the opportunity to testify his appreciation of
father Comerford's worth, by advancing him to a place which
although stripped of its temporalities, was, nevertheless, one of
great respectabUity.
Thus honoured, Comerford set out for Ireland ; and passing
through Florence, the far-famed Academy deUa Crusca enroUed
him among its members, and conferred on him the degree of
doctor of phUology. On reaching his native land he immediately

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 213
presented himself to Rothe, bishop of Ossory, and that learned
prelate welcomed and congratulated him on his appointment to
the priory of Callan. The once stately monastery, "with its
splendid church, was then little better than a mere ruin ; but
the Austin brotherhood -stUl continued to live Ur the "vicinity,
where they toiled energetically for the preservation of the old
faith. Lands and revenues they had none, but despite pro
scription and oppression, the generosity of the persecuted
Catholics sustained them, and on many occasions saved them
from imprisonment and worse. Father Comerford discharged
the duties of his office with great zeal during the ten years he
held the priory, residing almost constantly with his poor com
munity, and occasionally going to Waterford to console and
encourage the faithful citizens, who were stUl groaning under
the vexatious tyranny of penal enactments.
It was during one of those periodical "visits that some one
told him that a brother of his had been captured by an Algerine
cruiser,* who carried off his prize to Mogador, where the
prisoners were to be sold in the slave market. Hearing this.
Father Comerford lost no time in ascertaining all particulars
of the disaster; and ha"ving satisfied himself of its truth, he
resolved to go to Spain, to engage the charitable aid of the
Trinitarian monks, whose grand mission was the redemption of
captives out of the hands of those fanatic barbarians, from
"whose bloody raids no European seaboard was then secure.
Being suppUed by his kinsmen and friends "with a considerable
sum of money, he set out for Gibraltar, and a few months after
his arrival there he had the happiness of embracing his brother,
for whose Uberation a large ransom had been paid. Unfortu
nately, however, the latter died soon afterwards, and Comerford
had the melancholy satisfaction of seeing him laid in a foreign
grave. After passing some time in Spain, Comerford proceeded to
Rome, whither he was called for the arrangement of certain
matters relating to the Irish Augustinians ; and when that
business was concluded he learned that Urban VIIL had re
solved to promote him to the see of Waterford and Lismore.
The late bishop of that diocese had been some time dead, and
bulls were expedited for the advancement of the Cistertian
abbot of Inislaunacht, commonly called " de Suir," to the
vacancy; but he, too, died before the arrival of the papal letters.
The clergy of Waterford then petitioned the holy see to bestow
» See Appendix Fp.

214 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN
the bishopric on Comerford, and Urban VIIL, after due de-
Uberation, granted then- prayer.
Indeed, Urban was well assured that Comerford possessed
all the qualifications which should adorn the episcopal character,
and that he was not only a man of irreprehensible life, but
truly zealous, and largely endowed with kno"wledge, both as a
legist and theologian. 'The see to which he -was about to be
raised was poor and persecuted, and desU-able as it might have
been in other times, the dignity of chief pastor of Waterford
and Lismore, at the period of his elevation, was one which
exposed him to innumerable hardships and imminent risk
of liberty and life. No need had he to echo the prayer of
PauUnus, bishop of Nola — " Grant, Lord, that I may not be
plagued -with handling gold and silver" — for the latter had
been seized by the so called Reformers, but there still remained
what was, in his eyes, far more appreciable — a flock whose
fidelity had been tested in many terrible ordeals, and a clergy
renowned for zeal and high attainments. As for Comerford,
or as we may now style him, the bishop-elect of Waterford and
Lismore, he belonged to an order which made solemn profession
of poverty, and we may add, that if the alienated revenues of
the diocese to which he was about to be promoted had been at
his command, he would have used them in the same manner as
Cardinal Frederick Borromeo, his generous benefactor, used
those of the rich see of Milan. Poverty and persecution in
their most revolting aspects had no terrors for a man so minded,
and he accordingly accepted at the hands of Urban VIIL his
advancement to the episcopate, -with all the consequences which
it might involve.
Towards the close of March, 1629, there was a large
assemblage in the beautiful church of St. Sylvester, on the
Quirinal, to assist at the consecration of Patrick Comerford.
Many of his countrymen were present on the occasion ; some
mere stripUngs who were pursuing their studies in the eternal
city, and some gray-haired retainers of O'NeiU and O'DonneU,
who having been proscribed in their native land, elected to
pass the residue of their years near the graves of those great
chieftains on the Janiculum. But of all those who came to
¦witness the ceremony, the most distinguished was father Luke
Wadding, who laid aside his books for awhUe, and went down
from St. Isidore's to congratulate his fellow-citizen, early play
mate, and school companion, on his well-deserved promotion.
Comerford was then in his forty-third year, and Wadding was
two years his junior ; the one had attained the highest honour

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 215
the pope could bestow, but the other, had even then won for
himself, in the world of letters, a celebrity which was destined
to be perennial. What imagination could realize the emotions
that must have quickened the hearts of these two men at that
moment when the founder of St. Isidore knelt for the bishop's
blessing 1 May we not fancy that "visions of Waterford rose
before their memories, and that they thought of the olden
time when they conned their lessons in Peter "White's school
on the banks of the Nore 1 *
Comerford set out for Ireland soon after his consecration ;
but before lea"ving Rome he had an audience of pope Urban,
who charged Mm to do his utmost for the revival of the Irish
houses of the Austin fiiars, and appointed him apostolic-"vicar-
general of the regular canons of St. Austin, whose establish
ments were very numerous throughout the island in those times
when no one ever thought that the monasteries would be sup
pressed for the benefit of rapacious princes and then- favourites.
He was, indeed, grateful for this last proof of the pontiff's
esteem, but he hardly required any exhortation to stimulate
him in behalf of his o-wn order, for whose restoration he had
already laboured with great success.
On arriving in Ireland he fixed his residence in Waterford,
and applied himself to the discharge of his episcopal duties,
cautiously avoiding all demonstrations that could provoke the
bigotry and intolerance of the lords justices, sir Adam Loftus,
and Boyle, earl of Cork, who then held the reins of govem
ment in the absence of lord Falkland. To such men as these
the Ufe and Uberty of a CathoUc bishop was a matter of utter
insignificance; for they affected to regard all such dignitaries
as political agents, employed by Rome and Spam to effect a
counter-revolution in Ireland, which, if successful, would strip
them of their unjustly acquired estates, and restore the church
property to the " papists." To persecute, and if possible, to
extirpate the " Romish prelates," was therefore sound poUcy,
not only consonant to the spuit of the lay supremacy, but dic
tated by the suggestions of self-interest. Long experience and
close observation had made Comerford acquainted with the
bigotry of men of this character, and consequently he did not
neglect tp fence himself about with such prudential caution as
might keep him from falling into their murderous hands.
But besides those who were then governing Ireland from
DubUn castle, there were others against whose malignity and
* See Appendix Q g.

216 THE IRISH HIEEAECHY IN
intolerance he had to be, if possible, stUl more constantly on
his guard ; those were the Protestant bishops of Waterford,
Boyle and Atherton, who, during their usurpation of that see,
harassed the unfortunate Catholics in the most cruel manner
by levying fines for " recusancy," and obstructing the priests in
the discharge of their duties. Indeed, it was no easy matter
for one in Comerford's position to escape the toUs which were
often spread for him by those two fanatical knaves, whose
schemes for persecuting the less enlightened members of his
flock, by the agency of schools and bribes, he invariably frus
trated. To such men, any Catholic bishop would have been a
scandal and a stumbling-block, which they would gladly have
swept from their path ; but one "with his energy and unques
tionable hold on the hearts of the Catholics of Waterford, was
something worse — a great difficulty to the progress of the novel
doctrines, and a hinderer of truth, whom they could not regard
but "with feelings of personal hatred. Nevertheless, despite
their unwearied vigilance, he contrived to keep the faith alight
in the souls of his people ; and not-withstanding all their crafty
de-vices, he held synods of his clergy, ordained clerics, and
confirmed multitudes of the young by day and by night, either
in private houses or in the woods, whither he was often obliged
to betake him in order to perform episcopal functions -without
interruption. At length, when the Catholics of Waterford joined the
movement of 1641, and Atherton, their bitter enemy, had
closed his career by a disgraceful death on the scaffold, Comer
ford employed his influence in repressing the violence of those
who were but too well disposed to inflict summary vengeance
on the professors of the new religion, at whose hands they
had received nothing but cruelty and vexatious oppression, not
indeed for disloyalty to the state, but for lealty to the church
of their_ fathers. Indeed, Comerford's charity and merciful
interposition at that crisis, saved many from the wild passions
of the populace ; and some of those who, before then, regarded
him as an implacable enemy, had good reason to thank God for
ha-ving sent them such a friend and deliverer, as he proved
himself when their lives were in imminent peril.
Being summoned to assist in framing the Oath of Associa
tion, and establishing the Confederacy in KUkenny, he took an
active part in all those preliminaries, and was one of the first
of the Irish prelates to declare, that the war which the CathoUcs
were about to wage, was not only just in the sight of heaven,
but absolutely necessary for the welfare of the Irish CathoUcs. In

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 217
1642, the supreme councU, of which he was a member, suc
ceeded in taking Duncannon fort, and in the same year he
had restored to him all the temporalities of his see, which had
been so long in the possession of Anglican intruders. He then
lost no time in reconciling his cathedral church of the Holy
Trinity, and replacing the sacred furniture of which it had been
stripped by the schismatics ; and so great was his zeal for the
honour and splendour of religion, that the faithful of Water
ford supi^lied him "with abundant means to rebuUd the altars,
and furnish the holy places, the cathedral especially, "with all
necessary requirements. As a matter of course, he was fre
quently present at the deliberations of his compeers in the
Confederate Assembly ; but his chief care was bestowed on
his flock, among whom he resided almost constantly, ui order
that he might repair the many injuries which religion had
sustained during the intrusion of the heretic bishops, and
confirm the faithful in their devotedness to the ancient faith,
for which their fathers had endured such cruel persecution.
None, indeed, coiUd have loved the splendour of religion more
than he cUd, and none could have laboured more indefatigably
for the re"vival of the ritual in all its minutest detaUs. Indeed,
in the interval between the formation of the Confederacy and
the nunzio's arrival in Ireland, he succeeded in makUig his
churches resemble those of Rome, as far as ceremonies were
concerned, so much so, that Rinuecini declared that he had
nowhere seen functions more edifying or pompous than those
which he witnessed in Waterford. As for the Augustinians,
Comerford took special pains to benefit them when the means
for so doing came into his hands ; and in order that he might be
surrounded by members of the community he loved so well,
he bestowed on them the ehui-ch of St. Catherine and the
oratory of the Blessed Virgin, which, in the olden times was
a chapel of ease to the cathedral. In the midst of all these
solicitudes he was not unmindful of sacred Uterature, for in his
leisure moments he composed a work on polemical theology,
and made an accurate transcript of the list of the deans of
Waterford from the earUest period. Loved and venerated by
his flock and clergy, he was justly styled the most popular
bishop then in Ireland, and to confitrm Ids claims to universal
respect, the nunzio "wrote to Rome that Comerford was a
model whom all his colleagues might copy to advantage.
This, indeed, is but a shado-wy outline of the character of the
bishop who impressed Rinuecini so favourably, and who had
excited the enthusiasm of his people in favour of that personage

218 THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN
long before he set foot ui Waterford. Let us now see what
use the nunzio made of the influence he had attained in that
city, and for which he was mainly indebted to the eulogies and
honest prepossessions of its spU-itual chief.
It must be premised, however, that, long before Rinuccini's
first appearance in Waterford, a strong faction in the Confe
derate council, who were styled the moderate party, resolved
to accept a treaty of peace, which lord Ormond had been nego
tiating, but which the nunzio and his party determined to
to reject, because it did not give ample security for the free
and open exercise of the Catholic religion. The moderates, or
Ormondists, were fully satisfied with the "viceroy's overtures,
but the entire body of the clergy, the Jesuits excepted, and
most of the bishops, maintained that they would be unfaithful
to the oath of association if they subscribed any treaty or cessa^
tion of hostilities that did not restore them the churches, "vrith
their revenues, and abolish all penal statutes that had, been
enacted since the apostasy of Henry VIIL Rinuecini "was
also disposed to insist that the government of Ireland should
be committed to a Catholic viceroy — a very reasonable stipula
tion, indeed, as the CathoUcs then, as well as now, formed the
majority of the population ; but all these propositions were ¦
looked upon by lord Ormond's creatures, who were a strong
element in the supreme council, as impracticable and unreason
able. Rinuecini,' therefore, resolved to crush the latter faction
if he could, and, after considering where he might "with greatest
safety assemble a meeting of the clergy, in order to carry out
his intentions, he pitched on Waterford as the place best suited
to his purpose. Indeed, the selection of that city proved that
he was a man who did not act precipitately or -without making
ample pro-vision for his personal safety, in case the latter
might be endangered by the bold and defiant attitude he was
about to assume ; and surely, there was no spot in the whole
island which could offer him greater security than that which
Waterford was prepared to afford him. His popularity there
had already driven away the herald who came to proclaim lord
Ormond's peace ; Comerford was his most enthusiastic admirer,
and most ardently devoted to his poUcy ; the strong fort of
Duncannon, "with its Catholic garrison, would shelter him if he
needed its protection'; and, finally, hiis frigate — the San Pietro
— rode at anchor in the harbour, and was ready, at a moment's
warning, to carry him off, should any unforeseen accident
drive him to that last and most humiliating alternative. Far,
however, from apprehending any of those eventualities, the

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 219
nunzio calculated on triumph, [format that moment he was
flushed by intelligence of O'NeUl's victory at Benburb, the
capture of Bunratty in the south, where he himself took part
in the siege operations, and finaUy, by the success which
general Preston had achieved at the head of the Lemster Con
federate forces in the west.
Leaving KUkenny and his enemies behind him, Rinuecini
therefore proceeded to Waterford, and at the synod which
met him there the bishops and clergy, with the exception
of the reUgious order already named, declared that the peace
to which the Ormondists had consented was null, and that
all those who had worked to bring it about, or should sub
sequently countenance or adhere to it, were ipso facto perjurers
and excommunicate. From that moment the bishops, with the
nunzio at their head, took on them the government of the country,
after ha"ving by an extra-legal proceeding arrested and committed
the abettoi-s of lord Ormond's peace to the prison of Kilkenny
castle, where, as the nunzio tells us, they consoled themselves
" by toasting the ruin of religion, in flowing bumpers of beer."
Drink, however, and toast as they might, Rinuccini's power,
whether for good or for e"vU, had then attained its culmination,
and foremost among the twelve members of the hierarchy who
took a leading part in raising him to such a height and approving
his future policy was Patrick Comerford, of Waterford and
Lismore. It is almost unnecessary to remark, that notwith
standing this temporary triumph, the nunzio's power gradually
decUned, and that, despite the simulated union between the
two generals, O'NeUl and Preston, a long series of reverses, the
natural consequence of mutual distrust and personal rivalries,
attended the government assumed by the congregation of the
clergy. Withal, Comerford's allegiance to Rinuecini remained
unaltered, and not"withstanding the many attempts made to
alienate him from the latter, he continued faithful to him
through every phase of his Ul-starred mission.] r "'  -.'.:X^-:r '.
Such were the intimate relations that existed between those
two personages, and such was the esteem they cherished for
each other, that Rinuecini passed many months of the year
1647 under Comerford's roof, where he was entertained with
splendid hospitaUty, and where, we may reasonably suppose^
there was no lack of sycophants — for how could such a personage
as a nunzio be "without them? — to intoxicate him "with the
perfume of their flattery, and applaud that uncompromising
policy in which he persevered to the last. To him, indeed,
Waterford, "with its reUgiou-s pomps, devoted bishoj), and ad-

¦220

THE IRISH HIEEAECHY IN

miruig inhabitants, was a city of "perfect deUght;"* and next
to it, in his estimation, was that frowning citadel of Duncan
non,! for which he expended such large sums on the purchase
of arms and gunpowder, in the full assurance that religion could
never be wholly destroyed in Ireland as long as that place was
held by an orthodox garrison. Accompanied by Comerford, he
was in the habit of paying long and frequent 'visits, for relaxa
tion as well as business, to this his favourite fortress ; and, in
deed, it would appear that some of the most anxious moments
of his Ufe were passed there in 1648, when, as we learn from
his own narrative, he spent whole hours sweeping the horizon
"with a perspective glass fixed in one of the embrasures to catch
a glimpse of the ship in which the dean of Fermo was coming
to his aid, with specie, ammunition, and fresh instructions from
Rome. Having dwelt at such gi-eat length on what may be
called Comerford's private life, let us now see how he acted as
a public man towards the close of the nunzio's connection with
Ireland. Without recapitulating the history of the latter personage's
proceedings, it may suffice to mention here that early in 1648
lord Inchiquin, actuated by resentment to Lisle, the parUa-
mentary lord-lieutenant, who had been sent to oust him from
his comniand, changed sides once more, declared for the royal
cause, and protested against the further exercise of the nunzio's
power. The supreme council then made a truce "with Inchiquin,
but as it did not give ample sureties for the freedom of reUgion,
Rinuecini, and a large party of the bishops, comprising those
whose appointment was made at his recommendation, set then-
faces against it. His next step was to summon a synod, as he .
had already done in 1646, and there, with the concurrence of
the majority of the bishops, he pronounced sentence of excom
munication against the framers and abettors of the aforesaid
trace, and laid under interdict all parts of the kingdom where
priests or people would be found to accept it. We have else- '
where told how Preston's soldiers, who were not excommMnicar
tiovrproof, went over to O'NeUl's standard, and how several
* On the 13th February, 1647, the nunzio baptized four Mahomedansin
the cathedral of "Waterford, and committed them to the care of the Fra^-
cisoans of that ciiy .—Rinuecini Papers.
t French, bishop of Ferns, urged the nunzio to fix his residence in Dun
cannon fort, when the Ormondists were about to have the upper hand.
Einuccini "writes, February 18th, 1648, "Ferns will report to your emi
nence that he has advised me to take up my abode in Duncannon, since
treason has become universal, owing to intrigues of the malignants." —
Nuitziatura, p. 298.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 221
cities and many leading personages besought the nunzio and
those bishops to whom he had given extraordinary faculties to
absolve them from the censures, and how finally the great ma
jority of the people still adhered to his policy. Nevertheless,
the minority proved to be the stronger party, and the division
among the bishops paralyzed, if it did not altogether destroy,
Rinuccini's power. The revolted supreme council forbade the
people to obey the sentence of excommunication and interdict,
and the lay authorities borrowed additional strength from the
adhesion of eight bishops, a few of the regular orders, some
deeply read canonists, and the Jesuits, all of whom asserted
that the censures were null, as resting on civil matters, and
ha"ving been published, without the sanction of the entire body
of the Irish prelates. In the midst of this conflict of opinions
Rinuecini established himself in Galway, to watch the result of
his extreme measures.
Comerford, we need hardly say, adopted his views, and en
forced the sentence in Waterford, where he closed the churches,
forbade the celebration of Mass, and all other ministrations,
according to the strict letter of the interdict. The supreme
councU, on learning this, summoned him to their presence; but
on his refusal to comply "with their mandate, they wrote again,
deprecating his conduct in denying the people access to the
churches and the consolations of reUgion, which they purchased
-with the effusion of their blood, during a war that had extended
over seven years. "Your lordship should remember," "wrote
they, " how the people stood by you in the days of persecution,
and how the venerable bishop of Ossory was not so uncharitable
as to deprive his people of the use of his churches. You should also
bear in mind that, along "with the archbishop of Cashel, you pto-
fessed yourself satisfied "with the appeal which we have forwarded
to Rome, an appeal by which the sentence has been suspended ;
nor can we account for your conduct otherwise than by ascribing
it to your desire of gratifying the ambition of Owen O'Neill,
whom the nunzio patronizes at the instance of the bishop of
Clogher. We, therefore, implore you to desist from this "violent
proceeding, and to give your people free access to the cjiurches,
which were poUuted till they had purified them "with their
blood. Should you, however, persist in your present course,
w^e have no alternative but to deprive you of your temporaUties,
according to the obUgation of your oath, and the laws which
were observed here in the most Catholic times." This letter
was subscribed by Lucas DUlon, Robert Lynch, Richard Belling,
Gerald Fennell, John Walsh, and Patrick Brien, all of whom

222 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN
were sworn enemies to Rinuecini, partisans of lord Ormond
and active agents in compassing the ruin of Ireland on the
arrival of Cromwell. Two days, however, after its delivery,
Comerford returned an answer which must have stung these
traitors to the quick ; for it not only justified his own action,
but proved that he was not to be frightened by their threats : 
" I have received yours of the 12th instant, signifying that you
will revoke my temporalities if I insist on enforcing the sentence
of interdict in Waterford. I therefore inform you that, on re
ceipt of the nunzio's command, I assembled the most learned of
the clergy, secular and regular, and, after mature deliberation
"without a single dissentient, we concluded that we were bound
under most grievous penalties, to observe the interdict, not
indeed, from a desire to favour any party or individual, but
rather to satisfy our obligation of obedience. As to your in
sinuation touching what I said about the suspension of the
censures by an appeal to Rome, all I can remember is, that I
expressed myself then merely in a discursive manner ; and as
to the model you propose to me in the conduct of the bishop of
Ossory, -with all deference to that prelate's deserts, I may ob
serve that I have before me the example of other bishops as
learned and charitable as he. Great, indeed, as are my obUga-
tions to this city, both as its pastor and son, you must bear in
mind that there are others equally binding and stringent. As
for my temporaUties, which you threaten to alienate, all I need
say is, that the enemy has anticipated you, for he is already
seized of a goodly portion of same ; and as for the remainder,
it is in the hands of certam noblemen of the confederate councU,
as I have already notified to you in the return I have forwarded
of the revenue of my diocese. But although I were to be stripped,
justly or unjustly, of aU the world could give, for my submission
to the decrees of holy Church, I "will, nevertheless, persevere m
obedience, nor "wUl I cease to pray God that you may well and
faithfully guide the councils of the confederates of this kingdom."
This rebuke closed Comerford's cgrrespondence -with the
supreme council, nor does it appear that he took any part, by
proctor or otherwise, in the proceedings of those bishops, who,
steadfast in their adhesion to , the nunzio's policy, strove at
Galway, and elsewhere, to maintain the cause of religion and
country against Cromwell's precursors. That he was sorely
harassed by Inchiquin, who, "vrith the sanction of his new alUes,
after reinstating the Puritan ministers in Cloyne and Ross,
swept the county of Waterford "with fire and sword, because
its bishops observed the censures, is quite certain ; but, happily

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 223
for him, the fort of Duncannon sheltered him -within its walls,
and enabled him to set at defiance all the stratagems of his
enemies. There, indeed, he was secure from Inchiquin's vio
lence ; for, not-withstanding all the efforts which were made by
Belling and his colleagues to get possession of the place and
the bishop's person, the garrison could not be bribed or forced
to surrender to them.
MeanwhUe, Cromwell appeared before Waterford, ui Novem
ber, 1649, and although the city was but feebly garrisoned by
some detachments of Ulster troops, commanded by O'FarreU,
the inhabitants refused admission to a strong force sent to then-
aid by lord Ormond, simply because that nobleman had declared
against the nunzio and his censures. Nevertheless, the reso
lution of the citizens was such, that Cromwell, not wishing to
lose time, struck his tents, and proceeded to invest Dungarvan,
whUe Ireton had to retire from before Duncannon, which was
then commanded by Wogan, a brave officer, entU-ely devoted
to the old confederacy. As for Comerford, his conduct at this
crisis was in every respect consistent ; for, whUe attending
sedulously to the spiritual interests of his people, he did not
fail to eschort them to hold out to the last against the parlia
mentarians, whom he justly characterised as enemies to God
and man. As it is not our province to go into a detail of the
incidents connected ¦with the siege of Waterford, or the stout
resistance which its inhabitants offered to the CromweUians,
¦we must content ourselves -with stating that Cromerford's care
of the people during the ravages of the plague was, in every
sense, worthy of his zeal and jsastoral devotedness. Though
feeble and worn out by anxiety, he was ever ready to minister
consolation to the dying ; and his pecuniary resources, then
indeed very slender, were always at the ser-vice of the poor
and sick. At length, when the city had to yield to Ireton,
whose unmerciful character was even then proverbial, Comer
ford, kno-wing what fate awaited him if he remained in Ireland,
embarked for St. Male, where he arrived towards the close of
August, 1650. After residing two years in that seaport, he
ultimately removed to Nantes, where he closed his mortal
career on the 10th of March, 1652, at the ripe age of sixty-six.
His remains were interred, -with great pomp, in the magnificent
cathedral dedicated to St. Peter, and, seven years afterwards,
his friend and colleague, Robert Barry, bishop of Cork, was
laid in the same sepulchre.*
* For two most interesting letters from Comerford to "Wadding and F.
CaUinan,-Eector of Irish College, Eome  See Appendix Rr.

224 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN

CHAPTER VIIL

When Rinuecini arrived in Ireland he found several sees
vacant, and his first and chiefest care was to have them filled.
The candidates were proposed to him by the supreme council
of the Confederates, and he recommended them for appointment
by Innocent X., selecting those who were remarkable for their
attachment to his o-wn policy, and their devotion to the apos
tolic see. Towards the close of 1647, the bulls nominating the
new prelates arrived from Rome, for the most part in accord
ance -with his recommendation, although the archbishopric of
Tuam, as we have seen, was given to De Burgh, whose political
views were of the moderate order, and shaped by those of lord
Clanricarde, his kinsman and chief of his name. The bishops,
as a matter of course, took their places in the legislative as
sembly, and were admitted to vote in the right of their sees,
and, indeed, there were only three excepted from this estab
lished usage — the most remarkable of whom was Boetius Egan,
bishop of Ross, whose right to sit in the supreme councU was
questioned, as he had been appointed without the consent of
the lay-lords ; some of whom refused to advance to their tem
poralities the prelates for whom the nunzio postulated ; but as
the other bishops already in possession protested against such
interference, the objection was overruled, not, however, without
a stormy debate among the canon lawyers, who were always
armed with countless precedents of rights and privileges vested
in the English cro-wn centuries before the sixteenth century
schism. Rinuecini set little value on such special pleading ;
and far from admitting that either the king or his representa
tives in the supreme council had any inherent right to nonunate
to bishoprics or benefices, he scouted all their pretensions,
alleguxg that such right, although recognised in Catholic times,
had been forfeited by heresy, and consequently reverted to the
apostoUc see ; and that he, in his capacity of nunzio and rep
resentative of the sovereign pontiff, was empowered to pro
nounce on the fitness of the candidates independently of the
primate and the whole body of the Irish hierarchy. In order,
however, to reconcile the ultra loyal members of the supreme
councU to his views, he told them that in case king Charles
became a Catholic, the holy see would recognise his just claims,
and adopt a course of action that would meet all their wishes.
TUl then, however, he would not abate a tittle of what he con-

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 225
sidered to be the exclusive right of Rome, or enter into any
compromise -with those who were meddling in matters which
were not of their competence. It is needless to observe, that
no member of the supreme councU entertained the hypothesis
of the king's conversion, and they therefore abandoned the con
troversy about the royal veto.
Towards the close of 1645, Rinuecini was informed that
James O'Hurly, bishop of Emly, had fallen into bad health ;
so nauch so, that it was absolu'tely necessary to provide him
with a coadjutor. This infirm and aged prelate, a member of
the order of St. Dominic, had made his religious profession
before the altar of the ancient and once splendid monastery of
Kilmallock,* and after completing his studies in Spain, was
raised to the see of Emly, 1641. His tenure of the episcopate
was comparatively brief ; and all that we have been able to
leam concerning his character is, that, like the generality of
his order, he was distinguished for learning and zeal. His
Ulness, it would appear, was protracted ; for it is quite certain
that he did not die tiU some time in August, 1646, that is to
say twelve months after the nunzio's arrival in Ireland. The
•wish of the dying prelate was, that his place might be filled by
another Dominican ; and the nunzio being of the same mind,
"wrote to Rome, recommending Terence Albert O'Brien, pro-
"vincial of the order in Ireland, as a person eminently qualified
for the coadjutorship, and to succeed O'Hurly whenever the
death of the latter might occur. Three months, however, after
he had despatched that recommendation, he wrote agaui to
Rome in favour of WUUam Burgat,t vicar-general of Emly,
for whose appointment to the coadjutorship, it seems, many of
the bishops were then extremely desirous ; but their memorial,
although subscribed by the nunzio, was not entertained. Bur-
gat, however, had the satisfaction of being allowed to retain
the vicar-generalship ; and of being advanced, when O'Hurly
died, to the more responsible dignity of vicar-apostoUc, pending
the vacancy of the see. It seems strange, indeed, that the
recommendation of the nunzio failed to procure his elevation
to the mitre ; but this may be easUy accounted for, if we bear
in mind that the pope's representative looked "with suspicion on
aU candidates proposed to him by the supreme council. As a
matter of course, he forwarded to Rome the memorial signed
* Founded A.D. 1291, by the "White Knight. O'Hurly, who is described
as " Vir doctus et eximie reUgiosus " was an alumnus of this convent and
in his mature years its sub-prior and prior.
t See Appendix S s. Q

226 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
by the bishops and temporal peers, praying that Burgat would
be appointed ; but although he stated that he was personally
acquainted -with the candidate, and knew him to be equal to
the requirements of a bishop ; nevertheless, he was chary of
praise, and his recommendation lacked that warmth and colour
ing, -without which he was well aware it could not possibly
succeed. It would, however, be a gross injustice to the nunzio's
memory, to suppose that he was capable of playing a double
part; but it must be admitted that his conduct in the particular
instance at which we have glanced, as well as in many others
of a simUar nature, proves him to have been weakminded, and
somewhat inconstant — in fact one of those who are as sensitive
to first impressions as they are quick to efface them, on dis
covering that they are nothing but shadow, surface, and outline.
This peculiarity might have been a defect of temperament, and
therefore pardonable ; but the traits which rendered his char
racter unamiable, and gave umbrage to the frank and buoyant
Irish, ¦with whom he was constantly in contact, were frigid
reserve, formal manners, immobUity under most exciting cir
cumstances, and perpetual anxiety to mystify all his projects,
in the hope of producing effects which he meant to be sudden
and striking ; but which, when realized, far from startling or
amazing, proved to be nothing more than ordinary results of a
plodding brain. We may also add that he lacked decision,
treated friend and foe "with the same impassibility, and allowed
all suitors to leave his presence "with a con"viction that he in
terested himself m their schemes and aspirations, while in
reality he had Uttle or no sympathy with anything that did
not bear directly on the object of his mission;
This estimate of Rinuccini's character, far from being fanci
ful or over-coloured, is, on the whole, faithful, and, indeed,
nothing less than a reproduction of the portrait made of him
by Belling, who was his companion on the memorable voyage
from Rochelle to Kenmare, and had ample opportunity during
the three years of the nunziature to make himself acquainted
"with his inner and outward man. Justice, however, persuades
us to acknowledge that Boiling's was no loving hand, and this
reflection might lead us to conclude that the charge of incon
stancy and want of decision was invented, if we had not from
the nunzio's 0"wn pen ample evidence to show that the broad
shadowing of his picture was nowise exaggerated. Pretermit
ting many passages of his letters, which would not be pertinent
,here, we need only repeat that, on his arrival in Ireland, he
urged the holy see to appoint Terence Albert O'Brien to the

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 227
coadjutorship of Emly, and that in three months afterwards he
postulated in behalf of Burgat, who, he said, was fully qualified
for the dignity; and, finally, after the lapse of six months, he
wrote again to Rome, to have Burgat superseded, and O'Brien
preconized in his stead. The holy see, however, had already
anticipated the latter recommendation, for although Rinuecini
may have been ignorant of the fact, or wished to keep it a
secret, O'Brien's elevation to the diocese of Emly had been
determined in the last year of the pontificate of Urban VIIL,
that is to say, in 1644. Burgat, indeed, might have proved as
good a bishop as O'Brien, but the biography of the latter forbids
us to suppose that he could have been excelled as a true and
eminently distinguished patriot.
Terence Albert O'Brien was bom in the year 1600, in the
city of Limerick, of parents who were said to trace their
descent from the princes of Thomond ; but be that as it may,
he was destined to reflect fresh lustre on the historic name he
bore, and to maintain its honour and integrity at a period
when others of the same ancient race were degrading it by
treason to religion and country. WhUe yet a child he received
the earUest rudiments of education from his pious mother, and
an aged priest who found constant welcome and protection in
his father's mansion, and who, in all likelihood, was the first
to inspire him "with the notion of devoting himself to the
ministry. As he grew to boyhood the desire struck deeper
root in his heart, and he lost no time in placing himself in
communication "with his uncle, Maurice O'Brien, who was then
prior of the Dominican convent of his native city. The uncle
was not slow in seconding the lad's "wishes, and he accordingly
had him received into the poor no-vitiate of the friars preachers
• — for we need hardly say that the monastery of St. Sa"viour,
founded in the thirteenth century, by Donat O'Brien, had long
since shared the fate of the other reUgious houses in Munster.
Father Maurice was a tender tutor to the young aspirant during
the probationary term, and at its close he had the sd,tisfaction
of seeing him duly admitted —
" One of the lambs of that blest flock
Which Dominic so leads in righteous ways ; "*
in other words, a professed ' member of the order of preachers.
The prior's next care was to provide for his nephew's philo-
* Dante, " Paradise."

228 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
sophical and theological education, and in order to perfect him
in these sciences, he sent him to the convent of St. Peter
Martyr, at Toledo, where there was then a vacancy for an
Irish student. Young O'Brien accordingly set out for the
far-famed city of unrivalled swords, the seat of the Spanish
metropolitan, and arrived there just as he had entered his
twentieth year.
The Dominican school of Toledo was then one of the most
reno-wned in Spain, and the professors who filled its various
chairs were far-famed for their erudition in every department
of knowledge. Under such able masters, it was only natural
to expect that one gifted with the genius and earnestness of
purpose which had fallen to young O'Brien's share, would
make rapid progress, not only in the Aristotelian phUosophy,
which St. Thomas of Aquino had reduced to regular system,
but also in the "Summa of Theology," which for many centuries
had been recognized as the grand code of Latin Christianity,
embodying all the moral and dogmatic doctrines of the Church.
It is to be regretted that we have only few and spare allusions
to O'Brien's collegiate career ; but such as have come under
our notice warrant us in beUeving that he distinguished himself
as a student, and proved to his Castilian teachers that he pos
sessed an intellect to which the fine distinctions and subtle
definitions of the angelic doctor were nowise impalpable. At
length, after ha"ving passed eight years in the cloister of St.
Peter's, he was ordained priest, and as the exigencies of the
Irish mission were then pressing, his superiors commanded him
to lose no time in preparing for the homeward joumey. Sad
must have been the leave-taking when he bade adieu to the
good fathers of St. Peter's, and looked his last on the Alcazar
and towers of Toledo's rich cathedral — sad, no doubt, must
have been his fareweUs as he turned from the banks of the
Tagus towards those of the Shannon ; but what would they
have been had some angel's hand Ufted the veU that mercifuUy
hid the future from his eyes ?
On arri"ving in Ireland, the scene of his first mission was
Limerick, where he abode "with the Dominican fathers in a
house which they rented in the city, and where they Uved in
community as well as the circumstances of the times allowed.
It was a period of perU to all priests, but to those of the re
ligious orders especially ; for Falkland,* the lord deputy, was
then enforcing the penal enactments, and racking, and other-
* See Appendix T t.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 229
wise torturing various priests, supposed to be emissaries from
the son of the late earl of Tyrone, who, if rumour could be be
lieved, was preparing to invade Ireland from Flanders. That
the apprehension of the government in regard to this business
was purely affected, is quite certain : but lord Falkland made
it a pretext for setting a strict watch on such of the clergy as
he imagined were corresponding "with their brethren in Spain, or
elsewhere beyond seas. We can, therefore, conceive "with what
circumspection the priests, secular and regular, had to act in
order to be able to discharge their duty to the people, and avoid
the suborned delators, who were ever on the alert for the wage
of their infamy. Strange, however, as it may appear, the
govemment at that period did not entertain so "virulent a
hatred for the Irish Dominicans as it did for the Franciscans,
and consequently the former were allowed to enjoy a compara
tive freedom of action. This, indeed, may seem anomalous, but
it "wUl cease to be so, if we remember that the Franciscans were
the most numerous of all the religious orders then in Ireland,
and the most notorious for their adhesion to Tyrone and O'Don
nell during the late war. We may also observe, that the Irish
chieftains employed the Franciscans as their agents at foreign
courts, patronised them as their annalists, and selected their
churches in Valladolid, as well as in Rome, for their place of
sepulture. The Dominicans, on the other hand, took no de
monstrative part in the transactions to which we have alluded;
and this single circumstance may account for the toleration ex
tended to them by Falkland and some of his predecessors.
Availing himself, therefore, of the opportunities which were
thus afforded him for doing good, father O'Brien settled do"wn
in the Uttle convent at Limerick, where, "with the rest of his
brethren, he toUed through many dreary years in the quiet
performance of the duties which belonged to his caMing. Affable
and unaff'ected, he was universally esteemed for every good
attribute, but above aU for that true modesty which has ever
been the distinctive mark of steady heads and great souls.
CarefuUy esche"wing notoriety — that despicable ambition of
"vulgar minds — ^he spent his time as became a true son of St.
Dominic, labouring for the preservation of the faith, inculcating
its morality, dispensing its blessings, and pro"ving, however un
consciously, that he was a Uving commentary on the holy rale
he professed. Most marked, indeed, was the contrast between
the humble chapel of the Limerick convent and those splendid
-temples of Toledo where he had passei his youth ; but if the
poverty and simpUcity of the former ever caused him a regret.

230 THE IRISH HIERARCHY IN
he assuredly had wherewith to console him, when he reflected
that the highest efforts of human genius could produce no orna
ment so worthy of God's house as that true piety and faith of
which he was a daUy "witness, and which his precept and ex
ample kept alive and active in -wUUng hearts.
The deplorable absence of all documents, manuscript as weU as
printed, relatingtothe Dominican community at Limerick, during
the sixteen years father O'Brien spent there, must account for our
silence anent that long interval, which we may easUy conjecture,
could not have passed without incidents and episodes of thrUl-
ing interest. Fortunately, however, there is evidence to prove
that his abUities, zeal, and prudence were duly valued by his su
periors at home and abroad; so much so, that he was t"wice elected
prior of his native convent, after ha"ving already held the same
office in that of Lorragh.* But a far more responsible dignity
was reserved for him in 1643, when the Dominican chapter
assembled in the church of the Trinity! at KlUkenny, unani
mously elected him their provincial. A short time pre"viously
he had seen his native city identify itself "with the Confederates,
and we may readUy imagine "with what feelings of gratitude
he and the other members of his order must have regarded the
men who restored to them that splendid temple, which WilUam
Marshall, earl of Pembroke, in 1225, erected for the honour of
God, and as a last resting place for his mortality.
Towards the close of 1643, Father O'Brien was called to
Rome, to assist at a general chapter of the Dominicans, which
was held in the following year, when many ordinances were
decreed for the better government of the Irish province, and
the re"vival of the order in Ireland, where it had suffered so
terribly during the persecutions of Elizabeth and James I.
The Acts of this chapter, indeed, throw some light on the state of
the Irish Church at the period, and it is only reasonable to sup
pose that we are Uidebted to O'Brien for the valuable information
they contain. As pro"vUicial, he must have been consulted by
the general on all matters affecting the order in Ireland ; and,
doubtless, it was he who, when a question was raised about
* A village in the Barony of Lower Ormond where "Walter De Burgh,
earl of Ulster, and lord of Connaught, founded a monastery for Domi
nicans, A.D. 1269.
t Vulgarly called The Black Abbey, recently restored by the Domioioan
fathers. The earl of Pembroke was buried in its choir, 1231. De Burgo,
(Hib. Dom. p. 206,) says that it was in a most ruinous condition when.
he was writing, and adds, that five Dominican bishops of Ossory were in
terred within its precincts.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 231
precedency between the Irish priors, decided the point by a
quotation from an ancient manuscript, preserved in the works
of sir James Ware. In fact, there can be little doubt that the
council was mainly guided by Father O'Brien's judgment in
all its decisions regarding "Dominican Ireland;" for, assuredly,
there was no Irishman then present better qualified to deal
¦with subjects of such importance. We may also remark, that
his inspirations are clearly perceptible in the projected re^vival
of Dominican schools in Dublin, Limerick, Cashel, Athenry,
and Coleraine ; and also in those decrees which have special
reference to the Irish Dominican institutions for inen and
women in Lisbon. It was he, doubtless, who moved that the
votive offermgs made to the far-famed miraculous image of the
Blessed Virgin at Youghal, should be applied to the use of the
Dominican convent of that to-wn ; and we may further state that
it was he who recommended that the convent of St. Peter's
CeU, in Limerick, should be confirmed to dame Catherine
Duggan, and the other ladies who resided with her there.
These few facts show that the council entertained profound
, respect for Father O'Brien's -wisdom and experience ; and, in
deed, the general of the order was so thoroughly convinced of
his deserts, that he would not suffer him to leave Rome -with
out some sensible mark of his appreciation. He, therefore,
sanctioned the decree which raised O'Brien to a mastership in
theology, and further enhanced this honour by appointing him
judge in Munster, ¦with ample powers to decide all contro
versies that might arise regarding the ancient limits and
boundaries of the DonUnican convents in that pro^vince.
As soon as the councU terminated its sessions, O'Brien set
out for Lisbon, to ¦visit the Dominican houses which had been
founded in that city by O'Daly, who was then engaged on his
" History of the Geraldines," a work, we may observe, which
is the best that has yet appeared on the subject of which it
treats. Would to heaven that O'Daly had left us a fuller
biography of his friend, for, indeed, the notices he has given of
him in the " Persecutions," are meagre and most unsatisfactory.
O'Daly, however, could not have foreseen the fate that was re
served for O'Brien, or assuredly he would have taken more
pains to acquaint himself ¦with all the particulars of his famUy
and early life.
About the middle of July, 1644, while O'Brien was stUl in
Lisbon, inteUigence from Rome led his friends to beUeve that
it was the intention of Urban VIIL to advance him to the
coadjutorship of Emly ; and, indeed, this announcement seemed

232 THE lEISH HIERARCHY IN
SO reliable, that he at once set out for Ireland, to take part in
the election of his successor in the pro^vincialate. There can be
little doubt that pope Urban did mean to have him consecrated
bishop, but as his holiness died in the very month the nomina
tion is said to have been made, the bulls were not despatched ;
and O'Brien's promotion was consequently postponed, and did
not take place before the third year of the pontificate of Inno
cent X. To differ -with such a high authority as the learned
De Burgo, on a matter-of-fact, may appear rash or presumptuous,
but the documentary e-vidence on which our statement rests, is
too well authenticated to leave any doubt that that most re
verend personage was mistaken as to the date of O'Brien's
consecration. On his return to Ireland, O'Brien fixed his residence in the
convent of Limerick, where, as provincial and prior, he exerted
himself indefatigably for the interests of his order, which had
recently gained a large accession to its members from Rome,
Louvain, and other places on the continent. The state of Ire
land at the period called for this infiux, for it was looked
upon as the fitting time for the reconstruction of all those vene-
able corporations which had been scattered by the sword of
persecution during the two preceding reigns. Now, however, a
notable change had come over the entu-e island. The greater
part of it was in the power of the Confederates, who led the re
ligious orders to believe that they should be speedily repossessed
of then- suppressed monasteries, and probably of a good portion
of their lands, for which some of the lay-impropriators were
disposed to compound. The people, it need hardly be told,
were delighted at th^pMBpect tha^t unfolded itself to their
imaginings ; for they flattered themse^es thafe they would soon
exchange their inexorable lay-tyrants for ecclesiastical land
lords, who, in all ages, were proverbially the best and most
indulgent. It was only natural thait 9, man of O'Brien's ardent
temperament should have shai-ed the general enthusiasm ; nay,
and persuaded himself that the religious communities were on
the eve of being redeemed for ever from the trammels of those
sanguinary laws which had heretofore doomed them to death
and expatriation. May we not, therefore, suppose that he
counted on seeing his o^wn order re-established, its grand old
sanctuaries restored to their rightful o^wners, and the youth of
the land frequenting Dominican schools, as they did in those
days when the friars-preachers buUt the^,s< bridge across the
Liffey for the convenience of their scholars t At that moment,
indeed, the course of events was calculated to confirm his belief

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 233
in these forecastings ; and if it ever occurred to him that they
were nothing more than pleasing illusions, surely all misgi^vUigs
must have vanished when he heard that a high minister from
the holy see had already landed on the Irish coast, bringing
¦with him arms, specie, and munitions for the encouragement
and maintenance of the confederate Catholics.
Although RinuccuU's correspondence does not mention the
fact, there is every reason to suppose that father O'Brien was
present at the grand reception given to that personage on his
arrival in Limerick ; nor can we doubt that he assisted at
another solemnity that took place there, when the nu.iizio, ac
companied by Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, the clergy, secular
and regular, and the entire garrison, walked to St. Mary's, to
give God thanks for the signal defeat which the Scotch cove
nanters had sustained at Benburb.* All Limerick was astir
on this occasion, and the nunzio himself tells us that even the
¦windows were filled ¦with groups anxious to get a sight of the
tattered banners that were wrested from the covenanters on the
¦victorious field. How could the provincial of the Dominicans
and prior of Limerick be absent at a moment of such thrUling
solemnity 1 A few days afterwards there was a display of a
similar character in the streets of the ancient city, when the nunzio
.again went to St. Mary's, to chaunt Te Deum for the fall of
Bunratty,! where he himself directed the siege operations, and
* See Owen Roe's letter from the battle-field in Appendix TJ «.
tBryan O'Brien, sixth earl of Thomond, was persuaded by his -wife, who
"thought the king's cause desperate, to surrender Bunratty to the Parlia
mentarians in March, 1646. He then removed to his to-wn residence in
Limerick, which he found occupied by the Poor Clares, to whom it was
given by the Supreme Council in consequence of his defection and
-disloyalty. Writing to his brother, the nunzio says, " I have no hesita
tion in asserting that Bunratty is the most beautifal spot I have ever
seen. In Italy there's nothing like the palace and grounds of the lord
Thomond — nothing like its ponds, and park, with its 3,000 head of
deer." Massari, in a letter to the same nobleman, speaks of the castle and
its site as the most delightful place he had seen in Ireland. " Nothing,"
he says, " could be more beautiful, and the palace is fit for an emperor."
The Puritan garrison counted 2,000 men, and the commanders of the be
siegers were lord Muskerry, Alexander MacDonneU, and Donogh O'Cal
laghan, of Clonmeen. The nunzio appeared in the camp on the 1st July,
¦and on the 13th the Confederate assault was cro-wned with success. The
ParHamentariana escaped to Cork, and the port of Limerick was happily
reheved of the blockade. The Irish had abundant spoil, furniture of
the most costly character, and silver plate. "A young man," says the
editor of the Rinuecini Papers, " very remarkable for his comeliness and
stature, who distinguished himself in many sorties, was wounded by one of
ours with a spear thrust in the throat. "We had him conveyed to Limerick,

234 THE IRISH HIERAECHY IN
father ColUns, a Dominican, crucifix in hand, led the storming-
party to the breach, and drove the enemy out of then- entrench
ments. The acquisition of this place was a matter of great-
moment to the Confederates, and as its capture was in some-
measure due to a simple Dominican priest, it is more than
Ukely that his provincial did not absent himself from the
solemnity which Rinuecini caused to be observed in honour of
such an important event.
As the foregoing notices of father O'Brien are at best only
conjectural, we now tum to others that are beyond the reach of
all doubt and cavU. We have already said that he was not
consecrated in 1644, as De Burgo and O'Daly would have us
beUeve, and this assertion is fully borne out by the nunzio, who,
in a letter dated KUkenny, January 1st, 1646, writes thus ; —
" Father Terence, provincial of the Dominicans, is a man of
prudence and sagacity. He has been in Italy, has had consider
able experience ; and the bishop who -wishes to have him for
his coadjutor is, I am told, in very feeble health." Eight
months after the date of that letter, that is to say, in August,
1646, when the bishop of Emly was on the point of death, the
nunzio again wrote to Rome, recommending various candidates-
for dioceses that were then either vacant or about to be so, and
among others, he distinctly names O'Brien, " as one who de
served the highest advancement Rome could bestow, and whose
claims and qualifications were duly set forth in a memorial
which the clergy had forwarded in his favour." The answer,
however, did not reach Ireland tUl October, 1647, when Rinue
cini had the satisfaction of learning that the holy see sanctioned
O'Brien's promotion, and that of the other candidates for whom
he was interested. O'Brien's consecration was solemnized in
the following November, but we confess our inabUity to name
the church where the ceremony was performed. It is certain,
where he made his will, and bequeathed a sum of money to the man -who-
dealt him the mortal blow. The unfortunate youth's name was Wocles ;
he was a native of Tralee, and of English parentage. After parading the
ten stand of yellow silk colours, taken at Bunratty, through the streets of
Limerick, solemn Mass was sung in the Church of the Augustinians, and
the clergy began to reconcile the other temples of the pity." On the 27th
of August, when news of this victory reached Rome, 'Wadding -wrote to the-
nunzio thus : — " "What ! the most iUustrious Einuccini in the camp 1
In a clay hut I The nunzio transformed into a general ! "Who would.
have thought of such a fact ? Could he himself have foreseen it r" But
God's cause demanded this ; verily the finger of God ia here. Led by
a general so sanctified, God will give strength and power to his people.
For the original Latin, see Appendix X x.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 235
however, that the nunzio acted as consecrating prelate on the
occasion ; and there is some reason to believe that the function
took place in Kilkenny, either in the grand old Dominican
church, or in the cathedral of St. Canice.
Ha"ving now attained the dignity to which he was well en
titled, O'Brien lost no time in taking possession of his see,
and making pro"vision for the flock committed to his charge.
But the condition of his people at that period was truly
deplorable, and the "wild raids of the renegade Inchiquin
afforded him little opportunity for tending his diocese as he
would fain have done. The victory of Conoc-na-noss* fought
13th November, 1647, made Inchiquin absolute master of
nearly aU Munster for a whUe, and no part of it suffered so
fearfuUy as the district lying west of Cashel. Brief space,
therefore, had the bishop for repairing and reconcUing the dis-
* Sir Alaster Mac-DoneU, after killing -with hia o-wn hand four of the
enemy, was treacherously slain while parleying -with his captors. The
nunzio looked on him as one of the most distinguished soldiers of his time
— " Ausim dicere -Alexandrum militem tunc praestantissimum sed etiam
vix orbem terrarum in nostra memoria peperisse similem.' ' Hia remains
were piously interred by Donogh O'Callaghan of Clonmeen in his o-wn
fanuly sepulchre — "Alexandri corpus ad anas aedes ia vicinio positas,
tranaportandum cura-vit nobUissimus Dynasta, O'CaUaghacanus, et in
majorumsuorum sepulchre sepeUvit."
M EPITAPH ON Sm ALEKAmEB, MAC-DOHELL,
Lieutenant-Q-enerall of the forces in Munster.
Stout Maehabee from whom the double ty
Of zeaU and of unbounded loyaltie
To early for us, on too black a day
Infore'd the tribnt wMch we aU must pay.
"Whyle thy sterne countenance and stronge arme press'd
The fates, but for a single interest,
Like lightning oaptiv'd fortune shott her smyles,
To "waite on thee through Scotland and her iles ;
But when God added Ms, his cause and oaU
Brought further merit to Mao-Donell's faU.
And here he ends thus these t^wo kingdoms mourne
That share the honour of Ms birth and borne.
(Jreat piodigie of valour sent to engage
Man to beleeve that in some former age
There have been heroes to these tMeadde of thee
Not clothed as yet in immortaUtie.
I here do saorifloe these humble teares
The emblem of the black my sad heart "wears. — Rinuecini Papers.

236 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
mantled and desecrated churches ; and as Inchiquin hated the
nunzio, we may readily conceive ¦with what feelings he must
have regarded a prelate who, though of his own name and race,
was devotedly and zealously attached to the policy of the Italian.
Nevertheless, O'Brien did all he could for his poor flock, ex
horting them to patience and endurance under their hard trials,
and labouring as well as the circumstances of the times allowed
to keep the faith aUve and active in their hearts. It is needless
to observe, that in performing these duties he exposed himself
to great -risk, and had to be constantly on his guard against
Inchiquin's followers, many of whom, like their chief, were
traitors to creed and country. Withal, he did his work earnestly
and efficiently, breaking the bread of life to the young and old
on the hill-sides and in the glens, till the Ulster Irish, under
Owen O'Neill, came do^wn on the plains of Munster, drove
liichiquin before them, and placed the Catholics once more in
possession of their churches. . Triumphs such as these, however,
were short lived ; and the reverses that followed in quick succes
sion compelled the pastor to leave his flock in charge of a vicar,
whUe he himself was absent at KUkenny, advocating the
nunzio's policy, condemning the truce -with Inchiquin, and
appro^ving that fatal recourse to excommunication and interdict
against all abettors of that unsatisfactory measure. Antici
pating the consequences of this proceeding, the nunzio fled
to Galway, to watch the course of events, and make prepara
tions for his departure from the scene of his ill-starred mis
sion.* MeanwhUe, lord Ormond returned to Ireland, resumed the
govemment, "and intimated that the nunzio must leave the
kingdom ¦with all possible speed. As for Ormond, some of the
bishops, French, of Ferns ; O'Dwyer, of Limerick ; and John,
archbishop of Tuam, haUed his arrival as the harbinger of a
new era, and employed all their logic to convince their colleagues
that the salvation of Ireland could not be effected tUl it accepted
his dictatorship, or, in other words, submitted itself to Ms
* The nunzio's guide and friend on this as weU as on very many other
occasions was Terence Coghlan, proprietor of large estates in the barony
of Garycastle, King's County. " This man's prudence and abstinence
from politics," says Einuccini, " endeared him to all parties, and I took
great pleasure in conferring with Mm, because I found him devotedly at
tached to the Catholic reUgion." Coghlan's estates, forfeited by the
CromwelUan govemment and partiaUy restored in 1666, were again for
feited after the Boyne, and sold to the HoUow Sword-Blade Company.
Terence's -wiU was executed 1st AprU, 1663, about wMch time he was
buried in Clonmacnoise.

THE SEVENTEEfTTH CENTUEY. 237
guidance. It was deemed expedient, therefore, to get up a
congratulatory address embodying this sentiment; and the
prelates we have named wrote to Walsh, archbishop of Cashel,
Comerford, of Waterford, and O'Brien, of Emly, inviting them
to Kilkenny, to take part in the proceedings, which, as was
alleged, had ah-eady been approved at Rome. O'Brien obeyed
the summons ; but on finding that the projected address was
not authorized by the holy see, he made his escape from Kil
kenny, and set out for Galway, to give the unfortunate nunzio
the last proof of his unaltered allegiance. He was not destined,
however, to have that melancholy satisfaction, for on arriving
at a -viUage -within three miles of Galway, word was brought
him that the " San Pietro " had come round from Waterford,
and sailed -with the nunzio and his suite for the coast of France.
What could O'Brien do but -wish his friend and patron a fair
"wind to waft him on his way, and keep him clear of the parUa-
mentary ships "that were then cruising in the Irish waters under
the command of the notorious Plunket ?
Not"withstanding aU the difficulties that beset him for his
devotedness to Rinuccini's poUcy, O'Brien returned to his dio
cese soon after the former had taken his departure, and re
mained there toiling for his flock untU May, 1650, when the
progress of the CromweUians compelled him to return to Gal
way. At that period Munster was a scene of desolation and
carnage, and among those who sealed their loyalty "with their
blood was Boetius Egan,* bishop of Ross, heretofore diffinitor-
general of the Franciscans, whom the nunzio first met in Drum-
secane, on his joumey to Limerick.
Boetius Egan was a native of DuhaUo-w, in the county of
Cork, and when very young took the habit in the Franciscan
monastery of Louvain, where he was the contemporary and
friend of Colgan, Fleming, and other great men, whose names
are famous in Dish Uterature. Having distinguished himself
in aU academic attainments, he was ordained priest, and sent
back to Ireland many years before the insurrection of 1641.
He was appointed chaplain-general to the Ulster army, was
present at Benburb, where he pronounced absolution over the
kneeling battaUons before they went into action ; and when
victory crowned the latter, Owen Roe commissioned him to
carry the banners taken from Munroe's Scots to the nunzio,
then in Limerick. The nunzio -esteemed him highly ; thought
him the fittest man for the see of Ross ; and despite the opposi-
• See Appendix T y.

238 THE lEISH HIEEARCHY IN
tion of Muskerry and others of lord Ormond's partizans, had
him consecrated in 1648. The Ormondists were loud in their
outcries against his advancement, strove to "withhold from him
the temporaUties of his see, and did their utmost to deprive
him of a seat in the assembly, on the plea that the pope could
confer no temporary barony in Ireland. All this clamour, how
ever, was overruled by Rinuecini and the Irish bishops, and
Boetius Egan accordingly took his place in the senate. As
matter of course, he remained unshaken in his fidelity to the
nunzio, seconded all his views, and endeavoured to have them
carried out in his diocese. His tenure of the episcopate was
brief indeed ; for when the CromwelUans had overrun Carberry,
he was obliged to betake himself to the fastnesses of Kerry,
where Da-vid Roche, had cantoned some six; or seven hundred
confederate soldiers. Along with this force the bishop marched
into the county Cork, and on the first of May, 1650, just as the
vanguard had reached Macroom, lord BroghUl attacked and
routed it, and made the bishop prisoner. BroghUl, we need
hardly say, was a mercUess scoundrel; for although he had
pledged his word that no harm should be done the captive pre
late, he, nevertheless, caused him to be hanged -with the reins
of his horse, on a hUl overlooking Carrigadrohid, and there left
his remains till they were removed, at dead of night, by some
commiserating peasants, who buried them ui the ancient ceme
tery of Aghina.*
In August of the same year, 1650,, O'Brien acted -with those
prelates who, after repudiating lord Ormond, and insisting on
the appointment of Clanricarde as viceroy, sent a deputation to
the duke of Lorraine, offering him the protectorate of Ireland,
on certain conditions, which, as we have seen in a former paper,
were never realised. He then returned to his diocese, and d.fter
a brief sojourn there, made his way te^Jimerick. iust as Ireton
was marching on that doomed city.
As the history of the siege is too well kSfera. to need repeti
tion here, our notices must be limited to suc^ passages as ha"ve
special reference to the bishop of Emly, wh^ise conduct dui-ing
that six months' memorable struggle was honourable and heroic
to the last. In the midst of the pestiience which carried off
five thousand citizens, he proved JaiSSoself a man of zeal and

* The editor of the^nlTccim Papers styles him a " veritable Seraph of
the SerapHc order, and most glorious martyr ; " ordinis seraphici diffinitor
generaUs vere seraphicus, et gloriosissimus martyr  Rinuecini Papers,
V. 2. fol. 887.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 239
•charity, and in the council chamber, where a clique of traitors
from time to time insisted on the necessity of capitulating, he
protested energetically against all accommodation -with Ireton.
It has been said that the latter offered him a large sum of
money, -with freedom to go where he liked, provided he induced
the garrison to lay do-wn their arms and surrender ; but
although such assertion may be gratuitous, there are instances
-enough to show that he was as true as he was uncompromising.
O'D-wyer, bishop of Limerick, and Walsh, archbishop of Cashel,
were "within the walls during the siege, but neither of them
acted the brave and manly part which earned for O'Brien the
inexorable hostUity of Ireton. The two former dignitaries,
indeed, laboured unsparingly in the pest-house for the spiritual
-comfort of the plague-stricken, and in the hospitals, which were
crowded by soldiers mortally wounded ; but O'Brien, instead
of confining himself to hospital or pest-house, made the ram
parts the scene of his charity, and there, Uke cardinal Ximenes,
•and other warrior prelates, "with whose history his Spanish
studies made him acquainted, he acted the double role of priest
and soldier, encouraging the faint-hearted, and absolving the
dying as the plague slew them at his feet.
It must also be recorded to his honour, that he sternly
opposed Ireton's proposals from first to last, and did his utmost
"to con"vince the councU of war that the city had abundant re
sources to sustain a more protracted siege ; and, finally, that
approaching "winter, dearth, and infection must compel the
parliamentarian general to break up his camp, and retire from
before the waUs. The divisions, however, that grew rife in
the to"wn, and above all, the treason of FenneU, whose life
major-general O'Neill so un-wisely spared at Clonmel, marred
all his patriotic efforts, and gave Limerick to Ireton. The
latter as might be expected, could not but regard O'Brien as
his mortal and persistent enemy, and, notwithstanding all nego
tiations which were attempted in his behelf, nothing could in
duce the parliamentarian general to include him in the Ust of
those who were "received to pardon."
Knowing the fate that was in reserve for him when the city
surrendered, O'Brien retired to the pest-house, not, indeed, for
the purpose of secreting himself, as has been commonly thought,
but rather that he might devote the last moments of his Ufe to
the benefit of his suffering fellow-citizens, and prepare himself
for death. The officers who were charged -with his arrest found
"him thus employed, and they instantly conducted him to the
head-quarters of Ireton, who told him that he was to be tried

240 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
by a court-martial, and imprisoned till sentence was found.
O'Brien heard this without moving a muscle ; and when Ireton
demanded did he want counsel, he calmly replied, that all he
required was his confessor. This boon was granted, and father
Hanrahan, a member of his o-wn order, was suffered to pass the
whole day and night of the 30th October -with him in his prison
ceU. On the foUo-wing evening the finding of the court was
announced to him, as he lay stripped on a pallet, and the officer
charged "with this lugubrious du-ty gave him to understand that
the sentence was to be carried out on the instant. On hearing
this he got up to dress himself, but, before he had time to do so,
the provost-marshal's guard pinioned his arms and thrust him
out of the cell almost in a state of nudity. It was only natural
that his fine sense of delicacy should resent this cruel insult,
but finding that all remonstrances were lost on the ruffians who-
surrounded him, he paused an instant, as if to collect himself,
and said, in a solemn tone, that " the time was not distant when
Ireton should stand before God's tribunal to account for his
bloody deeds." Surely they must have jeered him as a prophet
of evil !
It was a long way from the prison to the place of execution,
and as the escort proceeded it was encountered at every step by
sights more appalluig than that of a man going to the gallows.
For two days pre^viously Ireton's troops had been allowed to
pillage and slay as they chose, and there was hardly a house-
that did not bear ¦witness to then- fierce licentiousness. Windows-
shattered, doors wrenched from the hinges, corpses of men and
women lying stark in the kennels, wares of every sort scattered
and trodden under foot, showed that destractiveness had revelled
to satiety. No living thing appeared along the route of that
sad procession, and the universal stUlness would have been
unbroken, were it not for the heavy tread of the doomed
man's guard, and the ringing of their weapons as they clashed
against the pavement. O'Brien, however, conducted himself
¦with his accustomed firmness, and though distressed at being
obliged to parade the deserted thoroughfares on that -winter's
evening, in a state little short of absolute nakedness, his step-
was as steady and his bearing erect as either could have been
on that memorable day when he followed the trophies of Ben
burb to St. Mary's cathedral. On reaching the foot of the
gibbet, he knelt and prayed tUl he was commanded to arise and
mount the ladder. He obeyed, seized the rungs with vigorous
grasp, and turned round, as if anxious to ascertain whether any
of the citizens had ventured abroad to -witness his death-scene.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 241
Having satisfied himself that a few of them were present, and
within hearing, he exhorted them to continue true to the faith
of theU- fathers, and hope for better days, when God would look
¦with mercy on unhappy Ireland. A few moments more and
his soul was with the just. Thus did Terence A.lbert O'Brien
pass out of this life, on All-Saints' Eve; 1651. As soon as
Ufe was extinct, the executioner lowered the body to the ground,
and after the soldiers had discharged their muskets at it, he
hacked off the head, and impaled it on the tower of St. John's-
gate, where it remained many a day, a ghastly evidence of
Ireton's -vindictiveness.*
O'Brien's execution was speedUy followed by that of several
priests of the Dominican order, among the most distinguished
of whom were fathers Wolf and Collins. The one belonged to
an ancient Limerick famUy, which had already given a hostage
to the Church in the person of the celebrated legate of the same
name ; and as for Collins, it was he who led the storming party
at Bunratty, on that night when the Puritans evacuated the
castle and neighbouring church. Both were sentenced by
court-martial, and both died as became them, "with christian
courage and christian hope. Ireton, indeed, dealt unsparingly
with the Dominicans, for he knew that they were the nunzio's
most faithful and uncompromising adherents, and that every
member of the order, ¦with one soUtary exception,! advocated
his policy, not only while he was in Ireland, but when he was
far away in his principality of Fermo. Persistently heroic
during the siege, they exhibited the same undaunted composure
on the scaffold, and their conduct in the latter instance con
trasted strongly "with that of the temporizing major-general
Purcell, J who swooned at sight of the halter, and had to be
assisted by two musketeers while mounting the ladder.
* Three days after this bloody transaction Ireton wrote to Speaker
Lenthal : "It hath pleased God, since the surrender, to discover and deUver
into our hands two persons of principal activity and influence in the
obstinate holding out of Limerick, the bishop of Emly, and major-general
Purcell, whom we presently hanged, and have set up their heads on the
gates." t Dominic De Burgo, Clanricarde's confessor. The nunzio styles him
""Uqmo superbo ed arrogante," but it appears from O'Heyne's "Bpilogus
Chronologicus," (Louv. 1706) that he, in his closing days, repented Ms
opposition to the nunzio ; " Poenituit altae resistentise factse ab eo apoa-
tolico legato. Infirmatus est an. 1649, ex qua inflrmitate mortuus est
pie, munitus Sacramentis ecclesise eodem anno."
J " He was always a prime factionist, and in his last moments he became
the good tMef at the right side of the Saviour's cross." — dpltorismical
Discovery of Faction. E

242 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
Among the laymen who suffered at this time there were two
whom we may not pass over in silence. These were Dominic
Fanning and a personage whom a contemporary manuscript
styles the baron of Castleconnell, the same, perhaps, who basely
abandoned the field of Cnoc-na-noss. Fanning, we need hardly
say, was in the interest of the nunzio's party throughout, and
when the city surrendered, he fled and secreted himself in the
tomb of his ancestors in the Franciscan church. While lying
hid there, a picket entered the place, and lit a fire for the pur
pose of cooking ; and when Fanning saw them thus employed,
he crept out, and half-frozen as he was, sat do"wn to warm
himself. The captain of the party kicked him off, and he then
endeavoured to escape out of the city, but was arrested at the
gate, brought back, and being identified, was immediately
hanged. His servant, it seems, involved himself soon after
wards -with the soldiers, and in a scuffle that ensued was kiUed
on the spot by the captain who had driven Fanning from the
fire. The writer to whom we are indebted for this information
gives the follo"wing account of the baron of Castleconnell : —
" Being sentenced to die, he applied to Ireton for respite of
execution till his return from his lodgings, where he broke
open his trunks, and finding there a new suite of white taffetty,
attired himself in it. He then rode gallantly to the place of
execution, and behaved so jocosely that he caused wonder.
Being asked about change of clothes, he replied, 'that if to
marry a creature he would have done no less, why should I
not do so now when I believe I am about to marry heaven V "
Of O'Dwyer, bishop of Limerick, and the archbishop of Cashel,
we have only to add that Ludlow pleaded for the former,
that he did not belong to the nunzio's extreme party, and that
the latter had the same extenuating circumstances in his favour.
0'D"wyer was suffered to escape, and the archbishop went
quietly away, "both," says the author of the "Aphorismical
Discovery," " being protected because they were of the party
of Ormond and Clanricarde."
It was on the lOth of November, when all this cold-blooded
butchery was done, that Ireton was seized with the epidemic,
which had been ravaging the whole island for nearly an entire
year. In the course of a few days he gradually grew worse
and more faint, and, at length, infiammatory fever supervened.
" In his delirium," says su- PhUip War-wick, '" he shouted
repeatedly, 'blood ! blood ! I must have more blood !' " and if
we may believe other writers who had similar opportunities
for informing themselves concerning the last moments of this

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 243
wuetched man, the bishop of Emly was so palpably before him,
that he had to turn his face to the wall to avoid the ghastly
apparition. In the -wild outbursts of his frenzy he over and
over again repeated that he was guiltless of the bishop's death,
that he had no hand in it, and that the court-martial alone was
responsible for the sentence and execution. These, however,
were nothing more than echoes of a guilty conscience, unsoftened
by a single expression of regret or repentance — unavailing
protestations and arguments thro-wn away on the bloody spectre
that never left his bedside tUl God called him to judgment,
after sixteen days of unmitigated suffering. Need we say that
O'Brien's prophecy was fulfilled, and may we not suppose that
he confronted his murderer at God's tribunal 1
There can be no doubt that Ireton's conduct to O'Brien was
mercUess and exceptional, for he pardoned Hugh O'Neill, who
was as obstinate as the bishop in refusing to capitulate ; nay,
more, had Ireton been disposed to act considerately or -im
partially, he surely would have discovered that the man by
whom he was beaten at Clonmel, and who left him nothing
there but " a breached and bloody wall," was less entitled to
mercy than an ecclesiastical dignitary, who, as such, was no"wise
amenable to a military tribunal. The remonstrances of his
officers induced him to cancel the sentence pronounced against
Ueutenant-general Hugh, Owen Roe's nephew, and O'Dwyer,
although excepted from the articles of treaty, received protection
at his hands. Why he did not extend the same benefit to
O'Brien we cannot say, but it may be fairly presumed that he
was actuated by feelings of intense hatred and "vindictiveness
to that iUustrious personage.
In conclusion let us mention a fact not generally kno"wn.
Ireton not only pardoned O'Neill, but conferred on him un
mistakable proofs of his esteem and friendship, " for," says
the MS. authority from which these particulars are taken, " so
tender was Ireton of O'NeUl's safety, that he charged his lieu
tenant, upon pain of his displeasure, to wait on him ; and
when he was on the point of death, he commanded his said lieu
tenant to iise all good beha"viour to the Irish general, and send
him with his corpse into England. He also bestowed on him
three horses, one for himself, the other two for two servants to
wait on him, "with a lackey, all at his proper expense. And so
it was, for Hugh O'Neill accompanied the remains to London,
and he was there released." The corpse, we need hardly add,
was buried with great pomp in Westminster abbey, but it does

244 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
not appear that O'NeUl was present when John Owen, minister
of the Gospel, delivered Ireton's funeral oration, which he
afterwards published under the title of " The Labouring
Saint's Dismission to Rest."

CHAPTER IX.
At the commencement of these papers we stated that the
secret instructions given to Rmuccmi, when about to set out
for Ireland, charged him to select as his special and most con
fidential advisers, Malachy, archbishop of Tuam, and Heber,
bishop of Clogher, whose zeal, clearsightedness, and ability in
the management of public business, had won them high repute
at the court of Rome. Having spoken of the former of these
prelates, we wUl now address ourselves to the biography of the
latter, whose fidelity to the cause of religion and country has
made his name famous in popular ballads, as well as in those
graver pages, where friend and foe have represented him as a
grand historic figure.
Heber, or Emeric, son of Turlough MacMahon and Eva
O'NeUl, was born in Monaghan, in 1600, a year memorable for '
the arrival in Ireland of the lord deputy Mountjoy, whose
acknowledged abUity as a statesman and general was destined to
crush the Spaniards at Kinsale, and subjugate the entire island
to EngUsh rule. Heber's father had fought on the side of the
northern chieftains, from the beginning of the war which the
latter waged against queen Elizabeth ; and on every field from
Clontibret to the great victory of the Blackwater, he acted the
part of a brave soldier, pro"ving himself on all occasions a
worthy representative of an ancient race, always renowned for
valorous achievements. The chUd, Heber, was only seven
years old when his kinsman, James Colla MacMahon, was
obliged to join the earls in their flight from lough S"wiUy ; and
in the course of a few years afterwards his father was reduced
to comparative poverty by the biU of attainder, which pro
scribed the fugitives and their adherents, and confiscated the
best part of Ulster to the crown. Obliged to seek shelter with
the survivors of O'NeiU's and O'DonneU's clansmen in the
then almost inaccessible glens of Donegal, Turlough, "with his
wife Eva, and their only chUd, fixed his residence in the
-vicinity of Kilybegs, and there lived as best they could, hoping

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 245
that he would, sooner or later, be restored to some parcel of
those grand domains which were so cruelly and unjustly
wrested from him and his. News, however, reached Ireland
towards the close of 1608, that James MacMahon and his com
panion in misfortune, lord Maguire, had died immediately after
their arrival at Genoa ; and the executive, acting on this wel
come intelligence, confu-med the grant of Turlough's patrimony
to the new occupier, and thus annulled all the claims of the
rightful owner. At that period Turlough was too old to take
service in the Spanish armies ; and as he was suffering from
wounds received on the disastrous day of Kinsale, he resolved
to remain at home, and devote the remainder of his days to
initiating young Heber, his sole hope, in the rudiments of the
military profession, tUl the lad would be fit to sail for Flanders,
and there enlist into the Irish regiment, which was then com
manded by John, eldest son of the banished earl of Tyrone.
Heber, indeed, did inherit the chivalrous instincts of his father;
but his mother, it would appear, had no ambition to see him
trading halberd or lance, and she consequently resolved that
his hopes and aspu-ations should take an opposite direction,
and yearn for the stUl higher honour of serving in the weakened
ranks of the church, then truly miUtant, in Ireland. Heber
seconded his mother's wishes, abandoned all thoughts of sword
and target for book and pen ; and that nothing might be
wanting to forward his education, she called into her humble
homestead a Franciscan friar of Donegal, who, in return for
the bread and shelter afforded him, taught the boy Latin,
Greek, and Spanish, and made him thoroughly familiar -with
the history of his unfortunate country. Towards the close of
1617, Heber set out for Douay, and entered the Irish college,
which Cusack, a priest of Meath, had endowed in that old
Flemish to-wn. Ha-ving completed his phUosophical course
there, he removed to Louvain, in order to avail himself of the
lectures of the learned Franciscan MacCaghwell, who was then
esteemed one of the most profound theologians of his time.
What honours or distinctions he obtained during his collegiate
career we know not ; but it is certain that his application and
industry were rewarded with the respect of his various profes
sors, and secured for him the congratulations of those truly
eminent Irish ecclesiastics who then devoted themselves to
educating priests for the home mission. At length, ha-ving
gone through the prescribed cycle of studies, and attained his
twenty-fifth year, Heber was ordained priest in the chapel of
the Irish Franciscan convent at Louvain; John Colgan, Donatus

246 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
Mooney, father O'Cleary, and other celebrities assisting on the
occasion. In the interval his parents had passed out of this
life, after seeing their inheritance alienated to the thrifty
colonists -with whom James I. replaced the native population,
and the ancient churches of Clogher given over to fanatical
preachers, Scotch and English, whose aim was to outroot
" popery " from the soU where it had flourished so -vigorously
during those days when O'NeUl and O'DonneU would not.
suffer any Anglican priest or prelate to set foot upon it.
At the time of his ordination, Louvain, and, indeed, every
other garrison town in Flanders, swarmed with Irish troops
commanded by Owen Roe O'Neill, Preston, of the house of
Gormanston, O'Cahan, and others, who were destined to take
part in the eventful "vicissitudes of their native land at a future
period. Had MacMahon wished to remain among his exUed
countrymen, he could easily have found advancement at the
hands of the archdukes, Albert and Isabella, then the steadiest
friends of the Irish Catholics ; but knowing that his services
were required in the land of his birth, he hastened home, and
devoted himself "with heroic zeal to the duties of his calling.
On his arrival in his native diocese, he found the Catholics
deprived not only of their lands but of their churches, and
obliged to assist at the di"vine sacrifice wherever it could be
celebrated without attracting the notice of the "Undertakers,"
in the recesses of the mountains, and oftener stUl on the hill
sides which commanded a view of the surrounding districts,
and enabled them to take precaution against being surprised or
interrupted. Withal, the people clung steadfastly to the
ancient faith ; and, not"*vithstanding the perUs to which they
were hourly exposed for the observance of its ordinances, nothing
could induce them to abandon it or betray its mUusters to the
myrmidons of the executive, who were ever on the alert for
their apprehension. The people respected MacMahon not only
as a priest, but as one of the representatives of the ancient
nobility of Ulster who had suffered so much for religion and
country ; and we may easUy imagine with what weight his
words fell on their hearts, when he exhorted them to persevere
in the same profession, and beseech God to take compassion on
their endurance. Cautiously avoiding all overt acts that could
provoke the intolerance of lord Falkland, and the deputies who
succeeded him, he toiled as a simple priest twenty years in the
diocese of Clogher ; and so efficiently that O'Reilly, vicar-
apostolic of KUmore, and subsequently archbishop of Armagh,
¦wrote to Rome that he deserved the highest honours to which

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 247
the holy see could advance him. The primate, doubtless,
regarded him as eminently qualified to preside over the ancient
see of Clogher ; in a- word, as one whose election to that dignity
would be hailed with delight by the people, who, in the midst
of their reverses, still maintained traditional reverence for the
son of the Orgiellian chieftains.
At the commencement of the agitation which heralded the
insurrection of 1641, MacMahon signified to lord Ormond that
the Catholics of the north, unable to bear the oppressions of
the Scotch and English undertakers, would assuredly rise
in arms, unless the executive took means to protect their lives
against the repeated acts of aggression to which they were
hourly exposed ; but this timely warning was utterly thrown
away on Parsons and Borlase, whose aim was to goad the
"papists" to rebellion, in order that they might share be
tween them the remnant of property that was still in the hands
of the latter. At length, however, endurance reached its ex-
tremest limit, the northern Catholics appealed to arms, and
among those who were involved in the abortive attempt to
seize Dublin castle and the persons of the lords justices, was
Hugh MacMahon, the near kinsman of the subj ect of this memoir.
At the outbreak of the revolution, father Heber exerted all
his power and influence to restrain the licentiousness of the
multitudes who flocked to the standard of sir Phelim O'NeUl
and the other northern leaders, and such were his exertions in
behalf of the Protestants, that many of them owed their lives
and preservation of their property to his charitable interposition.
As soon, however, as the " rising " assumed the character of a
general movement, he co-operated -with archbishop O'Reilly and
the other prelates who assembled at Kells, and finally in KU
kenny, to direct the people in laying the foundations ,of the
Confederacy. On all these occasions, the prelates and lay lords
gave attentive ear to his suggestions, and regarded him as one
whose "wisdom was only equalled by his well-known courage.
At length, when the Confederacy was fully organized, and the
prelates had resolved to fill those sees that were vacant, a me
morial was forwarded to Rome, praying his holiness. Urban
VIIL, to promote MacMahon to the bishopric of Clogher,* as no
other could be found more deser"ving of such advancement, either
by ancient descent or grand services rendered to the new govem
ment. The holy see granted the prayer of the petitioners, and
MacMahon was consecrated at Drogheda, early in 1642, after
* See Appendix Z z.

248 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
ha-ving held the see of Do"wn and Connor as bishop-elect for two
years previously.*
The motives that determined this selection were twofold —
spiritual and temporal — for the holy see not only appreciated
the services which MacMahon had rendered to religion, but set
due value on his acknowledged influence with the people of his
province, who recognized him as the representative of their
ancient chieftains, and were nowise loath to follow him to the
field, whenever he might find it imperative on him to lay aside
crozier and mitre for sword and helmet. In fact, he was the
fittest man for the dignity to which he was elevated, for it is
likely that no other could have been found possessing so many
attributes of a militant prelate. His first essay in that capacity
was made a year before he received the buU appointing him to
the see of Clogher, when he marched at the head of a strong
detachment of troops to congratulate his early friend, Owen
O'NeiU, on his arrival in Ireland, and tender to that dis
tinguished general the aid of his sword whenever he might need
it. Strange as such a proposition may appear to us, it could
not shock or surprise O'Neill, who, doubtless, was aware that
many Spanish and Italian prelates, and Pope Julius II.
especially, had dared death upon the field, and he therefore
accepted the chivalrous offer -with a soldier's thankfulness.
But what O'Neill desired most at that juncture was the
removal of his kinsman, sir Phelim, t from the command of
the Ulster forces, and to have at his disposal large le"vies of
stalwart youths, who, when disciplined after the Spanish
fashion, were to be officered by those gallant and experienced
men who had seen service with him in many a campaign, and
shared his laurels at Arras. .It is most unnecessary to say,
that father Heber voted Owen Roe, general-in-chief of the

* See Appendix A aa.
t The editor of the Rinuecini Papers states that Owen O'Neill was in
Kilkenny on 23rd March, 1646, and that he then and there, at the urgent
instance of the nunzio and Heber MacMahon, bishop of Clogher, pardoned
sir Phelim, -who on the last day of same month wrote to the nunzio from
Charlemont thus : — " Dispose of me and my regiment as you like, for I'd
rather be -without regiment or commission than continue on bad terms
with my kinsman. I renounce all enmities that have existed between
him, Clogher, and myself ; and from my heart I pardon both. My lieu
tenant-colonel, Sandford, having heard that he has been cashiered will wait
on your lordships ; he is a distinguished soldier and deserves well ofthis
country, although he has never received a single penny of pay. In case
I am deprived of my regiment, I pray you to amply provide for Mm." —
Rinuecini papers, vol. 2, see Appendix B bb.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 249
northern Confederates, and spared no effort to procure recruits
for that chieftain's standard, tUl he had the satisfaction of see
ing him at the head of a large and highly disciplined army.
Such truly valuable sei-vices were fully recognised at Rome,
where father Wadding, and others not less influential, com
mended them to the notice of the holy see; and we have glanced
at them here in order to explain why it was that Rinuecini was
instructed to make a confident of Heber, bishop of Clogher.
The first meeting of these two personages took place in the
castle of Kilkenny, immediately after the nunzio's arrival in
that city, and then commenced that friendship and continuity
of intercourse, which lasted through so many years of triumph
and reverses. Indeed, one of the nunzio's earliest despatches
shows that MacMahon realized his ideal of a true and energetic
bishop ; for when enumerating the many difficulties he had to
encounter from the opposition of the older prelates, who made
small account of " the splendour of religion, through fear of not
being able to maintain it," he reports to the holy see, that the
recently consecrated bishop of Clogher was most anxious for
the restoration of the splendour and publicity of ecclesiastical
ceremonies ; and that that personage, although guided by
poUtical precedents, afforded a marked contrast to the old
bishops, who, having passed through the days of persecution,
were constantly haunted by a dread that such times might
come again. They lacked resolution and boldness, but in the
person of MacMahon he found aU that he could desire — a will
conformable to his o-wn, and a spirit of daring that was always
prepared to encounter- the mo.st formidable emergencies. With
such an ally, Rinuecini flattered himself that he would be
able to overrule the wide-spread feeling of opposition to his
religio-poUtical projects ; and, indeed, there can be no doubt
that he would have succeeded, had he been able to reconcile
conflicting parties and interests, and unite all in opposition to
the common enemy. He faUed to accompUsh this; and although
representing the delegated majesty of Rome, his efforts to
bring about a union of Irish politicians were utterly unavaiUng.
MacMahon, although occupying the place of a spiritual peer
in the supreme councU, was not advanced to the temporalities
of his bishopric tUl after the battle of Benburb, when that
¦victory gave the Confederates a short-lived triumph in Ulster ;
but even then, he resided less frequently in his diocese than in
the immediate vicinity of the nunzio and the camp of Owen
O'NeUl, who was entirely directed and influenced by his
counsels. As might be expected, the bishop subscribed the rejec-

250 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
tion of the peace of 1646, and took an active part in the congre
gation of the clergy at Waterford, where the clergy assumed the
government, under the presidency of the nunzio, and committed
the sad blunder of calling O'Neill's army from the pursuit of
the Scotch Puritans to support the new regime. Thenceforth
he became, if possible, still more devoted to the nunzio, ap
proved all his projects, and maintained that his policy and
Owen O'NeUl's sword were the sole means for rescuing Ireland
from present and future oppression.
Acting on this conviction, he caused O'NeUl to signify to
the nunzio that the preponderating military power, which the
¦victory of Benburb had secured for him, was entirely at his
service, and that the Ulster forces were ready to march on
Dublin whenever he might think fit to sanction that enterprise.
The reduction of the capital was one of Rinuccini's most
cherished projects, and as MacMahon was well aware of this,
he insisted that no time should be lost in making the attempt.
The nunzio hesitated, not, indeed, through apprehension of
faUure, but rather from fear of giving umbrage to queen
Henrietta Maria, then at Paris ; and it was not till after
several weeks of inaction he resolved to summon the metropolis
to surrender.
In the beginning of autumn, 1646, O'Neill advanced -with his
Ulstermen through the north of Leinster, and being joined by
the forces under Preston, they pitched their camps at Leixlip
and Newcastle, while the nunzio and MacMahon took up their

* MacMahon memorialed The Holy See to advance the nunzio to the
Cardinalate. " Tot et tanta ejus merita ut ego humilUmus servus sedis
apostoUcse ab eadem petere baud erubesoam cardinalatum." This petition
wMch was sent from Kilkenny to Eome, 15 Feb. 1648, was accom
panied by another of the same tenor from O'Neill, whose devotedness to
the nunzio caused him to reject all the offers of lands and honours which
Ormond made him, pro-vided he would desert Rinuecini and his partizans.
The foUowing passage of O'Neill's letter, dated " Loghanna," August
1646, -wUlshow how entirely he identified himself with the poUcy of the
supreme council under the presidency of the nunzio and clergy, when the
latter broke -with the old council sitting in Kilkenny.
" NuUius alterius sententise adstrictus, aut addictua, a vestra soUus lUmae
Dnis nutu dependens. Quod autem ad me attinet, non divitiarum cupi-
ditas, non honorum ambitio, sed zelus domua Dei, et fastidium duri jugi,
sub quo fatiscentes, et gementes conterraneos meps, animadverti, me hue
inde, ubi meos dies in majore tranquillitate et securitate quam Mc,
flnire poteram, adigerunt, neque (per Dei gratiam) prospera aut adversa
fortuna de horum affectuum alterutro quicquam in me unquam diminuet,
sed in hao confessione me si fractus illabatur orbis impavidum ferient
ruinss." — Rinuecini Papers, v. 2.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 251
quarters in the immediate vicinity, to hasten the operations of
the two generals. Acting on the advice of Castlehaven, Or
mond wasted the country all around before he retired into
Dublin, and as the -winter had set in "with unusual severity, the
Confederates were but UI supplied with pro"visions. Worst of
all, the old jealousies between Preston and O'NeUl had broken
out afresh ; and to add to this complication of difficulties, lord
Clanricarde, a CathoUc, and hitherto neutral, appeared on the
scene to tamper with Preston, whose hatred of O'Neill was only
equalled by his want of firmness. Preston would not advance,
and a rumour reached O'NeiU's quarters that the former had
concerted measures "vrith Ormond for falling on his army in
front and fiank. O'NeUl, therefore, had to take precautions
against surprise, for he was led to beUeve that Preston meant
to destroy him and his. As for the citizens of Dublin, they
were terrified by the proximity of the nunzio's armies, and as
they gazed, night after night, from the tower of Christ church
on the numerous camp fires that blazed along the north bank of
the Liffey, from Castleknock to Lucan, they prayed God to
deliver them from those wUd Ulstermen, who boasted, how
ever unwarrantably, that they were the pope's chosen soldiers.
Little, however, did the good burghers think that bickerings
were rife in the Confederate camps, and that the two armies
which had come to seize the city were more disposed to fiy at
each other's throats ! In the midst of these dissensions, the
nunzio felt himself bewildered, and apprehending that he must
lose all chance of taking Dublin if he failed to unite the two
generals, he went, accompanied by the bishop of Clogher, to
Preston's quarters, to effect a mutual understanding. The
Leinster general behaved on this occasion with marked reserve,
and though he had been urged to arrest the bishop of Clogher,
he refused to do so. The conference, however, did not bring
about the desired reconciliation ; and much as the nunzio
plumed himself on his courage in traversing the level country
north of the city, "where a few straggling horsemen might
have picked him up and carried him to lord Ormond,"* all his
efforts went for nothing, so that on a rumour of a parliamentary
squadron ha"ving dropped anchor in the bay, O'NeUl and Preston
struck their tents, and retU-ed hastUy in the direction of KU
kenny. After tarrying some days at Lucan, to examine articles of
accommodation which Clanricarde proposed on Ormond's behalf,
* " Nuuziatura in Irlanda."

"252 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
the nunzio and the bishop of Clogher hastened to rejoin the
Confederate generals in the hope of bringing them back to re
sume the siege of Dublin. This, however, they found utterly
impracticable ; and the only result of all their pleading was to
induce O'Neill and Preston to subscribe a document, by which
they bound themselves to be true to each other on all future
occasions when the interests of the Confederacy might require
their combuied action.*
Ha"ving aided in effecting this temporary reconcUiation, Mac
Mahon retired to his diocese, and there passed the greater part
of 1647, holding conferences of his clergy, administering con-
fu-mation, restoring churches, and zealously performing all the
other functions of his episcopal office. At length, however,
when news reached him that Preston had been defeated at Trim
by Jones, to whom lord Ormond surrendered DubUn for a sum
of thirteen thousand pounds, he "wrote to Owen O'Neill to march
with his army, and save Kilkenny from the parliamentary
forces. The Ulster general gladly obeyed the summons,
marched rapidly on Trim, occupied the ground where Preston
had been so shamefully routed, and kept Jones's troops in check
for fully four months. This bold manoeuvre was, indeed, the
salvation of the Confederates ; for O'Neill's sudden appearance
on the scene of the late disaster caused Jones to retire -within
the walls of Dublin, and abandon his design of reducing Kil
kenny. MacMahon joined the Ulster general at Trim, and re
mained constantly in his camp tUl summoned by the nunzio to
Kilkenny, to take part in the momentous debates which at
that time distracted the Confederate councils.!
At the close of 1647, the Ormondist faction resolved, if
possible, to get rid of the nunzio and his adherents, and, in
order to accomplish this, theygave out that the recent losses
and -wide-spread poverty from which the whole country was
suffering could not be remedied, except by appeaUng to the
* See Appendix C ee.
t On the 23rd July, 1647, whUe O'Neill was encamped in Trim, he sent
a strong detachment to reduce the castle of Maynooth, then garrisoned by
the parliamentarians. The editor of the Rinuecini Papers states that the
castle was one of the strongest in Ireland — " fortissimum et antiquissimum
comitis Kildariae Augustale." The Ulster soldiers scaled the waUs, and
got into the bawn through the windows, losing sixteen of their men in
the operation. Finding twenty-six Irish deserters in the castle, the
Ulstermen hanged them, but spared the English women and chUdren. A
rich booty, among the rest three standards, fell into the hands of the
conquerors, who immediately afterwards leveUed Jiggenstown and forti
fied Naas. See Appendix D dd.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 255
pope, and other foreign potentates, for assistance in money and
munitions. It was also suggested that the terms proposed by
Ormond, in 1646, should be reconsidered and accepted, provided
the guarantees for religion were amplified ; and, finally, that
deputations should be sent to the various Catholic courts, to
represent the miserable condition of the Confederates, and ob
tain whatever aids they might be disposed to advance. This,
indeed, was an adroit ruse to get shut of Rinuccini's partisans,
and, according to the programme, it was voted and carried in
the assembly that MacMahon should proceed, with lord Mus
kerry and Doctor Bro-wn, to the court of queen Henrietta
Maria at Paris. The bishop, however, saw through the scheme,
and resolved to defeat it. He therefore besought the council
to substitute some one in his place ; " For," said he, " I am
ignorant of the French and EngUsh languages, and the queen has-
conceived strong prejudices to me, as it has been told her that
I took an active part in promoting this war, and rejecting the
peace of 1646. Moreover, I have reason to think I would be
hazarding my life were I to undertake this mission ; for Digby,
the queen's secretary, and her special favourite, St. Germaui,
are my sworn enemies. Find some one else for this business ;
for nothing shall induce me to embark in it." This- declaration
surprised and confounded the Ormondists ; and so indignant
were Muskerry, Taaff, Preston, and others, that they waited on
the mayor of Kilkenny, and charged him to have the bishop of
Clogher placed underarrest for contumacy and breachof privilege.
The mayor, however, instead of doing as they commancled, made
the bishop an offer of his protection, alleging as his reason for
doing so, that he did not feel himself bound to obey the order of
the assembly in this instance. On hearing this, Preston left the-
city to assemble his troops that were encamped in the neighbour
hood ; detachments of the garrison were turned out to patrol
the streets, and the gates were closed to keep the bishop or any
of his friends from communicating with O'Neill, whose tents
were visible from the ramparts of the city. Next day, how
ever, MacMahon took his place in the assembly ; but such was
the excitement provoked by his appearance, that he was forced
to retire whUe the Ormondists were gravely discussing the
legaUty of committing him to prison. That, indeed, was a serious-
question ; and those who were for incarcerating him cited
countless precedents, furnished by history and the statute book;
but, as the bishops then present demurred to such special
pleading, the Ormondists insisted that a -written order should
be sent to MacMahon, forbidding him to leave the city. The

254 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
bishops, however, would not sanction this ; and so strenuous
was their opposition, that the assembly caused their written
order tO be cancelled, and commissioned their speaker to wait
on MacMahon, and request him not to go' beyond the walls.
Irritated by this untoward proceeding, the nunzio insisted that
the Ormondists had " violated ecclesiastical immunity," and
were, consequently bound to make reparation for their error, if
they were not prepared to encounter the resentment of Owen
O'Neill,, who, in his camp at Maryborough, told the agent of
the French court, that he would never set foot in Kilkenny tUl
ample apology "had been made to the offended prelate, who was
his especial friend and adviser. Alarmed at this, the assembly
made the required atonement, and appomted the marquis of
Antrim to be one of the deputation in lieu of the bishop of
Clogher, whose presence in Ireland was indispensably necessary
at that moment, when Rinuecini was about to resort to those
extreme measures, for the enforcement of which he required the
aid of the carnal weapon.*
It is almost superfluous to say that the bishop of Clogher
figured prominently in the council of prelates who rejected
Inchiquin's truce, and from fourteen of whom Rinuecini pro
cured a conditional power to excommunicate all favourers of
that overture, in conjunction with four specified bishops, or in
case of their non-attendance, with four to be named by himself.
Indeed, in this instance, MacMahon did nothing more than
what might have been expected from one whose antecedents
* Owen Eoe at this time was in possession of the two-handed sword of
the Great Earl of Tirone, which Massari got from "Wadding when about
to return to Ireland, in February, 1647. " Eecuperavi," -writes the Dean
of Fermo to Einuccini, " iUius Celebris bellatoris Tironiae comitis ultonien-
sis ex O'NeUlorum famiUa, gladium duarum manuum quem geueraU Don
Eugenie destinavi." TMs gift created considerable excitement among
O'Neill's enemies, one of whom vented his spleen in the aubjoined verses—
" Porro super pr^fato Tironiae comitis gladio, ad Eugenium misso, quidam
oemulorum suorum exonera-vit bilem Ms carminibus Anglicanis."
The sanguine hands of the O'Nellian scept
Have now received the papal gifts long kept.
Earle Hugh to -whom the phenix plume was sent
Among the birds on earthe most eminent.
And to hia nephe-w Owen a aword is come.
The Hercules of both the world and Rome.
And expect a further present !— what ?
The imperial scepter of O'NeiU's lost stat,
Left with the pope to keepe, -with reason then
The pope should not restore the same again. — Rinuecini Papers.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 255
proved that he was devotedly attached to the nunzio tlu-oughout,
and the more so as the latter had always shown a decided
preference for Owen O'NeUl and the Catholics of Ulster. Actu
ated by such sentiments, he aided the nunzio in effecting his
escape from KUkenny, and accompanied him to O'NeUl's camp
at Maryborough, where he tarried some time meditating what
was best to be done at such a moment, and how he might be
able to make his final exit from Ireland. Sad and perilous, in- -
deed, was RinuccuU's sojourn vnth. Owen Roe, for the forces
which were then at his disposal could not cope with the united
armies of Preston and Inchiquin, had they marched on Mary
borough ; but far more poignant than the apprehension he enter
tained of being surprised and utterly routed by his sworn
enemies, was the intimation which Rmuccini gave him of his
approaching departure from the kingdom. O'Neill implored
him to abandon his intention, and MacMahon urged that the
great body of the clergy, notwithstanding the political defection
of eight bishops, and three-fourths of the entire population, still
adhered to his policy. But all in vain, for Rinuecini clearly
saw that no permanent benefit could come of his presence in
Ireland, and that he was utterly powerless to bring about a
union of the conflicting parties, who were more intent on sacri
ficing each other than acting in concert for the common good.
FuU of this conviction he took leave of O'NeUl, and proceeded
to Athlone, where, on the refusal of the four authorised bishops
to sanction his last and most daring measure, he summoned
four others in their stead, and -with their consent pronounced
sentence of excommunication against the abettors of Inchiquin's
truce, and laid all parts of the kingdom, where it would be ac
cepted, under interdict. The bishop of Clogher subscribed the
sentence, and had the gratification of learning soon afterwards,
that two thousand of Preston's soldiers terrified by the Church's
thunders, had deserted that general, and ranged themselves
under O'NeUl's standard. Elated by this momentary success,
and exasperated by the Ormondists, who pronounced him guilty
of high treason, O'NeUl broke up his camp at Maryborough,
and proceeded northwards, in order to reinforce his little army.
On this expedition he was accompanied by the bishop of
Clogher, and such was the enthusiasm of the Ulstermen for
both chieftain and prelate, that O'Neill soon found himself at
the head of ten thousand infantry and fifteen hundred horse,
indifferently armed, but ready and willing to follow wherever
their general might be disposed to lead them. With this con
tingent O'Neill and the bishop returned to Leinster, routed

256 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
Preston, and then advanced by forced marches into the county
Tipperary, where four thousand brave peasants em-oUed them
selves under the Confederate banners, and solemnly pledged
themselves to stand by the cause of the " old Irish " and the
Church. Nenagh, Banagher, and other strong places on the
Shannon were speedily in the power of O'NeUl's troops, and in
this brief but brilliant campaign, the nunzio tells us that the.
Ulster chieftain defeated seven generals who were opposed to
him, and thus, for the fifth time, saved religion and Ireland
from the enemies of both. Ha"ving accomplished all this, O'Neill
and MacMahon returned to the north, to protect the people of
that pro"vince from the raids of the parliamentarians.
MeanwhUe, lord Ormond had resumed the government, and
signified to the nunzio that he must quit the kingdom without
further delay. The intimation was soon followed by that
personage's departure ¦ for the shores of France, and O'Neill
and his faithful adherent, the bishop of Clogher, were left to
take whatever course they deemed best for the good of the
country and theu- own preservation. Finding himself thus
abandoned by his former friends, and driven to desperation by
want of pro"visions aiid mUitary supplies, O'Neill was con-
strauied to accept the overtures of sir Charles Coote, who pro
posed to give him a considerable quantity of powder and ball,
on condition that he would march to the reUef of Derry, then
besieged by the Scotch, under lord Montgomery. O'NeUl ac
cepted the offer, marched against the Scotch, who fled across
the Bann at his approach, and was splendidly entertained at ,
Den-y by Coote, who professed himself under lasting obligations
to his deliverer. This unnatural alliance, which nothing but
extreme necessity could justify, was not destined to last, for
the English parliament rebuked Coote , for treating with
O'Neill, and the latter, disgusted at the hostUity he experienced
from those whom he had so generously relieved, resolved to
break -with them, and make a tender of his services to lord
Ormond. During his short sojourn at Derry, O'NeUl was
seized "with a mortal malady, occasioned it was said, ho-wever
unwarrantably, by poison, -with which Coote caused his wine
to be drugged,* or, as others would have it, by a pau- of poisoned
* The conjectures about the cause of O'Neill's death were nothing
but most wortMess gossip. Many, however, believed them at the time ;
for the unfortunate are invariably credulous. Sundry passages in
Owen Eoe's letters show that he was almost always very infirm of body,
very aged, and haunted by presentiments of approaching death". See
Appendix E ee.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 257
russet boots, sent him by one Plunket, of Louth. In this con
dition he had to be carried in a horse-litter to Cloughouter, the
residence of his brother-in-law, colonel Philip O'Reilly.
O'Neill's sufferings were painful, and, despite the science of
the many physicians who strove to save him, he sank
gradually — "his hair and naUs falling off," ami expired on
the sixth of November, 1649.* The bishop of Clogher never
left the gallant patient's bedside during his protracted illness,
but remained constantly there preparing him for the " doubt
ful transit," and receiving his las^t instructions for the main
tenance of the Ulster army. Two days after the melancholy
event, O'ReUly, the primate, Magenius, bishop' of Down, and
Heber, of Clogher, accompanied by all the kinsmen and officers
of the deceased, followed his mortal remains to the Franciscan j"
monastery of Cavan, and there committed them to a grave which,
from that time to the present, has not had a single stone to dis
tinguish it as the last resting place of a great Irishman.
Being thus deprived of their general, the officers of the
Ulster army resolved that no time should be lost in electing
some one to fill his place, and they accordingly assembled for
that purpose at Belturbet, early in March, 1650. The meet
ing was held in the house of MacSweeney, bishop of KUmore,
who was named to preside on the momentous occasion. Among
those present were the marquis of Antrim, sir Phelim O'NeUl,
* " Aphorismical Discovery." See Appendix F//.
t O'Neill entertained special regard for the Iriah Franciscans, and
deprecated the conduct of some members of the order who, for some
reason best known to themselves, endeavoured to divide Ireland into two
provinces. On this subject he addresaed the foUowing letter to the
cardinal protector of Ireland: — " Erne, princeps : lutelligo ex prelatis
tam Ecclesiarum hujus regni, quam ordinis St. Francisci innovationem
quam intendunt quidam fratres, indiacreto zelo, aut levi ambitione decepti,
ejuadem ordinis, nempe divisionem Ibemiae in duas provincias, futuram
nooivam, et pemiciosam tum religioni, tum reipulilicae confederatorum
CathoUcorum, quod eo facilius credo, quia expertus fui haotenus plerosque
magnates, et nobiles hujus regni consilio, et opera maxime fratrum
ejuadem ordinis in communi amicitia, in ordine ad bonum commune
promovendum, perstitisse. Atqui cum ilia ipsa diviaio, et aeparatio quam
mode intendunt, ortum habeat ab alienatione quadam animorum, et
diveraitate opinionum, studiisque partium ; et cum tantum valeant apud
omnes in regno opinione doctrinfe, et famae, plane timendum est ne
perioulosam causent rnpturam ; nisi ejusmodi studiorum propere et
vigorose 'obstetur principiis. Inde rogo enixe ut V. Emnia. dignetur
sua auctoritate efBcere ut in hac re nihil innovetur, donee a Dno.
Nuncio Apostolico existente in hoc regno plenius Curia Eomana in-
formetur. Datum in Castris nostria die 12 8ris 1647.
" V. Em. Servua Don Eugenus O'Neill."
— Rinuecini Papers.

258 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
Henry O'Neill, Con MacCormack O'Neill, Ueutenant-general
O'FarreU, Philip MacHugh O'ReUly, Heber, bishop of Clogher,
the bishop of Down, and many other ecclesiastics. The O'Neills
contended that the generalship belonged of right to them, and
that it was hereditary in their family. O'FarreU, on the other
hand, maintained that he, -as lieutenant-general to Owen Roe,
was entitled to the command ; and the marquis of Antrim
pressed his own claims, which he grounded on the intimacy
that had so long subsisted between himself and Owen Roe,
to whom he had rendered many signal services. The debate
was protracted and stormy, and the assembly considering the
danger that was likely to ensue, by electing any of the aforesaid,
even Henry, son of the deceased general, and the most deserv
ing of all, resolved to put an end to further discussion, by nomi-
natuig Heber, bishop of Clogher, to the vacancy. As matter of
course, this selection could not please all parties, for some as
serted that MacMahon was not equal to the requirements of the
situation, and others, not having the fear of the consequences
before their eyes, and affecting to be scandalized, did not shrink
from asserting, that the combination of crozier and sword was an
anomaly of which no true Catholic could approve. Withal, as
there was no remedy for this seeming incongruity, they resolved
to follow whithersoever the bishop would lead them, for they
knew that he was the depository of Owen O'NeiU's confidence,
and fully cognizant of the treaty which the latter had concluded
¦with lord Ormond just one month before his decease.
Ha'ving now assumed the command, MacMahon lost no time
in mustering his troops, and being joined by detachments of
Ulstermen, drafted from the garrison of Waterford, and several
regiments which had seen service in Leinster and Connaught,
under O'Cahan and other distinguished officers, he marched
into the county Monaghan at the head of an army numbering '
about 5,000 foot and 600 horse. The influence of MacMahon's
name and lineage in his native pro-vince caused multitudes of
young recruits to raUy round his standard, and, in the course
of a few months, he had the satisfaction of seeing his available
force largely increased, and well-disciplined by O'FarreU,' whose
commission of lieutenant-general had been confirmed by the
Belturbet council. Leaving that officer in temporary com
mand, the bishop proceeded' to Loghreagh, in order to take
counsel with lords Ormond and Clanricarde,,and procure from
them such aids as were required for carrying on the war
against sir Charles Coote, Venables, and other rebels who,
notwithstanding the recent murder of Charles I. and the pro-

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 259
claiming of his successor, still stood out in open revolt against
monarchy. Ormond received the bishop cordially, condoled
-with him on the death of O'Neill, in whose honour, he said,
he always placed implicit trust ; and after congratulating him
as successor to the deceased general, confirmed the appoint
ment with a commission of the following tenor : —
" To our trusty and well-beloved bishop. Ever MacMahon.
" Oemond,
" "Whereas, upon the treaty with general Owen O'NeUl,
deceased, it was, amongst other particulars, concluded and
agreed upon, that in case of death or removal of him, such
other general or commander-in-chief should be authorised by
commission from' us to command his majesty's forces of the
pro-vince of Ulster, natives of the kingdom, as should be by
general consent of the gentry of that pro"vince elected and
made choice of for the same. And, whereas, in a general
meeting lately held by the gentry for that purpose, it was
agreed upon, and so represented unto us, that you should
exercise that command over the said forces. We, therefore,
upon the consideration thereof, and of the care, judgment,
valour, and experience in martial affairs, as also of the readi
ness and good affections of you to do his majesty service, have
nominated and appointed, and we do hereby nominate and
appoint you, the said bishop. Ever MacMahon, to be general of
all his majesty's said forces, of horse and foot, of the pro"vince
of Ulster, natives of the kingdom."
Ha-ving concerted -with Ormond and Clanricarde the plan of
the approaching campaign, and obtained from them assurance
of plentiful supplies of field artillery, -victuals, and ammunition,
MacMahon returned to Monaghan, and placing himself at the
head of his army, marched on Charlemont, where he and his
chief officers published a manifesto, in which they in"vited the
Scots to forget the animosities that had hitherto existed be
tween them and the Irish, and to sink all distinctions of nation
and religion for the sake of the royal interest and service.
Many of the Scots were converted to royalism by this appeal,
but the great majority of Coote's forces revolted at the idea of
serving under the standard of a " popish bishop," no matter
what side of the quarrel he might take, and therefore resolved
to share the fortunes of their old leaders.
Seeing there was no hope of detaching the Scots from Coote
and Tenables, the bishop resolved to attack them in detail, and.

260 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
if possible, prevent the juncture of theu- respective forces, as
neither of them would have been able to fight him single-handed.
With this object, he marched northwards along the Bann, stormed
Dungiven, Ballycastle, and other places of no great importance,
and finally crossed the Foyle, near Lifford, in order to main
tain a communication, through Ballyshannon, "with Connaught,
whence he expected the supplies promised by Ormond and
Clanricarde. This, however, proved to be a disastrous man
oeuvre, for it enabled Venables to send Coote, who was then en
camped at Skirfolas, in the neighbourhood of Letterkenny, a
reinforcement of one thousand veteran soldiers, who had 'seen
ser-vice under Munroe from the commencement of the Irish
war. On the twenty-first of June, 1650, the two armies were
"within an hour's march of each other ; and as both were pretty
equally matched, the bishop resolved to risk a battle, contrary
to the ad"vice of his most experienced officers, who insisted that
he should hold a council of war, and abide by the decision of
the majoi-ity. To this he submitted reluctantly, and while he
and his chiefs were engaged discussing the momentous question,
a woman * of uncommon stature, gaunt, and dressed in white,
forced her way into their midst, and quoted an old prophecy
which foretold that the Irish were doomed to sustain an a"wful
defeat on the banks of the Swilly. MacMahon, however, paid
little heed to the weird virago, and, perhaps, less to the un
answerable arguments of Henry Roe O'NeUl, who urged, that
instead of engaging the enemy on broken ground, where the
Irish troops could not act with precision, it would be more pru
dent to wait till the former should be obliged, through want of
provisions, to shift their quarters, when it would be easy to fall
on them, and cut them up in detail. It was also urged, that the
force at the bishop's disposal had been weakened by the absence
of a large body which he detached to seize Castle Doe ; but, all
arguments were thrown away upon him, for he was obstinate
as he was rashly brave. The other officers concurred -with
Henry O'NeUl, and besought the bishop to act on their unani
mous opinion, but, far from doing so, he taunted them wth
cowardice, and more than hinted that they were over squeamish
in shedding their o"wn or the enemy's blood. Smarting under
this rebuke, the chiefs summoned their men to arms, and de
manded to be led against Coote. The attack of the Irish was
impetuous, but, as Henry O'Neill had foretold, the rugged and
stony nature of the ground would not suffer them to act in
* " Aphorismical Discovery."

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 261
compact masses, and, not-withstanding all their chivalry, they
were taken in fiank and rear by Coote's forces, who, in the
course of a few hours, routed them with slaughter. Eighteen
captains of the O'Farrells were slain on the fatal field, and
fifteen hundred of the common soldiers perished before the fire
of Coote's musketeers. Henry O'NeUl, and many others of his
name and kindred, were captui-ed, and brought to Derry, where
Coote had them summarily executed, after quarter given, and
notwithstandUig the heavy ransom which was offered for their
Uves. It was, indeed, a disastrous battle to the Irish — ill-
ad-vised as any could have been ; and the long train of cala
mities which followed it was altogether attributable to the
phlegmatic obstinacy of the prelate, whose only qualification for
a commander was animal courage. The army of Ulster, which
had been so long the mainstay of the war, was thus entirely
broken up, and the CromweUians were left at liberty to parcel
out the land among their adherents, who, doubtless, could not
but be grateful to the rashness of Heber MacMahon.
As for him, he contrived to make his escape from the bloody
field of Letterkenny, in company with lieutenant-general
O'FarreU, and some squadrons of horse, riding day and night,
"without meat or drink, for twenty-four hours, till he and his
jaded followers reached the neighbourhood of Enniskillen,
where they were set upon by a detachment from the garrison.
The bishop's escort offered what resistance they could, but were
soon obUged to yield to superior force, and surrender at discre
tion. He himself was severely wounded in this last action,
and so was O'FarreU ; but less fortunate than the latter, who
made his escape, MacMahon was carried prisoner to Enniskillen,
and there committed to the common jaU, to wait Coote's final
sentence. At that period, John King, afterwards raised to the peerage
by Charles' the Second, was governor of Enniskillen, and, it
must be told to his honour, that he treated the captive bishop
•with singular humanity ; for he not only visited him frequently,
but was so charmed by his frank, soldier-like bearing, that he
resolved, if possible, to save his life. Actuated by this gene
rous impulse he wrote to Coote that it would be disgraceful to
trample on a fallen enemy, or shed the blood of a man whose
followers were crushed and scattered, and could no longer bear
arms against the parliament forces. This representation, how
ever, was useless, for Coote replied, that MacMahon must be
hanged f orth-with. The despatch that brought this order en
closed the death-warrant; and on perusing it. King thought he

262 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
detected some legal informality which justified him in postpon
ing execution tUl he had made a last appeal for the prisoner's
life. He, accordingly, again wrote to Coote, beseeching him to
revoke or commute the sentence ; but all in vain, for he re
ceived an angry reply, rebuking him for remissness, and charg
ing him to lose no time in consigning the " Popish bishop" to
the gallows. King was sorely grieved at being obliged to com
municate this sad inteUigence ; and when the bishop signified
that he needed some priest to prepare him for his doom, he
found no difficulty in obtaining 'that favour. King took leave
of him, and rode away from Enniskillen, that he might not
witness the revolting death of a man whom he had learned to
esteem. The close of MacMahon's career was such as might have been
expected from one a goodly portion of whose Ufe had been
di'vided between the church and the camp ; and much as the
CromwelUan troopers admired his undaunted resolution, they
never were so deeply impressed by it as on that July evening
when they escorted him to the ancient castle of Enniskillen —
the place appointed for his execution. Marching some paces in
advance of the musketeers, his bearing was calm, dignified, and
martial ; so much so, that a casual wayfarer might have mis
take];! him for the officer in command, were it not for the
presence of an ecclesiastic, 'with whom he conversed in tones
inaudible to every one else, and a small gold crucifix that he
kept constantly mo'ving between his lips and eyes. On reach
ing the scaffold he knelt and prayed in silence for awhUe, and
then, turning to the troops who kept the ground, told them
that he thanked God for having given him that opportunity of
laying down his life in the cause of reUgion, king, and country.
MacMahon's soul had scarcely gone to its account, when the
executioner, in compliance with the barbarous usage of the
time, flung the corpse to the ground, hacked off the head, and
spiked it on the tower of the castle, where it remained tUl
birds of prey, rain, storm, and time destroyed every vestige of
the ghastly trophy. The mutilated trunk, however, had a
happier fate, for major-general King allowed some sympathizing
Catholics to convey it to Devenish island, where it awaits the
resurrection, under the shadow of St. Laserian's oratory.
Hugh O'Reilly's successor in the primacy was Edmond
O'Reilly, a native of the county Dublin. He studied in Douay,
'with Lynch, the learned author of " Cambrensis Eversus,"
"Icon Antistitis," &c. Returning to Ireland in 1635, he was
arrested at Dartmouth, but being enlarged after some months'

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 263
imprisonment, he reached Dublin, and was appointed rector of
a parish. Resigning the latter, he went to Louvain in 1637,
and, although advanced in years — seras studiorum — applied
himself to the study of Moral Divinity and Canon Law in the
school of the Jesuits. He subsequently was appointed prefect
of the Irish Secular College, and became very intimate with
father Thomas Fleming, eldest son of the baron of Slane, who,
as we have already stated, exchanged his barony for the cowl
and cloister. Being warmly recommended by this Thomas to
his uncle, then archbishop of Dublin, he set out for Ireland,
and was appointed vicar-general soon after the insurrection of
1641. During the archbishop's absence in Kilkenny, O'Reilly
administered the spiritualities of the cUocese, and continued to
do so untU 1648, when he was removed for a time to give place
to father Laurence Archbold. In 1650 he was restored to the
"vicar-generalship, and took an active part in the proceedings
of the prelates assembled in Jamestown. We find him in the
synod held in the woods of Clanmaliere in 1652, when the un
fortunate Peter Walsh was declared excommuiUcate. The
latter teUs us that he owed his life to the influence of
the vicar-general, who dissuaded colonel Fiach O'Tool from
" seizing and murdering him ; " but Walsh requited this
merciful interposition by calumiUating his benefactor, insinu
ating, "without shadow of proof, that O'Reilly caused several
murders to be committed between 1644 and 1645, and that
he connived at the burning of the Black Castle — the Dunluce
of Wicklow — "with the garrison, composed of Protestants and
Catholics. " I know not," says Walsh, " whether this was
true or false ; but, at all events, O'Reilly was arrested Ui the
Tholsel, DubUn, and flung into prison, from which he was
discharged after a brief detention, and then proceeded to the
Irish College at Lile, in Flanders. His enlargement," says
his unscrupulous defamer, " may be attributed to the services
he rendered the CromweUians by betraying lord Ormond's
camp at Rathmines, and thus securing the "victory for Jones,
CromweU's precursor in Ireland."
The holy see, however, did not view O'Reilly's character in
this light, for he was advanced to the primacy on the recom
mendation of Massari, dean of Fermo, and secretary to the
Congregation de Propaganda, in 1654, when he was consecrated
in the Jesuits' church at Brussels, by the archbishop of Malines,
the archbishop of Ephesus, and Antony M'Geoghegan, of Meath.
In 1658 he appeared in London, but was obliged to return to
France, whence he passed over to Ireland about 1659 or 1660.

264 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY IN
His stay, however, was not protracted ; for, on the restoration,
he was commanded to leave "without delay. He then went to
Rome, where he remained till 1665, when he wrote to lord
Ormond, . praying his excellency to be favourable to him,
and promising, " in the sight of God and His angels, that
he would endeavour to comply in all points with his sovereign
majesty's "will and the "viceroy's commands, as far as shall
become a modest, faithful, and thoughtful servant."* Ormond
granted the required permission some time in 1666. Withal,
the unfortunate primate had to suffer severely from the pre
judices of the "viceroy, who could not forget or forgive his de
votedness to the nunzio and Owen O'NeUl. For these and
some other analogous reasons, he was once more imprisoned in
Dublin. Some sympathising and influential friends, however,
interfered for him, and obtained his liberation on the strict
Understanding that he would at once leave and never set
foot again in Ireland. He then went to Paris, where he lived
on the alms of some French prelates. Travelling from Paris to
Nantes, he was seized -with mortal illness at Saumur, where he
closed his chequered career, in peace -with God and man. The
Oratorian Fathers gave him honourable sepulture in the church
of Notre Dame, but there is no monument to mark his last
resting-place. Keeping "within the Umits which the editor of these pages
prescribed for himself at the outset, he concludes them "with a
brief notice of two prelates who highly distinguished themselves
among the Confederates. And first of Boetius Egan, bishop of
Elphin. He was a native of Park, county Galway, and, when
very young, took the Franciscan habit in St. Anthony's, Lou
vain, where he made his religious profession in 1611. A year
afterwards, that is, in 1612, Redmond Galvin was slain by the
heretics, and the see was governed by 'vicars-general apostolic
until 1626, when Florence Conry, archbishop of Tuam, then all-
powerful in the Vatican, recommended Egan as eminently
qualifled for the mitre of Elphin. After his consecration,
which took place in 1626, he resided almost constantly with
Ulic Burke, of Glinsk, until the Confederate government ad
vanced him to the temporalities of his see. He was highly
esteemed by the nunzio, whose policy he appreciated as sincerely
as any other of that personage's adherents. He rebuUt and
inhabited the episcopal palace of Elphin, and was singularly re
markable for the episcopal virtue of hospitality. Lynch, from
* ""Walsh's History of the Eemonstrance," p. 611.

THE SEVENTEENTH CENTUEY. 265
whose MS. "History of the Irish Bishops" these meagre notices
have been taken, states that Egan was profoundly learned, a
great patron and encourager of learning, and of most affable
manners. So fond was he of the rule of his order, that he in
variably wore the Franciscan habit under the episcopal apparel,
and lived, as far as circumstances allowed, the austere life of a
true son of his patron, St. Francis. He was a good linguist,
and cherished a special love for his native Celtic tongue ; so
much so, that Michael O'Clery dedicated to him lUs "Treatise on
Obsolete Irish Words,"* which was published in Louvain, 1643.
He passed the closing days of his earthly career near the convent.
of Kilconnel, within whose chapter-house he erected a monu
ment for himself. Ha'ving outlived most of his contemporaries,
he passed out of this life in 1650, aged seventy, having
completed the thirty-fifth of his episcopate. In Marsh's library
there is a fine copy of the " Acta SS. Hib.," with the author's
autograph, and that of Egan, who presented it as a gift to the
library of KUconnel. O'Mullally, archbishop of Tuam, who
died in Galway, 1536, and was buried beneath the grand altar
of Rosserilly, was a munificent benefactor of the Kilconnel
community; and the author of " Cambrensis Eversus " tells us
that, when a mere boy, he copied the following words, which
he saw richly emblazoned above the chancel arch of its chapel :
" D. Thomas O'Mullally, Arohiepiscopus Tuamiae singularis
benefactor nostri ordinis."
The second prelate to whom allusion has been made was
Arthur Magennis, of the Cistertian order, and nephew to Owen
O'i^TeUl, who, five years after the translation of Emer Mac
Mahon from Down and Connor to Clogher, which occurred ui
1642, was consecrated bishop of the former see by the nunzio
at KUkenny. Another of the same name, Hugh Magennis (in
reUgion, Bonaventure t), governed Down and Connor from
1629 to 1640 ; and in the interval between 1642 and 1647
Arthur, while only bishop-elect, sat in the Supreme Council,
and distinguished himself by his steady devotedness to the
nunzio's policy. In this respect he was very like his uncle,
who employed him on many occasions as his most trusted con
fident in frequent missions to the nunzio. It is almost un
necessary to state that he approved Rinuccini's policy, and
refused to listen to those prelates and laymen who accepted
* There is a fine copy of tMs most rare work in the Franciscan
arcMves, Dublin.
f See Appendix G gg.

266 THE lEISH HIEEAECHY, ETC.
Inchiquin's armistice. He was present at the death-bed of his
gallant uncle, Ui 1649 ; and in 1652 the prelates assembled at
Jamestown elected him their representative to proceed to Rome,
and lay before the holy father the deplorable condition of
Ireland. He accordingly sailed from Innisboffin, with Lynch,
bishop of Kilfenora, and some other ecclesiastics who avaUed
themselves of that opportunity to escape from the CromweUians.
They were not more than a few days at sea, when a parliament
cruiser gave them chase, and, coming -within range, fired into
theu- ship. The shot, which crashed through the bulwarks
and into the cabin, where the bishop lay sick, gave such a shock
to his nerves, unstrung as they were by illness and anxiety,
that he expired a few hours afterwards. More fortunate than
his companion in misery, the bishop of KUfenora escaped un
hurt, although the ball sent a shower of splinters into the berth
which he -occupied. Magennis's corpse was consigned to the
deep, because the wind blowing off the land, would not allow
his shipmates to tum the vessel shorewards to procure him a
grave in mother earth. For upwards of twenty years after
wards Do-wn and Connor had no Catholic bishop, till the ap
pointment of Daniel Mackay, who succeeded in 1672, and dying
in 16'r5, made way for James Shiel.

APPENDIX

THE lEISH FMNCISCAN MONASTEEIES.

Appendix A — p. 6.
The Four Masters, recording the decease of the founder of
Donegal convent, describe him thus : " O'Donnell, Hugh Roe,
died, A.D. 1505. He was the best protector of the Church and
the learned ; a man who had given. great alms in honour of the
Lord of the elements ; a man by whom a castle was first
erected at Donegal, that it might serve as a sustaining fortress
for his descendants ; and a monastery for friars de Observantia
in Tirconnell ; a man who may be justly styled the Augustus of
the north-west of Europe. He died after having gained the
victory over the devU and the world, and after Extreme Unc
tion and Penance, at his own fortress in Donegal, on Friday
the 5th of the Ides of July, in the 78th year of his age, and
was interred in the monastery of Donegal." As everything-
associated 'with this venerable edifice must interest the reader,
we may add that the lord deputy, sir H. Sidney, -visited
Donegal in 1566, and mentions the monastery thus : "We left
behind us a house of Observant Friars, unspoUed or hurt, and
'with smaU cost fortifiable, much accommodated ¦with the near
ness of the water, and "with fair groves, orchards, and gardens
which are about the same." In 1612, five years after the
FUght of the Earls, Montgomery, first schismatic bishop of
Derry and Raphoe, ad"vised James I. to turn " the partly rebuUt
house" into a proselytising seminary, but his majesty disre
garded the suggestion. In the neighbourhood of their once
beautiful convent the Four Masters compiled the famous
Annals, for which Ireland is everlastingly indebted to the
Franciscans. Assaroe, the Cistertian monastery in Ballyshannon, has in-

268 APPENDIX TO THE
spired one of Mr. AlUngham's most charming lyrics, and the
ruins of Donegal convent have been sung in pathetic numbers
by T, D'Arcy M'Gee, and more recently by J. F. O'DonneU.
See " Memories of the Irish Franciscans." Dublin — J. Duffy.
Appendix B — p. 12.
In 1593, during the deputyship of sir WUliam Fitz-wUliam,
the lords of the pi-i"vy council, alarmed by a prophecy supposed
to relate to young Hugh Roe O'Donnell, requested Daniel,
schismatic archbishop of Tuam, to interpret for them its myste
rious import — Who more fit for this ta,sk than the cogno-
minal of him who explained to Baltassar the handwriting on the
wall 1 " Concerning O'Donnell and his country," wrote sir W.
Fitzwilliam, " this is to be noted : First, this young O'DonneU,
who brake prison from Dublin, is born of a Scottish woman, James
M'Donnell's daughter, by whose forward means her son, now
O'Donnell, hopeth to "be fully assisted out of Scotland to bring
to pass some old prophecy which flieth amongst them in no
small request, importing that when two Hughs lawfuUy,
lineally, and immediately succeed each other as O'Donnells, the
last Hugh shall forsooth be a monarch Ui Ireland, and banish
thence all foreign nations and conquerors. This prophecy setteth
this young O'Donnell in great conceit of himself, and doth
much allure the people, wedded to such fancies, to flatter, follow,
and favour him ; the rather because the Romish bishops, glad
to take any occasion to further their intended innovations,
persuade the poor people that this prophecy was first revealed
to and uttered by some holy saint, whom not to believe were
damnable. This should be considered of and presently pre
vented, lest such as they are, persons both believed and almost
honoured as gods, be long tolerated and permitted to wander
abroad." There can be little doubt that the foregoing political
prophecy was the expression of a desire fondly cherished, in
Ulster especially, to prevent the establishment of English rule
in that pro"vince. The deputy's account of the reverence enter
tained by the Irish people for their bishops and subordinate
clergy, although artfully exaggerated, proves how ineffectually
he and many of his predecessors laboured to detach the people
from their spiritual guides. The subjoined letter, dated
Rochelle, 22nd September, 1642, and -written by Edmund
O'Dwyer, subsequently bishop of Limerick, shows that even he
did not discredit the prophecy-mania of his time : —
" Here arrived, out of St. Sebastian's, colonel Wall's man.

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 269
•and relates three weeks agoe departed from thence two shippes
for Galway, -with good guns and munitions, where one Hugh
O'Neill, a young man, ^vith Irish souldiers, went ; also out of
St. Male went two strong shippes for Limerick ten days agoe.
If all these did arrive salf, we shall not ever agayiie be in the
misery we have been in. This colonel Wall's man tells for
certain Tyrconnell is not dead, and avowes to have seen one of
his captapies at St. Sebastian's, who said he was well recovered,
although by all men thought a lost man ; and that he prepares
himself homeward. God grant it be true; by reason, beside
his o-wn valour, and that the prophesyes seem to speak of him,
it -will hinder the jarrs of many pretending to that place." We
need hardly add that Hugh Balldearg O'DonneU was hailed by
the Irish Jacobites in 1690 as the son of prophecy.
Appendix C — p. 14.
The folio-wing letters from some of the chief actors in the
bui-ning of Donegal monastery, now for the first time pubUshed,
lend additional interest to father Mooney's narrative.
Hon. Sm — I am right sorry, and very loath to certifie
you of that great mischance which hath here happened unto
us, but sith ytt is soe chaunced yowe shall understand that
this mominge before daye, all our abbaye was sett one ffiare,
butt by what occasion cannot be kno"wne as yetti The ffiare
was soe sudden and soe vehiment, as wee could preserve but
iUj barrels' of powder "with some match and led, the rest was
all blo"win upp, and thereby many of our men slayne and much
of our -victualls wasted. So soone as O'Donnell had notice
thereof he drewe downe "with all his fforces supposinge to have
taken the abbaye butt with much travell and a longe fieght
wee bett him backe againe when they had gotten and mayn-
tayned the wall of the stoare howse ; capten Rand amongest
the reste is slayne, I would desire your worship to send us
your present directions, and a speedie supplye. Mr. Hall's
shipp is alsoe this morninge cast awaye and most of his men,
himself "with some fewe of his men are hether escaped. My
brother Coyne (Con.) Oage is greevously hurt "with the fall of
an howse, and I feare, "wUl scarce recover; wee have been
occasioned to spend some part of that munycion we preserved
with the skirmishe and I suppose wee shall daylye be lyke-wise
occasioned, althoughe this daye many of O'Donnell's men are
alsoe slayne and hurte, I have lost all my goods here, and there
fore doubt nott butt my service with my true loyallty this

270 APPENDIX TO THE
daye shewed, -wUl occasion yowe to carry a better opynion of
me then Hughe Boye to Davett's false informacons urgeth you
unto, whose councell I praye you nott to give eare unto
agaynst me, butt lett inee intreate you as you tender her Ma
jesty's ser'vice and our safetyes to supplye us both 'with men,
munycon, 'victualls, apparell, and all other necessaries with all
speed I pray you, for that I stand destitute of all means, lett
this bearer be well recompenced for his paynes, even soe I take
leave comending your worship to God's favor. At the abbaye
of Donagall this present Satterday night the 20th of Sej>
tember, 1601. Your worships most assured,
[Addressed,] , NAILL G- O'DONNAILL.
To the honorable sir Henry Docrae,
Knight cheife commander of her
Majesty's forces at Loughfoyle, be
these dd.
Post, Post, Post-haste for her
Majesty's service.
You may trust and credytt this bearers relacon.
Hon. Sie — Although I have -written many letters unto
your worship of late yett I suppose our ill fortune is such as
none of them hath been delyvered whereby I thincke you rest
not fully certified of the miserable misfortune which by ffiar
happened unto us here on Satterday last in the morninge by
which most part of our munycion with our utencills and ne-
cessaryes, a great part of our victualls ccxU of our mony and
all our bedds were burnt, and blown upp : and a great many of
our men slayne. The particularies of our losses together -with
our remaynes of either sort of our provisions (which here lest
my letter should be intercepted I forbeare to -write) I "writt
unto you of by ensigne Disney, whoe yesternyghte departed
from hence "with the- master of the Yarmouth barque and some
other passengers in a small boate, supposing to have found that
barque rydinge att the harbore's mouth where the master left
ytt and with her to have gon to the Derry : butt as I suppose
Mr. Hall whoe on Satterdaye alsoe lost his shippe by reacke
and cominge upp Jiether had gotten some stoar of such things
as here was lost, most unhonestlie and unconscionablie ¦ had'
before taken awaye the barque to seas, whereby being disap-
poynted, and returning this morning's tyde they were sett uppon
by the rebells, and as we are informed either taken or slayne.

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 271
Soe soone as I shall have securitie of sendinge my letters, I
will certifie you both of our losses and remaynes. But let me
intreat you "to be very careful! to supplie us with all necessarie
provisions so speedyly as possiblie you may, for'otherwyse we are
lyke to be in a most dangerous and myserable case. All the
provisions sent by Mr. Hall and Huminge 2000 of ffishe onely
excepted were well and in good condition, landed and layed
upp, so had been preserved had nott God layed this greivous
crosse upon us. Uppon the blowinge upp of our munycion the
enymy came with all his forces uppon us, and had almost gotten
the stoarhouse wall (the onely remayn thereof) from us from
which "with longe and daungerous skirmish they were driven and
ever since most contynewally skirmisheth with us whereby you
may gesse the great need we have of supplie. Niall Garvy
writt unto you formerly hereof, whose letter I hope you have
receyved, since that tyme wee could gett noe messenger by
land, and I fear the letters we sent by sea are miscarried. Even
soe I humbly take leave. Att Donagall, this 24th of September
1601. Your worship's most humble to command,
[Addressed] JOHN FORTHE.*
To the Honorable Sir Henry Dowcrae,
knight, chief commander of her
Majesty's fforce att Loughfoyle, be
these dd.

HoNOEABLE Sie — The case wee stand in, I have partly
tould you in my last letters and now I wUl repeate it. Through
that unhappie accident of fyre, our losse hath bene very great
both of myne o"wne people and the EngUshe. Our "victuall but
especially munition is little. Yf you "will have us contynue
the place it behoueth you with speed to supplye us "with men
foote and horse, municon and "victuall, other"wise I must entreat
you not to take it ill, if I come unto you, for here is no
abyding without meanes as you may well ymagin. Wherefore
I beseech you as you tender our good or your estimacon that
you will send speedy releefe. This request I hope will suffice, .
otherwise I would use more vehemency to move you. The
pticulers of my losses this messenger can report, but what
most toucheth me I lost by the fyre and in fight my brother
Con Ogge and 15 men. I hope by this tyme you have had
* He was cMef of the Commissariat.

272 APPENDIX TO THE
TMs private mat- sufficient tryaU of my loyaltye. Once more
ter is touching Ms for releife, if you take not care for our
agreement with present reliefe, it -wiU (besides the losse of
^o'lorThereof he °^^ ly^««) ^« ^ g^^^* dishonor to the Queen,
asaureth me by but especially to you. Concerning the
oath he -wyll gett pryvate matter bet"wixt me and you, I can
Lough Eake into g^^ your pleasure dispatch wherof I praie you
delyverit'^^to the ^^^^ speedy answeare. I have many tymes
Q., and I freely opened my whole mynde concerning many
havepermittedhim thinges unto you, but have had slowe
to deale m the mat- answeeares. Wherefore I beseech you to
in^sir H. Do'cwra^s give answeare to all. And nowe I commend
handwriting.  niy dutie to you, and wishe you health and
H.C.H.] honor. NAILL G. O'DONNAILL.
Capt. Paule Gore's letter dated and sent at the same time.
Sie. — I thinke you have heard of the ill accident that
befell us the last Saturday morning in which this abbay tooke
fire, and thorough the unmeasurable vehemency of the wynde,
it was without controll whereupon we used our best helpes to
remove the municon, and could no soner gett awaie part Ihit
the reste tooke fyre, in which blast a great part of the walls
were shivered, Capt. Randes slaine and one of his soldyours.
Of my companie were slaine and yrrecoverably hurte 2 ser
geants and 20 soldyours, of Capt. Chydley's one sergeant and
some 6 soldyours. Then sodainly we betooke us to armes to
provide for the enemie, who quickly fayled not -with his best
might to assault us.
The places we defended were the castle, the storehouse of
victuall (which was almost free from the fyre) the fort (newe
made for the munition) and the provost house of good strength.
The greatest attempt they gave was at the storehouse, from
whence they were repulsed to their losse. Some parte of the
abbey they pUlaged. The losse to Neale Garve and me hath
bene much for our particular, besides the generale cause of
greatest moment, by this meanes the number of our men both
English and Irishe are lessened. All the places above spoken
of we contynue supplie of men, munition and victuall we will
expect, as you in your better judgment shall think fit to send,
and requisite to the cause. How it shall please you to dispose
of this companie of Captaine Randes I knowe not, but if it be
dissolved to supply others I "wish it might please you in the

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 273
distribution to consider that by this blow my losse hath bene
more then of all the rest but it and all thinges else I referre to
your dispossalle. Hereof I could not hould it lesse then dutie
to wryte (although I dout not but you have this ill newes cer-
tifyed in better fashyon and nowe I commend my best endevours
to your good opinion and rest Yours, &c.,
PAUL GORE.*
Appendix D — p. 15.
Not-withstanding father Mooney's statement of the destruc
tion, of the precious books,- some of the most valuable of the
Uterary monuments belonging to the library of Donegal have
come do"wn to us. The Book of Hymns (Liber Hymnorum)
and a part of the Psalter, in the autograph of St. Camin of '
Iniscaltra, who flourished in the seventh century, are now in
the archives of St. Francis', Merchants' quay, Dublin, after
more than two centuries' sojourn in Louvain and S. Isidore,
Rome. The Book of Hymns -with its glosses is said to be over
a thousand years old; and the Psalm (118th) "Beati imma-
culati in via," all that remains of St. Camin's caligraphy, ex
cited the admiration of the erudite Ussher, who describes it
thus : " Habebatur Psalterium, cujus unicum tantum quater-
nionem mihi "videre contigit, obeUs et asteriscis diligentissime
distinctum coUatione cum veritate Hebraica in superiore parte
cujusque paginae posita, et bre"vibus scholUs ad exteriorem
marginem adjeotis. Atque illud S. Camini manu fuisse des-
criptum communi traditione ferebatur." — UsserU, op. v. 6, p.
544. A splendid testimony to the exquisite penmanship and
philological attainments of an Irish saint, who, more than eleven
centuries ago, in the Uttle island of Iniscaltra on lough Derg,
was able to coUate the Vulgate "with the Hebrew text, and
enrich his work with a lucid interpretation of obscure words
and passages. The celebrated Colgan, who examined the frag
ment, writes : " Among the books belonging to the convent of
Donegal are preserved some most ancient commentaries on the
118th Psalm, which tradition says were "written by the hand of
St. Camin." " Habentur inter libros conventus Dungalensis
scholia antiquissima in Ps. 118, quse propria ipsius Camini
manu exarata fert traditio." The Dublin archives contain also
* Sir Paul Gore died in 16'29, and by Ms will bequeathed twenty
pounds " to the aclating and fynisMng of Donegal! abbey church as it
now stands." The place was afterwards used for Protestant worship. T

274 APPENDIX TO THE
the ten folios long missing from the Book of Lemster (compUed
by MacGorman, bishop of Kildare, 1160), which is now in
Trinity college library, but formerly belonged to Donegal
convent. Among the other Gaedhelic MSS. in the same depo
sitory, of which our metropolis may be justly proud, wUl be
found the Martyrology of Cathal MacGuire, and that of
Donegal, together with the autograph of the first part of the
Annals of the Four Masters brought down to A.D. 1169, with
all the approbations, introductory matter, and autograph notes
by father John Colgan. Appendix E — p. 26.
Lord deputy Fitzwilliam, in a letter to Burghley, dated
1591, December 30, states that "the Erie since his marriage
hath bestowed grete coste of buUding at Dungannon, as also at
London, to furnish and deck that house, which are good tokens,
and argue great good hope of his dutifull lief hereafter."
Appendix F — p. 30.
" The ei-le of Tirone,'' writes Fitz"william to Burghley, Dec,
1591, "went do"wn a little before Christmas with his ladie to
Dongannon, and at the least of gentlemen and other well-
wiUers of his and his ladies out of the EngUsh Paale, to the
numbre of a hundred or two went "with him as I am told."
On Mabel's death six years after her marriage, sir W.
Russell, then lord deputy writes : — " It is further to be con
sidered seeing the countesse of Tirone is dead, as was certefyed
by my last ; what likelyhood there is that the erle wUl seeke
to strengthen himself by some match in Scotland, yf some
present course bee not taken for prevention thereof."
Kno"wing how closely and jealously he was watched by the
govemment, O'Neill at a subsequent period had good reason
for complaining that he could not enjoy a carouse with friends
in his castle of Dungannon, without having it reported to the
executive in Dublin. Appendix G — p. 39.
The tomb erected by James Nugent still exists in the
church, and bears the following inscription : " Sumptibus laeobi
Nugent, F. Richardi Nugent de Donower, qui obiit, 18 Feb. A.D.
1615." There is also a monument to a descendant of WUUam
Delamer, the original founder. There can be little doubt that
the venerable edifice was considerably restored in 1644-5, when

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 275
Richard Nugent, lord Delvui, sat in the upper, and Piers
Nugent, of Ballynacorr, in the lower house of the Catholic
Confederates in Kilkenny. The Nugents of Donore, have
9,lways proved generous friends to the Franciscans of Multifer
nan, nor should we forget that the rev. Mr. Conway, who was
guardian in 1828, took great pains to preserve the monastery.
The Annals entitled " de Monte Fernando" were ¦?io< "written
in Multifeman, as is clearly proved by Dr. Aquila Smith in his
learned Introduction ad Anna!, de M. F., published in the
Archaeological Tracts relating to Ireland. Sir Henry Piers, in
his " Description of Westmeath," states that the rebeUion of
1641 was planned within the walls of Multifernan, and that
the convent was, at that period, a flourishing establishment.
Little reUance, however, should be placed on the baronet's
assertion, for, although we were to accept his statement, we
should remember that Multifernan was "visited in 1642 by
Tichbourne, governor of Drogheda, who after burning, as he
himself informs us, " all the corn and Jiouses in the neighbour
hood," was not Ukely to spare the monastery, had it been then
restored to anything like its ancient beauty. We may also
add that Jones, the parUament general, made a raid on the
place about the beginning of 1648, when he was stoutly en
countered by the Franciscan fathers, who, aided by the
peasantry and some soldiers beat him off. " Franciscanis cum
nonnulUs miUtibus se generose defendentibus." — Rinuecini
Papers. In the admU-able memoir of Gabriel Beranger, contributed
by sir W. WUde to the Journal of the Kilkenny Archseologioal
Society, we find that the distinguished French artist "visited
Multifeman in August, 1779, accompanied by Bigari, whose
picture of the ruined edifice is engraved in Grose's Antiq., vol.
i, plate 121. The abode of the Franciscans was then "a small
thatched convent." " The rev. fathers came out," says Beran
ger, "and in"vited us to refresh ourselves; went in; drank some
bottles of good claret "with them; found them learned gentle
men, well versed in antiquities." Appendix H — p. 259.
In addition to what we have already said about Timoleague,
the following particulars from the Calendar of State Papers
1611, 1614, wiU not be unacceptable to the reader. In a brief
relation of passages in the parUament of 1613, it is set forth
that on the death of EUzabeth, and accession of James, the

276 APPENDIX TO THE
CathoUcs "ui contemjit of the laws re-edifled monasteries — Fore,
Kilconel, Roserk, Butevant, Kilcrea, Quin, Muckrus in Des
mond, Kilkenny, Waterford, wherein friars publicly preach
and say Mass ; and the cities, towns, and counties swarm with
jiriests and Jesuits more than in former times ; and in the fields
seditious sermons are preached, whereunto thousands resort.
The law fee, 12d., for not -coming to church on Sunday, the
Papists resist ; and their sons they send . to be educated in
Spain, France, Italy, and the archduke's dominions." From
the same valuable source we extract some passages of a sermon
preached on the 11th October, 1613, by Turlogh MacCrodyn, a
Franciscan friar, at a place called Roodan, in the barony of
" Loghenesolyn," in county of Londonderry, where one thousand
people and fourteen priests assembled to hear him : — " He
prayed long, exhorting them to reform their wicked lives,
telling them of drunkenness, and lack of devotion and zeal ; he
wUled them to take heed that they were not tempted for fear
Or desire of gain to go to the English ser-vice, telling them ' that
these were the devil's words which the English ministers spake,
and that all should be damned that heard them.' He willed
them to stand on theu- keeping and go into rebellion rather
than go to the English service, and to suffer death by hanging
and quartering sooner than submit themselves to their dam
nable doctrine ; exhorting them in the name of God to fast and
pray. He stated that the pope had sent him unto them, and
that his holiness had a care both of their souls and bodies, and
that they should not despair nor be dismayed, though for a
time God isunished them by suffering their lands to be given to
strangers and heretics, as this was a punishment for their sins ;
he wound up by assuring them 'that it should not be long
before they were restored to their former possessions.'" At
the end of the sermon MacCrodyn got, according to the de
position of MacGloqe, who reported the proceedings to Chi
chester, "60 cows and 100 sheep; the poorer people giving
him 12d. each." In the congregation were two merchants,
Patrick O'Coshegie and Edmond MacPhelomy O'Hagan, who
bought the cows, which he, MacGlone, " thinks is but a colour,
and that they do but convey them to Dundalk and Tredagh
[Drogheda], where they are salted to be sent away to Louvain
for use of the friars resident there. The sheep are disposed
among the priests of the country till they can be sold and con
verted into money." The delator subsequently tells us that the
moneys thus le"vied were for the maintenance of the recusant
lords who went to London in the hope of being able to obtain

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 277
from the king toleration of the Catholic religion. MacCrodyn,
it appears, was entertained ui the house of Owen Oge O'Hagan,
where he said Mass every day, many resorting to him. As
for the personnel of the preacher, here it is : " He is about
30 years old, a native of Tyrone, "within three miles of Dun
gannon. He wears English apparel over his friar's weeds, and
a rapier by his side." The same preacher, according to another
informant, appears on a Sunday in a glen in Bryan MacGuire's
country, where he said Mass, and preached to 1000' people, all
of Fermanagh, that they should rather go into rebellion than
change their reUgion. On this address of the friar, O'NeUl, of
the Largye, spoke aloud, thanking God for having sent him —
the preacher — among them, and pledging himself to go into
rebeUion sooner than renounce the faith. He then spoke to
them of a collection for the expenses of men going into England
for the cause of religion, and of the knights of the shire, at 4d.
on each couple, and exhorted them to pay it cheerfully, as it
was the cause of God. The concluding passage of the sermon
must have been cheered to the echo in that Fermanagh glen
when MacCrodyn told his hearers "that Tyrconnel was coming
at the head of 18000 men sent by the king of Spain, and that,
according to a prophecy in a book at Rome, England had only
two years more to rule in Deland 1 " But, despite the prophecy,
Chichester's government had resolved to expel all friars, monks,
and nuns, out of the dissolved houses, " where for the most part
they stiU keep and hover ; " and it was also enacted, " that if
these persons to whom the king had let or given these houses
or lands shall, by negligence or other"wise, suffer them, the said
friars, monks, and nuns, to continue there contrary to his law,
or shaU participate in their abominable lures, supposed offerings,
or oblations, as many do, they shall forfeit their estate to the
king, and endure fines and imprisonment." Confronted by such
obstruction, how could the friars think of re-edifying theU-
venerable houses. Timoleague was one of those which the
Franciscans strove to restore ; and the serio-comic incident re
lated at p. 53 suggested the foUowing graceful and vigorous
baUad by T. D. SuUivan :—
TIMOLEAGUE.
In Timoleague's old convent pUe,
By Courtmasherry's placid bay,
A monk sat in the bell-tower, while
Do"wn sunk the sun of a summer day ;

278 APPENDIX TO THE
The waters caught the roseate glow —
The swelling fields of Barryroe,
And all the westward Carbery heights.
As evening faded soft and slow.
Smiled warmly in the tender Ughts.
The good man saw the scene was fair —
He felt the calm of sea and land.
He heard his brethren's hymn of pray'r
Float upward on the balmy au- ;
Then clasping in his bony hand
His large black bead, he bent and swayed
With deep emotion, whUe he prayed
That Ireland's trouble soon might cease —
That soon might come the days of peace.
When the dear land, from shore to shore.
Would see her wealth and joy increase.
Her Church still loved, and honoured more.
Her temples safe, her shrines secure.
Her holy monks and priesthood free
For their sweet work of charity.
To save and bless the rich and poor.
But almost ere the prayer was sped
From his pure lips, a sense of dread
ThrUled through him in that quiet hour ;
And casting round a furtive glance,
O Christ ! he saw the quick advance
Of Saxon troops. He scarce had pow'r
To call, to shriek, to strike the bell.
To rush below from, cell to cell.
To summon all his startled freres.
When crash I in. splinters went the door—
The soldiers tramped across the floor.
Burst to the chapel, laughed and swore
A goodly prize was theirs.
'Who prayed, who pleaded, spoke in vain — -
They struck the babbler to the earth ;
They rode their steeds into the fane —
They battered out each picture-pane.
And cheered their hearts "with brutal mirth.
The carven panels from the walls
They hacked "with halberd and with sword —
They riddled through with musket balls

lEISH FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 279
The altar of the Lord.
Down from the ebon cross they tore
The slender golden crucifix —
They tumbled out upon the floor
The chaUce and the pyx.
With brawny hands, "with thick-shod feet.
With hea"vy musket ends, they beat
The gold to lumps upon the flags ;
Then vowing 'twas a lucky treat.
They packed it in theu- saddle-bags ;
And as the humour of the place
Was evermore to praise and pray.
Before they went they'd show their grace
By pausing just to say —
Tha"t was a generous saint indeed.
Who, in theu- day of real need.
When -wine was scarce and cash was slack,
Had set them on that blessed track.
And after hours of sore fatigue
Had led them safe to Timoleague,
By Courtmasherry bay.
Oh ! monks of God "will bend and bear,
And, when the heart's "wUd storms would rise,
Calm words of Christ their ears "will hear.
His cross "wUl loom before their eyes.
But in the holy house, that eve.
One stem old man — no monk was he —
"WhUe they could only groan and grieve,
Spoke from his hot brain hastUy —
" O great Saint Francis ! sitting now
FuU in the smile of God's bright face,
You see this ruin — you allow
This cruel -wrong — this sad disgrace !
You see your monks thus beaten, bruised.
Your house profaned and ravaged thus —
You see the holy things abused.
You hear those words so blasphemous !
And wUl you let the robbers go
Rejoicing back the way they came.
Weighted -with precious spoil, to show
To many another greedy foe
The profits of their easy game 1
Oh ! I have laboured gladly here

280 APPENDIX TO THE
"While many a tranquil year went round.
To carve and shape and polish fair
What now lies wrecked upon the ground.
But if the sacrUegious hands
Of Saxon troops may ruin all —
If, when they please, those ruffian bands
May shatter altar, window, wall —
If this base crew before me now
Shall pass from hence unhurt away,
O great Saint Francis ! hear my vow —
I'll not work here another day.
I'll cast my well-loved tools aside,
I'U tramp and travel far and ¦wide.
And let your monks as best they may
Refit their convent by the side
Of Courtmasherry bay.
As though the words, so rough and quaint.
Of that old workman touched the saint.
And lifted God's resistless hand
Against the ruthless robber band.
His vengeance came. The monks looked out
Through door, and chink, and broken ?ash—
They heard the Irish battle-shout.
They beared the meeting weapons clash.
Oh ! sight of joy ! — they saw 'twas he.
The valiant Donal of Dunbuidhe I
A generous friend, a champion true,
As their loved Order ever knew.
And for whose weal, by Bantyr's wave,
Upon the lands his fathers gave,
Franciscan brothers, as the light
Of morning touched the mountain grass,
Bowed do^wn in prayer and sacred rite.
And offered Christ His holy Mass.
The clansmen by the chieftain's side
Were few indeed, but trained and tried
In many a fierce and bloody fight
On sea and land, by day and night ;
And never since they battled first
Against the foes they held accurst
Rushed they into the battle's din
With rage like that which flamed within
Their bosoms now, as on they burst

lEISH FEANCISC-AN MONASTERIES. 281
To smite the ruffians in their sin.
Short was the combat. Fiercely well
The troopers fought, and loud they swore ;
By twos and threes and tens they fell
Beside the walls, before the door.
The leader, of the ribald jest
And mocking prayer profanely bold.
Fell, cloven downward to the breast.
Nor longer clutched the beaten gold.
And hearts that late were all adance
To shameful laughter's ringing peal.
An instant felt the keen advance
And quick retreat of icy steel
Then throbbed no more. Th'e few who sought
By flight to 'scape the fatal thrust
Were quick pursued and sudden brought
Low as their brothers in the dust.
One horseman only, faint and pale.
Sped from the field of death away —
Spared to make kno-wn the dreadful tale.
And shout the warning on the gale —
" Beware the abbey in the vale
By Courtmasherry bay."

Appendix I — p. 58.
The convent of Moyne is still the burial-place of the O'Dowds.
Sir Richard Musgrave, in his notice of captain James O'Dowd,
who was executed at Killala in 1798, states, " that they (the
O'Dowds) have a burying-place in Moyne, where may be seen
the gigantic bones of some of them who have been very re
markable for their great stature, as some of them exceeded
seven feet in height." Appendix J — p. 66.
As this is the only account we have of the personal appear
ance of the gallant Hugh Roe O'Donnell, it occurs to us that
some of our readers might wish to see the original text, which
is as follows : " Hie erat statura mediocrem excedente, corpore
robustus, ¦vultU et forma ac aspectu decorus, voce canorus. In
actionibus vivax et celer, justitise cultor, et malefactorum aceri-
mus -vindex. In propositis constans, in promissis verax, laborum

282 APPENDIX TO THE
patientissimus. In disciplina militari rigidus et severus. In
aggrediendo quocunque arduo negotio animosissimus, in bello
fortis. Erga omnes urbanus, et affabilis. Restitutionis catho-
lic8B fidei magnus zelator. Mundi etiam magnus contemptor,
quem ssepe audi-vi dicentem si semel bello finis bonus impone-
retur, se futurum religiosum ordinis S. Francisci. Non erat
conjugatus. Erat magni animi, sed non superbi. Zelabat
multum ecclesiasticam disciplinam et ref ormationem, ita ut zelo
forte immoderate, quibusdam sacerdotibus gravem se ostenderet.
Ordinem S. Francisci singulariter amabat, et in omnibus acti
onibus erat valde sincerus. Nunquam de incontinentia notatus.
Ssepe volebat virorum spiritualium consilio regi. Tandem
morions habitum S. Francisci petUt, in eoque sepultus est,.
eumque petUt cum proposito si convaluisset, nunquam in sseculo
manere." Appendix K— p. 67.
The entire territory of West Connaught ha^ving been con
fiscated in the seventeenth century, the O'Flaherties were
ousted from their lands and thrown penniless on the world. In
his dire distress, Brian, son of Murchad-na^maor (of the Stew
ards), having got possession of the chalice and certain vest
ments belonging to the monastery of KilconneU, made his way
to Brussels, where he placed the sacred objects in the hands of
some Irish Franciscans of Louvain, whom he met in the former
city. The history of this incident is best told in Brian's acknow
ledgement* of a sum of money given him by the friars, who, as
it appears by the contemporary Latin document subjoined, were
obliged to borrow, from one Patrick Hugoin, 200 florins, to
compensate the dispossessed O'Flaherty :
" I, Brian O'Flaherty, son of Murchad-na-maor, ack;nowledge
that I have given into the hands of father Patrick O'Hea, of
the friars minors of Erin, in Louvain, the Mass-chalice of the
convent of KilconneU, and that I received from the fathers
twenty pounds for my trouble and expenses therein ; and I ac
knowledge in presence of my God, that if I was not in great,
want, I would ask nothing of the beloved friars, to whom I was
a friend and benefactor during my power ; and in token thereof,
I impose obUgatiOn on myself and my heirs after me, if we ever
come unto the power or riUe of our country, that they shaU
* The original, in Irish, is now in the archives of St. Francis', Dublin.

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 283
give return and satisfaction to the convent of friars aforesaid
of KilconneU : in confirmation whereof I write my name in
Brussels, this 13th July, 1654.
BRYAN O'FLAGHERTY."
" Infrascriptus coram subsignatis testibus attestor, et obligo
meipsum nomine conventus de KUconneU ord. S. F. strictioris
observantise provincise Hib., eruditissimo D.D. Patricio Huogo-
nino exponenti 200 fiorenos pro sacris ornamentis dicti conventus
depositis in manibus generosi domini Bernardi O'Flaherty —
Murchad-na-maor — respondere et satisfacere, eumque per omnia
indemnem reddere, et pro majore securitate attestationis eadem
paramenta in ejusdem prsefati PatricU manibus deposita r'e-
linquo, in cujus rei fidem propria manu subscribe. Datum
BmxelUs, 13 JuUi, 1654. S. MORRISHY, Eccl. KUm. pastor.
THAD. KELLY, sacerdos.
Fr. HUGO THADEI."
In 1678, the castle of Bunowen, and the adjoining lands
once the domain of the O'Flaherties, were granted to the
Geoghegans of Castleto"wn, county Meath, in lieu of their
estates forfeited by the Crown. The Geoghegans changed theU-
name and religion ; and the last possessor of Bunowen levelled
the castle, and in his turn was made landless by the Landed
Estates Court. The ancient line of the O'Flaherties is well
represented by Martin F. O'Flaherty, Esq., Lidecan, a worthy
and dear friend of the present writer.
We are indebted to Mr. Dermod Fox of KilconneU for some
interesting facts in connexion "with the more recent history of
the convent, which merit a formal record here. In 1865,
in consequence of the growing dilapidation of the place, a
public subscription was set on foot with a view to arrest
further decay. This appeal ha'ving met 'with a liberal response,
from Protestants as weU as Catholics, sufficient funds came to
hand to enable the committee to replace all the mullions mis
sing from the 'windows, and also to restore some portions of
the fine tracery which had been greatly injured by time. Many
of the principal objects of interest in the convent, and, amongst
others an arch missing froip a cloister have been thus pre
served. The work ha'ving been carried out under the superinten
dence of a competent architect, there are good grounds for

284 APPENDIX TO THE
hoping that this timely, and by no means inconsiderable outlay
of money, has secured one of the most beautiful of our national
monuments against further decay for many years. It is a
pleasure to add, that the initiatory movement which led to
such a gratifying result is due to an English clergyman, the
Rev. E. Muriel, who, in "virtue of his office of rector of
KUconneU, was then the legal guardian of its ancient
convent. Having already mentioned the book presented by Egan to
KilconneU we take this opportunity to state that Marsh's
library preserves the autograph copy of the Latin and Irish
Vocabulary compUed by Richard Plunket of the Franciscan
convent. Trim, in 1662. The caligraphy of this small folio
MS. volume is very beautiful, and its author is lamented in the
, follo"wing verses by Patrick Dardis, a member of the same
religious house. IN OBITUM D. mCAEDI PLUNKET.
" Non sibi parturiit pereundum morte Ricardum
Mundus, qui superia non moriturus obit.
Luce bonus ; linguae verus lustrator lernes :
Ingenii isque sagax vixit ; et interiit.
Mortis atrae dira, coeli sublimia scandit,
Non sibi, sed nobis, falce peremptus, obit."
Appendix L — p. 68.
There is a local tradition that O'Donnellan of BallydonneUan
built a portion of the church and monastery ; and it is certain
that Tully O'Donnellan, in 1412, erected the mortuary chapel
which to this day is called Chapel-Tully. KUconneU is still
the burial place of the O'Donnellans, and there is a cross on
the roadside leading to the monastery, erected in 1682, "with the
following inscription : " Orate pro D. J. Donnelano ejusque
familia qui hanc crucem erigi fecit."
Appendix M — p. 70.
In 1611, Valentine Blake Fitz-Thomas, then mayor, buUt a
mortuary chapel for himself and his posterity on the south side
of the choir; and in 1642, Richard Martin, of Dungorie, be
queathed a considerable sum for the erection of a chapel in the
same monastery of Galway. In 1643, father Valentine Brown,
then guardian, caused the ancient church to be re-opened, and
Mass was sung for the first time since the suppression. The

lEISH FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 285
same guardian, whose name figures in Rinuccini's despatches,
repaired the founder's tomb, and spared no pains to restore
the sacred edifice, from which the friars were ultimately
ejected in 1652, when Cromwell's soldiers, under governor
Stubbers, destroyed the church and its rich monuments. Stephen
Lynch, Francis Birmingham, and Francis Burke were members
of the Franciscan community of Galway, and distinguished
themselves by their learned works, published at Rome, where
they died about 1690. Appendix N — p. 73.
Oliver Bourke, Esq. barrister-at-law, has given us a beautiful
Uttle volume treating of Rosserilly, for whose restoration he
has laboured lovingly ; the work to which we refer has been
published by Ponsonby, Dublin. The late sir William WUde
has treated the same subject in his beautiful work, Lough-
Corrib. Appendix 0 — ^p. 75.
This arch hypocrite and apostate Franciscan was appointed
by Pius v., in 1566, bishop of Down. A year afterwards he
conformed to the new reUgion, and queen EUzabeth was so
pleased at this that she promoted him to the see of Clogher in
1570. In 1571 he was translated to the archbishopric of
Cashel which he held until 1 622, when he died, aged one hundred
years. The career of this -wretched man is too well known to
require more than a few brief notices here. He at one time
held four bishoprics, was avaricious, profUgate, and unfaithful
to the govemment that promoted and patronized him. He
married twice, and had many children, about whom Andrew,
bishop of the Isles, -wrote to the archbishop of Canterbury* : — -
July 4, 1611, "The archbishop of Cashel is old and unable,
and wife and chUdren -will not accompany him to the church,"
his paramour reared her offspring Catholics, and MUer • en
riched them with the spoil of the see of Cashel, which he
dUapidated for their sake and his o-wn sordid gratifications. In
July of the year 1611, Knight was appointed his coadjutor,
¦with aU profit arising from said jurisdiction of Cashel ; but
gro^wing weary of the employment, and frequently appearing-
drank in the streets, he resigned and returned to England,
* "Calendar of State Papers, Ireland, 1611, 1614."

286 APPENDIX TO THE
leaving his chief enormously rich and possessing numerous
benefices in various dioceses. Did MUer ever think of the
vow of poverty, and the other vows which he made before the
altar of Aracoeli? His sons became very wealthy and succeeded
to the large estates which their father contrived to make " out
of robberies on the churches." James I. strove in vain to
compel them to make restitution. MUer was a long time a
crippled and helpless mvalid before he left this life. There is
some reason for believUig that he made his peace with the
Church and died penitent. O'Keamey, archbishop of Cashel,
obtained, in August 1608, from Paul V. faculty to absolve him,
and we may reasonably suppose that his Holiness would not have
been asked to grant this privilege if the dying centenarian
had not requested to be received back into the Church. The
whole life of MUer is as enigmatical as the closing couplets of
the epitaph which he composed and set up for himself in the
cathedral of Cashel. MILERI MAGRATH
ArcMepiacopi Casheliensis ad viatorem Carmen.
Veuerat in Dunum prime sanctisimus olim,
Patricius, nostri gloria magna soli.
Huic ego auocedens, utinam tam sanctus ut ille,
Sic Duni prime tempore proesul eram.
Anglia, lustra decern sed post tua sceptra colebam,
Principibus plaoui, marte touante, tuis.
Hie ubi sum positus, non sum, sum ubi non sum ;
Sum nee in ambobus, sum sed utroque loco.
Dominus est qui me judicat.
Qui stat timeat ne cadat.
WUUam Casey, another apostate, was advanced to the see of
Limerick by Edward VI. This personage, who figures in a
satire composed by Owen O'Duffy, a Franciscan priest and
famous poet of the period, was deprived on the accession of
queen Mary, but restored in 1571 by Elizabeth. In 1587, four
years before his death, he made the subjoined palinode,' for the
publication of which we are indebted to the right hon. lord
Emly. " The reconcilement of bishop Casey to the Catholic Church,
sent from Dublin in 1587 to sir F. Walsingham, secretary of
state, by Andrew TroUope, his friend and correspondent : — ' I
William Cahessy, priest, sometime named bishop of the diocese
of Limerick, yet nothing canonically consecrated, but by the
schismatical authority of Edward, king of England, schismati-

IHISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 287
cally preferred to the bishopric of Limerick aforesaid, wherein
I confess to have offended my Creator, my soul, and my neigh
bours, and to have suppressed the Catholic faith, not without
great off'ence of all men and danger of their souls ; have openly
in the cathedral church, before the people, preached against the
sacraments and rites of the Church, and in my sermons have
called the same Edward (to the intent I might obtain his good
¦wUl), against my conscience, the supreme head of the Church of
England and Ireland. The altars dedicated to God I have
destroyed ; the communion of heretics I have set forth to the
clergy and people, and have compelled the Catholic priests
thereunto against theu- consciences ; and the name of the
sacrifice of the Mass I have abolished. Alas ! wretch that I
am — I have committed many other e-vUs ; wherefore I, -wretched
sinner, desu-ous to repent and to beware hereafter, being
smitten inwardly -with the sorrow of my heart for my -wicked
deeds, I will, if I may, be numbered among the sons of the
Holy Mother of the Church, and be united and received to the
same. And because that I know that that most gentle mother
doth not shut her bosom to any that returns, neither doth she
receive any man which doth not acknowledge himself to be
hers by his confession ; therefore by this my confession, not
compelled thereunto but by mere good -wUl, my conscience
accusing me, for the satisfaction of my offence I do confess and
beUeve, as a Christian and a Catholic man ought to believe, all
the articles of the faith and all the sacraments of the Church ;
and I believe that the Roman Church is the head of all
churches, and that the bishop of. Rome, Pius the Fourth, or
any other being rightly and canonically elected and ordained in
the Catholic see, is the Vicar of Christ on earth. I believe
that he hath all power of binding and loosing by Christ ; and
do believe and hold whatsoever the Catholic Church doth believe
and hold ; and do detest all the errors, opinions, and ceremonies
of Lutheran heretics or their sects, being estranged from the
Catholic faith and instructions of old fathers. I renounce also
— if I might have the same — the bishopric of Limerick ; the
charge and administration of the said cure ; also other benefits
and privUeges received from the said Edward and other heretics
and schismatics. And I draw unto the said holy and universal
Church and do bow myself unto her laws ; and I embrace the
rev. lord David Wolfe, appointed the apostolical messenger for
all Ireland from the most holy lord the pope ; and I pray and
beseech that as a lost child he receive me again into the bosom
of the Holy Mother of the Church ; and that he -will absolve

288 APPENDIX OF THE
me from all the ecclesiastical sentences, censures, punishments,
heresies, rules, and every other blot — dispense -with me and
reconcUe me again to the unity of the same Church. In
assurance of which reconciliation, submission, and confession,
I have put and caused to be put my seal, together with my o"wn
hand subscription.' There being "witnesses — David Arthur,
dean; John Lynch; Edmond Arthur; Thomas Fanning, and
others. This was done about sixteen years sithence." En
dorsed — " A copy of a reconcilement which, as I am credibly
informed, was within these sixteen years made by the now
bishop of Limerick, in the presence of the now dean of
Limerick, whereof some of their names are thereunto "written."
The authenticity of this retraction is confirmed by a passage
of a memorial presented by Thornburgh, Anglican bishop of
Limerick, to lord Cecil in 1594 : "That the late bishop dis
claimed his title by publique recantation in the church before
the pope's legate, to the great offence of her majesty's blessed
government, sayinge that by schismaticall authoritie he was
schismatically preferred." Petitioner prays that all leases made
by Casey be declared void ; and winds up by begging her
majesty to bestow on him all the lands concealed in Ireland to
the yearly value of £100 sterling. In another memorial Thorn
burgh desu-es, "that the commission for causes ecclesiastical
established for four dioceses in Munster — Limerick, Cloyne, Cork,
and Roscarberie — be renewed for the whole province, because
the churches lye waste for the most part thro'out that province,
being not againe very well peopled, and chieflie because semi-
naires and dangerous recusants shift from the places alreadie
subject to the commission, to Emlie, to Cassell, and to Water
ford, diocesse exempt from that authoritie." Another passage
shows how steadfastly the citizens of Limerick resisted the
tyranny of Thornburgh, who invokes the aid of the secular
power thus : " That letters be written from her majestie's
honorable council in England to the mayor and aldermen of the
cittie of Limerick, requiring them to bring their "wives and
f amiUes and chUdren to the bishop's sei-mons, who hitherto hath
painfully preached to them every sabaoth dale, and whom her
majestic purposely sent to them for their instraction and soul's
health; and that the said mayor assist the bishop for exeqution
of justice according to her majesty's laws." The unscrupulous
character of this solecism on the name of a bishop is best shown
by the following letter, in which he begs CecU to aid him in
procuring the assassination of Hugh, earl of Tyrone : 
"My good loed— My desire for the good of the state

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 289
makes me trouble your lordship ; and touching the earl of
Tirone I am persuaded hereof he will venture not only credit
but life. He practiseth peace onelie to gaine better oppor
tunities to serve his turne, for he stayeth in meane while for
direction from Rome and for supplie from Spauie. This peace
is more dangerous than war, except his courses can by spiall
be prevented, which shall be done by Udall, as he promiseth
me, upon his enlargement, he is well able to do it, and I per
suade myself he is most wUling and "wU be most faithf uU. I
had taste hereof at my last being in England, where by his
meanes I tooke Gravener, who had he lived could have spoken
much — for he knew all. Udall's desier is, if your hononr
thinke fit to send him some one from England to consort with
him who may seme reUgious with him, and then it shall well
appeare what speciaU ser"vice he -will the rather with helpe per
form, whatsoever Tyrone plot or practise. This is a great
secret, and it is desired that your honour acquaint her excellent
majestie therewith. Divers of great sorte as yet in supposed
loyaltie, expect to heare Tyrone's directions and authoritie to
be sent from Rome ; which if it come, as the great number of
popish byshops and seminaries in this land assure thenl, then
actum est.
" Tirone is the hope of all Irishrie. If he were not they
should be all overthrown and undone ; and when they be satis
fied from Rome they are aU determined to participate with him.
They say they labour by Tyrone only for liberty of conscience ;
but if to much Uberty had not been given heretofore they had
no sutch conscience nowe. The priests and byshops confes that
Tirone was a traytor, but yet lawfull for him 'to rebell ; but
both they and the whole Irishrie are taught now a new lesson
—O'Neill is no traytor; Tirone was one, but O'NeUl none.
"What this meaneth judge you."*
Appendix P — p. 77.
A sUver chalice, of fine workmanship, now in the possession
of an Irish priest in Quebec, bears the follo"wing Uiscription in
Irish : " Mary, daughter of Maguu-e, wife of Brian Oge
O'Ruairc, caused this chalice to be made for her soul, for the
friars of Donegal, the age of Christ, 1633." Inside the pedestal
— "John O'MuUarkey, O'Donel's sUversmith, made me."
* This letter was written in 1596.

290 APPENDIX TO THE
Appendix Q — p. 78.
A memorandum in Harris's MSS. Collections (R.D.S.) says
that Ballyrourke monastery was never wholly finished ; and
that the princess Margaret, wife of Owen O'Rourke, was in-.
terred in the wooden church — " ecclesia lignea " — which she
caused to be buUt for Franciscans near Dromahaire, in West
Breffney. Sir W. Betham states that a gentleman residing in
Thurles possessed a reliquary bearing the following inscription
in Irish : " A prayer for MacKir — , who made this reliquary
for Brian, son of Owen O'Ruairc, and Margaret, daughter of
the lord O'Brien, and wife of Brian, son of Owen O'Ruairc,
the age of Christ, 1509." F. Francis Ward, in his notice of
Ballyrourke, "written about 1630, says the heretics preserved
the church to make money by interments within its walls ; and
that the friars had a residence near it in 1618, under the
guardianship of father Eugene Field. " An. suprad. ecclesia
oocupata fuit ab htereticis qui spe lucri eam ad sepulturam
CathoUcorum intearam servaverunt."*

Appendix R — p. 82.
Besides the Butlers, barons of Cahu-, many of the gentry of
Clonmel and its neighbourhood had sumptuous tombs in the
Franciscan church. The Prendergasts of Newcastle — one of
whom, about 1555, married Joan, daughter of the first baron
of Cahir — were accustomed to bury within the same precincts.
J. P. Prendergast, esq., the distinguished barrister and his
torian, holds the original of the subjoined wUl, executed by
one of his ancestors in 1626 : —
" In Nomine Dei Amen. I, Thomas Prindergast fitz
Geffery, of Newcastle in the county of Tipperary, though sick
of bodie, yet, praysed bee God, of perfect witt, and memorye.
Doe constitute, ordaine, and appointe this as my last WiU and
Testament in manner following. First, I commit my soule to
the Holye Trinitye, to the Blessed Virgin Marye, and to aU
the Saints in Heaven, and doe appoint my body to bee buryed
in Saint Francis' at Clonmelle with my ancestors."

* In the above year the church was held by heretics who for lucre's
sake let it as a burial place for Catholics,

lEISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 291
Appendix S — p. 86.
Father Baron, whose true name was Fitzgerald, descended
from a branch of that famUy settled in Burnchurch, county
KUkeimy, and was bom in Clonmel, 1610. He received the
first rudiments from a certain Saul who taught in his native
town ; and was afterwards sent to Waterford, where he made
great progress in the seminary of one Flacctis, a nickname,
perhaps, given by the scholars to theu- flap-eared teacher. In
1629, lord Falkland, then viceroy, accompanied by Boyle, first
earl of Cork and Orrery, -visited Clonmel, whose citizens elected
young Baron to compose an address in honour of the occasion,
which he himself read in presence of Falkland and his retinue.
Impressed by the youth's admirable manner and graceful enun
ciation, Boyle proposed to take him into his household ; but on
learning that he was a Catholic his lordship would have nothing
to do "with him.
Baron tells us in his autobiography (MS.) now in St. Francis',
Dublin, that when far advanced in life the clergy of Cashel*
elected him- for the bishopric of that see, but it does not appear,
however, that Rome preconized him. Before producing the
patents of his appointments in the court of Duke Cosimo, we
need make no apology for presenting the reader with the
foUowing stanzas, which besides their literary merit are valua
ble, because relating to a priest of Baron's order slain by
Cromwell in Clonmel.
DEEMITIUS MOLRONIUS, O.S.F. HIB. CLONMELIENSIS,
PRO PIDE CAPITE PLEXUS, SANGUINEM SISTIT.
" Qua suos Hyblseo dignos agnomiue oives
Surius angustis ornat et armat aquia,
Ne qua tuae proli, Erancisce, trophea deessent,
lutulit armatas mors violenta manus.
Non tamen arma -viro, non mors violenta volenti,
Vix satis in sectam sseviit ansa cutem.
Nempe ubi ferali coUo caput abscidit ictu,
Abstinuit medio cruda cruore manua.
Stagnavit tumidis sanguis per vulnera vems,
Et caro purpureo substitit uda vado.
Gemmis inquis erat dignus cruor ; ast ego, nulla
Gemma; reor tali digna cruore fuit."
* " A civibua postulatus et antistibus ; sed non respondi, et cessi
similiter oneri et honori. Dli impar, hoc indignus." — Baron, biographia,
MS. penes Franciscanos Dublinienses.

292 APPENDIX TO THE

Revmo. Padre Sigee. mio Sigee. e Peon. Colmo.
Non sar^ forse ingrato a VP. Revma. che le avvisi a
proposito deir ottimo, e dotissimo Padre Baronio, come adesso
appunto, ho rice"vuto il seguente Libretto, mandatomi dal sue
Autore. "Patris F. Bonaventurse BaronU Ord. Fr. Minor. Observ.
Hyberni etc Miscellanea Epigrammatum Lib. Ill cui acces-
serunt Elogia aliquot Ulustrium Virorum. ColoniaB Agrippinse
1657 in 12.
Grande e I'affetto ch io porto al Padre Baronio, uomo di
innocenti costumi, e di gran letteratura, ed ancorche quest'
opera passa i sei fogli, I'hb registrato, per render grazzie, sic-
come fo, a quel degnissimo Religiose, degli onori, per sua mera
bonti,; compartitimi.
Con che supplicandola dell 'onore de 'suoi stimatissimi
comandamenti, e riverendola, mi confermo. -
Di VP. Revma. Firenze U 5 Maggie 1696.
Affemo. Devmo. ed Obbmo. Servo
ANTONIO MAGLIABECHI.
[Endorsed.]
Al Revmo. Pre. Sigre. mio Pron. Colmo. il Pre. Gio Neylan
Francescano Observante Ibernese, Sant' Isidore, Roma.
Cosimo Teezo per Geazia di Dio Gean Duca di
toscana, etc.
Le chiare prove che ha date al mondo della propria
erudizione e dottrina il Padre F." Buonaventura Baronio
Ibernese del Sac. Ordine de' Minori, per mezzo delle stampe, e
delle scuole, nelli studi piii celebri d' Europa, come ci fecero
concepir di lui una stima non. ordinaria cosi ci indussero ad
annoverarlo tra gli uomini di lettere, compresi nella nostra
Corte, in quality di Teologo, e d'Istorico. Che perb adesso
lo dichiariamo tale, concedendogU tutti gli onori, preeminenze,
e pri"vUegi, che godono gli altri di siniU carattere, ascritti al
nostro attual ser^vizio, ed ordiniamo in vigor della presente a
tutti i nostri Ministri Uffiziali, e sei-vitori di riconoscerlo, e
stimarlo secondo richiede la sua religiosa condizione, ed il
grade sudetto da Noi conf eritogli di nostro Teologo, et Istorico.

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 293
Per I'effetto di che il Marchese Iiicontri nostro Majordomo,
dovra metterlo a Ruolo, e far che gli sia resa Ui ogni occasione
la conveniente onoranza, e rispetto,tale essendo la nostra volenti.
In f ede della quale sari, questa firmata di nostra mano, impressa
col nostro sigillo, e contrassegnata dall' infrasoritto nostro
segretario di state, e dell' affari della nostra Casa.
Dat. in Firenze, li 15 Sebtembre, 1676.
II Gran Duca di Toscana. FRANCESCO PANCIABICHL
[On cover.] Del P. Baronio
Messo al Ruolo a C — 63.
[Catalogued] Patentes quibus P. Bare fit Theologus et
Historicus Magni Duels Hethruriae.
Of his minor prose works, " The Siege of Duncannon " is
entitled to a place in these pages ; and we will merely premise
that he dedicated his Latin translation to his friend, sir Patrick.
O'Moledy, Spanish ambassador at the court of Charles II. of
England, 1666.*
SIEGE OF DUNCANNON.
"Eleven mUes south-east of the city of Waterford, near
where the Suir, Nore, and Barrow fall into the sea, stands the
fort of Duncannon, on a site so elevated that it commands all
ships approaching either Waterford or Ross. Hence, when the
Spaniards threatened a descent on our shores in 1588, it was
thought worth while to strengthen the fortifications of the
place. From the fort a narrow neck of land runs out into the
sea, and on it there is a tall slender tower or lighthouse, said
to have been erected by merchants of Ross in the days of then
commercial prosperity. The fort itself covers about three
acres, and on the face looking seawards is defended by three
batteries, whUe on that opposite the land it is protected by a
deep dry ditch ; behind this there was a massive and precipi-
* Father Baron was sent by his uncle Luke "Wadding to aid the em
barkation of the Irish soldiers who, in 1642, sailed with general Thomas
Preston from Rochelle to Ireland. The diary of the siege in English was
sent to him by his brother Geoffrey, who served under the commander of
the Leinster army of the Confederate Catholics, and was a distinguished
member of their House of Commons.

294 APPENDIX TO THE
tous rampart hollowed out of the Uving rock, and on it were
two watch towers. There were also two sally-ports, and be
tween them a drawbridge which could be raised or lowered as
occasion required. Behind the latter the English constructed
another rampart, parallel to the first ; and close to the citadel
of the fort they raised a thU-d, faced with earth, and amply
furnished -with all appliances for maintaining a "vigorous defence.
In fact, the fort was provided with every requu-ement, for the
English had resolved to hold it to the last when they discovered
that we were bent on taking it ; and indeed it was well worth
taking, for its site, as we have said, was commanding, its struc
ture solid, and whosoever was master of it must also be master
of the neighbourUig seaports and the entire circumjacent
country. "As soon therefore as the supreme councU of the Confe
derates had made every preparation for the siege, and appointed
two of their own body, Galfrid Baron and Nicholas Plunkett,
to act as commissioners during the operations, they ordered
general Thomas Preston to proceed ¦with the forces destined for
the enterprise. He therefore marched from Waterford, after
the feast of the Epiphany, at the head of twelve hundred in
fantry, some of which were draughted from the regiment of
Richard Butler, lord Mountgarrett, and others from that of the
Wexford regiment commanded by colonel Sinnott. A troop of
horse numbering eighty, belonging to Robert Talbot's calvalry,
accompanied this little army, which appearing before Dun
cannon on Monday, January 20th, lost no time in pitching
tents within musket shot of the fort, where the ca^vity of the
valley afforded shelter against the wind and severity of winter.
Early in the mornuig the general ordered the soldiers to prepare
for work, and he also sent a detachment to take possession of
the windmill (then in ruins,) which, as it stood on an eleva
tion, commanded an extensive -view of the low grounds.
"Next morning (Jan. 21) the English opened fire on our
men, and made a sortie ¦with a ¦view to reconnoitre our strength,
but they were soon driven back over the narrow intervening
space by our engineers, who with their spades repulsed them
gallantly. During the remainder of the forenoon the enemy
kept up a brisk fire from the ramparts, tUl, seeing that they
were only wasting powder, they deemed it wiser to desist.
Next morning, they renewed their fire immediately after sun
rise, and then hoisted their vari-coloured ensigns — a very
pompous display, indeed ; but, warned by their previous
defeat, they did not venture to interrupt us any further. ¦

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 295
" Towards nightfall the general ordered our engineers to
erect a battery near the mouth of the harbour, from which he
could cannonade the enemy's ships ; for the latter lay so near
the laud that they could easily pitch their balls and bombs
amongst us. Our engineers, therefore, commenced throwing up
works to protect us against all such mishaps ; while another
detachment of the same arm carried on the approaches most
industriously, the darlsness of the night aiding them beyond our
expectations. Next morning (Jan. 23) the enemy's ships fired
on us, in order to demolish all the works we had thro-wn up
during the preceding night ; but their balls fell so ¦wide of the
mark that most of them passed over the camp. As soon as the
English perceived this they got together sixty men, and made
a sortie from the sally-ports on our lines, but were repulsed,
and had to ran for their lives. During the whole of the follow
ing night our engineers toiled indefatigably to complete the
ship battery ; and indeed, considering the difficulties with which
they had to contend, nothing could exceed their earnestness and
alacrity. " Next morning (Jan. 24) that battery directed its fire on
the enemy's ships, and with such effect that captain Bell (the
commander of "the squadron) was compelled to cut his cables,
and make for the open sea, without raising his anchor ; three
other ships, also under his command, were obliged to adopt the
same course, losing their anchors, and affording our men a
most agreeable spectacle ; for at that moment a light breeze
springing up and the tide rising, prevented the vessels from
getting off, and exposed them to our musketeers, whose steady
and well-directed fire seriously damaged the yards, tackle, and
hull of the commander's ship, so much so that the very beauti
ful ensign of the parUament was Uterally shot away. During
this action two young sailors went aloft to hoist the Irish
Harp, but they were compelled to retrace their steps, and were
actually precipitated from the shrouds to the deck. At length,
captain Bell, avaiUng himself of a favourable wind, got beyond
our reach, and cast anchor in safe moorings. Meanwhile a
detachment from the fort itself attacked our men in the
trenches, but they were beaten off instantly.
"Two days afterwards, Sunday (Jan. 20), the enemy's flag
ship, so terribly crippled in the late action, unable to weather
the rough sea, went down with all on board.
" On the folio-wing day (Jan. 27) our engineers had worked
with such good will and emulation at the approaches that all
access to the fort on the land side was blocked up ; so much so

296 APPENDIX TO THE
that the besieged could ^ not receive supplies of food or
water. " On Tuesday (Jan. 28) three of the ships already mentioned
sailed with the early tide for Milford, to announce how roughly
they had been handled by our people. This we learned from a
Frenchman, who escaped in a boat from the flag-ship, and was
picked up close to our battery. He told general Preston that
our fire had done Uicredible damage to said ship, and that ten
of its men had been killed, and many others wounded by the
falling of the spars, and the balls of our gunners and muske
teers. " Next morning there was continuous firing on both sides,
the English thundering from the fort, and we from our works,
where one of our guns was struck on its carriage by an iron
stake over four feet long.
" We were now in the beginning of February, a month of
incessant rains, which proved a great obstacle to the progress
of our field-works. On Saturday (Feb. 1) towards nightfall,
the besieged made a sortie on our nearest approach, but were
repulsed, after losing five men killed, and we two.
" The remainder of the week was spent in carrying on the
works, not^withstanding the intensity of the cold, and the
strong winds that marred our progress. In the meanwhUe
general Preston had recourse to an admirable stratagem. He
ordered four of his men to proceed at nightfall to the gate of
the fort with a large heavy chest, pretending that they were
deserters, and begging to be let in, our men firuig blank cart
ridge after them. Being refused admittance, they laid do^ftni
their burden, and then hastened back to our lines.
" Next morning (Feb. 10) a considerable number of the
enemy, seeing the chest, came out to seize it, and indeed they
had reason to rue their rashness ; for, after carrying the heavy
load into the fort, they piroceeded to break it open, and thus
in their hot haste caused it to explode — for Laloe, the chief of
our engineers," had filled it ¦with powder and grenades. Many
of the enemy were blown to atoms in an Uistant, and the chest
itself was reduced to a heap of charcoal and ashes.
" Towards midday the enemy sallied out to attack our camp,
but they were driven back ¦with loss by our people, who watched
all their motions incessantly.
" Early on the following morning we opened a heavy fire •
on the works of the fort, which so shook the walls, that om-
general thought it time to send a drummer to the governor,
lord Esmonde, demanding the surrender of the place. Esmonds,

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 297
however, not only indignantly refused the proposal, but, con
trary to all military usage, caused his men to fire on the
drummer. " During the follo"wing three days a continuous fire was
kept up on both sides, and, to heighten the enemy's con
sternation, a storm arose which swept the thatch off many
of their huts. Astonished at this, they were hardly able to
reply to our guns ; and their case was rendered still more
desperate by one of our boinbs, which fell on some inflam
mable matter, and set fire to three or four of their houses,
the thatch of which they were obliged to tear off and fiing
into the sea.
" The enemy's guns, though loaded with light shot, pre
vented our engineers from completing the approaches, the
more so as the stony nature of the soil retarded the zealous
efforts of our men in the trenches. As for the besieged, they
were in high spirits, deeming themselves safe in the fort, and
calculating on supplies from England, although they must
have kno"wn that our batteries were ready to open on theu-
transports. i
" On Wednesday (Feb. 19) five ships hove in sight, and cast
anchor at Creden Head. This, indeed, was a most welcome
spectacle to the besieged, but the vessels durst not approach
the fort lest they might be sunk by the fire of our guns.
" Seeing this, Preston ordered some boats to be manned
for the purpose of boarding the said ships ; but the dense
darkness of the night frustrated the gallant generals design.
The enemy, nevertheless, with the aid of torches and other
lights, contrived to throw a quantity of provisions into the
fort — that is to say, thirty or forty barrels of salted meat, a
large supply of English and Dutch cheese, together ."with some
tobacco, etc., etc. This grieved our men overmuch ; for if
they had had a sufficient number of boats they never would
have allowed the said supplies to be thrown into the place.
Nevertheless, heaven was pleased to turn this circumstance to
our advantage.
" Two days afterwards the enemy made another attempt to
beat our men out of the approaches, but they failed to do so,
-and we concluded that their courage was not increased by the
recently received supplies.
" On the 26th they made another and more serious attack
on us, but met a resistance for which they were not prepared ;
for after a hand-to-hand fight they were repulsed, the loss on
-either side being equal. Towards sunset we made an attempt

298 APPENDIX TO THE
on their outer wall, and drove a strong body of theu- men into
their sally-ports. In this affray they lost a considerable num
ber of men and a goodly quantity of arms.
" On the 1st of March Preston despatched a second drummer
"with a letter to Esmonde, demanding the surrender of the fort
for the king's use and sei-"vice. The general in said letter in
formed Esmonde that if he did not yield on the favourable
terms which were offered him, he (Preston) would be obliged
to proceed to extremities. To this Esmonde replied that ' he
deemed it unworthy of him to treat "with such a man ; that he
held the fort for the king's majesty, and the maintenance of
the Protestant reUgion ; and that "the king had already pro
claimed Preston and all his abbettors rebels. My honour and
my conscience,' wrote Esmonde, ' revolt at the idea of surren
der, and I would fain learn what letters you can produce to
show that you have been authorized to demand possession of
the place, which I am resolved to hold to the last.' On the
following Tuesday there was a fierce storm, which did serious
damage to the ships, but towards evening it grew calm, and the
vessels were enabled to take up safe moorings.
" March 13, the enemy ca.me out from the sally-ports, intent
on beating down our gabions, but our men repulsed them
valiantly. Next day Esmonde despatched a drummer "with a
letter to our general, stating that ' he wondered much at his-
conduct, the more so, as he (Preston) professed loyalty to the
king. Take heed,' ran the letter, ' lest you incur the guilt of
high treason ; but if you can show any instrument annulling
the patents by which I hold the fort, let me see it, and I -will
suri-ender the place "without further delay.' To this Preston
returned answer, ' that although the king's Irish CathoUc sub
jects had agreed to a cessation of hostUities with lord Ormonde,
his majesty's lieutenant, they had no notion of making terms with
the parliamentary forces then in possession of Duncannon.' He
further reminded him (Esmonde) that, not satisfied "with dis
missing major Capron and others who were loyal to the crown,
he had also received supplies from the rebel parliament, and
concluded by teUing him that, ' by surrendering the place he
might clear his name of the stam of disloyalty, and that if he
would not do so, he (Preston) had ample means to conlpel him.'
" Saturday and Sunday (March 15, 16) were spent by us in
completing the trenches, which gave us command of the enemy's-
ramparts, and also in laying a mine right under the northern
sally-port, which being fired on the following morning, caused
a wide breach in the wall. Seeing this, our men rushed out of

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 299
the trench and engaged in a hand-to-hand conflict with the
enemy, who fought very valiantly, many falling on both sides.
Laloe, the chief of our engineers, however, plied the besieged so
vigorously "with balls and bombs, that their granaries and
thatched huts were set on fire and burned down, notwithstanding
the efforts which were made to save them. This fight was
maintained by besiegers and besieged for three- hours, till our
general, seeing his men overpowered by the shower of stmie
balls which the gims of the fort discharged, caused the retreat
to be sounded, after we had lost ten gallant fellows in that
fierce conflict. Preston now pushed his brass and iron guns to
the very brink of the ditch, and battered down the tower which
lay nearest to the inner gate of the fort. This occurred on St.
Patrick's day, and no sooner was the tower demoUshed than
Preston commanded a detachment of one hundred and forty
choice men to dash into the ditch with scaling ladders and
hurdles covered "with hides. Some of them were shot do"wn as
they hastened onwards, but there were not wanting stout fellows
to take their places, and mount into the tower which the enemy
had deserted. After maintaining themselves in that perUous
position for upwards of an hour, they were obliged to make the
best of their way out of it, driven back by a shower of ball and
iron stakes, which cost us the loss of fourteen killed, and twenty-
five dangerously wounded. The very women and children in
the fort took part in this bloody contest. As for the enemy,
they too lost a considerable number of their men, and among
others a cajstain RusseU, the deputy-governor of the fort, who
succeeded captain Larken, kUled five days before. As for
Esmonde, he was then in very weak health, and very deaf.
" Next day Preston demanded a suspension of hostUies, ui
order that both parties might bury their dead. The enemy
consented to this, provided our general would allow the corpses
to be carried out of the fort. He, however, would not listen to
such terms, as all the ground outside the place was now in his
power ; but on reconsidering the matter, the enemy adopted his
-view, and the remainder of the day was passed in peace.
" Meanwhile the enemy, seeing their garrison diminishing
day by day, and kno"wing that they had no chance of getting
further supplies of provision, began to lose heart ; so much so,
that they soon afterwards demanded a parley, which being
granted, Esmonde despatched a drummer "with a letter to
Preston, requiring him to name those whom he would give as
hostages till the articles of surrender were perfected — he
(Esmonde) proposing to give a like number. Our general instantly

300 APPENDIX TO THE
named father Oliver Darcy,* prior of the Dominican convent
of KUkenny, and Captain Dungan. Esmonde sent as his
securities his nephew Richard, and the dejiuty-governor of
another fort. On the next night both parties subscribed the
following articles :
" That Esmonde should, on the 19th of March, surrender to
general Preston -the fort of Duncannon for the king's service.
Secondly, that the garrison would be allowed to march out with
baggage, and colours unfolded. That each of the common
soldiers should be allowed to retain the third part of a lance,
and the officers all the insignia of their rank. Fourthly, that
all of them should be provided "with a safe conduct to proceed
to Dublin or Youghal. Finally, that Preston should hold Dun
cannon agauist all enemies of the king's majesty. Of the
garrison forty expressed a wish to be conducted to Youghal,
one hundred and twenty to Dublin, and the remainder to Wex
ford, whence they were shipped to England. In the interval
Esmonde remained in the fort awaiting a carriage to take him
to Dublin, and on its arrival he set out, but had not proceeded
far on his journey when he died, and was buried near his manor
of Limerick, county Wexford.
" On the day agreed upon Preston took possession of the
fort, where we found great store of arms, twenty-two battering
guns, and some of brass, one of which was so hea"vy that the
English could not move it to the embrasure, from which it
might have galled us severely. Of powder there was not much,
but there was abundance of corn, cheese, and tobacco. , We
found little or no wine, for as the besiegers could not cook
their meat in sea water, they used the wine for that purpose.
"During the siege we lost one very brave officer, who dis
tinguished himself on various occasions, one lieutenant-colonel,
three captains, and twenty-six common soldiers. We expended
during the operations 176 iron balls, 19,000 pounds of powder,
and 162 stone balls.- The enemy's loss, as they themselves
-admitted, was very great.
" This memorable siege, commenced on the 20th of January,
terminated gloriously for us on the 19th of March, 1645, 0"wing
to the valour and skill of general Thomas Preston, who learned
the art of war in Flanders — that far-famed academy of Mars."i'
• Afterwards made biahop of Dromore at the instance of Rinuecini.
t A very beautiful plan of the siege was engraved at Kilkenny, by
Oasper Hubert, chief of the engineers, who came with Preston from the
Low Countries. This diagram represents the fort as it was during the
-operations — with its three towers facing the land, the trenchea, the

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 301
MONASTERY OF THE TRINITARIANS, ADARE.
Although it does not come -within our scope to speak of the
Trinitarian convent hard by that of the Franciscans in Adare,
the subjoined detaUs regarding the former establishment wUl
be read with interest, because they determine the precise date
of its foundation, and tell by whom the order was brought into
Ireland. For these particiUars we are indebted to father Bona
venture Baron's rare work, " Annales ordims SSse. Ti-Uutatis
pro redemptione Captivorum."
" In the year 1230," writes the learned Franciscan, " during
the pontificate of Gregory IX., the order of Trinitarians was
introduced into Ireland, by the agency of certain Scots fathers,
chief of whom was John Comyns, minister of Dunbar. The
splendid monastery of Adare was erected by the earls of KU
dare, who endowed it -with ample revenue. The fathers of
that house devoted themselves to the object of their institute — ¦
the redemption of captives — so earnestly, that some were found,
who not only sold their lands, but their silver plate, nay, and
their chaUces, to supply the necessary funds. The nobles of
country, and the people, gave the Trinitarians considerable
sums of money. At the time of the first redemption, for
which six of the principal magiiates of. Ireland made large
advances, the earl of Desmond (of whose family I come) con-'
tributed the entire of his table service, great part of which was
solid gold, and the remainder sUver gUt. The countess gave
her rich gold bracelets, and her earrings, set with stones of
priceless value, nay, all her ornaments, for the same pious
purpose." A brief account of the origin of this order "will not
be out of place here.
In 1198 Felix De Valois, and John De Matha, waited on
Innocent III., and submitted to him their project for ransoming
captives from the Saracens, who at that period made frequent
raids on the shores of the Mediterranean, and carried off mul
titudes of prisoners to Tunis and Algiers. After hearing the
apostles of this merciful undertaking. Innocent commanded
them to assist at his mass, on the 28th of January, when he
celebrated before his entire court, and in presence of his cardi
nals. At the words " elevatis ocuUs," his holiness looked
quarters of Butler, Synnott, Warren, and other of&oera who acted under
Pre.ston, of whom it givea a very iinely-engraved medallion Hkenesa, with
the folio-wing legend : — " lUustrissimo nobiliasimoque Domino D, Thomae
Preston,- Lagemensia exercitus in Hibernia generali, arcis Duncannon ex-
puguatori gubernatorique."

302 APPENDIX TO THE
upwards, and saw an angel, in an atmosphere of celestial light,
wearing a scapulary -with the image of a cross, partly red, and
partly blue, and holduig in the right hand the chain of a
Christian prisoner, and in his left that of a captive Moor. On
concluding the august sacrifice, his holUiess declared to all
present what he had seen, and affirmed that the Lord had
raised up Felix and John for the redemption of captives from
the bondage of cruel infidels. He then caused them both to
be clothed -with scapularies, and white habits — exactly like the
angel's — whereon was a cross, resembling that worn by the
heavenly apparition. Addressing John and Felix, the pope
said : " One half the cross you wear is of the colour of blood,
to teach you that you must be prepared to lay down your life
for the ransom of your fellowman. The colour of the other is
blue, to remind you that it is in heaven you are to find recom
pense for your toils, and sufferings ; and the habit and scapu
lary are white, to teach you that devotedness and self-denial
like yours, can spring only from hearts pure and simple." Such
was the inception of this merciful order, which, forty years
after its institution, counted six hundred convents in France,
Italy, Spam, and elsewhere.
Father Baron, quoting the Book of Adare, states that the
Irish Trinitarians ransonied 6,300 captives, and that forty of
that devoted fraternity won the Martyr's palm. "Arthur
O'NeUl," says our authority, " t"wice provincial of his order in
Ireland, after founding some convents in Scotland, went "with
two compaiUons to Egypt, where they died martyrs, in the
year 1282. One Gerald Hubert met the same happy death in
Palestine, in 1291. The Book of Adare commemorates Gregory,
Cormac, John, Redmond, Thaddeus O'Higgin, and other twenty-
seven martyrs, all of the convent of Adare, who laid down then-
lives in distant lands for the redemption of their fellowman."
Father Baron gives us the foUo-wing account of the e"vi]s
that beleaguered him in his old age : —
" Senio pronus, laboribus fractus, jam enim caligant oculi,
aures obturantur, dentes molii-e renuunt, crura fatiscunt. Fas
sit abstergere calamum tot voluminibus tritum."
[" Prostrated by years, broken down by toil, mine eyes faU,
my ears are dulled, my teeth refuse to masticate, my nether
limbs have lost theu- strength. It is therefore time to lay aside .
the pen worn out after so many volumes."] This brings to
one's mind the truthfulness of Dr. Webb's exquisite poem —
" The mortal who yearns for the years
'Which lengthen the shadows of Mfe."

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 303

Appendix T — p. 87.
Era Tomaso de Celano, author of " Dies Irae," was one of
those Ulustrious literati whom St. Francis received into his order
in the little church of Portiuncula about the year 1213. In
the year 1221, he was appointed by St. Francis to found the
Pro"vince of Germany. In 1223 he returned to Italy, and was
"witness of the remarkable deeds of St. Francis during the last
years of his life. By order of pope Gregory the Ninth, he
"wrote the life of his holy father, the first life written of the
saint. He begins the work thus ; — " Decus et vitam beatissimi
patris nostri Francisci pia devotione, veritate semper magistra,
seriatim cupiens enarrare. . . . jubente domino et glorioso
Papa Gregorio, prout potui, verbis licet imperitis studui expli-
care. Sed utinam ejus essem discipulus qiu semper locutionum
vita"vit senigmata, &c., &c."
Era Tomaso is also the writer of three Sequential — one for
the Mass of St. Francis, beginning " Sanctitatis nova signa;
one beginning " Fregit victor virtualis ;" and the famous " Dies
ircB, dies ilia." The latter hymn has been ascribed to other
writers, but the weight of MS. authorities is entirely in favour
of Celano. Bartholomeus Pisanus, the oldest "writer who men
tions the " Dies irce," unhesitatingly .attributes it to Era Tomaso.
This remarkable hymn has been -translated into several of the
modern languages. The first ItaUan translation was made by
the great Florentine poet, Girolamo Benivieni.*
Jacopone de Todi, a barrister of noble family, took the
habit of St. Francis ten years after the sudden death of his
-wife, which happened in 1268. She was crashed to death by
the fall of a platform from which she was "witnessing a public
spectacle in the piazza of the Uttle town where her husband
was born. The catastrophe smote him like a thunderbolt ;
and he thenceforth devoted himself to works of penitential
austerities, tiU he closed his chequered career in the convent of
CoUazone, at midnight of the Christmas of 1306, at the moment
when the priest commenced the Gloria in Excelsis. Jacopone
has left us a great number of spiritual poems ; but that which
must perpetuate his fame till the end of time is, the "Stabat,"
* "We may add that the late learned father Tosti of Monte Casaino, ia
Ma splendid " Storia di Bonifazio VIII." (v. i. p. 55), quoting Cardella,
" Stor. de Card," t. 2, c. ii., observes that some attributed that most
prophetic and solemn poem to cardinal Latino Malabranca, who iigures
so'conspicuoualy in the biography of Boniface VIII.

304

APPENDIX TO THE

which is best described by Ozanam in his "Poetes Francis-
cains." "Catholic literature," says the distinguished and devout
"writer "has nothing more pathetic than this sad wail, whose
monotonous strophes fall like tears, so sweet that one sees in it
a sorrow all di"vine consoled by angels ; in a word, so simple in
its popular Latin, that women and chUdren comprehend one
half of it by the words, and the other half by the air and by
the heart." -The best translation of the " Stabat" appeared in
the " Messenger of the Sacred Heart," March, 1870, from the
pen of D. F. MacCarthy, Esq. Another of Jacopone's Poems,
which Ozanam styles the " Stabat of the Cradle " (de la creche),
and is not so well kno-wn as the " Stabat of Calvary," will
not be out of place in this brief notice of its author : —

Stabat Mater apeciosa,
Juita foenum gaudiosa,
Dum jacebat parvulus,
Cujus animam gaudentem,
Laatabundam et ferveutem,
Pertransivit jubilus.
0 quam laeta et beata
Fuit ilia immaculata
Mater uuigeniti !
Quse gaudebat, et ridebat,
Exsultabat, cum videbat
Nati partum inclyti.
Quis est qui non gauderet, [sic)
Christi Matrem si videret
In tanto solatio ?

Stabat senex cum puella,
Non cum verbo nee loquela,
Stupescentes. cordibus.
Eia Mater, fons amoris.
Me sentire vim ardoris,
Fac ut tecum aentiam !
Fac ut ardeat cor meum
In amando Chriatum Deum,
'Dt sibi oomplaoeam.
Sancta Mater, istud agas:
Prone [sic) iutroducas Plagas
Cordi fixas valide.
Tui Nati coelo lapai.
Jam dignati foeno nasci
Poenaa mecum divide.

Quis non poaaet collsetari
CMis,ti Matrem contemplari
Ludentem cum Filio ?
Pro peccatia ause gentis,
CMistum "vidit cum jumentis,
Et algori subditum.
¦Vidit sum dulcem natum
Vagientem, adoratum
VHi diversorio.
Nato Chriato itt prsesepe,
Coeli oives canunt l^te
Cum immense gaudio.

Fac me vere congaudere,
JesuKno cohserere.
Donee ego vixero.
In me sistat ardor tui,
Puerino fac me frui,
Dum sum in exiKo.
Hunc ardorem fac communem,
Ne facias me immunem
Ab hoc desiderio.
Virgo Virginum prseclara,
MiM jam non sis amara :
Fac me parvum rapere.

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 305
Fac ut portem pulcMum fantem, {sic) Fac me nato custodiri,
Qui nascendo vicit mortem, Verbo Dei prsemuniri,
Volens vitam tradere. Conservari gratia.
Fac me tecum satiari, Quando corpus morietur.
Nato tuo inobriari, Fac ut animas donetur
Stans inter tripudia. Tui Nati visio.
Inflammatus et aocensus,
Obstupeacit omms sensus
Tali de commercio.

Having devoted so much space to notices of the learned
Franciscan of Clonmel, the writer in"vites attention to a docu
ment of paramount importance "with which the name of Geoffrey
Barron is associated. He is already known to the reader as a
conspicuous member of the Lower House of the Confederate
CathoUcs, who employed him on momentous missions to the
courts of France and Belgium at the formation of their body,
and in those days when the struggle between Charles I. and the
parliament had attained its crisis. The nunzio seems to have
regarded him as one of his most energetic supporters, and, we
may believe that his close relationship to duke Cosimo's future
historiographer was quite sufficient to secure for him the patron
age and warm friendship of the former.
This most valuable document "will be duly appreciated by the
reader if he bear in mind that it is one of the very few records
of the Supreme CouncU which escaped destruction when Kil
kenny surrendered to Cromwell, and when we may presume
the officials of the Confederates made away "with many of theU-
proceedings which would, doubtless, have been used as evidences
against them by the govemment of the usurper. Then, again, we
are to remember that a vast amount of the Confederate records
were destroyed in the great fire of 1711, when the Dublin
treasury was bui-nt to the ground.
To the historian, genealogist, and topographer, the " Book of
Accounts," "will prove of infinite value, the names of persons
and places, most of th'em occurring frequently in this volume,
being so distinctly associated -with it, and the status or office
of each indi^vidual so specificaUy indicated. It is almost super
fluous to add that most of those named in the Accounts were
members of the principal famUies of the period, and subse
quently became involved in all the disasters of the CromwelUan
confiscations and the unjust and ungrateful pro-visions of the
Acts of Settlement and Explanation.

306 APPENDIX TO THE
The " Book of Accounts,'' which a lucky accident placed in
the editor's possession, is copied from the original in the Public
Record Office, London.* — It is bound in a yellow parchment
cover, soiled, and torn on one side. There are two commence
ments, the second (entitled here Part II.,) begins at the torn
side of the volume. Both are imperfect. The Accounts so far
as they extend are the public accounts of the Supreme Council
of the Confederate Catholics, and ¦with certain of their receivers
and agents are audited, (in Part I.) by Geoffrey Barron and
John Birmingham, commissioners of the revenue on behalf of
the Confederate government.
These Accounts concern the period only from January, 1644,
to July 1646, as the last entry in Part II. concerns the charge
for proclaiming the Peace at Kilkenny, which was done on
29th July, 1646. It was just at this period that "the Cessa
tion" or Trace had been made between the king and Confe
derate Catholics, and part of the terms were, that the Con
federates should supply shipping and means to transport 3,000
of the marquis of Antrim's men into Scotland to the aid of
the marquis of Montrose, in order to relieve the king's losses
there, and hinder the new invasion projected from that quarter
ui aid of the parliament. Accordingly there wUl be found
charges for this ser-vice in the two first accounts of the series,
being those of Patrick Archer, merchant, of Kilkenny, who
debits himself in his first account with .£26 received from the
lord bishop of Cork and Cloyne as part of his applotment for
this service. This Account is signed by Patrick Archer, but
the allowance in passing it by the auditors is wanting.
The second Account of the same Patrick Archer is wholly
concerned about the charges of transporting the marquis of
Antrim's troops to Scotland, and is duly passed and signed by
the auditors.
The third is that of Mr. Luke "White, mayor of Waterford.
The fourth is that of Bamaby "White, acting for the commis
sioners of the army in the county of Carlow for sis weeks
means (or pay) of the army, being the proportion of that
county. The sixth is James Byrne's account of his receipts and of
the fourth parts of the Catholics' and enemies' freehold estates
in the county of Carlow, which he discharges by pajonents to
the army and others. Amongst these payments is one to the
judges of assize of the Confederate CathoUcs.
* See '¦' State Papers, Ireland," — Undated Petitions, No. 289.

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 307
The seventh is that of the executors of Henry Archer,
treasurer (or other high official in that line) for the province
of Leinster and Munster.
Amongst other sums are the large ones, £933, £886, £2433,
£1333, sent to Dublin or paid direct to sir Adam Loftus,
being probably part of the sum the Confederates undertook to
pay to the king at the signing of the Cessation.
To these seven Accounts then audited by the commissioners
of the revenue of the Confederate Catholics, succeed what may
be called " Military Establishments " for the province of
Leinster, (i. e.) the pay and number of officers and soldiers
charged on that pro-vince, "with the "divident" i. e. "di"visidn"
or rateable charge on each county. This applotment is signed
by the councU of the Confederate Catholics. After this
" EstabUshment " ¦will be found the fees to be levied at the
custom-house of New Ross, and all other ports within the
quarters of the Confederate Catholics, also signed by the
council of the same.
This part contains directions by the commissioners of the
revenue of the Confederate Catholics for charging public
servants -with sums or goods advanced on public account, for
recovering over payments, charging for rents and tithes -with
held, as also for fines imposed at the assizes of the county of
Carlow, and not collected or returned to the Confederate ex
chequer. The last item fixes the date as about July, 1646, as it is a
charge for proclaiming the Peace, signed and proclaimed on
July 29th, 1646.

A Boohe of Accomptes and Receipts Beginninge the 23rd of
Janua/ry, 1643, ffor Mr. Geoffey Baeeon.
The Right Honble. the Supreame Counsell of the
Confederate Catholiques of Ireland are Debitors,
in the behalfe of the publique to mee Patrick
Archer. £ s. d.
June 24 To £400 Inhanced payed Mr. Peter
Roche for the use of the Rt. Honble.
the earle of Castlehaven by order from
the Supreame Councell dat. 20 Junij. 400 0 0
June 28 „ £17 Inhanced payed Mr Richard
Dealing by order as above . . 17 0 0

308 APPENDIX TO THE £ s. d.
June 30 To £80 Inhanced payed Mr. Plunkett
& Mr. Bro-wne by order as above . 80 0 0
„ 30 „ £53 6s. Sd. Inhanced payed Mr.
Bro^wne by order as above . . 53 6 8
„ 30 „ £177 7s. Inhanced payed to John
Stanley by order from the Supreame
CouncUl dat 6 July . . 177 7 0
„ 30 „ £26 13s. id. Inhanced pd. John
Stanley by order as above dat
30 June . . . . 26 13 4
„ By £709 19s. Sd. to close this accompt
for which the said accomptant is to
bee Credited uppon his next accompte 709 10 8

Suma total 1464 6 8
Tlie above Accompt was audited and allowed as above on
12 of Jaiiy. in A.D. 1644 by us.
PATRICK ARCHER.
The Right Honble. the Supreame Councell of the Confederate
Catholiques of Ireland are Creditors in the behalfe of the
publique to Patrick Archer.
June 27 By £359 10s. ster. Rec. of Gerrald £ s. d.
fitz Morrish Esq. for the County of
Kerry by direction from the Su
preame Councell of the moneys ap-
plotted for his Ma'tie's. supply making
Inhanced £479 6s. 8d. . . 479 6 8
July 27 „ £260 ster Rec. of Mr John Gould
rent for the County of Corke by
direction as above . . . 346 13 4
„ „ £266 5s. ster. Reed, of Capt. Teigue
O'Bryen bydirection as above malang
Inhanced £335. . . . 335 0 0
„ „ £120 ster, Rec. of Phillipp Barriose
& Mr. John Gould for the County of
Corke by direction as above making
Inhanced £160 . . . 160 0 0
„ „ £50 ster. Rec. of Piers fizt Gerrald
for the Queene's County by direction
as above, making inhanced £66 13s.
id. . . . . 66 13 4

lEISH FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 309
July 27 To £20 ster Rec. of Edmond Power in £ s. (7.
the behalfe of my Lo. Bpp. of Corke
& Clone being in pte. payment of his
pte. of the applottment for the expe-
dicon of the service intended for the
isles of Scotland making inhanced
£26 13s. id. . . . 26 13 4
„ „ £50 Inhanced Rec. of Mr. John
Roch by verball order from the
Supreame CounceU . . 50 0 0

£1464 6 8
The above accompte was audited and allowed as above on 12
Jany. AD. 1644 by us
PATRICK ARCHER.
May it please yor. Lorps., 2Zffebr. 1644. —
Uppon vewe and auditt of the accompt of Patrick Archer
of Kilkenny, merchant, for, and concerning the freighteing and
agreeing -wth. the shipping for transporting the men for Scot
land wee conceave it reasonable to allowe the said Patr. for the
pticulars. of the sd. accompt as herein is expressed and doe
thereby certify for the sd. Patricke's receiptes and charge as
here is sett do-wne, though wee have noe other way for charginge
the said Patrick then his o^wne acknowledgmt. reserving here
after to the publique Power to charge the sd. Patr. at all tymes
wth. any other some or somes of money or other charges
where^wth. hee shaU appeere hereafter to have beene of Right
charged wth. and for wch. hee ought to bee accomptable to the
pubUque. ffirst allowed the sd. Patrick for freigh
teing of the Christopher of Surdame
ffor ffreighteing of the Angell Gabriell
ffor ffreighteing of the Jacob of Ross .
ffor casks and other charges by him ex
pended aboute the setting forward
of the sd. Shipps . . . 118 6
ffor his 4th pte. of the sd. Jacob lost in
that voiadge, we conceaue noe reason
the publique be charged wth. any pte.
of ytt the Councell not ha^ving under
taken insurance thereof, and there
fore allow the sd. Patrick nothing for
the same. .... nihU

£

s.

d.

644

2

5

710

4

0

710

4

0

310 APPENDIX TO THE «
ffor his charges, and tyme spent as hee £ s. d.
alledges for the space of six weekes
aboute the freightinge of the sd.
shipps not-wthstanding we conceaue
hee is pte. owner of the Jacob, and
could not -but bee at expence of tyme
and money about the sd. Shipps yete
wee have iii respect the Councell have
employed him about the freighting
and setting forth of the said Shipping
thought fitt to allow him, in wch.
some is included what hee challenges
forhamling . . . 103 15 0
ffor the use of his moneyes sithence he
, paid out of the same to this day . 26 5 0

Suma total . £2006 18 11

"Whereof the sd. Patrick rec. as by the
Accept, given in by him after supply
monny & other monnyes of the pub
lique came into his hands on and
above the Disbursements allowed
him uppon that Accompte . . 709 18 8
The sd. Patricke beyond what hee
charges himselfe wth. all Rec. of the
Maior of Waterford inwards the
freightinge of the sd. Shipps . 320 0 0

Suma total of his receipts amounts to 1029 18 8
"Which deducted of the above some
there remaynes due to sd. Patrick
wch. for the sd. Patricke hath beene
alwaise reddy & forward to engedge
himselfe for the publique, & for that
the pubUque hath divers ways reaped
advantages by the sd. Patrick's for- 1176 19 2
wardnes and engagemt. for them wee makinginthe
humbly offer, ought to bee putt in a moneey
payable way wth aU speed. 802 13 4

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 311
All wch. wee humbly Certifie & submitt to yor. Lopps.
further pleasure. Signed GEOFF. BARRON.
JOHN BIRMINGHAM.
May it please yor. Lopps.
We have accompted wth Mr. Luke "White now Maior
of Waterford, & find it as followeth.
We find due to the sd. Luke by bond £ s. d.
dated the 18 Sept. 1642 the some of
£229 17s. ed. ster of the Councell,
wch. reduced to Current money
makes . . . . 306 10 0
for the use thereof at the rate of £5
per cent, allowed to him by the
Councell's order of 13 Jany. 1644
the use of such payments as have
been made to him being deducted . 22 6 0
We likewise find due to the sd. Luke
the surplus for an over charge put
uppon him by mistake of the Custom
of Donegarvan as appeareth by the
sd. Customes Booke of Customes
now remayninge on record . . 2 7 0

SumatotaUs . 321 4 0
Of wch. wee find by the Customer of
the Porte of Waterford his accompte
past the 24 Sept. 1644 that he hath
rec. by allowance of his Custome in
the Porte afforsaid the some of . 43 13 0
More rec. by the sd. Luke by allowance
of the Customes in the aford. Porte
as appears by the Customer of the
sd. Porte his accompte part 9 Oct.
1644 the some of . . . 129 3 10
More due of the sd. Luke by bond
dated 18 March 1642 £77 4s. for
Customes of Tobacco in the forte of
Donegarvan at I2d. f S). wch. by
order of the Councell is reduced to
6d. 1* ft.— the some of . . 37 12 0

312 APPENDIX TO THE
More due of the sd. Luke by bond £ s. d.
date the 22nd. of July 1643 for
Customes in the aforsaid Porte the
some of . . . . —
Rec. by the sd. Luke by allowance of
his Customes in the forte of Done
garvan as appeareth by the Customs
of the sd. Porte his accompt past the
12 Febr. 1644 the some of £15 2s.
9d. ster. InAanced . . . 20 3 8
Memorand — That on the 29th January 1644 Barnahy
Birne in the behalfe of the Comrs. of the Army
in the Co. of Catherlagh did accompt before the
Comrs. of the publique Revenue for the sis ¦wickes
means due of the sd. Countie being £347 16s. M.
ster. wch. hee doth discharge as foUovveth, viz : —
Payed for the entertainment of , Sr.
Robt. Talbott Barronett's Troope
being 44 in No. at 6s. f "wicke le
peece, and a lieutenant at 12s. 1*
"wicke, a Corronett at 8s. ^ "wick a
Qr Mr. at Seave ShUl. ? wick each
of tOw Corporalls at 7s. f -wicke le
peece forfeiture four days beginninge
the 27 of 9ber, & ending the 12 of
this moneth "wth. two pence ster. in
crease le peece to each horsman ^
diem by two orders & one acquittance
the some of £102 9s. ... 102 9 0
Payd Serient Maior , Butler's Troope
bemg 42 m No. at 6s. le peece ^
¦wick, a Lieutt. at 12s. W "wick, a
Corronett at 8s. % ¦wick, a Qr. Mr.
at 7s. 1* -wicke, 2 Corporalls at 7s. le
peece '^ wick, a Trumpter at 7s. ^
wicke for 33 dales beginninge 13th
of lObr. & ending 21 of this instant
by 2 orders & and acquittance the
some of £69 15s. ster. . . 69 15 0
Payd into the Thrary. as appeth. by his
discharge therein £68 13s. 3d. . 68 13 3

The Total of his disbursemts amounts to . 240 16 3

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 313
Wch. compared -with the above chardges £ s. d.
rests due of the sd. County the some
of One hundred & six pounds nyn-
teene shUl. & six pence . . 106 19 6
Signed
GEOFF. BARRON.
JOHN BIRMINGHAM.
1645 Memd. that on the 7 June 1645 James Bime Esq.
7 June Receaved of the 4th ptes of the Catholiques free-
houlds <fe enemys estates in the Com. of Catherlagh
did this day accompt before the Comrs. of the
Revenue for the pubUque dues of the sd. County
as hee stands charged hereafter, vizt. —
The sd. Accomptant is charged -wth. £ s. d.
the 4th parts of the CathoUque ffree-
houlds in the sd. County amountinge
to £391 12s. 2d. ster. beingefortwo
gales ending Michaelmas & Easter
1645 . . . . 314 12 2
The sd. Accomptant is like^wise charged
¦wth. the enemies and Ne-wters
Estates in- the sd. County of Cather
lagh for Easter & Michas. gales 1645 719 7 4

The Total chardge. . 1033 19 6
The Accomptant doth discharge the aforsaid charge in
Manner follow einge, "vizt. —
Payd for the intertaynemt. of Sarjent
Maior Geo Butler's Troope consist-
inge of 42 horse besidyes officers
from the 21 of ffeb. 1644 untiU 9 of
Aprill beinge 45 dales accordinge the >
order of quarters °§ order dated the
26th of March 1645 the some of . 96 8 0
Payd for the Intertaynmet of Sr. Robt.
Talbott's Troope being 44 besides
officers from the 28 of March to the
29th of Aprill following being 31
days according the order of quarter
for the officers and 12c?. ster. p. diem

314 APPENDIX TO THE

£ S. d.

to the Troops p. order from the
Gerall. and tre. from the Lo. Vis
count NettervUle and Nicholas Plun
kett Esq. being a Comittee from ye
Councell appointed dated 30 March
1645 and acquittance acknowledging
the same the some of . . 79 10 0
Payd to Capen. Bruton's Company of
foot for the intertaynmet of the sd.
Capens officers and six soldiers, and
Capen Powel's Company being 30
besides officers from the last of March
to the 29th of May, and to Capen
Bruton's officers and Company from
the 21st of May to the 12th of June
1645 according the order of quarter
for the Army p. two orders and
three acquittances the some of
Assigned to Walter Bagnell Esq. for
the mayntenance of the Ward of
Laughline after accompt the rent due
of the towne of Laughlin the impro-
priacon of Donelecking the impropri
ations of Ballant, Lorem, Clonegose,
Killtinell, Kellistowne, Shraghboe,p.
2 orders of the Comrs. of the Re
venue sett for . . . 124 14 9'
Payd for the intertaynmet of Sarjant
Maior Theo. Butler's Troope from
the 21 of January to the 21 of ffebr.
being 42 horse besides officers ac
cording the order of quarterand order
from the Comrs. of the Revenue and
acquittce. acknowlg. same . . 63 13 8
Payd the Judges of Assizes p. order and
acquittance . . . 7 15 7
Payd into the Threary as appears p.
acquittance . . . . 60 0 0-
Payd Mr. OUver Eustace of Ballynunry
by order of abatemt. from the Court
of Revenue the some of . . 8 12 0
Payd the Commrs. of the 4th pte. \%d.
p. pound allowed them by their Com
mission, the some of . . 80 13 9

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 315
Delivered by the sd. accomptant accord- £ s. d.
ing the tenure of his Commission for
himselfe and the Collect. 5d. p. pound
the some of . . . 22 8 8
Payd the Comrs. of the Army for the
first six wickes meanes lea'vyed by the
sd. Comr. wch. by order of the As
sembly was to bee allowed out of the
4th pte. the some of . . 184 15 0
The aforesd. some is aUowed to the
Receavor p. Retume of the Comrs.
of the 4th pte. stg.
Payd to the severall tents, of Enemys
estates in the sd. County the applott
ment made by the Comrs. of the sd.
County on the Enemys estates in the
sd. County for the last six wickes
meanes for wch. allowances was given
them out of theire rent p. order
dated the 17th of lOber 1645 and
foure acquittances amountinge in all
to . . , . ' . 170 10 0
The Totall of his disbursemts. for wch.
he hath aUowance amounts to . 1071 9 10
Wch. compared wth. the above charges
rests due of the sd. accomptant upon
his sd. accompt the some of . . 4 8 8
Signed,
GEOFF. BARRON.
WILLIAM HORE.
Memorand — ^that Patr. & Walter Archer did accompt
before the Comrs. of the Revenue of the last of
December 1644 in the behalfe of Henry Archer
Esq. deceased for such moneys as hee receaved be
longing to the publique "vizt.
Receaved of the Lo. Bpp. of Do^wne in £ s. d.
the behalfe of the Province of Ulster 133 6 8
Rec. of Richard Bamewall in the be
half of the Com. of Meath in the
Province of Leinster . . 66 13 4
Rec. of CoUoneU Piers fizt Gerrald in
the behalfe of the Com. of KUdare . 10 0 0

316 APPENDIX TO THE
Reed, from Doctor Gerrald ffennell in £, s. d.
the behalfe of the Province of Monn-
ster . . . . 80 0 0
Rec. out of the County of Kilkenny . 66 13 4
Rec. out of the Cittie of Waterford . 29 6 8
Receipts of Ponder money . —

66 13

4

133 6

8

118 4

4

22 10

0

142

0

0

40

0

6

60

0

0

306

0

0

164

0

0

50

0

0

Rec. out of the Com. & Cittie of
Limcke ....
Rec. out of the Com. of Corke
Com. Rec. from Christopher Wolverston
Wickloe Rec. from Mr. Oliver Eustace
Rec. from Mr. Thomas Birne & Gerrald
BU-ne . . . . 22 8 10
Rec. from Mr. John Doyle for the
Barrony of Talbottsto^wne . 9 5 4
Rec. from Mr Thorlagh McDaniell
Bime ....
Com. Rec. from Nicholas fizt. Harries of Ross
Wexford Rec. from the Corporacon of Ross
Rec. from Mr. Richard Waddinge
Rec. from the sd. Richard Waddinge .
Rec. from the sd. Riq. by James Reyly
Rec. from Wm. Stafford in discharge of
the County aforesd. & Discharges
from Captaine Anthonio and the
Soveraigne of Ross by directions
from the Supreame Councell . 316 17 6
Com. Rec. from the Com. and Cittie of KU-
Kilkenny keiiny — ¦vizt from the Cittie of KU
kenny £65, from the Com. £455,
makes Currt. . . . 520 0 0
Rec. from Mr Richard . . 39 17 6
Rec. from Mr. John Roch fitz John
by the direction of the Comers, of the
Army of the Com. of Kilkenny for
theire pportion. of the third le^vy for
his Matie's. supply . . . 279 2 6
Com. Rec. from Mr. James Butler in the
Gather behalfe of the Com. of Catherlogh . 136 13 4
• Rec. from the sd. James Butler . 3 2 0
Do. do. . . 4 13 4

£

s.

d.

24

0

0

6

6

8

80

0

0

204

0

0

80

0

0

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 317
Rec. from Mr. Brian Birne & Gerrald
Byrne for the Barony of Idrone
Rec. from ffargus O'Leyne & Symon
Bolger in the behalfe of the Baronye
of Catherlogh
Com. Rec. from Charles Dempsie
Regin. Rec. from Thomas Hovenden, Esq.
Com. Rec. from Mr. Bryen fizt Patricke
Regis Rec. from Richard & Terrence Coghlan
Esqrs. . . . . 201 6 8
Rec. from Mr. Rich. BeaUnge by acquit
tance from Sr. Adam Loftus for
£1000 ster .... 1333 6 8
ffi-oni Mr. Richard BeaUnge by warrant
to pay the Lo. of Inchyquin
Com. Rec. from Mr. John Aylward
Water. Rec. from Mr. Piers Power
Rec. from Mr. Piers Power of Adams-
to'wne ....
Rec. from the Maior & Corporation of
Com. the Cittie of Waterford
Tipper. Rec. from Capen Theobald Butler
Rec. from the sd. Capn.
Rec. from Alexander Power of the
3rd le-vy ....
Com. Rec. from  out of KUmaUocke .
Lym'cke. Rec. from Mr George Commyn
Rec. from Mr. Richard Shoe fizt John
Marcus . . . . 80 0 0
Rec. from the Comrs. of the army of
the county of Lim'rick . . 292 5 5
Rec. from Mr. Dominicke White,
Magse. of the Co. Lymcke, per bUl of
Exchange . . . . 59 18 9
Com. Rec. of Collonell Dempsie by directions
Clare. of Mr. Secretary BeaUnge in discharge
of the County of Clare . . 465 6 8
Com. Rec. from Wm. Creagh, p. bill of Ex-
Kerry, change . . . . 289 13 1
Com. Rec. from Charles Dempsie for the
Cath. Agents . . . . 64 0 0
Lym'cke Rec.fromWUlCommynof Whitesto-wne
for ditto . . . . 354 0 0
Rec. from Da^vid Dowley for the use of

676

13

4

164

0

0

240

0

0

105

0

0

66

16

8

400

0

0

400

0

0

425

0

0

106

13

4

133

6

8

£
68

s.
13

d. 4

19

1

0

9211

19

0

318 APPENDIX TO THE
the Agents out of the Cittie of
Lymcke ....
Mr. Richard Shee charges the said
Henry Archer ¦with
The Totall of Ids receipts amounts to
Which hee discharged in manner follow
ing, vzt.
Imprimis payd to Doctor Tyrell by the
Supreame Councills order, dated 11th
July 1642 ....
To the sd. Doctor by ditto, 12 July
1642 ....
Pd. ffather James Talbott by ditto, 1 3
June 1642
Pd. to Innocent a Sto. Alberto per
ditto, 17 July 1642
Pd. in discharge of the Councell's bond
to Mr. Robt. Shee, per order dated
28 July, 1642
Pd. to Mr. Bealing, per order dated
28 July 1642
Pd. to Mr. Richard Shee by two severall
orders the 21st & 30th of July 1642
Pd. to Henry Headen by two severall
orders — as above
Pd. to Peter Shee by order dated 30
July 1642 ....
Pd. to Mr. John Carroll by order dated
8 Sept. 1642
Pd. to Mr. Bealing per order dated 8th
7bris. 1642
Pd. to Henry Headen, by ditto
Pd. to the Rt. Hon. the Lord Viscount
Mountgan-ett per order dated 10th
7bris 1642
Pd. Mr. BeaUnge per order dat. 20th
7bris. 1642 . .
Pd. Henry Headen per order dat. 30th
7bris. 1642
Pd. in discharge of the CounceU's bonds
to Robert Tobin per order dat. 28o.
1642 . . . . '. 66 13 4

40 0

0

66 13

4

34 13

4

13 6

8

272 0

0

22 13

4

12 0

0

2 1

4

1 12

0

26 13

4

6 13
0 9

44

13 6

8

6 13

4

0 9

4

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 319
Pd. Mr. Thomas Greene by order from £ s. d.
the Supreme Council!, dat. 23rd 8bris.
1643 to bee carryed to Dublm . 933 6 8
Pd. the sd. Thomas Green by the
Councell's order dat. 23rd 8bris.
1643 . . . . 884 10 0
Sent to Mr Greene to Dublm, . . 1643 800 0 0
Mr. Greene rec. from Mr. Toby Sheald
in Dublin, as appe'th by Mr. Green's
discharge .... 117 6 8
Pd. CoUoneU John Barry by biU of Ex
change from the Comrs. of the Co.
of Lym'cke . . . 292 5 5
Pd. CoUoneU John Ban-y by bUl of Ex
change from the Maior of Lmy'cke 59 18 0
Pd. do. . . . do. from the
Commrs. of Kiery . . . 289 13 1
Pd. to the Lo. Tomond as may app're
by an acquittance dat. 8. March 1643 133 6 8
Pd. to S. Adam Loftus as appe's by
acquittance dat. 25 April! 1643 . 2433 10 6
Pd. to sd. Ld. Adam Loftus do. dat.
29 lObris. 1643 . . . 1333 6 8
Pd. to the Lo. of Inchiquin as appeers
by acquite. dat. 27 8bris. 1643 . 666 13 4
Pd. Peter Shee by the CounceU's direc
tions dated the last day of 8ber
1643 . . . . 65 12 0
Layd out in other charges & disbursmts.
as may appeere by note of the pticu
lars . . • . . 13 6 0
To be allowed for 100 pattacoons
(Spanish coin) at 4s. 8d. le peece . 2 7 2
Pd. Richard Shee Esq. by the Councell's
order dat 23 Ober 1643 . 66 13 4
Pd. Mr. Nicholas fizt Harryes by order
4 March 1643 . . . 40 0 0
Pd. Mr. Everard by directions from the
Councell in pte. paymt. of ye. amuntio.
bought of hUn . . . 105 0 0
For allowance of one penny in every
pattacoon of 150 toRaph Capron . 3 6 8
Pd. for a horse and man that went to
conduct the sd. moneys to Ross . 0 6 0

320 APPENDIX TO THE
Pd. Stephen Everard to the use of his £ s. d.
brother Matthew . . 66 16 8
Pd. for charges and allowances of the
pattacoons as appe'r by my brother
Patr. note whoe went ¦with the
money to Dublin . . . 33 6 8
Pd. the Soveraigne of Ross as appees.
by acquittance dat 8 May 1644 . 50 0 0
ffor a bond of £50 ster. lent by
Robert Tobin in my brothers behalfe
to the Sup. Councell by order Aug.
1642 . . . . 66 13 4
Allowed him for his paynes taken in
the receipt and disbursmts. of the
aforesd. somes . . . 50 0 0
The totall of his aUowed Disbursemts
amounts to . . . 9160 5 6
Wch compared ¦wth his receipts rests
due of hun . . . 51 14 8
All this precedent accompt is in hannck (enhanced.)
monney. Signed, GEOFF. BARRON.
The Quarter mr. of a Regimt. 2s.
diem in the field
In garryson
Chaplyn in the field 18 A per diem
In garryson
Provost in the field 2s. per diem
In garryson
Maior of Horse in the field '§ diem
In the garryson
General Officers for the Army and their pay.
Thomas Preston Lord Genall of the
Army ? ann. . . . 600 0 0
Hugh Byrne Cheef e Commander of the
Army under the sd. Genall 3 diem
ia ye field . . . .10 0
Per diem out of ye field or in garryson 0 15 0
Collonell Pierce ffitz Gerrald Com
mander of the Horse ^ diem in the
field . . . 0 15 0

0 2 0

0 1 0

0 1 6

0 1 0

0 2 0

0 1 0

0 10 10

0 7 6

lEISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES.

321

Per diem out of ye field or in garrison
Two Corporalls of the field each 1* diem
in the field ....
Each 1* diem in garryson or out of ye
field
Thomas Dungan Quarterms. & auditor
¦^ diem in ye field .
In garrison or out of ye field ^ diem
Provost Marshall '§ diem in the field
Out of the field f diem
Mustermt. ^ diem in ye field .
Out of the field ^ diem
Cheefe Surgeon in ye field 'W diem
Out of ye field ^ diem
Chaplyn Maior or Vicar Genall
diem
Col. Sir Two CoUoneUs each 1? diem in the
James field
DUlon Each I* diem out of the field .
Knt. Three Lieut. CoUoneUs each "^ d.
field ....
Col. Ric. Each f d. out of the field
Butler Two Chaplyns each at 2s. % diem
Three Sariant Maiors each ^ diem in
the field
Each f d. out of ye field
Twenty foure Captaynes of foote
diem each Captayne in the field
Out of the field
Thirty Lieutenants of the foote each
Lieut, p. diem in the field. .
In Garrison
Thirty Ensignes each Ensigne p. d,
the field
In garryson
Threescore Sariants each Sargeant p. d,
inf.
In garrison
Threescore Corporalls each Corporall p.
d. in f.
In garrison
Thirty Drummers each drum p. d. in
In garrison

£

s.

d.

0

11

3

0

5

0

0

3

9

0

6

6

0

4

6

0

3

0

0

2

4

0

4

6

0

3

4

0

2

6

0 1 10

0

15

0

0

11

3

0

10

0

0

7

6

0

2

0

0

7

6

0

5

8

0

4

6

0

2

3

0

2

6

0

1

3

0

1

6

0

0

9

0

1

0

0

0

6

0

0

9

0

0

4

0

0

9

0

0

4

322 APPENDIX TO THE

£ S. d.

ffoote Companies.
Thirty foote Companies each Compy. to
consist of 85 Soldiers besydes all
officers, each Soldier p. week in the
field . . . .030
In garrison p. week . . . 0 2 6
Garrisons.
600 ffoote to be placed as the Councell
shall direct, each Souldier to have p.
week . . . .026
Souldiers of each garrison to have
fyre and candlelight where the
Supreame Councell shall think
meete
Their Captaines & other officers to be
paied as is sett downe for the fform
Captns. and officers.
Companies of Horse.
The Lord Genall of Leinster 40 horse
p. diem in the field each horse
Out of the ffeld as in garrison p. weeke
to each horseman
Collonell John Butler 36 horse not in-
includinge Lt., Comett, or Trumpeter
each horse p. diem in the field
In garrison p. weeke .
Lieut. Genall Byrne 36 horse as above
In garrison p. weeke .
Lieut. Collonell CuUen 36 horse as above
In garrison p. weeke .
Col. Pierce fitzGerrald 36 horse as above
In garrison p. weeke .
Captaine Le-wis Moore 36 horse as above
In garrison p. weeke .
Captain Gerrald fitz Gerrald 36 horse
as above ....
In garrison p. weeke .
The Lord of Trimbleiston 36'horse as
above ....
In garrison p. weeke . ...
The Lo. of ffingall 36 horse as above .
In garrison p. weeke .

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

0

1

6

0

6

0

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES.

323

Captayne James Bamewall 36 horse as
above ....
Collonell Ric. fferrall 36 horse as above
Sariant Maior John ffinglass 36 horse
as above ....
Sariant Maior Theob. Butler 36 horse
as above ....
Sr. James Dillon 36 horse as above
In garrison p. weeke (each)

£

s.

d.

0

6

0

6

0

6

0

6
0
6
0
6
0
Captaynes of Horse & other of theu- Officers.
11 Capens. each Capen. "^ diem in. the
field . . " .
In garrison ^ diem
14 Lieuts. each Lt. f
In garrison ^ weeke
14 Cometts each Ctt. '
In garrison "4 weeke
14 Trumpeters each Tr.
field
In garrison 'W weeke .
Lt. CoUoneU John ffinglas by order of
the Supreame Councell dated 22 Ap.
1647 in ye f ¦¥ diem ' .
In garrison 1* diem
diem in ye field .
I diem in ye field
diem in ye
0 8 0
0 4 0
0 5 0
0 17 6
0 3 0
0 10 6
0 2
0 7
0 13 4
0 9 0
A true Copy of the Division Signed by the Councell.
Co. Longford .
Co. KUldare .
Co. Wexford .
Co. Killkenny
Citty „
Co.. Westmeath
Co.. Wickloe .
King's County
MeathQueen's County
Co. Catherlagh
0
2
3
0
1
2
0
5
5
0
5
5
0
1
4
0
4
6
0
2
6
0
3
4
0
1
3
0
1
3
0
1
8
1 10 1
324

APPENDIX TO THE

Emerus Clogherensis, Alexander M'Donnell, Lucas
DUlon, N. Plunkett, Donnogh 6 Callaghane,
Richard BealUnges.
ffield page. Six weekes meanes for 6000 foote and 800 horse with
theire Officers, Maior Genall. and Pticular. as
followeth : — £ s. d.
748 3 9

Co. Longford .
Co. KUldare .
Co. Wexford .
Co. KiUkenny
Citty „
Co. Westmeath
Co. Wickloe .
King's Co.
Meath
Queen's Co.
Co. Catherlagh

Suma Total

387 18 11
1801 3 6
1801 3 6
443 7 4
1496 7 9
803 12 11
1108 8 4
415 13 1
415 13 1
554 3 4
. 9975 15 6

A hundred pounds more added to the within sume
of £9975 15s. M. divided as foUoweth :—

Co. Longford .
Co. KUldare .
Co. Wexford .
Co. KiUkenny
Citty „
Co. Westmeath
Co. Wickloe .
King's Co.
Meath Queen's Co.
Co. Catherlagh

£ *.
755 10
391 16
1819 4
1819 4

i. 5
8

447 16 2f
1511 7 9
811 15 0
1119 11 8|
419 17 1
419 17 1
559 17 4

Suma Total

. .10075 15 6

The Pay of the Officers & others of the Trains of
Artillery in the field is as followeth : —

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTEEIES.

325

diem

* weeke

The Comaunder of the Artillery l* diem
Michael Walsh Gunn at ye. rate of £50
"^ ann. 1* weeke
Edward Plunkett Quarter Mr.
(i.e. 2.) Tow Smiths at I8d. f diem .
Tow Carpenters „
Each Doctor '^ weeke le peece
20 Pioneers at 2s. 8d. le peece 1
One Slant. 1* diem
The Capen. of the pioneers ^ diem
The Carradge Mr & 2 Assistants "§
diem ....
The Clearck of the Store & 2 assistants
("Whereof one to bee Auditor) ^ diem
Wm. Grene cheef drum at Is. „
Edwd. fflanagan, Ric fitzgerald, Laughlyn
Brok & Robt. Morden, 4 Assts. to
the Cannoneer at Is. Qd. le peece ^
diem ....

£

s.

d.

0

8

0

0

19

3

0

2

0

0

3

0

0

3

0

0

2

6

9

2

8

0

1

0

0

2

6

0

4

0

0

4

4

0

1

0

0

6

0

The Sub-di-vision of 800 horse and 6000 ffoote upon
the sevaU Compties, according the Di-vident as
followeth : —

Horse

ffoote

Longford .
KUldare .

60i

450 233

Wexford .

145|
1083J
KUlkeny .
Civit EUUkeny
145: 35i
1083J 266|
Westmeath
121
900
Wickloe
' 64i
4831
Kinge's
Meath
84 33l
666* 250
Queen's
33^
250
Catherlagh
45;
333
800
6000
The meanes of the Officers of Eleaven
Troopes whereof Capen. Harpool's one
for six weekes comes to
519 15 8
326 APPENDIX TO THE
2 Troopes consistinge of 50 horse each
Troope at I2d. le piece per diem for
six weekes comes to
The meanes of both the resident mem
bers of the Councell for the like
tymes come to . . .
The meanes of the Comrs. Genii, for ye
like tyme comes to
The Cheefe remembrancer Clarke &
AucUtor at £40 le peece p ann. for
six weekes comes to
ffor a munition magazine of the
lord of Lo^wth and other coasts spies,
open for the traine of Artillery and
other necessarys after the rate of
£5000 p. ann. comes for sis weekes to

Com. Longford
„ Kildare
„ Wexford
„ KUkenny
City „
Com. Westmid.
„ Wickloe
„ King's .
„ Midd. .
„ Regin. .
Catherlagh

£ s. d.

1155 0 0

56 0 0
84 0 0

15 0 0

576 18 OJ

£2406

13

OJ

£

s.

d.

180

1

7

93

11

4

434

11

IH

434

11

llj

106

19

n

361

2

11

193

17

10

267

9

7f

100

6

3

100

6

3

133

13

H

£2406

13

Oi

The meanes and pay of the Additional fforces of the
P'vince. of Leinster over and above the former 800
horse wth. theire officers and 600 foote for six
weekes as followeth to be maintayned by the whole
P'vince. £ s. d
The pay and meanes of Eleaven Troopes
wth. theire offs. for six weekes
amounts unto . . . 1674 15 0

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES.

327

Of the Earle of Antrim's men 500 foote
and of Sr. James Dillon's 500 foote,
consistinge of 10 Companies with
theire officers for six weekes amounts
unto .... 1028 15 0
Suma. Totalis . . £2703 10 0
The Subdevision of the meanes of five Companies of
foote of Sr. James Dillon's, and five Companies of
Therle of Antryme's, consistinge of 1000 men with
theire officers for six weekes amountinge unto
£1028 15s. uppon ye Seuall. Counties as followeth:

Com. Longford
„ KUdare
„ Wexford
„ KUkenny
Cit. -
Com. Westmeath
„ Wickloe
„ Kuig's
„ Midd.
„ Regin.
,, Catherlagh

£

s.

d. ]

. 79

2

5 '

. 39

13

3

. 184

7

m

. 184

7

lOi

. 45

7

4

. 158

4

8i

. 82

4

m

. 113

9

10

•. 42

11

H

. 42

11

6-1

. 56

13

H

£1028

15

0

Fees to be taken of the Custome house of the Porte of
Ne^wrosse and other the portes within the Qrters.
the Confederate Catholiques as followeth : — ¦

* Cus. Sur. Com.
d. d. d.

First for the entrye of all Shipps barqus
from England by English or Irish .
fifor entrie of goods in the same shipps
or Barques by English or Irish
ffor the entrie of all shipps & barques
from fforaine Countries by English or
Irish ....

8 8

Customers, Surveyors, and Comptrollers.

328 APPENDIX TO THE Cus. Sur. Com.
ffor entrie of all goods in fforraigne d. d. d.
shipps or barques by English or
Irish . . . .888
ffor makeinge of bonds to the use of the ^ ^
publique by English or Irish .12 | |
ffor every entry into the Certificate - ^
booke . . • . 2 g !|
ffor every endorcment . . 4^ 4 4
ffor takeinge bond to his Maties. use
or the use of the publique to pmit.
the Officers to goe a boorde at all
tymes, and not to departe away
before they be cleered by the Officers g g
and theire bookes examyned .12 -g -g
For Entry of all Shipps & barques to
England by English or Irish .444
ffor entry of all goods in the same
Shipps or barques by English or Irish 4 4 4
ffor every CoOgnett by English or Irish 12 9 9
ffor entry of every Ship barque or boate
alongest the Cost . . .211
ffor makeinge every Certificatte for
goods which paid Custome pondage
or imposicon inwardes and paieth
none out . . . . 14 7 7
ffor every Certificatte uppon warrt.
from the lord Deputy or other Cheefe
Governor . . . . 18 9 9
ffor endorceinge all wants. & lycences
ffor forraigne bUls . . .666
ffor every Coaste certificate ¦with tymber
or boords . . . .422
for every coaste certificatte & and for
entry into his Maties bookes .12 8 8
for dischardginge of bounds & fileinge a g
the Certificate . . . 6 -g |
for makeinge Certificates of retorne in
ye. Kinges booke wax & pchment .12 4 4
for cleeringe of Shipps and Barqs. and
examneinge bookes from England .633
for cleereinge of Shipps and Barques &
exameninge bookes from forraigne
ptes. . . . . 12 6 6

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 329
Cus. Sur. Com.
for entry of Shipps and barques from d. d. d.
England or anny other pte. beyond
the seas by strangers . .12 12 12
for entry of goods in ye said Shipps or
barques by strangers . .888
for cleeringe of Shipps and exameninge
of books from England, or any other
pte. by strangers . . .16 8 8
ffor makeinge of bonds to his Matie's
use for imploymt. or other-wise by 3 3
strangers . . . . 18 -g -g
for entry of all Shipps and Barques to
England or anny other Pte. beyonge
the seas by strangers . . 12 12 12

Signed

Montgarrett. Thomas Cashell Nett.
John Clonfert. R. Bellings. Thom. Flemings.
Pa. Darcy. Gerrald Fennell.
Malachias Tuamen. Geffery Browne.

Fees and pquissitts to be receaved and takin by his
Maiestie's searcher of the Porte of Waterford.
Imprimis for every Shipp or barque £. s. d.
arriveinge from fforraigne Ptes.
either by natives or strangers for'
ingate . . . .016
It. for the like for outgate . . 0 16
Itim for every Shipp barque or boate
alonngest the Coaste ¦with anny goods
brought in or transported out by
natives or strangers . . 0 0 3
ffor every shipp barque or boate out of
England or Scottland by natives or
strangers . . . .009
It. for every billete or warrt. for dis
chardginge of Goods inwards by
natives directed to the searcher . 0 0 4J
Itm. for every dischardge or warrt.
for goods comminge in by porte
Cocgnett by natives or strangers . 0 0 4^

330

APPENDIX TO THE

Itm. for every certificate alongest ye.
Coast by natives or strangers of the
dischardge of goods which come by
porte Coccquett
Item, for every dischardge or warrt.
for goods in or out by lett pass
Itim for every bUl of vew by natives
„ „ strangers
Itim for every Coccquett by natives
outward bond
Itim for every Coccquett by strangers
outward bond
Itim for every Coccquett of anny great
shipp laden with come outward
bound . . . .
Itim for every Coccquett of anny small
barque leaden with corne outward
bound . . . .
Itim for every barrell of tallowe or
butter exported by native or stranger
payeinge Custome .
Itim for gadginge of every toiin of
wyne, oyle, venegar, or beere im
ported by native or stranger
Itim for every toun of beere exported
by native or stranger
Itim for every warrt. at Lardge for
dischardginge of goods &mchantdizes.
retoumed uppon bUl by natives of
vewe ....
Itim for every billett or warrt. for the
dischardginge of goods uppon the
retoume uppon bill of vew by
strangers . . . .
Itim for every bill of store or an
allowance for pro^vision to natives
as well incerted in bUleth wants, or
Coccquetts as by it selfe aloane for
dischardge of goods in warde or out
warde ....
Itim for such bUl of store or allowance
for P'^vision for strangers .
Itim. for every packe of yearne by
native or stranger .

£ s. d.

0 0 41

0 0 5J
0 0 4i
0 0 9

0 0 4X

0 0 9
0 5 0
0 2 6
0 0 2
nichil
0 0 3
0 0 6
0 0 9

0 0 5J
0 0 9
0 0 6

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 331

Itim. for every packe, bagg, or ffardell
of well, woUfell, sheepskins, and
lambskins beinge packed in packes,
baggs, or ffardells . . .030
Itim. for every barrayle of hearings
exported by natives
Do. by strangers
Itim. for every barrayle of beefe ex
ported by natives .
Do. by strangers
Itim. for every dicker of tanned hydes
exported by natives or strangers . 0 0 1^
Itim. for every passenger or souldier to
goe for forraigne ptes. le peece . 0 0 3

0

0

Oi-

0

0

o|

0

0

01"

0

0

1

i'

'Mountgarrett, Thomas CasheU,
Signed J Malachias Tuamen, NettervUl,
¦j Emerus Clogherensis, Nhoh. Plunkett,
(^ Gerrald Fennell, Geffrey Browne.

ffees and P'quissitts. to be receaved and taken by his
Ma'tie's. searchers of the porte — Established by the
Rt. hoble. the Supreame Councell. £ s. d.
Imprimis for every Shipp or Barque
arryveinge from fon-aighe ptes. either
by natives or strangers for ingate . 0 16
It. for the like for outgate . 0 16
Itm. for every shipp, barque, or boate
alongest the coast with any goods
brought in or transported out by
natives or strangers . . 0 0 3
Itim. for every shipp, barque, or boate
out of England or Scotland by natives
or strangers . . .009
Itim for every bUlett or warrt. for dis
chardginge of goods inwards by
natives directed to the searcher . 0 0 4|-
Itim. for every dischardge or warrt. for
goods cominge in by porte cocgnett
by native or stranger . . 0 0 4|

332 APPENDIX TO THE

£ S. d.

0

0

4*

0

0

4*

0

0

9

Itim. for. every certificatt alongest the
coast by natives or strangers of the
dischardge of goods which come by
porte cocquett . . . 0 0 4|^
Itim. for every dischardge or warrt. for
goods in or out be lett pass
Itim for every bUl of vewe by natives
Do. by strangers
Itim. for every cocquett by natives
outward bond . . . 0 0 4J
Capt. Edmond ffiirlong to be chardged
¦wth. £180 8s. ster. by him receaved
of Evens Kinselagh Esq. of the tieth
moneys in the County of Catherlagh
Anno 1644 for the use of the Lo.
Gen'aU of Leinster . . . 180 8 8
The Lo. Gen'aU of Leinster to be
charged "wth £37 ster. Reed, by
Capt. Thos. Roch for the use of the
sd. Lo. Gen'aU from the said Evens
Kinselagh being pt. of the sd. tithe
moneys . . . . 37 0 0
itm.  the moneys wch. . . .
 Kinselagh uppon his ac. . .
The . . . Bp. wth. thirty nine . . .
eighteene Shillings ster. of the sd.
moneys wch. is allowed to the sd.
Evens uppon Accompte . . —
itm. WUliam Here Esq. wth. £7 10s. M.
ster. by him receaved of the sd.
Evens of the said tith money for the
use of doncannon . . . 7 . . . .
itm. Mor the said Mr. Hore -wth. £3 ster.
by him receaved of the said Evens of
the sd. tith money for the use afore
said . . . .300
Com. WUliam Langton Maior to bee chardged
Kilkeny -wth. 40s. ster. by him reed, of John
Cusak Merchant for the Excise of
been due in the time of Clement
Ash receaver in pt. of the 500?. lent
by the Citty to the pubUck . . 2 0 0

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 335
£ s. d.
itm. The said Maior to bee chardged wth.
 by him reed, of George She
Esq. being pt. &c. — as above . —
itm  the 4th pt. of the horse . . .
. . . Court of Revenue was ke . . .
to be abated from him in his rent . .
of the publick for the said Court 
the sum of £7 10s. . . . —
itm. The Maior & Corporacon of Kilke . . .
upon the said Accompt, detayned by
him for the king's rent & composition,
the sum of £38 18s. M. ster . 38 18 9
Com. The Lo. Bishop, of Lughlyn, uppon the
accompte of the receaver of the tithes
in the said County for the harvest
1644 is chardged m £43 6s. 8d. . 43 6 8
itm. James ffitzgerald of Killrush in the
County of Kildare charged uppon
the first accompte for the tithes of
the Parish of RahiU the sum of £9
18s. 8d. \. . . . —
itm. The first Lo. Bpe. of Laughlyn uppon
the said Receaver's accompt for the
tithes 1645 & chardged in the sum
of£53 . . . . 53 0 0

General Bime charged uppon the ac
compte of Porter .... for the 4th
pt. Anno 1644 for the rente of ShU-
eaUy£159 . . . . _
The County of Wickloe to be charged
wth. ffifty five pounds 6s. 8d. chardged
uppon the accompte part by father
Edmond Reyley and others for the
tithes 1644 wch. money was dis
bursed for saddles & petronells'* for
the use of the County , . 55 6 8
* * *, *
* Horsepistola.

334

APPENDIX TO THE

itm.

itm.

Co.
KUkeny itm.

£ «. d.
 Richard Barnewell ....
 accompte for him 
. . . uppon the £33 10s. for . 33 10 0
.... Collonell Cruise <fc chardged in
the said accompte for himselfe and
50 Musketeers £71 6s. 9A . . 71 6 9
St. Richard Bamewall barronett charged
for the maintenance of some forces
in Newcastle uppon the sd. accompte
wth. . . . . 14 11 5
The heires of Richard Lynham of
Adamston chardged uppon the sd.
accompte wth. £4 remayninge in the
said Richard's hands at the time of
his death . . . .400
St. Luke ffitgerald knt. chardged uppon
the accompte wth. £43 10s. 2d. by
him receaved of the Excise money
1644 . . ¦ . . 43 10 2
Patrick Bron Esq. chardged uppOn the
accompte of Mr. George Greene for
the tithes 1644 and acknowledged
by the said Mr. Bron in Court . 7 9 6
Patrick Bron Esq. chardged uppon ye
accompte of Edmond Shee Esq. for
the Excise of the burroughes of
Cranagh & KUkenny 1644 . . 9 15 0

Wexford.

The bonde
dat. 30th
Sept. 1642.

Lo. Mountgarrett to be chardged uppon
his accompte for three hundred
musketts by him reed, for the use of
the county at the hands of General
Preston valued at 17s. the peece
amounts to £255 st. whereof de
ducted by order of the Supreame
CouncUl for soe much payed the Lo.
Gen'aU of Leinster dated 7 Sept.
1644 lOOZ. the money to be chardged
uppon the said lo. Mo'garrett

155 0 0

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 335
£ s. d.
Grant to Capen. Dardiche and Tirlagh
EvensDaly's O'Donnoghe Corporall to be chardged
direction to ^ppon theire accomptes for sev'all
the Commra. ^."^^ ., ,-, ^ j. ii, /-^ > ii
of the Armv ^P^^s unpaid on them at the Gen all
of ye. county Assizes held in the County of Cather-
of "V^^exford lagh 12 May 1645 and retorned by
or other ^Y\q second Remembrancer to "my
Tre^uait'^ office 26/8 . . .16 8
to deduct ye
same out of
theirmeanesand to he re
torned into
this Court of
yesd. Comrs. Most, that I have given directions in
-writting to Mr. Here,- vizt. — for his
.... to the Commrs. of the Army
in ye County of Westmist. where
they are quartered to deduct soe
much out his meanes & to retorne the
same to this Court "wth speed. 16th
Dec. 1646.

The Lo. Viscount Mountgarrett to be
chardged wth. 300 musketts at 17s.
le peece by him receaved from Gen'aU
Preston £255 by bond dat 30 7bre.
1642.
A note of what monies John O'Carroll, Esq. did pay
to the Army at Birr, and of the seuall. persons to
whom hee outpaid ye same
In primis, paied to Thomas plunkett,
Lt. of Sr. Robert Talbott's troope for
25 dales meanes beginninge the 7th
of May 1646 and endinge the last of
the same beinge 25 dales for himselfe

336 APPENDIX TO THE £ S. d.
Comett Quarterm. 2 Corporalls and
Trumpeters, and 50 troopes '§ acc-
quittance dat. — the sume of £68
16s. 8d. str. which being duly cast
uppe comes but to £63 lis. id.,
whereby it appeares he is overpaid
uppon a mistake the sume of £5 4s.
id. ster . . . . 5 4 4

Pd. to Musterm. Thomas Bamewall for
62 dales pay beginninge the 6th of
May at 5s. per diem the sume of
£15 10s. for his meanes being by
the establishment but 3s. i^d. in
garrison "^ diem wch. in 62 dales
comes to £10 8s. 5a!., soe he is overpd.
more than garrison pay the sume of
£5 Is. Id. ster. . . . 5 17
Paid Quartermr. Thomas Dungan for
40 dales meanes beginninge the 6
May 1646 after the rate of six shU-
linges ^ diem the sume of £12 ster.
his pay as in garrison beinge but
4s. 6^d. by the establishmt. which in
40 dales comes to £9 Is. 8d. whereby
it appes. that he is ov. paid the sume
of 58s. id. ster . . . 2 18 4

Sume Total . £16 10 0
Co. The Maior & Corporacon of the Citty
KUkeny of KUkenny to bee chardged wth. £21
uppon the accompt of Helias Shore
being by him paied by order of the
Comers, of the  Govemmt.
for the king ... in proclaiming the
peace . . . . 21 0 0
, » » I am indebted for this interesting Paper to Capt. Philip H. Hore, of
Pole Hore, County 'Wexford, who, in making searches through the
Undated Petitions in the P. E. O. London, in connexion with his projected
History of that county, discovered it.

IRISH FRANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 337

Appendix U — p. 95.
On the feast of St. Francis, 1646, the amiiversary of the
coronation of Innocent X., the nunzio sang High Mass in the
Franciscan Church, the French envoy to the Confederates, the
the mayor and corporation of Kilkenny, and the bishop of
Clogher assisting at the grand function. That evening bonfires
were Ut in front of the nunzio's residence in honour of Innocent
X. Next day the nunzio, accompanied by the bishop of
Clogher, proceeded ¦with the army that marched to besiege
Dublin ; and on the 6th October he rested in Kilkea castle,
which the countess of Kildare bequeathed to the Jesuits. Every
Friday during Lent and Advent the nunzio preached in Latin
to the great contentment of his auditors — cum magna satisf ac
tione — in the Chiu-ch of St. Mary. On his return from Lucan
with the bishop of Clogher and Owen O'Neill, after the
attempt on Dublin had failed so disgracefully, he ordered public
prayers in St Mary's, where he preached (in Latin) to large
congregations. On 19th December, 1646, he administered the
Sacrament of holy orders in the Church of the Dominicans,
thus setting an example to the Irish prelates who, because of
persecution, were in the habit of ordaining in private houses.
He officiated very often in the Jesuits' church ; and on Christmas-
day he sang High Mass in St. Canice's, the bisliop of Ossory
and the corporation assisting at the grand function.^ — Rinuecini
Papers.

Lord Essex's Joumall of the proceedings in the Northe from
the 28th of Aug. tyll ye lUnth of September. [Referred
to at p. 62.]
The xxvyth of August the 1. lieutent. departed Dublyn with
100 horse, and having appointed all the companies of horse
and foote, that were to goe into the ffeild to come to ye Navan,
and Kelles, he lodged hymselfe at Ardbracken a house of the
bishop of Meathes, betwixt the two townes. And because the
companies came not in till the xxxth his Lo. gave Rendez
vous to all the armye on the Hill Clythe, f halfe a myle
from Kelles towards the Brenny, and incamped that nyght
* State papers, Ireland. — Eliza. Sept. 1599.
•j- Now hUl of Lloyd.

338 APPENDIX TO THE
at Castlekeran^*^ two myles beyond the Hill. There alsoe his
Lordship was faine to stay one whole day, till his victualls
that came from Drdaghe overtooke hym : but that day he
spent in viewinge the L. Dunsanie's contrye, and part of the
Brenny and appointed certen commyssioners to ¦viewe all the
companies of horse, and ffoote, that he might knowe the true
sti-ength of his armye and dispose it into Regyments accordingly.
This day also his Lop. debated it in counsell, whether it were
fytt to place a Garyson in the Brenny or not : and if in any
part of that contrye where was the fyttcst place 1 It was con
cluded that noe garyson could be placed in any part of that
contry ffirst because bothe about the Cavan, and bet"wixt it and
Kells the contry is all waste, so as there is nothing beyond
Kells to be defended, nor to releyve the Garryson. Secondly,
because all the county of Cavan is so farr within the land, and
hathe no port or navigable Ryver iieerer then Dredaghe;
so as all the vyctualls that are sent to a Garryson there must
be carryed on Garrons backs, which will be very diffycult and
subject to a greate deale of hazard ; the Pale being not able
to f urnishe men, carriages, and the rebells of those quarters
being very stronge, and the third and last reason was for that
Tyrone was lodged in Farny with an army and prepared to
enter into the Pale, and to have burnt and spoyled to the Gates
of Dublyn, as sone as the L. lieutent was gonne as highe upp
as the tjavan. And, therefore it being resolved that Kelles
should,be this next wynter our ffrontier Garryson towards the
Cavan, the L. lieutennt marched with his armye towards Ferny
and lodged betwene Robertes Towne and Newe Castell the
second Sept. The third Sept. he went from thence to Ardolphe,t
where he might see Tyrone with his forces on a Hill a mile and '
a halfe from our quarter, but a river and a wood between hym
and us. TheL. leu tennt first embattelled his armye and then lodged
it upon the the Hill by the burnt Castell of Ardolf, and because
there was no woodd for fyre but in the valley towards Tyrone's
quarter his Lordship commanded a squadron of every company
to goe fetch woodd, and sent 500 ffoote and two companies of
horse for their Garde. Tyrone sent down some ffoote and horse
* Ahout two miles west of Kells. The reverend P. Ginty, parish priest of
Moynalty, in a letter to the editor says : " The ancient church with it's
crosses, holy well, and venerable shading ash-tree, (which the people
say will" not burn,) holds vigorously against time ; hut sight seers have
deserted this beautiful ruin since the railway was laid down between
Kells and Oldcastle."
t -Ardmagh, barony of Morgallion, County Meath.

IRISH FEANCISCAN MONASTERIES. 339
to impeache them and offer skirmishe but after directed them
not to passe the ffoorde, when he sawe all men resolved to
dyspute it. Some skyrmishe there was from one syde to the
other of the Ryver, but to lytle purpose, ffor as they offended
us lytle, so wee troubled ourselves lytle "with them. The next
day the L. Ueutennt marched throughe the plauie contry to the
myll of Louthe, and encamped beyond the Ryver towards
Ferny, and Tyi-one marched throughe the woodds, and lodged
in the next wood to us, keeping his scoutes of horse in sight of
our Quarter. At this Quarter the L. lieutennt beinge dryven
to stay for a supply of victuall from Droedaghe, consulted what
was to be done upon Tyrone's arrival, or howe his fastness
might be entred. It was protested by all, that our armye
beinge far lesse in strength was not to attempt Trenches, and
to fight upon suche infynite disadvantage. But a strong Gar
rison might be placed at Louthe or some castell there aboute,
to offend the bordring Rebells, and defend the who'e county of
Louthe. And since we were there, wee should one day drawe
oute and offer battayle with our 2500 ffoote to their 5000,
and with our 300 horse to theu- 700. Accordinge to which
our resolucion the L. lieutennt first viewed Lo^wthe, and found
itt utterly unfytt, there being no fewell to be gotten nere it
nor any strength to be made in short tyme, and the same daye
beinge the 5th of Sept., he had a gentleman sent unto him
from Tyrone one Henry O'Hagan his constable of Dungannon,
and a man highlie favored and trusted by him. This O'Hagan
dyd delyver his master's desyre to parle with the L. lieutennt
which his Lo. refused, but told O'Hagan that he would be
the next moming on the Hill betweene bothe the Campes, and
if he should then call to speake -with hym, he would be found
in the hedd of his Troupes. With this annswere O'Hagan re
turned, and the next mominge, beinge the sixthe of Sept., the
L. Ueutennt drewe out 2000 ffoote and 300 horse, lea-ving a
Collonell -with 500 ffoote and 20 horse to garde our Quarter
and Bagage. The L. lieutennt first imbattelled his men upon
the first great hill he came to in sight of Tyrone, and then
marched forwarde to another Hill, on which Tyrone's guarde
of horse stood, which they quitted and there our army made
goode the Place tyll it was nere three of the clock in the after
noon. During which tyme Tyrone's ffoote never shewed them
selves out of the woodd, and his horsemen were putt from all
the Hills, which they came upon between us, and the woodd,
by which occasion some skyrmishe was amongst the Light
horse, in which a French gentlemen of the L. lieutennt Troupe

340 APPENDIX TO THE
and an EngUshe gentleman of the Earl of Southampton's,
wei-e all that were hurt on our syde. After this skyrmishe a
horseman of Tyrone's called to ours and delyvered this message.
That Tyrone would not fight nor drawe forthe, but desired to
speake with the L. lieutennt but not betweene the two armyes.
Whereuppon, the L. lieutennt towards three of the clock in
the aftemoone drewe back againe into his quarter, and after
his returne thither placed a Garrysson of 500 ffoote and 50
horse at Niselerathy,'* half a myle from the myll of Lo^wthe
where there is a square castell and a greate Bawiie ¦with a
good dytch rownde about it and many thatched howses to lodge
our men in. The commandment of this Gai-rysson was given
to Sr Xipofer St. Lawrence. t The next morning being
the seventh of September, we dislodged and marched to
Drumconroghe, but ere we had marched a myle Henry O'Hagan
comes againe to the L. lieutennt. and in the presence of the
E. of Southampton, Sr. George Bourchier, Sr. Warham St.
Leger, and diverse other gent, delivered this message : That
Tyrone desired her Matie's. mercye, and that ye lo. lieutennt.
would heare hym, wch. if his lo. agreed to he would gallopp
about and meete his Lo. att the fforde of BellaclyntheJ wch.
was on the right hand by the way wch. his lo. tooke to Drum
conroghe. Uppon this message his Lo. sent two gent. wth. H.
O'Hagan to the fforde to viewe the Place. They found Tyrone
there, butt the water so farr out, as they told him they thought
itt noe fitt place to speake in, Wheruppon he grewe very im-
pacient and sayde Then I shall dispayre etei to speake wth.
him, and at last knowing the fforde, found a place where he
standing upp to his horse's belly might bee nere enough tp bee
heard by the 1. lieutennt., thoug he kept the harde gromid,
uppon wch. notyce the 1. lieutennt. drewe a Troupe of horse to
the hill above the ffoorde and seeing Tyrone there alone, his
Lo. went downe alone, at whose comming Tyrone saluted his
Lo. with much reverence, and they talked neere half an hower
togeither, and after went ether of them to their companyes on
the HiUs. But within a while Con O'Neale, Tyrone's base sonne,
comes downe and desired from his ffather That the lo. lieutennt.
would let him bringe downe some of the pryncipall men that
* Then helorging to Patrick Chamberlaine, and situated in the parish
of Philipstown, barony of Ardee.
t Afterwards twenty-second baron of Howth for whose baae conduct and
character see " Flight of the Earls." — '/'nd Ed. p. 99.
% Ancientlv Anaghclart, now Aclint, on the Lagan, where stands the
bridge between the counties of Louth and Monaehau.

lEISH FEANCISCAN MONASTEEIES. 341
were wth. hym, and that his Lo. would appoint a norober to
come downe on ether syde Wliereuppon his lo. ¦willed hym to
bringe do-wne sixe wch. he dyd, namely his brother Cormock,
McGennys, McGuire, Euer McCowley, Henry Ouington, and
one 0-wyn that came from Spaine but is an Irisheman by birthe.
The lo. Lieutenant seeing them at the ffoorde won't downe
accompanied wth. the E. of Southampton, Sr. George Bourchier,
Sr. Warham St. Leger, Sr. Har. Dauers, Sr. Edward Wingfieild,
and Sr. Wm. Constable. At their second meeting Tyrone and
all his compny. stoode up almost to their Horses' Bellies in
water, the lo. lieutennt. -wth his upon harde grownde, and
Tjrrone spake a good while barehedded, and saluted wth. a
greate deale of raspect all those that came do-wne wth. the lo.
lieutennt. After almost half an bower's conference, yt was
concluded that there should be a meeting of comyssioners ' the
nexte mominge at a ffoorde by Garrett Fleminge's castell, and
so they parted the lo. lieutennt. marchinge wth. his armye to
Drumconroghe, Tyrone returninge to his campe. The next
moming The lo. Ueutennt. sent Sr. Warham St. Leger, Sr. Wm.
Constable, Sr. Wm. Warren, and his secretary Henry Wotton,
"wth. instmcteons to ye place of meeting. Tyrone came himself
to the parley, and sent into Garrett Fleming's castell four pryn
cipall gentlemen, and pledges for the safety of our commyssrs.
In this parley was concluded a cessacon. of armes for sixe
weekes and soe to contynue from six weeks to six weeks tyll
Mayday or to be broken uppon xuyen. dayes warning. It was
also covenanted that such of Tyrone's confederacy as would not
declare their assents'in this cessacion. should be left by hym to
be prosecuted by the lo. Ueutennt. And that restitution should
be made for all spoyles "within xxty. dayes after notyce gyven.
That for performance of the covenants the L. Lieutennt.
shoulde give his worde, and Tyrone his oath. This being con
cluded on the "vUj day of Sept. on ye ixth. the Lo. Lieu
tennt. despersed his armye, and went himselfe to Dredaghe,
and Tyrone retyred wth. all his fforces into ye hart of his
contrye.

APPENDIX
TO THE
MEMOIRS OF THE lEISK HIERAECHY.

The memorial which the spiritual and lay lords of the Con
federates sent to Rome is now in the archives of St. Francis's,
Dublin, as fresh as when it was signed in Kilkenny. The same
depository contains the autograph of the subjoined letter from
lord Mountgarrett to father Wadding : —
" Rev. Sie — What estate your countrie is in, and how
brought to it, your nephew, "*¦ who, together with father Matthew
Hartegan, is imployed to solUcit our friends, can inform you.
All the oppressions a corrapt state could lay on us we have
hitherto with a silent fortitude borne, and would still, did not
Puritan impietie swell to that height, as it spared not heaven
nor earth. Our king and queen (most virtuous princes) are
half deposed for but countenancinge our religion ; and it was
resolved that our religion should be rooted out of our countries.
And we could no longer forbear, but have, though allmost un
armed, put ourselves in armes, and shall undoubtedly offer
ourselves as slaughter to those armed furies, if his hollyness (in
whose pitie to our distress, and kno"wn zeal to our religion, we
chiefiy confide) relieve us not with timely ayde. I, in the
name and behalfe of your distressed countrie, intreate your
reverence with all befitting care to solicit, as well "with his
holyness as other CathoUque potentates whose abUities may
advance our holy cause ; and assure you you wUl both oblige
your countrie (which shall be gratefully acknowledged) and
ingadge to you the constant affections of,
" Father, your very loveing friend, " MOUNTGAERETT.
"KUkenny, 27 MartU, 1642, stUo veto."
* Geoffrey B. Barron.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 343
Appendix B — p. 113.
In his graphic report of the ecclesiastical and political state
of Ireland in 1646, Rinuecini says : — that the aged prelates
(those, doubtless who had lived in the days of persecution)
would have been perfectly satisfied if the kuig and lord Ormond
guaranteed them free exercise of religion, although m private
(ancorche ocoulto) to save the substance of the faith, and keep
¦them from getting into broils ¦with the government. The young
bishops, however, Emer MacMahon and the coadjutor of
Limerick took the nunzio's view of the case, and, instead of
being content with mere toleration, bent all their energies to
. obtain open and untrammelled exercise of the faith in all its
splendour. — Nunziatura. Appendix C — p. 119.
The Dublin archives of St. Francis' enable us to throw addi
tional light on the career of O'Queely, the celebrated arch
bishop of Tuam. His gi-ace, as the subjoined diploma shows,
took the degree of doctor of medicine : — ¦
" Nos infrascripti doctores medici, scliolarum et regii profes-
sores, attestamur harum latorem D. Mai. Quseleum, Hibernum,
assiduuni et sedulum per quatuor annos se priebuisse nostris
prselectionibus auditorem, cUgnumque ducimus qui in artis
nostrEB sacris honorifice promo veatur. In cujus rei fidem sub-
scripsimus. Dat. Paris, 16th Sept., 1627.
" LutetifB, Cousinot Charles, etc., etc."
O'Queely was very desirous to be advanced to the episcopate
of KUlaloe, his own native diocese, but the holy see, notwith
standing the strong recommendation of many of the Irish pre
lates and nobility of Munster, promoted him to the primacy
of Connaught. On the 4th September, 1624, Thomas
Dease, Medensis, William Terry, Corcag. Richard Arthur,
Limericensis, and David Rothe, Ossoriensis, certify that Dr.
O'Queely had taught phUosophy in Paris, where he enjoyed
great comforts, all of which he resigned for the sake of the
Irish mission. For this and other reasons these prelates pray
Urban VIII. to bestow the mitre of KUlaloe on him :—
' " Professus est philosophiam Lutetise, relictisque in Gallia
commoditatibus non aspernandis, idcirco eumdem commen-
damus D. N. Urb. VIIL ut curet ejus assumptionem ; ne
locum ipsius virtuti debitum alioram ambitio prseoccupet."
O'Queely's most intimate friend among the prelates was

344 - APPENDIX TO THE
Richard Arthur of Limerick, who, in the foUo-wing document
would have the Holy See believe that John O'Moloney's deserts
were nowise equal to those of the then vicar-apostolic of
KUlaloe : —
" Richardus, Dei et Apostolicai Sedis gratia Lymericensis
episcopus, omnibus ad quos praisentes Utterae pervenerint,
salutem in eo qui est vera salus. Animadvertentes aliquos
nomine D. Joannis MoUony, S. T. Parisiensis doctoris, nuper
impetrasse ab aliquibus viris bonis, et fide dignis, ex falsa
(non dubitamus) informatione, quasdam litteras commendatitias
quibus commendabatur tanquam consanguineus reverendissimi
in Christo Domini, D. Mai. Mullowna,* pise me-mori<E, episcopi
Duacensis, et nobilis perillustris domini, D. Dermitii, baronis
de Glanmullan,t seque duximus veritati testimonium perhibere.
Quoniam igitur hujusmodi commendatio in prsejudicium
-videatur verti R. D. Malachias Quoelei, S. T. D., vie. apostolic.
Laonensis dioceseos, vir nobis notissimi, vitfe immaculatae,
spectatas eruditionis, et optime de grege sibi commisso tam in
temporalibus quam in spiritualibus meriti, utpote qui totam
illam vastissimam diocesem mirifice in utroque statu intra
pau cos annos reforma^vit; quem prieterea et nos cum coeteris
totius regni prffisulibus sjepius ut notum est, et impensius Sacrje
Congregationi commendavimus tanquam dignissimum istius
diocesis episcopatu ; quem jjraefatus tamen D. Joannes ut puta-
mus baud ita prudenter et discrete ambiri audivimus. Et
cum sane eidem D. Joanni, quoad scire unquam, aut audire
hactenus potuimus, multis titulis dictus Malachias praeferendus
sit ; hinc igitur est quod totius istius vastissimse Thomonias
diocesis corpus iiobilitatis praecipuae (virorum equidem nobilissi-
morum) in -vicinia maxime dicti competitoris Dommi Joannis,
et per nos commendatissimi D. Malachise ut supra testimonio,
et informatione edocti, prsesentium tenore attestamur eumdem
D. Joannem honestis et bonis parentibus oriundum, nobilem
tamen non esse, nee consanguinitate cum dicto reverendissimo
Duacensi conjunctum, neque cum honorabile prajfato D. Barone
Dermitio O'MuUowne (testibus prsedictis nobilibus, et aliis
fide dignissimis), nee quidem ejusdem esse prosapiae. In quo
rum fidem his subscripsimus, et sigUlum nostrum adponi curavi-
mus. Datum Limerici in Hybernia die Nov. 4ta, a.s. 1629.
" Richardus Aethurius.
" Dionysius Hart, Not. Ap. et S. T. D."
* Bishop of KUmacduagh. -f Title ia now extinct.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 345
The chief nobility of the diocese of KUlaloe did not hesitate
to preconise, as far as they could, their favourite, who, they tell
Cardinal Verallo, protector of Ireland, was not only enunent
for his large attainments and zeal, but also for his ancient
lineage. It is noteworthy that the Dermot O'Brien, baron
Inchiquin, who subscribed the following recommendation, was
father of Murrough, sixth baron, who fought against the Con
federates and massacred the priests on the Rock of Cashel : —
" Nos infrascripti proceres primarique nobiles diocesis Lao
nensis in regno HibemiEP, animadvertimus communem nostram,
et quotidianam populi necessitatem, episcopum postulare, ad
huic nostro gregi in rebus ad salutem necessarUs succurrendum,
Sacramento prsecipue confirmationis, quo aequo apud nos carent
parentes, ac ipsorum proles ; quare illustrissimo domino D.
Cardinali Verallo, regni nostri protectori vigUantissimo, necnon
reverendissimo domino Petro Lombardo, totius Hibernise
primati, humiliter supplicamus, ut nostro nomine studiosissimi
velint agere, apud Sacram Congregationem cardinalium, sum-
mumque ecclesiae pontificem quatenus nobis in episcopum dare
dignetur eximium dominum D. Malachiam Quselum, Universi-
tatis Parisiensis doctorem theologum, olim philosophise profes-
sorem, prothonotarium apostolicum et -vicarium apostoUcum
nostras prefatse diocesis, ejusdemque decanum ; nostro enim
judicio coeteris aspirantibus ad hanc episcopalem sedem (si qui
sunt) censetur preferendus. Etenim a duobus jam annis suda-
¦vit donee universum suum clerum ad meliorem "vitae frugem
reduxit ; nos quoque omnes, communemque populum verbo, et
exemplo, plusquam hactenus alius, aedificavit. Nunc similiter
diligentissime laborat cum. summo apud omnes respectu, et auc
toritate. Insuper de gremio loci est, praeclaris ortus parentibus,
prseclarioribus tamen "virtutibus et scientia ornatus. Qua-
propter hunc eximium Dominum ' optime de nobis meritum,
unanimi consensu, quantum in nobis est, ante omnes alios, suas
sanctitati (cujus pedibus, more majoram nostrorum, in omni
adversitate immobiles semper subjacemus) presentamus, et
omni, qua possumus, diligentia, commendamus : suppUces
orantes, ut hoc eximio Domino a nobis presentato et unice
postulate episcopo, et nulli alio diutinam afilictionem consolari
non dedignetur. Hie subscripsimus, 17 Augusti, anno 1624.
"Joan. MacNamara, eques auratus.
" Terlagh MacMahon.
" Daniel MacNamara.
" Rowland de la Hoyde.

346 APPENDIX TO THE
" Boot. Clanchy.
" Terlagh O'Brien.
" Daniel O'Brien.
" Dermitius O'Bryen, bare, de Insyqinus.
" Thadeus O'Brien, filius comitis Tuomoniac.
" Daniel O'Bryen, eques auratus et fiUus co
mitis Tuomonias."
Thomas Walsh, archbishop of Cashel, urged that O'Queely
¦was the right man for KUlaloe, and that the appointment of
anybody else would be an irreparable mistake : —
"Neque inter nos qui eam sedem proetendunt alium inve-
niri merito, et talento parem, aut etiam qui damnum ex
ejusdem Malachias summotione emersurum reparare possit."
Another, whose influence was then very considerable at the
Vatican, writes to father Luke Wadding, warning him that
the queen-mother of France had written to the French ambas
sador at Rome to pray the promotion of O' .Moloney to
KUlaloe. John O'NeiU, earl of Tyrone, preferred O'Queely,
whom he recommends thus : — -
"Illustrissijie Domine — Intellexi nuper reginam matrem
ex Gallia quorundam informationibus inductam ut scriberet ad
legatum Galliarum in urbe residentem, de promovendo quodam
sacerdote Hyberno in episcopum cujusdam diocesis provincise
Cassilensis. Satis jam inculcatum est illustrissimam D. V. tum
nostris, tum etiam alioram nobilium, necnon totius cleri fre-
quentibus litteris, dominum Malachiam Qussleum, ¦vicarium
apostolicum, S. Theol. D. "virum de religione et patria optime
meritum, quem clerus, et proceres regni suis litteris ssepe datis
in episcopum enixe postularunt, et in dies postulant. ^qui-
tatis proinde et communis boni ratio exigere videtur, ut viri
hujus merita, et justi tam cleri, quam populi desideria respici-
antur, potius quam illss epistolas, quas solus favor impeti-a"vit.
Ut igitur pro solito suo zelo in commune bonum patriae nostras,
huic prsetensioni quantocius occurrat Ulustrissima D. vestra
enixe rogo. Quam D. O. M. Ecclesise suae servet incolumem.
Datum BruxeUis, 20 Jan., 1629. " O'Neillus, Comes Tyronse."
But, as we have already stated, those instances of prelates
and nobles could not divert the holy see from appointing
O'Moloney. No one lamented O'Queely's disappointment
more than did Thomas Messingham, rector of the Irish College,.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 347
Paris, author of the "Florilegium," etc., etc., who, writing to
Luke Wadding, says : " Albeit it may be stated that Mr.
Malachias hath a more honourable place, yet I doe think that
he had rather have the other, wherein he laboured so much
with the good likeing of all men." O'Queely's consecration
took place in a private oratory in Galway, and along with
the prelates assisting at the function was Eugene, bishop' of
Kilmore. Messingham's autograph letter, from which the ex
tract is taken, is dated Paris, 15 JiUy, 1630.
During the eleven years that intervened between his
advancement to the archbishopric and the insurrection of 1641,
O'Queely acquired the esteem of all honest men and the hatred
of the ferocious Puritans, who had made a solemn covenant to
extirpate Irish Papists from the soil. His activity at this
period, when he deemed it his duty to arm for God, king, and
country, is described in a letter from Edmund O'Dwyer, dated
RocheUe, 16th October, 1642 :—
" Tuam is the most laborious and faithful member we have in
all the country, postuig to all pai-ts where he thinks to effect
any good tume  Tuamensis is the only bishop-
souldiour in the countrye, general of the Connatian army. , He
mayntayns at lus own charge 200 foot, God 'be praised. If all
other things, said he, fayle, I can have a souldiour's pay : may
be it "will be the nearest way to heaven."*
Many of the archbishop's letters have been returned to the
country from which they were dispatched nigh three centuries
ago, and, among others, the following, addressed to father Luke
Wadding : —
"Reverend and my Highly Respected Friend — I doe
much feare Dr. Dwyer's troubles occasioned that your paternitty
receaved noe woord of what intelligences I "wrote to you since
the beginning of our commotion in Ireland. The quarrell
grew to that height that this nation is fully resolved to live and
die for God, king, and countrie. I leave to the reverend father
Hugh Bourke to acquaint your paternitie with all things con-
cernynge the great cause concluded and voted in our National
Assembly here at Kilkenny, begun the 24th of last October,
and ended the 21st of this present month. The Houses of the
Lords and Commons and the House of Convocation are extra
ordinarily sensible of your paternitie's care of this fatall nation,
and doe hope by your mediation to receive further reliefe from
*ArohiT. St. Francis', Dublin.

-348 APPENDIX TO the
his holiness, his nephews, and the Congi-egation de Propaganda
Fide. We expect "with impatience to see this warre to be
approved by his said holiness, which we hope he -will graunt
uppon the receipt of our letters to that end, which shall goe at
once -with those few lines, to be presented to him by your
paternitie, who is constituted our agent in the cittie, as the
said father Hugh Bourke is in Flanders, Holland, and Ger
many ; Dr. Edward Tyrrell and others in France and Spaine.
I "wish your paternitie much happiness, and so, with the
remembrance of my service to you and all yours, I rest, and
will ever remain " Your most deare friend,
" Malachias Aepus. Tuamensis.
"Kilkenny, 26th September, 1642."
The learned aid which O'Queely gave to father John Colgan
shows how much his grace appreciated the Inishowen Fran
ciscan's literary labours. A chalice which the archbishop
presented to Rosserilly convent still exists, and bears this
inscription : " Malachias O'Queeleus, S. Theologiae Parisiensis
doctor, et Tuamensis archiepiscopus, fieri fecit hunc calicem
pro conventu Frat. Min. de RosserUl, 1640."
Appendix D — p. 120.
This was Richard, third "viscnunt, general and president of the
Confederates. He married Margaret, daughter of Hugh O'NeUl,
and had issue Edmund, fourth -viscount, who married lady
Dorothea Touchet, second daughter of the Earl of Castlehaven.
But, before telling the reader how the Roman Court re
garded the frigid and almost unrubrical manner in which
Mountgarrett received the nunzio, we have thought this the
fitting place for an account of that most reverend personage's
progress from Kenmare to Kilkenny. For this most interest
ing and graphic narrative we are indebted to the Rinuecini
Papers, so often quoted in these pages. Along with the Eng
lish version of Masari's letter we give the Latin and Italian
originals, in order to guard both against all accidents. Seven
months after his departure from Rome — three of which he spent
in Paris — Rinuecini, suffering severely from sea sickness, and
somewhat scared by Plunket, whom he designates a " pirate,"
lighted the Irish coast, and gave God thanks for ha"ving
delivered him from all the dangers he had to encounter after
leaving Rochelle. His dean of Femio will relate the rest.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 349
W On the evening of the 21st of October, 1645, our captain
5 made the Kenmare river, but kno"wing that there were
§ rocks ahead of the frigate, instead of proceeding landwards,
-. he cast anchor, and determined that we should stay there till
next morning. The wind blowing off' the land embarrassed us
considerably, and we had to work hard an entire day before
reaching the shore. As the nunzio was most anxious to get
ashore, a boat was manned, and we hacl him conveyed to the
cabins of some poor shepherds and fishermen, in one of which
we prepared his bed, which was brought from the frigate. God
was pleased to give him a good night's sleep, for he never
closed an eye during the six days we were at sea after leaving
Rochelle. Next morning I waited on him, and finding him in
that poor hut, could not help saying that as he was expected
by the Irish people in the capacity of legate, it was very con
gruous that, Uke our Lord and Saviour, his first dwelling-place
should be a shepherd's cabin. I then served his mass of
thanksgi"ving,'* which he celebrated before a multitude of the
* A few days afterwards the Nunzio sent the following inscription to
Fermo, "with directions to have it engraved on a votive tablet, and set
in the wall of his cathedral :—
J . B . BINUCCIXnS . ARCHPUS . ET . PRIXCEPS . PIKMANDS .
PEIMUSQCTE . o . n . N . INXOCENTII . PAP7E . X.-yll . AC . SEDIS . APLICJE .
APUD . FCEDEB.iT0S . IBEKNIJE . CATH0LIC03 . NUNTIUS . EXTllAOUDINAltlDS .-
anoD .
ECPELLA . SOLVRNS . IN IBERXIAM . NATIGATURUS .
PKIMO . NAVIUM . OOTO . ANGLICANARUM . QUATUOR. . HORAS .
PERNIOIoSISSIMAM . INSECTATIONE.-« . PERVERTEUIT .
AC . UEIN' . TURBATISSIMO OCEAKO .
PIEATAM . HCERF.TICUM . PBKTI.VAOE . VELOCITATE .
ULTRA . QDADRAGINTA . LBUCAS . SPATIOUVE . NOVE.M . HORAKDM .
PENE . JAM . IMMINENTEM .
NAVIGII . CURSD . bCPRA . PIUEM . ELUSERIT .
UTRAIIQUE . VIOTORIAM .
BE.ATISSIMa; . HUIC . VIRGINI . BEFEKENS . ACCEPTAM .
ET. SUJE . IN . EAM . FUiVCUE . ET . EJUSDEM . IN . SE MaTRIS
CLEMENTI.S; .
HOC . AD . POSTEltOS. MllNIMENIUM .
EXTABE . VULDIT ,
A.D. MDCXLV ,

Beneath this the citizens of Fermo set up another tablet, inscribed
thus : — FIBMANA . CIVXTAS . DIOCESIS . PROVINOIA .
PRO . FCELICiaSIMO . REDITU •
PRJESULIS . ET . PAI RIS . OPTIMI .
VOTUM . ADDIT .

350 APPENDIX TO THE
people of that region, who, despite its rugged character, came
thither. I then returned to the frigate with a few persons of
the nunzio's retinue, and as he set out next day for the castle
of ArdtuUy, I kept him constantly in view, and sailed close to
the shore. The kindness of the poor peqple, whom his lordship
encountered, as it were by chance, was incomj^arable. They
immediately slaughtered a large ox, two sheep, and a hog.
They also brought a prodigious quantity of beer, butter, and
milk ; and as for us aboard the frigate, we, too, experienced
the kindness of the poor people, who supplied us excellent fish
and oysters so large that we could desire nothing better.
Meanwhile I continued my course in the frigate, creeping along
and follo"wing his lordshijD, until I saw a haven about fifty
paces long and a musket shot in breadth, so very beautiful,
that, yielding to impulsive curiosity, I had a boat lowered, and
rowed off to inspect the place. While admiring the attractive
ness of that anchorage, I was instantly surrounded by a crowd
of men, women, and children, who came running down from
the hills to see me. Some of them observing the carven image
of our Lord which I wore on my breast, approached, one by
one, and kissed it. They then made signs of kindness, and
compeUed me, with gentle violence, to enter one of the nearest
cabins, where they made me a seat of a pillow stuffed "with
feathers. A venei-fible old matron, -with her daughters and
other women, came close to me and furtively kissed my lips,
and I believe the others would have done likewise if I did not
give them to understand, by signs, that they should not act thus
to one who carried on his person our Saviour's image, and was
a priest in the suite of the apostolic nunzio. The same matron
then brought me a wooden bowl of most delicious milk,
which she pressed me to drink. It was so good I took more
' than one draught. I had hardly got away from the crowd in
order to go aboard, when I was followed by sundry young
fellows, who accompanied me to the water's edge, and signified
by signs that they were anxious to go further. How wonderful
that here among the mountains and wilds, where the people
have been reduced to misery by the ravages of heretics  how
wonderful that all of them, men, women, and children, knew
by heart the Lord's Prayer, AngeUcal Salutation, and the pre
cepts of the Church ! Meanwhile the nunzio was met by some
of the nobility, who came with a detachment of troops to escort
him ; for his landing had been made kno"wn by messeno-ers
despatched to various distric};s.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 351
^ That night the nunzio was hospitably entertained by the
& lord of that mansion and region, who treated him with
pi great magnificence. There he rested two days. The actual
lord of the circumjacent country, called Glenaruachty,
according to immemorial Irish custom, is the Mac-Finneen, a
dignity which, with the estates, always devolves on the male
heir alone. The Mac-Finneen at that time was Donogh
Mac-Carthy — a noble singularly distinguished for his many
excellences — of the royal and most ancient family of the
Mac-Carthies, whose wide spreading branches, kinsmen and
clansmen,' inferior, indeed, to their chief, but at the same time
very powerful and wealthy — namely, the O'SiUlivans of Bear
and Bantry, the O'Callaghans, the Mac-Carthies Reevagh, and
many others, having heard of the nunzio's arrival, lost no time
in coming to bid him welcome. All of them were hospitably
entertained in ArdtuUy by the Mac-Finneen and his exceUent
-wife, Catherine Mac-Carthy, daughter of Lord Muskerry, sur
named Cormac, the Blind. Along with the nunzio's retinue,
the Mac-Finneen* s-imptuously entertained all the Irish who
accompanied the former to Ireland.
g From ArdtuUy our route lay over the mountains of the
§ County of Cork, through that boggy region which the Irish
§ call " Sliabruacha" — blessed solitudes indeed, where no
." sybarite chariot is to be seen, and where one is not stunned
by that a-wful uproar which in Paris is incessant, and -will not
allow one to think of heaven or his soul. Having gone a
considerable distance, the nunzio, unable to mount a horse,
was provided with a rude litter, and in this he was carried
towards Macroom, the residence of Lord Muskerry. f Within
three miles of that town the nunzio was met by Muskerry's
son at the head of fifty horsemen. Near the castle we en
countered a detachment of infantry together with some
priests, secular and regular, in processional order, who received
his lordship with the cross. He then rode about a mile to the
¦* Now represented by Randal MacCarthy, Esq., Limerick.
f Muskerry was banished out of Ireland in 1604, and went to France,
and thence to Poland, where he had a grant of money from the king of
that country. He then went to Spain, and again to France, when Charles
II., then in Flanders, created him earl of Clancarthy. He returned to
Ireland, and recovered his estates. (Uancarthy's son (Cormac) married
the only daughter of the Marquia of Clanricarde, a great heiress by her
mother; and Margaret, Clancarthy 's eldest daughter, married the earl of
Fingal, whose father was a distinguished member of the Catholic Con
federacy.

352 APPENDIX TO THE
church, into which a vast crowd instantly poured, and there
prostrate on the pavement, craved his benediction, giving at the
same time unmistakable signs of their joy. At the palace door
he was recei'ved by Lady Muskerry, whose husband was then
from home, either with the army of the Confederates or in
Dublin, discussing Lord Ormond's peace. Her ladyship,
children, and entire household, knelt to the nunzio, kissed his
garments, devoutly asked and obtained his blessing. This lady
was Helena Butler, sister of James earl of Ormond, singularly
distinguished by all the attributes that could adorn one so nobly
bom. Here the nunzio and his retinue, together -with a nume
rous following of those who escorted him from the MacFin-
neen's countVy, and a multitude that thronged in from the
neighbouring districts, were sumptuously feasted for four days ;
and here his lordship had assurance that he need apprehend no
danger from the heretic garrisons, even, if they were bold
enough to assail him. The bishop of the diocese of Ardfert, in
which the nunzio first set foot, was then Richard O'Connell,
who, hearing of his arrival, hastened from the distant quarter
in which he was administering the sacrament of confirmation,
to Macroom to offer obeisance to the illustrious personage, and,
having done so, made him a present of a very fine horse.
Embracing the bishop, the nunzio said, " Here I receive the
first fruits of the Irish episcopacy- — you are the first of them
I have seen." Thenceforth that prelate of Ardfert never de
flected a hair's breadth from him.

b After resting four days in Macroom the nunzio comply-
I ing -with the earnest request of the chief of Drumsecane,
g the bishop of Ardfert, and Boetius Egan, afterwards the
g martyr bishop of Ross, proceeded to the castle of Dermot
" MacCarthy, a junior branch of the princely family of that
name. Here he was met by two troops of cavalry commanded
by Richard Butler, brother of the marquis of Ormond. The lord
of Drumsecane, MacDonogh, sur-named Dermot MacCarthy,
then a widower, and Donogh, his son, whose wife was sister of
lord Muskerry, entertained the nunzio, his retinue and the
nobUity and gentry who came to welcome him, most splendidly.
Thither came the O'Keefes from their castle on the Blackwater,
together with their dependents, all of whom partook of Mac-
Carthy's hospitality, and did homage to the representative of
Innocent X. Such joy and junketing were never before seen
in that mansion.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 353
Q From Drumsecane the nunzio proceeded to Clonmeen,*
I the castle of the most noble Donogh O'Callaghan, chief
g of his name, who entertained with singular magnificence the
? crowd of nobles and gentles that hastened thither to do
homage to the representative of the holy see. From Clonmeen
W we prosecuted our journey until we arrived in Kilmallock,
S where we were greeted by vast multitudes of that fine city
ff and neighbourhood. The nunzio rested with the Dominicanf
S* fathers there, and then set out for Limerick, at whose gate
he was honorably received by the clergy, corporation, and
miUtary then garrisoning the city for the Confederate govern
ment. The aged bishop Arthur, worn out by years, met the
nunzio at the door of his cathedral, and, presenting the insignia
of his high office said : " these I received from the holy see,
and I now return them to its representative. "J

*0n the breakina: out of the rebellion of 1641, Donogh O'Callaghan of
Clonmeen, the chiiif of the powerful clan Callaghan, whose extensive
territory is stillknown by the name of Pobble O'Callaghan, actively
espoused the Confederate cause ; and consequently was dispossessed of his
vast estates by the CromweUians, and transplanted to Clare, in the year
16.53. In 1678 he was dead, as the certificate obtained by his son
Do.ioH^h 'of Liscallane,) in that year, from the commissioners of the
court of Claims, recites that the son claimed the landa formerly set out
to the fatlier The present head of this branch would seem to be lord
Lismore ; but the name of OTidlaghan is still extensively and respectably
burrie in the old district, much of which with the remains of the castlo is
now the propeity of George Grehan, Esq.
t Not in the ancient convent founded by the 'White Knight, 1291, but
in a house (domus conductitia), which the fathers rented.
J "We subjoin Lynch's Latin version of the legend of the Mitre and
Crozier of I .imeiick : —
" Pontificalibus interim omamentia intertextis auro a se comparatis
successori relicti-i cum ]iede et mitra, quae coelo quondam demissa fuisse
putatiir. Quaedam enim neceasitas exei;it ut Dublinii proesulum coetus
pontificalibus ornamentis instructus incederet. Talem autem eventum
Limereceusis episcopus non prsevidens episcopale suum instrumentnm
domo Don exl"ulit. Quapropter amicos oravit ut per civium Dubliniensium
ffides propere discurrerent et expetita instrumenta in iis disquirrerent.
Quorum laborum cum exitus irritus evasisset, ex iis unam navim recenter
appulsain cuuspicatns, ad eam ocius accnrrit, ac sciscitatus si mitra et
pedum in eaveheretur qnvis eo pretio se comparaturum dixit. Navarchus
utvumque quereiiti tradidit, et moiiuit ut piius explorit episcopus an ea
sibi arrideiint, quam pi-utium solvat. Deinde pedi et mitrae bajulo
nondnin extra cousi.iectum piogresso, navia e portu, sublatis velis solvit.
Mc utrumqui- Limerici hoesit donee hseresi exorta divitis Catholioi custodise
creditnm est, qui gemmis e mitra detractis, ei adulterinas ihseruit e vitro,
cujus delicti psenas sobiiles ab illo propagata vidit, nam in paupertatem
gravissimam inciderunt." 2 A

354 APPENDIX TO THE
§ ^ I have not "words that could describe to you the kind-
1-1 ^ ness and politeness which we experienced at the hands of
g; §• this Irish people, whose devotion to the holy see is beyond
g ^ all praise, and I assure' you that I was often moved to
B § tears when I saw them, wholly forgetful of self, kneeling
^ "2. in the very mire in order to kiss the nunzio's robes and
hands as if they were holy relics. At almcst every stage of
our joumey the nunzio was escorted by strong squadrons of
horse to protect him from the enemy. We are in Ireland ! we
are in Ireland I praise to God !
The country through which we passed, although mountainous,
is picturesque, and every where covered with all sorts of- cattle
browsing in the rich pastures. Then we had very extensive
valleys diversified by woods not very dense indeed, and partak
ing less of the horrid than of the beautiful. Such was the
general aspect of the scenery for several miles of our route.
Once down from the mountains, we beheld an immense tract
of lowland .terminating in gentle hUls and dales of surpassing
loveliness, well tilled, abounding in herds, oxen, and sheep,
from which fine wool is made.
The men are good looking, incredibly strong, fleetrunners,
equal to any hardship, and indescribably patient. They are
given to arms ; and those who apply themselves to learning be
come highly distinguished in every domain of science. The
women are exceedingly beautiful, and heighten their attractions
by their matchless modesty and piety. They converse freely
with everyone, and are devoid of suspicion and jealousy. Their
style of dress differs from ours and rather resem'bles the French ;
all wear cloaks with long fringes ; they have also a hood se"wn to
the cloak, and they go abroad without any other covering for
the head ; some wearing a -kerchief as the Greek women do,
which being gracefully arranged, adds, if possible, to their
native comeliness. They are very prolific, have many children,
some as many as fifteen and twenty ; their offspring are beauti
ful, taU, and strong, many of them light-haired, and with skin
fair and ruddy.
Their entertainments are most superb, for they never want
great quantities of flesh and fish. They are incessantly drink
ing healths, and use Spanish and the red wines of France,
excellent beer, and most delicious milk. Butter is eaten at all
meals. We have begun to accommodate ourselves to their
manner of living and prefer their beer to the -wine, which is
very good. They have good cheese, and their gardens supply
fruit : such as apples, pears, plums, artichokes, and everything

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 355
is very cheap. A great ox fetches a pistole (doppio), a wether,
three pauls ; a pair of capons, one paul ; a hundred eggs, two
pauls. A large loaf is sold for a trifle. Game is so plentiful
that it sells for half nothing, and wild fowl is so abundant that
one may knock them down ¦with a stick, especially thrashes,
blackbirds, and chaffinches. Fresh and salt-water fish abound,
all of most excellent quality, such as pike, herring, salmon, trout,
etc. We have seen 150 lbs. salmon bought for three pauls,
and one thousand oysters and pilchards for two pauls. The
horses are very good and handsome ; one can be had for twenty
dollars that in Italy would bring more than a hundred gold
pieces.* Of the journey from Limerick to Kilkenny the Rinuecini
Papers, unfortunately, furnish no details. The nunzio, how
ever, informs us that the night before his arrival in the capital
of the Confederates, he rested in a hamlet within three miles
of it — may it not have been Ballybur in which the castle of
the Comerfords stood 1 — in order that the civil and military
authorities might have time to make preparation for his recep-
¦tion. Thither came three gentlemen, accompanied by Richard
BelUng, deputed by the supreme council to bid him welcome, and
one of them, a person of considerable attainments, pronounced
a brief address. Having mounted his litter and proceeded
towards the city, the nobility and gentry of KUkenny and
the neighbouring counties came to meet him, the most distin
guished among them quitting their saddles to present their
greeting. Fifty students armed with pistols having formed a
semicircle about him, one of them wearing a peculiar costume,
and cro-wned with laurel, recited some verses congratulating
him on his arrival. The secular and regular clergy in proces
sional order had assembled in St. Patrick's church, outside the
city gate, where the municipal body awaited him, and as soon
as he had kissed the cross presented by the "vicar-general
he mounted on horseback, wearing cappa and pontifical hat.
The canopy was borne by some of the citizens who, notwith
standing the rain of that dismal November day, remained
uncovered all along the High Street, which was lined on
either side by detachments of infantry. In the centre of the
market place, and under the shadow of the grand old cross
(which vandalism has long since destroyed), there was a vast
assemblage, which halted till a student had pronounced an
address. The procession then swept onwards to the ancient
* See the original Latin and Italian at end of the volume.

356 APPENDIX TO THE
cathedral, at whose grand gate he was met by the aged bishop
. of Ossory, (David Rothe) who, robed in cope, after handing the
aspersorium and incense, conducted the nunzio to the grand
altar There, when prayers had been said according to the
ceremonial, he gave solemn benediction, and published indul
gences. The festivities of the occasion were terminated by
another address of congratulation, and that very day Rinuecini,
escorted by lord Muskerry, general Preston,* some members of
the nobility, and detachments of troops, went on foot to the
castle, in whose splendid gallery he was received by the presi
dent of the Confederates, who, perhaps, uninstructed by
Belling, then performing the role of gentleman usher, never
moved an inch, either on his arrival or departure. This, it
seems was quite contrary to the manner in which Mountgarrett
should have acted, and when the matter was laid before
Cardinal Panfilio he wrote to the nunzio: — "The account of your
reception pained us, and although the president of the council
might have been more demonstrative in politeness, we never
theless think it wiser to raise no controversy on -the subject.
It will be for Father Luke Wadding to signify, as if from
himself, that such receptions should be conducted according to
the ceremonial in the court of the duke of Genoa, who on the
arrival of a nunzio goes half way do-wn the stairs to meet him,
and. on his departure goes even a Uttle farther."!
Appendix E— p. 107.
Mountgarrett dying, 1651, was excepted, although dead,
by Cromwell from pardon for life and estate. He was in
terred in the cathedral of St. Canice, and was succeeded by
his son Edmond, fourth viscount, about whom the Franciscan
archives furnish the following particulars. The lady who
figures in this strange narrative was a daughter of the ancient
Catholic house of Gage, of Fule, Sussex.
* After escaping from Galway in 1653, Preston was invited into the
French service and sent by them into Catalonia, where he dre"w over
many of the Irish from the Spanish service ; but died not long after at
Paris. t " Perperam fuit relatio modi quo Dtio. vra recepta fuerat, et tametsi
posset concilii proeses esse aliquanto liheralior in muniis humanitatis ;
consultius tamen estinnatum est super ea re non controvertere. Patris
Lucae erit per literas monere, velut proprio motu, et persuadere recep-
tiones fuisse celebrandas juxta illaa Duels Eeipublicae Genuensis, qui
nunciis usque ad scalae medium obviam procedit, et abscedentes ulterius.
comitatur." '

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 357
" To Father Wadding, S. Isidoro, Rome.
" Veey Rev. Father — You shall find in the annexed paper
ye case of a principal nobleman of our country, ye viscount of
Montgarret's eldest sonne. This young gentleman finding
himself much obliged to a gentleman of the Gages in England,
would, in testification of his kinde thankfulness, be contented
to take his daughter for his wife, if yt they agreed uppon the
portion of dowry which ye father ought to give. And though
ye young gentleman made often instance to ye parents and
daughter, yet never would they speake fully to his content
ment ; nor he never minded to go through without a competent
portion ; in sort yt the young gentleman for a time desisted
from his pursuit. Afterward, finding the wench alone, never
hoping yt after so many former refusals she would on a sudden
be contented to take hun as she was, they both presently tooke
hands, and Mr. Butler uttered ye words of matrimony, and
taught her to say them also, which she did, and were repeated
by them more than once ; which I do therefore sett down as a
signe of an absolute intention of marriadge when the words
were uttered. This being done they parted asunder. Mr. Butler
gave out that Mrs. Gage was his contracted "wife by marriadge,
which he did for to inspire ye parents to come of with the
portion ; which circumstance I do insert for a signe on ye other
side, yt ye pronounced bonds of marriadge were not of an
absolute intention of going through as then "with ye contract,
but "with relation to ye agreement which, after the opinion
spred by him of the concluded mache, should fall out ; and
being yt afterwards ye parents came not of as roundly as
Mr. Butler expected they should, he broke of, and applied his
thoughts another way, and is mached to ye earle of Castlehaven's
daughter, in facie Ecclesice, and has chUdren by her. Now the
young nobleman, when he is interrogated in conscience what he
intended to do when he uttered ye words, whether he had an
absolute intention or a conditional he knoweth not, for he called
it an amared contract, and nobody can say anything of it but
himself, for there was nobody by then. After when he is asked
would he have uttered ye words, were it sayd to him at ye time
yt he should have no other portion than what ye parents were
content to give, he sayeth absolutely yt if that were represented
to his thoughts he would never have taken her to his wife ;
which I do sett down to you to the end you be ye better hable
to consider how doubtfull the case of his intention is ; which
being so, and that he must stand to ye second marriadge, which

358 APPENDIX TO THE
was solemnly contracted before, it should be a good deed to
propose a dispensation matrimonii rati for this gentleman and
ye aforesaid Mrs. Gage, to the end yt ye gentleman rest quiet
in conscience in his second maniadge, and yt the gentlewoman
may dispose of herself to some other partie, which as yet,
through scrupu], shee has not done. The dispensations of
matrimoniorum ratuum be rare, I think, in these dayes,^ and
especially in utroqihe foro, though I think in sacra pmnitentiaria
they may be easily had. Be you pleased, good father, for to
bestu- yourself in it, and propose it in the best forme you may.
If it may be granted in utroque foro, ye charges shal be defrayed,
as Ossoriensis sayth, for it was he yt imployed me in it.
" "Tour lo"ving cossen,
"J. K. TUENER.
"Ye 7th Feb., 1630."
Father Turner, who seems to have been Wadding's special
correspondent, oflers the su'ojoined participatory criticism of
Keating's History of Ireland, at which the latter was working
in 1631 : — " One father Keating laboreth much, as I hear say,
in compiling Irish notes towards a history in Irish. Ye man
is very studious, and yet I fear if his worke come ever to Ught,
it "will need an amendment of ill-warranted narrations. He
could help you to many curiosities, of which you can make
better use than himself. I have no interest in ye man, for I
never saw him, for he dwelleth in Mounster."
The following documents in which Turner's name occurs are
too interesting to be omitted here : —
" Domine Gulielme Cod de Castletown dignaberis meliorem
tuam as,sistentiam prsestare Patri Thomae Turner pastori paro-
chia3 S. Fintani, vulgo diotffi de Carne, Stae. Margaritse et B.
Mariae de Insula, cum assistentia Joannis Devereux de Sum-
mertown, in parochia Stse. Margaritse, ad demandandas et
locandas magnas et parvas decimas et pecunias exinde debitas
pro hoc praesenti, et ad nos pro usu catholici exercitus trans-
mittere. Datum Wexfordias, 9 Augusti, 1642.
" GuLiELMUS Devereux, Vic-Gen."
, " Mr. William Cod of Castletown "will be pleased to give his
best assistance to father Thomas Turner, pastor of the parish of
St. Fintah, commonly called Carne, St. Margaret, and Our
Lady of the Island, who, "with the co-operation of John
Devereux, of Summerto-wn, in the parish of St. Margaret, wiU
demand and allot the great and small tithes and other moneys

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 359
due this present year for use of the Catholic army. Said sums
are to be forwai-ded to us. Wexford, 9 Aug. 1642.
"William Devereux, Vic-Gen."
" Generosis dominis et plebeis paroohiarum S. Fintani,
S. Margaritse, et B. Marias de Insula.
" Notum vobis facio hanc meam esse voluntatem ut ista
sedilia quae olim erecta fuerunt a D. Waller, pseudoministro, in
cancel! ariffi ecplesise parochialis S. Fintani, vulgo dictae de Carne,
a nemine aUo occupentur nisi a patre Thoma Turner ejusdem,
ecclesise et parochias pastore, qute ab ipso in meliorem usum
convertantur, -vizt ad confessionalia facienda, et in alios dictse
ecclesiK pios usus. Wexfordse, 18 Nov. 1642.
" GuLiELM. Devereux, Vic-Gen."
" To the gentry and people of the parishes of St. Fiutan,
St. Margaret, and Our Lady of the Island.
" I hereby make known to you that the seats which were
formerly erected by Mr. Waller, pseudo-muiister, in the chancel
of the parochial church of St. Fintan, commonly called de Carne,
shall be seized by none other than father Thomas Turner, pastor
of said church and parish, who "will convert same to better use,
namely, confessionals and other pious requUements of said
church. " W. Deveeeux, Vic-Gen.*
"Wexford, 18 Nov., 1642."
Appendix E — p. 125.
The miserable condition of the Irish Catholics at this period
was much the same as when O'Kearney, Dr. Walsh's prede
cessor, sent the following details (which we translate from the
original Latin), to Cardinal Barberini, in March, 1612._ "We
are sadly exposed to the most imminent dangers, for our adver
saries are constantly pursuing us  Those of our own
province as well as those who present themselves to us for ordi
nation, we generally receive in some suitable place, where we
erect portable altars, taking good care not to trust ourselves to
any but those in whom we have greatest confidence — to-day in
one town and to-morrow in another. When the ceremony (of
orcUnation) is concluded, we lose no time in shifting to some
other locality, in order to avoid risk, having first appointed
trusty parties to remove the portable altars, and warned the
ordained not to mention to any one the place where they
* AroMv. St. Francis, Dublin.

360 APPENDIX TO THE
received holy orders, lest them-aster of thehousemightbe brought
to trouble. Our greatest difficulty, however, is the sacrament
of confirmation ; for, no sooner is it known that we are about
to confer it than crowds of children, big and little, come from
all the neighbouring districts. ... On one day, i.e., between
sunrise and sunset, we confirmejd 2,200 in the neighbourhood
of a forest, and at nightfall in the vUlages. This precaution is
the more necessary on account of the concourse, and the greater
danger  Troops of horse and foot, whose business is to
hunt out thieves, are now sent in pursuit of priests, with power
to hang them from the nearest tree, without formality of trial.
The Catholic churches are handed over to Protestants, and the
mayors of the various towns are deposed because they refuse to
take the oath of supremacy, or attend Protestant worship. They
likewise take .^special note of those who suffer their children to
be baptized or married according to the Catholic ritual, and
they persecute unrelentingly all harbourers of priests. As for
schoolmasters who train children in Catholic doctrines, they are
cruelly set upon and hunted do"wn."
Appendix F — p. 129.
There are various accounts of the slaughter at Cashel. The
nunzio himself, in a latter dated Galway, 29th September,
1647, a short time after the event, states that the loss on both
sides was equal. Another contemporary asserts, that the Con
federate loss in killed was 300, and that of Inchiquin 600.
The nunzio, however, may have fallen into an error on this
subject as he did when stating that Colkitto was killed in the
battle of Dungan Hill.
The Rinuecini papers supply the subjoined narrative of the
massacre, written, it is supposed, by a Jesuit who was in Cashel
at the time. We give it without any comment.
" Massacre in Cashel.
"Lord Inchiquin "wishing to make himself master of the entu-e
province of Munster, after he had leamt that Taaffe "with his
500 horse had retired from Cashel, and that part of the garrison
"with many of the townsfolk and their friends had taken refuge
"with their chattels on St. Patrick's rock, marched at once from
Cahir which he had just seized. Ha"ving escaladed the city walls
without opposition, Inchiquin's army was hospitably enter
tained that very night by the inhabitants, who suffered them to

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 361
sleep unmolested. Next day — the "vigil of the feast of the
exaltation of the holy cross — Inchiquin assisted by traitors
whom we had in our midst, reconnoitred the rock, and in the
course of an hour made himself thoroughly acquainted "with
its strong and weak points. Little did we think that humili
ation was to follow so rapidly on triumph I — Having made the
reconnaissance Inchiquin divided his troops into three corps to
act against the three weak faces of the rock. He then sent a
trumpeter who summoned our men to surrender on the follow
ing conditions : — The garrison to march out "with all honours
of war — bal-en-bouche — and the citizens and clergy to submit
themselves to his lordship's clemency ! And here we may
pause to admire the valour of our troops who having sworn to
defend the people and priests, resolved to sacrifice theu-
Uves on that rock of St. Patrick rather than yield the
holy place to puritan dogs. This bold reply enraged
Inchiquin. At a signal given, a brand fell (some say ac-
cidently) into the piazza where stood the convent of the
Friars Minors which was instantly reduced to ashes. The three
divisions then made a simultaneous assault, never halting until
they got up to the wall, and were thus sheltered from the fire
-of our men who, owing to the height of the tower in which they
were posted, could not take fair aim at the enemy. Our citizens
and soldiers carried on the fight, not with muskets but "with
stones ; mounting the walls they hurled do"wn the pursuing
enemy untU overborne by numbers — the puritans pouring in
through a door in the north face of the rock — (and this indeed
was the chief cause of our defeat) they were forced to retreat
into the precincts of the cathedral.
" Hardly had ours retired when they were suddenly surrounded
by large detachments of Inchiquin's, and in the very cemetery
the conflict was carried on "with fluctuating success on both sides.
Such of ours as remained outside where massacred ; but the
spot where the Puritans achieved most signal success was in
the very body of the holy place. Its two great gates — one
looking south and the other west — were attacked with incredible
ferocity ; but ours valiantly rejiulsed the assailants, who made
their way into the church through the "windows. Now, ours
were attacked in the rere, but they maintained a stubborn
struggle ; and such were the outbursts of fury and the running
hither and thither, that nothing could be heard but the bicker
ing of swords. The fight in the church lasted about an hour,
with equal bravery on both sides, but not on equal conditions.
Inchiquin's men polluting that most sacred citadel — I will not

362 APPENDIX TO THE
say of aU Munster, but of aU Ireland, with unheard of sacrUege,
ours crimsoning it with the blood which they had devoted to
God and his church. But as the combat waxed fiercer, and
ours, reduced in numbers, be.gan to give way, some betook them
to the bell-tower, up the stau-s of which the enemy foUowed
them. Here they were agaUi summoned to surrender, and
seeing that they had no food or drink, and that superior
numbers must eventually destroy them, they yielded after
having made terms for life. But the enemy kept not faith
with us, for after our swords had been flung down in heaps,
the Puritan officers gave orders that our people should be
kUled on the spot. Then there was a sudden onfall, many
of ours being put to the sword some of the wealthier made
prisoners, and others escaping to the vaults of the church;
but, except a few, all were haled out and either slain or
made prisoners. The mayor and pastor of the city, and the
mayor's son, concealed themselves in a secret and strong cham
ber of the church, nor were they removed thence until they
had stipulated for their lives. And such was the termination
of this massacre, of this most unparaUeled and abominable
sacrUege in which 812 Catholics were slain, and at least 500 of
the lord Inchiquin's, among whom were sixteen disgraced by
that tail which was grafted on a certain family in England as
a punishment for their implication in the murder of St. Thomas
of Canterbury. Of ecclesiastics, three secular priests; the prior
of the Domuiicans, two Franciscans, and one Jesuit f eU bravely
and edifyingly for their holy reUgion. Old men whose only
weapon was the rosary were slain before the altars along with
chUdren and women; for Inchiquin's soldiers had no regard
for sex or age. Women whom the sword spared were sent
' away in a state of nudity, and some of them in this condition
influenced by modesty preferred staying in the recesses of the
cathedral and veiling nakedness with their blood rather than
go abroad in open day. But what more horrible than this
profanation of sacred things ! — the thought of it revolts me,
and my pen can hardly convey a faint idea of its wickedness.
" In a word, when the enemy got the upper hand they set
about destroying every sacred object in the church, pillaging
the altars, mutilating the holy images, nay, flinging them into
the flames, and breaking the head and hands of the great
crucifix which stood above the door of the choir. The organs
were shattered to fragments, and even the great bells whose
pealing excited ours during the conflict and frightened the
enemy shared the same fate. Polluted hands left nothing un-

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 363
desecrated, and even the bells, as it were strack dumb, tolled
not for their departed, the profound silence that prevaded all
thuigs, testifying ineffable grief.
" Turning then to rapine they seized the chattels with which
the townspeople had filled the church, digged up the floor of
the holy place, and the marble monuments, in the hope of gettinsi;
booty. Then in order to persuade the world that very few of
their soldiers had fallen — at most six or seven — they stripped
them of their clothes and carried them uito the cathedral and
cemetery where they might not be distinguished from our killed.
But so full was the church of corpses, which remained there
some days unburied, and so strewn "with same were the altars,
chapels, sacristy, bell-tower, stairs, and benches that we could
not move an Uich without treading on them. Nothing more
miserable than this spectacle, and none more deserving praise
than they whose love for the beauty of our church on holidays
and Sundays had the sacred ceremonial carried out in all its
splendour. CallUig to mind the costly restoration of the
altars,' and of every department of the sacred buildings,
who, after beholding that awful destruction, could refrain
from tears ?
" But this cruelty and sacrUege did not end here, for they
carried on both even in cold blood ; and when they had either
sold aU the chattels of the citizens — their furniture and sacred
vessels (I speak not of what they carried away) to the multi
tudes that came as to a fair, they either destroyed whatever
objects they could not sell, or flung them into the manure-heaps.
Some of those ruffians, "with square caps on their heads and
wearing the consecrated vestments strutted about, and by way
of fun, in"vited the spectators to Mass. They pierced the
sacred pictures, nay, struck the head off the large richly gilt
statue of the Immaculate Conception, and carried it in mock
procession through the streets. The other images of St. Patrick,
"Ignatius, etc., etc. (which they called deaf and dumb), and which
had been bought at great cost, they either placed under their
saddles, or made into bags for parcels. There was there
too, a small statue of the B. V, which they jeered after this
fashion: — 'Where are you Mary'? Mary won't you eat pease?'
One of them, however, paid dearly for this ; for when tearing
an iron stanchion out of the "window of a house, a stone fell
and clove his brain ! Inchiquin himself did not shrink frona
placing the archiepiscopal mitre on his head, shouting out that
he was president of Munster, mayor and archbishop of Cashel.
Not content with destroying the property of the citizens and

364 APPENDIX TO THE
their sacred utensils, they next directed their fury against the
houses dedicated to God, and were about to fire them till some
wealthy magnates arranged that the city should pay a hea"vy
sum by instalments. Thus was the ancient city of Cashel, so
reno-wned for its succession of kings and archbishops saved
from being utterly razed. Alas, that city which from the
moment it received the light of the faith never allowed it to be
obscured — that city, I repeat, suffered such eclipse that, for a
time, it lacked priest and sacred rite. That city ennobled by
the blood of its inhabitants shed for religion, so sentinelled by
holy guardians, beheld in its midst the Puritan destroyer. That
city so celebrated for its pious communities, so remarkable for
the devotion of its people, in one hour, as though it were an
exception to all the other towns in Ireland, expiated the crimes
of the entire island ! And lo, heaven looked on all this and
has not avenged the blood of its saints I What ! are we to
ihink that the confidence of the citizens in their patron was
misplaced 1 But let us not weary heaven with our presump
tuous curiosity — let us rather placate divine anger and
beseech pardon ; and let us hope that Cashel instead of be-
conUng a word of reproach among the nations may acquire a
greater weight of glory from orthodox princes, who will esteem
her more for her sufferings for the faith, than for her secular
triumphs. With reason she may bewail her dear ones slain,
but at same time may rejoice when she reflects that they
have been translated to heaven, and enrolled among the
martyrs. Nor is this a mere conjecture, for some nights pre
ceding the massacre, when we were among the soldiers of the
garrison exhorting them to avoid oaths and military insolence,
so docUe did they prove themselves, and so ready to sacrifice
their lives for religion, that we persuaded ourselves that God
had prepared them for a blessed death. And, indeed, before
going into action, most of them confessed their sins at least
once, and then partook of the holy viaticum."
[Inchiquin asserted that the moment he entered the cathedral
the massacre ceased at his command, and that he assaulted
Cashel simply because the citizens did not keep faith with him
in the matter of the money for which he had stipulated. He
died a Catholic, and bequeathed money to the Franciscans of
Ennis, to offer Masses for his soul's repose. As for the cathe
dral. Price, the heretic archbishop, unroofed it in 1680, doing
it more lasting injury than it encountered from Inchiquin's
troops.]* * See original Latin at end of the volume.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 365
Appendix G — p. 129.
Walsh's predecessor, archbishop O'Kearney, who died on the
14th of August, 1624, in the Cistercian monastery of Carbon-
blanc, near Bordeaux, bequeathed the Jesuits a considerable
sum for the same purpose. A few items of the archbishop's
wUl may be mentioned here. To Paul Ragget, then superior
of the aforesaid monastery (Carbon-blanc), he left £100, for
maintenance of same house. To the Jesuits of Cashel his rich
missals and breviaries. To his successor in the archiepiscopal
see a gold ring set in emeralds, presented to him by pope Paul
V. ; to the same a pectoral cross, of great price, given him by a
princess of the imperial house of Austria." The ring may
probably have come into Dr. Walsh's possession, but Ragget
had to sell the cross in order to raise the £100 bequeathed to-
the monastery. Dr. O'Kearney died and was buried there.
Ragget also found a grave within the same precincts.
Appendix H — p. 132.
Ross Mageoghegan (in religion Rochus de Cruce) a Dominican
friar, who was consecrated bishop of KUdare, A.D. 1628, re
commends John De Burgh to the holy see, thus : —
" Cum in provincia C'onnaciae (quae vastissima est et Catho-
Ucis plena), tanta sit penuria episcoporum ut intra illam modo
non reperiatur nisi unus tantum, qui spiritualibus CathoUcorum
necessitatibus per se solum subvenire non possit, et prsedicta
diocesis Cluanfertensis (quse est nativa prsefati Joannis, et in
qua de nationis ejusdem sacerdotibus nullus eo dignior reperiri
posse "videtur) modo vacet : convenire videtur tum ad regimen
ipsius ecclesice, tum etiam ad consolationem catholicorum ejus
dem ut praenominatus Johannes episcopali dignitate in praefata
sua Cluanfertensi ecclesia decoretur. In quorum fidem his
manu propria subscripsimus, et sigillum nostrum affigi cura-
vimus. " Datis LovanU in CoUegio Joan. Bapt. die x. Octob. A.D..
1629. , "Fe. Rochus de Ceuce,
" Episcopus Kildarensis."
" "Whereas, in the province of Connaught (which is very ex
tensive and full of Catholics), there is just now only one bishop,
who unassisted cannot minister to the spiritual requirements of
the faithful; and, whereas the diocese of Clonfert, at present
vacant, is the native place of said John — a worthier priest than

366 APPENDIX TO THE
whom there is not in that country — it seems to us that for the
government of that Church and consolation of its people the
foresaid John ought to be elevated to the episcopal dignity in
the see of Clonfert.
" Subscribed and sealed -with our seal, in the college of St.
John Baptist, Louvain, Octob. x. A.D. 1629.
"Fe. Rochus de Ceuce,
"Episcopus KUdar"*
Appendix I — p. 137.
The relics of St. Jarlath were discovered in 1609, in a five-.
sided copper case which was buried under the pavement of the
cathedral. Daniel, Protestant archbishop of Tuam, presented
' this precious object to Dr. Kirwan, subsequently bishop of
KUlala. A statuette of the B. V. M., v/-as given by John,
archbishop of Tuam, to Malachy O'Conor, of Galway, then U"ving
in barony of Dunmore. The deed bearing the archbishop's
signature and a portion of the relics of St. Jarlath, are now
carefully preserved. The deed, engrossed on parchment and
very illegible, runs thus : —
"Joannes de Burgo, sedis aplicae gratia, Archiep. Tuamensis
et provincise Connaciae metropoUtahus, dilecto nobis in xto.
Malachise O'Connor, Galviensi, nunc moranti in baronia de
Dunmore, salutem  custodem et corbanum imaginis,
Dominae nostrae SSmae. Vu-ginis Mariae nostris expensis acqui-
sitae pro ecclesia Stae. Mariae Tuamensis, et reUquiarum Sti.
Jarlathi ecclesise et dioc Tuamensis patronis," etc., etc.
Appendix J — p. 138.
O'CuUinan, bishop of Raphoe, passed many years of his life
with the archbishop of Tuam, till both were obUged to leave
Ireland. O'CuUinan had six brothers priests, one of whom 
abbot of Boyle — was executed in the reign of Elizabeth. The
bishop was educated in Rheims, and consecrated 1626. The
year foUowing, O'Donel, earl of Tyrconnel, implored Cardinal
Ludovisi to promote him from Raphoe to the primacy of all
Ireland, but that pre-eminent dignity was bestowed on Hugh
O'ReUly. * He died, 1642, and was buried in Multifeman.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 367
Father O'FarreU, one of the principal editors of the Rinuecini
Papers, "wrote from Rome to O'CuUinan, then an exile in
Brussels, asking him for an account of his prison life while in
the hands of the Scotch Covenanters. The bishop complied,
but the sketch of his adventures is very meagre. He tells us
that he had to endure every sort of hardship, and that his life
was saved by a captain Askin, who beat up the musket which
a drunken soldier was about to discharge at him. After seeing
fifty of his fellow-prisoners killed in cold blood, he spent four
years in the Jail of Londonderry, and was ransomed soon after
the battle of Benburb.* O'CuUinan's last days were closed in
the convent of the Regular Canons of St. Austui, Brussels,
March 24, 1661. He had honourable sepulture in the chapel
of the B. V.M., in the cathedral of St. GuduU.

Appendix K — p. 139.
In a letter to Cardinal Panzirolo, dated 29th August, 1647,
the nunzio states that Alaster MacDonneU, better known as
Colkitto, was killed at the battle of Dungan Hill, fought August
8th of same year ; and strange, to say, he, or somebody for
him, again records the chieftain's death in November (1647),
a few days after it did really occur.
Colkitto, the friend of Montrose, and the devoted henchman
of the nunzio, was second in command under Lord Taaffe, who
had 6,000 foot and 1,100 horse, against 500 foot and 1,300 horse
under Inchiquin. , Lord Castleconnell fled from the field, and
thus precipitated the defeat of the Confederates at Cnoc-na-noss.
After killing four of Inchiquin's men with his own hand
Colkitto was made prisoner and basely assassinated after
quarter given. On the day of the action Inchiquin sent the
following cartel to Taaffe, who was an incompetent braggart.
" My Lord, — There is a very fair piece of ground betwixt
your lordship's army and ours on this side the brook, whither
if you please to advance, we wUl do the like. We do not so
much doubt the gallantry of your resolution, as to doubt you
"wUl not come ; but do give you this notice to the end you may
see we do stand upon no advantage of ground, and are wUling to
* "Donee supremo numine- aspirante, Eugenius O'Neill Benburhise
victoriam reportasset, inter quam multos proceres, et chiliarchas cepit,
quorum nonnuUos mecum commutavit." — Rinuecini Pcipers.

368 APPENDIX TO THE
dispute our quarrel upon indifferent terms, being confident that
the justness of our cause will be this day made manifest by
the Lord, and that your lordship's judgment "will be rectified
concerning your lordship's servant, " Inchiquin.
" Garryduff, Nov. 13, 1647."
The Confederate loss m this action was 1500 men -with all
their material, while that of Inchiquin was comparatively
trifling. In his bulletin to Lenthal, speaker of the House of
Commons, Inchiquin says that " none truly fought but the
regiments commanded by Alexander MacDonneU, the rest hav
ing fled to LiscarroU and Ne"wmai-ket." — Irish Tracts, R.D.S.
Appendix L — p. 140.
' The Nunzio's departure from Kilkenny contrasts painfully
"with his first* entrance into that city. He left in the early
morning unobserved, when few were abroad, and when no one,
perhaps, thought that he was about to make his final exit.
Crossing the garden wall, which it would appear, was also
that of the city, he descended near an unfrequented gate where
the bearers of his litter were waiting for him, and surely this
incident must have brought to his mind Paul's escape from
Damascus ! Accompanied by the bishop of Clogher, he
hastened "with a few of his retinue to Maryboro' where Owen
Roe was encamped. There he remained over fourteen days,
and then prosecuted his journey westward with that faithful
Terence Coghlan whom he esteemed so much. Their route lay
along the bank of the Shannon, their destination being Galway;
and as they travelled all day and far into the night, the Irish
ser"vitors whiled the time by taking auguries from the polar
lights, so novel to the Italian, and so peculiar, as he himsslf
remarks, to northern climates. The auspices, indeed, were
favourable or unfavourable as the fears and hopes of the
observers inclined them ; but the divination, if it deserve the
name, was harmless, and the nunzio tells that the Irish were
familiar "with it from childhood. After halting some time with
Owen Roe in Athlone castle, of which that general had recently
* On his return in November, 1647, from Portumna where he was
splendidly entertained by Lord Clanricarde he "was met at the gate of
Kilkenny by fifty horsemen, and the BVench and Spanish envoys to the
Confederates. The secular and regular clergy accompanied him proces
sionally to St. Canice's where they congratulated him on his arrival.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 369
got possession, he set out for Galway whither the S.' Pietro
was to come from Duncannon to bear him away from a country
in which, he says "the sun is rarely seen — dove mai non si
vede il Sole." An intimation from Ormond that he should not
remain nn Ireland hastened his departure, and he sailed for
Normardy, where he arrived safely. After conferring with
Longueville and Condfe, leaders disaffected to the government
and deeply involved in the troubles of the Fronde, he pro
ceeded to Rome. There he might, had he so willed it, have
had a place of great importance in the court of the Vatican,
as the reward of valuable services ; but, like a true shepherd,
he preferred to live among his flock, and he accordingly re
turned to Fermo where he died in 1653. He caused a series
of frescoes, representing the most memorable events associated
"with his sojourn in Ireland, to be painted on the walls of his
palace, but his successor with execrably bad taste had them all
covered with a coat of whitewash. Thus were destroyed
pictures which would have brought many an Irish pUgrim
to Fermo; for to us they would have been far more interesting
and appreciable than the Bayeux tapestries.
Appendix M — p. 142.
June 18, 1648, John of Tuam "wrote to Cornelius O'Hurly,
a distinguished ecclesiastic who graduated in the University of
Bordeaux, and was appointed rector of Athenry — "Ne uUas
ejusmodi censuras admittant, nee eisdem fidem habeant donee
earum fundamenta et rationes discusserimus, easque approba-
verimus. " Joannes Tuam, electus."
— Rinuecini Papers. Appendix N — p. 142.
Massari, dean of Fermo and secretary to Rinuecini, compiled
the history of the Nunziatura, and in this work was assisted
by two Irish priests. Father Richard O'FarreU and another
whose name does not appear. O'FarreU was in all probabUity
a Franciscan. The title of the work is "De Haeresis Anglicanae
Intrusione et Progressu, et de Bello Catholico Ad., an. 1641
incepto, exindeque per aliquot annos gesto, Commentarius."
There are but two copies of this great work in the United
Kingdom, one belonging to the actual learned bishop of Ossory,
and the other to lord Leicester, Holkam. Massari died in
1664. 2 B

370 APPENDIX TO THE
Appendix: 0 — p. 145.
Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, author of the " Bleeding
Iphigenia," " Sale and Settlement of Ireland," etc., etc, having
escaped to France in 1649, addressed the subjoUied letter to
John of Tuam, prisoner in Galway : —
" lUme. Praesul.
" Ut in Judea nihil sanctius, aut sublimius fuit J. Bapta.
eremi incola vinculis scelerate constricto, ob adulterium nimis
abominandum scortorum principem generose ab eo reprehensum,"
ita nullum in terra Hiberniss pulchrius spectaculum -videri
potest te principe Ecclesise, et conf essore probatissimo, ac reve
rendissimo, tecum antistite AUadensi octogenario, cum viginti
sex sacerdotibus, et religiosis, jjietate, atque eraditione floreii-
tibus, ob fidem Catholicam in uno carcere inique conclusis, et
Deo sancte famulantibus. Crimen Baptistas e deserto sublati,
morte igniminiosa affecti, non aliud erat quam ha;c verba,
'non licet tibi Herodes habere uxorem fratris tui;' et tu quid
deliquisti, ut e solitudine ubi Deo tuo vacabas, in carcerem
conjicereris 1 Veritatem in conspectu hominum ingenue con-
f essus, dixisti, ' Viri hceretici, non licet vobis Ecclesiam Xti.
sponsam contaminare.' Age, famule Dei, et intrepide defende
Romanam veritatem, ac pietatem, tui sanguinis, si opus fuerit,
profluvio. Ausculta Psalmistam non inaniter ovantem, 'Loque-
bar de testimoniis tuis in conspectu regum, et non confundebar ;'
non potes tu confundi aut tristari quoniam divma gratia (quam
sonat Joannes, nomen tuum) tecum est in carcere, et eo nomine
sub te sunt cuncta corruptee naturae ludibiia, vicissitudines, et
fabu.l8e. Vide, mi Frater, quam benigno, ac laeto vultu heroica
-virtus in carcerem, tanquam pallatium te invitat, non ut in eo
tormenta expellescas, agas serviliter, sed ut tui juris sis, et
Uber, ab omni timore ac violentia. Nam quidpiam formidare
indignum est tua causa. Capti"vitatem luges 1 Merito lugeres,
nisi in carce're Deum tuum reperires. Sed times exilium in in-
sulas longinquas quas Barbadoes vocant? Etiam Deum in exilio
invenies. Possunt quidem homines UU, in quorum potestate
constitutus es, te separare a patria tua ; non possunt a Dei tui
caritate. Sed auferuntur tibi daj^es, delicias, pretiosa "vina,
esculenta ; sed audi Paulum predicantem, non est regnum Dei
esca aut potus, et cape anathema ab eo prolatum, esca ventri,
et venter escis ; Deus autem et hanc et has destruet. Ergo
salubriter stude gratiis stabilire cor tuum, non escis, non enim

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 371
potest fames aliter'tibi nocei-e quam macerando carnem tuam,
vel necando. Si macerabit, faciet ut caro tua serviat animse
tuae, et anima tua Deo tuo. An non hoc beneficium magnum
homuii Christiano 1 Si necabit, auferet te malis hujus mundi.
Quid inde mali, cum tibi necessario morieiidum sit ? Non tu
igitur, mea opinione, in eo statu es, ut invidere debeas delicatis
hujus mundi filUs, qui bibentes in phialis aureis, et optimo
unguento delibuti, nihil compatiuntur super contritione Joseph.
Verum pingues illi non sunt in hoc mundo omnino impunes,
dum caro illorum timet vermes, et anima ignes. Ideo squallente
carcere tuo tutius est in coelum iter, quam ex ebumeis eoram
pallatiis. Si non scribo verum falsus est Hieronymus asserens
" per delicias, non ire ad delicias." Cum ita sit, audiatur non
fletus, sed vox exultationis, et salutis in tabernaculis justoram,
qualia sunt carceres, in quibus tu cum sociis tuis in patientia
diem bonum expectatis. Perge igitur, Gedeon fortissime,
contra profanes Madionitas cum tuis comilitonibus. Vincetis
hand dubie hostem di"vinas veritatis tubis, lagenis, et lampadi-
bus vestris. Tubae enim sunt ferventissimoe orationes, quas
ad Deum quotidie funcUtis : lagenae, corpora vestra, non vino
quod apostatare facit, fumantia, sed fame, et jejunUs soluta.
Lampades, ardens caritas, et desiderium moriendi pro nomine
Domini Jesu. An demon, tenebras, hseresis resistere poterunt
hominibus ita armatis et pugnantibus ? O me infelicem in
mortuo mare exilii mei languidum, et putrescentem ! Utinam
vobiscum essem inprobationis procella agitatis. O vos vere felices
qui, vocante domino, de pelago ad littus, de exilio ad patriam,
de carcere ad pallatium transitis. Animum tibi, et omnibus
tecum persecutionem propter Christum patientibus, faustum, et
jubilarem precor, et do strenam, nempe sanctissimum nomen
Jesu : de quo scriptum est ' oleum effusum nomen tuum.' Hoc
oleo pretiosissimo unguatur, et roboretur uniuscujusque ves-
trum cor in laboribus et tentationibus. Commendo me miserum
peccatorem Sanctis vestris omnium precibus, et deosculor cum
amore et humUitate sacratas in carcere manus.
" lUustrissimae Dominationis tuse,
" NicoLAUs, Episc Fernensis.
"Nannetis, 30 Januarii, 1654.
" Illustrissimo et Revmo, Domino,
"Joanni de Burgo Archpo. Tuamensi."

372 APPENDIX TO THE
" Most Illustrious Prelate, — Jewry presents not a sub-
limer or holier spectacle than that of John Baptist, the dweller
in the wilderness, chauied and cast into prison for ha"ving
boldly accused Herod of adultery. Nor does Ireland exhibit
a fairer sight than yourself, a prince of the Church, and well-
tried confessor, along with the octogenarian bishop of KUlala
and twenty-six priests and religious, renowned for piety and
learning, unjustly committed to the same jail for religion's
sake, and communing with God. The crime of the Baptist,
haled from the desert, and done to death ignominiously, were
the. words: 'It is not lawful for thee, Herod, to have thy
brother's "wife ;' and you, what have you done that you should
be interrupted in the exercise of your holy office and flung
into prison'? You have pronounced truth before mankind,
saying : ' Heretics, it is not allowed you to contaminate the
Church, Christ's Spouse.' Be of good cheer, servant of God,
and intrepidly defend Roman truth and piety, even with your
¦blood, if necessary. Hearken to the Psalmist, not vainly
glorying : ' I published thy testimonies in the face of kings,
and was not confounded.' You cannot be confounded or
depressed, for the divine grace (the equivalent of your name
John) is -with you in the jail, and by virtue of that name, the
wiles of corrupt nature, tribulations, and lies are beneath your
feet. See, dear brother, how heroic "virtue, with benign and
joyous aspect, invites you to the prison as though it were a
palace, where no coward fear may turn you pale or debase you,
but rather where you can be your own lord, free from fear and
violence. It would unbecome you to shrink from suffering.
But do you lament your captivity 1 With reason might you
do so, if you could not find your God in your prison. Do
you dread deportation to Barbadoes 1 even there you will find
God. Those men into whose power you have fallen can trans
port you from your country, but they cannot break the link of
charity that welds you to God. But your table, dainties,
precious "wines, and viands, have been taken from you. WeU,
listen to Paul : ' The kingdom of God is not meat or drink.'
Then, again : ' Meat for the belly, and the belly for meat, bnt
God will destroy both.' Therefore study to nerve your heart
¦with grace, not food, since hunger can do little else than waste
your body, or perhaps destroy it. If you are mortified, your
flesh shall be subjected to your spirit, and that will be resigned
to God. Is it not a great blessing for a Christian man that
self-denial emancipates him from this world's sorrow 1 What
hardship, therefore, need you deem any sort of tribulation

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEIrCHY. 373
when you reflect that you must die ? To my thinking, then,
you have no reason to envy the sensuous children of this world,
who, drinking out of gold cups, and feasting on succulent
meats, have no sympathy "with j)oor Joseph. Withal the lusty
ones of this life are not wholly exempt from trouble, for their
flesh di-eads the worms, and their souls the fire. Therefore
your squalid cell may be a better starting point for heaven
than a palace of ivory could be. If I write untruths, Jerome
has erred in stating — ' The road to heaven's delights is not that
which leads thro' this world's pleasures.' Therefore, instead
of lamentation, let rejoicing be heard in the tents of the just —
the prison where you and your companions await the happy
day. Struggle "with your fellow-soldiers, then, brave Gideon,
against tlie profane Madianites. Doubtless, you wUl conquer
the enemy of divine truth with your trumpets, phials, and
lamps. The trumpets are the energetic prayers which you
offer to God daUy ; the phials your bodies, not reeking with
"wine, which causes apostasy, but broken by hunger and fast
ings. The lamps symbolize charity, and a heart-sprung longing
to die for the name of the Lord Jesus. Could devil, darkness,
or heresy "withstand men armed thus and fighting thus 1 Alas
for me, most wretched in this dead sea of my exUe, where I
. wax faint and fall to pieces ! Oh ! that I were "with you, a
sharer of the storm which buffets you. Happy, indeed, are
ye who hear the Lord haiUng you from the deep to the shore,
from exile to your country, from a prison to the palace. May
every blessing be "with you and all those suffering persecution
for sake of Christ. I send you a new year's offering — the holy
name of Jesus, of which it is written, ' Thy name is oil poured
out.' May each of you be anointed with that most precious
oU, and may the heart of each of you be braced against trials
and temptations. I commit myself, miserable sinner, to your
prayers, and lovingly kiss your consecrated hands in bonds-.
" Your lordship's, " Nicholas, Bishop of Ferns.
"Nantes, 30th Jan., 1654."
Endorsed : " lUmo. ' et Re"vmo. D. Joanni de Burgo,
Archiepisoo Tuamensi." Appendix P — p. 149.
It has been asserted that two Catholic archbishops- governed
the see of Dublin immediately after Curwen's apostasy ; but as

374 APPENDIX TO THE
we have no certain data of their consecration or appointment,
we adopt the learned de Burgo's statement, that Oviedo was
the first archbishop after the Englishman's defection. The
Tabulse Romanae mention one Andrew, archdeacon of Dublin,
as successor to James ; but this is a palpable error, as there is
no such name to be found in the list of archbishops of the
period. Then again we hear of Donaldus as the predecessor to
O-viedo. May not this also be a clerical error 1
Appendix Q — p. 149.
O'viedo did not visit the diocese personally, but he appointed
father Bernard Moriarty, a priest of the diocese of Ardagh,
and archdeacon of Cloyne, his vicar-general, -with powers to
act in his absence. This Dr. Moriarty, who graduated in Spain,
and was singularly attached to the Franciscans of Multifernan,
where he chiefly resided, was there an-ested along "with Richard
Brady, bishop of KUmore, in 1601. After lea"ving the aged
bishop for dead, the soldiers who had charge of Dr. Moriarty
were attacked by Walter Nugent, of the house of Delvin, and
in the struggle that ensued the former was severely wounded,
and carried to Dublm, where he died in prison about the be-
gUming of October, 1601. His remains were interred ui 'the
cemetery of St. James's church.
Appendix R — p. 150.
Archbishop MacMahon was interred near the fugitive earls
in S. Pietro Montorio, Rome, 1622.
Appendix S — p. 153.
Bamaby Rich who "witnessed O'Devany's execution describes -
the conduct of the people thus : —
" On the 28th of January, the bishop and priest, being
arraigned at the king's bench, were each condemned of treason,
and adjudged to be executed the Saturday following; which
day being come, a priest or two of the pope's brood, with holy
water and other holy stuffs, were sent to sanctify the gaUows
whereon they were to die. About two o'clock, p.m., the trai
tors were deUvered to the sheriffs of Dublin, who placed them
in a small car, which was followed by a great multitude. As
the car progressed, the spectators knelt down : but thp bishop

memoirs OF THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 375
sitting still, like a block, would not vouchsafe them a word, or
tui-n his head aside. The multitude, however, following the
car, made such a dole and lamentation after him, as the
heavens themselves resounded the echoes of their outcries.
Bemg- come to the gallows, whither they were followed by
troops of the citizens, men and women of all classes, most of
the best being present, the latter kept up such u. shrieking,
such a howling, and such a hallooing, as if St. Patrick himself
had been going to the gallows, they raised the whohuh with
^uch a maine cry, as if the rebels had come to rifle the city.
Being ready to mount the ladder, when he was pressed by some
of the bystanders to speak, he repeated frequently ' Sine me
quceso [permit me, I beseech you].' The executioner had no
sooner taken off the bishop's head, but the townsmen of Dublin
began to flock about him, some taking up the head with pitying
aspect, accompanied with sobs and sighs ; some kissed it with
as religious an appetite as ever they kissed the Pax ; some cut
away all the hair from the head, which they preserved for a
relic ; some others were practisers to steal the head away, but
the executioner gave notice to the sheriffs.*
" Now, when he began to quarter the body the women
thronged about him, and happy was she that could get but her
handkerchief dipped in the blood of the traitor ; and the body
being once dissevered in four quarters, they neither left finger
nor toe, but they cut them off and carried them away ; and
some others that could get no holy monuments that appertained
to his person, with their knives they shaved off chipps from
the hallowed gallows ; neither would they omit the halter
wherewith he was hanged, but it was rescued for holy uses.
The same night, after the execution, a great crowd flocked
about the gallows, and there spent the fore part of the night
in heathenish howling, aind performing many popish ceremonies ;
and, after midnight, being then Candlemas day in the morning,
having their priests present in readiness, they hacl Mass after
Mass, ^ tUl daylight being come, they departed to their own
houses. The bishop was invested by the pope; for those
Balaamite idiots be fit instruments to spread the pope's
doctrine, especially in Ireland, where the poor people are so
infested with this locust vermin of priests and friars, that
they will sooner believe an ass that comes from Rome "with a
pope's bull, than an angel from heaven that should be sent
with the light of God's Word."
* In 1611, Thomas Bishop was mayor of Dublin; the sheriffs were
"William Chfilk-wret and Richard Wigget.

376 APPENDIX TO THE
Appendix T — p. 157.
Thomas, nephew of the archbishop, became a no"vice in St.
Anthony's in 1620, and, in 1629, petitioned the kmg, that his
brother William might enjoy the dignity of baron of Slane.
The king granted his prayer, and confirmed the dignity to
WUliam and the heirs male of his body, during the life of
Thomas. Sir B. Burke, Ulster, says that this proceeding was
unconstitutional and unprecedented.
Appendix U — p. 158.
Colgan's noble work, " Triadis Thaumaturgoe," was published
in 1647, at the archbishop's expense, as the author tells us in
the dedication : " Inter prsesentis belli calamitates, inter privatus
necessitates D. V. a suae diocesi exul non solum necessaria im-
pensa, sed et monumenta subministra^vit." To this we may
add, that when the first volume of Wadding's "Annales" ap
peared, the archbishop congratulated the learned Franciscan,
and ¦wrote to him that the work was well received by the
Protestants. Father John Colgan, to whose works allusion has already
been made, was bom towards the commencement of the seven
teenth century, near Carne, barony of Inishowen, county
Donegal. He took the Franciscan habit in St Antony's,
Louvain, soon after the foundation of that house, where he
became Jubilate Lecturer of Theology, and died 1658. Besides
the "Act^ SS. Hib." and the "Triad. Thaumat.," he wrote
" Tractatus de Vita, Patria, Scriptis Johannis Scoti Doctoris
Sublimis," a copy of which most rare work is now in the Dublin
archives of St. Francis's, together with some fragments in the
learned author's autograph. Another highly distinguished
member of the same order, and contemporary of Colgan, was
P. Pa-trick" Fleming, of the noble house of Slane, author
of " Collectanea Sacra," comprising acts and literary labours
of St. Columbanus. Fleming was made guardian of the Irish
Franciscan convent at Prague, 1631, and in same year was
murdered, together with Mathew Hoar, near Beneschow, in
Bohemia. The subjoined documents, in the handwriting of Colgan,
cannot fail to interest the reader, who will regret that the
memoir of Rose O'Dogherty, widow of Caffar O'Donel, and
-wife of Owen Roe O'Neill, was never completed. The illus
trious lady died in 1660, and was buried in the chapel of St.
Antony's, Louvain, near the grave of Bernard, son of the

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 377
great earl of Tyrone, assassinated in Brussels, 1617.* Colgan's
letter to father Wadding shows that the Jubilate Lecturer of
Theology and most learned hagiologist was a patriot in the
strictest meaning of that much-abused word. 'The original of
the letter subscribed Rosa O'Docharty, is in Irish, and was
addressed probably tO father Hugh Burke, whom the supreme
council of the Confederates sent to Belgium to collect moneys
and munitions for the war. Mr. W. Hennessey has also
translated this holograph. Dolan's letter (autograph) is in the
Franciscan archives, and the copy may prove useful to some
future historian of the memorable 1642 : —
Fragment of Memoir of Rose O'Doherty.
" QuandoqiUdem juri di^vino et humane consonum sit liquidae
veritati perhibere testimonium ; hinc ego infrascriptus fr.
Joannes Colganus, Ord. Min. Strict. Observ. S. T. Lector jubi-
latus, fidem facio mihi partim ex oculari notitia, partim ex fide
dignis testimonUs constare D. Rosam O'Doharty, non solum
matronam esse summse et perantiquse nobilita-tis, splendore
viroramque principum connubUs longe Ulustrem ; sed etiam
innumeras pro fidei Catholicae negotiis passam esse jacturas.
Mater enim ejus fuit Joannis Magni O'NeilU principis Tironiae
fiUa : pater vero D. Joannes O'Docharty, regionis de Inis-eogain
inclytus djrnasta, qm post multa prajclare gesta in bello fidei
mox memoranda, in laboribus ejusdem belli extinctus fuit :
primus etiam ejusdem matrons maritus fuit Cathbarrus sen
Cuthbertus Hugonis O'Donnelli excellentissimi principis Tir-
connallife filius, ¦vir raris "virtutibus, multisque victoriis contra
fidei Catholicae hostes partis longe inclytus. Ipse enim ejusque
duo germaid fratres Hugo Ruffus O'Donnellus, et Rodericus
O'Donellus, Tirconalliae principes, et in"victissimus ille Hugo
Magnus O'Nellus, Tironiae princeps, atque proceres Catholici
helium quindecim annorum fidei Catholicae tuendse causa contra
Elizabethan! AngUae reginam strenuissime, et cum multis prae
claris "victoriis gesserunt. Et cum circa ejusdem belli finem
cladem quamdam passi essent, praedictus Hugo O'Donnellus
suppetiarum expetendarum causa in Hispaniam ad regeni
Catholicum se contuUt, ubi post breve tempus decessit : reliqui
vero prsefati principes, acceptis prius conditionibus de servanda
* Her tombstone, with its pathetic epitaph, is in the cloister of St.
Antony's, close by the parlour in which the opening scene of this work is
laid.

378 APPENDIX TO THE
fidei libertate, pacem cum hoste composuerant ; quam cum
postea sine rei Catholicae jactura servari non viderent, seque
hostis "viribus impares esse adverterent ; cum uxoribus, liberis,
pluribusque cognatis (inter quos et haec matrona fuit) spe sup
petiarum maxime a summo pontifice, regeque Catholico obti-
nendarum, ad partes ultramarinas se conferentes, Romam vene-
runt, ubi post non longum tempus Rodericus princeps
Tu-conallise." — Ccet. des.
" As it is but fair to bear testimony to the trath, I, the un
dersigned brother John Colgan, of the Friars Minor of Strict
Observance, JubUate Lecturer of Theology, certify, partly from
personal acquaintance, and partly from evidence of individuals
of undoubted veracity, that the Lady Rosa O'Doherty is a
matron of the most ancient nobility, singularly distinguished
for her nlarriages with two renowned princes, and still more so
by reason of the vicissitudes she has undergone for the Catholic
faith. Her mother was daughter of the great John O'Neill,
prince of Tyrone ; and her father, John O'Doherty, the illustri
ous chieftain of Innishowen, who, after signal services during
the war waged for the Catholic faith — to be related hereafter —
succumbed to hardships. The first husband of this lady was
Cathbar, son of the most excellent Hugh O'Donel, prince of
Tyrconnel, a man renowned for many "victories over the enemies
of the faith. He and his two brothers, Hugh Rufus O'Donel
and Rory O'Donel, princes of Tirconnel, and that most invin
cible Hugh, the great O'Neill, prince of Tu-one, together with
the Catholic nobility, carried on the fifteen years' war against
Elizabeth of England "victoriously and unflinchingly for sake of
the Catholic religion. Towards the close of that war, when the
Irish encountered some reverses, the foresaid Hugh O'Donel
sailed to Spain with a hope of getting reinforcements from the
Catholic king, and there died, The other princes, having stipu
lated for the free exercise of their reUgion, made peace "with
the enemy ; but perceiving that it could not be kept without
compromise of conscience, and that they were outnumbered by
their foes, they, with their "wives, children, and numerous kins
folk (among whom was this matron), crossed the seas, thinking
to obtain succour from the supreme pontiff and the Catholic
king, and proceeded to Rome, where, after a brief interval,
Rory, prince of Tirconnel," etc., etc.
Letter of Rose O'Doherty.
" Most honored Father, — I received vours. fnr which I

MEMOIRS or THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 37&
am thankful. I am rejoiced at hearing that the camp-master*
reached Ireland safely ; withal, your letter is so short that I
merely collect from it that one fact. I beseech you to inform
me of all that pertains to the war of UUadh.f Pray, tell me
who are alive, and who of our gentry are dead. Let me know
what is the state of Tyrconnell, and where the munitions were
left ; for it is not likely that hej went through that country if
Saxons or Scots are in it. My son Henry and I desire to pro
ceed to L-eland if you could procure us a passage thither :
we would require a month or six weeks to make arrangements
before setting out. Doubtless you heard of the death of the
earl of Tyrconnel.

' D. Rosa O'Docharty.

" From Louvain, 16 Sept., 1642."

Letter from Colgan to Wadding.
" Rev. PATER^Jam secundo vel tertio sub initio tumultuum
Patriae scripsi ad V. P. quae de iisdem offerebantur certiora
nova. Responsum tamen vestrum interea nullum vidi. Nee
tamen idcU-co destiti P. V. abinde scribere ; sed praecipue
quod sciverim ab aliis, praesertim a Patre Commissario De
Burgo, indies eadem patrise nova scripsi : Nunc quia non exis-
timo Patrem Hugonem esse BruxeUis vel ubi posset ad vos
commode scribere, quae offeruntur certiora communico. Ac
imprimis mitto constitutiones et ordinationes procerum regni
de bello illo fidei, vel potius de regno tempore illius belli ad-
ministrando : constitutiones sane pernecessarias, et meo judicio
prudentissimas et utilissiinas. Si enim serventur non ambigo
beUum illud perdifficUe,cui alias multumti mendum, judicaverim,
facilem habiturum exitum. Sunt impressae prime Londini
quod mireris ; sed ideo ut excitetur populus contra regem quasi
faventem conatibus Hibemorum. Sunt denuo impressae Lova-
niae, latine redditae, omissis quibusdum apud externos minus
bene sonantibus. Copiani mitto juxta utramque impressionem.
Ceterum res patriae satis feliciter procedunt ut ex ipsis consti-
tutionibus vel maxime coUigi potest ; omnes enim catholici
regni proceres, exceptis paucis quorum heredes, vel proximi
coguati detinentur captivi in Anglia, omnesque Catholicae civi-
tates, et omnes nobiles Catholici sunt firmiter, uniti et statue-
* Maitre-de-camp. t 'Ulster. % Owen O'Neill

•380 APPENDIX TO THE
1-unt mori pro fide ejusque liberis exercitUs De facto occupant
omnes civitates, oppida castella, arces aliaque munita regni
loca exceptis Dublinio, Londonderria, Colerainia, et Cnock-
fergus, allUsque quibusdam fortalitUs qure jacent in manibus
hereticorum. Ssepius rumor sparsus est de his occupatis. Cer-
tum tamen est Dublinium non esse interceptum, vel etiam
formaUter obsessum ante 20 Martii ut Utterae inde a quodam
mercatore Belga Antwerpiam scriptae testantur. Plurima alia
circumferuntur nova sed dubiae fidei ex magna parte. Exer
citus Catholicorum ascendit 80 millia; sed laborant penuria
armorum, pulveris, tormentarU, tormentorum et simUium ap-
paratuum ad tale bellum necessariorum : quae si in sufficientia
adessent omnes existimant bellum Ulud bre-vi habiturum inten-
tum ; quin et Angli plurimis litteris et gazettis de facto indi
cant esse desperandum de Hibernis reducendis nisi per viam
conventionis et conoordiae, Hibernis dubio procul metuendum.
Omnia in Anglia sunt turbatissima propter differentias et dis-
sensiones inter regem et parliamentum, prout gazettas quae vobis
mittuntur testantur. Ad quse reliqua referenda remitto, et
me vestris precibus humUiter commendo.
" Vestrae Paternitatis addictissimus servus,
" Fr. Joannes Colg.an.
" Lovaniae, hac'secunda AprU, 1642."
"Rev. Father, — Since the commencement of the Irish
insurrection I have -written to you twice or thrice the most
reUable news I was able to gather anent that movement. In
the interval I have had no reply from you. Nevertheless I
have not ceased to acquaint you -with all intelligence I could
gather, especially from the commissary-general, father Burke ;
but as he is not now in Brussels, or in a place where he might
conveniently correspond with you, I hereby forward what you
may regard as well authenticated news. And in the first place
I send the constitutions framed by the Irish nobility for carry
ing on the war which has been undertaken for the faith, and
for the govemment of the kingdom while the war lasts. In my
opinion said laws are most judicious and useful. Should the
people' observe them, I have little doubt that the war, whose
fortunate issue I hitherto had some reason to , question, -wUl
eventuate successfully. The documents I send were first
printed in London — a fact which may surprise you ; but that

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 381
was done to excite the people against the king as countenancing
the Irish war. Another edition of the constitutions has been
printed in Louvain, omitting, however, certain pa,ssages which
might not sound well Ui the ears of foreigners. I send you
copies of both impressions. Everything progresses admirably
in Ireland, as you might see by the regulations themselves ; for
all the leading CathoUcs, with exception of a few whose heirs
and kinsmen are prisoners in England, all the ¦ Catholic cities,
and the entire body of the nobility, are fast united, and have
resolved to die' for the faith and its free exercise. In fact, they
hold all the cities, towns, fortresses, except Dublin, London
derry, Coleraine, Carrickfergus, and some other strongholds
which are m the hands of the heretics. It has often been
rumoured that all the foresaid places have been taken by the
Catholics ; but it is certain that Dublin remained untaken and
unbesieged to the 20th March, as letters from a Belgian mer
chant who writes tq Antwerp testify. There are many other
rumours to which little credence can be given. The Irish
Catholic army is 80,000 strong ; but it wants powder, arms,
cannon, and other requirements. Had the Irish a sufficiency
of those things, they would, doubtless, succeed in a very short
time. Even the English themselves despair of suppressing the
insurrection except by convention or a peace, either of which the
Irish have reason to dread. The newspapers I send will con-
"vince you that disorder reigns in England, on account of the
misunderstanding between his majesty and the parliament,
etc., etc. Humbly commending myself to your prayers,
" Your paternity's most devoted servant,
" Brother John Colgan.
" Louvam, 2nd AprU, 1642."
About the time when the foregoing was written, the Francis
can community at Louvain issued the following circular,
begging subscriptions for publication of the Acta SS., etc,
etc. : —
" You may by these presents understand that we the poore
ReUgious of St. Francis his order att Louvyne, in the Colledge
of St. Anthony, having maturely considered the distressed
state of our native countrey, which, albeit in times past being
rightly reputed and stUl named the Isle of Saintes, through

382

APPENDIX TO THE

the uifinite multitude of her most holy men, wherin she easUy
surpasseth each other kingdome, yett was not soe happie as
that any hitherto shoulde bring to light her manifould ancient
ecclesiasticall monuments, to the no smale dishonour of the
"whole nation, and discomfort of devoute soules. This we say,
having "with pitie considered, did undergoe the interprise those
many yeares past, to gather from all parties and countreys, and
prepare to the printe the ancient histories, offices, martyr-
ologues of the birth, lives, death, feasts, churches, and cells of
our Irish saintes, "with severall other Lattin and Irish pious
workes, for wich alsoe we have of late erected heere a new
Irish print, whence wee hope will ensue manifold fruites, re
dounding to the great good and glorie of our Church and
Catholike countreyment. But as you know our poore state of
life, as it is uncapable of worldly substance, so being unable to
disburse the requisit charges for pursueing such a costly inter
prise, the only remedy to accomplish what we intend is to
have our present recourse unto youre jpious bouiityfuUness,
trusting in your noble affection towards your country's patrones,
that every one of you will be found no lesse zealous "to second
these our pious designes and feeble endevours, then wee are by
continual labou.r deviseing how to restore the neglected honor
of our saintes, church, and country, and withall to enkindle
the devotion of our thrue beloved Catholicke countreymen,
which hartUy to doe it were (as wee thinke) an urgent motive,
only to consider how all other Catholike kingdomes earnestly
endeavour to extend theire name and fame, to procure theire
felicity and finall salvation, and to maintaiiie in "vigour to the
divine service and Catholicke faith, by the devout worship
ing of their proper saintes and holly patrones, throughout all
their parishes and churches ; and yet, notwithstanding this
holy generali custome of all . others, how our poore countrey,
who gave patrones and apostles for the most parte to the rest
of Christian countreys, is brought to that plight of miserie, that
it doth not only worshippe these her hoyly missioners sent to
the conversion of severall foorayne nations, but also is almost
as yet ignorant of our manifould patrones detayned at home,
who were founders of so many rare churches, cells, and sanctu
aries ; not regarding, in the meane time, what ingratitude it is
not to acknowledge the innumerable benefitts by their merits
received, whome even as our countrey had of ould on earth
those glorious instructors and doctors of the lawe of life and
discipline, so them enjoyeth for intercessors in the celestiall
kingdome to mantayne constantly the faith and piety by them

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 383
anciently thaught. "Which inconveniences to redresse, wee
labour to prepare those workes above mentioned, wherein,
amongst other infinitt pointes, it will clearly appeare to your
view the state of our primitive church, our proper and parti
cular patrones and holly advocates, whose lives and devine ex
amples our prechers may divulge hereafter, to the spirituall
weale and consolation of all in general. To which end, and to
obtayne competent charges for their imprinting, we doe hereby
send unto you this father of our order, as our faithful procu
rator in this behalfe, most humbly beseeching, as you tender
the favour of your countrey's holly patrones in heaven, to in-
tercesse for you in this wreched season so you will be pleased
to bestow your pious allmes, and so oblige them, and likewise
us, according our duty and custome, to pray uncessantly God
for your prosperity and everlastuig happinesse.
" Fr. Bernardus Connius, Guardianus Fra
trum Minorum Hibernorum Lovanii.
" Fr. Daniel Clery, Vicarius.
" Fr. Joannes Colganus, Sae. Theolae. Lect.
" Fr. Patricius Brennanus, S. Theol. Lect.
" Fr. Hugo de Burgo, Gl. Comissy. of the
Irish Franciscan Recollects in Germany
and the Low Countries."
Father Colgan, we may presume, was in the confidence of
lord InniskUlen and MacMahon, whose conspiracy to seize the
castle of Dublin ended so fatally for them both. The last will
of Macguire has appeared in these pages, and the subjoined
letter shows beyond all doubt, that the unfortunate nobleman,
whose conduct on the scaffold was heroic in the most Catholic
sense of the word, had the warm sympathies of the historian
of the Irish saints. Letter to the Rev. father Colgan.
" Reverend Father, — I have a sad story to tell you about
Cornelius Macguire, lord InniskUlen, who was at large hitherto,
but is now in Newgate, the filthiest prison in London — the
prison of thieves and felons — himself and MacMaihon, and a
Scotch captain, also a Catholic, who was brought with them
from Ireland ; they are all there in one small room, without
food, or drink, or bedding, having but one small bed between
them. And the "wretched tyrants are not content "with this.

384 appendix to the
but they say they will be brought to trial next week, at the
assizes ; and we fear very much they will be sentenced to
death. I beg of .you for God's sake to' pray without ceasing
for them. God be with you, your own jpoor man James.
" London, May, 1643."
Letter of Thoinas Dolan to father Burhe.
" Rev. Father, — According to promise I send you herewith
the coppie of the letter of which I made mention ; wluch is as
followeth, and was written from Dublin by a marchant of
accompt to his brother in Paris. The lord Maguire's brother,
called Rory, made himself sheriff of the county of Fermanagh,
and hath taken the lord Blarney, his lady, and children, pri
soners. Sir Phelim O'NeiU hath the country of Tyrone and
Ardmagh in his custodie, and hath taken the lord Colfield
prisoner, and likewise hath taken all the forts and strong
places of these countries to himself. Sir Con Maginess and his
three brothers have the castle of the Newi-y, and Carlingford
in their possession, also Dundalk, where they have su- Ed.
Trevor and sir Arthur Tiringham, two paid councillors, pri
soners. In which fort of the Newry they found thirty barrells
of powder with store of arms. The M'Mahons have the county
of Derry and Dunnagall. The O'Reillys, the county of Cavan ;
the O'Moores, the county of Lease ; the O'Ferralls, Longford.
The CuUons, Byrnes, and Tooles, their country. The Kavanaghs
Caterlagh ; and some are in Drogheda ; so that there are eight
thousand, and daily increaseth. What ¦wUl happen from time
worthy of "writing I shall participate them.
" I rest your servant,
"Thomas Dolan.
" Antwerp, 25 January, 1642.
" To Father Hugo de Burgo, >
"Commis. Belgicus Fratrum Minorum."
But perhaps the most interesting of the letters despatched
from Ireland at this period are the follo"wing two. On perusin"-
Rury O'More's the reader cannot fail to notice the anxiety of
that leader for the preservation and advancement of learnino-
in Ireland. That of Geoghegan (who was appointed bishop of
Clonmacnoise in 1647, and translated to Meath, 1654) shows
what an active part the Franciscans took in the stirrUio- events

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEARCHY. 385
of the time. The ship which brought the munitions to
Wexford fiew the Irish harp on a green field at the maintop : —
Letter from Rury O'More.
" Most Rev. F. Boueke, — Your great Industrie and great
charity to ayde your distressed country, and your great zeal to
further this his holly enterprise, begun and mayntayned mu-a-
culouslie by God AUmyghtie, stirreth me, althoughe unac
quainted, to give you manyfould thankes and acknowledge
meself much obliged to do you any possible service in my
power. My good friend Don Juan, come from you with this
shipp, arrived most successfully in this haven, rather than in
Galway, as yet subject and bound to the enemies by the pro
curement of my frend Clanrickard, and my grate frend F.
Oliver (if I believe himself), and father Dominick, who, I am
aflfrayed, hath done grate hurt alreadie, and is like to do more,
if they be not soon reconciled. Some have termed them authors
of the recusantie against our Catholic Church. I wonder if
there were som one to inform his hollyness of these people's
carriadge but he would fulminate an excommunication against
all those that would oppose themselves publicly or privately ;
and I think a brother should not spare the other in such a case
— nay, that it were glorious for him to show himself zealous
therein. I gave my soundest advice to Don Juan to manadge
his affayres there for the benefit of our best friends in Con
naught ; and I hope these all "will be to your likeing, for there
was none of the supreme counsell but myself ; and if they were
all, I dare say that I know none of them a greater frend of
yours than meself. Although we be grately holpen by this
brave succor sent from God to us, yet by reason our warr will be
prolonged except God -wUl worke miracles as he hath hitherto,
you are never to cease there or in Rome to provide forces.
I acknowledge that we stand very negligent hitherto in inform-
inge you : this I understood meself, but could not remedie it
throughe the want of sufficient assistants against our cruell
and craftie enemies, and the troublesome charge of generalship
cast uppon me in upper Leinster, as undertaker of this enter
prise, althoughe unworthy of so grate a title. But now I hope
we will do well, by the help of the many warriors as are now
arrived. We played our owne parts — God send them to
pursue well. I am sorrie, further, for the light and lying
pamphletts that I see are to be readye for the printe. There
are severall that notes aU occurrents inwardly by our order;
2c

386 appendix to the
and you shall see how unworthily things are represented
there and in France and in Roome. We have Father
Brandon O'Connughor with us from the first day and
afore, imployed, I think by your orders, to inquire monu
ments which may manifest some things, tho' so much imployed
in our very temporaU affayres that it was impossible for him to
take to any study or matter. If we may before Flan MacEgan
dies,* we will see an Irish scoole oppened, and therefore would
wishe hartely that those learned and religious fathers in
Lovayne would come over in hast -with their monuments and
an Irish and Lattin printe. F. Brandon would snatch himself
over to inform you of all things, past and present, but that we
cannot parte with him, and that his pro-vinciall commanded
him wayte uppon us. You seem very timorous of the EngUshe
state, but you need not ; for there is no hope of composition for
ever, nor of any meanes to come by it ; therefore never care any
more for them, but be stout all and zealous as I take you to be.
Our next generali parliment, uppon the 24th day of October,
at KUkenny, -will settle many of our affayres. The state of
sundry provinces I write in briefe to those you know ; and so
this only scroule I send to beginn acquaintance and familiaritye
"with so worthy a father, and pray that you be pleased to com
mand, as often as occasion will happen, him, although as yet
imacquainted, yet
" Your very loveing frend and servant.
" RU-EI DE O'MORA.
" Wexford, this 20th of September, 1642.
Endorsed —
" Rdo. Admod. Patri P. Hugoni de Burgo,
" Frum. Min. Hib. in Belgio Superiori,
" BruxeUis."

Letter from father Geogliegan.
" KUkennaie hoc ipso St. Didaci i. 1642.
"Rde. Adm. Pater, — Hactenus in pressurus et pericuUs con-
stituti, vel id consolationis obtinere non potuimus, ut litterarum
* An eminent Gaelic scholar and jurist, whose family residence was
Bally-Mac-Egan, in barony of Lower Ormond, county Tipperary, on the
hanks of the Shannon,

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 387
commercio uti possemus. Benedicti vos a Domino et in aeter-
iium benedicta sit Patris Beatissimi memoria, ex cujus ineffabili
pro"videntia, et paterna solicitudine, hsec ipsius et Sanctorum
Insula a dira inimicorum Christi tyrannide liberata extitit.
Pusillus et inermis fuimus immolandorum grex de cujus salute
alea jacta erat ; sed bene Petrus et provide miserans est Petro-
nUlae suae ; aperuit manum suam et omnes Hibernos implevit
benedictione. Vox turturis audita erat in terra nostra, ploratus
et ululatus multus ; saeviente inimico ferro, et grassante unde-
quaque flamma ; verum allato apostolico illo, immo ipsius salu-
taris subsidio, ubi nU nisi abominatio desolationis expectabatur,
vox exultationis et gratiaram actiones ubique resonabant.
Tremente hinc putrida Puritanorum secta animus nostris cum
istis Apostolicis armis additur, et concilium mox a Patriis ordi-
nibus cogitur in percelebri hac Cannicopoli, ubi adhuc seria
consultatio, et diutina deliberatio de politici et militaris, quod
statuendum est, regiminis modo. Supremum jam erectum
tribunal et ex quaUbet pro-vincia sex ad hoc concurrunt summi
consUiarii qui et reipubUcae claves tenebunt, ' et militioe leges
dabunt. Supremi etiam Catholici exercitus generales electi,
-vui sane, in quibus nee zelum nee rei militaris peritiam deside-
retis. Unaquaquae pro"vincia a fixo et stabUi suo propugnatur
exeroitu ; et unus omnibus, pro re nata, quem volatilem clicunt,
inserviet. Huic praefectus est D. Hugo O'Byme, inter pedites,
et Mac Tomas inter equites, par in hoc CathoUco actu percelebrfe.
Peditum 4 mil. equites vero 200. Lageniensis vero exercitus
Prestonus ; Momoniensis, Barrius ; Connaciensis, Don Juan de
Burgo, et Ultoniensis, D. Eugenius O'Neill ; quisque prsfectus
sex mU. ped. et 400 equites habet ; sunt praeter hos et ailU prse-
clari antisignani ac duces, quos posteritas inter principes hujus
sacri belli authores non immerito celebrabit ; qui spreta mundi
pompa, et relictis bonis et fortunis, obtulerunt se hostes pro
patria immolandas. Hi sunt Rogerius O'Morra, Fedlimius
O'Neill, et Morganus Kavanagh, MacMahon, Philippus O'Reilly,
et alU, omnes ex antiquis regni primoribus, quibus si Maguirum
addamus, patriam incomparabiliter obstrictam f atebimur ; nisi
pceniteat Catholico hoc actu perfida Puritanorum machinamenta
evertisse, et sic dUectam patriam a tyrannorum eripuisse jugo,
et in libertatem quse fiUorum Dei est asserere. Sed, proh dolor,
inter ingratos filios, nonnuUa forte reperientur viperarum
genimina, nominales Christiani, et tepidi Catholici, qui ex
Neutristarum nomine famosi, ad gloriam, aliam non norunt
viam, quam per charae patriae destructionem ; quibus etiam sua
studia et auxUia vendere videntur qu.idam ex ipsa Dei ecclesia

388 APPENDIX TO THE
magistri auribus prurientes. In saeculorum fines devenisse
videmur, in quibus hse no"vissimse plagae selectiorem gregis
Christi portionem concusserunt. Ab his contemnitur universus
praesulum regni coetus venerabiUs ; et quia sedis apostolicae
authoritatem norunt remotam valde, ad illam appellant quasi
Ulius patrooinium speraretur aut favor pro unionis Catholicae
desertoribus, et inimicorum ipsius sedis fautoribus. Veremur
et inter illos reperiri qui partes nostras tueri "videntur nonnul-
los, qui bonis ecclesiasticis ita inhiaiit, ut malint ipsorum men-
dicantium religionem monasteria a plebeis profanari propter
parvum lucrum, quam suis restitui ordinibus ; velamen hoc siiae
impietati prstendentes, quod authoritate Bullae Card. Poll et
regia simul haec laicalis facta sunt juris. Qua injuria et nos
adhuc a nostris excludimur, ubi tamen Episcopi (Laus Deo et
assertoribus) cum jubilo et triumpho repetierunt ecclesias. Hoc
segrius nobis ferendum est quod exasperans quis non percipiat
nostrorum fratrum merita talia, ut non sit exercitus, non cohors,
non provincia, non comitatus, non terrie angulus, non castrum,
non concilium, non expeditio, non pugna, quae illis non gaudeat,
quod citra jactantiam et ad Dei honorem, cupiam intellectum.
Talem in meis patribus invenio zelum erga rem Catholicam
promovendam, ut frseno indigent magis quam calcaribus, dum,
non spiritualibus contenti armis, nisi et corporalibus cincti
cruentis certaminibus se injiciant pro Deo et patria mactandos.
Agnoscitur et aliud summum beneficium ab ordine nostro
acceptum, dum in illam diem heroicuni et plane di"vinum pra3-
fatorum heroum facinus pro religionis et patriae a multiplici
suppressione et ser"vitute plusquam ^Egyptiaca liberatione
at-tentatum, quam seraphici duels et Christiani mUitis Beatis
Joannis a Capistrano festi vitas sacram reddidit. Hinc ui hujus
sacri belli patronum a plurimis assumptus, in magnum universi
ordinis honorem cedejret, et ad CathoUcse causae promotionem
plurimum conduceret, si sub hujus sanctissimi -viri invocatione,
et BeatiPatrisnostriApostoUci patrocinio,illa olim crucigerorum
societas, pro sacra hac miUtia promovenda renovaretur. Dis-
pensatio etiam procuranda in irregularitate, ut sine illius peri-
culo nostris liceat hujusmodi mUitiae sua dare nomina; cum
excommunicatione in illos omnes fulminanda^ qui fautores se
praebebunt adversse parti, vel CathoUcse, pro virili, non adhsere-
bunt. Via etiam ineunda est qua prof anationi et abominationi
plebis, cli"vinae laudes succedant in nostris monasterUs, et in
illis religiosam "vitam ducere possimus, abjectis his sascularium
vestium sarcinis ; quibus et equitatione, bona nostrse religionis
exempla obscurantur et proximorum aedificationi subtrahuntur.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 389
Haec fusius explicanda duximus, quae ocyus expedienda roga
muk Speramus fore quod tot Christianorum a finibus terrarum,
ad suam sanctitatem clamantium, ardentes preces et vota non
redibunt irrita et inania. Ad hunc finem et ut desiderata pro
sacro hoc bello sustinendo, subsidia a sanctissimo patre et prin
cipibus Christianis impetrentur, hinc vos brevi adibunt publici
legati, et utinam inter illos ad tuum votum pergeret ' Lnpre-
lado Men adverdido.' Sed factionum bonis ecclesiastisis inhian-
tium impedimento fore timent ; quibus umus saecularis ex suo
ordine legatio plus placet.
" Ad presentem patriae statum quod attinet ubique miserri-
mus est ; nisi quod pulchrum et gloriosum sit uti et fortia
agere, sic et pro Deo et Ulius causa pati. Fortes et acerrimos
hostes patimur, hinc perfidos Scotos et hinc factiosos et cru-
deles Puritanos Anglos, qui nee sexui parcere vel" setati nove-
runt. Illius compositionis spes omnimode exclusa ita ut pro
aris et focis in finem usque certandum sit. Aut vincere necesse
. est aut vinci ; et vel adversaries a finibus deturbare aut distur-
bari Terram dicunt utrisque angustam, nee posse nisi aut
Hibernum aut Anglum continere. Quamdiu Babolonica Anglia
vel faedifragi Scotia Aabunt, Hiberniam quassare non cessa-
bunt ; quare ut apud exteros Catholicos principes continua insti-
tuatur procuratio, rest est pernecessaria. Hinc ob id dimit-
tendi erant ad Gallicam curiam P. Petrus Darci, ad Romanam
P. Everardus nostri, cum patentibus litteris sub sigillo nuper
facto, in quo incisum ' Hiberni unanimes, pro Deo, Rege, et
Patria.'' Sed hi patres adhuc ex concilU mandate detinentur.
Quare ut V. R. P. pro suo zelo et solita industria incessanter
agat, quo belUcis fulciamur subsidUs externa nostra necessitas
postulat. In Lagenia hie prseter tres comitatus integros, quos
Angli possident, Dublinium adhuc, et Duncanon portus in ipso
rum sunt ditione. In Momonia Corcagiensem ci"vitatem cum
¦toto comitatu tenent. In Conacia duos comitatus occupant,
totamque provinciam et militiam ex Athlonensi castro, et prse-
sidio infestant. Prsesidium Galviense ab ipsis tenetur, quibus
comes de Clanrickarde neutrista cum maximo causae Catholicae
dispendio et pessimo Catholicorum exemplo, nullum non defert
auxilium contra nos, et post se in idem naufragium trahit plures
alias Conacise partes. In Ultonia Scoti Anglos non permittunt
in pro"vinciae gubemio consortes. Ipsi potentes sunt, si nu-
merum spectemus, et impotentes, si Scoticam le"vitatem et
furorem semi-Gallicum : sic in fugam admodum proni, quoties
cum nostris congrediuntur. Tres comitatus suis repleverunt
f oedifragis, et Fergusianam arcem tenent. Comitem de Antrim

390 APPENDIX TO THE
ilUc capti-vum dicunt fuga se inde eripuisse. Comes Ormoniae
et comes Tomoniae' adhuc pro Anglis stantes, magnum patriae
damnum. Numquam "visa Hibemia tam ferax damnatorum
comitum. Si per sententiam apostolicam posteritas horum ex-
cluderetur ab haereditate cessura benemeritis ex familia, forte
nonnihil juvaret. Waterfordiensis civitatis magna jam laus
ob liberalitatem et hospitalitatem uti et Limerecensis. Wex-
fordiam nuper captam celebravimus, cujus tabulam ad patrem
de Burgo transmissimus ad vos mittendam. Quo magis laetamur
in his quae dicuntur nobis de tua et patris de Burgo industria
et zelo in procurando illo subsidio, hoc aegrius ferimus quosdam
hie Patri -Z., hanc gloriam dantes. Cum cordis dolore intellexi-
mus et vos Ulic bello concuti ; quod nostris inimicis summi
causa est gaudU. Si Ulic recipi possunt hinc abibunt ad vos
plures fratres. Est monasterium "vulgo dictum de Baile-na-
Sagart in diocesi Ardachadensi 3tu Ord. Franci. pro quo procu-
rata bulla in hoc bello perdita, sed pernecessaria ob quamdam
cum Dominicanis controversiam ; quare ut iterum extrahatur
et transmittatur rogo. Haec pro affectu parcius, sed pro tem-
poris angustia fusius. Cum his salutem dice plurimam omnibus
nostris patribus Ulic commorantibus, et V. imprimis paternitati
cujus sanctissimis precibus se commendatum cupit, quantumvis
ex facie ignotus, ex corde tuus totus.
"F. Antonius Geoghegan, Min. Prov.
" R. P. L. Wadduig, salutem."
On margin —
" These were written Ui the beginning of our great assembly
now holden at Kilkenny ; but things were altered since, as the
bearer, my good friend, Geoffrey Baron, "wiU tell. My love to
you, F. Luke. " I rest your son,
"Fr R. Conor."
"Kilkenny, St. James' day, 1642.
" Very Rev. Fathee, — Surrounded by perils and annoy
ances, we have not hitherto had the consolation of being able
to correspond with each other. May the Lord bless you, and
may the memory of our holy father,* be ever held in benedic
tion, for his paternal solicitude and ineffable pro"vidence have
?'Urban VIII.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 391
emancipated this island of saints from the cruel tyranny of the
enemies of Christ. We were indeed weak and unarmed, a flock
whose die had been caist, whose doom was pronounced ; but
Peter pitied his petronilla, opened his hand and filled all the
Irish with blessings. The voice of the turtle was heard in our
land, that land of much weeping and wailing, where the hostile
sword swept, and the fu-e (of persecution) blazed far and near ;
but owing to that apostolic succour — nay, most opportune relief
— instead of dreading the desolation of abomination which
loomed before us, we are now exultant, and most thankful for
benefits received. While the vUe Puritan sect is trembling for
its life, an unwonted ardour has been kindled in the hearts of
our people by the munificence of the holy see ; a few days
hence there will be a general council of the patrician classes
in this famed city of Kilkenny, and everythmg will be seriously
and deliberately matured forthe civil and military government
of the island. We have already established a supreme council,
and each pro"vince "will send to it six representatives, who will
be entrusted "with the safety of the state, and empowered to
regulate the militia. We have also appointed generals to com
mand the army, men of proved patriotism and martial expe
rience. Each province shall be protected by its own troops ;
but we are to have an army of reserve, which "will act wherever
its presence may be required. In this flying corps Hugh Byrne
commands the foot, and M 'Thomas the horse ; these two gentle
men are filled with zeal for the Catholic cause ; they number
4,000 foot, and 200 cavalry. Preston commands the Leinster
army ; Barry, that of Munster ; John Burke, that of Con
naught ; and Eugene O'Neill the Ulster forces ; each of these
personages has 6,000 foot and 400 horse. Besides the foresaid
there are other well tried leaders, whom posterity will justly
regard as prime movers in this holy war ; for despising the
world, and setting little value on its comforts, they have offered
themselves as victims to be immolated on their country's altar.
Ruri O'Moore, Felim O'NeUl, Morgan Kavanagh, Mac Mahon,
PhUip O'Reilly, and others of equal note figure among us.
Maguire, too, has embarked in the enterprise, nor do I exag
gerate when stating that Ireland must hold herself lastingly
indebted to these worthies, unless she repents of ha"ving re
solved to overthrow the pervidious de"vices of the Puritans, and
"win for herself the freedom of the children of God. But,
alas ! among her ungrateful children will be found, I fear, some
"viperous broods, nominal Christians, and tepid Catholics, who,
pluming themselves on the name of neutrals, see no road

392 APPENDIX TO THE
to fame but that which lies over the ruin of their country. I
may further assert that there are some members of the Church
itself who are disposed to make capital of their abilities and
influence. A plague of this sort, vitiating the selector portion
of Christ's flock', makes one imagine that the end of time has
come upon us. Those people have no respect for the venerable
assembly of our prelates ; and because they know that the
authority of the holy see is a far way off, they appeal to it, as
if they could reckon on its countenancing the deserters of
Catholic union, and the allies of the enemies of Rome itself.
Among such individuals, pretending to act with us, are some
who so hanker for the Church's property, in which they have
pecuniary interest, that they would rather see the religious
houses turned into profane uses than restored to their rightful
owners. By way of masking their impiety, they quote a bull
obtained by Cardinal Pole and the crown vesting the monas
teries in laymen ; and thus, while the bishops — God be praised
— have resumed possession of their churches, to the great satis
faction of the people, we are excluded 'from what of right
belongs to us. What makes this injustice the more intolerable
is, that the deser"vings of our brotherhood are notorious to
every one. The army, pro"vinces, counties, strongholds, councils,
camps, expeditions, nay, and battleflelds, acknowledge their
presence ; nor do I say this in a spirit of f ooUsh vapouring, but
rather for God's honoui-. Such alacrity do I find in our brethren
for the holy cause, that instead of spurring I must hold them
hard with bit and bridle ; since, instead of being satisfied with
the spiritual combat, they gird themselves "with carnal weapons
and do battle for God and country. Another benefit has been
bestowed on Ireland by our order ; for it was on the feast of
St. John Capistrano* that our noble Irish heroes made their
first attempt to liberate their country from worse than Egyptian
bondage. Hence many have chosen that saint as their tutelar
in this holy war ; and I believe that the Catholic cause would
be greatly advantaged by placing the whole country under his
especial invocation, and inducing our apostolic father to grant
us the indulgences formerly given to the Crusaders. Dispensa
tion in cases of irregularity should also be obtained, so that our
friars may have no reason to dread censures for enrolling
themselves in those holy battaUons. I would also suggest that
* A Franciscan who, crucifix in hand, marched with the army of Cor-
vin against the Turks, and helped to defeat them on the Danube, a.d.
1466.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERAECHY. 393
¦excommunication should be pronounced on those who abet our
adversaries, and do not act to the best of their ability in for
warding the Catholic cause. Again the religious houses should
be made to resound the divine praises, and we should be allowed
¦to bide therein, and put off the weary load of secular apparel,
which, like going a-horseback, obscures the good example we
are bound to give, and disedifies the people. If I have dwelt
too diffusely on these shortcomings, my motive is to have them
remedied. We sincerely trust that the supplications of so many
Christians, presented to his holiness from the ends of the earth,
-will not prove inefficacious. With a view to obtainuig assis
tance from Rome and Christian princes, we wUl, a short time
hence, send you certain duly commissioned agents, and I would
to heaven that we had among them, as you wish, some very
discreet prelate. Those who are intent on retaining ecclesias
tical property would prefer to send a secular who sympathises
¦with their own leanings. As for the actual state of this country,
nothing can be worse. Nevertheless, we deem it an honorable
duty to perform heroic actions and endure every manner of
hardship for love of Christ. We have to deal with implacable
enemies, the false Scots and the factious and cruel English
Puritans, who do not spare age or sex. There is no chance of
peace, so that we must fight to the end for our religion and
our homes. We have no alternative but to conquer or be con
quered. Either we or our enemies must be driven out of this
land, which is not large enough to hold Irish and Englishmen.
So long as Babylonian England and perfidious Scotland have
the upper hand, so long -will they continue to crush the Irish.
This is a reason why we must urge foreign princes to sustain
us; and for this object two agents will shortly be sent hence —
father Peter Darcy to the French court, and our father Everard
to the Vatican, "with letters sealed with the new seal, whose
legend is, 'For God, King, and Country, the Irish United.' Said
-agents are as yet detained by order of the supreme councU.
Good father, relax not your well-known efforts to procure us
arms and munitions, as our wants are great. Here in Leinster
the English occupy three entire counties, and the ports of
DubUn and Duncannon are in their power. In Munster they
have Cork with the whole county. In Connaught they occupy
two counties, and scour the whole province with detachments
from the garrison of Athlone. Galway fort is also in their
hands, and the Earl of Clanricard, who declares himself neutral,
does us great mischief, and induces many to adopt his policy.
In Ulster the Scots wUl not allow the English any share in

394 APPENDIX TO THE
their government. There the former are numerically very
strong, but at same time weak if you take into account Scot
tish levity and semi-Gallic impetuosity. They are prone to
flight whenever they collide -with ours. They have filled three
counties with their treaty breakers, and have seized Carrick
fergus. The earl of Antrim was prisoner there, but escaped.
The earls of Ormond and Thomond have sided with the English,
to the serious detriment of our country. Never did Ireland
produce more mischievous nobles, if an apostolic sentence
could disinherit the posterity of these individuals and transfer
theu- property to deser-ving members of their families, it might,
perhaps, be a serious benefit to us. Waterford and Limerick
have shown themselves liberal and hospitable. We have lately
feted Wexford for its junction with the Confederacy, and I
have sent an account of that fact to father Burke. Convinced
of your zeal and energy in procuring for us supplies, we are
pained at hearing that the credit of this fact should be given to
father  . It grieves us, too, to think that you are on the
eve of a war ; for this affords our enemies great joy. If you
can receive them there [in S. Isidoro] we will send you many
aspirants to our habit. There is in the diocese of Armagh a
monastery, Baile-na-Sagart, of the third order of St. Francis,
the bull relating to which has been lost since the commence
ment of the troubles. Pray procure us another copy, as we
need it much on account of a controversy between us and the
Dominicans. This letter, briefer than affection would dictate,
will appear sufficiently long if you consider the serious calls
upon my time. I salute all the fathers of your community,.
and especiaUy your paternity, to whose holy prayers I, albeit
personally unkno^wn to you, do commend myself with my
whole heart. " F. Antony Geoghegan, Provincial.*
"To Father Wadding, greeting.''
We conclude this interesting series of documents bearing on
the events of 1642, with the following from
* Consecrated bishop of Clonmacnoise. 1047, translated to Meath 1654,
ob. 1664. He was among the most devoted of the nunzio's personal
friends, and a zealous advocate of his uncompromising policy. "When the
nunzio, in 1617, returned from Lord Clanricarde's house in Portumna, he
was for a while the guest of MacGeoghe.gan in Clonmacnoise, where he
celebrated Mass, and visited the venerable ruins of that place. " Vener-
andas antiquitatia sedem episcopalem viaitavit, rem sacram fecit. . . .
vetustissima sanctitatis monumenta inspexit, et apud Antpnium Mageo
ghegan illius diocesis prsesulem pransus est." — Rinuecini Papers.

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY". 395
Sir R. Bellings* to father Wadding/,
" Rev. Father — In discharge of the trust reposed in me by
ye Supreme Counsell, I have sent.you the enclosed, wherein I
have sett down the 9tal;e of our affayres fully and faithfully.
We have undertaken a great and glorious cause, with confidence
in the Lord of Hoosts, and, next him, in the assistance of those
to whom you are authorised to make the application on behalf ,
of the kingdom. It is for the honour of the two eminent
cardinals, nephews to his holiness, that their gifts at so great a
distance were the firstlings of the oblations given to our said
cause ; and you merit no mean place in the esteem of your
country that have so pro-vidently acquainted those well-chosen
patrons of ours with our affayres and distress. To entreat the
continuance of your care of our cause and country, were to
desire to lessen, by a seeming officiousness, yourmeritt — which,
I assure you, none is less guilty of, nor none more reddy to
serve you in all good affayres, to his power, than
" Your assured looving frend,
"R. Bellings.
" Kilkenny, 9th Dec, 1642.
" The Protestant primate Ussher hath often spoken of you
unto me, and at all times "with great approbation of your
abUity, so as I have long had a desire it should be knowen unto
you." Appendix X — p. 160.
Writing to father Wadding, Messingham, rector of the Irish
College, Paris, July, 1630, deprecates the conduct of the Irish
bishops and priests in opening schools for their fiocks. Mes
singham seems to have been in this instance if not a very
coward, a mere temporizer. " Our cleargie sent agents to the
queene of England to pray her majestie to obtaine of the king
their former Ubertie a comnivasion of reUgion, which I fear will
hardly be granted, and it may be it is God's wUl, for they did
abuse it both by their continuall jarrs amongst themselves; and
by their buUding of churches andkeeping publick schooles. They
are to have a parliament at Michelmas ; God grant it be for
their good."
* Author of " Vindic. Cath. Hibern." Died 1667, and was buried in
Malahidert.

396 APPENDIX TO THE
Appendix Y — p. 160.
According to Paul Harris, the parish of St. Michael was,
1630, the chiefest place in the city, and the parish * itself,
the most extensive — " locus primarius in civitate, et parochia
spatiosissima." It had two churches — St. Michael le Pole,
extra muros ["without the walls], but then turned to profane
uses ; and St. Michael in the High-street, which was a superb
structure, if we may believe Harris, who says it soared up into
the clouds — " quatit nubUa." Father CahUl was appointed
pastor of St. Michael's on the death of father Coyl, and in
ducted by father Rochfort, pastor of St. Audeon's, who pro
nounced a discourse on the occasion. CahiU's coadjutor in the
parish was Cormac Higgins, professor of logic and metaphysics
in "CoUegio S. Audoeni" — probably the school which the
Catholics had for a brief space in Back-lane, and to which
reference has been previously made. CahUl was accused of
ha"ving surreptitiously obtained letters from Rome, and written
some verses reflecting on the archbishop. As for the latter
charge, father Guire of Raheen, diocese of Meath, acknowledged
himself author of the verses, and stated that he had sent a copy
of them to Cahill, then in prison on a charge of having had two
seals made for Hugh O'ReUly, bishop of KUmore, and subse
quently primate of all Ireland.! MeanwhUe a father Brangan
was appointed pastor of St. Michael's ; but when Cahill was
enlarged he proceeded to Paris, where he maintained certain
propositions which were " offensive to pious ears," and drew
from father Luke Wadding the sharp rebuke which we publish.
From Paris Cahill went to Rome, bringing with him the sub
joined "commendatory letters, presented himself to his holiness
Urban VIIL, who, after hearing what he had to say, gave him
letters to the bishops of Cork, Ferns, and Ossory, empowering
* It may not be out of place to state that Irish parochial arrangements
were in full force at the end of the thirteenth century, as appears by the
old taxations ; and in distributions much as they are now. There are in
prior charters evidences here and there of such a distribution at the begin
ning of the thirteenth century. Parochial divisions were consequent upon
the creation and limiting of dioceses, vphich measure was initiated in
the Synod of Eath-BreasU early in the twelfth century, but not finally
settled till after the middle of that century. As, for instance, in the case
of Meath, and the transference of Louth from Clogher to Armagh. It
would appear that upon the Anglo-Norman invasion a large number of
pariahes was created by subdividing the old ones and annexing neutral
districts ; but there is good reason for stating that all Ireland was not
•entirely subdivided into parishes till about the year 1200.
t One of those seals is now in the Royal Irish Academy.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 307
them to adjudicate between the archbishop of Dublin and his
malcontent subordinate. The pope, moreover, generously de
frayed CahUl's expenses homewards. The controversy was
finally settled, and Cahill, "with the fullest approbation of his
diocesan, resumed his clerical duties, to the great joy of all
interested in the matter : " Superiorum demandatione in pas-
torem et rectorem parochiaUs ecclesiae erectum in hac ipsa Dub-
Uniensi civitate Hiberniae metropoU, dignum judicatum ab ipso
archiepiscopo, qui in partem suae solicitudinis reciperetur in
maximum fideUum solatium, et ecclesiae non mediocre incre-
mentum." Verses erroneously attributed to father Cahill.
" God's Church, the pillar of all right.
Is by some prelates ruled by might ;
"Where favour is or friendship known.
Though clear the right, it's overthro"wn.
" Religious in their humble state,
' Do scorn a priest to be their mate,
WhUst chiefe in church they would be seen.
Though popes and bishops stiU have been."
Father Wadding's censure.
" Sacrum hunc nexum rumpere nisus est Patritius Cahill
presbyter, impatiens ferens exiUum indictum per archiepiscopum
Dubliniensem, ex regularibus assumptum. Sacra Congregatio
CardinaUum decrevit CahiU propositiones, et similis farinae
libellos prohibitos esse et fore cum pemiciosis Ubellis Anglicani
presbyteri PauU Harris, qui postea in eadem civitate Dublini-
ensi, contra omnium ordinum regulares acerbissime scripsit, et
sseculari haereticorum tribunaU fretus, non solum -archiepiscopi
in cujus odium rapiebatur, sed Romana etiam mandata con-
temnebat, qui ob psenas sibi merito inflictas, vel dignitates in
dignis negatas, prof erunt de thesauro turbati sui stomachi nova
et Vetera, et darimata pro approbatis intrudunt, et crimina
nunquam cogitata confingunt."*
" Patrick CahUl, priest, strove to break this holy link, because
he could not stomach the sentence of banishment pronounced
against bim by the archbishop of Dublin, Thomas Fleming, of
St. Francis' order. The sacred congregation of cardinals cen-
* Wadding, Annales, A. Christi, 1357.

398 APPENDIX TO THE
sured some propositions of said Cahill, and placed certain books
oi kindred nature on the prohibitory Index. A few pernicious
tracts by Paul Harris, an English priest, who, in the city of
DubUn, wrote wickedly against all the religious orders, shared
the same condemnation. This Harris, appealing to a civil court,
openly avowed his hatred of the archbishop and contempt for
Roman ordinances. Those two persons, wincing under well-
deserved chastisement, and indignant at being denied honours
which they did not deserve, "vomit from the treasury of dis
ordered stomachs, new things and old, maintaining as approved
what had been denounced, and inventing crimes which were
never thought of.
Other documents relating to father Cahill.
"Nos Uifrascripti praelati universis et singulis praesentes
litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino. Quibus et notum
f acimus nos non ita pridem domino Patritio CahUl, Medensis
diocesis presbytero, nobis apprime per multos annos noto, "vitee
ac morum testimoniales et commendatitias concessisse litteras,
nuUam de controversia inter ipsum et suum ordinarium, illus-
trissimum Dublinensem archiepiscopum orta, mentionem faci-
entes ; sed eam utpote cujus originem et processum ignoravimus
intactam relinquentes, nihilque de ea determinaiites. Qua
propter per praedictas nostras litteras iiuUatenus intendisse Ulus-
trissimo Dublinensi derogare, praejudicium facere, aut de ejus
gestis temere judicare. In cujus rei fidem praesentibus sub
scripsimus die 26 Nov. A.D. 1630.
" Hugo, Archiepus. Ardmachanus.
'.' Eugenius, Epus. Kilmer
"The undersigned prelates, to all who shall inspect these
presents, salvation in the Lord. We declare that we have
recently given to Patrick Cahill, a priest of the diocese of Meath,
"with whom we have been long acquainted, letters commending
his life and morals, but without mention of the controversy
between him and his ordinary, the archbishop of Dublin, which
controversy, as we are ignorant of its inception and progress,
we neither touch nor decide. Our letters, therefore, may not
be regarded as either derogatory or prejudicial unto the most
illustrious archbishop of Dublin. Subscribed this 26th of
November, 1630."
Nos infrascripti in civitate Dublinensi Theologi, lecta et

MEMOIRS OP THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 399
perspecta testium examinatione testantium libellum quandam
famosum (qui in manus nostras pervenit) contra Praelatos
Ecclesiae a D. Patricio Cahil esse compositum, et evulgatum,
non sine multorum, ad quos pervenit, scandalo catholicorum ;
sentimus praedictum D. Patricium Cahil ob suprascriptum
scandalum dignum esse, qui aib Epo. suspendatur ita testamur.
DubluiU, 24 MartU 1629.
Fe. Dominicus Nugencius.
Fr'um. Prsedicat. DublinU, Prior
Fr. Thomas Bacus, Fratrum
Minorum Reg. Obser. Guardianus.
Henricus Cusacus, P.P. So'tis. Jesu,
Superior Residentias Dublinensis.
F. Pr. Floeentius Myles, preses et Prsepositus
Mon. Btae. Mariae VU-ginis juxta Dublin,
Ordis. Cisterciensis.
Suprascriptas subscriptiones quatuor Superiorum regularium
esse eorum qui in hac charta ponuntur tester.
Fr. Dominicus Nugenicus, qui supra.
10 AprUis, 1630.
" R. P. Cahill, sacerdos Hibernus, progressione carceris, et
fructu quem fecit in procuranda salute animarum, de quibus
nobis constitit tam ex nostra scientia, quam ex sensu omnium
qui eum noverunt. " David, Ossorien., Dec. 6, 1630.
"T. Miden., 15 June, 1613."
" Rev. Patrick CahUl, an Irish priest who suffered imprison
ment and laboured for the salvation of souls, is well known to
us by our own experience, and by the favourable testimony of
all who are acquainted with him.
"David, Ossory, Dec 6, 1630.
"T. Miden., 15 June, 1631."

" Ego, Gul. Bro-wne, Rector S. Michani, DublinU, per
prsesentes fidem facio me petiisse statim post obitum D. Thomae

400 appendix to the
Coyl, ab illustrissimo domino archiepiscopo Dubliniensi ut in
locum defuncti praedicti domini T. Coyl quondam S. Michaelis
rectoris, non substitueretur D. Patricius Cahill, sed potius
aliquis nativus, nee his contrarium judicavi, aut judico expedire.
In hujus rei fidem his subs6ripsi, Dubl., 12 Octob., 1631.
" G. Beo-ivne,
" Rect. S. Michani."
" I, WilUam Browne, rector of the parish of St. Michan,.
Dublin, by these presents certify that on the death of Mr.
Thomas Coyle, formerly rector of St. Michael's, I advised the
most reverend archbishop of Dublin not to advance Mr.
Patrick Cahill to the vacancy, but to appoint a native [of
Dublin diocese] to same. Such was my mind then, and such
it is now. Witness my hand.
" W. Beowne,
" Rector of St. Michan's.
" Dublin, 12 October, 1621."

In the long interval the parish of SS. Michael and John, or,
as it is sometimes styled in old writings, " St. Werburg's and
St. Nicolas' within," has had many pastors who earned indis
putable claims to commemoration. The reverend J. Clinch,
whose name occurs Ui the Baptismal Register as P.P. from
1742 to 1754, is said to have been engaged in the controversy
about the primatial rights of the see of Dublin, which drew
from Dr. Hugh MacMahon, archbishop of Armagh, the " Jus
Primatiale Armacanum," a work which, Harris says, exhausts
that subject.* Richard Campbell, archdeacon of Dublin, was
P.P. in 1751, and Subsequently during the episcopate of arch
bishop Lincoln, who died 1763. The reverend J. Murphy was
P.P. of the " united parishes of SS. Michael and John," in
succession to father Field. The former died in 1794, and was
interred in the churchyard of St. John's, Fishamlale-street.
His administrator and successor was father Betagh, S.J., a
man of singular zeal and piety.
In 1811 he was succeeded by Michael Blake, who re-opened
the Irish college, Rome, and died bishop of Dromore, A.D.
1854. « Published 1728.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY'. 401
Appendix Z — p. 166.
O'Dempsey was a DomUucan, and son of Turlough, viscount
Clanmalier. He "wrote a book, entitled, " Feed your Flock,"
which was lost on its way to Louvain, whither he sent it for
pubUcation. He was consecrated in 1642, and died in " Con
ventu Pontonovense," in Gallicia (Spain), on the 6th of Sep
tember, 1656, when some kind friend wrote the foUo"wing
epitaph for his tomb : —
" Edmundus mundum tempsit, Christumque secutus,
Dominicus terris alter et ille fuit."

Appendix A a — p. 167.
General Preston, of the Gormanston fahiUy, whom O'Neill's
secretary describes as a " man deUcate in person and in his diet,
fiery in deportment, wavering in resolutions, and impe
rious in his precepts,"* came to Ireland after making a
splendid reputation by his defence of Louvain. His daughter
married the imfortunate sir Phelim O'Neill. Preston was
very unsuccessful in his Irish campaigns, the reduction of
Duncannon being his only great achievement on Irish soil.
He was a "wretched temporizer, and hated O'NeUl. In 1651,
he commanded in Galway, and in November of that year,
apprehending that the city would surrender to Ireton, and thus
compromise his Ufe, he set saU, and landed in France. The
subjoined correspondence throws a strong light on his character
and Ireton's.

" To General Preston.
" I shaU not now doe you the curtesie to summon you at
such a distance, because your gravity once chid me for it as un-
ad"visedly, but for the good men's sake of the city, who perhaps
may not be so angry in the notion of a souldier's honor as to
understand the qmbbles of it, or to find that worth or weight
in them to admit in balance against the more feeling concern
ments of their o"wn safety and subsistence, though men of your
¦unhappy breeding think such glorious trifles worth the sacri
ficing or venturing of other men's Uves and interests for,
* Aphorismical Discovery.
2 D

402 APPENDIX TO THE
(however you would your owne), I have here sent to them a
sober tender of conditions, which they may (perhaps) think it
behoves them to consider, while there's time, or rather at dis
tance, than stay till the refusal bring mischief or danger nearer
to their doores. This, if you shall fairly communicate as 'tis
directed, and especially if you be found compliant to the
substance and effect of it, (wa"ving the frivolous impertinencys
of a souldier's honor or humor rather), you may partake in the
beneflt of such conditions as your quality renders you capable
of. If you smother or suppress it, you may guess whose head
shall pay for the trouble or mischief that shall follow, if God
enable us to reach it, as I doubt not but he "wUl, because he is,
and we have eminently found him still to be, a righteous judge
pleadinge the quarrell of the innocent, and a severe avenger of
theu- blood against those that spill it or lightly regard it,
as well as a merciful father and faithful master to those that
seek and serve him. — Sir, your servant. — Clare-castle, 7th Nov.
1651.— H. Ireton."

" For General Ireton.
"It would prove noe curtesie unto me your summoning me at
such a distance, but rather a discurtecy, which had, in my
opinion, rendered' you guUty of a second error against the rules
of warre. You may not think strange that the people of this
to"wne should stand upon souldier's honor, and have skUl to
oppose an enemy, who have of themselves ("without the as
sistance of others) long since stood out against the threats
and attempts of "the lord Forbes, who was general of a fleet
when he besieged them, and forced him to retire -without any
loss to themselves. If my profession be unhappy, (as you
terme it), I cannot but admire you should follow the same,
which, if it hitherto hath proved to your content, may hereafter
prove unhappy to you, accordUige to your o-wn judgment of it :
and if men of that profession shall be backward in venturing
men's lives in a just cause, (such as I owne, being for my
reUgion, king and country), they shall hardly attain to the
effecting of any great enterprize. But such as hazard men's
Uves without a just cause will one day answer for their blood
before God, the just judge, in which (when you reflect on your
owne actions), you "will find yourself as guUty as others. Your
letter to the mayor, aldermen and burgesses of this towne, I
delivered them, knowing their honest and gallant resolution to

MEMOIRS OP THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 403
be such as they may not be di-a-wn or tempted to any of
the least distrust or jealousy of the souldiers amongst them,
which you endeavour, by your letter, to fiU theu- imaginations
withall, for your owne ends and theu- utter ruine ; and, had I
suppressed or smothered it, I cannot guess whose head here
shoiUd be subject to pay for it ; for I hold that the heads
of those -with you are as unsettled on then- shoulders as any I
know in this to"wne. — Sir, your servant. — Gallway, 12th Nov.
1651. ...Thomas Preston, Taragh."*

Appendix B& — p. 169.
MacGeoghegan was born in 1580, and when thirteen years
of age was sent to the Irish college of Lisbon, where he took
the habit of St. Dominic. From Lisbon he went to Salamanca,
where he spent eight years. He was then sent, by the general
chapter of Madrid, to re^vive his order in Ireland. Subse
quently he was present at the general chapter of the Dominicans,
at MUan, in 1622, and was there appointed pro-vincial for
Ireland. Returning home, he established a no^^utiate in the
convent of Orlare (county Mayo), and laboured hard for the
restoration of his order. It is asserted that he converted sir
Arthur Blundel, -vice-treasurer, in 1625, and one O'Doyne, of
Trinity college, Dublin. At length he resigned the provincial-
ate and proceeded to Louvain, where he assisted in founding a
convent for Irish Dominicans. In 1628, he was raised to the
see of KUdare, as successor to the celebrated bishop Leverous
(to whcjm the ducal house of Leinster owes its preservation),
and consecrated at Brussels, by the archbishop of Mechlin.
His subsequent career in Ireland was highly distinguished by
enUghtened zeal and laborious exertions for the preservation of
the faith. He collected a fine Ubrary, but was obliged, by
the distress then prevalent, to pledge a great portion of it
to relieve his destitute flock. After ha^ving governed the see of
KUdare for twelve years, he was seized -with paralysis, while
preaching the panegyric of St. Francis in the church of Mul
tifernan. In this helpless state he was carried in a litter to
KUbeggan, in order to have the services of Owen O'Shiel, a
celebrated physician, then styled " the Eagle of Irish doctors,"
of whom more hereafter, but died before the latter had time to
* Por siege of Roscommon, in which Preston commanded under Clanri
carde, see end of 'Volume.

404 APPENDIX TO THE
"visit him. He bequeathed his vestments and books to the
diocese of Kildare, and was buried in its ancient cathedral,.
A.D. 1640, aet. 70. Appendix Cc — jj. 171.
Dease was a true friend to the religious orders, and to the
Capuchins especially, for he empowered the latter to estabUsh
a convent in Drogheda — "in ci%'itate nostra Pontanense " in
1635. In 1629 he and Dr. Fleming bore testimony to the
great good which the said order effected in their respective
dioceses ; and it may not be out of place to quote here a portion
of the archbishop's letter : — " Nos m Domino agnoscimus, et
attestamur eos (Capucinos), tametsi paucos numero (quod satis
dolendum est), hand solum ab odore sua"vi exemplaris "vitae, sed
etiam ab actionis piae assiduo fructu, esse laudatos passim, ita
quod omne genus hominum per civitates et "vUlas turmatim
illos adeant."

Appendix D d — p. 172.
Pi-e"viously to his episcopal appointment, father Eugene
Sweeney addressed to a cardinal of the Sacred Congregation,
Rome, the follo"wing letter, which dwells on a topic that at the
period largely occupied the solicitude of the Ulster clergy : —
" lUmae. Dom. vestrae facie licet ignotus, debiti tamen ipse
mei non ignarus, plus audax ¦videri quam officU immemor
existimari prseligendum duxi. In patriam igitur isthinc per-
fecto studiorum curriculo rediturus, ad laborandum pro modulo
meo in "vinea Domini, ad extirpandum tribulos haereseos ac
schismatum zizania, ante discessum duo mihi praestanda censui ;
primum Illmae. Dominationis vestrae manus, si non ore, mente
saltem scripto expressa deosculari, gratiasque referre maximas
quod me, licet indignum, procurante bonae memorise Rmo.
Ardmachano Hugone Cavello, lUma. Dominatio vestra ad
¦vicariatum apostolicum diocesis Derensis in Hibernia promovere
dignata sit ; alteram est, cum vestra jam memorata benignitate.
Metropolis Ardmachanae suffraganeorum unius quantum in me
erit "vices supplere debeam, longe distantibus suffraganeis epis-
copis, vicariisque, sive apostolicis, sive generalibus ejusdem
pro-vinciae, meum qualecunque testimonium et inf ormationem
ad promotionem successoris loco Rmi. Ardmachani nuper de
functi ad lUmam. Dominationem vestram transmittere, quod

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 405
in annexa schedula praesto ; lUmam. Dominationem vestram
humillime rogans, ut easdem raitiones quae vos superiore anno
moverunt ad Rmum. Hugonem Cavellum caeteris praeferendum,
hoc etiam anno in memoriam revocare non gravemini ; fidei pro-
pagationi, incolarum Ultoniensium paci et quieti, necnon
animarum saluti consulere dignemini ; seduloque perpendatis
alienos qui Archiepiscopatum ambiunt, nuUatenus acceptat,uros
aUas inferiores in eadem provincia dignitates propter continuas
persecutiones, et quotidiana pericula ibi occurrentia; uncle
dulcia (supremas dignitates) mereri non "videntur qui amara
(inferiores dignitates) gustare recusant. Intera omnia commit-
¦timus dispositioni di^vinae, ac pro"vident. Illmae. Dominationis
vestrae quam incolumem ad ecclesiae Stse. utilitatem regnique
nostri afflicti solatium Deus opt. Max. din conservet.
" lUmse. Dom. serv. humiUmus,
" Eugenius Suin^us,
" Vic Aplicus. Derensis, et S. R. Ec. Prothonotarius.
"Parisis, 17 Dec, 1626."
"Although personaUy unkno"wn to your lordship, I would
rather be thought presumptuous than forgetful of my duty.
Being about to re-visit my country after ha"ving completed my
course of studies, and there to labour to the best of my energy
in clearing the Lord's vineyard of tares of heresy and schism,
two obUgations present themselves to me. First, I am to thank
your lordship in "writing, as I cannot do so orally, for having
advanced me, however unworthy, at the instance of the arch
bishop of Armagh (Hugh M'Cawell), to the apostoUc vicariate
of Derry. Secondly, as it has pleased you to appoint me to
occupy the place lately vacated by the death of the same illus
trious archprelate, I venture, although far away from the
suffragan bishops, and the "vicars apostolic and general, to offer
a few suggestions touching the successor of the deceased, which
you "wUl find in the accompanying schedule. I humbly beseech
your lordship that the same considerations which a year ago
influenced you in preferring Hugh M'Cawell, may have weight
with you now. Deign to consider what "will be most con
ducive to the propagation of the faith, the peace and well-being
of Ulster, and the salvation of souls. I venture also to im
press on you, that those externs who ambition the archbishopric.

406 APPENDIX TO THE
"will not accept minor dignities in the same province, harassed
as it is by incessant wars, and perUs constantly eventuating.
Hence, in my opinion, they do not deserve sweets — supreme
dignities, who refuse to taste bitters — inferior dignities. Mean
while, we commit the whole matter to di-vine pro"vidence, and
the discretion of your lordship, whom, etc., etc.
" Your lordship's most humble servant,
"Eugene Swinei',
" Vic. Apost. of Derry, Prothonotary.
"Paris, 17 Dec, 1626."
At a later period the same idea was still uppermost, as the
subjoined extract from a letter in autograph of the bishop of
Do"wn and Connor clearly proves : —
" Tertia ratio, et quidem valde ingens quod ex promotione
alicujus externi ad sedem Armacanam, magna Provincise
Ultoniae secutura sunt damna. Experientia nam constat
Ultoniam, quae fuit seminarium bonarum "virtutum, incuria
extraneoram archiepisooporum multum sui splendoris, et nominis
perdidisse. Tempore etenim promotionis D. Petri Lombardi
ad ecclesiam Armachanam Ultonia habuit septem episcopos
mdigenos, reliquis Hibernise pro"vincUs, utpote jugo hereticorum
subjectis, praelatis omnino destitutis ; quibus mortuis, ob odium
gentis Ultoniae, taliter restitit dictus D. Lombardus ut continuo
septemdecim annorum spacio, Ultonia praelatorum solatio desti-
tuta manserit, creatis interim de factione sua in nativa pro-vincia
et vicinioribus octo vel decem episcopis. Immo quando ante
biennium dementia sanctissimi Domini nostri factum fuit ut in
pro"vincia Ultoniae aliqui eligerentur episcopi, in tantum restitit
praeratus Lombardus, ut cum praeter ipsius conatum, rem jam
effectam vidisset, scripserit praefatis episcopis, suis amicis, pro-
hibendo ne electos Ultonienses consecrarent. In coUegUs item
Belgicis, GaUicis, et Hispanicis, f undatis quidem, non pro una,
vel altera^ duntaxat Hibernise pro"vincia, sed pro omnibus
Kqualiter, curaverunt externi, ut de juventute Ultoniensi nulli,
vel saltem paucissimi reciperentur. Quod ergo de aUo extraneo
prsesumendum est, nisi quod eodem pede incedet, et quod ubi
commodum Ultoniae occurret promovendum, illud potius im-
pediet quam promovebit 1 Rationabile valde est ut qui fidelius
sanctissimae sedi inser"vUt ejusdem sedis favorem peculiarius ex-

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 407
perimentetur. Juste quidem conqueretur, et justior videbitur
ejus murmur, quam Graecorum adversus Judeos."
" A thu-d, and in our judgment a most weighty reason, is,
that the promotion of any but a native to the see of Armagh
must inflict serious detriment on the pro"vince of Ulster.
Experience has shown that, owing to the carelessness of externs,
Ulster, which at one time was a seminary of all the "virtues,
lost much of its splendour and fair repute. When Peter
Lombard was promoted to the see of Armagh, Ulster had seven
native bishops, whUe the other Irish provinces, then in the gripe
of heretics, were entirely destitute of prelates. But when the
Ulster bishops died, such was the foresaid Peter Lombard's
disUke of the northerns, that, for an interval of seventeen years,
Ulster was bereft of the consolation which she would have
derived from native bishops, whUe he (Lombard) was instru
mental in promoting eight or ten prelates in his own and the
neighbouring "provinces. Furthermore, when a few years ago
his holiness assented that certam bishops should be elected in
the province of Ulster, Peter Lombard took the matter so much
to heart that he wrote to the southern prelaites — his own special
friends — telUng them to have no part in consecrating those
elected to the northern sees. Then, again, the colleges founded
for Lish students in France, Spain, and Belgium, without dis
tinction of pro^vinces, would hardly open their doors to any
Ulster youth, so much so, that very few of them obtained ad
mission to these institutions. What, then, are we to think of
any extern, but that, instead of promoting the good of Ulster,
he ¦wUl rather be disposed to impede it 1
" It seems to us that those who have rendered greatest ser
vices to the holy see are, on that account, entitled to its peculiar
consideration. Reasonably might we murmur, were we denied
a favour so well earned, and our complaint would be juster than
that of Greeks against the Jews."
Appendix Ee — p. 180.
Hugh, Archbishop of Armagh, etc. etc., to the Guardian and
Council of the Convent of St. Anthony, Louvain.
Reverendi Patres, — Considerantes utUitatem et honorem
quae huic nostro Regno et Ecclesise nostrae Hiberniae provenire
possunt ex editione piorum operum quK R. P. Joannes
Colganus, sacrae Theologiae Lector, meditatur ; per praesentes

408 APPENDIX TO THE
volumus, et mandamus ut summa ex nostris pecuruis in
deposito Fratrum Minorum Hibemorum LovanU existens, pro
arbitrio prsefati Patris Colgani expendatur in usum praefatoram
operum quo ocius publici fiant juris et ad Dei, nostratium
Sanctorum, Patriaeque nostras honorem, necnon reliqui quod
supererit in operis promotionem distrahantur di^vidanturque.
Huic vero nostrae dispositioni et voluntati volumus atque adeo
mandamus ut nullus qua"vis ratione contra veniat vel obstaculum
referat. In quorum fidem et robur sigillum et chyrographum
his apposuimus, hac die 6ta Decembris. Kilkenniae An. Sal.
1642. Hugo, Archiep. Ardmachse.
Presentes Emer. Dun. et Coner. Epus.
Fr. Thomas Croly.
Admod. Rvdo. Guardiano, et Secretis Conventus
St. Antonu, Lovanii.
To the Guardian and Council of St. Anthony's, Louvain.
Reverend Fathers. — Revolving the great good and honor
which our Country and Church must gain from the publication
of the pious works projected by the Reverend John Colgan,
Professor of Sacred Theology, we, by these presents, "will and
command that the sum deposited by us "with the Irish
Franciscan fathers in Louvain, be placed at the disposal of the
said father Colgan, that he may, as speecUly as possible, publish
said works, for the glory of God, and honor of our national
saints.* And we further command that no one, under any pre
text whatsoever, shall presume to question this our "wUl, or
interpose any let to its execution. In "witness whereof, we have
here set our seal and sign manual this 6th December.
KUkenny, 1642. Hugh, Archbishop of Armagh.
Present, Emer. Bishop of Do"wn and Connor.
B. Thomas Croly.
Endorsed to the Guardian and Council
of St. Anthony's, Louvain.
* The reverend John Shearman, Howth, and the reverend John O'llanlon,
have laboured with marvellous industry and research, to accomplish what
primate O'Reilly longed to see realized. Father Shearman's contributions
to the "Journal of the Hist, and Archasological Association" are evidence
of great learning in the domain of Saint-History, not surpassed by that
of the author of the Lives of the Irish Saints.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY'. 409

Appendix F/— p. 182.
The poisoning of Owen Roe is one of the many foolish legends
which disfigure Irish Jiistory ; and it is sad to think that
so horrid a crime should have been attributed to a Plunket of
Louth, who, we may presume, was a Catholic. The story,
however, is founded on the statement of an Englishman, who
"told it to colonel Henry O'NeUl, as we learn from the journal
of the latter, who gives it as he heard it, without vouching for
its truth. We may add that many of Owen's clansmen did not
beUeve that he could die at a time when his aid was most needed;
for, as his secretary tells us, " some deemed that God, in his
¦clemency, would not deal so streight "with this land as to bereave
it of its only champion — the world rather bemg unworthy of
so good a masterpiece — and therefore fancied that he was lulled
to sleep, and snatched away to some secret corner of the world,
as another EUas, to keep him there for future, better purposes ;
the ground of this surmise being that sleep and death are
brothers, and, therefore, not easy to discern between both, other
than by the effects." — Aph. Discovery.

Appendix Gg — p. 183.
On Dease's death, the primate determined to remove Oliver
Dease from the "vicar-generalship, on account of his opposition
to the nunzio's censures. O'Neill's secretary gives us the fol-
lo"wing particulars on this subject : — " The primate, to in"vite
this prodigal child to his soul's salvation, cUd send for him, and
being come, gave biin two months to continue said office, to
work his refiection in the interim, telling bim "withal, in default
thereof his grace would pro-vide another chapter tUl his holi-
ness's pleasure was kno"wn, for in that diocese there is no
chapter to look to such matters according to the canons. The
time appointed being come, and Dease growing more stubborn,
refusing to appear when cited, and following in the steps of his
said uncle ; the primate, seeing his incapacity for all ecclesias
tical dignities, by reason of the many censures, did nominate
father Antony Geoghegan, prior of Conalmore, vicar-general of
the diocese of Meath, tUl the further pleasure of his holiness
was known." Dr. Oliver Dease, however, was ultimately re
stored to his dignity, for we find hun "vicar-general of the diocese
of Meath m 1671.— F! Hih. Dom., p. 130.

410 appendix TO THE
Appendix H h — p. 184.
This interesting narrative will be found in the dean of
Fermo's exhaustive account of the nunzio's progress at page
349 and seq. Appendix I i — p. 185.
The subjoined most interesting letter, in the autograph of the
bishop of Ossory, refers to his -vicar-general of Armagh ; for
which and other reasons, we pubUsh it here : —
" Right Honorable my very good Lord — In some of my
former letters I have touched how dangerous it was for our
marchants to traffique, by reason of the multitude of pirates
which are abroad, and such as never haunted our coasts hereto
fore. Turkish rovers now rise in the west :* this makes me
doubtful whether my letters from Drogheda about the begin
ning of August, or my other letters from Lymerick about the
end of the same month, wUl come at all, or comme in tyme to
your lordship's hands. Together "with the last, which .should
go by the way of Paris, I sent six pounds to make you a signet.
Hetherto, certo, I received nothing either of Louth or .... ;
but if I may recouver anythinge henceforth o"wt of these two
places, as I mean to try it shortly, I "will not forget to send it
to Gottifredo. I had, somewhat to do about a latter graunt
made to a Cistarcian by procurement of an agent of the same
order there, whereby he would evacuate  , the former
grant, which was sound. I took it not well that any of them
would goe about to disparridge your person, or to annihUate
your patent, though hetherto it was woorth you nothinge. If-
it weare for no other cause but that they should not insult over
their betters, it was fitt they should be requested  , to
make them understand themselves and to retain them "within
bounds. " We Uve here in continuall feare of the infection, which in
England, especially Ui London and thereabouts, hath consumed
allreddy many thousands ; and for the more safeguard heere
"with us, not only the maritime, but also the inland to"wnes are
kept "with watch and ward, to keepe out all commerce of danger,
which is hard to be well done. The numbers that died weekly
* Six years after date of this letter the little to-wn of Baltimore was.
sacked by Algerine pirates. Davis's beautiful ballad perpetuates the
memory of that fierce raid, recorded in Smith's " Cork."

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 411
in London were so multiplied, notwithstanding there were com
manded a holyday to be spent in fasting, prayinge, and preachinge
every Wednesday, -with a solemn cessation from all servile works;
least the vehemencie of the great mortalitie should decimate
the people, his majesty commanded there should be no reckon
ing or enroUing how many should die by the week ; as some
weeks here past the number of 7,000 died, and as it is noted
by some, or at least is so reported by many, few or no Catholi
ques died among so many that are of every side of them carried
to their graves ; and yet the Protestants, but specially the
Puritans, spare not to say that this plague is come from God to
punish the nation for their remissness and toleration with
Catholiques ; and they urge vehemently in the parliament to
edge his majesty both to execute severely the laws allready in-
acted against them, and to inact new, as though there was
not enough before ; but his majesty was not inclined so to do,
and in his speech in the parliament, before the dissolving of it
at Oxford (whither they betook themselves from London to
shun the infection), he gave them a check and sharp reprehen
sion for their eagerness in that matter. This is reported by a
gentleman of the lord of Baltimore's retinue, lately come from
England. This lord was sir George Calvert,* of late principal
secretary to king James, known a professed CathoUque, who
"with his wife and children are come to dwell in this country,
and now reside in Femes, in county Wexford, where he hath
purchased land of sir Richard Maisterson, to the value of 1600
pounds. The place is called Cloghamon, where he goeth in
hand to buUd presently, and in the interim dwelleth in the
manor-house of Ferns, having left some two of his young
chUdren at Waterford, to be there, brought upin a private scoole
of humanity.
" The citie agent, sir J. Gough, and his brother Thomas, are
alwayes prosecuting their suit "with great , diligence. Sir J. is
to follow the court, though not "without danger, for the sick
ness attends the court from place to place. Thomas is to come
here about Michaelmas, to give account of their negotiation :
the learned counsell in England would make voyde the seizure
of their liberties, and thereof I have some certain propositions.
averred, and sent hither to Waterford, which if they be insisted
* He was secretary to Sir E. Cecil, and subsequently secretary of state
to Jamea I. Calvert became a Catholic in 1624, when he was raised
to the peerage as baron Baltimore, and had large grants of land m Ire
land. Charles I. gave him and his heirs for ever a patent of Maryland,.
so called in honour of queen Henrietta Maria.— B«w-/t-«'s Extinct Peerages.

412 appendix to the
uppon, then must the king he impleaded and sued for justice,
which -wUl be a tedious and expensive course ; but if by way of
grace and favour they should be restored to their former
liberties, that were more brief and less troublesome. The cap
tayne,* your honour's nephew, was employed a fortnight ago to
the lord deputie,t who is now in progress. The last Tuesday
he was in "Upper Ossory -with Mr. Bryan Fitzpatrick, son and
heir to the lord of that countrie, and son-in-law to Ormond :
from thence he was to go next day to Birreh, in Ely, a new
town of the plantation, and so through MacCoghlan's country
to KUbeggan, and from thence back to Dublin. The lord
deputie remitted him to the lord Dockwra, treasurer at warr.
The matter is, that since the coming over of the last press of
souldiours, Waterford being charged -with four companies, and
no payment of money for them these many weeks past, the
citizens are driven to bear the burden of "them, and to cess
themselves "with their diet, which amounted by the month to
about £200, besides their burning fire and candle-Ught. He
therefore, was sent either to receive their pay, or uppon default
to make suite for the removinge of two companies to some
other place ; and that being done, the citizens -will remit what
they are behind and unpaid for the time past. He is not come
home as yet, but in his absence the lord Caulfield, who is
master of the ordinance, coming to survey the fort — the build
ing whereof is now intermitted for want of expenses to go
forward with it — as uppon his coming the souldiours were in
hopps to be relieved by him, so uppon his moneyless departure
they were left out of comfort ; and so for their recreation in
fair weather they go a-nutting and hunting of blackberries like
mitchers that run from school when they should be better oc
cupied ; and for the waste which they commit, breaking do"wn
hedges and hovels, no better redress than to cry 'peccaVi,'
as some of them do fiexis genibus.
" The earl of Desmond, f soon after the news of King James's
¦* This individual lived a considerable time in Belgium, and supplied
the English government with information of the efforts which, the par
tizans of the fugitive earls were making for a descent on Ireland, in order
to expel the English and Scotch undertakers, to whom the vast domains
of O'lfeill and O'Donnell had been given by a corrupt parliament and un
scrupulous king.
t Falkland.
X Gerald Fitz John, who d. s. p. in Germany. The Hbertiea of Water
ford were forfeited for recusancy in 1617, and not restored till 1626, when
Charles I. granted the city a new charter.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 413
death being gone for England, from thence betook him towards-
the Palgrave, and his lady, whom they name of Bohemia.*
His going is taken by some for want of a tipstaff, which was
not granted by the son as freely as by the father ; others think
it was for other purposes, and for the mistrust in Holland of
Graff Henrique de Nassau ; but howsoever it be of that, in the
affayre of Waterford Uberties the agents found him no frend,
but rather opposite, as all the year before, while he continued
in the countrie, he opposed against the liberties of Kilkenny,
which got him but Uttle credit or good ¦will. I have m my
other letters from Drogheda and Limerick informed your lord
ship of another opposition which, beinge altogether groundless,
is also fruitless to the opposite. My ancient friend, Mr Bel-
thazzar de la Hoyde, who striving against the stream, runneth
uppon the rocks, and whUe he would not brook doctor Dongan's
neighbourhood and subordination, he bewraieth such imperfec
tions which cannot but breed a feare in his friends of his im
pairing so great a business, and in others that are but indifferent
an opinion of his weakness and insufficiency for so great a
charge, which hitherto was committed to him upon trust, with
a regard -of the necessity of the time and the want of others
more able and fitt, not "without some remorse for his want of
language and other his defects, but "with a confidence that he
would from time to time use the best means and take the best
help which might be offered for discharging the office and ad
ministration thereof with zeal and prudence. I had many en
counters these years past for the uphoulding of him in his juris
diction ; many contestations he had "with the Bernardines and
Mendicant orders, and with several others of the hierarchical
clargy. I did one man's endeavour to put things in quietness.
Divers complaints I received, and exceptions of clargy and laity
against him, all which I would more "willingly bury than bring
to light as I have done in other occasions ; for I think it is
great imprudence in us to proclaim our o-wn domesticall imper
fections, which may breed a distaste of us in the minds of them
who other"wise would commisserate our afflictions ; and now
ha"ving a new protector, t that hath a desire to further us with
erecting a new seminary in the cittie as we hear, it is our part
rather to animate him for so good a work than to display the

* Princess Elizabeth, married, 1613, the Count Palatine.
t Cardinal Ludovisi, who, at the instance of father Luke "Wadding,
foimded and endowed a coUege for Irish seoxJar students, opposite the-
convent of S. Isidoro, Eome.

414 APPENDIX TO THE
corrosives which fret among some to the great hindrance of
winning souls and may hinder that intended erection if they
should come to the ears of our foreign benefactors which wish
us well, and would not perhaps wish us the better if they had
known all our imperfections. But it grieveth me that the good
to-wn of Drogheda is now these few years past made the stage
of ecclesiastical controversie, and that no sooner one debate is
either ended or abated than another sprouteth out as it were in
a circle. If it were not irksome to your lordship, I might send
a whole bundle of complaints, instances, and aggravations,
delivered unto me this last summer and the summer before
against Mr. Belthazzar and his nephew Christopher, all which I
reserve in a hidden chaos until I shall hear next from you, and
know your further pleasure, whether I shall send them thether
or burn them here. I see his weakness groweth more and more,
and others displeased more and more -with him, not only for his
0"wii sake, but also for his coUateries ; as I sustain also some
displeasure for not proceeding in the matter, as I am warranted
by our patent, and by the resolution of di"vines, lawyers, and of
sage prelates ; but I love to walk rather pede plumheo quami
plumio in matiiers of extending any severity ; for I have re
solved not to go with any censures, so contemptible they are
made in the same place, and so loth would I be to use them at
any hand, as hitherto I have not used them in any place or for
any occasion ; thinking it more secure to go on by way of per
suasion than of compulsion ; and that I find of more efficacv
now-a-days — specially in this our unsettled countrie, where a
bad cause may have a fair colour, if not of law, at least of dis
cretion and equity, to excuse the intention, if not the work.
God direct your lordship, and send you hether safe, to see with
your eyes, and to redress "with your ad"vice and authority what
goeth amiss. I "will not be accusator fratrum meorwm. I had
rather veil over uncommon defects than reveal them to many,
and that was my custom, and it is my consolation always. But
remaining, as I am bound, your honor's most affectionate to be
commanded, " David Oss
"17th September, 1625.
" To Peter Lombard, archbishop of Armagh."
We subjoin another letter of an earlier date from Rothe.
The original, now in the Franciscan archives of this city, is
hardly legible. Father Carey had very great difficulty in de
ciphering it : —

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 415
"My VEEY GOOD L — These are to redouble the contents
•of former letters, fearing the miscarriage of some ; the
-affayres of the province of Armaghe, as concerning the
cleargy and their desire, hath bene notified in their owne
letter to your lordship, which, together with an abstract of
the constitutions agreed upon and firmed with their signature,
was sent a mouneth or two agon, which, becaus they are gon
to the bottom in that way wheare they never were sent. I was
entrasted "with more copyes than one, and nowe I send a dupli-
cat of the said ordinances for to satisfy their myndes, and
humble suite that they may be perused, confirmed, or corrected
in that place for their better direction in those proceedings ;
whearunto they "wiU expect an answeare. By yoiu- letter of
last January to Patrick Hanrati, I understood that you weare
then to write to myself of the same subject which you have
¦written to him, and granted him in contrahetidis the same
faculties which he before received of your lordship in contractis.
He deserveth well to be encouradged in his charge, for he atten-
deth it the best he can -with labour and diligence, and not -with
out danger. Others also deserve well in the same province, for
whom beside those faculties which myself can de facto com-
municat, I may procure for them from others, but I thought it
more decent and better subordination that they should depend
upon their owne metropolitan, and receave from him, being of
power to imparte them, than of anny other. And, therefore, I
wroat formerly in theu- behalf, that your lordship may consider
of them. I mean, of the vicars-generall of your pro-vince, among
whom Balthazar de la Hoide, Johannes Gafnaeus, and Fergallus
McEgan are to be remembered 1°- loco. The desu-e of the vicar
of Driddath* is that the part of it which is in Meath, being one
corporation "with th' other, and greater parte which is ex parte
UrieUst should be made of one dioces, which is 1 of Armaghe.
" The cleargy of Waterford hath opposed Derby Carty and
his substitut for the charge of the clioces of Lismore and "Water
ford, -and the reasons of their opposition they have digested into
certaine heads, which they pray your lordship to inure his
holiness and the court theirwithall. Also, they desu-e to have
a chapter of theu- 0"wne. The chiefe persons of the cleargy are
rehearsed in the archb. of Cassell's letter to your lordship.
They are and wilbe desirous to gratifie the suite furtheron, and
upon accompUshment of the suit, they will strayne themselves
to recompence.
"But this being a could instance for to enterprize anny matter;
* Drogheda. t Louth.

416 APPENDIX TO THE
myself ha'ving receaved a letter from Gottifredo and from the
chann. of St. Mark, Ludo"vico Fattorino, beging my answeare
for the transmitting hither of John Moagher b. m. his bequeasts
unto his sister and her children, whereof they are both greedy
and needy. I have certified my mynde to them both ; and
nowe againe I renewe the same, that if the money be not as yet
sent, Gottifredo may receave of him the sum of fourscore or a
hundred crowns, the same to be receaved by him with your
lordship's allowance and at your disposition, and that "with your
lordship's recommendation and continuance he may follow the
suite of the said cleargy, which is at this present in such dis-
tresse and want that they could not speed -with anny disburse
ment to be made for that use, but the matter bemg ended, they
-will enforce themselves not to be ungratefuU. If the said sum
be receaved, I understanding thereof will insist the repayment
to be made to the heires of the said John, as they are alreddy
most urgent, and I most "willing to discharge the trust of the
deceased, whereunto I hope the said cleargy will concurr upon
certificit, though they are loath to undergo the payment before
the accomplishment of their suite.
"Wehere of alterations to be made shortly, and that thedepty."*
is called upon to receave a successore the next spring, or some
other change in the govemment. I leave to your lordship's better
consideration tp thinke whether it be not loth to be stUl writing
"without answere, which taciturnitie, if it had bene to your
lordship's availe, either in regard of honour or other behoof I
would not merveUe, but kno"wing it is rather a stoppe than anny
furtherance, I cannot but grieve that the writer seems either to
be misbelieved or misprized, though his duty and endeavour do
always watch over your reputation, notwithstanding ihefrounes
of his living here together "with the reports of discontent
ment which one may redresse.
" And so "with remembrance of my bounden service as well
now in this stormy -winter as in the forepast summer, I take
leave this 18 of December, 1615. I here by a flying reporte
that your nephew Robert had bene sene at London, but neither
his brother John nor myself have receaved from him.
" Alwayes at command,
" Your honour." " David Rothe.
* Chichester, that blood-boltered miscreant, who was expelled coUege
for mean theft, and died, after having driven the O'NeiUs and ODonneUs
out of Ireland, and enriched himself and partizans with large tracts of
TJlater.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 417
Appendix J j — p. 193.
The government of the period kept close watch on the
movements of the prelates and clergy, so much so, that their
entertainers and harbourers were well known, through the
agency of paid spies and informers. Rothe was a constant
guest in the castle of Balline,* where he had a most influential
protector in lord Mountgarret, Richard Butler, and other puis
sant members of the house of Ormond.
Appendix K^ — p. 194.
More than one allusion to the subject of interment of heretics
wUl be found in the preface to the third j^art of the Analecta;
and the subjoined document, issued many years after the pub
lication of that work, shows how an Irish Catholic bishop dealt
with the remains of one who lived and died in apostasy : —
" The body of Francis Talbot, who dyed axn obstinate heretick,
and finaUy therein impenitent, is to be buried in Poenam
Haereseos and finaUs impenitentiae, necnon inteiTorem aliorum,
"with only one candle at the grave, at nine of the clock, without
a beU in the church, or street, without priest, cross, book, or
prayer ; the place of his burial is to be in the ale (avenue) of
St. Mary's churchyard, nearest to the garden of the parsonage.
AU which concerning the said burial, we have ordered to be
done "with the advice of men learned in cli"vinity ; and who shall
exceed this manner of the said Francis's burial is to incur
Church censures. No wax taper, or candle, or torch is to be
used. " NicoLAus Episcopus Feenensis.
" Given at the Fryars' Monastery,
"the last of December, 1646."— OM Tracts T.G.D.,

Gall. F.F. 72.

Appendix L I — p. 201.

The lay members of the supreme councU of the confederates
arrogated to themselves the right of sequestrating the revenues
of the bishops, when the latter repudiated their temporising

* Now BaUeen. 2 E

418 APPENDIX TO THE
policy. Rothe, who shared the views of the Ormondist faction,
enjoyed the temporalities of his see up to the time of his deal;h.
Comerford of Waterford, when threatened by the supreme
council, wrote to them that Inchiquin and the parUamentarians
had already seized the best part of his temporalities, and were
thus in advance of the Ormondists. — " Quod autem ad confis-
canda mea bona temporalia SLttinet ; doleo hostem in occupanda
parte eorum potissuna vos praevenisse. Sed licet -per fas vel
nefas ob actum -iheras obedientiae erga Ecclesiae sanctiones,
omnibus, quae mihi mundus suppeditare potest spoUarer, nihU-
ominus juges fundam preces quatenus confoederatos hujus
regni CathoUcos fceliciter et prospere gubernetis"* — Rinuecini
Papers. Appendix M m — p. 201.
Seven years afterwards the distressed state of the see of
Ossory must have been very great when its bishop had .to in
voke the secular arm to collect his revenues : —
" The petition of David Roth, bishop of Ossory, 21st Aug.,
1649, shows that his tenants of the see-lands, taking ad"vantage
of the disturbances of the times, and well knowing that the
petitioner is old and bedrid, and unable to proceed by distress,
neglect to pay him their rents ; he therefore prays a renewal of
the order of "the late general assembly and supreme council for
Captam J. Bryan to cess them with a competent number of
foot soldiers until they shall pay ; for his lands are so waste,
they yield not as much as may maintain the church in any be-
. seeming manner, and petitioner himself, for want of main
tenance, must be forced to break up house and Uve obscurely
and meanly."t Appendix N n — p. 205.
At page xx"vU of Most Rev. Dr. Moran's Introduction to the
Memoir of Archbishop Plunket, there is a passage of a letter
written by Fleming, archbishop of Dublin, in which it is asserted
that Roth was cast into a loathsome dungeon, and died there after
jyrolonged martydom. This statement, however, does not
appear satisfactory, for it is contradicted by the more cir
cumstantial account which Lynch f has left of the bishop's
last moments. The archbishop, doubtless, related what
* Waterford, 24th June, 1648.
t Ormond'a Entry Books, A.D. 1649-50, Carte, Report, p. 83.
+ De Pr^s. Hib.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY. 419
he had heard ; but it must be borne m mind that, at the
time when Kilkemiy capitulated, he was cooped up in Galway,
and cut off from all means of obtainuig sure intelligence of
events occurring so far away from him. It must be admitted
also, that the Irish, like every other persecuted people, have
always been prone to over-colour the cruelties of their ojipres-
sors, and of Cromwell especially, who, were we to credit
traditional narratives, destroyed churches, monasteries, and
castles in various parts of Ireland where he never set foot, to
say nothing of other fabulous atrocities laid to his credit.
Edward Rothe, as we have stated, was one of the commissioners
appointed to negotiate the articles of surrender, and it is only
natural to suppose that Cromwell, bad as he was, would not
treat with needless severity the aged brother of a man who held
such a prominent position at the time, and who was sheriff of
KUkenny in 1651, the year after the city was taken. We may
also add, that whatever may have been the bishop's sufferings in
the interval between the fall of KUkenny and his death, they
hardly deserve to be called a prolonged martyrdom ; for at the
time of the siege he was seventy-eight years old, worn down by
infirmities, and died in less than a month after his arrest.
Lynch's account, therefore, written as it was some ten or eleven
years after Rothe's decease, appears to be, in every respect,
more trustworthy than that of the archbishop, who; as we may
suppose, threw off his version of the matter, unconscious of the
real facts, and under the influence of terror which the very
name of CromweU inspired at the period. Here are Lynch's
words : — " Quapropter Cromwello permittente, in urbem ad
amiicos reductus, . . . et in se2yidchro quod in B. M. Y. ecclesia
illi condiderunt tumulatus est, postquam illi juxta morem
catholicorum, ab amicis officia persoluta sunt, cereis funebribus in
fjusferetro tota node quce exequias ejus prcecesserat, hoste potes-
tatem faciente, collucentibus. . . . Obicibus enatis quce viam, ad
eiim monv/mento inferendum obstruxerunt quod in ecclesia
cathedrali sibi erigi curavit, miraculi instar autem habebatur
quod hostes magniflcum comitum Ormoniae tumidum demoliti,
manus violentas ab episcopi monumento coercuerunt." — Lynch de
Proesul Hib.
The epitaph on his monument in St. Canice's Cathedral runs
thus : — DEO . OPT . MAX .
ET . MEMOEIjB . DAVIDIS
EPISCOPI . OSSORIENSIS . QUI .
HANC . ECCLESIAM . CATHEDEALEM .

420 APPENDIX TO THE
SANCT . CANICO . SACRAM .
PEISTINO . CULTUI . EESTITUIT .
HCEEESIM . SCHISMAQUE . EXINDE .
EMUNDANS . A.D. 1642.
Ortus cuncta suos repetunt matremque requirunt,
Et redit ad nihUum quod fuit ante nihil.
Appendix O o — p. 206.
" Hierographias. The curious title of this work appears at
full length in a letter from Messingham to father 'Wadding,
dated Paris, 15th July, 1'630 :—
" The notes which I have for the historie of Ireland are but
very few, yet the carriage is so dear now, and the hazard of the
way so great, as I must expect a better time to send them.
My lord of Ossorie "wrote to me that if you would signifie what
particular notes or treatises you would have that he can afford,
he "wUl send them to you. The treatise which he means to send
me shortly, is thus intituled : —
" ' Hierographiae . Sacrae . insula . Hibernise . Lineamenta .
adumbrata . (sine . arrhabo .) et praegustus . Tripartitae . Des-
criptionis . Ecclesiae . regni . et . gentis . Hibernorum . ex
variis . scriptoribus . tam . veteribus . quam . neoteris . deliba-
tus . Industria . et studio . Analectae . et Anagnestae Catho
lici H  coUectore . et . dygestore . Philcidelpho . cui . ad-
juncta est in . antecessum . largioris . defensionis . decertatio .
apolegetica . adversus . Conoeum . Camerarium . Dempsterum .
de. ejusdem . sacrae . ihsulae . originibus .'
" ' Hierographic outlines of the holy island of Ireland,
sketched (without earnest), and a foretaste of the Tripartite
description of the church, kingdom, and people of Ireland, from
various "writers, ancient and modern, prepared by the industry
and study of a CathoUc gleaner and reader H. . . . who, as a
lover of his brethren, has put together and digested the whole.
To which is added, by way of introduction to a more elaborate
controversy, an apologetic defence against Conei* and
Camerariust anent the antiquities of the same sacred island.' "
* An Italian theologian, sent by "Urban VIII. to the court of Henrietta
Maria of England. He wrote " De DupHoi Statu Eeligionis apud
Scotoa." t A Scotsman, author of a work entitled " De Fide Scotorum," pub
Ushed 1631.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY. 421
Appendix P^ — p. 213.
A letter dated Rochelle, Sept. 15, 1642, and -written by
father Hartegan, S.J., whom the supreme council of the Con
federates sent to collect arms and money for the Irish war,
teUs how perUous it was to cross the Irish Channel at that
period : —
" Hie bre"vi alias naves ex patria, nisi intercipiantur a Turcis
aut ParUamentarUs, qui in magno numero ; hi oram mariti-
mam, isti mare Brittannicum pervagantur ; Turcae quidem, ut
refert quidam dux maritimus hie sexaginta naves habent :
ducunt secum quotidie Anglos et Scotos more pejorum." * »
" A few clays hence we may expect vessels from Ireland if
not intercepted by the Turkish or -the Parliament ships, which
are very numerous. The former cruise along our seaboard,
and the latter in the British seas. The Turks, as a naval officer
reports, have sixty vessels, and daily carry off English and
Scotch in the most barbarous manner."
Appendix Q q — p. 352.
For ample accounts of this far-famed seminary see the admi
rable papers which have appeared in the journal of the Archaeo
logical Society of Ossory. ,
To heighten the festivity of Comerford's consecration,
Christopher ' Chamberlain, an alumnus of the Irish Seminary
at Rome, composed a small duodecimo volumef "with the fol-
lo"wing title and dedication : — Titulus.
Coronatae . virtuti . Revmi . D.
PatritU . Quemerfordii . ex . sacro .
Eremit. . D. . Augustini . ordine.
Episcopi .
Waterfordensis . et . Lismorensis .
Inaugurati . plausus .
Seminarium . Hibemorum . de . urbe.
*A paper in the Franciscan archives mentions a Dominican named
Antony de Sancta Maria, of the dioceae of Tuam, who was seven years a
prisoner in Morocco.
t There ia a copy of this very rare book in the archives of the Francis
can convent, Dublin.

422 APPENDIX TO THE
To vu-tue cro"wned
In the person
Of Patrick Comerford, of the
Order of Eremites of S. Augustin,
Consecrated bishop of Waterford and
Lismore,
The Irish Seminary at Rome
Offers Congratulation.
Dedicatio.
Patritio . Quemerf ordo .
Viro . ad . religionis . ornamentum . nato .
Ad . Ecclesiae . emolumentum . destmato .
Qui.
Ingenio . scientiarum . omnium . capaci .
Animo . dignitatis .
YU-tutis . merito . patriae ¦, veto .
Bonorum . omnium . applausu .
Ad . sacri . honoris . verticem . evectus . est .
Qui . muneri . amplissimo .
Parem . adferens . eruditionem ,
Parem . eruditioni . pietatem . adjungens.
Inter . summos . doctrina . enitet .
Inter . doctos . authoritate . eminet .
Inter . utrosque . pietate . emicat .
Qui . reciproca . et . virtutis . luce . honorem .
Et . honoris . "virtutem . illustrat .
Ut . magis . tamen . honor . "virtute .
Quam . vU-tus . honore .
Yideatur . ornata .
Yirumq . dignitati . non . dignitatem .
CoUatani . "vu-o .
Publica . foelicitas . aggratulatur.
Courcy, another student of the same house, wrote the follow
ing epigram on the armorial bearings of Comerford. , The sym-
boUsm of the double cross, the rose, and thorns, was almost
prophetic : —
In Quemerfordii Gentilitia Stemmata Epigramima.
Quid tibi cum canibus, quid "vult crux bina rosarum,
Quae praef ei-s signis, vir venerande tuis ?
Symbola quippe tuae sunt haec et in se vu-tutis,

MEJIOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 423
OfficU summam continuere tui ;
Nam canis (ut veterum monstrant enigmata) vatem
Qui summi novit pandere sacra, notat,
Significat doctum, "vigUem, gratumq. fidelem,
Denotat obsequium, militis umbra canis.
Quid Rosa spinarum stimulis circumdata 1 Virtus
Obsessa innumeris, quae solet esse malis.
Haec tibi quam juste quadrant insignia, praesul,
Cui, populi sacrum pandere dogma datur,
Cujus onus Christi tutari fortiter arcem,
Hostis et adversas vi cohibere minas,
Cujus inoffenso "virtus splendore nitebit.
Sit Ucet innumeris obtenebrata maUs.
Irish Climate, Commerce — Reported Death of F. Luke Wadditig
— A Refractory Cleric in 1629.
Waterford, the 22nd of November, 1629.
Since I saw you last I never more receaved one worde from
you ; if it be through my ill deserts, I would thinke myself
unworthie of my life, wherefor if noe other cause might move
you to dignifie me out of your greatnesse to "visit me "with a
dussen lines I pray you doe it there"with to signifie to me if I
have deserved at your hands so long sUence, which is more
grievous to me than if an other gave me a doussen blowes of a
cudgell ; Ukely you have receaved my letters out of Brussels,
out of London, out of Dublin, and heerhence since my coming
over. As for any relation of the state of the countrie, I may
not extend myself much therein, for I am not yet full sure in
the carriages of many things, but this I can say, that it is the
moistiest, the stormiest, the poorest, and worst oppressed
countrie that I sawe since I lef"t it, untU I returned. And if
it were not for the same instinct of nature " Dulcis amor
patriae," with aU my heart I would change with the humliest
converso [lay brother] of your thrice happie college of S. Isidoro.
As for tradinge or stirring in mercantile affairs, which is iiervus
hujus regni it is so much forgotten, that scarce a man doth
know what colour is the coine in this miserable Hand ;
the deart of the two last years, the imiversaU sickness, the
oppression of souldiers, beside other incumbrances have made
Ireland to seeme to be in verie deede ye land of ire ; at sea a
merchant can not navegat two dayes, when he is taken by a
Hollander, or a Dunkenk or a French pirat, or a hungrie Bis-
caner. The weather is so rainie, and drousie continuaUy, that

424 APPENDIX TO THE
it doth imprint, and indent in a man's heart a certaine saturn
qualitie of heavinesse, slougishness, lasines and perpetuall
sloute. Cure Deputie is gone for England and in his steade
doe govern the kingdome the Lorde of Corke and the Lorde
Chancelour, whate is theire minde we doe not know yet, but if
they "will not expell us out of the kingdom, I know not what
other punishment can they uiflict upon us ; for money , or
meanes they can not finde in any place of Ireland.
Here it is reported that my verie good friends Mr. Calanan
and Mr. Mathew Quely are dead, quomodo in vita sua se dilex-
erunt, ita in morte non sunt separati ; truely this newse made
me not little grieved, and any one that would be as throughlie
aquainted "with them as I was for the space of two yeares,
could not but lament theire deathe ; and seeing the best office I
can doe for them is to pray for them, the same they shall have
of me stUl.
And to grieve my heart more newse came to us out of France
divulged there by friars of your o"wne order, that you were
likely deade ; but God knowes you are popido suo necessarius,
and therf or he would not berive distressed nation of so manie a,
solace ; and in deede I did presently counster the newse of your
deathe to be mistaken for the death of Mr. Calanan, Rectour of
the Irish College, Vive igitur seros superes ut Nestoris annos :
What, Luke, would you leave us, when you see wee are moste
in want of you ; noe noe, for your oppressed countrie is in
expectation to receave many good offices of love and kindness
at your hand. "When I -writt to Fei-nen.* of this reporte, he
answered me, condoling -with me, and lamenting the state of St.
Isidore, and the losse of soe indifferent a man as you ; but I
hope you -will heere of their deaths that wish your death.
As for my self, here I live among my kinsmen, and as for
any temporall pleasure, or preferment, much inferior to my
self in the time that I was afore here; among them, -with which
I thought to have most enteere amitie, and good correspondence,
I finde less of that ; if it be through emulation, or spite, or to
diminish in me for being preferd afore themselves, or for such
other gi-udges I doe not well know ¦ but you know how farr
was I from solicitatinge, or procuring the postulation that the
clergie sent in my behalfe, and if it be for instauling here parish
priests or declaring the restrictions of faculties, as it was done
in all the kingdome, and I must have done, otherwise to be
noted as singular and not uniforme -with the rest of my
* French, bishop of Ferns.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 425
bretheren, I think noe indifferent man will allow them to have
just cause of snuffing : and if I doe not please them in my
goverment, I hope to please God : Yf letters were sure messUi-
gers now a days, I might tell you passages, in which you would
condemn some men for theU-e verie imprudent, and most
appasionat actions : but I vow to God, that I am as willing as
any of them, if he were in my place, to countenans, further, and
advaunce them that make greatest showe of distaste of my
proceedings ; time "wiU reveale all :
After I have showed to fr. John Madden the attestation of
the ApostolicaU notarie in Rome, witnessing that in the bookes
of "the Dataria, and the Cancelaria Apostolica, Motthel in the
Dioces of Lismore is called of St. Augustine's order ; also your
attestation, and father Martin's, that it is so called, and put
downe in Pennato's historia tripartita : allsoe an Instrument
made in Waterford above 140 yeares agoe, signed and sealed by
an Imperiall and pubUque Notarie where it is called of Chanen
Regulars of St. Augustui's Order ; allsoe James Ware his
Cathelog of Abbeyes of St. Bernard's order in Ireland, wherein
he doth not make mention of Motthel : finaly a paper sealed by
John Madden himself, and given to father Lawrence Lea (to
whom God be mercifuU) wherein he doth promise to surrender
the Abbey of Motthel to any, that in future times would showe
any just claim to it : and father Laurence subscribed, that he
required the same promise of father John, becaus, that at the
time he gave bim possession, he heard somebody say that Motthel
was not of St. Bernard's but of St. Augustin's order, he declared
that he had not geven the possession to John Madden if he
knew as much afore he gave the possession. Not withstanding
all these reasons, he would not yeelde the Monasterie, nor come
to my synod ; alleaging onUe for himself that in the Register
of Cister, MotaUa Wateiforden. Dioces., is named amonge the
Abbeyes of Cister in Ireland, as if the same onlie should prevaile
against aU the proceses above specified : but I tould him, that
first the Register was false, for Motthell is not Waterforden.
hut Lismoren. Diocesis ; secondarilie that Motthell being placed
in the penultime place of his Register, likelie it was put there
through ignorance of some Irish monke after the suppression ;
and as the Bernardines thought to usurp a Monasterie of St.
Augustui's order in Diocesi Fernen., from which Fernen. ex
cluded them ; and an other Monasterie of St. Augustin's neere
Corke, forsooth by cause they had Abbots, as if Chanons
regulars in Ireland had not Abbots ui old time ; so they would
usurp Motthell too, because it had an Abbot : but if I can, non

426, APPENDIX TO THE
•prevalebunt : for peace and quietness sake, at length I remitted
the controversie to ... : but i'le be glad that you take notice of
the matter, and speaking to Fagnano, you should put him in
ure (sic) of the care I have of the charge was put upon me,
when I was made -vicar-generall of the monasteries of Chanon
regulars in Ireland, and that I will desoover manie other things,
if God give me life, and that if these sumptions be toUerated,
they wUl tend to the greate prejudice of the Church of Ireland,
and be a cause of greate strife : the like I beseeche you to
signifie to Ingoli, and the Assessor of the Inquisition, because
they may put those things in icre to their congregations, if in
case any monke would goe heerhence to Rome, and indevour to
tell them a contrarie relation ; and in deede S. Bernard's order
have so many Monasteries in Ireland, that it seemeth verie
scandalous to all other clergiemen, that they should intrude
upon S. Augustin's order, especially that one monke, called
Paule ragged, is said to have four Abbeyes in commendam,
of his own order. A few days agoe there happened in
my Dioces a strange case, which I thought fitt to relate
to you, that of your love to me, and zele towards your countrie,
you would procure in the Congregations of the Inquisition, and
de Propaganda, there should be remedie sett downe for to
eschew such exorbitant, sclanderous, and barbarous attempts,
other-wise our Church in Ireland "will become worse than any
-that ever hath beene : a f ourtnight agoe, or little more, I placed
a parish priest ui a parish called St. John's grange, bet'wixt
Clonmell and Fidert, and one Edmond Everard, which you sawe
some time in Lisborn, and was married in Waterford, and left
his wife, and promising to become reUgious, contented himself
to be a priest. This man, I say, went to my parish priest, and
commanded him not to say masse in the same parish, nor to
minister sacraments in it, alleaging that the same parish and
church did belonge in olde time to St. John of Jerusalem's
order, and that he alone being in all Ireland of that order, had
the command and government of all the lands and li^vings be
longing to that order, especially that he was made substitute to
Cassilen smce he went to Spain ; but Cassilen could not make
him of that order, againste a decree that the order made, that
no English, or Irish, or Scott should be receaved to the oi-der,
because they lost all theire livings, and that the order was not
able or wUlinge to maintaine f reyles "without rent ; more over,
tis saide that Thomas had no authoritie to receave monies, and
that afterwards he repented himself for taking Edmond Everard ;
and that as soone as he went to Spaine he sent to him a revo-

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 427
cation of any superioritie, or substitution that he left him ;
and in case that Thomas had authoritie to give the crosse or
habit, I am . persuaded it was onlie on habit of those that be
chapUns of the order, to whom those li-vings of Ireland did not
belong, but to the knights and commanders in whose livings
and churches theese chapUns were apointed by them. My
parish priest knowing aU this, and Cassilen advising me to keepe
the right and jurisdiction of the dioces, the parish priest went
to the Uttle church of the parish, which was never polluted, and
began to say masse in it in. presence of a greate assemblie of
people, and being in the masse, the same Edmond Everard
stept in and snacht away from the alter the chaUce, the patena,
oste, velum, and all, and gave them to his horseboy, who stoode
at the doore "with a good gelding, and upon the.spurr carried all
to Fidert : and Edmond spoke many wordes in derogation of
my callinge and place, and said he did not esteeme me more
than the same parish priest. I know that this barbarous, sacri-
legous, and sclanderous act "wUl grieve you, through the love
you beare to your countrie. Fernen. Ossoren., and the clergie
all in commons are much affrighted and ashamed for such a
wUde, savage attempt. I know they wUl all "write of it to all
the congregations that ought to take notice of the remedie of
such insolent- and sacrilegous jiroceedinge ; wherf or I thought it
fitt to relate so much of it, desiring you to worke with Bandino.
Ludovisio, Bentivoglio, Scaglia, and others, to pTo"vide some effi
cacious remedies for these things, otherwise our Church will be
brought to a moste miserable state, the authoritie of pastours
-despised, the laytie scandalized, the Protestants incouraged, and
many sacrileges committed to the greate hindrance of the soules
of the poor flock : them that love you heere and have greate
confidence in your integritie and fair dealinge, hope that you
"wiU worke faire and stronge salves for these cancres afore they
take more roote. Out of Brussells I writt to Mr. Calanan, and
sent him fourtie shillings or more (I doe not now remember
well how many), and I desired him "to gett the same parish of
St. John's grange, which in olde time did belonge to S. John's
order, fpr Walter Travers, the parish priest whom I placed in
it interim, specifing in his Bull a dispensation, or an union,
because that this prieste hath a Bull of KUronagh, an other
parish neer to S. John's grange, but all is too little to maintaine
him. Mr. Calanan doubtlesse left order for these and other
moneyes, and to gett this grant for Walter Travers, and in
regarde I doe not know to whom he left the charge of this and
other business, I beseech you to bid John Geraldino to gett

428 , APPENDIX TO THE
out the same BuU and grante as afore, and if there be noe
moneyes to pay him, I assure you I "will send you money to pay
him, wherby I may stop in this fashion the sacrUegous attempt
of the same supposed freyle Edmond Everard. Luke, I am yet
but a punie in the counti council ; but I hope i'le serve you :
Commend me to Antonie, Martin, Ponce, and the rest, etc. I
pray you tell father Regente that one of the order "wUl departe
heerhence soone after Christmasse to be at the Chapter, and
that a fortnight hence I "will send him the compremisso, fearing
the fryar would miscarie. I'le v\'i-ite to him by the way of
Paris. Commend me to the Master Assistante, etc. P.
Louvain, the 21 of June, 1629.
Mr. Callanan and verie loving friend my best love alwaies
remembred to you ; yours of the 20 of May I have received
here, marvaUing much that you should not have received my
letters ; for I protest, I have -written out of Bologna to father
Luke, and my letter I gave to Don Luca to be addressed to
him ; and afterwards I "wrote to you a large letter, which I in
closed in an other to father Regente, and I gave this packet to
the Master fr. Francesco Zaramo en S. Jacomo en Bologna, to
be conveyed to the Regent. Out of MUan I "wrote to you alsoe,
and I gave my letter to ye Cardinal Borromeo his chaplen to
be sent in the next post for Rome : I am much afraide that
those Pirats in Rome would cease upon my letters, for I mis
trust much of theire honestie; be very careful! I pray you in
procuring securitie in recovering your letters at the poste. I "writ
to you, and to father Luke out of BruxeUs, the letter to you I
conveyed in an other to father Regente, thinking this to be
the surist way, and father Luke's letter I sent loose, but both
in the Infanta's packett to Monsignor Vives.  I received
two letters out of Waterford from my Lord of CashUl,* and one
from Mr. Quely. CashUl commends to me to buy not only all
furniture for myne owne function, but allso some other things
for himself, and for my Dioces, he signifies to me that he sent
his postulation for me and Mr. Qiiely, which likely you have
received by this time. I have sent father Luke another postu-
lacion, that the clergie of Waterford made againe for me, not
knowing that the matter was ended before. In your letter,
you are very earnest "with me to lend a hundred crownes to-
Mr. Quely : God knows how UI I am in pUght to do it, especially
* Thomas Walsh.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY. 429
that I, have but a hundred pounds to receive of father Wadding,
which ¦wUl not suffice to buy me cloathes, a Pontificall, and
bookes necessarie for my function, and my charges homewards^
never the less I -wUl pinsh myself to serve Mr. Quely and you,
thrusting that if I be brought to extremitie, I shall meete some
merchant, that wUl lend me moneys afore I goe home. I
came hither to receive my moneys of father Wadding, and he
remitts me to Anvers to the Procurator of his order ; as soon
as I am paide, I "will deliver the hundred crowns ¦to father
Hugo Bardeo* according Mr. Quelye's du-ection, assuring you
that my desire to serve you, and not to want in Mr. Quelye's
necessitie doth make me toomitt to buy things most necessarie for
my -self, rather than he should suffer any extremitie. You
know well how little moneye I had for my journey, and if
Cardinal Ludovisio did not give me twentie crownes, and
Cardinal Borromeo five and twentie crownes I would be trought
to greate extremitie. Mr. Travers is gone afore me to Lon
don, God speede him well ; he wrote to you for the Pre-
centerie of Lismore ; but afterwards thinking better on
the matter, he thought it fitter to get St. John's Grange in
commendam, because it is meting -with his Parish in Diocesi of
Lismorensi ; and I am allso of this opinion, wherfore I and
he thought more convenient, that yo should omitt the Pre-
centerie, and solicit first the commendam of St. John's Grange,
Dioecesis Lismorensis, et ordinis S. Joannes Hierosolemitani,
pro-viding a dispensation, for he hath a Parish afore, and this
Grange allso hath cwram anima/rwm : he left me ten shUUngs
more to be sent to you, which I -wUl give to Mr. Portell
to be sent to you. I beseeche you againe not to undertake,-
nay to impediment, any provision of benefices in my diocese
untUl you see myne o-wne consent thereto; for I am warned out
of Ireland to prevent some aspiring fellowes that pretend more
then is fitt. I am also warned of future trubbles about Mottell,
but I think I am fitted to prove it is of St. Augustine's Order,
nevertheless I pray you be very carefull that the Bernardines
doe not gett forth there any Bull in prejudice of my right, for
I smell they meane to seeke Mottellf for their order, if in case
it be not of their order ; keepe this to yourself. As for Kilk-
litim procure it -with all speede in that forme, as I writt
to you out of BraxeUs, and out of Ireland. I hope I ¦wUl visit
you with my token, as soon as I can reach to any moneys, for
* Ward.
+ Near Carrick-on-Suir, where there waa a Convent of Canons Regular
of St. Austin, dissolved 31st K. Hen. VIII.

430 APPENDIX TO THE
now I protest to you, I am in angustUs, of one side seeing the
greate charges I must make, and of the other side, the necessitie
which Mr. Quely is in, as you and he do signifie to me : I will
be very glad to hear speedie and good newes of this business
well ended. Now that there is peace with France, I hope wee
shall have occasion of better correspondencie ; I pray you send
me by the next oportunity a dousin of the orations, for, those
that I brought hether are all most distributed all in these partes.
I finde no convenience of Embacedours, or other great per
sonages, that would shelter me to London, wherfore, -with the
help of God I -will go to Cales fifteene days hence, there to
expect some good fortune.
The Earles of Tyron and Tyrconell did use me very kindly ;
the fryars allso here, and a cousen of myne, fr. Edmond Bray
dedicated " Conclusions of Logick" to me. Be very warie in
conveying your letter to me, and in matters of secret, use my
figures, and the voyells I sent to you out of BruxeUs. Commend
me to Mr. Quely, and let this suffice for you both, for I am in
haste. Out of BruxeUs I -will write to you againe, in the
meane tune let this suffice. Bulduhe houldes out well, the
King's forces are greate, and ye common opinion is that they
wUl shortlie make the Highlanders leave the siege. Tell Pas-
quine that he is but a babling fellow, and that the Spaniards
hath another Pasquine, better than him, which speakes more
truth, and yet wUl seeme better to Italic. The Proclamiation
sett forth in Ireland against Ecclesiasticalls, is a bad token of
Ubertie of conscience in our countrie, as ye Inglish doth
publish in all partes ; I pray you let Congregatio de propaganda,
and of the Inquisition know this newse. I writt to Cardinal
Ludovisio t-wice ; and to Bentiroglio once, which I think is
sufficient. As for that naughtie pack James Goagh, I concurr
¦with you in your opinion of him ; likely he hath noe minde
ever to goe to Waterford, otherwise he would not be so bould
as to speake brode of me, I know that upon your letter,
my Lord Prior -wUl cast him away -with a vengence. Commend
me to my Lord Primate and to John Lombard ; to father
Anthony, to father Martin, father Ponce, father Leo, Spondeus,
and the rest there of the Irish plantation in Capeo le Case.
If the Spaniards go to Rome, doubtelesse they wUl share -with
you of the spoUe, for you are held in the predicament of
Spainards. I pray you bid the Spainish souldures when they
goe to Rome, to breake do^wne the wall that the Capuchins
did buUd in the nose of our Colledge ; as for fr. Michael I
know he -wiU run away least they sould make mincht meate of

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 431
him. Tell Mr. S. Laui-ence I did serve him, and thait I re
covered 2ld. of Mr. Sedgrave, and that according his direction,
they were delivered to Mr Portell by Mr Travers, to remitt
them to you for Mr. S. Laurence his use.
Commend me to the CoUegialls, to Mr. Geralduio ; and
especiallie to father Assistente and Regente. This in haste,
committing you to God. Your assured friend, Patrick, of Waterford.
I doe not -write to father Luke, having noe charge wherewith
to trubble him ; he knows I am his, and I know he is myne,
and soe noe compliments amongst us ; I "will write to him afore
I departe, and in the meane time kiss his sleeve Ui my name,
and bid him remember to commend to the fryars to pray for

To my very lo"ving and much respect frieiid
Mr Owen Callanan,
Rector of the Irish Seminary at Rome.
Appendix R r — p. 223.
Barry's Burial Place. — If there ever was a monument to
Eichard Barry in that grand old cathedral of St. Pierre, we may
presume that it was destroyed in 1793, when the Revolution
pUlaged and desecrated the holy place. Robert, bishop of Cork,
was succeeded by Peter Creagh, who died in 1693.
Appendix S s — p. 225.
De Burgo, who is usually so accurate in matters of fact, has
faUen into a strange error regarding Burgat, who, he asserts,
was not vicar-apostoUc of Emly in 1646, when the nunzio as-
senibled the clergy at Waterford to reject the treaty of peace.
The learned Dominican prelate was under the impression that
O'Hurly, bishop of Emly, was then dead ; that his successor,.
T. A. O'Brien, had been consecrated, and, consequently, that
Burgat, who signed the rejection of the peace as vicar-apostolic,
was nothing more than -vicar-general to the new bishop, who
was absent by reason of Ulness or some other legitimate im
pediment. Nothing however could be more erroneous than

432 APPENDIX TO THE
this -view of the matter, for O'Hurly, as we leam from the
nunzio's letter, dated August 11, 1646, precisely one day before
the meeting of the assembly, was then aUve, but " confined to
his bed insensible and speechless." Moreover, if Burgat had
been simply "vicar -general to T. A. O'Brien, he would have
subscribed the rejection of the peace under that designation,
and as proctor for the latter, if he had been then consecrated.
But so far was this from being the fact, that we find the
nunzio, in the letter already cited, urging the holy see to appoint
O'Brien to coadjutorship. It is quiet apparent that this portion
of the nunzio's correspondence escaped De Burgo's notice, else
he would not have fallen into such a patent mistake. Another
inaccuracy, such as the statement that MacMahon, bishop of
Clogher, was executed by order of Ireton, etc., is so palpable
as to be hardly worth noticing. — V. Hib. Dom., 657-8, and
Nunziatura, p. 103. Appendix T <— p. 228.
Touching this invasion of Ireland, lord Falkland, in a letter
to "viscount Kilultagh, dated Dublin Castle, AprU 29, 1627,
writes thus : " Out of Munster his lordship had the same ad
vertisement confirmed, with the addition that the books said to
be landed in Drogheda, in November last, were, amongst other
things, to this purpose, "viz., a declaration of Tyrone's title to
Ulster, "with a signification to all people in Ireland that the
king of Spain was resolved to send him over with an army in
July next, and in Ulster to denounce him king thereof, and
there to crown him, and that "withal he should be governor of
all Ireland in the king of Spain's behalf, "with power to create
such and such noblemen for the better encouragement of men
of name to adhere unto him. And for the better security of all
papists "within the land, the better to win them either to take
part with him or not to oppose him, a proclamation is then to
be published, that no papist throughout the kingdom, of what
descent or condition soever, shall lose one drop of blood, or one
penny value of either lands or goods. Now, his lordship desires
it may be seriously considered whether indulgences from the
laws and promise of toleration of religion be seasonable to be
contuiued, or any security gained by it, and how dangerous it
is to be put upon the purse of the kingdom to maintain the
army meant to defend it, which so depending on their courtesy
whereof many are disaffected, it would be abandoned of all
succours, and be sure to be betrayed in the greatest necessity "
— S.P.O.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEARCHY. 433
Appendix U u — p. 233.
Five days after the battle Owen Roe addressed the follo"wuig
letter to the nunzio : —
Most Illustrious and Reveeend Lord. — On the 5th instant
I measured swordswith general Munroe : the action lasted four or
five hours with great carnage tUl it pleased Almighty God to give
us the "victory : to Him be the glory and praise for ever and
ever. The Puritans had ten regiments of foot, and twelve
squadrons of horse, all of which have been utterly destroyed.
The standards, great guns, tents, airms, provisions, valuable
ornaments, etc., etc., have all fallen into the hands of our
soldiers. All the officers are either slain or made prisoners.
Munroe we have not been able to find alive or dead ; his wig,
cloak, and head-gear were picked up by our men. Lord Mont
gomery, who commanded theu- horse, now our prisoner, after
identifying these objects, says that Munroe must have been
kUled. By-and-bye we ¦will ascertain what became of him.
I leave the circumstantial account of this action, and of our
actual condition, to father Boetius Egan, of the order of St.
Francis, who will give you all particulars. I beseech you to get
from the Supreme CouncU two pieces of cannon, with suitable
ball, as we are desirous to arm a few fortresses, which we can
easUy do if our request is granted in due time. I beseech you
like"wise to pray for us and to have solemn thanks returned to
the Di"vine Majesty who has blessed us with such a signal
"victory. If your grace wUl see to the wants of this army, you
"wiU always find it ready to protect religion and crash our
enemies. From ^ur Camp at Benburb, 9 June, 1646.
Don Eugene O'Neill-
Five days after the battle lord Blayney's body was found
on the field. MacMahon, bishop of Clogher, was present
during the action. The inventory of the spoil runs thus
in the Rinuecini Papers, from which these particulars are
taken: "1500 draught horses, a quantity of wearing apparel,
silver vessels, heavy guns, provision for two months, measures
of flour, 32 libs, of butter, cheese, vinegar, beer, a barrel of wine,
22 libs, of sugar, 16 libs, of tobacco, bread, biscuit, 200 libs, salt
ineat, and five large fishes pickled." The colours were sent to
Rome, and suspended in St. Peter's tUl the pontificate of
Alexander VII., when, after being used to decora"te the basilica
2f

434 appendix to the
at the canonization of St Thomas de VUlanova, they were taken
do^wn and folded. The foUo^wing is the original : —
Illme. et Rme. Dne. — Die 5a presentis mensis contuli signa
cum exercitu generaUs Montroi : quatuor aut quinque ' horis
acen-ime fuit dimicatum ; tandem D. O. M. voluit victoriam
penes Catholicos esse. Ipsi gloria in saecula. Ille exercitus con-
stabat X legionibus peditum, et 1 2 turmis equitum : penitus est
deletus. "V"exilla, tormenta bellica, tentoria, arma, comeatus et
ornameiita. ejus omnia in jDotestatem Catholici militis deve-
nerunt: officiales omnes vel coesi sunt aut capti. Solus Mon-
troius nee "vivus invenitur, nee mortuus ; ipsius adscititU crines,
pallium, biretum, et tunica, apud gregarium militem sunt in-
venta. D.vicecomes Montgomerii, qui apud ipsos extitit impera-
for equitum, apud nos nunc captivus, "visis et agnitis illis ornamen
tis dicit se omnino credere ipsum occisum ; dicetur bre"vi quid ei
evenerit. Fusiorem relationem hujus proelii, uti et status
nostri universi, relinquo Patri definitori Boetio Egano. Solum
rogo ut sua gratia moveat Supremum Concilium ad mittenda
propere in hanc provinciam 2 tormenta bellica et globes com-
petentes, ut possit adjicere fortalitia saltem aliquae, quod
effecerit omnipotens, uti omnino spero, si ilia mittuntur tem-
pestive. Rogo simUiter ut gratia vestra oret pro nobis et di"vinae
Majestati "videat agi solemniter pro supradicta "victoria, gratias.
Si provideat gratia huic exercitui erit singulari auxilio religionis
conservationi, et hostibus propellendis opportunus.
Ex Cast, apud Bembord, 9th June, 1646.
D. Eugenius O'Neill.

In a letter, dated Limerick, 19th July, 1646, the nunzio
-"At Bunratty we have taken ten stands of colours from
the English, and we "will cause them to be carried in procession
when we go to sing ' Te Deum.' " — Nunz., p. 150. It may be
worth remarking, that Rinuecini was very desirous to famUiarise
the Irish with pageants of this sort, which he knew could not
fail to produce deep, if not lasting, impressions on their sensitive
minds. One good result may have attended this introduction
of continental custom, for the Irish soldiers, who usually dispersed
and went home with whatever plunder they got on the battle
field, were thus kept together and rendered more amenaible to
discipline. It is almost unnecessary to state that a great part
of Owen O'NeUl's troops broke up after the fight at Benburb,

memoirs of the IRISH HIEEAECHY. 435
and returned home "with the spoil of Munroe's camp. " The
gossoons," says a contemporary writer, " ran off with the sUk,
cloth of gold, etc., and made them into hatbands."
Appendix X x — p. 234.
Quando Waddingdus Usdem diebus a nuncio accepisset litteras
ex tugurio castrensi, et obsidione Bunratensi datas, replicans
praefatse epistolae, Italice : lUmus. (inquit) D. Rinuccinus in
castris ! In tugurio castrensi ex gleba et cespite I — Rmuccinus
in mUitem et ducem conversus ! Quis unquam id credidisset
futurum et quando ipse id unquam potuisset cogitare % Quisquis
id ipsi ante biennium voluissit persuadere, ipsum habuisset mente
captum. Sed D^i causa id egit — digitus Dei est hie. Cum tali
duce (credo) et tam sancto praefecto generali Dominus dabit
"virtutem et f ortitudinem plebi suae.

Appendix Y y — p. 237.
Another prelate of the same name, surname, and religious
order, held the see of Elphin at this period. He was born at
Park, county Galway,' made his religious profession at Louvain,
in 1611, and was appointed to the see of Elphin, on the recom-
menda-tion of Florence Conry, archbishop of Tuam, in 1626. This
Dr. Egan had a memorable controversy with the abbot of Boyle,
who thought to exempt himself from his diocesan's jurisdiction,
and was subsequently styled "Abbas BuUeni, filius sacri-
legu." Egan was very learned in the Irish language, and
brother Michael O'Clery dedicated to him his famous
treatise. He resided constantly with Ulick Burke, at Glinsk,
till the Confederates gave him possession of his see, when he re
buUt and inhabited the episcopal palace of Elphin. Lynch, who
was personally acquainted "with hun, says that he was profoundly
versed in the Irish idiom, very hospitable, and a munificent
patron of learning. The same high authority states that
he always wore the Franciscan habit under his episcopal
apparel, and could never be induced to use any shirt but the
coarse flannel one prescribed by the rule of St. Francis. He
passed the two last years of his life in the monastery of Kil
conneU, where he erected a monument for himself in the chapter
house. A silver chalice which belonged to him is still preserved
in the Franciscan convent of Athlone. He died in 1650, in
the seventieth year of his age, and thirty-fifth of his episcopate.

436 appendix to the
Appendix Z z — p. 247.
Eugene MacMahon ha"ving been translated to _ Dublin,
1611, the following petition, praying promotion of father
Francis MacDonneU,* O.S.F., to the see of Clogher, was pre
sented to the holy see. But Heber MacMahon, who acted as
"vicar-apostolic of Clogher from 1637 to 1640, was, in 1642,
advanced to the vacancy which four bishops with the primate at
theu- head could not procure for lord Antrim's son : — ,
" Beatissime Patee — Non mediocri afficimur laetitia "videntes
quod ingrata non sit quae in gratiarum actiones, et continuas ad
Deum pro Va. Beatitudine preces quotidie resolvantur in Hy
bernia, animadvertens quanta fidei, et Christiaiiarum virtutum
susoeperit incrementa, et in dies suscipiat cura et "vigilantia
eorum, quos S. va. ad episcopales in hoc regno dignitates evexit.
Et certe jure merito id facit Hybernia, quse cum non ita multis
ab hinc annis vix (proh dolor) haberet qui panem filUs f rangeret,
nunc habeat per Dei gratiam, et vestram clementiam, episcopos
non paucos, aliosque operarios frequentes ; ita ut si Deiis Opt.
Max. conservet (quod ex ammo, ut debemus, nos omnes opta-
mus) Vm. B. speremus reipsa bre"vi comprobari, et manifestari
propheticum illud Di PatricU de future Hybernoram in fide
statu somnium quo sibi "visus est "videre omnem Hyberniae
ignem pene penitus exstinctum rursus excitari ad tantum in-
cendium, ut regie tota conflagrarit. Et hinc est quod nos Ard
machanae provincise ejsiscopi, qui firmam de vestra solita de
mentia spem animis concepimus, desiderantes assumere nobis
aliquem in partem solicitudinis, non vereamur B. Vse, cum sacro
pedum osculo, ac quam humillime supplicare pro Rdi. P. Fratris
Francisci M'Donnell promotione ad episcopaUa munia in diocesi
Clooherensi subeunda. Etenim multis ad hoc movemur argu-
mentis ; ejus quippe hominis (in quem tam paterna, quam
materna procreatione, sincerus antiquorum Hyberniae principum
defluxit sanguis) dignitatem, et idoneitatem notant, qui cum
illustrissimi domini comitis Antrimensis, -viri in Anglia, Hy
bernia, Scotia, illustris nominis, et maximae authoritatis, filius
esset, omnia propter Christum reliquerit, et se a teneris annis
Franciscanse strictioris observantiae addixerit miUtise ; sub cujus
* See the Eev. J. HiU'a " MaoDonnells of Antrim,'" a most learned and
interesting history of that Ulustrious family. Father Francis died 26th
August, 1636. Hia decease is recorded in the Franciscan hook of obits
thus :— " Die 26 August, decessit E. P. Franciscus McDonneU, Illmi.
comitis de Antrim, filius. Guardianus emeritus in Hibernia, et ex-diffini-
tor, hujus coUegii St. Antonii, Guardianus."

MEMOIES OP THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 437
disciplina tantum in probitate et doctrina fecit profectum, ut
etiam nunc temporis huic regno sit utilitaiti, et suo ordim gloriw,
et honori. Praeterea ipsius diocesis Clogherensis incolaj, prae
sertim optimates, et viri nobiles, omnes pene consangumitate
illi, vel affinitate conjuncti, ipsum intime amant, eumque sibi
prsefici desiderant. Quid quod illustrissimus comes pater ejus
in Hybernia profecto nulli in protegendo fidem Catholicam, et
bene merendo de ecclesia secundus, id ardentissime cupit, ut in
Domino possit gloriari, quod filium procreavit dignum, qui assu-
matur ut in vinea Dominica laboret. Non ignorat enim sapiens
comes propter filiomm merita, parentibus multa a Deo concedi.
Est et aliud denique non exigui (nostro judicio ponderis argu-
mentum scilicet, quod si forte in nos ferventius (quod Deus
avertat) persecutionis rabies grassetur, ipse propter patris sui
magnam cum Anglis et Scotis ¦viris principibus, et magnatibus
necessitudinem, liberius quam uUus nostrum aUus suam exer-
ceret functionem. Hse sunt atque aliae rationes et causae, qui
bus episcoporum hujus pro^vinciae Ardmachanae mota est con
gregatio ; de quibus vestram Beatitudinem reddere certioreni
equum judica^vit, ut eas approbatas si ita -visum fuerit, juxta
solitam clementiam et singularem in hanc patriam affectum
seoundet atque effectuet Va. Beatitude. Quam Deus Opt. Max.
ad sui nominis gloriam conservet incolumem.
" Datum ex loco nostri refugU in Hybernia, 22 JuUi, 1632.
" Hugo Reilly, Armachanus.
"Thomas, Medensis.
" Joan. CuUinan, Rapotensis.
" Eug. Sweeny, KUmorensis.
" Bonaventura, Dun. et Connor."
" Most blessed Fathee — We are filled "with joy at hearing
that our continuous prayers for your hoUness, and our hearts'
thanks for benefits conferred oq Deland, have not proved un
acceptable. Ireland acknowledges the increment of faith and
Christian "virtues she has already received, and is every day
receiving, from the zeal and "vigUance of those whom your holi
ness has raised to bishoprics in our country. A few years ago
this island had hardly anyone to break bread to her children ;
but now, by God's favour, and your clemency, she has a fau-
number of bishops, and very many energetic priests ; so much
so, that in a short time hence we hope to see realized the pro
phetic "vision of St. Patrick, who in a dream beheld all the fires

438 APPENDIX TO THE
in this land nearly quenched, and then suddenly flaring into a
magniflcent conflagration. Hence it is that we bishops of the
province of Armagh, relying on your wonted clemency, and
desiring to have a partner in our pastoral charge, have not
hesitated to supplicate your holiness to advance the reverend
father Francis M'Donnell to the see of Clogher. We have been
moved by good reasons to make this request. He for whom we
postulate derives from father and mother the best blood of the
ancient Irish princes. Again, his fitness and deservings "will be
the more apparent when we state that he, although son of the
earl of Antrim* — a personage of vast influence in England,
Scotland and Ireland — left all things for Christ, and whUe yet
a" stripling took the habit of St. Francis, m a convent of the
Strict Observance. His virtues and leamuig are appreciated
by his country and order, to both of which he is an ornament.
Furthermore, the inhabitants of the diocese of Clogher, the
nobility and gentry especially, who are allied to him, either
by consanguinity or affinity, love him and, long to have him
appointed their spiritual chief. We may add, that his noble
father, who is a zealous protector of religion, and has deserved
well of the Church, ardently desires to be able to glorify the
Lord, for having given him a son worthy such a grand office.
The sage earl knows that the merits of the children incline God
to deal mercifully with theu- parents. Another consideration,
and in our opinion of great moment, can be urged in this man'^
behalf. Should persecution — may heaven avert it — come more
flercely upon us, he, owing to his sire's connexions "with many
of the principal families of Scotland and England, wiU be com
paratively free in the exercise of his sacred calling. These are
among the motives which have urge.d the bishops of the
pro"vince of Armagh to supplicate your hoUness," etc., etc.
"From the place of our refuge in Ireland, 22nd July, 1632.
" Hugh ReUly, Armagh.
"Thomas, Meath.
" John CuUinan, Raphoe.
" Eugene Sweeny, Kilmore.
" Bonaventure, Down and Connor.

* Sir Eandal MacSorley MacDonneU of Dunluce, advanced to the
earldom of Antrim, 1620. He married EUce, sister of the great earl of
Tyrone,' and died 1636.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY. 439
Appendix A a a — -p. 248.
It will be seen elsewhere that urgent instance was made for
advancement of the son of the earl of Antrim to the see of
Clogher, and that he was overpassed for the bishop-elect of Down
and Connor. Appendix B b b — p. 248.
A letter of the same tenor from Owen O'Neill to the nunzio
condones all the injuries, etc., etc., which he had received from
sir Phelim, and sets forth that he was anxious to Uve and ,die
in peace "with his kinsman.
" Ego infrascriptus in gratiam Illmi. Dni. Joannis Baptistae
Einuccini, archiepiscopi Fu-mani, apud Confoederatos Ibernise
Catholicos ExtraordinarU Aplci. nuntii ; eoque fine ut obsequi
um Deo et patriae praestandum, sine uUa cujuscumque contro
versia, procedat; libere et ex animo condone Dno. Felici O'NeUl
quidquid ab eo contra meam personam et coram quibuscumque
emanavit, sperans ilium imposterum mihi bonum futurum ami-
cum quemadmolum et ego illi vicissim fore promitto : In cujus
testimonium .subscripsi Kilkenniae,
" 23 MartU, 1646. " Don Eugenius O'Neill."
Appendix C c c — p. 252.
The agreement which the Confederate generals subscribed, at
the nunzio's instance, proves that divisions and dissensions were
as rife among Irish Catholics in the seventeenth century as they
are at the present moment : —
" Cum D. nuncius ex zelo, et fervore ad promovendam reli
gionem Catholicam, et preservationem hujus gentis mihi repre-
sentaverit nihil excogitai-i posse (excepta Dei omnipotentia),
magis efficaciter praevalens, et in bonum publicum redundans
quam perfecta unio inter confederates Catholicos, sic e contrario,
nihU esse pemiciosius, et execrabilius bono publico quaim pro-
creata divisio, et odium inter semetipsos ; et ad preservandos
prefatos CathoUcos in perfecta unione omnino existimat neces-
sarium quod varU rumores in vulgus cUspersi discordiae et divi-
sionis quae censentur exortse inter me, et Generalem Ultoniae,
causaeque Ulorum rumorum remotae et concUiatae extarent mutua
declaratione sub manibus ; et vero ut ejus sanctae, et piiB reso-
lutiones deberent in cordibus omnium bonorum Catholicorum
locum habere, sic esset execrabile, et impiiun in conspectu Dei,

440

APPENDIX TO THE

et hominum quod ullius conatus dessent, et deficerent, ubi
causam Dei promovere potuissent, et in hoc digitus Dei meam
conscientiam tangit. Quare ut in coelesti, aut terrestri felici
tate, mihi, et meis posteris Deum propitium esse velim, sic
manifestum facio non obstantibus anteactis discordUs inter me
et Generalem Ultonias ortis, me in posterum ex toto corde, et
totis viribus auxiliaturum illi, ubi se occasio affulgerit, sive in
publico ser"vitio, sive private comodo neve verbis, aut scriptis,
aut factis aliquid facturum, qiiod UU damnum, aut infamise
notam inurere, aut quod ulla ratione discordiam seminare posset,
et me non ausculturam, vel fidem habiturum ulli rumori allici-
enti ad discordiam promovendam inter nos ; sed remoturum
tales a me, et summopere cupio ut omnes inimicas, et discordes
cogitationes ab utriusque nostrum mentibus exulent, et illarum
vice perfeotus amor, et Christiana charitas, nostris cordibus
conferantur, quod mihi firmiter propono, et in hunc finem
manum apposni, et promptus paratusque sum hoc omne proprio
sanguine confirmare. Ad melius prseservandam hanc unionem
fideUter observabo in omnibus Domini nuncU mandata, tan
quam principalia motiva, et media ad fovendos et praeservandos
nos in hac unione, ut melius in exaltatione causae Dei proce-
datur. " Peeston." " Eug. O'Neill.
Appendix D d cZ— -p. 252.
Die 23a JuUi fortissimum et antiquissimum comitis KUdarise
Augustale (Moynudium), Anglice Maynooth, Hibemi adoriuntur
mUites pedestres, inf ractis animis per fenestras insilientes. Ex
Hibernis, dum tecta superant sexdecim desiderantur. Sed ob-
sessi defensionis animum deperdentes citra pactionem se suaque
Catholicorum misericordise submisserunt. Praeda omni gregarUs
multibus jure merito reUcta, capti sunt ex hostibus centuriones
bini, totidem subcenturiones, sex inferioris gradus officiales,
miUtum centum, praeter multas faeminas et pueros, et tria
vexilla. Cum autem praesidiarii essent Angli cum Hibernis in
patriam regemque apostatis commixti, Anglis quidem, et Us
quibus sexus tenellaque^ setas patrocinarentur misericorditer
parcitum est, sed Hibemi numero "viginti sex, quorum aliquot
officiales, reliquos vero colligo in defectionis psenam laqueo vitam
finierunt. — Rinuecini Papers.
Appendix E e e — p. 256.
O'Neill's secretary has left us the "Lament," which we

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEARCHY. 441
subjoin, and which has many points of resemblance to Davis's
popular lines on the same subject : —
" I lament the death of a brave warrior, the choice champion of
his holiness Urban VIIL, who requiring his repair into Ireland
for the Catholic war, as ha"ving pregnant testimony of his fidelity
and uberant fortune in such affairs. A soldier smce a boy in
the only martial academy of Christendom — Flanders : never
drawing his sword, unto his dying day, other than in the
defence of the Catholic religion, as witness Bohemia, Norway,
Denmark, and now Ireland ! This bulwark of holy religion
and pope's Scanderberg, Don Eugenius O'Neill, severally im
peded in his godly design by bad members of this said kingdom,
as a tall cedar, placed on the mountain top of fame, was sensibly
shaken, and overturned by the loftier "blasts and thundering
winds of emulation. Fortune in his time was favourable — the
Church fiourished ; the miUtia, in emulation of his "virtues,
warlike ; the enemy weak and declining ; the country plentiful.
But now by his death the enemy is grown strong and cruel ; no
city,^ fort, or town to oppose him ; no church, monastery, or
religious house inhabited. This is why I lament the death of so
great a man, whose only name (if but like an echo uttered, and
his corpse in a cradle or chariot carried) would keep life and
breath in the decayed affairs of Ireland. "What wUl the poor
northern people do now ] Your father, ruler, general, is now
no more !" — Aph. Discov., p. 121.
Appendix F//— -p. 257.
Circumstantial detaUs of O'Neill's illness and death "will be
found in the memoir of O'Shiel, at close of this work.
Appendix G g g — p. 265. '
Bonaventure Magennis, O.S.F., whose qualifications for the
see of Down and Connor are set forth in the following docu
ments, was consecrated A.D. 1629, and died A.D. 1640 : —
Beatissime Pater, — Pia Ula solUcitudo solUcitaque Roman-
onun Pontificum a temporibus Celestini primi (quo mittente
sanctoque nostro Apostolo Patritio praedicante, majores nostri
Christi fidem suscepere) erga hoc nostrum Hiberniae regnum
providentia et cura, fraequentissimaeque sanctae sedis Apostolic»
benedictiones eidem impertitae fecerant ut eum sanctitatis
gradum assequeretur quod olim ubique terrarum SS. Insula
nuncuparetur ; ad tam celebrem religionem et religiosam erga
Romanes Pontifices et sanctam sedem devenerit obedientiam

442

appendix to the

ut jure optimo Romana regie appellari posset ; et ad tam miram,.
bisque postremis temporibus, raram fidej constantiam, ac erga
divi Petri cathedram ascenderit obsequium ut cum magna "vicin-
arum regionum admiratione, et aedificatione reliquis fortius et
illustrius contra fidei hostes steterit et perseveraverit. Quae ut
nequam posthac decrescant, imo indies augeantur, nostrique ad
adversa preferenda reddantur animosiores ; post oscula pedum
S. v., actisque infinitis gratUs pro summo illo honore quo S. V.
me licet imbecillem, et infirmum, ac indignum, ad Archiepisco
patum Ardmachanum huj usque regni primatum transferendo et
evehendo nuper effecit, debitam inde fidelitatem, et obsequium
prsemittens ; S. Vam. ego cum infrascriptis illms. et rmis. meis
fratribus humillime obsecramus, ut -vineae hujus Hybernicae a
piissimis sanctitatis vestrae praedecessoribus plantatae, et a S.
Patritio irrigatse, quae palmites suos a niari usque ad mare per
totam Europam extendit, et gratissimas ad coeleste convi"vium
uvas saepe transmisit, pari cum praedecessoribus zelo et sollici-
tudine curam geratis. Porro impraesentiarum unum prae reli
quis 'Sanctitatse Vestrae notum esse volumus et optamus nos
trorum, viz., in fide adversariorum conatus Omnes et molimina
eo prsecipue tendere ut hujus regni praelatos deprimant et a suis
functionibus exercendis impediant ; nos autem desursum auxi-.
Iium opportunum quantumvis serum speramus, nuUumque contra
praedicta molimina praesentius et salubrius videmuS remedium
quam ut hujusce regni ecclesus idonei praeficiantur prselati qui
exemplo conversationis, et verbo vitae populos sibi commissos ad
virtutem provocent, et ad martyrium (si necesse sit) praecedant.
Quod ut rite et absque uUo sun-eptionis vel obreptionis "vitio
fiat Vestram Sanctitatem humillime rogamus ut hujusce soUi-
citudinis partem nobis quam"vis infirmis imponatis, nullosq.
praesertim ex nostris provincUs, nisi a nobis commendatos, ad
praelaturas in Hybernia admittatis. NuUius autem ecclesise
jam vacantis magis quam Dunensis et Conorensis dioecesis duo-
bus perillustribus athletis suis consequenter maritis Comelio et
Edmundo orbatse, "viduitatem deploramus, reque dUigenter con-
siderata, et mature praemisso consilio, nullum dilecto nostro rdo.
patre fre. Bonaventura Magnesio, Minorita Hiberno, et Sanc
titatis Vestrae ad Sum. Joan. Lat. penitentiario digniorem cui
Ula venerabiUs "vidua desponsaretur reperU-e potuimus ; nobUi
siquidem famiUa est oriundus, multos nobiles et potentes in hac
provincia habet amicos et cognates, litteraturae sufficientis,
gra"vis, plus, prudens, legitime thoro natus, legitimaeque ad
episcopalem dignitatem ajtatis. Quocirca Vestram Sanctita
tem postulando obnixe et humillime rogamus ut eumdenr

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 443
patrem prsedictae Dunenis et Conorensis ecclesise pi-aeficere, illi-
usque eum spiritualem conjugem et episcopum creando promo
vere dignemini ; ex cujus promotione uberem in hac Domini
"vinea fructum, magnumque in nostro munere obeundo solatium,
et auxUium certo speramus ; sicque Sanctitatis Vestrte pedes
reverenter deosculantes, hac vice cessamus.
"Datum in loco mansionis nostra, 7 Sep. 1629.
" Sanctitatis vestrae humillimi in Christo servi,
" Hugo Reilly, Electus Archieps. Ardmachus.
"Fr. T. Fleming, Archiep. Dub. H. P.
" Eugenius, Electus KUmorensis Episcopus."
" Most Holy Father, — The pious solicitude and ceaseless
vigUance "with which the Roman Pontiffs have watched over
Ireland ever since Celestine I. (who sent the apostle from
whom our forefathers received the faith), and the multitu
dinous benedictions which the holy see bestowed on us, helped
our country to obtain the appellation of island of saints, by
which it was formerly kno"wn throughout the universe. Such
was Ireland's devotedness to the Roman pontiffs, and such its
obedience to the holy see, that it might well be called an
integral portion of Rome. But in these latter times, such
wonderful and unparaUeled fealty to the chair of Peter has
astonished and edified neighbouring peoples, when they beheld
us struggling more persistently than any other country against
the enemies of religion. And now, in order that that devoted
ness may not wax faint, but grow stronger day by day, and
that our people may be encouraged to sustain affliction, I, after
kissing your hoUness's feet, and tendering the expression of my
gratitude for the great honour conferred by translating one so
weak and unworthy to the archbishopric of Armagh and pri
macy of this kingdom, "with the undersigned, my most reverend
and illustrious brothers, suppUantly beseech that your holiness
wUl deign to look on Ireland with the same zeal and solicitude
which your predecessors have at all times shown for that -vine
yard of the Lord planted and tilled by Patrick, which stretched
its branches from sea to sea, and often sent choicest grapes to
the celestial banquet. Just now we would have your holiness
know, that the chiefest aim of our enemies is to humble the
prelates of this Church and impede them in the exercise of their
functions. We, therefore, reckoning upon aid from on high,
however slow it may be in coming, see no better remedy for

444 APPENDIX TO THE
the evils which encompass us, than the appointment to our
churches of bishops who, by word and example, will not only
lead their people to virtue, but if necessary, precede them to
martyrdom. And that this may be accomplished without taint
of fraud or craft, we pray your holUiess to grant us, however
feeble, some 'share of this solicitude, and to advance none of
our provincials to Irish prelacies if they be not recommended by
us. And now, deeply deploring the viduity of the diocese of
Down and Connor, bereft of its chiefs, Cornelius and Edmond,
we, after mature deliberation, have convinced ourselves that
none can be found more worthy of said see than our beloved
father, brother Bonaventure Magennis, Franciscan, and Peni
tentiary of the Lateran by your holiness's favour. He comes
of a noble race, has many most influential connexions in this
pro"vince, sufficient Uterature, piety, and dignity of manners.
We then most humbly implore your holUiess to appoint said
father to the church of Down and Connor, and make him its
spiritual spouse and bishop. By doing so we will receive great
aid and comfort in discharging our office ; and thus kissing
your feet, we rest your humble servants in Christ,
" Hugh Reilly, Archb. Elect Armagh.
" Br. F. Fleming, Archb. Dublin, and P. of Ireland.
" Eugene, Bishop Elect of Kilmore.
"From our residence, Sept. 7, 1629."
" O'Donnellus comes Tirconalliae, bare Lefferensis, Dominus
prov. Inferioris Connaciae et Sligo, ordinis Alcantarae
eques, etc., etc.
" Veritati testimonium perhibere, publicoque Ultoniensis
nostrae provincise utiUtati cupiens consulere, et Dominum prse
oculis habens veritatis hujusce testem praesentibus litteris manu
nostrae et sigillo insignium subsignatis, fidem facio Rdum.
Prem. Bonaventuram Magnesium, O. M. S. F. S. 0., nobillis-
simo stemmate in pro"vincia .nostra Ultoniae oriundum, mihi et
plerisqne proceribus ejusdem pro"vinciae consanguineum, comitis
Tironiae consobrinum, et nepotem "vice-comitis de Iveagh equitis
aurati Raflilensis, atque hujus antiquissimse famUiae Magnesi-
orum capitis ; esse etiam magnae expectationis et pietatis, nee
minoris opinionis in re Utteraria, variaramque linguarum
peritia, necnon prudentiae et dexteritatis in rebus agendis, et
ingentis zeli promovendae rei Catholicae ; quem ideo cum alUs
censeo idoneum qui ad qualemcumque dignitatem ecclesiasti
cam in eadem pro"vincia pras alUs multis sublimetur, et omni
tali honore dignissimum, et futurum maxime gratum et bene

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERAECHY. 445-
acceptum populo, nobilitati et clero, quos omnes beneficium
singulare acceptum relaturos credo in eo quod prsedictus ejus
modi dignitate donetur, egoque id tanquam in me ipsum
coUatum gratus agnoscam ; quamque enixe possum humiliter
fio supplex. Sedi Aplicae. id conferre non dedignetur.
"Actum BruxeUis, die 26 Dec, A. 1626.
" O'Donnell, comes Tyrconalliae.
" O'Donel, Earl of Tyi-coimel, Baron of Lifford, Lord of the
pro^vince of Lower Connaught and SUgo, Knight of the
Order of Alcantara, &c.
" Anxious to bear testimony to real worth, solicitous for the
welfare of the pro^vince of Ulster, and ha^ving before my eyes-
God, who ¦witnesseth the truth of what is asserted in these pre
sents, signed with my o^wn hand and seal, I certify that the
reverend father Bonaventure Magennis, of the Order of
St. Francis, descends from a most noble family of our pro-vince
of Ulster — that he is related to me and many of the noblemen
of the same province — cousin-german of my brother the earl of
Tirone, and nephew of the earl of Iveagh, knight of Rathfri-
land, and head of the most ancient house of the Maginnises.
I further declare that he is a man of great promise and piety,.
weU versed in literature, gifted -with knowledge of many
languages, possessing prudence and capacity for the manage
ment of pubUc business, and great zeal for promoting Catho
licity. Conjointly therefore -with others, I deem him not
only fit for any ecclesiastical dignity in the foresaid pro"vince, but
also worthy of being preferred to every one else, and most de
ser-ving of such high honour. And I further declare that the
appointment of him will be a subject of congratulation to the
people, nobility, and clergy, all of whom wUl regard it as a
special benefit conferred upon themselves, should the foresaid
¦father be invested with such an august dignity. For my own
part I "will regard the appointment as a favour granted to-
myself and country, and will gratefully acknowledge it as such.
With most earnest entreaty, therefore, I humbly beg the apos
tolic see not to refuse the granting of my prayer.
'¦ O'Donel, Earl of Tyrconnel.
" Given at Brassels, Dec. 26, 1626."
He was succeeded by Arthur Magennis, a member of the
Cistertian order, and nephew to Owen Roe O'NeUl. This
prelate's nomination -was made in 1647, and in the following^

446 APPENDIX TO THE
year he was consecrated by Rinuecini at KUkenny. He was a
member of the supreme councU for the province of Ulster,
and acted as such while only bishop elect. Like his uncle, he
was sincerely devoted to the nunzio's poUcy, and did his utmost
to support it. In May, 1652, he was commissioned by the
prelates assembled at Loughrea, to proceed to Rome on their
business, and he accordingly set sail from the island of Inis-
boffiii with Lynch, bishop of KUfenora, and many other ec
clesiastics, who took that opportunity of escaping the Crom
weUians. The ship which bore Magennis and his companions
in misfortune was not long at sea when it was overtaken and
fired into by a parliamentary cruiser ; and such was the shock
his already enfeebled constitution sustained from this occurrence,
that he died soon afterwards. The same shot sent a shower of
splinters over the head of the bishop of Kilfenora, "without,
however, doing him material injury. Magennis's body was
committed to the deep ; for, as the wind was blo"wing off the
land, his friends were constrained to adopt this manner of
burial. As to Clogher, it may not be out of place to state,
that Patrick Duffy, a Franciscan and native of Ulster, held
that see in 1671 and was succeeded by Patrick Tyrrell, of West
meath, who made his religious profession in Multifernan, and
filled the chair of theology in the convent of St. Isidore, Rome.

Ancient Irish medical doctors — O'Shiel, the " The Eagle of
Physicans " — Siege of Athy — Da/me Catherine O'Shiel—
Woodstock — Council of Warr before battle of Schear-
Saullis — Defeat of MacMahon, bishop of Clogher — Death
of the " Eagl^' — Execution of Henry O'Neill.
The ancient Irish chieftains were at all times most worship
ful protectors of the professors of the healing art, and, indeed,
when we call to mind the almost incessant mortal feuds in
which they were engaged, we need not wonder at their zealous
patronage of the positive science of surgery. We have ample
evidence to prove that hospitals and leper houses were estab
lished in Ireland at a very early period, in connexion "with the
monastic institutions, and that the inmates of the latter, here
as well as in Italy, exercised the calling of surgeons and
physicians for many ages, till the canon law forbade them to
continue its practice. It would appear, however, that the
chieftains had each their own hereditary physician, for whose
maintenance they allotted large tracts of land, which were
set apart as the exclusive property of the practitioners, and

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 447
regarded as a sort of sacred territory in times of war as well as
of peace. The independence which the physician was thus
enabled to enjoy afforded him ample time to produce medical
works, which were carefully transmitted from father to son,
some of which have fortunately survived the accidents of time,
and are still preserved in the Royal Irish Academy, the British
Museum, and other repositories. These tracts are in manu
script, and are, for the most part translations fi-om the Latin
of A"vicenna, the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, Galen, Razes,
and other fathers of the healing art. The translations, or
rather commentaries, all of which are in the Irish character,
cleary prove thait the early practitioners of medicine in this
country strove to advance the progress of their art, and that
they did not spend their time idly on those vast estates with
which the native princes endowed them. As late as 1571,
Campion bears reluctant testimony to their love of general
Uterature, and the prosecution of medical science in particular;
for he tells us that the Irish "speak Latin Uke a vulgar tongue,
learned in their common schools of Leach* craft, whereat they
begin children and hold on to sixteen or twenty years, conning
by rote the aphorisms of Hippocrates."
The names of many of the hereditary physicians have been
faithfully transmitted to our times, and it may gratify some of
our modem medical men to know who they were, and what
amount of compensation they received from theu- lords and
patrons. The O'Cassidys were physicians to the Maguires of
Fermanagh for fully two centuries, that is, from 1320 till
1504, when Thomas O'Cassidy, the last hereditary practi
tioner, -wrote a tract on the " nature and cure of the differ
ent diseases incident to the human frame." The O'Lees
were for many centuries physicians to the O'Flahertys of West
Connaught, and one of that learned famUy, as early as the
fifteenth century, produced a most complete course of medicine,
written in Latin and Irish. So wonderful were' the cures per
formed by this Murrough O'Lee that the natives of West Con
naught imagined that he had received all his knowledge from
the genii of the enchanted island of O'Brazil ! The O'Hickeys
were physicians to the O'Briens of Thomond, and other heads
of septs in Munster. They possessed a copy of the " Lily of
Medicine," the original of which was written in 1303 ; and a
member of the same famUy (Nicholas O'Hickey) translated the
* This word, derived from the Saxon lich, signifying the human body,
hears a close analogy to the Irish " liagh," a doctor, or surgeon.

448 APPENDIX TO THE
' Rose," a manual of medicine, regarded as the most celebrated
of its time, from Latin into Irish. This " Rosa Anglica" was-
the work of Gaddesden, who flourished in 1305, and O'Hickey's
Latin version was made in 1400. To these we may add the
O'Callanans of Cork, hereditary physicians to the MacCarthy's
of Carbery ; the O'Donlevys of Tyrconnell, physicians to the
princely house of O'Donel ; the O'Mellans and O'Quinns, all of
whom were famed in their day as successful practitioners of the
healing art. The works which they wrote were numerous enough
to attest then- zeal for the advancement of medical science, and we
have to deplore the removal of many of them from this country,,
at a period within our own memory, when a true spirit of
nationality might have secured such valuable remains for the
Irish Academy of some of our pubUc libraries. The O'Mearas,
who for a considerable time were hereditary physicians to the
Butlers of Ormond, flourished in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, and were the first of our native physicians who pub
lished medical works in Latin. Dermod O'Meara has left us a
book entitled " Pathologica Heredetaria GeneraUs," which was
printed in Dublin, in 1619 ; and Ware says that the same
author wrote a tract styled " Hippocratica/in Febriiim Mtiolo-
gium et Prognosim," which, we believe, has not been published.
This Dermod O'Meara was a very learned classical scholar, and
"wrote a very admu-able poem in Latin hexameters,* to celebrate
the "victories of the Butlers over the Ul-fated house of the great
earl of Desmond. His son Edmond and his grandson WiUiam
were also physicians, and the former wrote a work on fever
against the theories of Willis, entitled " Examen Diatribae
Thomae WUlisii," etc., London, 1665.
The districts aUotted by the heads of septs to their hereditai-y
physicians were, as we have already said, very extensive, each
consisting of about five hundred acres, which were held in per
petuity from father to son, as long as they continued to practise
medicine. . Thus the O'Cassidys had Faran-Cassidy, in the
county Fermanagh ; and the O'Callaghans held large tracts from
the MacCarthys, in Carbery ; the O'Shiels, hereditary doctors to
the MacCoghlans of Delvin and the MacMahons of Oriel, held
the estate of Bally-Shiel, on the banks of the Brosna, in the
King's county, and this family for many generations was dis
tinguished in the medical annals of Ireland. " The book of
the O'Shiels," now in the Royal Irish Academy, is an evidence
of their zeal and industry, for along -with translations of the
* ride O'Daly's " Geraldines" for extracts from O'Meara's poem.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERAECHY. 449
Aphorisms of Hippocrates, commentaries upon Galen, Avicenna,
and Vessalius, it contains dissertations on the medical properties
of herbs and a great number of the plants of this country. The
date of the manuscript is unknown, but so great was its repute
that it was transcribed in 1657. "The Annals of the Four
Masters" mention the death of Murtogh O'Shiel, in 1548,
styUng him " the best physician of his age in the surrounding
country," who was mortally wounded in a petty revolution in
the principality of MacCoghlan. In the subsequent reigns of
Mary, Elizabeth, and James the First, the hereditary physicians
had to share the hard fortune of their quondam lords and
patrbns. Such of them as continued to practise their calling
doubtless had ample field for its exercise ; for during the wars
of the native Irish with Elizabeth there was no lack of
patients, though the fees must have been proportionately small
and precarious. On the accession of James the First confisca
tions and outla"wries stripped them of their ancient holdings,
but, true to their liege lords, we find many of them following
the regiments raised in Ireland for the Spanish service, and
devoting themselves to the fortunes of their fellow-countrymen
in foreign lands.
Deprived of their broad lands on the banks of the Brosna,
the O'Shiels stUl continued to practise their hereditary calling,
for, as we learn from a valuable manuscript memoir, the head
of the famUy removed to Moycashel, in the county Westmeath,
towards the close of the reign of Elizabeth, where he followed
the practice of medicine for a considerable length of time, and
indoctrinated his son Owen in the rudiments of the same
science. It would appear, however, that young Owen, not
satisfied with his father's lectures, bent his mind on acquiring
more extensive knowledge than could be found in the " Book
of the O'Shiels," the '-' Lily of Medicine," or any other work on
the healing art then known to Irish physicians. With this
object in view he set out for Paris about the year 1604 ; and
after attending the lectures of the most distinguished professors
in that city for a couple of years, he began to think whether he
should take out his degree there, or qualify himself for it in
some other school, where a diploma could not be had on such
easy terms. O'Shiel knew full well the meaning of the word
'• Doctor," and that it signified something more than a mere
empty distinction very often bestowed on blockheads who are
not " habiles ad docendum" or, in plain English, fit to teach ;
and reasoning thus, and observing the Parisian faculty to be
"somewhat laxat and favourable in the conferring of gradua-
2g

450 APPENDIX TO THE
tion," he proceeded to the university of Louvain, in order to
make himself acquainted with the profound teaching of Van-
derheyden. Van Garet, and Vieringhen, who ranked among
the most learned medical men of their time. Ha-ving spent
three years in Louvain, and taken out his degree there, O'Shiel,
motived by laudable ambition, went to Padua, determined on
¦winning the highest honours that that far-famed university
could bestow. In the quaint language of his biographer, Padua*
was then " the nursery of Gallian phisick, prime angular stone
of anatomy, the only phoenix in Europe of medical science in
speculative as well as theoriok," — in a word, the great school,
whose diploma was never conferred on any but those whose
deep and extensive acquirements entitled them to it. In Padua
he remained an entire year, " all the while duly observing the
chief practitioners and anatomists, assiduously attending the
lectures of the first chirurgeons, apothecaries, and herba
lists, till, after passuig his examination, he there received
the degree of doctor, to the high repute of all present."
Famous as Padua was for its university, O'Shiel thought
that he might add to his store of attainments in Rome,
and he accordingly -^dsited that city, where he spent half
a year "conversing with the best expositors of both Galen
and Hippocrates," till at length, " laden with all choice juice
of both speculative and practice of physical salvos, he returned
to Flanders, where he was appointed cbirurgeon-dootor to the
army of Albert and Isabella, jouit sovereigns of the Low
Countries." In this post of honour O'Shiel's reputation was
soon the theme of every tongue, and so marvellous were the
cures he wrought — cures which, as his biographer informs us,
" were rather wondered at than imitable" — that he was speedUy
nominated chief of the medical faculty in the Royal Hospital
of Malines, where for twelve years no sort of infirmity escaped
him without the application of such curative salvos as nature or
art could invent. " His name was now bruited in all corners,"
continues the memoir, " and he himself the object of all
beholders, not only for his learning and education, but also for
his civil and amiable deportment." At length gro-wing home
sick, O'Shiel returned to Ireland ui 1620,t and settled in Dublin,
* " ExtoUit Paduam juris studium et Medicinae."  Edwards' " De-
scriptio Urb. Ital."
t Five years before the "Eagle" came hack to Ireland, Tina O'Shiel
landed in Galway from Eome, whither she accompanied the countess of
Tyrone in the memorable flight. The adventures of this lady are beat
told in her husband's petition to King James, which sets forth that she

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 451
which at that period had an abundance of medical men, and
where he lived unknown, until good luck brought him in contact
¦with a patient whose case was pronounced hopeless by all the
doctors of the city. O'Shiel, however, did not approve their
verdict, diagnose, or treatment, but took the derelict in hand,
and by his judicious skUl effected a cure which raised him at
was not quite thirteen years of age when she went beyond seas as atten
dant on the countess of Tyrone, her foster-sister ; and that she was married
in Eome to Holly-wood, of Artane. The memoir styles Tyrone " The
Traytor," and -winds up -with a promise that herself and husband would
Uve as dutiful subjects on ohtainiag his majesty's gracious pardon and
ficence to reside in Ireland. Gratitude for benefits received from her
foster-sister, and the 200 cro-wns which Tyrone gave Una and her husband
to defray their homeward expenses, must have dropped out of the memory
of both. Secretary Winwood to the Lord-Deputy Chichester, Oct. 7, 1615.
My Very Good Lord, — I am given to understand by lettera sent me
lately out of Italy, that it is not long since that one Nic. HoUiwood,
who is of the House by Dublin, hath been "with Tyrone at Eome, and made
large reports to him of the atfayres of state, and of the secretest things that
are handled there by your lordship and the rest, whereof they that are
beyond do boast that they have often notice by such as are in nere place
about you. How true this is, your lordship -wiU be best able to judge,
and I doubt not hut you -wiU be careful to look into a business of such great
consequence as this. This HoUiwood, as I hear, did marry Tirone's
¦wife's foster-sister, and is returned into that kingdom with her. I know
your lordship wUl be mindful to inquire after him, out of whom, if I am
not deceived, you wiU fathom many of his secretest intents, for with auch
stuff he hath frayghted him thither.
Lord-Deputy Chichester to Secretary Winwood, 21nd Nov., 1615.
HoUiwood is a young man, and waa at Eome ahout the year the Tray-
tour Tirone came thither, and resorting to hia house, he fell in love with
a young -wench that wayted on his ladye, and married her unknown to
them, and returning into this kingdom, I sent for him and reatrayned him
until! I got good bonds for his loyaltie and appearance. His father
dweUs "within 2 miles of this to-wn e, and is a gentleman of an ancient
house, and of a reasonable estate there. This is hia eldest sonne.
In Dec. last he brought me letters from Sir Humphry May, which were
'my warrant for admitting of him to bring his wife into this kingdom as he
hath done, of which, and of his petition preferred to H. M., I send you the
copies. He went hence towards Eome about Easter last, and returned in
September. He landed at Galway, and came soon after unto me, when I
questioned him in many particulars concerning Tirone, and the fugitives
on that side, hut could learn no other but that Tirone was in health, and
Uved in plenty, and j'ct did wish himself again in Ireland, of which he
and the rest do despair, unless there be a breach of the peace betwixt the
the King our Mr. and the King of Spain ; and of this I am aacertained
by men of more observation and judgment than he.

452 APPENDIX TO THE
once to fame and eminence among the practitioners of the
metropolis. The name of the indi-vidual thus rescued from the
gravedigger, and restored to health by O'Shiel's treatment, does
not appear, but we may suppose that it must have been some
distinguished person, " for no sooner was the party placed in a
posture of safety, than the doctor was narrowly looked for by
all patients, and especially such as by other doctors were for
saken, all of whom were by him easily cured, whereby he soon
acquired the name of Eagle of Doctors, and the only scientificall
by a superminent degree in that faculty." " This," says the
memoir, " occasioned the nobles and gentry of Leinster to
appoint him their doctor, paying him an annual pension accord
ing to their respective abilities, and to have him at call though
by infirmities no way necessitated."
His biographer does not tell us how long this " Eagle of
Doctors" remained in Dublin, nor does he give us any reason
for supposing that he was ever summoned to attend the dyspep
tic Strafford, or his successors, Wandesforde, Parsons, and
Borlase. 'Tis more than probable, however, that none of these
personages would have allowed the popish doctor, his celebrity
as an "herbalist," "chirurgeon," etc., etc., notwithstanding, to
feel their protestant pulses, and there can be little doubt that
they would have felt themselves far safer in the hands of some
practitioner of the favoured creed, like Smith, commonly called
" Bottle Smith," the only apothecary in Ireland during
Elizabeth's reign, whose chief business was to compound subtle
poisons for the destruction of the Irish chieftains. Smith,
Tirone intended whylst he was at Eome, to have lodged for a tyme in
a to-wne within the dominion of the Duke of Florence ; but having sent
his staffe before him, it waa returned by reason the Duke denied him
residence there. He names the towne to be Montepulciano. He sayeth
he never apake with Jesuit or fugitive priests whilst he was there, of
anything concerning the state of this kingdom, nor was he questioned
thereon by any man hut hj- Sir Anty. Standon.
I sent for him again since the receipt of your letter, and could learn
nothing more from him than he formerly observed unto me I think he
knows no more of the state of matters here than ia openly spoken of, for
he is a young man and lively disposed. Tirone gave him 200 crowns to
bear his and his wife's charges.
Artane was the scene of Archbishop Allan's murder, and in ita castle
waa horn Chriatopher Hollywood, a distinguished Jesuit, who died in
16-26. The property, by failure of male line of John HoUywood, vested
(1748) in the Earl of Granard, under a grant of 1680, made to his
ancestor Sir A. Eorbes. The Industrial School in charge of the Christian
Brothers now occupies the site of the castle of the HoUywoods, whose
monument may be seen in the'neighbouring cemetery.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 453
indeed, was " state apothcary," -but O'Sheil, -with his Paduan
and Louvain diplomas, never could have risen to a like emi
nence in the Irish metropolis. His reputation, however,
brought him patients enough, and the ainnual pension which he
received from the nobility and gentry of Leinster, must have
made him sufficiently independent.
The memoir from which we quote does not state the time of
the doctor's marriage, which, doubtless, took place after his
return to Ireland, but it furnishes us with many particulars
concerning the lady on whom the " Eagle" bestowed his hand
and heart. The object of his choice was Catherine Tyrrell,
daughter of the famous captain who so highly distinguished
himself as a constant ally of Hugh O'Neill, during the
Elizabethan war, and bequeathed his name to a pass* in the
barony of FertuUagh, south of Mullingar, in which he
slaughtered a thousand men, commanded by lord Trimlestone's
son, then marching against the Ulster chieftains. Catherine
TyrreU was a worthy mate for the " Eagle," and inherited, as
her after-life proved, the chivalrous fideUty of her father.
At length, in 1642, a new and more extensive field was
opened for O'Shiel's practice ; for in that year the supreme
council of the confederate Catholics had organized two armies,
the one for Leinster, and the other for Ulster. Preston, of the
house of Gormanston, was appointed general of the Leinster
forces, and Owen O'Neill, superseding his relative sir Phelim,
was commissioned to lead the Northern troops. O'Sheil was
well kno^wn to the two generals, who had frequent intercourse
•with him in Flanders, and both were anxious to secure his ser
vices as surgeon in chief to the corps under their command.
" O'NeUl, and Preston," says the memoir, " could not be
¦without the assistance of so good a masterpiece in matters of
high concernment," and the " Eagle," after duly weighing the
claims which the rival generals had on his " curative powers,"
made up his mind to devote his services to Preston's army.
Like Preston, he too belonged to Leinster, and it was only
natural that the troops raised in that pro-vince should have the
benefit of his skill. Accordingly he marched with Preston to
the siege of Duncannon — the most brilliant^ event of that
general's Irish campaigns — and assisted at many other actions
fought with indifferent success under the same leader, each and
all of which afforded him ample opportunity for plying his
tournaquet, probes, amputation saw, and the other resources of
-* TyrreU's Pass — The action was fought in 1597.

454 APPENDIX TO THE
leachcraft. Having been upwards of five years surgeoii-in-chief
to the Leinster forces, rather indeed through a natural bias of
provinciaUsm than from affection to Preston, he at last grew
disgusted with the treachery and temporizing of his adopted
chief, and resolved to take service under Owen O'NeiU, as the
better general and truer man. This change must doubtless
have cost him a straggle, but the fact we are about to record
determined him to make it.
In the autumn of 1646, the supreme council of the Confe
derates yielding to the urgent instances of Rinuecini, resolved
on taking Dublin out of the hands of the -viceroy Ormond, who
was negociating secretly with the Parliamentarians for its sur
render the moment their ships anchored in the bay. The
possession of the metropolis would have given the national
party great power over the whole island, and they accordingly
despatched two armies, under Preston and O'NeiU, to besiege
the city. The rival generals pitched theu- camps on the north
bank of the Liffey, and in the night-time the numerous fires of
theu- bivouacs were distinctly -visible to the inhabitants from
the campanile of Christ Church, and the elevated sites in the
vicinity of James's-gate. The head-quarters of the two generals
were at Lucan and Leixlip ; and the nuncio, accompanied by
Emer MacMahon, bishop of Clogher, father Scarampi, and
others of his partizans, did all he could to urge O'Neill and
Preston to take the leaguered city by assault. His powers of
persuasion, however, were lost on the latter, who was in collu
sion -with Ormond, through the agency of the worthless
Clanricarde, and desired nothing so much as the total ruin of
O'Neill and the Ulster army. In a word, Preston wavered in
his resolution, temporized with the enemy of his creed and
country, and, sacrificuig a grand opportunity to the hatred with
which he always regarded his rival, refused to join in a com
bined movement against the city, which must have fallen had
he so willed it. False to the oath which he hacl solemnly
sworn, he now sought to place O'Neill between himself and
Ormond, and thus cut off all chance of retreat, but the Ulster
general, seeing himself in danger of being compromised, raised
his camp, and proceeded by rapid marches to Kilkenny. The
fate of Ireland was thus sealed by Preston's treachery, and on
his head rests the guUt of ha"ving left Dublin open to Jones,
CromweU's lieutenant, who soon afterwards garrisoned it "with
parliamentary forces.
From that moment O'Sheil lost all confidence in the Leinster
general, and " as a loyal member of both country and cause^

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 455
resolved to relinquish him and adhere to O'Neill, whom he
never afterwards forsook, in all his fortunes." Thenceforth
he devoted his skill to the service of the troops commanded by
Owen Roe ; but before quitting the camp of his former chief,
he sent bim the following valedictory letter, which proves that
he did not cease to take an interest in his bodUy health : — -
" My Rt. Honble. Loed. — Having known the constitution
of your body this long whUe, and calling to memory also how,
some years since, I have given du-ections in the Low Countries
whereby your honour should abstaUi from all sorts of wine only
Vin de Pays and Rhenish wine, excess in which du-ection was
altogether excluded then ; and now also, my lord, according to
my obligation, I do once again forbid the same, assuring your
honour that no other end can be expected than to shorten your
o"wn days, whereby you "wUl be an executioner of yourself if
you follow the contrary. This much to discharge myselfe of
my dutie toward you, I thought fit to certify ; aind so do rest,
and wUl ever remain, your true servant, "Owen O'Shiel,."
Two years after the date- of this sanitary warning, O'Neill
and Preston, at the head of their respective armies, were con
fronting each other as implacable enemies ; for the Leinster
general had joined Lord Ormond's faction, and O'Neill clung
¦with desperate fideUty to the party of the pope's nunzio and
the clergy. The odium theologicum occasioned by excommuni
cations and interdicts exasperated the opposing parties, who,
apparently heedless of the preparations which Cromwell was
making for the extermination of both, now seemed wholly
intent on each other's destruction. At this crisis O'NeiU's
troops held possession of Athy, Rheban, and other castles in the
county Kildare, from which Preston undertook to dislodge them,
whUst the Ulster general, "with the main body of his forces, was
employed in Munster storming Nenagh and other strongholds
garrisoned by Inchiquin, who had recently coalesced "with lord
Ormond. On his march to Athy, Preston halted before the castle of
Woodstock,* then occupied by Dame Catherme O'Shiel, wife
of our "Eagle," who was with Owen Roe in Munster, and
despatched a trumpet to demand its surrender. The lady, how
ever, rejected the summons, and sent word to Preston that " she
* Built in the thirteenth century.

456

APPENDIX TO THE

would never betray the trust reposed in her by general O'Neill,
by betraying his castle." Preston, on hearing this, despatched
a second trumpet to intimate that she should give him the
place after he had taken Athy. To this she replied, " that
neither before nor after such taking would she surrender other
than by main force." The general finding her so inflexible,
appointed three captains, " her own well-wishers," to wait on
her, and represent the folly of holding out against him; but
their arguments only served to confirm her resolution. On
their return to the camp, Preston wrote to her that he would be
necessitated to take the place by assault, if she did not yield it
at once ; but nothing daunted by the threat, she directed Hugh
O'Shiel, her husband's nephew, to proceed to the general's
quarters -with a cartel, stating that " she defied him, and thait
although there were none but women in the place, he should
never get possession of it tiU he had reduced it to a heap of
stones." Irritated, and so far foiled by a woman, Preston
caused young Hugh to be detamed, and then wrote a second
note to inform her that he would hang the prisoner in sight of
the castle if she did not surrender without further parley. Her
rejoinder to this threat was worthy of old captain Tyrrell's
daughter, for she wrote to Preston : — " If yon prove such a
base tyrant as to execute such a messenger (contrary to the law
of arms), I will never ransom him at so dear a rate as thereby
to turn traitor to him who placed trust in me ; nay, if my
husband and all my children were to be hanged upon such a
score, I would not hinder it, as being more tender of their good
name than their lives as tainted -with the ugly stain of treason."
On receipt of this letter Preston ordered his provost-marshal to
hang the youth from the shaft of a cart tUted up for the occa
sion in sight of the castle windows ; but some of the staff"-
officers interfered, and eventually saved the lad's life, and
Preston's memory from the stain of wanton bloodshed. Young
Hugh, however, was held in custody, and had to march -with
Preston's army to the leaguer of Athy.
Four companies of the Ulster troops, under captains John
O'Hagan, Con O'NeUl, Daniel M'Kenna, and Daniel O'Mellan,
garrisoned the castle* and the Dominican monastery then stand
ing on the east bank of the Barrow, when Preston sat down
before the town. No one knew better than he did that the
place would never yield tiU resistance became utterly hopeless ;
* The castle of Athy was erected by Gerald, eighth earl of Kildare, in
1506*

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY. 457
.-and he, therefore, lost no time in opening his battery against
the castle. His shot told with terrible eflect for after eighteen
rounds the staircase was so damaged that the besieged could
not ascend or descend. O'Hagaui, however, contrived to remedy
this disaster by meams of ladders from storey to storey, and no
sooner was there a breach made in the walls than he filled it up
" with hides, wool, and straw." Whenever an opportunity pre
sented itself, the Ulstermen sallied out by a postern, and so
harassed Preston's people that they had to betake themselves
ito their trenches for shelter. At length, seeing that he could
not get the castle, the more so as the river was between him
and it, Preston shifted his position, and levelled his guns
against the monastery, which had been evacuated by Con
O'NeUl. Father Thomas Birmingham was then guardian of
the community, and the memou- from which we quote tells us
that " he planted a large wooden cross on the bell tower, imagin
ing that the holy symbol would induce Prestqn to spare the
place." He was deceived, however, for the Leinster general,
instigated by his chaplain. Friar Bamewall, who disregarded the
Nunzio's censures, battered do-wn the belfry, and finally took
the monastery by assault. Meanwhile, intelligence of these
events reached Owen O'NeUl, in Munster, and he immediately
despatched reinforcements for the garrison of Athy. Advanc
ing by rapid marches, the relief at length arrived, and falling
unexpectedly on a detachment of Preston's troops, who held the
-only ford on the river, between Rheban and the town, they put
them to flight, and then crossing the Barrow, proceeded to regain
possession of the monastery. The Leinstermen made a stout
resistance, but they were literally he-wn to pieces in the bawn,
garden, and cloisters of the monastei-y, " where," says the
memoir, "they had forfeited all right of sanctuary." Those
who escaped the swords and pikes of the Ulstermen were
drowned in the Barrow, and Preston, seeing that his case was
desperate, strack his tents and retreated rapidly towards
Carlow. Young O'Shiel was stiU in the custody of his captors,
who treated him very cruelly ; but no sooner was Owen O'NeiU
made aware of the fact than he addressed the follo"wing ener
getic note to Preston : —
" If you insist on keeping the prisoner, tell me what ransom
in money or exchange you demand ; but if you execute him, as
I hear you intend, I protest by the holy rood there is never a
man of yours that "will happen to fall into my hands, or already
Are my prisoners, taken only on mercy and not on quarter

458 APPENDIX TO THE
given, but I "will yield them the same measure that you yield
unto him, although he were your own son, and I will use my
best endeavour to be beforehand with ypu."
This communication produced the desired effect, and young
O'Shiel, being speedUy released from durance, returned to Dame
Catherine, in her castle of Woodstock, to gladden her stout
heart with a narrative of Preston's discomfiture before Athy.
Throughout the entu-e of 1648, O'Shiel followed the fortunes
of Owen Roe, gi"ving his best services to that gallant chieftain's-
army, whose masterly tactics and bravery defeated on many a
hard-fought field the seven generals against whom it had to-
contend. In the follo"wing year, however, the Ulster general
was obliged to conclude a treaty "with sir Charles Coote, wha
held Derry for the Parliament, and he accordUigly marched to
the relief of that city, then leagured by the royalists. After
some desultory skirmishes the latter were forced to raise the
siege, and Coote, opening the gates to his deliverer, received
him and his staff " -with great parade of hospitality and extraor
dinary plenty." It was whispered, however, tha"t Coote dealt
foully "with his guest, gi"ving him at his table some subtle poison,
which so paralysed his energies that he wais no longer able to
mount his horse, and had to be carried in a litter at the head
of his army back to Cavan, whence he was soon afterwards
removed to Clough-Outer castle, the residence of his brother-in-
law, Philip O'Reilly. Some have ascribed O'NeUl's illness and
death to poison conveyed into his system by a pan- of boots
presented to him by a gentleman of Louth ; but be that as it
may, none of the biographers of this great Irish general have
hitherto given us any account of the symptoms of his fatal
malady. The memoir, however, on which we have already
drawn so largely, informs us that Coote's poison "was of linger
ing operation, weakening its victim gradually, giving him little
pain, but causing his hair and nails to fall off by degrees."
From the middle of August till the sixth of November, O'NeUl
sank gradually, and we may easily imagine how his brave heart
waxed faint and sorrowful while the watchers at his sick bed
related to him the massacres of Drogheda and Wexford, and,
above all, the slaughter of his faithful clansmen whom he had
recently sent to the support of the royal cause. During the
first month of his illness O'Shiel was absent, and the physicians
in attendance, mistaking his malady, treated him for gout.
" His own doctor," continues the memoir, " Divine Pro-vidence
so ordaiiung, was for a month at the beginning of his infirmities
absent, which had been prime motive (di-vine disposition

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY'. 459
excepted) of the untimely death of that noble warrior." The
same authority describes Owen Roe's last moments thus : " He
died in our Lord, 6th November, 1649, a true child of the
Catholic religion, in full sense and memory, many of both
seculai- and regular clergy assisting him in such a doubtful
transit, amd behaving himself most penitently. Being most
devout to all regular orders during his life, especially to the
order of St. Dominic, he put on his habit as a sure buckler
against the rigour of future judgment, and was interred in the
monastery of Cavan, to oblige* both patriarchs."!
Early in March of the following year (1650), a meeting
was held, under the presidency of MacSweeney, bishop of Kil
more, to elect a successor to the deceased general. The
assemblage was numerous, and among those who aspu-ed to the
vacant leadership, were the marquis of Antrim, lieutenant-
general O'Ferrall, sir Phelim O'Neill, Henry (son of Owen),
and many others who had distinguished themselves at home and
abroad. Unfortunately, however, Emer MacMahon, bishop of
Clogher, was appointed to the command. " He was a man,"
says the memoir, " no way fit for such work, and his election
was sanctioned solely to put an end to further intrigue." Im
mediately after his appointment he proceeded to Ormond and
Clam-icarde, then in Connaught, who cajoled him -with promises
of great assistance if he would march against Coote, " then the
only champion of the Puritans in Ulster." The bishop under
took to do so, and receiving a commission from Ormond, he
proceeded to the borders of the county Monaghan, to place him
self at the head of his forces. O'Sheil, whose devotedness to
the O'NeiUs never flagged, resolved to share the fortunes of the
late general's son, and to stand or fall with him, as God might
decree. A few months were spent in desultory skirmishing,
and taking of some insignificant places which Coote had garris-
soned ; but the bishop's generalship proved that he knew little
of the " art miUtary." Relying on Ormond's fidelity, his grand
object was to keep open the communication through Bally
shannon "with Connaught, whence he expected the supplies, and
* I. e. to secure the intercession of SS. Francis and Dominic.
j CNeUl had been sick for a year before he made terms with lord Ormond
in October, 1649 ; and owing to old age, his malady grew daUy worse,
" till he died on the 6th of November of that year. He received the-
sacrament on the 5th, and expired next day at nine o'clock." "Eugenius
Ecclesise sacramentis 5ta Novembris, pie munitus postridie ad horam 9 m.
Cavanise apud strictioris observantise Franciscanos sepultus est." —

460 APPENDIX TO THE
"with this object he crossed the Foyle near Liflbrd, a fatal move-
' ment, which enabled Coote and "Venables to effect a junction
of their forces, and ultimately obliged himself to take up a
position near Letterkenny, where, o-wing to the rocky nature of
the ground, it was impossible to manoeuvre. Coote and
Venables were at Schear-Saullis, on the river SwUly, and,
kno-wing that the bishop had detached a strong force to seize
Doe* castle, were prepared to attack him at any moment.
A singular incident occured on the eve of this blundering and
fatal engagement. A woman of uncommon stature dressed all
in white presented herself to the bishop, and warned him that
if he engaged the enemy where he then was, he must be beaten.
Disregarding the w,eird prophecy, he assembled his officers
on the night of the twentieth of June, to concert measures for
next day's operations, and we are indebted to the memoir for
the follo^wing account of the proceedings of the councU convened
on that momentous occasion.
Henry O'Neill rose to speak, and addressed the bishop thus :
" Let us remove hence and tire out the enemy. My father
would use many cunctations to save the life of a single man ;
and now, my lord, won't you do the same ¦with this army rather
than expose it to slaughter 1 It is no disparagement to your
lordship that you are not versant in those nice quUlets of
thundering Mars, as not bred in his martial academy. 'Tis
the theorick of this art that ¦wins the garland ; therefore cede
and give place to practitioners. Lieutenant-general O'Ferrall,
and others that have endured the hardships of many tem
peratures for many years, to the hazarding both life and
fortune only for honour's sake to be dexter in this martial
discipline — which ,cannot be acquired, like our Pater Noster, in
a day, otherwise than by much labour, pains, and effusion of
blood — he and all of us who are of the art would fain dissuade
you from engaging the enemy here. My lord, you may
consider that I and all the rest here convened are as prompt to
do sei-vice on the enemy as ever you are -willing to command ;
but would have it done like soldiers, and not like men without
art or experience. A great many of our soldiers are wanting
upon other designs, and such as are extant are weary by
much toil and travail. Let us then withdraw ourselves half a
mile off, where we may be secure from any enemy, no mattbr
how strong. If we act thus the people -will flock to us, and
* Writing to the Privy CouncU, September 12, 1608, Chichester de-
Bcribea the Castle of Doe as the strongest place both by art and nature
that is in that part of Tyrconnell.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 461
the enemy -will either disperse or starve. Should we not rather
do this than hazard the only Catholic army in the kingdom to
the sUppery hands and wavering doom of never constant and
variable fortune 1 If we be worsted at the onset (as my father
of happy memory did on such another occasion wisely consider),
this army could never again, even after the lapse of many
months, be recruited or come to so considerable a head ; but if
the enemy had here the worst, it may easily be restored to its
former being, Ijy the powerful assistance of the parliament of
England, now in actual possession of the three kingdoms.
Cunctation in all ages is laudable in a general. "Was it
not this that placed Scanderbeg in the frontispiece of the book
of fame ? What else won fame for Spinola serving in the wars
of Flanders but cunctation? Did not this enable him to defeat
Maurice, Prince of Orange ? Surely the ominous prophecy re
garding the place where we now are is ground sufficient for any
reasonable understanding to cede his o-wn to the contrary in-
cUnings. My lord, I have done, and I know that I have
spoken the sentiments of all my brothers in arms."
The bishop paid no deference to the arguments so ably and
unanswerably urged by Henry O'NeUl; for instead of com
bating or questioning them, he phlegmatically remarked that
"the conclusions dra-wn from former results were no way
suitable to the courage of brave soldiers, but rather to the
dastardly beha-viour of such as feared to be eyewitnesses of the
effusion of their o^wn or aUen blood." The die was now cast,
and MacMahon rresolved to grapple ¦with the enemy, even on
disadvantageous ground.
Next moming beheld the two armies within musket shot of
each other, and the bishop, after a brief exhortation, commanded
some regiments of foot to advance against Coote's infantry, who
were drawn up in admirable order, and supported by their
horse. The impetuosity of the onset produced a momentary
panic in the enemy's ranks, but a charge of several squadrons
of cavalry restored their confidence, and drove back the Irish
on their main body. Circumstanced as the Irish horse were by
the nature of the ground, they could not act, and had to-
remain idle spectators of the unequal combat. Nevertheless,
the infantry, led by Henry O'NeUl and lieutenant-general
O'Ferrall, fought with their accustomed bravery, and maintained
the conflict tUl towards mid-day, when they were obliged to
sound a retreat. In the confusion of this rout, Coote and
Venables lost comparatively few of their men, but ere the sun
set, 3,500 of the Irish were slain between Schear-Saullis and

462 APPENDIX TO THE
Letterkenny. During the battle, as well as in their treat,
Henry O'Neill distinguished himself even to the admiration of
his enemies, for the memoir tells us that " he dashed among
them like a merlin hawk among a multitude of sparrows, or a
lanzadod* bull set free from the yoke by its cer-vical strength,"
till at last, surrounded by Coote's troopers, he was obliged to
-surrender on promise of quarter, and was sent jsrisoner to
Londonderry. " The bishop," says the memoir, " the cause of
this catastrophe, accompanied by O'Ferrall, and escorted by
200 horse, fled day and night for twenty-four hours towards
Fermanagh without meat or drink, and "vvas finally arrested
by major King, commanding the garrison of Enniskillen.
O'Ferrall contrived to escape, but the bishop was executed by
orders of Coote. Among the killed on the side of the Irish
there were eighteen captains of the O'Ferrall family, besides
inferior officers ; and in the list of the more distinguished pri
soners, we find the names of John O'Cahan and Phelim
MacToole O'Neill (who routed Preston at Athy), all of whom
were taken to Londonderry, certain of being exchanged or
ransomed. " 0 fatal destiny," continues the memou-, " this
army, ever yet "victorious under Owen O'Neill, was destroyed
by the self-opinion of one man ; so much so, that the O'NeUl
family, in the ebb of many years, may never recover their for
mer state." As for O'Sheil, he proved a true man to the cause
of reUgion, honour, and country, for he was found among the
slain, between Letterkenny and Schear-Saullis, bearing on his
mutilated body more than one deep scar, for which the " Book
of the Shiels" or the " LUy of Medicine" could have prescribed
no " curative salvo." " He died," concludes his panegyrist,
" leaving many men and women bemoaning Ms loss — whom
may God keep in his glory for ever and ever. Amen."
As for Henry O'Neill, notwithstanding the promise of quar
ter, his Spanish birth, and the ransom offered by his wife
Eleanor, daughter of su- Luke Fitzgerald, he had good reason
to regret that he did not share the fate of his companions-
in-arms on the bloody field of Letterkenny. The court-martial
dealt summarily with him ; and when he pleaded the ser"vices
which his father had rendered to Coote, and how the latter was
wont to call him his " dear Harry," Coote replied, " If you
and your father did me 'courtesy, I repaid it ; the sentence
must be carried out ;" and so it was, for " Henry Roe O'NeUl
was beheaded (in Londonderry) in the month of July, by the
* Pierced "with a lance.

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY. 463
unchristian amd tigerish doom of the thrice cruel butcher and
human bloodsucker, sir Charles Coote."
How it fared with daime Catherine and young Hugh O'Sheil
after " the Eagle's" deaith, the memoir does not tell us ; but
the old castle of Woodstock stUl exists in picturesque ruin, not
withstanding Preston's threat of blowing it up stone by stone.
There is now no vestige of the Dominican monastery,* but
there are considerable remaiins of Athy castle. The hereditary
taste for the healing art seems to have died out in the O'Sheil
family, for at the present day there is but one of the name
a,mong the medical practitioners of Ireland, f

Illustrissimi Domini Nuntii Apostolici post in Hiberniam ad-
ventum iter usque ad civitatem, Kilkenniensem.
Superveniente nocte navarchus noster, quod Ula loca nonnus-
quam essent scopulosa, introu-e noluit sed jacta anchora ibi in
vicino perstitimus usque ad diluculum ; Ula autem die vento
multum reflante a terra, opus fuit etiam illuc non parvum lab-
borare ; in id enim totum fere impendimus diem ut portum
<;apessemus. Quare quo, sicut tantopere desiderabat, Illmum.
D. Nuncium in terram conduceremus, necessarium erat scapha
antecedere. Porro conductus Ui quasdam pauperes pastorum
et piscatorum casas, tracto ibi suo solito lecto, post tot molestias,
Dei favente bonitate, noctem satis placide dormi"vit, quod pen
dente 6 dierum navigatione nunquam assequi poterat. Postera
die ad ipsum salutandum me contuli, et ut in illo humili tugurio
inveni, dixi congruum esse ut, sicut S. D. Illma. velut Xti.
legatus ab Ibernis expectaretur, ita ab ipso initio ad Jesu Xti.
Redemptoris nostri imitationeni in tugurio piastoritio diversar-
etur. lUmo. Do. ibi rem sacram facienti quam sua Dominatio
Illma. in frequenti populi, qui ex illis locis licet asperis illo con-
fluxit, gratiam celebravit, ministravi, deindeque ad navem remi-
gavi cum paucis ex comitatu D. Nuntii, qui cum postridie ejus
dem diei se terra Ardtulium versus in viam dedisset, ego pariter
sequens semper in conspectu, secus terrain na"vigabam. IUius
pauperis populi, ad quem lUmus. D. casu pervenit humani-
tas incomparabilis fuit. Subito enim magnum bovem, oves
* Founded by the Boswells and "W^ogans in the thirteenth century. A
Protestant church now occupies the site of the monastery, which was
taken do-wn in 1662.
t A distinguished contemporary and rival of O'Sheil was Eichard
Arthur, M.D., whose fee book is in the possession of Maurice Lenehan,
Esq., author of the History of Limerick.

464 APPENDIX TO THE
duos, et porcum mactarunt, abundantissimam cervisiae, butyri,.,
et lactis copiam attulerant, et nos apud navem residui illorum
pauperum piscatorum liberalitatem experti sumus, receptis
optimis piscibus et ostreis stupendissiniis, tanta abundatia, ut
plus desiderari non posset. Interea pergebam ego in nave
serpens et sequens Illmum. D., vidique portum quingentis
passibus longum, sclopi autem jactu latum, adeo arridentem, ut
curiositate tractus lembo adierim ; exscursione autem in terram
facta, dum ex loco ad circumspiciendum idoneo mirabilem
stationis situm observarem, brevi temporis spatio septus fui
"virorum, muUerum et puerorum numero infinite, qui ex diversis
Ulorum montium locis accurrentes me "visum venerunt, quorum
nonnulU coslatam J. Christi effigiem ad pectus apjiensam aspec-
tantes, appropinquarunt, deindeque Ulam singuli ad unum
omnes, osculati sunt. Quo facto magnae mihi benevolentiie et
amicitiae indicia exhibuerunt, et pene invitum pertraxerunt ad
unam ex suis casis viciniorem, ubi strata mihi in sedUe culcitra
plumaria materfamilias, anus veneranda, cum flUabus, atque
alUs muUeribus accedens, mihi in bucam quasi furtivim oscu-
lum impegit, et nisi ad portantem J. C. crucifixum, ac sacer-
dotem nuntio Apostolico adherentem dedecere nutibus indicas-
sem, alias, credo, oscula fixissent. Eadem materfamilias mox
magna copia in vase ligneo lac mihi exquisitissimum praesen-
ta-vit, et omnino voluit exinde biberem, quod cum esset maxim-
opere delectabile, semel et iterum hausi  vix ex illius
multitudinis manibus, quo ad navem pedem referrem, me pro-
rumpuerim ; quibus etiam usque ad mare stipantibus norm ulli
juvenculi mecum ulterius progredivolebant. Ressane estmiranda
inter montes et loca aspera, et incolas haereticorum depopulatione
ad inopiam redactos adeo vidi fidei Catholicae addictos ut non
occurret "vir, mulier, nee puer quantuluscumque qui orationem
dominicam, salutationem angelicam, et Stae. Ecclesise precepta
non recitarent. Inter haec lUmo. D. nuntio terra itaer facienti
complures, et in his magnates, confertaque militum manus
ob"viam processerunt, nam qui (sicut dixi) Illmum. Dnum. comi-
taretur, Magno Concilio a secretis, multos in loca diversa nuncios
expidiverat  Ista nocte D. Illma. castello,
ArtulUo hospicio excepta fuit ab illius loci Domino qui multa
ipsam magnificentia traota"vit. biduo pedem fixit.
Illuis castri et totius tractus Glenruachtensis dynasta pro
tempore, juxta antiquissimos veteram Ibernorum ritus,
MacFinnini dignitate quse semper cum haereditate ad solum
haeredem masculum transit, insignitur. Erat autem tunc
MacFininus, proprUs etiam meritis clarissimus, Donchus

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 465
MacCarthy, ex regia et antiquissima MacCarthiorum familia,
cujus numerosissimi et florentissimi in ea vicinia late patentes
rami, ejusque ab abstrusa antiquitate sic clientes ut et coguati
inferiorum quidem sed potentum et divitum aliarum famili-
arum palmites, nempe O'SuUevani tam Magni quam Bearenses,
O'Callechani, O'Rivi, aliique plures, partim accolae, audito
nuncU appulsu, mirum quantum ejus videndi, et omni honore
prosequendi desiderium opere compleverint, quorum quotquot
tunc Ardtuliam subito convenerint, MacFinninus et praeclaris-
sime nobilis uxor, Catharina MacCarthia Cormaci cognomento
coeci, Muscriae Dynastae filiae, ipsos iiedum nuncium, et comi-
tatun unaque ab externis nationibus appulsos Ibernos prolixa
admodum humanitate exceperunt. Ibi nuncius biduo res-
piravit 
Inde pergendum est per comitatus Corcagiensis montes
et uUginosum ilium tractum, quem Ibernice ' Sliabhruacha' "
vocant, loca sane beata, quae effeminatam curi-uum moUtiem, et
importunum Ulum non patiuntur strepitum, a quo nootes atque
dies circumtonante nemini nullas pene, quibus anima Deo
sibique vacet, Parisiis dari inducias ....
Tunc Mucromiam Vicecomitis Muscriae, qui in regno
dynasta princeps est perrexit commoditate lecticas, consulto
ex tabulis "viiinibus et restibus contextae quam possemus
optime significare. Transportatus autem Ulo Suam D. Illmam
ibidem loci honorifice reoepit prjefati satrap te filius, qui
quinquaginta equitibus armatis stipatus ipsi tria millia
passuum obviam prodiit, castro jam vioini, peditum cuneum
offendimus et (juxta nos) solemnis supplicationis ordine dis-
positos ecclesiasticos omnes tam saeculares quam regulares, a
quibus cum cruce receptus fuit Illmus D., qui eousque unius
mUUaris spatio in equo sedit, exinde conductus in ecclesiam,
quo confluxit populus infinitus, qui omnes, quo a Sua. D. Illma.
benedictionem impetrarent in terram prostrati laetitite et
applausus signa ediderunt. Ab ecclesia ad palatiiim transpor
tatus, ad hujus januam fuit receptus a Dua. Vicecomitissa,
absente suo marito tunc in castris oooupato. Ula autem cum
cunctis liberis et familia ad pedes provoluta et Suae D. Illmae
vestes osculata, benedictionem ut postulavit maxima cum
devotione obtinuit."
Uxor comitis erat Helena Butler, Jacobi Ormoniae marchionis
non soror modo sed germana eaeque primogenita, pietatis,
humanitatis, modestiae, gravitatis et totius probitatis, quae matro
nam vere Christianam decet, speculum, suaeque fundatissimae
famiUiB nationis ac sexus locuples ornamentum, nuncium Ula
2 H

466 APPENDIX TO THE
quatriduo, totumque comitatum splendidissime tractavit unaque
numerosum procerum et nobilium globum, qui partim ex Mac
Finini domo plusculis millia^-ibus dista-nte, nuncium illo coho-
nostarant, partim jam appulsum ex vicinia loete patente con-
fluentes visitarant, non modo ut omne ipsi obsequium, cultum
et honorem deferrent, sed etiam ut a vicinis hostium hereti
corum praesidiis, si insilire vellent defensarent. Porro dioecesis
Ardfertensis, in quam nuncius e nave desiliverat, episcopus
Richardus O'Conaldus, in administrandis sacramentis episcopali-
bus apud remotiores partes absens, re cognita, quam, posset celer-
rime accurrit, et Nuncio ad Mucromiam jam dictam obvius, et
obsequium professus, equo optimo donavit. Nuncius gratula-
bundus episcopum amplexatus : " ecce," inquit " primitias
episcoporum Iberniae," is enim on nium primus se sistit. Nun
quam deinceps nee latum uuguem ab officio degeneravit.
Mucromia post quadriduum praevalentibus Dromsicaniae, ac
totius Duhallow satrape, necnon episcopo Ardfertensi patreque
Boetio Egan, postea episcopo Rossensi et martyre, Nuncius
progressus est ad palatium D. Dermiiii Macarthy, qui erat
ramus secundarius ex regia MacCartiorum familia. Porro
Illmus. Dominus MacDonochus, nomine vero Dermitius Mac-
Carti tunc uxore viduus, et Donatus filius, hujusque praeclaris-
sima uxor, praefati Vicecomitis Muscriae germana soror,
nuncium cum comitatu et proceribus et nobilibus majori in
dies numero concurrentibus, splendidissime collegei-unt.
Uruii secania nuncius Clonminiem divertit ad Illmum. D.
O'Callaghan, Donatus scilicet nobilissimae tribus suae principem,
apud quem tam nuncius, quam e tanta celebritate reliqui mag-
nificentiam et humanitatem experti sunt singularem.
Nuncius Clonminia, Killociam perrexit, ubi a nobile illo
oppido et nobilium vicinia catervatim confluente, honoro-
ficentissime receptus et tractatus fuit. Diversorium fuit con
ventus Patrum Dominicanorum.
" Territoria per quae iter habuimus, etsi montibus obsita sint,
amaenitatem praesef erunt, et pecuarii omne genus abundantis-
sime scatent, quod omnia pascuis uberrimis turgeant. Occurrunt
etiam longissimarum subinde vallium tractus nemoribus, et
isylvis variegati, quae cum non sint nimis magnae, nee spissae,
plus participant amoeni quam horridi. Porro septuaginta
milliarium spacio in hujusmodi pene loca semper incedimus.
Sed postea montes pnetergressi immensam subi"vimus planitiem,
quae identidem desinit in nonnuUos etiam colUculos et valles
aspectu jucundissimas bene cultas et divites, infinitorum peco-

MEMOIRS OP THE IRISH HIERAECHY. 467
rum, sed prse ceteris boum atque o-vium quibus tenuissima
detrahitur lana 
" Sunt homines aspectu pulcro, robore incredibili, cursores
velocissimi, nullum non ferunt incommodum, patientia inerra-
bili, omnes armis se dederunt, nunc potissimum cum bello im-
pUcantur. Qui litteris operam navant evadunt doctissimi,
quales hie non desunt in omni scientia et professione.
MuUeres supra miraculum praecellunt decoro, et pulcritudine
et ita venustatem conjunguiit cum singulari modestia, atque
devotione, ut maximum etiam animi candorem exerceant, conver-
santes cum omnibus, ubique et absque ulla suspitione aut
zelotypia. Induunt se vestes a nostris diversas, et quae in
aliquo accedunt ad Gallicanas tantummodo. Omnes praeterea
induuntur Chlamydes fimbrUs pendulis, et villosis instar
capUlamenti ornatas in locum coUarii quod pallio assuitur, et
prodeunt absque alio capitis redimiculo nonnulUs contentae
calanticislineis, iisque fere graecorum ritu convolutis, ita ut etiam
hoc modo insita ipsis a natura pulcritudo i-esplendeat. Sunt fe-
cundissimae ; et omnes enim matrimonio conjunctae multis bean-
tur liberis, nee desunt plures quibus superstites sunt triginta, sed
earum, quibus quindecim vel "viginti supersunt, numerus est in
finitus. Suntque omnes indigenae pulcri, staturamagnaetrobusti,
plerique capiUis fiavis, et pelle alba et rubicunda. Epulee fiunt
superbissimae carnibus et piscibus, utrique his populis maxima
suppetunt copia, perpetuo propinant, bibentes vina Hispanica,
rubea GaUicana, cervisiam exquisitam, et praeterea lac optimum.
Utuntur ad omnia butyro, quod ad esculenta omnia profuse
adhibetur. Nos etiam omnes usquemodo ad regionis consuetu-
dinem nosmetipsos accommodamus, et vino quamvis excellenti
cervisiam proeferimus.
Caseos regie fert egregios et fructus suppeditat velut mala,
pyra, pruinas cynara ; victus omnes vili venduntur. Bos
magnus valet pistolam (Italicfe, "Doppio,") «;6ru6a; tres julios,
caponum vel gallicanarum par julium unum, centum ova julios
bines, et sic caeterorum calculus subducitur, uno asse ingens
panis voenit. Ferinae tanta abundant copia ut flacci faciunt.
Volucres prope baculis perimunt, turdos praesertim, merulas et
frigillas. Pisces tam maritimi quam fluviatiles sunt exquisitissimi,
quibus etiam indiginae tantopere abundant ut praestantium
velut luciorum, halecum, salmonum, trutarum, aliorumque
valore incredibili centum quinquaginta libras tribus juliis com-
paratas fuisse comperiam. Sardas et ostrea mille duobus Juliis
cum medio mercati smnus. Equos habent generosissimos.

468 APPEND rx TO THE
pulcros, robustos, veloces, qui et tam parvo venundantur, ut
hie viginti scutis asturco ematur, qui in Italia centum aureis
staret. Dion. Massaeius Decanus Fiemanus.
Limerici, 19 Oct., 1645.

" Dopochfe per ordine di Monsigr. Illmo Nunzio io ebbi com-
prato in Nantes la Fregata S. Pietro, SS. Illma se ne passb alia
Rocella [Rochelle] con quella parte della famiglia che gl'era piu
necessaria, per esser ivi aspettato dal Signore Segrio del gran
consiglio d'Ibernia, il quale aveva supposto a S.S. Illma di aver
fermata una flotta di otto buone na"vi, le quali gl'avessero fatto
compagnia in Irlanda : ed io in tanto restai per far le provisioni
di viveri e munizioni, le quali non tutte le possibili diligenze de
ministri diversi, non furonopotute venire in mono di 10 giomi:
poi mi avviai colla medesima fregata e con U resto della com
pagnia verso la Roccella, e sempre Dio m'ha fatto provare gl'effetti
della sua santa protezione ; per i meriti forse dell'orazione di
tanti devanti, che per noi pregano, come V. S. Illma mi ha
piu volte assicurato : poichfe oltre all'avermi liberate dalla sor-
presa che pensava di fare un vascello parlamentario della nostra
fregata, mentre dentor al porto di Paembouff [Painboeuff ] era
guardata da pochi, mi volse anco cavar del pericolo, in che U
medessimo vascello credevadihavermi messo nel porto diSanazan
giacch^ essendo ivi state sempre ad attendere i nostri andamenti,
con una straordinaria avvertenza aspetto la nostra partita;
e appena ritirate I'anchore, spiegassimo le vela per sortire, che
egli fece il medesimo, e ci venue sempre dietro per lo spazio di
40 miglia, supponendo che due altri vascelli parlamentarj, che a
bella posta andavano scorrendo per quel tratto di mare, ci aves-
sero ad incontrar, volendo egli facilitar I'impresa con sopragiun-
gerci in case di conflitto. Ma iddio permise, che questi, avendo
date il giorno innanzi la caccia ad una fregata Ibernese, che si
salvo tra S. Male e Nante ci lasciassero libero il camino. Fu
causa nondimeno che non potessimo iar una bella impresa di
incontro al porto di lone, giach6 vedendo un vascello corsaro
Biscaino a tutte vela verso di noi per combatter la nostra fre
gata, ed essendoci messi in • ordine per abordarlo, se egli avesse
avuto ardire d'attaccarci come mostrava, in sui meglio si penti,
e voltando cammino si mise in fuga. Era pero certo che I'av-
ressimo sopragiunto, ma il nostro capitano prudente non volse
seguitarlo per aver un altro nemico addietro alle spaUe. Si

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIERARCHY. 469
na"vigb tutta la notte con grandissima circonspezione ma nel
giorno seguente non solo ci trovassimo liberi da persecutori, ma
vicinissimi all'isola di S. Martino, e poi in poche ore con venti
favorevoli andassimo alia Roccella. Poi buttate le ancore, io mi
buttai col battello in terra a dar il ben trovata a Monsignr. che
con ansiet^ grande nel coUegio de' P. P. Gesuiti mi stava
attendendo, essendogli state detto, che avressimo incontrati
maggiori pericoU tra Nantz e la Roccella, die tra la Francia e
I'lbemia ; e nel vedermi S. S. Illma alzb le mani al cielo in
rendimento di grazie a Dio e alia B. Vergine. Erano state suUe
vela per un vento molto favorevole I'otto na"vi e vascelli detti di
sopra ad aspettair cinque o sei giorni ; ma non vedendo comparir
la nostra fregata, per non perder'la buona congiuntura si risol-
vettero di .partire, e un altra assai piu grosso vascello, e ben
armato, che aveva promesso in ogni modo di aspettarci, nel
medesimo giorno che noi arrivammo alia Roccella, si portb a S.
Martino [ St. Martin in the Isle de Rhfe] e di 14 fece vela verso
rirlanda, e ci lascio soli. Ognicosa fu presa in bene, e Mon
signr. Illmo. Nunzio colla solita sua gran confidenza nelia pro
tezione di Dio, e nelle benedizioni apostoliche diede ordine che
ci apprestassimo subito tutte le cose necessarie per la navi-
gazione, e il giorno seguente ancorche travagliatissimo da una
arrabiata rogna, essendosi portato alia fregata con tutta la gente,
in numero di 83 persone tra passaggieri, soldati e marinari, si
fece vela con buoni auspizi.
" Navigassimo con prospero vento tutto quel giorno, e anco
U seguente, e senza rincontrar alcun alcun vascello inimico si
caminava allegramente : ma nel 3° giorno un' ora avanti mezzodi
scoprissimo otto legni Parlamentarj, ciofe 5 grosse navida guerra
e 3 fregate, le quali, per lo spazio di 4 ore, ci perseguitarono a
piu potere, ma si per la velocita della nostra fregata, si anco
perche non s' imaginavano mai .che in quella (essendo sola)
potesse esservi U Nunzio d'lberiUa, restarono addietro, e vol
tando camino ci lasciarono andare per i fatti nostri: nel giorno
seguente, per causa del novilunio si turbo molto il tempo, e
na"vigassimo con un mare assai grosso, e con tanta oscurit4, che
dubitando U nostro capitano di andarci a mettere in mano
de'nemici, ci tenne sempre in alto mare a man sinistra, e la
notte si ando girando per non perdere il camino colla lontananza.
Alio spuntar deU' Alba crebbero i nostri travagli, poiche sco
prissimo un grande vascello da guerra e una fregata da guerra,
che a piu potere ci venivano addietro, e tanto ci avanzarono,
che fu riconosciuto bene essere un tal Plunchetto [Plunket]
acerrimo persecutore degli Ibernesi, stipendiato dal Parlamento

470 APPENDIX TO THE
d'Inghilterra. Questo avendo U vantaggio del vento troppo
impetuoso per la nostra fregata, ed anco la tempesta del mare
era in suo f avore col legno piu grosso, si veniva molto avicinando,
tanto che bisognb allidar molta robba che era d'impedimento,
eome casse barili, botti, canestri ed altri. Si comincio la caccia
tra I'isola di Sorlingat [Les Sorlingues — the Scilly Isles\ ed in
canale d'Inghilterra verso I'lrlanda, ed avendo ci perseguitato
per spazio di 9 ore continue, nelle quali corressimo piu di 115
miglia, piacque a sua D. Maesta che mai potfe avvicinarci a tiro
di cannone, anzi dope aver tagliate noi le vela al trincetto che
pigliava troppa acqua, tanto s'avanzo la nostra fregata che per
divina grazia I'inimico si dispero di poterci piu arrivar ; e
quando credevamo d'esser sopragiunti ci vedemmo liberi, vol
tando il perfido persecutore a man destra verso Cappolen.* II
nostro capitano, al quale si deve veramente una grande obli-
gazione, fece cose in quel giorno, da stupire, poiche dando animo
ai soldati e passeggieri, non lascio mai di dar ordini opportnni
ai marinari, che certo tutti si portavano eccellenti nelle loro
caliche. Fugissimo come ho detto piu di 1 15 miglia da Cappol-
len [Cape Clear] fine alle parte occidentali delilbernia, ma
tanto in alto mare, che causb poi un altro travaglio come sentir^
V.S. Illma appresso. Gran cosa, che durante il pericolo ne
Monsignore ne buona parte di noi espresero spavento, e mentre
S.S. Illma con animo tranquillo, ancorche infermo di corpo, ed
in letto, dava cuore a tutti, noi altri mettessimo bene al ordine
e senza confusione tutte le nostre arme, ed avendo procurato
tutti di fare un atto di dolore de nostri peccati, ci mettessimo in
punto di difenderci fine all'ultima goccia di sangue. Fu Mon
signore sempre costante a dire che S. D. Maesta ci avrebbe
Uberati dal pericolo, e fu presage dello scampo; ma quando ci
vedessimo liberi,, allora s'incominciarono ad arricciare i capelU,
ed ad apprendere il timore. Si resero pero grazie umilissime a
Dio alia B. V. e a S. Ante, di Padua, che era il santo protet-
tore di quel giorno, massime dagl'Ibernesi che nel contrasto si
trovarono augustiatissimi per la secura morte se fossero stati
presi dal crudelissimo inemico. S'alzarono per6 le mani al cielo,
e ci bacciarono I'un I'altro lagrimando di tenerezza. Nel giorno
seguente seguitando il cattivo tempo e il mare grosso' avessimo
qualche travaglio, poiche per quel spazio di mare che s'era fatto
it di innanzi con la fuga, e per queUo che s'era camminato girando
neir oscuriti della notte si stentb un pezzo a trovare dove po.
* There can be no doubt that this is a false orthography for Cape Clear
In the Nuncio's own letter (Nunziatura, p. 66) it is speUed Capo Clcn.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 471
tessimo essere, ed essendo nato disparere trk piloti, s'andb un
pezzo cercando iielF immensita dell' ooeano dove fosse il regno
d'Ibernia ; ma alia fine S. Orsola per esser prottettrice di quel
giorno, per' esser anco sua f esta, ci consolo col faroi scoprire la
desiderata, Irlanda. Tre ore dope mezzo giorno ci trovassimo
nella parte occldsntale dell' isola, dirimpetto al porto di Kilmar,
[Kenmare, written by the nuncio Chilmar, p. 66] alia bocca del
fiume Maire, ma sopragiungendo la notte, il nostro capitano non
volss entrar deiitro, per essei-ci in alcuni luoghi divei-si ssogli, e
gettata per..5 I'ancora, si form 5 ivi vicino sino alio spuntar dell'
alba, ma avendo in quel giorno soffiato un vento da terra molto
contrario, bisognb anco ivi travagliar non poco, poiche si stento
quasi tutto il giorno a poter prender porto, anzi per condur
Monsignr. Illmo Nunzio a tei-ra come tanto desiderava, bisognb
metterlo nel battello, e fu condotto dentro alcune povere capan-
ne di pastori e pescatori, ed ivi essendo state accomodate il suo
solito letto, ripjsj la notte per divina bontci dopo tanti travagli,
assai bene, il che non aveva mai potuto S.S. Illma far in sei
giorni di navigazione. Andai il giorno seguente dalla fregata a
salutarlo, e avendolo trovato in quel povero tugurio, dissi che
avendo gli Ibernesi aspettati S.S. Illma, come il Messia, era di
dovere che capitasse da bel principio in una capanna da pastori,
ad imitazione di G. C. nostro redentore. Servl in quel luogo
Monsignr. alia messa, che S.S. Illma celebrb per consolazione di
un numeroso popolo, che da quelli luoghi sellene campestri era
ivi concorso, e poi me ritornai alia fregata con alcuni pochi della
famiglia di S.S. Illma, la quale avendo il giorno seguente preso
U viaggio per terra verso Autuli [ArdtuUy] io lo seguitai per
mare, andando sempre bordeggiando di rincontro.
" La cortesia di quel poveri popoli dove Monsignr. capitb fu
incomparabile, poichfe subito furono ammazzati un grosso bue,
due montoni, ed un poroo, e portata birra, e latte in grandma.
quantita ; e noi ancora che eravamo in mare, espirimentammo
Tumanita di quel poveri pescatori con regali di buonissimi
pesci, ed ostriche stupendissime in tanta abondanza che non ii
poteva desiderare da vantaggio ; e mentre andavamo colla
fregata serpeggiando in seguimento di Monsignr., viddi un porto
di mezM miglia cU lunghezza e d'un tiro di pistola di largezza,
tanto bello, che per curiosity volsi condurmeci col battello, ed
es.^endo smontato a terra a riguardar in un bel posto le mara-
vi'^Ue del sito, fui in breve spazio di tempo circondato da un
infinita d'uomini, donne ragazzi, che da diversi luoghi di qui
monti correndo erano venuti a vedermi, e riguardando poi
alcani di loro un crocifisso che avevo al petto, mi fecero tutti

472 APPENDIX TO THE
un gran cerchio, e poi volsero ad uno ad uno tutti bacciarlo.
Dopo di questo mi fecero segni di grand' amorevolezza ed
amicizia, e mi condussero quasi per forza ad una delle loro
capanne piu vicine, dove fui messo a sedere in uno stramazzo
di piume, e la padrona di casa, che era una vecchia veneranda
essendosi accostata con le sue figlie volevano bacciarmi all'-
usanza del paese, e se io non avessi fatto cenni, che cio non
conveniva a chi portava Gesii Cristo crocifisso, e che come
sacerdote accompagnava il nunzio Apostolico, credo che sene
sarebbero piccato. Mi .si portb poi dalla medessima madre di
famiglia in un vaso di legno una buona quantity di stupendis
sime latte, e volse in ogni modo che io ne bevessi, che per esser
gustosissima ci replicai due volte, e mi diede la vita. Si for-
zavano tutti di starmi appresso, e beato si stimava chi poteva
toccarmi, e a pena potei spicciarmi da quella gente per ritornar
alia fregata, anzi voUero accompagnarmi in sin all'acqua, e
alcuni giovanetti volevano venir ancora con me. Gran cosa,
nelle montagne e luoghi rozzi, e gente povera per le devastazioni
fatte dai nemici eretici, trovai pero la nobilta della S. fede
Catolica, giach^ non -vi fu uomo, o donna, o ragazzo, ancor che
piccolo, che non mi sapesse recitar il Pater, Ave, Credo, ei com-
mandamenti della santa chiesa.
" Monsignr. seguitando il suo -viaggio per ten-a fu incontrato
da varii personaggi, e signori, e da gran numero di soldati,
poichfe il Segrio del gran consiglio, che era, come ho detto, con
Monsignr, aveva spedito in diversi luoghi molti messi. Fu
alloggiata S.S. Illma la prima sera in un forte castello detto
Artolo, [ArdtuUy] dal signor del luogo, che con molta splendi-
dezza la ricevette. Si fermb ivi Monsignr. due giomi, e poi per
monti a,sprissimi seguitb il viaggio verso Macroom, luogo del
Signr Visconte Musgri [Lord Muskerry] Signore principale
del regno, con la commodity d'una lettiga fatta fare a posta di
tavole^di legno e corde, al meglio che potessimo dare ad inten-
dere ; "ed essendovi S. S. Illma portata al luogo, fu ivi ricevuta
alia grande dal figlio di detto Sig'iore, il quale venne ad incon-
trarlo 3 miglia lontano con 50 civalli armati, e vicino al castello
trovassimo uno squadrone di fanti, ed appresso una processione
di tutti gli ecclesia,stici tanto secolari quanto regolari, che con
la croce riceve Monsignr, che per allora per spazio d'un miglio
era messo a cavello, e fu poi condotto alia chiesa. Vi era con
corso un popolo infinite, e tutti prostrati a terra per aver da
S. S. Illma la benedizione, diedero segni d'allegrezza e d'applausi.
Dalla chiesa si portb Monsignr al Palazzo, alia porta del quale
fu ricevuto daUa Signora Viscontessa in assenza del suo Signor

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 473
marito, che era al campo, o pure come commissario del trattato
di pace, a Dublino, ed essendogli prostrata avanti con tutti i
figliuoli e famiglia baccib le vesti a S. S. Illma, e domandando
la benedizione, in quale ricevfe con grandissima divozione.
" Da Macvooni dopo 4 giorni andassimo a, Tur-aseugal,* e da
Tur-aseugal a Colmingh, t e da Colmingh a Killmallock, e da
Killmallock a Limerick, citti delle principali del regno, posta
alle rive d'un fiume navigabile verso la parte occidentale
d'Ibernia, ed essendo per tutti i luoghi recevuto con le medesime
demonstrazioni d'amore e di cortesia, in questo ultimo luogo
gl'Irlandesi fecero uno sforzo del loro affetto, assicurandomi di
du-e che per qualsivoglia gran principe ore non avrebbero potuti
fare cose maggiori. Oltre agli incontri di cavallaria e fanteria,
vennero tutti i grandi personaggi della provincia a riverU-lo e
per tutta la sti-ada era la gente calcata, ed in ginnocchioni colle
braccia aperte ad applaudire la venuta di S. S. Illma ed a rice
vere la Apca benedizione. II magistrate di Limerick si trovb
alia porta della citti, con il maggiore, che era quelle che la
governa, ed ivi avendo ricevuto e complimentato S. S. Illma,
lascib che il clero lo ricevesse in processione sotto baldachino, e
che lo conducesse alia chiesa, la dove avendolo seguitato dietro
ricevfe poi I'Aplica benedizione.
" II vescovo di questa citta per esser vecchio di 82 anni, non
potfe venire ad incontrarlo, che a mezza strada dalla a porta al
Duomo in una sedia, era condotto, ed ivi essendo prostrate
avanti a Monsignr. Nunzio, non fd possibUe volesse alzarsi,
finche non ebbe la benedizione apostolica ; anzi con tutti i suoi
anni si fece nondimeno portare per una strada piu spedita al
Duomo ed ivi alia porta presentata la croce a Monsignr, poi
volse anco far segno di dargli la mitra ed il pastorale dicendo.
Ab .ecclesia Apostolica hcec recepi, nunc eidem ecclesia prompte
restituo. Ed essendosi ivi fatte le solite ceremonie secondo il
Rituale Romano, diede, come ho detto, Monsignre. la sua bene
dizione al numeroso anzi infinite popolo, ed io publicai da un
luogho eminente I'indulgenza di 40 anni in virtii della facolta
di S. S. Illma che poi fu condotta dal maggiore, dal magistrate
€ dai molti nobili ad una casa destinatali per habitare con tutta
la sua famiglia. Non si possono certamente esprimere le
demonstrazioni d'humanitA, affetto e cortesia di tutti questi
popoli, e la grandissima devozione che hanno alia S. sede
Apostolica, e giuro in verita che molte volte mi hanno causato
tenerezza e lagrime in vedere che non curandosi la gente di
¦* Clonmeen. t Drumsecane.

474 APPENDIX TO THE
prostrarsi in mezzo al fango per bacciare, o almeno toccare le
vesti di Monsignr. e dopo si bacciano le proprie mani come se
havessero toccate reliquie, e quando havevano ricevuta la
benedizione di S. S. Illma ritornavaiio a casa con le mani alzate
al cielo dando ad intendere la consolazione che ne riportavano.
Per una buona parte di strada portb sempre Monsignr. seco un
gran convoglio di Cavallaria, e fanteria per esser sicuro dall'-
insidie de' Nemici Heretici Parlamsntari, che tengon anco fin
hora occupate alcune buone fortezze non molto lontane da'
luoghi d'onde siamo passati ; ma sopra tutto I'omnipotente
mano di Dio sempre ci ha protetti, perchfe non ban gli Heretici
averto mai ardire, di uscir fuori de' lor posti per dubbio che li
fosse tagliata la strada per il ritorno come facilmente sarebbe
successo. Orasi Illmo. Sig. Nunzio, che il Decano suo servitore
ritrovandosi gia in Hibernia sta Allegro e contento, e massime
per vedersi condotto in salute e scampoda tanti pericoU l' Illmo.
Sigrg fratello di V. S. Illma ; e siccome presi per buonissimo
augurio quelle che da lei mi fd scritto mentre era in
Parigi, e che mi credeva in Irlanda ; cosi adesso per allora
rendo a V. S. Illma grazie humilissime ; essendo certo che
I'auspizi sono stati sempre accompagnati dalle sue orazioni. In
somma siamo in Hibernia, siamo in Hibernia ! iodato Iddio !
" II paese per il quale siamo passati sebbeiie fe tra montagne
dimostra non dimeno amenita ed h abondantissimo di ogni
sorte di bestiame, per e iser tutto pieno di pascoli amenissimi,
ed alle volte si souoprono tratti di lungissime valU tempestate
di boschi e solve, quali per non esser molto grandi e spessi
hanno piutosto dell' ameno che dell' horrendo, e per 70 miglia
sempre habbiamo trovati luoghi quasi simili ; ma poi trapassati
i monti, siamo entrati in una immensity di pianure che
alle volte formano ancor alcuni coUicelli e valli amenis-
sime, ben coltivate e arricohite da una infinite di bestiame, ma
sopra tutto di bue e pscore, dalle quali si ricava la lana finis-
sima che chiamano d'Inghilterra.
" Sono gli uomini di bello aspetto e dirobustezza incredibile;
sono valorosi corridori e sopportano ogni incommode con
prontezza inenarrabile ; sono tutti dediti all'armi, e mazime hora
che sono in guerra ; quelli che hanno ateso alle lettere sono dottis-
simi e venne sonno in tutte le professioni e scienze.
" Le donne passano il segno in grandezza e belleza, ed havendo
accompagnata colla leggiadria una gran modestia e devozione,
dimostrando ancora una grandissima simplicit4 conversando con-
tutti in tutti luoghi senza alcuno sospetto o gelossia ; e vestano
habiti diversi dai nostri, ed hanno qualche similitudine con U

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIEEARCHY. 475
Francesi ; solamente portano d'avvantaggio tutte un ferraiolo
lungo con certi gran ciuffi ; e andando senza alcuna acconciatura
di capo si contentano d'alcuni sciugamani, quasi al costume de
Greci, facendo apparire in questo modo la loro natural bellezza.
Sono fecondissime poiche quasi tutte maritandosi fanno molti
figli, e ve ne sono molte che ne hanno fine a 30 vivi ; ma di
quelle che ne hanno 15 e 20 vene e un numero infinite, e tutti
sono belli, grandi di statura, e robusti, essendo la maggior parte
biondi, e di camagione bianca e rossa.
" Si fanno banchetti superbissimi di carne e di pesce, perch6
d'un e d'altro hanno questo popoli gi-aiidissima abbondanza.
I brindisi sono perpetui, bevejiidosi vini di Spagna, claretti di
Francia bU-ra esquitissima, e ancho latte buonissimo. Ogni
cosa e butU-ro, e non v'e vivanda che non ce ne sia in gran
quantita. Noi ci siamo tutti accomodati anco fin addesso all
usanza del paese .... (here a line is effaced) . . . . E vi sono
anco de frutti, come nieli, peri, prugne, carciofoli ; e tutte li
cose commestibili sono a buon mercato. Un grosso bue vale
una doppia, un castrate 30 bajocchi, un pare die apponi, o galline,
un giulio, le nova un quattrino I'uno, e cosi si faccia il conto
del resto : per un soldo si ha un grosso pesce. Ma di salvati-
cinU ve n' e tanta copia che non se ne tien conto. Gli uccelli
si possono quasi ammazzare con i bs-stoni, e massime i tordi,
merli e fringueUi I pesci sono squisitissimi tanto di mare,
quanto di fiume, ed in tanta quantita che per tre giulii abbiamo
avute 150 libre di pesce buono, come lucci, arrenghe, salmoni
trotte ed altri di bontA incredibile. Di sarde e di ostriche per
25 baj. ne abbiamo avuto uu -migliajo.
" De cavvalU ve ne sono assaissimi, belli, robusti, veloci ed a
buon mercato, tantoche per 20 scudi si avva una chinea, che in
Italia valerebbe cento pezzi di oro.
" Io finisco con repUcare a V. S. Illma che siamo Ibernia
tutti per grazia di Dio, sani e salvi, e se non fosse la rogna
che travaglia Monsignr carissimo saressimo i pui felici nomini
di questo mondo. Fa di mestiero pero che si preghi Iddio,accio
restituisca a S. 8. Illma la sanita, perche sono ormai cinque
mesi che non si f^ altro che grattar anzi scorticare, E. qui
a V. S. Illma bacio riverentissi mamente le mani.
" Di Limerick li 10 Novbre. 1645 aUa Romana.
" Die tertio mentis.
" Fr. Ascanius Malasana scribebat Januarii'20 an. 1646."

476 APPENDIX TO THE
Strages in Rupe S. Patritii Civitatis Casilinensis.
D. Bare de Insequin ut totani sibi subjiceret Momoniam,
statim atque D. Taaffus cum 500 equitibus suis, et 400 milites
presidiarii, et plerique cives cum bonis et amicis deseruissent
civitatem Cassileiisem, partim rupem S. Patritii ad asylum
asoendissent, partim qui rupi non credebant in circumfusam
regioiiem terga verterant ; cum Puritano exercitu CassiUam
movit, scalis admotis repugnante urbem nemine occupavit, et
nocte ista victu civium potuque satur, ac securus dormivit.
Die postero, qui exaltatioiiis Stas Crucis profestus fuit, Di"vi
PatricU rupem, ejus robur sed ante proditorum, quos sinu
nostro aluimus, indicio notum, ad spaciem circiter horae lustrat.
Nos quidem eum diem a Deo Ojjtimo Maximo proefinitum,
(non tam ad cladem nobis quam ad gloriam, credimus ut quos
perinde sublim,aturus erat crucis gloria, eos pridie humiliaret
crucis uifamia) lustrata rupe, ejusque viribus, exercitum hostis
in tres dividit turmas in tres debiliores rupis partes impetum
facturus. Mittit e vestigio oratores cum tubis qui deditionem
nostris de more suadebant, his adjunctis conditionibus, ut mili
tes bombardis et oppleto ore globulis egrederentur armati,
civibus, et clero ducis clementiae relictis.
Qua in re maxime militum enituit Catholicorum -virtus, qui
quod defendendos susceperint eo loco clerum et cives, malu-
erunt ultimum vita; subire discrimen quam facto Sacramento
non stare, et sanguinem suum in ea S. PatricU rupe Deo con-
secrare quam dedere loca sancta canibus. Mo-vit generosae
indolis responsum ad indignationem Puritanum ducem. Signo
itaque date et face, interim casu (uti dicunt) plateae Fratrum
Minorum dictae, quae in cineres tota pene conversa est. Subi-
taneo pari hostes impetu rupem adoriuntur, nee prius a cursu
desitum quam muro, undique admoverentur, essentque jam
globorum pene jactibus immunes, quod et turres et jaculatorum
speculae altiores essent quam ut per eas hostis perspici com
mode posset. Cives igitur ac milites non sclopetis jam sed
lapidibus rem agunt ; ipsas ascendunt muri summitates, et
ascendentem per scalas hostem praecipitant, mactantque donee
insiliensium numero pressi, facta praesertim in parte Aquilonari
(undo omne malum) per muram, porta, quas frequens intrabat
hostis, coacti sunt receptui canere, seque templi asylo credere.
Vix pedem e muro retrahunt nostri cum subito circumfuso
premuntur hoste ; in ipso itaque coemeterio varia utriusque
strage pugnatum fuit. Clade bio nostrorum, qui foris manse-
runt, facta, in ipso templi corpore aggrediendo totius rei hosti
ienegerendcB cardo vertebatur. Majorem utramque portam

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 477
quarum haec austrum, iUa septentrionem spectat, aggreditur vi
animoque maximo nee minore a nostro repellitur. Hostis
difficilem advertens per portas adituni, viam sibi per templi
fenestras scalarum ope, multam facit. Hie nostri a tergo pressi,
difficUe quidem ausu, sed generoso cum hoste pugnavere
certamine. Tantus autem erat animorum fragor, tantus dis-
currentium strepitus, uti aliud audiri non potuerit. Ad-
mediam circiter horam in templo certatum est paribus animis,
sed conditione imparl, his arcem illam totius Momonias, ne
dicam Hiberniae sacratissimam inaudito sacrilegio, sacrorum
eversione, polluentibus ; Ulis consecrate Deo et Ecclesiae
sanguine purpuraintibus. Cum vero pugnae vis ingravesceret,
nostrique caderent numero baud pares, in campanile sedulo, et
in tuta se recipiunt. Persequitur per gradus hostis, neque alio
poterat, nisi prsesentissimo vitae periculo. Fugatos ad dedi
tionem soUicitat ; hi vero quod viderent cibo se, potuque
destitutes, vel fame vel multi hostis furore casuros, dede
runt se spcmsimie pro vita facta. Admitit hostes conditionem,
sed ut aptus ad tegendam fraudem, sic nee jam fidei
stetit. Vix e capitaneis unus coUectis in cumulum nostro
rum gladUs, abUt cum jubet nostros peti, et ad unum
omnes trucidari ; fit impetus, cadunt e nostris plerique, capti
nonnulli ditiores, alU in recessus, et cavernas quibus
abundat templum, insiliunt, sed mox, si unum, et alteram
dempseris, extracti, vel gladio mancipantur vel captivitati.
Praetor cum Pastore urbis, Praetoris filius, et nonnulli alii in
secretiori, ac firmo templi cubiculo reconditi, non prius inde
extracti sunt, quam pro vita paciscerentur.
Atque hie finis fuit cruentae hujus stragis, et ab hominum
memoria turpissimi sacrilegU desiderati ad 12 supra octingeii-
tos e CathoUcis ; quingenti ad minimum ex hostili exercitu ;
inter quos 16 cauda Ula cuidam in Anglia familiae, ob injuriam
Divo 'Thomae Cantuariensi olim factam, quasi ex traduce affixa,.
reddit infames  ex ecclesiastico ordine, 3 nimirum ex
ipso clero. Prior P.P. Dominicanorum, duo ex familia S.
Francisci, et unus e Societate Jesu fortiter, juxta et religiose
ceciderunt. Senes decrepiti, quibus pro armis rosaria erant,
ad aras prostrati, cum pueris, et foeminis nulla aetatis aut sexus
ratione habita. Fceminae, quas gladius non absumpsit iiudae
plane dimissae, quarum aliquae postquam nudatae sunt, vere-
cundia ductae maluerunt in templi angulis tegere sanguine
nuditatem suam, quam exponere soli. Sed quid sacrorum pro-
fanatione horribiUus'! Calamus certe refugit scribere, quod
neque cogitatione, nedum verbis consequi queo.

478 APPENDIX TO THE
Uno verbo, hostes facti reram Domini, mox omnia sacra, quae
in S. PatricU templo congesta sunt vertere, altaria diripere
imagines non frangere tantum sed igni tradere, magno crucifixo,
qui in chori ingressu eminebat, caput manusque plectere, organis
diffractis, et campanis majoribus, quarum modulatio, ac sonus
nostros recreabat certantes, distrahebat adversos, vocem et lin-
guas adimere ; omnia denique poUutis violare manibus, ut etiam
campan e ipsae in suorum funeribus obmutescerent, rebus omni
bus tam alto silentio testantibus moerorem suum. Inde in prae
dam ferociter acti, bona ci"vium omnia, quibus referta fuit
ecclesia exonerant, ipsas terr® effodiunt cavernas et marmorea
frangunt sepulchra praedae spe ; mox, ut specie persuaderent quod
postea verbis coiiati sunt, nonnisi perpaucos, 6 nimirum aut sep
tem ex suis cecidisse, suosque omnes vestibus spoliates in tem
plum et coemeterium trahunt, ut a nostris item nudatis non dig-
noscerentur. Adeo autem cadaveribus, quae inhumata ad aliquot
dies jacuere strata sunt omnia, etiam altaria, sacella, sacristia
campanile, gradus, subseUia etc., ut obambulantes non aliud,
quam corpora pa"vimentum protererent. Nihil erat hoc misera-
bilius spectaculo, nee mirabilius iis qui gloriam ecclesiae
nostrae tam sacrorum quot dominicis rituum diligentissima
observatione, tam altarium ac sedificiorum sumptuosa restau-
ratione reminiscentes, imperai-e sibi non poterant ut exter
minium tantum vel aspicerent, vel certe nonnisi manantibus
fletu cernerent oculis. Non hie crudelitatis et sacrilegU finis,
sed etiam cum deferveret sanguis, processit. Postquam omnium
civium bona, suppellectilem ac vasa sacra (excipio quae hostes
secum abstuleruiit) circumfluentibus undique tanquam ad nun-
dinas vicinas, aut vendiderant, aut quae empta non sunt, vel
decerperant, vel in sterquilinia projecerunt, alii vestibus sacris
induti, et pileis quadratis palam incedentes, coeteros ludibrU
causa ad missam invitabant. AU sacras icones ad parietem et
lapides impingebant. Alii majorem nostram auro affabre deU-
nitam Immaculatae Virginis statuam, capite amputate, per
plateas processionis ritu deferebant ; alii S. PatricU, Ignatii et
aliorum divorum(quos surdos mutosq-re vocitabant) magno sump-
tu confectas imagines vel ephippiis substemebant vel in saccos
deferendis oneribus aptabant. Erat qui minori Btae. Matris,
quae apud nos erat, statuae identidem obganniret — Maria ubi
jam'! — Maria ubi? — Vis edere pisa'? — Sed ludibrium huic exitU
causa fuit, paulo enim post eidem illi ferrementa fenestris do-
morum extrahenti lapis ex summa fenestra decadens cerebrum
elisit. Quin et ipse Bare de Insequin non dubitavit capiti suo
mitram induere archiepiscopalem Jactans se et praesidem

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERARCHY. 479
jam Momoniae esse et praetorem. et archiepiscopum Casiliensem.
Furor non in bona civium, et in suppellectilem tantum sacram,
sed in uibis etiam tecta et aedes Deo dicatas sevire coepit.
Faces subdere jam domibus parabant, nee prius cessabant, quam
nobilium quidam grandi pecuniae vi promissa a ci"vibus per
partes solvenda, urbem ab incendii diluvio demerit. Atque ita
tantum non funditus excisa et in cineres redacta est antiquissima
urbs Casiliensis, quae tot regum diu, ac archiepresulum suc-
cessione nobilis stetit. Ilia inquam civitas, quae quod semel
a Patritio fidei lumen accepit, nunquam extingui, sed nee
obscurari passa est, tanta laboravit eclypsi, ut in ea aliquamdiu
et sacerdos, et ritus sacer deficerat. Ilia tot civium pro reli
gione decorata certaminibus, tot divorum undique munita
praesidiis sinu suo complexa est Puritanum hostem. Ilia tot
religiosorum sancta ordinibus, tot pietate addictissimis culta
familUs, una hora omnium totius patriae criminum prae
caeteris Hiberniae urbibus luit Deo supplicium. Atque quod
stupori omnibus est, haec caelum vidit, nee adhuc vindicat
sanguinem sanctorum suorum. Numquid quasi incassum
cecidit tanta ci"vium in patrono fiducia 1 Verum admirari magis
convenit, quam imprudente coelos questu tundere, quo iram
numinis cum gratia commutemus.
Caeterum non fore hinc Cassiliani in proverbium gentibus
sperandum est, sed majorem apud orthodoxos principes ac
nationes gloriae cumulum acquiret, nobilior jam facta pro
fide funeribus, quam antea triumphis. Quae dum carissima
deflet piguora spiritu gaudet gloriosos coelo transcripsisse mar-
tyres. Nee injuria credimus felices eorum esse animos; nam dum
noctibus exterminium illud praecedentibus obiremus praesidiarios
milites, ut ab juramentis, et a militari eos insolentia dehortare-
mur, adeo praeter ta,lium consuetudinem morigeros reperimus, et
¦vitam eo loco pro religione fundendi cupidos, ut ad optimam
a Deo disponi mortem viderentur ; neque enim prius pugnam
aggressi sunt quam plerique soepius omnes ad minimum semel
exomologesi animam expiarent, ac sacratissimum deinde -viati
cum sumerent. Obsidio Roscomani.
Prestonus ergo Nuntii opera in Clanricardii legatum adscitus
atque ab ipso benedictione apostolica Kilkenniae antea in
illam expeditionem flexis genibus roboratus, convocato Birram
exercitu ante omnia, 500 pedites, et equites 200 misit, qui
- hostes velitationibus infestarent, et tunc pabulantes equos ex-
cuterent. Hujus militaris ductum in se suscepit Instructor
Major Taaff, qui iUam hostium manum intercepit, fugavitque

480 APPENDIX TO THE
Roscomani muris, ita demum ut Taaffo in praedam cesserint
boves, oves et pars equorum potissima. Reliquis pecuariis' jam
Birram ad castra abactis, equos quoque pars militum eodem
agebant et pars altera, considerate quod hostes equis spoUati
Roscomano egredi non auderent, villas hostUes incassum pro
cesserunt, nee hactenus res male successit.
Sed interea UU pedites Catholici, quibus equorum, abigen-
dorum ciira incumberet, ad partem Roscomani occidentalem
coeperunt ante de praeda contendere quam ambigere, nemine
optimum quemque equum sibi vel suis non ambiente, qua
confusione et Uicuria factum ut interea equi pene ornnes suopte
nutu ad sua equilia Roscomanum mira redierint velocitate,
primaevosque dominos ex peditibus mox effecerint equites,
qui cum solito peditatu Roscomano mox moverunt, ex impro
vise in Catholicos, a quibus primum equorum coeteros re-
cuperarunt, et sic aUcto equorum numero in Taaffii ; peditatum
irruerunt, profiigaruntque, quod suis non esset presto
CathoUcus equitatus et ipse postea Birram vix fuga dilapsus,
Taaffo aliisque officialibus ab hoste captis.
Hac victoria hostes facti insolentiores adeo per -viciniam
confidenter s'patiabantur, ut instructa acie Birram progressi
copias Praestonianas ad praelium provocarint sed Prestonus nec
dum instructum habens exercitum, et jactura, quam retuli,.
detritus, prudenter distulit. Suppletis autem paulo past
ordinibus Birra movit, et expugnatis inter viam tribus hostium
castellis obsidione cinxit Roscomanum.
Locus ille in Conacia mediterraneus, annexe comitatui nomen
proebet, ibique Johnus, paucis retro annis Conacise pr»ses,
hcereseos toxico repletus, castellum satis munitum extruxit
paulo dis.situm (ad Aquilonem) ab antique oppido, quod
Dominicanorum monasterie Sti. Comani fano insignitur. Sed
bello per Iberniam flagrante hoeretici Roscomanum ex tribu
naU forensi transformarunt ad praesidium militar'e, et promu-
rali, fossis, criptis caecis, semilunaribus, munimentis, miUtum
receptaculis, tormentis belUcis, duobus intus bonis perfugUs-
secundarUs aliterque ita munierunt, ut ad duos bombardae
jactus in ambitu vallum extenderetur. Hinc illi coUecta
praedonum manu a belli exordio totam viciniam infestarunt,
viduarum et pupillorum lacrimis, geniitibus, sanguinae victi-
tantes, Catholicorumque oerumnis suam foventes luxuriam.
Praestonus Dominicanorum monasterium mox occupavit,
paucis deinde assultibus ante tertiam obsidionis diem potitus
omnibus externis munimentis, exceptis, quae fossae sunt
viciniora. Scoti interea mense necdum elapso ab exercitu

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIERAECHY. 481
Ultoniensi (sicut vidimus) justo praelio deleti, -vires UU occidioni
superstites aliasque recentiores cogunt et misso buccinatore
Perstonum coram ad pugnam lacessunt, sed ubi Perstonus sub-
scripsit, et instructa acie adoriri gestiit, receptui cecinerunt.
Quorum tamen equites tres gentes Scoticae gloriam reparaturi
in medium prodierunt cum totidem ex catholicis pugnaturi.
Quibus mox obviam processerunt legatus generaUs "Willamson,
cum Barnevallo et Finglassio centurionibus, sed cum essent in
procinctu ad manus conserendas, hostium duo se in fugam
receperunt, tertio audacter pedem figente, et postulante unum
omnium, cum quo dimicaret in quem reliquis a longe spec-
tantibus et exclusis alus obtinuit ire Barnevallus, qui exono-
ratis utrinque sed nuUo -vulnere sclopetis, mox ut ventum est
ad gladios in mortem dedit Scotorum palestritam, nee aUud
diem illam nobilitavit.
Procedens ergo in obsidione Prestonus tribunale tormentario
ad orientem erecto machinisque ibi libratis, inde biduo 238
tormentorum belUcorum fulminibus reliqua exteriora muni-
menta. et cujus ex Ula parte objecta et interposita pastellum
defenderetur, vallum ita conquassavit ut moenia dejecerit, et
ruinas ad insultum aptus aperuerit. Prassidium, cujus jam
13 officiales principales, et multa miUtum manus inter varias
eruptiones interUssent, nona obsidionis die, eaque JulU octava,
super deditione pacisci coepit. Conventum ergo pmo. ut praesi
dium abu-et incolume cum armis, sarcinis et miUtibus pro libitu
onerandis. 2°. ut habitantium reliquis mensis esset integer ad
abscedendum cum facultatibus tam mobilibus, quam se moven-
tibus. 3°. ut machinae bellicae, quarum una (Deo melius provi-
dente) ad primam antea explosionem crepuit, penes victores
essent. 4°. ut 10 JulU egrederetur praesidium, et ex Catholicis
quingenti introrsum admitterentur, quorum 100 in castelli
possessionem se reciperent. Verum ipso die quo sic con
ventum fuit, hostibus se ad abscedendum accingentibus, alla-
tum est ad Prestonum duos cursores speculatores "vidisse
equitatum Scoticum magnis passibus accedentem. Deinde
hostium nonnuUi recentissime capti aperuerunt decretum
fuisse Ula nocte Catholicorum castris vim inferre,.et obsessis
succurrere. Quam ob rem jubente Prestono, totus exercitus '
ordine dispositus noctem illam excuba"vit. Scoti vero nonnisi v
cum Ulucesceret, se praesentarunt, et se in gyrum agentes ad
tormenti bellici districtum circa castra, non ausi sunt adoriri,
nisi equitatus Catholici tentoria ad quae septem vel octo
interemptis, nonnihil damni intulere et demum explorato
quod Catholici non indormirent, receptiim cogitarunt. i2

482 APPENDIX TO THE
Hoc eorum consilio Prestonus observato suum alia "via
misit equitatum, qui hostem intercluderet. Verum cum ad
locum designatum pervenissent, prima Catholicorum agmina
irruerunt in haereticorum posteriora. Quare Scoti unitis "viribus
instructaque acie semel, iterum, et tertio pedem figentes pugna-m
dederunt et loco dimoti demum post ancipitem aliquamdiu
pugnam, in extremam conversi sunt fugam, Ibernis ad nonum
exinde lapidem palantes, et promiscuos insequentibus. Invenio
hunc globum equestrem Scotorum 14 turmis, et in his con-
stitisse sexcentis circiter equitibus, ex quibus 355 ibi cecidisse
scripsit tunc nuntius ad Pamphilium. Massarius vero exacti-
orem hujus expeditionis, Waterfordia scripsit praeter ccesos,
reliquos pene omnes fuisse vel captos (et in his 12 officiales)
vel vulneratos. Scotorum, inquit, ductor .... fuga
saluti consuluit, caput et coxindicem sauciatus. Inter captives
est quidam principalis minister Puritanus, apud ipsos magnus,
natione Anglus, homo valde superbus, morosus et melancholicus,
qui cum me dum ilium "visitarem convenisset, pauca dixit et
verbis gravioribus : ref erunt hunc semper in conflictu prae-
cessisse ad aciei frontem, districtoque gladio suis animum
addidisse. Notatum fuit in magnum prodigium, continuo hosti
bus densam astitisse corvorum nubem, qui glomerati, supra
volantes, eamdem semper cum ipsis "viam tenebant. Praeterea
in pugna, nullus pene hostium ccedebatur quin ipsi ab Usdem
cor"vis mox oculi effoderentur, ipseque qui tam in conflictus loco,
quam per aliquot "viae milliaria hand mediocrem illorum cada-
verum partem vidi, animadverti eratos omnibus oculos, et
unumquemque tribus vel quatuor vulneribus fuisse conf ossum ;
ex nostris autem octo coesi et 24 fuerunt vulnerati.
Porro his nuncUs Roscomani auditis, obsessi locum in Ca
tholicorum potestatem permiserunt, ad BuellU monasterium ab
haeretica collu"vione profanatum fide publica conducti, quod
alteram in vicinia castellum, ad quod juxta deditionis pactum
alias profecturi essent post pridianam illam victoriam Catholici
interceperint. Postea idem Prestonus exercitus ubi aUquot
dies respirasset, praefato BuelUi monasterie, aliisque nonnulUs
in ea vicinia castellis hostem expulit.
[Although the Dean of Fermo informs us that the Nunzio pre
vailed "with the Supreme Council to send General Preston to
act as second in command under Clanricarde (who had Uttle
or no military experience), in driving the Scots out of Con
naught, it does not appear that the latter took the field untU
1651. The narrative is interesting, and for that reason we
have thought it should have a place in this volume.]

MEMOIES OF THE IRISH HIEEAECHY. 483
" After Preston had received the Nunzio's blessing on bended
knees in Kilkenny, he at once set out for Birr, where he mus
tered his forces. He then sent 500 foot and 200 horse to beat
up the enemy's quarters, and to carry off the horses, then graz
ing in the open fields. Taaffe had command of the detachment,
and did his work so well that, after dri"ving the Scots before
him to the walls of Roscommon, the greater part of the horses
fell into his hands, together with sheep and oxen, the other
cattle having been driven to the camp at Birr, and numbers of
the horses Ukewise, some taking this direction and some another,
the soldiers concluding that, as the enemy were dismounted,
they would not venture outside the walls of Roscommon. Thus
they passed, "without any encounter, through the hostile towns.
But meanwhile our foot soldiers, who were told off to escort the
captured horses to Roscommon, began to bicker with each other,
some desiring to retain for themselves or friends this or that
horse, and thus creating confusion, in the midst of which, owing
to want of ordinary vigilance, almost all the horses broke loose
and galloped back to their quarters. There they were imme
diately mounted by their old riders, who sallied out on ours,
recovered the rest of their steeds, and being thus strengthened,
charged our foot under Taaffe, who, having no cavalry, were
put to flight, the commander and other officers being made
prisoners on the retreat.
Elated by this "victory, the enemy went marauding about so
insolently that they approached Birr, and challenged Preston's
troops to fight. But he prudently declined, because his army
was not yet up to its strength, and because he was much
annoyed by the recent loss. But the moment he was in readi
ness he marched out of Birr, beleaguered and- captured three
of the enemy's castles, and then sat down before Roscommon.
That place, situated in the heart of Connaught, gives its name
to the county. A few years pi-e"viously, Jones, then governor
of the pro"vince, and full of the poison of heresy, buUt a very
strong castle a short distance north of the ancient town, where
stood a convent of the Dominican Fathers, "*" and the church
sacred to Sain-t Coman. But during the Elizabethan wars the
heretics transformed Roscommon from an assizes town into a
garrison, strengthening it "with outworks, ditches, masked pits,
demi-lunes, barracks, covered ways, etc., etc. ; so that the cir
cuit of the ramparts extended fully two heavy gun-shots.
* Founded in the 13th century. The castle is said to have been erected
hy John D'Ufford, justiciary of Ireland, in 1268.

484 APPENDIX TO THE
"Within these fortifications the heretics recruited bands of plun
derers, who, from the very commencement of the war, preyed
upon the entire neighbouring districts, Uving on the blood and
tears of ¦widows and chUdren, and indulging theu- depravities at
the expense of the Catholics.
Preston occupied the Dominican convent, and, after a few
discharges, on the third day of the siege possessed himself of
all the outworks, except those nearest the ditch. MeanwhUe
the Scots, who scarcely a month before escaped death on
the field of Benburb, took counsel together and dispatched a
trumpet to Preston, challenging him to fight. But when he
appeared -with his ordered ranks, the enemy sounded the retreat.
Ashamed of this, three Scottish cavaliers rode out to do battle
with as many of the CathoUcs. They were met by Lieutenant-
General WUliamson, Barnwall, and Finglass, captains of ours,
but before they could come ¦within sword's length, two of the
Scots fled, one, however, remaining behind, and inviting who
so wished to measure weapons with him. All eyes were fixed
on this one, and Barnwell was elected, before every other, to
meet him. Having discharged their muskets without inflicting
a wound, they came to close quarters, and Barnwell kiUed the
Scottish champion. No other fete signaUsed that dp,y.
Pressing the siege, Preston erected a battery, looking east,
and in the course of two days, after firing 238 heavy shots, he
destroyed not alone the remainder of the outworks, but every
thing that came "within range of his guns. The castle itself,
rampart, and wall, were so breached that everything was ready
for the assault. Seeing this, the garrison, who had already lost
thirteen officers and hundreds of their men in various sorties,
bethought them that they ought to make terms. Now this
occurred on the nUith day of the siege, and 18th of July, 1646,
when it was agreed that, 1st, the garrison should march out
safe with arms and baggage ; 2nd, that those Scots residing in
Roscommon should have an entire month to remove with their
chattels and live stock ; 3i-d, that their heavy guns l^one of
which burst at the first fire) should be ours ; 4th, that on the
10th July the garrison should evacuate the place, 500 of ours
marching into it, 100 of whom were to take possession of the
castle. But on the very day when this agreement was made,
and while the enemy was preparing to quit, Preston leamt that
two of our scouts had seen the Scottish cavalry approaching
rapidly. Besides, some of those we made' prisoners informed
us that the enemy had resolved to attack our camp that night,
and relieve the besieged. Preston then ordered that we should

MEMOIES OF THE lEISH HIEEAECHY"". 485
stand to our arms all that night. The Scotch did not appear
tUl daybreak, when they wheeled round about that part of the
camp where our artillery was parked, contentuig themselves
"with an onfall on our horse quarters, causing us to lose seven
or eight killed, and then retreating, when they found that we
were on the alert. Seeing what they were about, Preston sent
his cavalry by another road in order to cut them off at a place
' which he named. FalUng on the rear-guard of the Scotch, ours
met stout resistance, for the heretics fought bravely, till at
length we put them to fiight, and pursued them fully nine miles,
kUling the fugitives and stragglers as we came up -with them. .
This body of Scotch horse consisted of 14 troops, i.e., about 600
men, 355 of whom — so the Nunzio -wrote to Cardinal Panfilio —
were slain. Massari, however, who was better acquainted with
the details, -wrote from Waterford that, besides the killed, the
rest were either made prisoners (among these twelve officers)
or wounded. The commander of the Scotch saved himself by
flight, after ha-ving received serious wounds on head and hips.
Among the prisoners, we took a remarkable Puritan muiister,
thought much of by his people, and of English blood — a proud;
morose, and melancholy sort of man, whom I visited, and found
very chary of his words, which indeed were solemn. They told
me that he was in the forefront of his men during the action,
sword in hand, and encouraging them energetically. Nor
.should I omit what was very remarkable. A cloud of ravens
kept wheeling over the road by which the heretics were retreat
ing. Then, again, almost every one of the killed had his eyes
picked out by these birds, and I myself saw not only on the
very battle-field, but along mUes of the road, a number of
corpses which lacked eyes and bore upon them some four or
five wounds. Our loss was eight kUled and twenty-four
wounded. — Massaei, Dean of Fermo.
When this news reached Roscommon, the besieged yielded
the place to us. We then sent the prisoners under safe con
duct to the monastery of Boyle — profaned by heretical pravity
— instead of that castle to which they were to have been
removed, according to agreement, had not ours got possession of
it the day after the victory. Preston after allowing his men
to rest a few days, turned the enemy out of the foresaid
monastery and also out of some neighbouring castles which he
had taken.

"486 APPENDIX TO THE
Inscriptions on Ancient Chalices of the Irish Framciscans still
existing in this Country.
Buttevant. — Orate pro me Nicholas Sinan qui hoc opus fieri
1600, pro conventu F. F. Min. fecit de Buttevant.
Pray for me Nicholas Synan, who caused this work to
be made in 1600, for the convent of the friars minors
in Buttevant.
Carrick. — Pro conventu Carrigiensi me fieri fecit Fr. Antonius
Mander-vUle, Anno Domini 1693. Br. Anthony
Manderville caused me to be made for the convent
of Carrick, in the year of our Lord 1693.
Cashel. — Hunc calicem procuravit pro conventu Cassiliensi S.
Francisci Fr. Petrus Comin, A.D. 1663. Brother Peter
Comin procured me for the convent of St. Francis in
Cashel, A.D. 1663.
„ Orate pro animabus Edmundi Everarcli et Joannae
Naish uxoris ejus, 1648. Pray for the souls of
Edmund Everard and Johannah Naish his wife,
1648.
Clonmel. — Jacobus Daniel, Clonmel, me fieri fecit anno 1614.
Orate pro anima ejus. Jacob Daniel, Clonmel, caused
me to be made in the year 1614. Pray for his soul.
„ Hunc calicem procuravit Pr. Edmundus de Burgo.
Conventui fratrum Minorum de Clonmel, 1664.' Br.
Edmund de Burgo gave this chalice to the Convent of
the Friars Minors Clonmel, 1664.
„ Joannes English, Burgensius de Clonmel, et Mar
garita Power, uxor ejus, me sibi posterisque fieri
fecerant quibus propitius sit Deus. An. Domini 1645.
John English, Burgess of Clonmel, and Margaret
Power his wife, caused me to be made for himself and
his posterity, to whose prayer may the Lord be pro
pitious, A.D. 1645.
Cork. — Frater Gulielmus Harris, pro Conventu S. Francisci,
Cork, me fieri fecit, 1611. Brother WUliam Harris
caused me to be made for the Convent of St. Francis,
Cork, 1611.
Donegal. — D. Joannes Colmanus cum conjuge D. Catherina
Gould, me fieri fecit pro fratribus minoribus de Corck.
Orate pro eis. A.D. 1639. John Colman and his
wife Catherine Gould, caused me to be made for the
Friars Minors of Cork. Pray for them. A.D. 1639.

memoirs of the IEISH HIEEAECHY. • 487
Elphin. — Frater Boetius Eganus, Episcopus Elphinensis, me
fieri fecit, 1634. Pro conventu F.F. Min. Regul.
Observ. de Elphin, Anno Domini 1634. Brother
Boetius Egan, Bishop of Elphin, caused me to be
made in 1634. For the convent of the Friars Minors
of Regular Observance in Elphin, A.D. 1634.
Galway. — Orate pro animabus Martini Fontii et Elisae Butler,
qui me fieri fecerant pro conventu FF. Min., Galviae,
1621. Pray for the souls of Martin Fontii and Eliza
Butler, who caused me to be made for the convent
of the Friars Minors of Galway, 1621.
„ Sancto Francisco. Orate pro animabus Gasparis
Christophori et uxorum ejus Christinae et E"vilinae
Lynch, et pro illis qui me fieri fecerunt, A.D. 1683,
pro conventu F.F. Min. Galviae. Deo Gratias. To
St. Francis. Pray for the souls of Caspar Christo
pher and his "wives Cristina and Eveleen Lynch, and
for those who caused me to be made, A.D. 1683, for
the convent of the Friars Muiors of Galway. Many
thanks be to God.
„ . Fr Joannes Walsh, 1708. Br John Wa.lsh, 1708.
,, D. Eduardus French, filius Patritii Frenchi, et
J. Megina Darcy, ejus uxor, fieri fecerunt pro Fratri
bus Minoribus, Galviae, 1638. Ora,te pro eis. Edward
French, son of Patrick French and J. Megina Darcy
his -wife, caused me to be made for the Brothers
Minors of Galway, 1638. Pray for them.
KiLLYBEGS. — The Rev. Mr. Stephens, rector of that parish,
and author of the admirable book on South Western
Donegal, has a Silver Chalice with this inscription : —
"Fr Ants. O'Doherty, T.S.D. procuravit H. Calicem
pro usu F.F. Con"vts. Dongaliensis."
Kll^CONNELL. — Procuravit Fr. Franciscus Gueffe pro Conventu
de KilconneU, 27 JulU, 1638. Br. Francis Gueffe
procured this for the Convent of KUconneU, 27 of
July, 1638.
Kinalehan. — Fr. Joannes de Burgo, me procuravit pro Con-
ventu F.F. Min. de Kinalehan, A.D. 1711. Brother
John de Burgo procured me for the Convent of the
Friars Minors at Kinalehan, A.D. 1711.
„ Fr. Joannes Bresnagh me procuravit pro Conventu
FF. min. de Kinalehan, Anno 1718. Br. John Bres
nagh procured me for the Convent of Kinalehan, in
the year 1718.

488 APPENDIX TO THE
Limerick. — In usum Fratrum Minorum, Limericensium,
me fieri fecit Frater Ferallus, Minorita, 1619. Br.
Ferral, Minorite, caused me to be made for the use
of the Friars Minors, Limerick, 1619.
„ D. Anastatia Rice, Tertii Ord. S. Francisci me fieri
fecit pro altare Conceptionis B. Virginis, F.F. Min.
Limeri. A.D. 1626. Anastatia Rice, of the Third
Order of St. Francis, caused me to be made for
the Altar of the Conception of the Blessed Virgin of
the Friars Minors of Limerick, A.D. 1626.
Meelick. — -Fr. Paulus O'Mulgaoche procuravit hunc Calicem
pro ¦ Conventu deMylUcke, pro quo oretur, A..D. 1640.
Br. Paul O'Mulgaoche procured this Chalice for the
Convent of Meelick, for whose repose pray.
A.D. 1640.
„ Domina Elizabetha Butler, Comitessa, me fieri
fecit pro anima sua et Mariti sui Rickardi,
defuncti Comitis de Clanrecard, et Conventui de
Mylecke dedicavit, 10 Aug., Anno 1667. Lady
EUzabeth Butler, Countess, ca!used me to be made
for her own soul and that of her husband Richard,
deceased Earl of Clanrickard, and gave nie as a gift
to the Convent of Meelick, 10th of August, 1667.
„ Orate pro Fr. Jacobo Madden, qui me fieri fecit pro
Conventu de MUick, Anno 1714. Pray for Br.
James Madden, who caused me to be made for the
Convent of Meelick, A.D. 1714.
Multifernan. — R. P. i'ranciscus Delamer, S.T.L., Pro"vinciae,
Dep. et V.A.P. Francis. Crucis Guardianus Dublini-
ensis FF. Coiiv. Multifer, 1713. R. P. Father Francis
Delamer, S.T.L., Definitor of the Pro"vince, and V. R.
Father Francis Cruce, Guardian of Dublin to the
friars of Multifernan Convent, 1713.
„ Fr. Christophorus Bamewall. Pro"vincialis Ord.
Minorum Strict. Observ. procura"vit pro Conventu
Montisfemandi, Anno 1759. Br Christopher
Bamewall, Provincial of the Order of Minors of
the Strict Observance, procured this for the Church
of Multifeman, Anno 1759.
Shandon. — Pro Conventu Secanden, prope Cork, fieri fecit Fr.
GugUelmus Tarrais, Anno Domini 1614. Br.
WiUiam Tarrais caused this to be made for the Con
vent of Shandon, near Cork, A.D. 1614.

MEMOIRS OF THE IRISH HIERAECHY. 489
Shandon. — Dna. Margarita Sarsfelda me fieri fecit pro Fratribus
Minoribus de Shandon, A.D. 1627. Orate pro ea et
pro marito ejus Walter Coppinger. Lady Margarita
Sarsfield caused me to be made for the Friars Minors
of Shandon, A.D. 1627. Pray for her and her
husband Walter Coppinger.
Timoleague. — Orate pro animabus Caroli Dale et EUzae
Browne. Conven. de Timoleague. Pray for the
souls of Charles Dale and Eliza Browne. Convent
of Timoleague.
„ Hujus possessor Dermitius Hanin sacerdos, 1628.
Timoleague. Dermot Hanen, Priest, owner of this,
1628. TUnoleague.
Teim. — Fr. Alexander Plunkett, me fieri fecit pro Conventu F.
F. Mm. de Ti7m, Anno 1633. Br. Alexander Plun
kett caused me to be made for the Convent of the
Friars Minors in Trim, Anno 1633.
„ Fr Patritius GibUns, Ord. Mm. Strict.. Observ.
me fieri fecit pro Conventu de Trim, Anno 1709.
Br. Patrick GibUns of the Strict Observance of the
Order of Minors caused me to be made for the
Convent of Trim, Anno 1709.
Wateefoed. — Thomas Griffin, Presbyter, me fieri fecit, 1599.
Thomas Griffin, Priest, had me made, 1599.
„ Paupertas me fieri fecit ad usum P. F. And.
Russell Ord. Min., A.D. 1684; Poverty caused me
"to be made for the use of Father Andrew Russell,
of the Order of MUiors, A.D. 1684.
„ Dan Sinnott et F. Linicon, hunc calicem done D.
Conventui F.F. Min. Civitatis Waterfordae. Denuo me
fieri fecit F. Phelan, 1774. Daniel Sinnott and Br.
Linicon gave this Chalice as a gift to the Convent of
the Friars Minors of the City of Waterford. Br.
Phelan caused me to be re-made, 1774.
Voughal. — Pro Conventu F.F. Min. de Youghal, me denuo fieri
fecit, Fr Barth. Archdekin, 1751. Br Barth.' Arch-
dekin caused me to be re-made for the Convent of
the Friars Minors in Youghal, 1751.

ALPHABETICAL INDEX,

A
Accounts of the Supreme Council of the Confederates, 306.
Adare, book of, 56, 38.
Adare, monastery of, 24.
Adare, Trinitarian monastery of, 301.
Albert and Isabella, archdukes, 2, 3.
Archives, Franciscan, Merchants' Quay, Dublin, 273, 291.
ArdtuUy, castle of, Rinuecini entertained at — converted to a magazine, 109.
Armada, the Spanish, refugees of, 20, 62, 75.
Armagh, monastery of, founded, 87 ; ceded to the see of Armagh, 88.
Artane, scene of archbishop Allan's murder — Christopher Hollywood
born iu the castle, (the site of the present industrial school), 452.
Arthur Richard, bishop of Limerick, 109 ; his consecration and death, 110.
Askeaton, monastery of, founded by James, earl of Desmond, 96; granted
to Sexton, Chichester's secretary, 97.
Assaroe, Cistercian monastery of, Ballyshannon, 267.
Aughrim castle, siege of, 66. B
Back Lane school, (Collegium S. Audoeni), incorporated with Trinity col
lege, 160; 390.
Bagnal Mabel, marriage of, 24, 26 ; sir Henry, 26 ; sir Nicholas (her
father), 27; her death, 274.
Baile-an-Chlair, monastery of, founded by John de Cogan, 88; granted
to sir Richard de Burgh, 89.
Ballimore, castle of, Loughshodie, 40, 42.
Balline (BaUeen), castle of, residence of Lord Mountgarrett, 417.
Ballyrourke (Creevelea), monastery of, 77 ; 290 ; chalice of, 289.
Baltimore, lord, his arrival in Ireland, 41 1.
Barberini Maffeo, (afterwards Urban VIII.), 187, 188.
Barnwell, sir Patrick, 29.
Barry Robert" bishop of Cork, his sepulture, 323, 431.
Baron, father Bonaventure, his birth, great genius, and literary labours,
84 ; his burial, 86 ; address to Falkland— Boyle's patronage— auto
biography— elected bishop of Cashel, 291 ; duke Cosimo's patents,
292 ; his history of the siege of Duncannon, 293 ; Monastery of the
Trinitarians, Adare, 301.
Baron Geoffrey  Original Book of Accounts of the Confederates, 30b.
Barret, Edmond, grantee of Moyne, 58.
Barretts, the, their hospitality and burial place, SO.

492 INDEX.
Belling, sir Richard, 120 ; character of Rinuecini, 226.
Benburb, battle of, 233 ; Owen Roe's bulletin of, 433.
Beranger Gabriel, visit to Multifernan, 275.
Bernard, youngest son of Tyrone, 3 ; death of, 16.
Betaghs, of Moynalty, monument of, 68.
Bigari, his picture of the ruins of Multifernan, 275.
Birmingham, father Francis, 285.
Bingham, governor of Connaught, 21, 66.
Blayney, lord, slain at Benburb, 433.
Blount Charles, lord deputy, 40, 41.
Blundell, sir Arthur, vice-treasurer, conversion of, 403.
Bodkin Christopher, archbishop of Tuam, his burial place, 71.
Boon, captain, II.
Book of Leinster, missing folios of, 274.
Borlase, 101, 174, 247.
Borromeo, cardinal Frederic, 214.
Burke Oliver, esq. ; his book on Rosserilly, 285.
Boyle, earl of Cork, lord justice, his oppression, 171, 215.
Boyle, sir Richard, his patronage of Shearman, 125.
Brady Richard, bishop of Kilmore, 40, 41 ; his life, 45; 171.
Brigid, lady Athenry, daughter of sir Lucas Dillon, reinters archbishop
' O'Queely's remains, 119.
Brown, apostate archbishop of Dublin, 104.
Brown ¦William, rector of St. Michan's, Dublin, 400.
Brown, father 'i^alentine, reopens Galway monastery church, 284.
Bulkeley, Protestant archbishop of Dublin, his raid on Cook Street Ora
tory, 90.
Bunratty, siege of, 233 ; colours taken, 434.
Burgat, vicar-general of Emly, 225, 431,
Burke, father Francis, 285.
Burrogh, lord deputy, 13.
Bustock, captain, slain at Leitrim, 77.
Butler Richard, brother to the marquis of Ormond, sent by Belling to
meet the nunzio, 109 ; 188.
Butlers, barons of Cahir, their tombs, 290.

Cahill, father Patrick, suspension of, 160; sent to Swords, 162; arrest
and escape, 172; visit to Paris and Rome, 396; verses attributed to
him, 397; father Wadding's censures and other documents, 398.
Calendar of state papers, extracts from, 275 ; 337.
Calthorp, grantee of Kilconnell, 67.
Calvert, sir George, secretary of state to James I., created baron Balti
more, 411.
Camden, his annals, 19.
Casey 'William, apostate bishop of Limerick, his reconciliation — Owen
Duffy's satire, 286.
Cashel, cathedral of, 126, 129.
Cashel, massacre in, 129, 360,
Cecil, sirR., 411.
Chalices, Franciscan, still preserved — inscriptions on, 488.
Chamberlain Christopher, dedication to Comerford, 421.
Chichester, sir Arthur, lord deputy, 33, 34, 48, 72, 74, 151 ; his recall,
155, 199.

INDEX. 493
Clanmorris, viscount, 163.
Clanricarde, earl of, his munificence, 73.
Clifford, sir Conyers, president of Connaught, 12, 66.
Clonmacnoise, visited by the nunzio, 394.
Clonmeen, magnificent reception of the nunzio by Dermot MacCarthy, 352,
Clonmel, monastery of, its foundation and desolation, 81 ; lord Cahir's
monument, 82.
Clynne John, the annalist, his residence in Kilkenny, 95.
Cole, sir 'William, battle of Ballysadare, 118.
Colgan, father John, visit to Wicklow, 107. 158; archbishop of Armao-h's
letter, 180, 273 ; extracts and letters, 270.
[The Necrology of St. Antony's, Louvain, records father Colgan's
death thus : — "Anno Domini, 1658, die 15 Januarii, Louvanii in
CoUegio S. Antonii de Padua, Fratrum Hybernorum strictioris
observantiae, omnibus Ecclesiae sacramentis praemunitus mi-
gravit ad dominum anno suae aetatis 66, sacerdotii 40, profes-
sionis 38, R. A. P. Frater Joannes Colganus S. Theologiae
lector jubilatus et coUegiorum suae Provinciae aliquamdiu
commissarius. Vir erat ab eruditione, pietate et animi candore
valde commendabilis, et praeclare meritus de suo iustituto, patria.
ejusque Sanctis, quorum actis, in publicam iiotitiam proferendis
triginta sex et amplius annis pertinaci labore, indefessoque ad
mortem usque sedulus incubuit, pratrocinium promeruit . . .
si humana fragilitate aliquid adhuc luendum .... vestris
precibus enixe commendamus. Requiescat in pace. Amen.]
Colkitto (Alaster McDonnell), 139, 367,
Comerford Patrick, bishop of Waterford and Lismore, his family con
nexions and early life, 210 ; ordained at Lisbon — collated to the priory
of Callan, 212 ; releases his brother from Algerine pirates  visits
Spain and Rome — promoted to the see of Waterford, 213 ; conse
crated at Rome, 214 ; interview with pope Urban VIII., 215; joins
Confederates, 216; his labours and works, 217; devotion to Rinue
cini, 219 ; enforces interdict, 221 ; retires to St. Malo — death  a,pd
interment at Nantes, 223 ; his letters, and other documents, 421_^et
seq.
Confederates, Supreme Council of, 110, 216; truce with Inchiquin, 220;
remonstrance with Comerford, 221 ; Comerford's answer, 222.
Connow Roger, provincial of English friars minors, 88.
Conry, father Didacus, 47.
Conry Florence, archbishop of Tuam, 116, 157, 162.
Coote, sir Charles, battle of Ballysadare, 118 ; besieges Galway, 145, 162,
167.
Courcey's epigram on Comerford's armorial bearings, 422.
Cradock Roger, O.S.F., bishop of Waterford, 103.
Crassan, father Charles, 47.
Creevelea, church and monastery of, founded by Owen O'Ruiarc, 77;
accidentally burnt, 78 ; leased to Harrison, 80 ; chalice of, 289.
Creagh, archbishop of Armagh, 195; his death, 196.
Creagh, archbishop of Cashel, 194; imprisonment and death in the tower
of London — description of his cell in Dublin castle, 196.
Creagh, bishop of Limerick, his accusation of friars, 96.
Cromwell Oliver, 130; arrival in Dublin, 166, 222; appears before
Waterford — invests Dungarvan, 223.
Curwen Hugh, apostate archbishop of Dublin, 148.

494 INDEX.

Daniel, king's archbishop of Tuam, 47; expels monks, 74.
Darceys, of Flatten, monument of, 32.
Dardis Patrick, " In obitum " to Plunket, 284.
Dease Thomas, bishop of Meath, 171 ; parentage and early life— raised
to the see of Meath, 175 ; devotion to England— Rinuccini's opinion
of him, 176; disobeys the primate's summons, 177; quarrels with the
nunzio about Tristernagh — opposes his extreme measures against In
chiquin's party, 181; death and burial at Galway — epitaph by Bel
ling, 184: favours the Capuchins, 404.
Dease Oliver, vicar-general, 189, 40i).
De Burgh, father Huah, sent to Spain, 126.
De Burgh John, archbishop of Tuam, early life, 132; vicar-apostoUc,
134; consecrated to Clonfert, 135; translated to Tuam, 137; opposes
the nunzio's censures, 142, 369 ; receives the pallium from French,
143; arrested at Ballymote, and sent to France, 145; return and
death, 146; epitaph, 158, 182.
De Burgh Richard, styled " of Kinsale," 74.
De Burgh Thomas, his benevolence, 59.
De Burgh Ulick, earl of Clauricarde, lord deputy, 145.
De Burgh William, founder of Galway monastery, 66; his tomb, 69.
De Burgo Dominic, Clanricarde's confessor, 241.
De Coureey Edmond, bishop of Ross, 53.
De Coureey James, lord Kinsale, his munificence, 53.
Deed of transfer of Lisgool monastery, 98.
De la Hyde, father Balthassar, 33, 193, 413, 415.
Delamers, the, founders of Multifernan, 38; William Delamer's tomb,
274.
Delvin Richard, tenth baron of, his character, 175.
Denham, lord deputy, 155.
Desmond Gerald FitzJohn, earl of, flight to the " Palgrave," 413.
Desmond James, seventh earl of, founder of Askeaton monastery, 96 ;
his interment there, 99.
Devereux Alexander, schismatical bishop of Ferns, 104.
Dillon, captain Garrett, taken prisoner at Ballysadare, 118.
Dillon, sir James, Confederate general, 117.
Dillon, sir Lucas, wounded at Ballysadare, 118.
Donegal, monastery of, founded by the lady Nuala, 4 ; MacCarmagan,
bishop of Raphoe, and O'DonneU, bishop of Derry, buried there, 7 ;
father Bernard Gray — his sanctity and death, 8-10.
Dowcra, sir Henry, 13 ; — lord Dowcra, treasurer at war, 412.
Drogheda, monastery of, founded by the Plunkets of Louth, 32 : leased
to Gerald Aylmer — its destruction by Hill, 33.
Drumsecane, the nunzio's visit, 352.
Drury, lord justice, his cruelty, and death, 96.
Duncannon, siege of by Preston, Baron's account of, 293.
Dundalk, monastery of, founded by John De Vernon — its alienation and
destruction, 36.
Dungarvan, invested by Cromwell, 223.E
Egan Boetius, bishop of Elphin, 116, 135; his life, 264; death and
burial at KUconneU, 265.

INDEX. 495
Egan Boetius, bishop of Ross, early life — ordained priest — chaplain-general
at Benburb, 237 ; consecrated to Ross — taken prisoner and hanged,
238. ¦
Ennis-Cluain-road, monastery of, founded by Donogh Cairbreach O'Brien
— finished by his son Conoi- — enlarged by Turlough O'Brien — beauti
fied by Matthew MacNamara, 91 ; transferred to Observantines —
granted to William Dongan, and to the earl of Thomond, 92.
Enniscorthy, monastery of, illegally held by Richard Butler, 93.
Essex, earl of, lord deputy, invasion of Kilcrea, 51 ; journal of proceedings
in the North, 307.
Everard Edmond, a refractory cleric, (see Comerford), 426.
Everard, father Joseph, guardian of Kilkenny monastery, 162.

Falkland, lord deputy, 158, 159, 174, 228, 246, 291.
Ferdinand and Isabella, archdukes, 18.
Ferguson's translation of Baron's elegy on his mother's death, 87.
Fingalla, lady, 5.
Fitton Edward, president of Connaught, 59.
FitzEustace Rowland, lord high treasurer of Ireland, and lord of Kil
cuUen, 93.
FitzGeffery Q'homas Prindergast, his wife, 290.
FitzGerald Thomas, lord deputy, 90.
FitzMaurice James, 47.
FitzRalph Richard, primate, cited to Avignon, 88.
FitzThomas Valentine Blake, mayor of Galway, 284.
Fitz WilUam, earl of, lord deputy, 11, 12, 20, 21,27; his avarice, 62 ;
letters to Burghley, 196; letter to Daniel, protestant archbishop of
Tuam, 268; 274.
Fleming Patrick, author of " Collectanea Sacra," 157.
Fleming Richard, built Slaue castle — killed, 155.
Fleming Thomas, archbishop of Dublin, 111, 120; early life, 156; ad-
„„.,^ heres to the nunzio, 165; signs memorial ia favour of Wadding,'
164 ; signs nunzio's protest, 165 ; foUows him to Galway, 166.
Fleming Thomas, sixteenth baron of Slane, 156.
Fleming Thomas, eighteenth baron of Slane, resigns in favour of his
brother, and enters the Church at Louvain, 160,376; returns to
Kilkenny — conquests in Louth, 1 63.
Fleming WiUiam, nineteenth baron of Slane, 160 ; his death at Kilkenny,
162.
Forthe John, original letter of, 270.
Four Masters, the, 267-
Fox, Patrick, high sheriff of Westmeath, 45.
French, John, chief magistrate of Galway, 70.
French, Nicholas, bishop of Ferns, narrative of the massacre at Wexford,
105; mission to Rome, 139; brings pallium to John of Tuam, 143 ;
letter from Normandy, 370 ; translation, 372.

Galway, monastery of, founded by WiUiam de Burgh, his monument and
epitaph, 69 ; its benefactors and their tombs, 70 ; sketch of Maurice
O'Fihiley, archbishop of Tuam, and his writings, 71 ; granted to sir
George Carew, 72.

496 INDEX.
Gardiner, sir Robert, charge against FitzwiUiam, 63.
Ginty, Rev. P., P.P. of Moynalty, description of Castlekyran, 338.
Gerald, earl of KUdare, interview with father Bernard Gray, 8.
Gore, captain Paul, original letter of, 272.
Gormanston, lord, his death at Kilkenny, 162.
Gormlaith, wife of Donald O'NeiU, king of Ulster, interred in Armagh
convent, 88.
Gray, father Bernard, his life and miracles, 7-
Gray, father John, provincial of Multifernan, 40, 41, 47.
Gray, father Nehemias, guardian of Multifernan, 41, 44.
Grear, sir Richard, .attack on Multifernan, 45.
Gregory XL, pope, removal to Rome, 70.
Guire, father, of Raheen, author of the libel on archbishop Fleming, 396.

H
Hamilton Archibald, son of the heretic archbishop of Cashel, 125.
Hamilton, sir Francis, battle of Ballysadare, 118.
Hanmer, Anglican minister, 53 ; his sacrilege, 54.
Harold, father, his biography of the Waddings, 208.
Harrington, sir Henry, defeated at Rathdrum, 106.
Harris, author of" Writers of Ireland," his attack on Rothe, and Rothe's
refutation, 195.
Hartegan, father, S.J., letter to the supreme council, 421.
Hayn, father James, arrest of, 40, 47.
Helan, father Francis, arrest of, 34.
Henry III., king of England, gives grants to the Franciscans of Dublin,
Drogheda, Cork, Waterford, Limerick, and Athlone, 89.
Hereditary physicians in Ireland — the O'Cassidys, O'Lees, O'Hickeys,
O'Callanans, O'Donlevys, O'Mellans, O'Mearas, O'Quinns, etc.,
447,448. 1~
HiU Moses, purchases Drogheda convent, 33 ; his vandalism and sacri
lege, 34.
Holan, father, guardian of Irrelagh, restoration by him, his epitaph, 93.
Hugh Gaveloc, Camden's account of his execution, 19.
HUl, Rev. G., " MacDonneUs of Antrim," 436.

Inchiquin, lord, 13, 139, 141, 220, 222, 235, 236 ; at Cashel, 360.
Innocent VI., pope, cites the primate, Richard FitzRalph, 88.
Innocent X., pope, mission to, 139. i ,
Interment of i,mpenitent heretics — bishop of Ferns's order thereon, 417.
Ireton, parUamentary general, retires from Duncannon — takes Water
ford, 223 ; Limerick, 239 ; executes bishop O'Brien, Major Purcell;
fathers Wolf and Collins — letter thereon to speaker Lenthal, 241 ;
his tragic death, 242; burial in Westminster Abbey, 243 ; funeral
oration, 244 ; letter to Preston, 401.
Irish climate and commerce in 1629 — bishop Comerford's opinion of it, 423.
Irrelagh (Muckross ) monastery of, founded by MacCarthy Mor, prince of
Desmond — distinguished sepultures there — dissolution by Sexton and
others — murder of the friars, 92.

INDEX. 497

.r„_opone de Todi, fra, author of the " Stabat Mater," and other
poems, 303.
Janiculum, Franciscan monastery on the, 3, 15.
Jones, parliament general, 155 ; governor of Connaught, 483.
Jones, bishop of Meath, marries Mabel Bagnal at Warren's castle, Drum
condra, 32. K
Kilcrea, monastery of, founded by Cormac MacCarthy, lord of Muskerry
— his tomb there — its inscription — the Barretts, 50 ; Essex's soldiers 
murder of father Mathew O'Leyn — sketch of fathers Felix MacCarthy
and Thaddeus O'SulUvan — friars dispersed, 51.
Kilconnell, monastery of, founded by William O'Kelly, 64; enlarged by
Malachy O'Kelly, 65 ; occupied by the troops of Bingham and Clif
ford, 66 ; granted to Calthorp ; bell found in the Friars' bog, 68.
KilcuUen, monastery of, founded by Rowland FitzEustace — his interment
there — expulsion of friars, 93; restoration — final abandonment, 94.
KUkenny, monastery of, founded by Richard Mareschal, earl of Pembroke
— grant by King Henry III, 94 ; its beauty, consecration, and sup
pression by Henry VIII, 95.
Killultagh, lord, 159.
Killybegs, monastery of, 61.
Kilmacrenan, monastery of (see Donegal), 6, 12, 15.
Kilmallock, Dominican fathers of, entertain the nunzio, 353.
KUmantain (now Wicklow), 107.
Kill-O'Donel, monastery of, 61.
Kenalehan, monastery of, founded by the De Burghs — burnt by sir R.
Bingham — re-edified by Richard " of Kinsale " and others, 74.

Lambert, sir Oliver, president of Connaught, 14, 45; routed at Lei
trim, 57.
Le Decer John, mayor of DubUn, his liberality, 89.
Lenehan Maurice, esq., author of the history of Ijimerick, 463.
Limerick, monasteries of, founded by O'Brien, prince of Thomond, arid
others — martyrdom of O'Healy — demolition by Henry VIII., 96.
Lisgool, monastery of, founded by Maguire, prince of Fermanagh, for
Augustines — enriched by Alba — transferred to Franciscans, 97.
Lisle, parliamentary lord lieutenant, 220.
Loftus Adam, queen's archbishop of Dublin, his reply to Burghley, 20,
35; patronage of Shearman, 125; report on O'Hurly's execution, 197.
Loftus, sir Dudley, 45.
Loitus, viscount Ely, lord justice, his oppression, 171 ; 215.
Lombard Peter, archbishop of Armagh, 169, 170, 208, 410, 416.
Long John, schismatical primate, his attempt to proselytise Water
ford, 121.
Lynch, father John, author of "Cambrensis Eversus," etc.. Ill, 170,
187,206,419.
Lynch, father Stephen, 285.
Lynch Walter, bishop of Clonfert, 167.
Lyons William, Anglican bishop of Cork, 53; his cruelty and death, 54.
Louvain, convent of Irish Franciscans at, (St. Antony's), 1.

498

M

MacCardle Cornelius, bishop of Clogher, 97, 100.
MacCarmigan Menelaus, bishop of Raphoe, 7-
MacCarthy Cormac, lord of Muskerry, 49 ; his tomb, 50.
MacCarthy, Dermot, lord of Drumsecane, entertains the nunzio, 351.
MacCarthy Donald, his tomb, 53.
MacCarthy Donogh, (the MacFineen) entertains the nunzio and his suite
at ArdtuUy, with all the attendent nobles, 357.
MacCarthy, father Felix, his rashness and penitence, 51.
MacCarthy Mor, prince of Desmond, 92.
MacCarthy Randal, esq., of Limerick, the present representative of the
MacFineens, 351.
MacCaghwell Hugh, archbishop of Armagh, his obsequies — early life,
167 ; ordination at Salamanca — sent to Louvain — appointed diffinitor-
general — professor at Aracoeli, 168; Uterary labours, and consecration
to Armagh, 169; panegyric by Vernuleus, 170.
MacCrodyn 'rurlogh, sermon at Roodan, 276.
MacDonneU, sir Alaster (Colkitto), Confederate general, assassinated at
Cnoc-na-noss, 139; his death, and epitaph, 235; 267.
MacEgan Eugene, bishop elect of Ro.ss, 55.
MacEgan, father FerraU, provincial of Irish Franciscans, 73.
MacEgan, fathers Solomon and Hugh, 67
MacEgan Flan, distinguished Gaelic scholar and jurist, 386.
MacGauran Edmond, vice primate, 46.
MacGeoghegan Ross, bishop of Kildare, recommended for the primacy,
169; recommends John de Burgh for Clonfert, 365 ; his life, 403.
MacGuire Cathal, martyrology of, 274.
MacGuire, prince of Fermanagh, action with Bingham, 46.
Mackey Daniel, bishop of Down and Connor. 266.
MacMahon Emer, bishop of Clogher, translated to Dublin, by Paul V.,
150; visits Rome and dies there, 155; burial place, 374.
MacMahon Heber, bishop of Clogher, parentage and early life, 244 • or
dained at Louvain, 245 ; returns to Ireland, -246 ; consecrated at
Drogheda, 247 ; meets Rinuecini at Kilkenny, 249 ; accompanies
him to DubUn, 251; aids his escape from Kilkenny, 255; elected
general of the Ulster forces, 258 ; Ormoud's commissiou, 259; dis
astrous battle at Letterkenny, 260 ; taken prisoner at Enniskillen
261 ; execution — burial at Devenish Island, 262.
MacMahonJames Colla, flight of, 244, 283.
MacNamara, lord of Clan Coilein, founder of Quin monastery, 102
MacNamara Matthew (^Dall), 91, 102.
JNIaeroom, the nunzio received by Richard O'Connell, bishop of Ardfert ¦
entertained by lady Muskerry, sister to the earl of Ormond, 352.
MacSweeney, bishop of Kilmore, 257.
Magennis Arthur, bishop of Down and Connor, consecrated by the nunzio
at Kilkenny, 265; sent to Rome— chased by a parliamentarian
cruizer — death on board, and burial at sea, 266.
Magennis Hugh (Bonaventure), bishop of Down and Connor, 265, 441.
Magennis, lord Iveagh, 174.
Magliabecchi Antonio, keeper of duke Cosimo's library, 86, 292.
Magrath MUer, apostate archbishop of Cashel, 75 ; controversy with Mont
gomery, 86 ; his history, 285 ; epitaph -written by himself, 286.
Maguire Cornelius, lord InniskUlen, death at Genoa, 245, 383.;
Maguire Cuchonnaught, prince of Fermanagh, founder of Lisgool, 97, 98.

INDEX. 499
Maguire, sir Brian, his gift to Lisgool, 102.
Maguire Brian Roe, baron of Enniskillen — patronage of O'Clery, lOl.
Magwyer Cahal MacBrian, abbot of Lisgowel, 98.
Magharabeg, monastery of 13, 61.
Maplesdon, chief warder of DubUn castle, 63.
Maratti Carlo, portrait of L. Wadding, 209.
Martin Richard, bishop of Waterford, 103.
Massari, dean of Fermo, secretary to the nunzio, his proclamation,
140; imprisonment, and release, 142,233; narrative of the nunzio's
journies, 349; Latin version, 460 ; original ItaUan, 468.
May John, archbishop of Armagh, holds his court in the convent there, 88.
Maynooth, castle of, taken by escalade, 2521.
Montgomery, first schismatic bishop of Derry and Raphoe, 267.
Mooney, father ; his noviciate, 37; escape from Ballimore, 43.
Moran P. F., bishop of Ossory, his copy of" De Haeresis Anglicanae," 369.
Moriarty Bernard, dean of Ardagh, 40, 42 ; his death, and burial iu St.
James's, Dublin ; 44, 374.
Morrogh, lord Inchiquin, slain at Ballyshannon, 13.
Motthel, monastery of, 4-25.
Mountgarrett Richard, viscount, president of Confederate Council, 120,
188, 123, 342, 348.
Mountjoy, lord, his dispute with White and O'Callaghan, 207.
Moyne, monastery of, 55 ; its founders, 56.
Multifernan, monastery of, founded by William Delamer, 373; tombs of
the Nugents — granted by Henry VIII. to Field, Clynch and Pen-
tony, 39 ; its destruction, 40 ; purchased by Cusack, 93.
Musgrave, sir Richard, account of James O'Dowd, 281.
Muskerry, lord, 120, 2,33; created earl of Clancarly, 361.
N
Nial Garv, his desertion, 13 ; imprisonment, 15.
Norris, defeat at Clontibert, 12.
Nugent Andrew, his reception and death, 47.
Nugents, barons of Delvin, 39 ; their tomb, 274.
Nugent, father James, sent to Dease, 117.
Nugent of Donore, 275.
Nugent "Walter, gallant conduct of, 43.

O'Brien Bryan, sixth earl of Thomond, 233.
O'Brien Donogh Cairbreach, prince of Thomond, founder of Ennis-
Cluain-road monastery, 91.
O'Brien Margaret, sister of Fingalla, 77 ; her burial, 78.
O'Brien Terence Albert, bishop of Emly, parentage and early Ufe, 227;
sent to Toledo ; ordained, 228 ; elected Provincial — caUed to Rome,
230 ; visits Lisbon, 231 ; consecrated, 234 ; heroic conduct during
siege of Limerick, 238 ; taken by Ireton and hanged, 240.
O'Callaghan Donogh, commands at Bunratty, 233 ; entertains the nunzio
and suite at Clonmeen, 353.
O'Cleary Michael, author of the " Book of Invasions," etc., 101, 158.
O'Connell Richard, bishop of Ardfert, meets the nunzio at Macroom, 359.
O'Connor Donatus, bishop of Killala, 57.
O'Connor, the lady Nuala, 4.

500 INDEX.
O'Cullenan, bishop of Raphoe, 133, 366.
O'Cullenan, father Glassney, racked by Falkland, 159.
O'Dea Cornelius, bishop of Limerick, his mitre and crozier, 1 10.
O'Dempsey Edmond, bishop of Leighlin, 166,401.
O'Deveny Cornelius, bishop of Down and Connor, 46; arrest and exe
cution at Dublin, 152; correspondence with Rothe — " Index Martyri
alis" — 188, 194; Rich's account of the execution, 374.
O'Doherty, sir Cahir, taken prisoner, 20 ; his death, 48. ,
O'Donel Albert Hugh, earl of Tyrconnell, 169 ; testimonial to Magennis,
445.
O'Donnell Nial G., original letters of, touching the burning of Donegal
monastery, 270, 271.
O'Donnell, father Heremon, burnt at Creevelea, 78.
O'Donnell Hugh Balldearg, 269.
O'Donnell Hugh Oge, inaugurated at Kilmacrenan, 6. ^
O'Donnell Hugh Roe, founder of Donegal monastery, 4, II, 12; his
death, 267.
O'Donnell Hug'n Roe (the great), capture of Donegal monastery —
'disaster at Kinsale, 14; departure for Spain — death at Valladolid,
61 ; personal appearance, 63, 281.
O'DonneU Hugh Roe (young), prophecy concerning, 268.
O'Donnell Rory, bishop of Derry, 7.
O'Donnellans, of BallydonneUan, their burial-place, 68, 284.
O'Donoghoe Nehemias, first Provincial, 5S ; his death, 68.
O'Dowds, the, 58 ; buried at Moyne, 58, 281.
O'Dunlevy, father Maurice Ultan, of Drogheda, 34, 7'2.
O'Dwyer Edmond, bishop of Limerick, visits Rome, 111; taken by the
Turks, and sold as a slave — his ransom, 112; joins Ormond's party,
113; escape from Limerick and death at Brussels, 114, 238; original
letter, 268.
O'Fihiley Maurice (De Psrtu), archbishop of Tuam, his monument, 70;
his writings, 7 1 .
O'Flahertie Murragh-na-Do, taken prisoner at Ballysadare, 118.
O'Flaherties, the, 282 ; their lands granted to the Geoghegans, 283.
O'Flaherty Bryan, brings chalice and vestments of Kilconnell to Louvain
— original documents, 28-2.
O'Freel, the erenach, inaugurates O'Donnell, 63.
O'Gallagher Raymond, bishop of Derry, 46.
O'Glacan Neal, professor at- Toulouse and Bologna, 86.
O'Hagan Art, 62.
O'Hagan, captain John, his gallant defence of Athy castle, 457.
O'Hagan Edmond MacPhelcmy, 276.
O'Hagan Henry, constable of Dungannon, 62, 339.
O'Hagan Owen Oge, entertains MacCrodyn, 277.
O'Hagan, Rt. Hon. Thomas, baron of TuUahogue, 62.
O'Hanlon, father John, author of " Lives of the Irish Saints,'' 408.
O'Hara FeUx, his death, 60.
O'Healy, bishop of Mayo, his martyrdom, 96.
O'Hirlathy, bishop of Ross, 194.
O'Hurly, archbishop of Cashel, 156, 194, 196 ; his arrest, torture, and
execution at St. Stephen's-green, Dublin, 197.
O'Hurly James, bishop of Emly, his death, 225.
O'Kearney, archbishop of Cashel, 188; letter to Card. Barberini, 359 ;
death at Carbon-blanc — his will, 365.
O'Kelly John, interred at Kilconnell, 68.

INDEX. 501
O'Kelly Malachi, his death, 65.
O'Kelly 'William, founder of Kilconnell, 64.
O'Leyn, father Matthew, 51.
O'Moledy, sir P., Spanish ambassador at the Court of Charles II., 293.
O'More Rury, letter from, 3S5.
O'MuUaly Thomas, archbishop of Tuam, his burial-place, 71.
O'MuUarkey, father, provincial of Multifernan, 48.
O'Neill Henry, prudent counsel at Letterkenny overruled, 461 ; capture,
and execution at Londonderry, 462.
O'Neill Hugh, baron of Dungannon, 11.
O'Neill John, earl of Tyrone, 169.
O'Neill, of the Largye, his speech, 277.
O'NeiU Owen Roe, his army, 139, 140, 177, 178, 181 ; his death, 182;
burial at Cavan, 183 — war with Inchiquin, 236 ; battle of Benburb,
249; joins Preston, 250; advances on Dublin — dissensions with
Preston — retreat to Kilkenny, 251 ; reconciliation with Prestpn and
relief of Kilkenny, 25-2 ; Tyrone's sword, 254; routs Preston — takes
Nenagh and Banagher — returns to the North, 256 ; sickness, death,
and burial, 257, 409; agreement with Preston, 439; " Lament," 441.
O'Neill Shane, his war, 10, 88, 195.
O'NeiU, sir Phelim, 16'2, 174, 248, 257 ; letter from Owen Roe, 439.
O'Neill Turlogh, 11, lOO.
O'Queely Malachy, archbishop of Tuam, 111; his Ufe, 115; slain at
Ballysadare, 118 ; his burial — epitaph, 119 ; incidents in his Ufe, 343.
O'Reilly Edmund, vicar-general of Dublin, 163, 165.
O'Reilly Hugh, archbishop of Armagh, 126, 162 ; parentage and early
education, 170; appointed vicar-apostolic — consecrated to Kilmore,
171 ; translated to Armagh — holds synod at Drogheda, 172 ; episco
pal labours, 173 ; synod at Kells — National synod at Kilkenny, 175 :
patronage of Colgan, 179; rejects Ormond's articles, 180; holds
synods at Clonmacnoise, Loughrea, and Jamestown — retires to
'Trinity Island — death and burial, 183; letter concerning Colgan's
Lives of the Irish Saints, 407.
O'Reilly Malmorra {the Slasher'), his death, burial, and epitaph, 179.
O'ReiUys, tho, their bravery — at Benburb, 179.
O'Rourke Bryan Ballach, repairs Creevelea, 78.
O'Rourke Bryan-aa-Murtha, his great hospitalities to the ship-wrecked
Spaniards — arrest, trial, and execution, 75.
O'Rourke, Bryan Oge, 75 : burial at Rosserilly, 77.
O'Rourke, father Con, chaplain to O'Healy, his martyrdom, 96.
O'Rourke (O'Ruairc) Owen, of Breffny, 21; founds Creevelea monastery,
77 — his son Brian's reliquary, 290.
O'Rourke Teague, buried at Creevelea, 79.
O'Rourkes, the, monumental inscription at Creevelea, 81.
O'ScannaU Maelpatrick, archbishop of Armagh, founds the monastery
there, 87.
O'Shaughnessy WiUiam, taken prisoner at BaUysadare, 1 18.
O'Shiel, dame Catherine, gaUant defence of the castle of Woodstock
against Preston, 455.
O'Sheil, the "Eagle of Doctors," memoir of, 446; death at Letterkenny,
462.
O'Shiel Una, her return to Ireland, marriage with Hollywood— corres
pondence, 450.
O'SuUivan, lather Thaddeus, 51 ; his burial, 52.
O'SuUivan Daniel, prince of Bear, .53.

502 , INDEX.
-O'Toole, sir Owen, taken prisoner — his death, 20.
Oviedo Matthew de, archbishop of Dublin, 44, 149, 374.
Overbury, sir Thomas, 18. P
Panfilio, cardinal, opinion of the Nunzio's reception, 356.
Parry, protestant bishop of Ossory, Rothe's tomb, 206.
Parochial distributions, 396.
Paulinus, bishop of Nola, prayer of, 214.
Paul v., pope, promotes Rothe, 193.
Peasantry of Ireland, Massari's description of, 354.
Perrott, lord deputy, 11.
Philibyn Edward, munificence to Galway monastery, 70.
Piers, sir Henry, "Description of Westmeath," 275.
Plunket Nicholas, mission to Rome, 139.
Plunket Richard, MS. Irish Vocabulary in Marsh's library, 284.
Pocock, anglican bishop of Meath, 89.
Prendergast J. P., esq. ; CromwelUan settlement, 68.
Preston, general, 120, 167, 181,219; sketch of, 401 ; letter to Ireton,
402 ; agreement with O'NeiU, 439.
Purcell, father, professor of rhetoric at Louvain, I .
PurceU Hugo, founder of W aterford monastery, 103.
Q
Quin, monastery of, founded by MacNamara, lord of Clan-Coileen, 102.
R
Ragget Paul friar of Holy Cross, 188.
RathmuUen, nunnery of, 62.
ReUcs of St. Jarlath found, 366.
Rinuecini John Baptist, bishop of Fermo, nunzio extraordinary from popo
Innocent X., arrives in Kenmare, 108 ; celebrates mass in a shieling,
1 09 ; lands stores at ArdtuUy — met by Richard Butler, and escorted
to Limerick — arrival there, 109; his reception, 110; celebrates the
obsequies of archbishop O'Queely, 115; visits lord Mountgarrett,
120; fulminates sentence of excommunication and interdict, 140;
reception at Kilkenny, 184; meets Rothe, bishop of Ossory, 185;
visits Waterford, 206; magnificent reception there by Comerford —
entertained by Thomas Wadding, 210; assumes the government,
219; frequent visits to Duncannon — baptizes four Mahommedans,
220; retires to Galway, 221, 236; abortive visit to Preston and
O'NeiU's camps before Dublin, 251 ; return from Lucan, 252 ; escapes
from Kilkenny, and visits O'Neill at Maryborough — goes to Athlone,
255, 368; religious services held by him, 337; his opinion of the
Irish bishops, 343; embarks at Galway for Normandy, 369; his
mural tablet, 349 ; his frescoes, 369.
Roscommon, siege of, 478.
Rosserilly, monastery of, 73 ; Burke's work on, 285 ; chalice of, 348.
Rosserick, monastery of, 60.
Rothe David, bishop of Ossory, 182; receives the nunzio, 185; pa
rentage and early life, 186; ordained at Salamanca — appointed pro
thonotary apostolic, vicar-general of Armagh, 1 87 ; his piety and
literary works, 188; his remonstrance, 191 ; visit to Paris, 192; con-

INDEX. 503-
seorated at Paris — appointed vice-primate of Armagh, 193; friendly
intercourse with Ussher, 199; kindness to Protestants in 1641, 200;
reconciles St Canice's cathedral, 201 ; favours the nunzio — joins
Mountgarrett and Butler — declares for Inchiquin's treaty, 203 ;
noble conduct in the plague, 204 ; robbery, and death, 205 ; barial
in St. Mary's, Kilkenny, '206; letters to Lombard, 410, 415.
Rynck, captain, strange death of his horse, 66.
Ryves, sir Thomas, attack on Rothe, and Rothe's reply, 195.

San Pietro frigate, arrival of with the nunzio at Kenmare — chased by
Plunkett, 108; reaches Waterford, 209; embarks the nunzio at
Galway, 369.
Scenery of Ireland, described by Massari, 354.
Scarampi, father, sent by Urban VIII., 164; accompanies nunzio, "209.
Shearman, Rev. John, ecclesiastical antiquarian, 408.
Shearman John, original letter to the Protestant primate from Water
ford, 1-22.
Shiel James, bishop of Down and Connor, 266.
Somerset, earl of, 18.
SS. Michael and John, parish of, 400.
Stabat Mater (de la creche) of Jacopone de Todi, 304.
State papers, extracts from, concerning the re-edification of monasteries,
276; Essex's journal, 337.
St. Antony, Louvain, convent of, 1.
St. Camin, " Liber Hymnorum," etc., 273.
St. Francis, Kilkenny, convent of, 2.
St. John, Oliver (viscount Grandison), lord deputy, 155, 190, 198.
St. Leger, father, his memoir of archbishop Walsh, 131 ; epitaph, 132.
St. Mantain, ancient church of, 107.
St. Michael le Pole, church of, 396.
St. Michael, parish and church of, .396.
Stephens pulls down the Franciscan church and convent at Dublin, 90.
Strafford, earl of, lord deputy, 134, 159, 160.
Strong, bishop of Ossory, dies at ComposteUa, 187.
Stryck, captain, his kindness, 67.
Stuart, John, friar, his arrest, 35.
Stubbers, CromwelUan governor, pillages Franciscan church at Galway,
167, 285.
Sullivan T. D., poem on Timoleague, 277-
Sweeney Eugene, bishop of Kilmore, 172 ; letter to the cardinal, 404.
Sydney, sir Henry, lord deputy, 88, 267.
T
Taaffe, lord. Confederate general, defeated at BaUysadare, 1 17, at Cnoc-
na-noss, 139, 107.
Thornburgh, Anglican bishop of Limerick, his memorial to lord CecU,
288; solicits the ass.issination of Tyrone, 289.
Timoleague, monastery of, 48.
Tir-Hugh, monastery of, 5.
Torrington, archbishop, defence of Limerick friars, 96.
Tomaso de Celano, author of " Dies Irae," "Life of St. Francis," etc., 303.
Trim, battle of, rout of Preston by Jones, 139.

504 INDEX.
Trimleston, lord, monument of, 68.
Trim, monastery of, its founders, 93.
Tuite Gerald, collated to the priory of Tristernagh, 181.
Turkish cruisers in British waters, 421.
Turner, father J. K., letters to Wadding about Bulkeley 's raid, 90 j
Dame Gage of Ferle, 357.
Turvey, county Dublin, the residence of sir Patrick Barnwell, 29.
Tyrone, earl of, marries Mabel Bagnal, 27 ; campaign of 1599 against
Essex, 337 ; sues for peace, 340. u
Ultagh, father Maurice, provincial of the Franciscans, 200
Ultan, father Maurice, guardian of Multifernan, 48, 72.
Urban VI., pope, privilege to Galway monastery, 69.
Urban VIIL, pope, appoints Fleming to the see of Dublin, 155, 168.
Ussher, archbishop, on St. Camin's Psalter, 273.
V
Valladolid, monastery of, 3, 14; churches of, 229.
Veralli, cardinal, protector of Ireland, 188, 190, 192.
W
Wadding, father Luke, founder of the convent of S. Isidoro — his talents
and literary works, 84; his mother's death, 104; birthplace, ) 04 ;
recommended by Supreme CouncU to the Holy See for advancement
to the cardiualate, ll] ; letter from bishop Geoghegan, 394; letters
from sir R. Belling, and Messingham, 395 ; from bishop Comer
ford, 423.
¦Wadding Thomas, entertains the nunzio, 210.
Wallop, sir H., report of Archbishop O'Hurly's torture, 197.
Walsh Peter, O.S.F.,his remonstrance, 95.
Walsh Thomas, archbishop of Cashel, HI, 116, 120; parentage, 121;
capture of Limerick, and release, 130 ; death, and obsequies at Com
posteUa, 131, 239.
Walsingham, sir Francis, 197.
Wandesforde, lord deputy, 161 ; his liberality, 162.
Ward, father Francis, notice of Ballyrourke, 290.
Ware, sir James, 84, 232.
Waterford, city of, Rinuccini's visit, 206.
Waterford, monastery of, founded by Hugo Purcell  grants by Henry
HI. and Edward I — its desolation, 103 ; Luker's body found, 104.
Waterford William de, opposition to Wickliff, 103.
Wentworth Thomas, viscount, lord deputy, 1-25.
Wexford, CromwelUan massacre at, 1U5.
Wexford, monastery of, early history — granted to Paul Turner and James
Devereux, 104. ¦*
Wicklow, monastery of, founded by O'Byrnes and 0"l'ooles  leased to
sir Henry Harrington — its poverty, 106.
Willis, captain, plunders Donegal, II, 12.
Wogan, Confederate commander at Duncannon, 223.
Ekbatum. — In page 473, line 31, for "eidem ecclesia," read "cEedem
Ecclesise ;" page 356 for " Fule," read "Ferle."

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