te«' T ;» f 'AS /* r?^' '$* iw*. I .( '-> 1. ^^ a: V '^^ :i-.>^ .^:? **R. E I "/^wJs theft Boah l/ff»- tiefiijundmg of a. CtiUt^ m iffd^ Caiony" Bought with Jthe income of the Edward Wells Southworth Fund, 1915 Reaming (Reef ot^ FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH All Account of the Sufferings of the English Francissg,ns during the i6th and ijtk Centuries, from Contemporary Records J. M. STONE With an Appendix, containing a Short History of the Franciscan Convent (Third Order) at Taunton, founded bv Father Gennings in 1631 AND A PREFACE By the rev. J. MORRIS, SJ. LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Ltd. paternoster house, charing cross road 1892 ^I'FUSffFr WITH THE APPROVAL OF THE FJSHOF OF OLIFTOX. PREFACE. As the following pages tell us, the Franciscan Friars first came to England in 1224. The new-comers were nine in number, of whom five became the founders of a convent at Canterbury, while two were allotted to London and two to Oxford. The monks of Fescamp sent them over from France, the Dominicans received them on their first arrival in London and Oxford, while the Canterbury contingent were housed in the first instance at the Priory of the Holy Trinity and then in the Poor Priests' Hospital, where the Catholic School is now held in that ancient metropolitan city. Starting for themselves did not cost them much, for the spirit of St. Francis came with his Friars into England, and the poverty of their foundations would have satisfied even their Seraphic Father. Within thirty years after their arrival, we are told by Mr. Brewer, their numbers in this country alone amounted to 1242, and they counted 49 convents in England. With equal rapidity, he says, they passed into Ireland and Scotland, where they were received with equal favour ; and this he rightly calls " an instance of religious organiza tion and propagandism unexampled in the annals of the world, the more remarkable because they were specially enjoined by their founder to uphold the dignity and authority of the 'Roman See." Brother Albert of Pisa, PREFACE. who had been Provincial in England, when, as fourth General of the Friars Minor, he came to die in Rome, praised the English above all nations for their zeal for the Order. And John of Parma, the eighth General, who visited England, and held a Provincial Chapter at Oxford, frequently exclaimed, " Would that such a Province had been set in the midst of the world to be an example to all the Churches." It is very clear that the English had a great affection for the Order of St. Francis. An Englishman was numbered amongst the first followers' of the Saint, whom we only know by name as Brother William. Of the nine Friars spoken of above, who brought the Franciscan habit into FIngland, four only were priests, and of these four three were Englishmen. And the extraordinarily rapid expansion of the Friars Minor in England was due, not to an importa tion of foreigners, but to the multitude of Englishmen who found vocations, and to English admiration for the extreme personal poverty and unworldliness of the Franciscan rule. The English who had no such vocation could appreciate the spirit of those who had, and kings and burgesses vied with one another in the zeal with which they provided land, houses, and maintenance, for those who cast themselves in all simplicity on the charity of the faithful. The corpora tions of the towns became trustees, ready to take charge of the alms of the people in behalf of the Friars, who refused to possess property or to make any permanent provision for the future. It is not to be wondered at that the Franciscan was popular. He lived for the people and for the poorest of the people. What is singular is that men who devoted themselves to the instruction of the poorest and most ignorant, were also to be enrolled amongst the greatest PREFACE. promoters of learning in our national universities. A book just published for the Oxford Historical Society at the Clarendon Press bears honourable witness to the work done by the Franciscans at Oxford. The title of the book is " The Grey Friars in Oxford," by Andrew G. Little, of Balliol College, and it not only contains a history of the convent, but also biographical notices of the Friars. This book, like Mr. Brewer's preface to the " Monumenta Franciscana," is a striking testimony to the spirit of fair ness with which historical studies are now carried on by scholars. Mr. Little's book treats of a house that did not join itself to the Strict Observance, which early in the six teenth century was happily introduced into England. Of the sixty convents at that time in England there were but six, or at most twelve, that accepted the Strict Observance ; but these convents of the Observants presented, when the hand of the monarch tyrannically dissolved them, as ad mirable an example of fervour as their forefathers had shown on their first entry into England in the lifetime of St. PYancis. That Henry VIII. had no ground of com plaint against them, except indeed, their fervour in their religion and their fidelity to the true Head of the CathoHc Church, is proved by his own bounty bestowed upon them before the desire of a divorce had arisen in his mind. To Henry VII., his father, they had been not less dear, and two or three of the Observant convents were founded by him. Of these, Greenwich held the post of honour, and a considerable portion of the work of the following pages tells the tale of the brave Friars of Greenwich. The fidelity of the noble Greenwich Friars, who share with the holy monks of the London Charterhouse the o-lory of saving the fame of the religious of England in the day of trial, well merits for this book the title that has PREFACE been given to it of " Faithful unto Death." That glorious fidelity is shown not less in the province that arose upon the ruins of the ancient order in England. Of the English martyrs of the later time some of the most heroic belonged to the province that owed its existence to Father John Gennings. Himself the brother of a martyr, con verted by that brother's martyrdom, he was worthy to revive the labours in England of the Friars minor, and he was followed by men whose names the Church will never let die. Several of them have the title of "Venerable" accorded to them ; and if this book helps to increase the devotion of Catholics to these and their fellow-martyrs, it will be very efficiently forwarding their much desired beatification. The only reason why these holy martyrs do not share with Blessed John Forest the privilege of the altars is that the concessions of Pope Gregory XIII. were granted before they suffered. Their canonization must be obtained by the long and laborious process in which no step is omitted, but we have no reason for regretting this, excepting the time that must necessarily elapse before it is complete. However, all the English martyrs will proceed together, and those now enjoying the title and the honours of the blessed will not be canonized saints before those who now are called Venerable. May God speed the day. The province founded by Father John Gennings lasted until our time, and died with its last survivor, Father O'Fan-ell, in 1876. Happily for England, many sons of St. Francis, of various religious families, have taken their place, and their seraphic founder will look on them as the inheritors of the blessings and graces purchased by the heroism of the Franciscans whose saintly story is here told. PREFACE. But the most direct heir of the sanctity of the martyred English Franciscans is the Convent of the Third Order of St. Francis now existing at Taunton. It was founded as an enclosed convent of English Franciscan nuns by Father John Gennings in 1621 ; and it commenced at Brussels, was afterwards transferred to Nieuport, and thence to Bruges, where in their convent, called Prinsenhof, the Sisters remained from 1664 till they were driven out of it by the French Revolution in 1794. The convent had i ts first home in England at Winchester, and eleven years later it was removed to Taunton. It is to the filial love of these devout daughters of St. Francis that the present effort is due, to keep alive the holy memory of their spiritual ancestry. In their convent choir they are privi leged to preserve with pious care a noble collection of relics, chiefly of martyred fathers of the old Franciscan province. With like reverence the Reverend Mother Abbess and her community have endeavoured to store up for after times the historical traditions of the lives and deaths of those holy men. They have been fortunate in finding a skilful and sympathetic hand to further their purpose, and the result for which we may confidently look will surely be an increase of loving veneration amongst us for those to whom we English Catholics are so deeply indebted. At their request I have written tliese few poor prefatory lines. John Morrks, S.J. CONTENTS. CHAPTER 1. The Price of a Sacrament, 1532 — 1534 . . . i PAGE CHAPTER II. Supreme Head, 1534 — 1537 . . -27 CHAPTER III. Blessed John Forest, 147 i — 1538 . 46 CHAPTER iV. Progress of the Persecution, 1537 — 1539 . . 71 CHAPTER V. War and Peace, 1547 — 1559 . 89 CHAPTER VI. The Hidden Province, 1559 — 1617 . . . 105 CHAPTER VII. Martyrs of the Second Province, 1604 — 1642 . . 121 CHAPTER VIII. The Ven. Henry Heath, 1600 — 1643 . . . .154 CONTENTS. CHAPTER IX. PAGE The Ven. Arthur Bell, 1590 — 1643 .... 177 CHAPTER X. The Ven. John Woodcocke, Ven. John Wall, Ven. Charles Mahony, Father Paul Atkinson, 1603 — 1729 ........ 209 Appendix 243 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. CHAPTER I. THE PRICE OK A SACRAMENT. 1532-1534- The hLstory of the religious persecution under Henry VIII., is the history of the King's personal character, and the result of one man's ambition, sensuality, and pride. Henry was a better Papist than most of his subjects, until the Papacy came athwart his desires ; and the repudia tion of Catherine was the outcome of a whole category of sins, fostered by the atmosphere of licentiousness with which he surrounded himself. The Franciscans were the most active of all the religious Orders in upholding the lawfulness of his marriage, and they were the first to feel the weight of his displeasure. At the beginning of his reign he had shown them special favour, had written more than once to the Pope on their behalf, declaring that he had the most deep and devoted affection towards them, and that he found it quite impossi ble to describe their merits as they deserved. They pre sented, he said, an ideal of Christian poverty, sincerity, and charity ; their lives were devoted to fasting, watching, prayer ; and they were occupied in hard toil, by night and day, to win sinners back to God.' ¦ Not content with mere words, he had granted them a pension of one thousand crowns yearly, towards the main tenance of those members of their Order who kept the ' Ellis, " Grig. LcUeis," 3rcl Series, voL i. p. 165. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Holy Places in Palestine. Henry had inherited this affection for the Franciscan Friars from his father, who had founded two of their houses, and completely rebuilt others, so that he may almost be considered the founder of these also. It was to the Franciscans of the Regular Observance, that Henry's eulogy referred — to those communities which, casting off the privileges and relaxations granted to the Order by various Pontiffs, more especially with regard to the vow of poverty, had returned to the primitive strictness of the rule as given by St. Francis. The Observants were, in the telling phraseology of the Anglican Church historian, Fuller,^ " no distinct metal " from those who retained their privileges, " but different from them as steel from iron." In 1 5 17 all the congregations of the Reformed Francis cans were united into one body of Regular Observance, and placed under a Superior of their own. Of the sixty houses of Franciscans or Grey Friars in England, six ^ had ^ Brewer's edition, p. 272. ' F. Parkinson, quoting Gonzaga (" CoU. Angl. Min." p. 212), says there were twelve convents in England, built for or given to the Observants, but as in the whole history of the persecution only six are mentioned by name, it is possible that in the re-organization of the Franciscan houses in Henry VII th's reign, some of the smaller ones may have been merged into others. These six houses are all mentioned in the will of Henry VII. as follows: "Where we always have had a special confidence and trust in the devout prayers of the Friars Observants of this our realm, for our good and prosperous estate, in this present life, and that we be very desirous to have the same for the weal of our soul and the remission of our sins, after our decease, to the intent that they may have the better cause and the more largely be bounden, heartily and devoutly so to do, we will that our executors bestow and employ to the behoof of our house of the Friars at Greenwich, being of our foundation, for the closing of their garden and orchard or about other things as by the father and the rulers of the said house shall be thought most consonant to the laud of God and health of our soul and the weal of the said house and friars, ;^20o ; to the house of Richmond, being in like wise of one foundation, ;£20o; and to every of the houses of the said Observants, of Canterbury, Southampton and Newcastle, C marks. And over this, whereas the said Friars Observants have no posses sions or other goods, wherewith to sustain their lives with meat, drink, and clothing, nor for the renewing of their books, chalices' vestments and other ornamejits for the service of God, nor for THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. placed themselves under the rule of the Strict Observ ance, and a short notice of each of these foundations may not be out of place here. The' most ancient of their foundations was at Canterbury, where five of the nine friars who came into England in 1224 established themselves, by the direction of Henry III. They built the first convent of their Order in England, on a piece of ground " near the poor priests' hospital," from whence John Diggs, an alderman, removed them in 1270, to an island called Bynnewith, in the west part of the city. This foundation remained in the hands of the Grey Friars till the dissolution of the religious houses " under Henry VIII., his father having made it over to the Observants. Next in antiquity to Canterbury was the convent at Southampton. In the south-east part of the town, near the wall, says Leland, was a house or college of Grey Friars, settled here in 1240. It was given to the Observants by Henry VII., and Speed therefore considers him as the founder, both of this convent and the one at Canterbury.* the reparation of their churches and houses, but only of the alms, devotion and charity of Christian people, whereby, though the same friars be sometimes and for the more part sufficiently after their necessity succoured, relieved and purveyed, yet know we experiment ally by the secret conversation that we have had with the said Friars, that had not been other privy succours and reliefs divers times made to them in their extremity, they had divers and many times been in peril of ruin and danger of perdition for lack of food, the which inconveniences and dangers, we, for our long-continued devotion towards St. Francis their patron, and our charity towards the Order of the said friars inwardly considering and greatly desiring in due time to provide the remedy, we will and ordain that our executors deliver ;^200 to the convent of the Friars Observants of Canterbury, /200 to the convent of Greenwich, 500 marks to that of Richmond, ;^2oo to the convent of Southampton, ;^20o to the convent of Newcastle, and ;^200 to the convent that by our aid is newly begun in the town of Newark. The houses of Richmond and Greenwich shall cause to be said, for the remission of our sins, 500 Masses, and the other four houses 300 Masses." — Will of King Henry VII. dated at Canterbury, loth April, 24 Hen. VII. (a.d. 1509), A con temporary copy of this will is to be seen in the Record Office. On the first anniversary of his father's death, Henry VIII. visited Greenwich and gave the friars ;^8 ds. 8d. for 500 Masses. * Tanner, " Notitia Monastica," p. 221. 5 " Coll. Angl. Min." pt. ii. p. 39- B 2 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. At Greenwich was the most famous of all the houses of Observants in England. It was founded as late as 1480, on the site of a monastery given to the Domini cans by Henry V., after he had banished its Minorite occupants as " aliens." Henry VII. restored it to the Franciscan Order and filled it with Observants. It was to consist of a warden and at least twelve brethren.' At Newcastle was another ancient friary, established before the year 1 300. " By Pandon Gate, stood the Grey Friars' house, a very fair thing of the Cairluelle's founda tion." ' Duns Scotus is said to have taken the habit at Newcastle, before going to Oxford. The Observants were placed here by Henry VII., who also built them a house at Newark, and one also at Richmond in Surrey, about the year 1499.* Of these two last alone it may be said, strictly speaking, that they were foundations of Henry VII. In showing himself an ardent friend of the Franciscans, Henry VIII. was well advised, for they rendered most valuable service to the nation at large. Independently of all that learning and civilization owed to them, they were the providence of the poor and suffering. Prisons, dungeons and lazar-houses were their haunts of predi lection ; no forms of disease or misery were strangers to them. They were to be seen in the midst of battles and sieges, administering the consolations of religion to the sick and dying. Their houses were set up side by side with the homes of squalor and vice, teaching by their lowly aspect the sanctification of poverty. They had, indeed, neither house nor home, except as they held it from the charity of others. One of the cradles of the Order in England was near the shambles at Newgate, on a spot not inappropriately called "Stinking Lane." No ^"Charter, Henry VII. p. 24. ^ Leland, " Itin." vol. viii. p. 40. See also Bourne's " History of Newcastle." * Tanner, " Notitia Monastica," p. 412. " Pandon written by mis take for Pilgrim," Mackenzie's " History of Newcastle," vol. i. p. 130. THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. life was so hard but the friar's was harder, and when persecution came, it found him acclimatized to suffering. But although the love of poverty moved him to throw in his lot with the lowly and wretched, the rich and power ful sought him out'; and it redounds to his glory, perhaps more than all the heroism with which he faced pestilence, leprosy, and every revolting form of disease and death, that in the palace, as in the hovel, he did not swerve from fidelity to his trust. But if men such as these were a shining light in the midst of the kind of darkness in which the poor lived, they were a reproach to all the false glitter and the newly brought in luxury of Henry's Court. It was inevitable that they should place themselves in stern opposition to his lust and pride, and it was equally inevitable that they should share the fate of all those who at that miserable period of our history loved justice more than life. Un spoilt by prosperity, their consciences unclouded by self- interest, Henry found them far more difficult to deal with than either the Universities or the monks. They were intimidated by no threats, no promise of preferment led them astray. The most popular preachers were to be found in their ranks, and the King knew that while they were allowed to preach, the people would be told the truth, however much he tried to deceive them. The Observants' house at Greenwich was destined to play an important part in after events. It adjoined the royal palace, and Queen Catherine, who was herself a tertiary of St. Francis, was accustomed to rise at midnight, and to be present in the church at the Divine Office while the friars sang Matins and Lauds. Under her royal robes she is said to have worn the habit and the knotted cord of St. Francis.^ She chose as her confessor Blessed John Forest, warden of Greenwich, and, according to the opinions of some writers, sometime English Provincial of the Order.^ » Sander, Eng. ed., p. 7. ' Lansdowne MS. 979, fol. 143. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Neither the vicinity of the palace nor the presence of the King was a barrier to the outspoken opposi tion of the friars to Henry's contemplated divorce. " They indeed," wrote Sander, " both in public dispu tations and in their sermons, most earnestly maintained that the marriage of Catherine was good and lawful." As might have been expected, they soon became obnoxious to Henry on account of their persistence in seeking to allay his " scruples." The first warning of the coming storm was given in 1532, when, writing to the Minister-General of the Order at Paris, he desired that the English Provincial might be turned out of his office, and that Father John de la Haye, whom he knew and liked, might be sent in his place. The Minister-General replied that he had no power to remove provincials, but that he would send De la Haye as his commissary. The name of the friar who had excited the King's displeasure does not appear, and there is some obscurity in the succession of provincials about this time, but there can be little doubt that Father John Forest was meant. It is certain that Henry regarded him with suspicion, and considered that he was responsible for Catherine's opposition to his proceedings. Already in 1527 she had been aware of his attempts to prove their marriage invalid, although it was thought that the matter had been kept secret,^ and she had appealed to Rome, in spite of all the King's party could do, to have the cause tried by judges appointed by Henry himself. He would probably have proceeded at once to a divorce and second marriage, but for some wholesome fear he then enter tained of the Queen's nephew, the Emperor Charles V. Chapuys, the Imperial ambassador, writing to the Emperor in a letter dated Oct. i6th, 1 531, gives an account of a royal commission, sent to the Queen at the More, a house formerly belonging to the Abbot of St. Alban's, but = " Anne Boleyn," by Paul Friedmann, vol. i. p. 53. THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. which Henry had seized, and to which she had retired when ordered to leave the Court. The commission was composed of Dr. Lee, Archbishop elect of York, the Earl of Essex, the Treasurer Fitzwilliam and Dr. Sampson. Catherine told them that while she thought the King's scruples good and honest, she had urged him to assemble the bishops, and put them on their oath to speak the truth, and whatever they said should be observed ; but this he had refused, saying that he wanted no other decision but that of justice. Now, however, knowing that he was not moved by a scruple, but by passion, she would not be so ill-advised as to consent to a compromise, and to have the cause tried in England, where everybody would be suborned to consent to the King's wishes.'' Meanwhile Anne Boleyn had become all-powerful. She took the Queen's place on every public occasion, and had been created Marchioness of Pembroke as a prepara tion for further honours. She was extremely unpopular, except among a small party at Court, but she had secret agents all over the country, bound to her by present bribes and the hope of future advancement. They were to be found even in the houses of the Observants, so con spicuous by their devotion to the Queen's cause. Richard Lyst, a lay-brother at Greenwich, carried on a secret but active correspondence with her and Cromwell. The tone of his letters* is throughout disturbed and anxious. He is conscious that he has "some learning and intelligence," and has often spoken and answered in the King's cause and hers, for which he has suffered rebukes and some trouble, but " it has been rather comfort than otherwise, and so it should be to every true lover in the cause of his friend." He has, he says, often been called in derision Anne's chaplain, but he has not yet taken priest's orders, although it is his ambition to do so, = Gairdner, Calendar v. No. 478. * They are to be found among the Cotton MSS., Cleopatra E. iv. fol. 28, and in print in Ellis's " Orig. Letters," 3rd Series, vol. ii. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. hoping to say one hundred Masses for her prosperous state, spiritual and corporal. He is free now, he declares, to enter that state, because a young woman to whom he was " made sure in the way of marriage, before coming into religion, is departed to the mercy of God." Such a letter to such a person as Anne, naturally concludes with a petition. He is forty shillings in debt, for clothes and other things for his mother. Another letter gives us a glimpse into the monastery, and shows us the curious workings of the writer's mind. It is addressed to Cromwell, and he speaks of " the offence done against the King and my Lady Marquess of Pembroke, by some of our family," such as Fathers Peyto, Elstow, Forest and others. Father Forest is the special object of Lyst's aversion. " Sir," he writes, " your Mastership shall understand that P"ather Forest, which doth neither love nor favour you, hath laboured divers ways to supplant and bring Father Larans, which is the King's faithful, true subject, out of favour, both with the King's Grace and with all our fathers and brothers, and also, as much as in him is, to expulse him out of our convent of Greenwich ; and his original and chief cause is, because he knoweth that Father Larans is provided, and will also preach the King's matter, whensoever it shall please his Grace to command him ; and so the very truth is, that Father Forest will not preach the King's matter himself, nor yet suffer Father Larans by his will so to do." There is much more in the same strain. " Father Larans " was probably a certain Friar Laurence, whom Father Forest apparently succeeded in turning out. There is a letter among the Cotton manuscripts from John Laurence to Cromwell, relative to his return to his cloister, the King having seemingly ordered the Green wich Observants to take him back. In this letter he begs Cromwell to insist on his being lodged in a certain room in which he will have access to the outside world be THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. comparatively uncontrolled, and have freedom to corre spond about the " King's matter." He entreats him not to allow him to be sent back to his old quarters.* There is a pertinacity in Lyst's information respecting Father Forest which is highly instructive. "Also I think," he continues, " it were very convenient and neces sary that the Chancellor of London were spoken unto, no more to assign Father Forest to preach at Paul's Cross. Our fathers have oftentimes assigned me to associate Father Forest when he hath gone forth in preaching, because they have supposed in me some intelligence and learning ; and many a time when he hath preached, I have sitten under the pulpit with a pair of red ears, because I have heard him so often break Master Priscian's head ; therefore, in my judgment, it is more convenient for him to sit at home with his beads than to go forth and preach. Also, I pray your Mastership, have me meekly recommended unto my Lady Marquess of Pembroke, unto whom I am much bound unto, and also that poor mother of mine, by the reason of her charitable benefits." The next letter expresses the same righteous indignation. There is much about the ofifence and dishonour done against the King's Grace and the Lady Marquess of Pem broke, by Fathers Peyto, Elstow, Forest, and others. It grieves his " heart sore to see, perceive and know the unkindness and duplicity of Father Forest against the King's Grace," considering what benefits he and the whole convent have received from the King. The word " duplicity " is characteristic of the writer's confused state of mind ; he apparently estimates the value of a conscience at the price of " a great piece of beef," which Father Forest had received as a present, " from the King's table." But spy though Lyst was, and sold to the King's mis tress, he must have had some remnants of honourable Gairdner Cal. vii. 139. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. feeling left, and must consequently have experienced in a measure, the pangs of remorse. It is somewhat of a relief therefore, to find that his "trouble doth continue, and rather increase than minish, insomuch that scant two nights a week " he can take his natural rest ; and if his " trouble do continue," he fears " some inconvenience of sickness " to chance unto him. Father " Larans" has sent him word that he is in readiness to preach the King's matter, whenever it shall please the King's Grace, or Cromwell command him, and truly in Lyst's judgment, " Larans " is more able to do the King's Grace honour, and Cromwell worship, " than three such as Father Forest is." He is not so much disturbed in mind, but that he remembers to end his letter with the usual petition for his "poor mother." His treachery soon comes to Father Forest's ears, and Lyst is in dread, lest Cromwell should allow him to see the ktters he has written. He begs his " Mastership " to burn them, trusting that the King's Grace and Cromwell will be good to him, and not suffer him and his friends to be punished for what he has said. The position which this humble lay-brother now takes up would be somewhat ludicrous, were it not for the serious issues at stake. Father Forest will not have anything to do with him, now that his conduct has been laid bare, and Lyst retaliates by assuming the tone of a mentor. He writes to him and remonstrates with him, telling him that never having been punished for his faults and transgressions, " now this holy time of Lent he may be sorry for them, and make some amends unto God and to the religion whom he hath offended." But Father Forest, according to Lyst's own words, answered him nothing. This treat ment annoys Lyst so much that he urges Cromwell to remove him. " Also there is a good father of our religion, a French man, come from beyond sea unto us, which is chosen and THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. assigned to be our minister, head, and ruler, here in this province, and I trust he shall do much good among us, if he will be indifferent secundum veritatem, as I trust he will, and help to reform Father Forest especially, and also some other things necessary to be reformed among us. And so, if it were the King's pleasure and yours, good it were and also convenient, the King's Grace and also your Master ship to speak with our foresaid new minister, and to inform him under what manner he should use himself among us as concerning the King's Grace's honour. Also if it were your pleasure to help to reform Father Forest, and to get him removed out of this house, either to Newark or to Newcastle [Richmond was probably not far enough from Greenwich !], I think you should do a meritorious deed, and have great reward of good therefor, and many thanks and prayers of many in our religion. And as for my part, I have done, and yet will do as much as is in me possible, to the furtherance and accomplishment of the same, with the grace of Jesu, who have you in His blessed keeping. Amen," The sixth and last letter surpasses in hypocrisy all the others. His calumnies against the friars (he had gone so far as to accuse them of murder), and perhaps his own guilty conscience, rendered his position in the con vent an unenviable one. He complains that his great trouble is all in the night, that he is " fearfully troubled divers manners of wise," and so he thinks verily that he must depart from the friars, and also change his state. " Good Master Cromwell," he writes, " I think very un- feignedly as my conscience giveth me illumination, all things necessary considered, that I shall serve God and serve my soul better in another state than I am in now, and to be delivered of my trouble also. And if it be my chance to depart from the Friars and change my state, as I do intend, yet I trust both the King's Grace and the Queen will be good and gracious unto me, and your 12 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Mastership also, if it be my chance to need any sup- portation or help hereafter : for truly to the extremity of my poor power, I have sealed both the King's honour and your Mastership's worship also." " Father Forest, your little friend and less lover, and mine also, for all his great cracks, is far enough from us ;" and he goes on to say, in his verbose manner, that his letter of reproof was read and expounded before their new minister, and all the fathers in the house, and that Father Forest was, " according to his deserving," deposed and put out of his office and expulsed and sent to another convent in the north parts. Now this is so obviously the testimony of a false witness that we need be at no great pains to refute it. There is absolutely no evidence to show that Father Forest was ever out of favour with his brethren, but that, on the contrary, if we except the conduct of a few renegades such as Lyst and Laurence, we find the greatest unanimity among them with regard to Henry's marriage with Catherine. According to Cardinal Pole," of all the Observants not so much as one man fell or apostatized from his Order in all that time of trial. Obscure members, such as the two spies at Greenwich, may well have escaped public notice, but if a man so well known as Father Forest had been convicted of conduct at variance with that of his confreres, it would most certainly have been proclaimed by his enemies from the house-tops. Instead of this, we find that for maintaining what he maintained the whole Order suiTered. It seems, however, that he disappeared about the time of Lyst's accusations, and the records, with one solitary and terse exception, are silent as to his whereabouts. Even this clue leaves a gap of a year at least, from the time of his disappear- ° " De Unitatc Ecclesise." THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 13 ance. In the list of Observants in London in 1534 is the remark : "John Foreste is there, in prison." "^ Nevertheless, the matter cannot be satisfactorily settled ; for although we know that he and at least eight other Observants fell into disgrace with Henry, for upholding the validity of his marriage, there is another and far more circumstancial account of his committal, which we shall relate in its proper place. If, as has been said on good authority, he was committed to prison for denying the royal supremacy, this could not have taken place till the following year, for it was not until after the Pope had pronounced in favour of Catherine that the Bill of Supre macy was passed in Parliament, and the oath tendered.^ Lyst's letters, although undated, must have been written in the latter part of 1532 and the spring of 1533, and when he mentions Anne as queen, she was probably married to Henry but not crowned. With regard to Lyst himself, we find that he was amply rewarded with a place at the University of Cambridge." Henry having contracted a marriage with Anne, in ' Gairdner, Cal. vii. No. 1607. In the original edition of Stow's Chronicles, that of 1580, mention is made of Friar Forest having been put in prison " for contrarying the preacher before the King." But in the edition of 1615, this is corrected to the following :¦ — "The 28th May, Friar Elstowe, standing in the rood loft of the friar's church at Greenwich, contrarying the preacher Dr. Curwin, said he lied, before the King, and was for the same sent to prison " (p. 559). Stow's authority for the first statement was Sander, orig. ed., translated into English by David Lewis. " In the first place, indeed, that he might throw fear into others, the King cast into prison a very learned man, John Forest, religious of the Franciscan Order of the Observants, confessor to Queen Catherine, under the pretence that he had resisted a certain Hugh Latimer, who was too freely inveighing against the Pope in the presence of the King." " Certamen Seraphicum," p. 7. * According to Lingard, a resolution was taken to erect an indepen dent Church within the realm, long before Henry could have received the Pope's sentence ; but the act of schism may really be considered the outcome of the sentence, because Henry had quarrelled with the Pope on no other grounds but his marriage, and it is clear that if Clement had been facile with regard to Anne, there would have ¦ been no question of a schism. ' Calendar vi. No. 1264. 14 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. spite of the Pope's injunction that, lite pendente, he should take no action whatever in the matter, but restore the Queen meanwhile to her former place, there arose great confusion and fermentation among the people. Catherine begged Chapuys to supplicate the Emperor to bring the business to a speedy issue ; but he replied that the blindness and obstinacy of the King increased every day. There was no hope that he could take the Queen back, and Norfolk had declared that not even the Pope, the Emperor, the King of France, and all the princes of Christendom combined, could convert him, although the party for the Queen consisted of nearly the whole nation. The Abbot of Hyde supported the " Lady's " party and vituperated those who were on Catherine's side. Every indignity was heaped on the head of the unfortunate Queen, and worse was to follow. From complaining that Anne appeared in public, resplendent with Catherine's jewels, Chapuys passed on to details of the Queen's bitter priva tions ; and subsequently forgot both insults and her almost destitute condition, in alarm for the safety of the Queen and her daughter.^ The same writer says on another occasion : — "Anne Boleyn, proceeding from Greenwich to the Tower before her coronation, was accompanied by several bishops and lords and innumerable people, in the form that no other queens have been accustomed to be received, and whatever regret the King may have shown at the taking of the Queen's barge, the Lady has made use of it in this triumph, and appropriated it to herself. God grant she may content herself with the said barge, and the jewels and husband of the Queen, without attempting anything against the persons of the Queen and Princess. The said triumph consisted entirely in the multitude of those who took part in it, but all the people showed themselves as sorry as though it had been ' Chapuys to Charles V. Vienna Archives. THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 15 a funeral. I am told their indignation increases daily, and that they live in hope your Majesty will interfere. On Saturday, the Lady will pass all through London and go to the King's lodging, and on Sunday to Westminster, where the ceremony of coronation will take place."- Friedmann, remarking on the indelicacy in Henry, in giving Catherine's barge to Anne, says that the Queen's arms had been cut down, to make way for the apocry phal emblems of the Boleyn family.* At St. Paul's the waits played, " in Cheap " the cross was newly gilt and burnished, and the co.rtcge passed along " through Paul's Gate, and so to Whitehall," through a dense but unsympathetic multitude. Henry did all he could to supplement the want of enthusiasm by jousts and tournaments, and the Grey Friar's Chronicle says that " at that time was many knights made." * Chapuys seems to have looked on with the conviction that all was now inevitable. He trusted only that nothing would be attempted against the lives of the Queen and Princess, of whom he constituted himself the diplomatic and secret adviser. Up to the very eve of the Coronation, the Observants had considered that things had not gone so far, but that they might still be retrieved. Earlier in May, they made a supreme effi^rt to bring Henry to reason. The friars Peyto and Elstow, mentioned by Lyst in his letters, were worthy companions of Father Forest. For fearlessness they were unsurpassed by any of the martyrs. - Chapuys to Charles V., 29th May, 1533. ' " Anne Boleyn," vol. i. p. 204. ¦* Anne's head was by this time completely turned, and she made no pretence of good feeling or decency. On the 30th July, 1533, Chapuys wrote to Charles " The Lady, not being satisfied with what she has received already, has solicited the King to ask the Queen for a very rich triumphal cloth, which she brought from Spain to wrap up her children with at baptism, which she would be glad to make use of very soon. The Queen has replied that it has not pleased God she should be so ill-advised, as to grant any favour in a case so horrible and abominable." Vienna Archives. Gairdner, Cal. vi. 918. i6 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. The story told by Nicholas Harpsfield and by Stow,^ is like a scene from the Old Testament. Peyto, a simple, devout man, of good house and family, " had relinquished the brittle, bright, blazing lustre of the world to serve God devoutly and entirely." In pursuit of this end, he stood up one Sunday, early in May, during Divine service, and rebuked the King to his face and before the whole con gregation. Preaching on the twenty-second chapter of the third book of Kings, " in the place where dogs licked the blood of Naboth," he said, " shall dogs lick thy blood, even thine." With the eloquence that comes of profound earnestness and conviction, he entreated the King to give up Anne Boleyn ; but when he had delivered his message of persuasion and warning, " I am," he said, " that Micheas whom thou wilt hate, because I must tell thee truly, that this marriage is unlawful. I know I shall eat the bread of affliction and drink the water of sorrow, yet because our Lord hath put it into my mouth, I must speak it." He warned the King against flatterers, who, like the four hundred lying prophets, made their interests out of the King's folly and frail affections, men of no sincerity, who courted his fancy and appealed to his inclinations for wealth and promotion in the Church. " Take good heed," he said, " lest being seduced, you find Ahab's punishment." Like a second Elias, the brave friar stood, holding, as it were, his life in his hand. But Henry, contrary to all expectation, bore the rebuke without any exhibition of anger. However, he provided himself with counsel, in the person of Dr. Curwin, Canon of Hereford, who, on the following Sunday, expatiated from the same pulpit on the lawfulness and beauty of Henry's marriage. He called Peyto a dog, slanderer, a base, beggarly friar, a closeman, rebel, traitor, and declared that no subject should speak so audaciously to princes. ' Harpsfield, " Pretended Divorce," p. 202. Stow's "Annals." p. Kti, ed. 1615. > r J J THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 17 He challenged him to come out and defend his discourse, and Peyto not appearing, he charged him with cowardice and a guilty conscience. Upon this, Elstow appeared on the rood-loft and began to answer Curwin roundly. "Good sir," he protested, " you know that Father Peyto, as he was commanded, is now gone to a provincial council, held at Canterbury, and not fled for fear of you, for to-morrow he will come back again. In the meantime, I am here, as another Micheas, and will lay down my life to prove all those things true which he hath taught out of the Holy Scripture. And to this combat I challenge you, before God and all equal judges. Even unto thee, Curwin, I speak, who art one of the four hundred prophets unto whom the spirit of lying is entered, and seekest by adultery to establish succession, betraying the King unto endless perdition, more for thy own vain glory than for discharge of your clogged conscience and the King's salvation." Here Henry bade him be silent, and the dispute ended. The next day both Peyto and Elstow were summoned to appear before the Privy Council, and severely repri manded. " You deserve," said Cromwell, " to be put into a sack and thrown into the Thames 1 " Whereupon Elstow replied, smiling, — " My lord, be pleased to frighten your Court epicures with such sentences as these." And he went on to declare that Cromwell was mistaken, if he sought to intimidate them by any threat whatsoever. "And as for your Thames," he concluded, " the road to heaven lies as near by water as by land, and therefore it is indifferent to us which way we go thither." If the general tone of the monks and the secular clergy had been such as this, Henry would have found it impossible to carry his measures, and foist upon an outraged people such a woman as Anne Boleyn. But there ran through C FAITHFUL UNTO DE^TH. the ranks of the clergy a spirit of demoralization, and of supine submission to the willof the tyrant, only made more glaring by the heroic virtue and the fidelity of a chosen few. Brewer accounts for the lowered tone of morality that prevailed, by the wretched condition from which the country, so long torn to pieces by the disastrous Wars of the Roses, was only just emerging. However that may be, the fact remains the same ; and it is worthy of note, that whenever a country or an indi vidual is lost to the Church, the change does not come about by any sudden transition, but by a gradual weaken ing process and the decay of right reason. The masses of the people were less corrupted than their spiritual heads. The Prior of the Austin Friars, Dr. George Browne, recommended his congregation in a sermon to pray for Queen Anne, at which they were greatly astonished and scandalized, and nearly everyone rose and left the church " with great murmurings and ill-looks, without waiting for the rest of the sermon." When this came to the King's ears, he sent word to the mayor, that he should, under pain of his displeasure, take care that nothing of the kind happened again. But Henry made prohibitions in vain ; they only served to turn the hearts of the people from him, and the murmurings went on as before. If silence was imposed on the masters, their apprentices grumbled, and if these were reduced to obedience, it was found that nothing stopped the tongues of the wives.^ Peyto and Elstow remained some time under arrest. It was reported that Henry had sent to Rome for a commission of the Broad-Sleeved Order, to try them. But the Queen, deeming that this would be an insult to the whole Order, begged the Emperor, through his ambassador, to stop the Commission, and the Papal ^ Gairdner, Cal. vi. No. 391. THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 19 Nuncio also wrote to the same effect. ' They were finally banished. Meanwhile, Friar Laurence the spy was busy at his old trade. In watching the movements of two friars who were collecting books to send to Father Peyto, he thought he had discovered that they were in communi cation with Catherine, and had paid her a visit at Bugden. This, Laurence at once reported to Cromwell, who in formed the King, and the two friars were arrested. There was no evidence against them, but as they pro fessed themselves hostile to the divorce, Cromwell applied for leave to have them racked. ^ Their names were Hugh Payn and Cornelius. He considered that they were in some way connected with two other Observants, Friars Rich and Risby, respectively Guardians of Richmond and Canterbury, who in their turn were accused of connivance with Elizabeth Barton, called the Holy Maid of Kent. This remarkable woman had been a farm-house servant at Aldington, near Canterbury, where, being about eighteen years old, she had a strange and prolonged ill ness, accompanied by trances and ecstatic conditions, during which she is said to have foretold coming events. Having been miraculously cured at the shrine of our Blessed Lady at Court-up-Strete, she declared that the Blessed Virgin had appeared to her and had told her to enter a convent. She subsequently became a nun at the convent of St. Sepulchre near Canterbury, where she led a seemingly blameless life for about seven years, con tinuing from time to time to be rapt in ecstasy, to have celestial visions, and to utter prophecies. These latter consisted often of denunciations, warnings and threats against the King, on account of his evil life. Twice she solicited and obtained an interview with Henry, in which ' Cal. V. No. 989. ¦^ Cromwell to Henry VflL, Cromwell's Letters, P.R.O. C 2 20 FAITHFUL UNTO DEA TIT. she told him that if he proceeded with the matter in hand (his repudiation of Catherine), he should not be King of England, in the si,L,^ht of God, seven months hence. She also declared to him that the Princess Mary, who was then despised as illegitimate, would in time come to sway the sceptre that was hers by right. Wc have nothing to do with the truth or falsehood of the nun's revelations, nor would it be possible, at this date, to arrive at any just conclusion concerning her. All the evidence we have against her, is contained in the Memoranda prepared by Cromwell, who had the greatest interest in blackening her fame, and in some expressions of Cranmer's, the truthful ness of which, unsupported by any other testimony, we have no special reason for believing. Moreover, both of the above-mentioned predictions were in a manner verified ; the first, because according to the law of all Christendom, then acknowledged by every nation of Europe, an excommunicated person could enjoy no civil or religious rights. If he were a king, his subjects were released from the duty of obedience to him, and they would be justified in depriving him of the kingly office. To reign under such conditions might be con sidered as not reigning at all, and Henry was excom municated for his marriage with Anne exactly seven months after she had been declared Queen. Her corona tion took place in April, 1533, and Henry was formally excommunicated in the following October. With regard to the Princess Mary, nothing at the time of the nun'sprophecy appeared less likely, than th.-tt she should ever be restored to honour and royal dignity. She had been branded by her father with the stigma of illegitimacy, and yet we know that she became Queen before lilizabeth^ who about that time was baptized with great pomp as Princess, in the church of the Observants at Greenwich. Strange as it may appear, that the saying of ' an obscure and uneducated giri should excite the alarm of THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 21 politicians, it must be remembered that the moment was a critical one. The whole country was in a state of fermentation in consequence of Henry's repudiation of his wife, and any voice likely to influence the people was of the highest importance. It was popular veneration and enthusiasm that styled her the " Holy Maid," and it must be admitted that all her exhortations, of which any account has reached us, tended to increase of virtue and spirituality. The following passage from a letter from one of the Carthusians at Shene, to the nun's con fessor. Dr. Bocking, a Benedictine monk afterwards accused of treason and executed with her, shows the estimation in which she was held. " Let us praise God," writes the Carthusian, " who has raised up this holy virgin, a mother indeed to me and a daughter to thee, for our salvation. She has raised a fire in some hearts that you would think like unto the operation of the Holy Spirit in the primitive Church, if you saw with what frequent tears some bewailed their transgressions." She exhorted the people, who flocked to her in crowds, to forsake sin, amend their lives, and frequent the sacra ments ; so that, referring to the apparently miraculous life of sanctity which she led, a well-known writer observes, and the argument is conclusive, " If she were moved by an evil spirit, as her enemies afterwards pre tended, there never was a clearer case of Satan's kingdom divided against itself." Learned and holy men, such as Blessed John Fisher and Blessed Thomas More, at one time formed a favourable estimate of her virtue. The venerable Bishop of Rochester, it is true, abstained from pronouncing any judgment upon the matter, but he was attainted for misprision of treason for not revealing her prophecy with regard to the King, which she had herself communicated to Henry. Sir Thomas " " Henry VIII. and the English Monast'eries," vol. i. p. 113, by the Rev. F. A. Gasquet, O.S.B. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. More, attracted by her wonderful reputation for sanctity, went to see her, and was confirmed in his good opinion by her apparent humility and sincerity : " Howbeit, of a truth I had a great good opinion of her, and had her in great estimation.'" Fearing that she might get herself into trouble, if she were induced by inquisitive people to speak of her revelations concerning " any matter of princes, or of the realm," he wrote to her, counselling great prudence, and recommending himself to her prayers. It is not clear that his subsequent change of opinion was based on any other foundation than her alleged confession of fraud. The interesting point for us in the whole story is the fact that the two Observants, Friars Rich and Risby, suffered for believing in the divine origin of her visions and prophecies. In the letter which Sir Thomas More wrote to Cromwell, who in spite of evidence to the contrary sought to include him in the matter, he says : — " About Christmas was twelvemonth. Father Risby, Friar Observant, then of Canterbury, lodged one night at mine house, where, after supper, a little before he went to his chamber, he fell in communication with me of the nun, giving her high commendation of holiness, and that it was wonderful to see and understand the works that God wrought in her ; which thing I answered, that I was very glad to hear it, and thanked God thereof. Then he told me that she had been with my lord legate in his life, and with the King's Grace too ; and that she had told my lord legate a revelation of hers, of three swords that God had put in my lord legate's hand, which, if he ordered not well, God would lay it sore to his charge. The first, she said, was the ordering the spirituality under the Pope, as legate ; the second, the rule that he bore in order of the temporalty under the King as his Chancellor ; and the third, she said, was the meddling he was put in trust with, by 1 " Sir Thomas More," by the Rev. T. E. Bridgett, C.SS.R , p. 328. THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 23 the King, concerning the great matter of his marriage. And therewithal I said unto him, that any revelation of the King's matters I would not hear of ; I doubt not that the goodness of God should direct His Highness with His grace and wisdom, that the thing should take such end as God should be pleased with, to the King's honour and surety of the realm. When he heard me say these words, or the like, he said unto me, that God had specially com manded her to pray for the King ; and forthwith he brake again into her revelations concerning the Cardinal, that his soul was saved by her mediation ; and without any other communication, went into his chamber. And he and I never talked any more of any such manner of matter, nor since his departing on the morrow, I never saw him afterwards, to my remembrance, till I saw him at St. Paul's Cross. " After this, about Shrovetide, there came unto me, a little before supper, Father Rich, Friar Observant of Rich mond ; and as we fell in talking, I asked him of Father Risby, how he did ; and upon that occasion he asked me whether Father Risby had anything showed me of the holy nun of Kent ; and I said yea, and that I was very glad to hear of her virtue. ' I would not,' quoth he, ' tell you again that you have heard of him already; but I have heard and known many great graces that God hath wrought in her, and in other folks by her, which I would gladly tell you, if I thought you had not heard them already.' And therewith he asked me whether Father Risby had told me anything of her being with my lord Cardinal ; and I said yea. ' Then he told you,' quoth he, ' of the three swords ? ' ' Yea, verily,' quoth I. ' Did he tell you,' quoth he, ' of the revelations that she had concerning the King's Grace ? ' ' Nay forsooth,' quoth I, ' nor if he would have done, I would not have given him a hearing ; nor verily no more I would indeed, for since she hath been with the King's Grace herself, and told him, methought it a thing needless to tell me, or to any man 24 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. else.' And when Father Rich perceived that I would not hear her revelations concerning the King's Grace, he talked on a little of her virtue, and let her revelations alone ; and therewith my supper was set upon the board, where I required him to sit with me ; but he would in no wise tarry, but departed to London." - In spite of Sir Thomas More's great prudence in the matter, and although his name was struck out of the bill of attainder, the King was already too deeply irritated to let him off entirely. Not finding, as he hoped, an occasion for doing him any more harm, he took away his salary. Two years previously, Warham, Archbishop of Canter bury, had written respecting the nun to Wolsey, speaking of her as " a very well disposed and virtuous woman." ^ If he had lived long enough, he would probably have suffered for this praise. Even the Queen was suspected of being in communication with her, but Chapuys gives a remark able tribute to Catherine's prudence and honourable feeling. " It seems," he writes, " as if God inspires the Queen, on all occasions, to conduct herself well, and to avoid all inconveniences and suspicions ; for the Nun had been very urgent, at divers times, to speak with her, and console her in her great affliction, but the Queen would never see her." * In a series of letters, Chapuys relates the proceedings against Barton and her adherents. On the 24th Novem ber he writes : " Yesterday the Nun was placed on a high scaffold before the cathedral of this city, where she, two good and religious Observants, two Augustinian monks, two secular priests, a hermit, and a respectable layman, waited all the time of the sermon ; and for their vitupera- - " Sir Thomas More," by the Rev. T. E. Bridgett, pp. 324-325. ^ Elhs, " Orig. Letters," 3rd Series, vol. ii. p. 137. ¦• Chapuys to Charles V., 12th Nov. 1533. Vienna Archives. Cromwell admitted that nothing had been found to compromise either Catherine or her daughter. " Anne Boleyn," voL i. p. 245. THE PRICE OF A SACRAMENT. 25 tion, the preacher, who was a monk lately made bishop in order to support the ' lady's ' party, repeated all that the Chancellor had said against them, further affirming that the nun, by her feigned superstition, had prevented the Cardinal of York from proceeding to give sentence for the divorce, as he had resolved ; and this had been one of the greatest calamities of this kingdom, as much fbr the present as for the future. To her other accomplices who were there, the preacher imputed levity and superstition for sticking to such things, and disloyalty for not revealing them. He attributed to the two Observants especially, that, under the shadow of the said superstition, they had suborned and seduced their companions to maintain the false opinion and wicked quarrel of the Queen against the King. And as the principal matter of his harangue, he confined the rest of his discourse to a justification of the King's quarrel, impugning the first marriage, exhorting the people with great vehemence never to listen to the contrary. " It is said that on the two next Sundays, the nun and the above-mentioned persons will play the same part in the comedy, for it hardly deserves any other name, and that afterwards they will be taken through all the towns in the kingdom, to make a similar representation, in order to efface the general impression of the nun's sanctity ; be cause this people is peculiarly credulous, and is easily moved to insurrection by prophecies, and, in its present disposition, is glad to hear any to the King's disadvantage. The King has not yet prevailed on the judges to make the declaration against those who have practised against him with the said nun, in the form that I last wrote. He is going to have the affair discussed with them on Friday ; and although some of the principal judges would sooner die than make the said declaration, yet when the King comes to dispute, there is no one who will contradict him, unless he wishes to have 'beast' or 'traitor' thrown at 26 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. his head. So that it seems as if he had made a total divorce, not only from his wife, but from good conscience, humanity, and gentleness, which he used to have." ^ It seems not to have been Cromwell's first intention to proceed to extremities, although Cranmer was for exercising great severity." He would probably have been content with the exhibition at St. Paul's Cross, and the real or pre tended recantation of the prophetess. By the presence of Rich and Risby, he had cast discredit on the Observants, and that was a point gained for the acceptance of the divorce by the nation at large. To cause them to be suspected of connivance at deceit and fraud, was an in genious way of silencing those ever-wagging tongues. But the very words of Barton's forced recantation ex pressed that she alone was responsible for her prophetic utterances, and Cromwell was soon convinced that his success was only a partial one. Moreover, it began to be rumoured that the.confession had not been the nun's free act, and messengers were intercepted from her to her friends all over the country, animating them " to adhere to her and her prophecies." To the original accusation another was added. The question of the King's marriage had merged into the question of the Pope's authority. * Gairdner, Cal. vi., 1460 ; Gayangos, Spanish Calendars, iv. pt. ii. 1154- ' Letters 8 and 9. CHAPTER II. SUPREME HEAD. 1534-1537- Parliament assembled in January, 1534, with the one definite object of passing the King's Bills, although the intention was veiled with a few preliminary transactions of a different nature. The Pope had shown himself the reverse of facile with regard to the divorce, and Henry was prepared to obey his ultimate decision only in so far as it was in accordance with his wishes. " Let the Pope pronounce sentence in my favour, and I will admit his authority," he had said, " else it shall not be admitted. " ' But as late as February i8th, Latimer, preaching before the King, declared that the authority of the Pope was the highest on earth,^ and Henry knew that the majority of his subjects shared his belief. On the 23rd March, Clement gave sentence against the divorce, and Henry at once broke away from Rome. There was some confusion in the people's mind with regard to the position of affairs. Even those supposed to be behind the scenes, were puzzled. Was Henry, or was Cranmer to be Pope in England henceforth .-' Chapuys wrote to the Emperor, that now the Archbishop of Canterbury was to have the power of passing Bulls, instead ' Letter of Castillon to Francis I. "Anne Boleyn,'' by Paul Friedmann, vol. i. p. 297. 2 Cotton MS. Vit. B. xiv., fol. 119, B.M, 28 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. of His Hohness.^ But there was no confusion in Henry's own mind. " He was the King, the whole King, and nothing but the King ; and he wished to be the Pope, the whole Pope, and something more than the Pope." * The confusion arose partly from the imperfect manner in which the Supremacy of the Pope was understood in England in the sixteenth century. Even Blessed Thomas More had once doubted, whether Papal Supremacy was directly ordained by God. He urged the King to qualify what he had said on the subject in his book against Luther. But at that time Henry was a staunch Papist, and declined to alter a word. It is said that he told the Chancellor a secret reason for not modifying what he had put forth. " Further reflection and study at length con vinced More that what the King had written was right, and that his conscience would be in great peril if he denied the Pope's primacy." ^ Anglican " divines " are fond of asserting that supremacy was an ancient right of the Crown of England, and to continue to maintain this is of course a necessity of their position. Nevertheless, it is a stubborn fact that, prior to Henry Vlllth's quarrel with Rome, the only Supremacy known in England was the Supremacy of the Pope. The year 1535 was a critical one in the religious history of the nation. It introduced a totally new order of things, new not only as regarded the Royal Supremacy, but as inaugurating an entirely different scheme of Church government." A mere glance at the history of this period suffices to show, that con tinuity in the Church of England, such as the more advanced of her members claim so urgently, is an empty ' Gairdner says that Chapuys regarded Cranmer as a sort of Anti- Pope set up in England by the King's authority. Preface to Cal. vii. " Bishop Stubbs' " Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History " P- 301- ' Gairdner, Preface to Calendar vii. ' Gairdner, Preface to Calendar viii. SUPREME HEAD. 29 dream. The people were familiar with opposition to Papal authority ; but an ecclesiastical headship separating the King from all his predecessors was at variance with all tradition.'' Every act of Henry as Head of the Church of England, bears the stamp of innovation. , It was a matter for which the Observants were ready to lay down their lives, and while the learned were debating, and the worldly-minded giving in to the King, the friars, learned and simple, followed their conscience. Fidelity to the Holy See was an instinct with them ; it was even more than an instinct. It was a part of their rule, and belonged to the " religion " of St. Francis. Later on, we shall have occasion to see how Blessed John Forest inculcated the principle, in those members of the Order who seemed to him to fail in its observance. On the 20th April, 1534, Fathers Rich and Risby, together with the " holy maid of Kent," the two Bene~ dictines and the two secular priests, were executed at Tyburn. In order that it might be lawful to convict them of treason, there being no handle against them as the law then stood, an Act had been passed through Parliament to make it high treason to impugn the King's marriage with Anne Boleyn, and the succession of her children, or to appeal in any way to the authority of the Pope.' Now treason, according to the Statute Book, was an overt act against the King, such as inciting to war against him, or compassing his death, and by no stretch of elastic terms could the nun or her adherents be proved guilty of such an offence. It was therefore necessary to alter the law before they could be punished. On March 12th the Bill was passed by the Lords, and we do not find that after this there was any question of a ' Brewer's Introductions, vol. i. p. 107. ' Act 25th Henry VI II. P.R.O. C. 22, S. 5. 30 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. pardon for Elizabeth Barton. She was hanged and be headed. The priests who suffered with her were hanged, drawn and quartered. Friars Rich and Risby had been invited to hold a disputation with some of the King's men, who by every artifice they could devise, tried to get them to acknow ledge Henry as Head of the Church of England. But they, fearing no sort of torment, refused to consent to so nefarious a scheme. When Henry heard of their per sistent refusal, he was beside himself with rage, ordered the friars to be taken back to prison and subjected to the severest torture. They bore all that was inflicted on them with consummate patience, declaring with wonderful constancy in the midst of their torment.s, that the Supreme Pontiff was Head of the Universal Church, that the Church of England was subject and united to the Church of Rome, and could have no other head than the Pope. They also said that they had a great desire to suffer every torture for the love of their Lord Jesus Christ. A few days later, they were led forth to execution. At the last moment a messenger arrived from the King, offering them a free pardon, if they would renounce the Pope ; but they remained unshaken in their resolve. Father Richard Risby, Guardian of Canterbury, was already standing on the ladder, with the rope round his neck. He repeated fervently the words of the prophet: " Voluntarie sacrificabo tibi, et confitebor nomini tuo, quoniam bonum est," when he was thrown off, and almost immediately the rope was cut, and his still palpitating body fell to the ground. The work of butchery was accomplished without delay, and with the utmost cruelty, in order, it was said, to terrify into submission Father Rich, who was standing by. The quivering members were thrown into a seething cauldron close to the gallows, and when the hangman held up the martyr's heart, the people saw it make a convulsive movement. His head was SUPREME HEAD. 31 then cut off, stuck upon a pole and placed on London Bridge." Undaunted by the sickening spectacle. Father Hugh Rich then mount3d the ladder, and being cut down from the gibbet while yet alive, he is said to have spoken these touching words, as the hangman laid hold of his heart : " That which thou hast in thy hand is consecrated to God." Both Friars Risby and Rich are considered, by the author of the Franciscan Martyrology, among the martyrs of the Order.i These were the first-fruits of the conflict, but the battle was being fought all over the country ; the houses of Greenwich, Richmond and Canterbury were the outposts, but the others were equally ready for the war that was being waged against the powers of darkness. On Passion Sunday, 1534, the Warden of Southampton, Friar Pecock, preached in St. Swithin's church at Winchester, where a certain Robert Coke of Rye, who had abjured some heresies concerning the Blessed Sacrament, was doing his penance. The preacher made this an occasion for condemning the false teaching in question, and other " dampned heresies," exhorting the people to live and die in their faith. He told them the story of St. Maurice, who preferred to suffer martyrdom rather than obey the command of his prince which was contrary to God's laws. " Here be many hearers," he said, " and they be not all of one capacity. Some there be that understand me, and some, peradventure, that understand me not, but other wise do take me and shall report me than I do speak or mind." They were, he continued, to stand constantly and humbly in their faith, and to use themselves obedi ently towards their prince. Touching, however, the Pope " Barezzo Barezzi, " Delle Croniche dell' Ordine de' Frati Minori," Venice 1608, vol. iv. p. 208. ' " Coll. Anglo. Min." pp. 229 and 230. FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. and his authority, he lamented the diversity of preachings, and the contradictions of clerks and learned men, saying that he was credibU- informed that some persons preached that St Peter had never more power or authority given to him by God than any other of the Apostles. They declared, he said, that the Pope should have no more authorit}' out of Rome, than a bishop out of his diocese, and a bishop should have no more authority than a simple priest, and so consequently the Pope should have no more power than a simple curate. These sayings, he averred, were grievous errors, and yet he was informed that people brought books into the pulpit with them for the proof of it. But he would show his book to the contrary. Then he took up the book which lay before him, and read five or six places " approving primatum Petri, and Englished them." - As he had foreseen, these words were not allowed to pass unpunished. The report of the sermon was sent to Cromwell on the 7th April, and the very next day, the spy wrote to him : " I have received your letter for the taking of Friar Pecock. We have visited the convent this morning, of which he being now warden, is abroad preaching." And shortly after, the mayor of Southampton wrote to Cromwell : " I have sent you Friar Pecock, as soon as he was found ; there is no obstinacy in him." Another friend, one Harry Huttoft, made a further effort to save him. " I beg your favour unto Pecock," he wrote to Cromwell, " for since his being here he has been of very good behaviour, and keeps his convent in good order." ^ But the King's anger against the Observants was not to be appeased, and Cromwell was the cold and unre lenting, if passionless, executor of all his behests. His " Remembrances " are monuments of his character and of ' Gairdner, Cal. \\\. No. 449. ' Gairdner, Cal. vii. Nos. 450 and 473. SUPREME HEAD. 33 the method which in him was the whole man. There is not a single reflection, not a passing remark on any event however stirring. All is calm, clear, business-like, and ruthless. The entry for one day will be sufficient as an illustration of the whole of this strange chronicle. " To know whether Vaughan shall go forward or return. Touching Friar Risby's examination of the letter sent by Peyto, to Payne the friar. To remember to send for Friar Rich to Richmond, of the letters lately come from Rome to the minister of the Friars Observants, and of the communication between Beeke and a friar, and to know the effect of those letters, which letters were directed from Elstow. To know what way the King will take with all the said malefactors." * Stephen Vaughan was an agent of Cromwell's whom he had sent abroad to collect information. He wrote that Friar Peyto had just put forth a book against "the King's great matter," at Antwerp, where he was living with another friar. He will, he says, when he gets to Antwerp send the book.^ In another letter, he says Peyto is labouring at setting forth his book, and that a friar comes to him every week from England ; and that he (Vaughan) is proceeding to Cologne, where " the King has an enemy that spoils his subjects." Peyto is, he says, much helped out of England with money." 4 Cal. vi. 1370. * S. Vaughan to Cromwell, P.R.O., July 30, 1533. Peyto denied ever having put forth a book against the king's marriage. See Hutton to Cromwell, P.R.O. Sept. 2, 1537. The wildest statements were made, which when investigated were found to be wholly unsupported. For instance, a messenger from Rome reported that persons in that city had spoken slanderous and vile words against the King's realm. The would-be traitor said he had letters from those persons to a Friar Observant at Antwerp, at which place he had arrived. The man was brought before Hutton, Henry's agent, and the letters were opened, but they contained nothing that could by any possibility be twisted into an offence, although Hutton sent them to Cromwell, June 22, 1537, P.R.O. « S. Vaughan to Cromwell, 3rd August, 1533. D 34 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. On his return to Antwerp from Cologne, Vaughan again wrote to Cromwell, this time in a very excited way. Perhaps he had been blamed for sending too little information. "Peyto like his brethren is a hypo crite, a tiger clad in a sheepskin, a perilous knave, and evil reporter of the King, and ought to be shamefully punished. Would God I could get him by any policy. I will work what I can. Whatever Peyto does, I will find means for the King to know. I have laid a bait for him. He cannot wear the cloaks and cowls sent over to him from England, they are so many." ' In a former letter he had said, " The Flemings have also put forth in print an excommunication against the King, which I also send — " and " I have no doubt that the King, with your mediation, will provide for me." Henry having now finally committed himself to the divorce and the Supremacy, it was necessary to vindi cate his authority by the most stringent measures. The Earl of Northumberland's physician informed Chapuys " that the whole realm was so indignant at the oppressions and enormities now practised, that if the Emperor would make the smallest effort the King would be ruined." The atmosphere of the Court was such that even men of otherwise lax morality found it distasteful. Anne could hardly count on the support of her own family ; she had disgusted the Duke of Norfolk, her uncle, by her arrogance. There were many flatterers but few friends, and Henry could only hope to retain his authority by playing the bully. Everyone mistrusted his neigh bour ; there were spies at every street corner. Lord Sandes, thought to be one of the most loyal of courtiers, wrote to Chapuys that the times were so bad, he regretted that he could not invite him to his house ; but he wished ' S. Vaughan to Cromwell, 21st October, 1533, R.Q. SUPREME HEAD. 35 him to assure the Emperor that he had the hearts of all the kingdom.* But Charles was too cautious to risk a war with Henry, in the uncertainty as to what the King of France would do; and Henry knew he was safe from invasion as long as the princes of Europe were disunited. It mattered little to him, that they were all agreed in considering him the common enemy of Christi anity, but it enraged him to see himself the scorn of his own subjects. Forest and Peyto troubled him more than Charles or Francis. With Henry, to fear was to strike, and the stroke fell first of all on the Observants. Hither to he had dealt only with individuals; the 15th June I534i opened the campaign against the whole Order. Roland Lee, one of the King's chaplains lately rewarded with the bishopric of Lichfield and Coventry, and Thomas Bedyll, Clerk of the Council, were intrusted with the pro ceedings. " Please it you to understand," they wrote to Cromwell, " that on Saturday last about six in the evening, we received your letters by the provincial of the Augustin Friars, according to the which, we forthwith proceeded to Rich mond, and came hither between 10 and 11 at night, and in the morning following we had first communication with the warden and one of the seniors named Sebastian, and after that with the whole convent, and moved them by all the means and policies that we could devise, to consent to the articles delivered unto us by the said Provincial, and required the confirmation of them by their convent seal. The warden and convent showed themselves very untoward in that behalf. And thereupon we were forced to move the convent to put the matter wholly in the arbitrement of their seniors, otherwise named discreets, which were but four in number, and that these four should have full authority to consent or dissent for them all, and ' Cal. viii. Preface. D 2 36 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. in the name of them all should meet us at Greenwich this day in the morning, and bring their convent seal with them. And so they did. And when we came to Green wich, we exhorted the convent likewise to put the whole matter in the hands of their seniors or discreets, to the intent to avoid superfluous words and idle reasoning, and specially to provide, that if the discreets should refuse to consent, it were better after our minds, to strain a few than a multitude. But at Greenwich we could in no wise obtain to have the matter put in the discreets' hands and arbitrement But the convent stiffly affirmed that where the matter concerned particularly every one of their souls, they would answer every man for himself, and when, after much reasoning and debating, wc required to have their final and determinate answer, which we demanded of every one of them particularly, wc found them in one mind of contradiction and dissent from the .said articles, but specially against this article : Quod cpiscopus Romanus nihilo majoris auctoritatis aut furisdictionis habcndns sit quam ceteri quivis episcopi in Anglia vet alibi gentium in sua quisque diocesi. And the cause of their dissent, as they said, was by reason that that article was cleady against their profession, and the rule of St. Francis, in which rule it is thus written (as they showed unto us) : Adhcec per obedientiam injungo ministris utpetant a domino Papa ummi de Sanctis Romanes Ecclesiee Cardinalibus, qui sit gubernator protector et corrector istius fraternitatis, ut semper subditi et subjecti pedibus Sancta; Ecclesiee ejusdem stabiles in fide Catholica paupertatem et humilitatem et secundum Evangelium Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, quod firmiter promisimus observemus. " Whereunto three answers. " First that St. Francis and his brethren at the beginning were dwelling in Italy, under the obedience of the Bishop of Rome, as all monks not exempt, be under the obedience of the Bishop of Canterbury, and therefore it were no SUPREME HEAD. yj marvel that St. Francis would his brethren to be obedient to the Bishop of Rome, being their prelate. At which time of St. Francis, and long after, there were none of his Order in England, and therefore these words were not meant by friars of England ^sic). " The second answer that we made was this, that the chapter of St. Francis' rule, which they allege maketh mention of ministers, and that they should desire of the Pope to have one of the Cardinals which should be governor, protector and corrector of their brotherhood, and we showed them that in our opinion that chapter was no part of St. Francis' rule, but was forged sythens, and planted into the same by some ambitious friar of that Order. For as we supposed, the name of ministris was not found out or spoken of when this rule was confirmed, and it is to be thought, that St. Francis, being a holy man, was desir ous to have a cardinal to govern and correct his brethren. "Thirdly, we affirmed unto them that they were the King's subjects, and that by the law of God, they owed him their entire obedience, and that the Pope and St. Francis and they themselves, with their vows, oaths and professions, could take away not one iota of the obedience which they owed to the King, by God's laws. And we showed them that none of the King's subjects could sub mit himself or bear obedience to any other person or pre late without the King's consent And if he did, he did the King's Grace great injury, and offended God, breaking His laws commanding obedience towards princes ; and in this behalf, we showed that the King, being a Christian prince, was a spiritual man, and that obedience which they owed to the King by God's laws was a spiritual obedience, and in spiritual causes, for they would be obedient, but only in temporal causes. " But all this reason could not sink into their obsti nate heads, and worn in custom of obedience of the Pope. Albeit we further declared unto them, that 38 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. both Archbishops of this realm, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Durham and Bath, and all the prelates and heads, and all the famous clerks of this realm have sub scribed to this conclusion : Quod Romanus pontifex non habet maforem jurisdictionem ex sacris Uteris in hoc regno Anglice quam quivis alius externus episcopus. All this not withstanding, their conclusion was, they had professed St. Francis' religion, and in the observance thereof they would live and die. Sorry we be, we cannot bring them to no better frame of mind and order in this behalf, as our faith ful mind was to do, for the accomplishment of the King's pleasure.^' ' " By your assuredly RoLAND Co. et Lich. " Your own, " Thomas BEdyll." After this long-winded letter, the sequel is terse enough. Four days later, on the i8th June, IS 34, a certain Leonard Smyth, writing to Lord Lisle, says drily, at the end of his letter, " No news, but that two carts full of friars came to the Tower two days ago."^ And on the nth August, Chapuys writes : " Of seven houses of Observants, five have already been emptied of friars, because they have refused to swear to the statutes made against the Pope. Those in the two others expect also to be expelled." By the 29th August, all the Observants in the kingdom had been driven out of their houses, which were then filled with Austin Friars, as a reward, no doubt, to their pliant and obliging Provincial, Dr. George Browne. The Obser vants were distributed in various religious houses all over the country, not as Stow and Holinshed assert, as if enter ing into possession of them, but as prisoners. Many of them were cast into " fast hold." Under the date 1 537, the author of the " Collectanea " ' Cleop. E. iv. fol 40, Cotton MSS. B.M. 1 Cal. vii. SUPREME HEAD. 39 writes : ^ " The execution of many of the Franciscan Observants (in prison ever since 1534 or 153 5), having been delayed by the mediation of their friend Sir Thomas Wriothesley, and not one of them coming into the King's measures, or subscribing to his supremacy, etc., it was now proposed to his Majesty (as Sanders writes) that they should be some way or other disposed of, lest others, by their example, might become more resolute. And now, though the King seemed inclined to have them all cut off, or hanged at once, yet being apprehensive of the infamy of such a fact, because they were numerous, and being willing to show some favour to his Privy Counseller Wriothesley, who had pleaded hard for them, he spared some of them, who went into banishment, partly into the Low Countries, and others into Scotland, as an author says. But thirty- two of the same Order were removed out of the prisons of London, and being coupled two and two together with iron chains, were sent into divers other distant prisons of the nation, that they might there perish with less murmur ing and disturbance ; for the author of the Franciscan Martyrology says there was such an universal discontent amongst the King's subjects, and such loud outcries, even of persons of quality, on the account of the imprisonment of all the Observants, that his Majesty thought fit to set some of them at liberty, and that these thirty-two were reserved to be made examples of. Besides these, others were starved with hunger, as an author writes, and others suffocated with the intolerable stench of prisons, or perished by the inconveniences and hardships of their confinement." " They are locked up," writes Chapuys, " put in chains, and worse treated than if they were prisoners, being in the hands of those that hate them. May God console •- P. 238. 40 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. them with His grace, and keep in them their good intentions." * In spite of the plausible reasoning of the commissioners at Greenwich, the Observants, like the Carthusians and Brigittins, were not simply English subjects, but members of a vast and widely spread international religious system, which everywhere commanded respect and sympathy. It was notorious that Henry persecuted those communities famed for their regularity and fidelity to their rule, while he favoured those which gave public scandal by their relaxed condition. On the Continent, preachers vehemently denounced the cruelty of a King who had butchered men like Houghton and his Carthusians, and banished men like Peyto.'' But the Observants irritated him more than any other religious order, and he determined to stamp them clean out of the land. They were doubly to be hated, as having been former favourites, now turned into his most uncompromising opponents, and he would probably have made still shorter work of them, but " from fear of the people."^ There was some inconsis tency, however, in his manner of dealing with them, unless we distinguish between Henry's blustering rage, and his minister's cool, calculating policy. As we have seen, Sir Thomas Wriothesley, their secret friend and admirer, used his influence with Cromwell to get leave for them to go into exile. To some extent he succeeded, and the more easily because Cromwell was probably glad to get rid of them at any price." " Item," he wrote in his diary, " to remember the friars of Green wich, to have licence to go into Ireland." '' Wadding mentions eight as having thus obtained ^ Gayangos, Cal. v. part i. p. 245. ' Friedmann, vol. ii. p. 65. ' Fuller says (" Church Hist." Book vi. p. 308) : " He still hoping to bring them to his will, spared their lives." Gasquet, vol. i. p. 190. ' Cromwell's " Remembrances.'' SUPREME HEAD. 41 release,* four of whom died immediately afterwards, from the effects of the privation and suffering they had under gone in prison. The four others went into Scotland or Germany, where Henry's anger still pursued them. Chapuys wrote to the Emperor, that the brother of the Duke of Norfolk was to be sent into Scotland, to ask the extradition of certain Observants, who went about preaching there, that the King of England was a schis matic and a heretic' Of the vast majority of the Observants, racked, starved, hanged, or otherwise put to death, we know nothing, from the moment that the silence of their dungeons received them, beyond the fact that they re mained faithful unto death. The whole Order suffered, although not in the same degree, those members who had taken an active and prominent part in opposing the King's divorce, or in preaching in favour of the Pope, being marked out for Henry's special vengeance. Of these, besides Blessed John Forest, four names stand out in bold relief. They are : Fathers Anthony Brookby, Thomas Belchiam, Thomas Cort, and N., or as he is otherwise called, Francis Waire ; and it will be our privi lege later on to give a faithful, though necessarily brief, account of their glorious sufferings and martyrdom. Meanwhile, one instance will serve to illustrate the treat ment received by those obscurer members whose only offence consisted in belonging to the now obnoxious Order, and in having refused, in common with their brethren, to take the oath of Supremacy. Friar Francis Lybert, writing to James Beckk,^ on the 25th October, 1534, says he is at the Grey Friars at Stamford, enclosed with his fellow-father Abraham, ac cording to the King's order, in a poor lodging. Although, Vol. xvi. p. 419. ' Gayangos, Cal. v. 1535. ' Cal. vii. No. 1307. 42 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. he says, they are treated as the King's prisoners, they shall always be his true bedesmen, and pray for his high and excellent estate and prosperous health. They desire to hear some tidings of their fathers in London or at Greenwich, what they have done and what they intend to do. " We hear," he continues, " that they are all sworn, and have somewhat changed their government, at which we marvel. Notwithstanding, if they think that God is pleased with it, their conscience discharged, the world edified, and any profit may come of it wc desire to have a more perfect knowledge ; and then we shall do as God ¦ shall inspire us, either suffer pain still, and be enclosed, or else go at liberty, as they do." No small part of the sufferings of such as these two friars would be the ignorance in which they were kept as to the fate of their brethren. Cromwell would not hesitate to have them told that others had given in, and that their stubbornness and want of loyalty to the King were bringing their Order into much dis repute. Friar Lybert goes on to request " Master Beckk " to send him certain effects of which he has need, and which in the hurry of departure were left behind, and wonders that the letter he and Father Abraham wrote, at the feast of the Nativity of our Lady, to Beckk's wife has remained unanswered. Then he begs him to read and burn the present letter, for he knows what hurt hath chanced by letter-writing, though many never intended hurt thereby. He sends greetings to his brethren, and especially to his poor sister in Tower Street, to his cousin at the Strand without Temple Bar, and to his father and mother, if Beckk knows of anyone going to them. The letter was not burnt, and it exists to this day in the Public Record Office ; but another was written from SUPREME HEAD. 43 Beckk to Cromwell, wishing to speak with him that morning. He has to tell him something that it is necessary for him to know. No doubt Father Lybert waited in vain for an answer and for his "roll of wax," his " new Psalter," his " penner and inkhorn," and certain things tied up in a handkerchief, which he left -.vith Brother Feeld when he was their porter and in- fir—jarian. Here and there is a rare instance of failure under persecution, adding a melancholy, if a more human in terest to the story, and giving us a deeper insight into the sufferings of those who resisted " unto blood." A letter from Bishop Tunstall to Cromwell, of which the follo'.ving is an extract, speaks for itself.* •'I beseech also your Lordship to kno.v the King's pleasure touching the two Friars Observants, that we write of in the King's letter.^ Surely best it were to receive them to mercy, for other fault we cannot find in them, but their obstinacy to have cleaved heretofore to the Bishop of Rome, which now they will leave and forsake, as they say to us. And their entering into the King's realm again without licence or pardon, after they were commanded to avoid the realm by the King's lieutenant, is another fault, which .ve would know the King's pleasure in, how he doth weigh it. For it h not unlike that if these men be received to r/iercy, all the residue, or some of them that likewise v.ere commanded to avoid, will follow. In which matter we beseech you we may know the King's pleasure. From York, the 13th day of November." ' - P.R.O., Miscellaneous Letters, 2nd Series, vol. xliv. fol. 322. ¦* ] have unfortunately bean unable hitherto to find this important document. * Ltmon appends the following note to the printed version : — " Their names are stated, in the letter to the King, to be Thomas Danyell, bom in Devonshire and professed at Canterbury, and Henry Bokkery, a lay-brother, not professed, born in Old Lynne. They were amongst those who during the late commotion entered into the 44 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Richard Marshall, prior of the convent of Blackfriars in Newcastle, thus wrote to his community : — " I have fled for fear of my life, in consequence of my preaching in Advent, and the first Sunday in Lent. I am noted to be none of the King's friends, though I love him as a true Christian man ought to do, because I have not, ac cording to his commandment, prayed for him as Supreme Head of the Church, nor declared him to be so in my sermons. On the contrary, I have declared St. Peter and his successors to be Christ's vicars on earth, that to him Christ gave the charge of all the churches in the world, and to the other Apostles the charge of particular churches. " I was admonished to preach at Newcastle, and pray for the King as Supreme Head, and declare him to be so, which I cannot do lawfully, as it is against the Scripture and the doctrine of the Church, as appears in the Decretals, which I was sworn openly in the University of Oxford to declare, and stick unto. It is also contrary to many General Councils ; to the interpretation of holy doctors ; to all the universities and general schools of Christendom, except a few lately corrupted by Luther's heresies ; to the consent of all Christian people, and to the profession of my Order, which is immediately subject to the Pope. " I have therefore thought it best for me to flee, and give place to ire, as Christ commanded. I would willingly tarry and suffer death for my opinions, but the flesh is weak. I desire you therefore to choose another prior secondary, and to pray for me."-'* This letter is valuable, not only on account of its hv^Nnrflu^ ^T ^"^•''' at Newcastle, were expelled from thence by Norfolk, and went into Scotland, from whence (as they said on being taken into custody by Sir Robek Bowes) they removed^for very misery, and great penury." State Papers of Henry VIIL, vol. v. p '¦• Cleop. E. iv. fol. 127, Cotton MSS. B.M. SUPREME HEAD. 45 pathetic interest, but as an example of the position of many who, in that terrible time of scourge and desolation, had a firm grasp of the truth, and boldness enough to declare it, but who were not' called to the honour of martyrdom. As for the two Observants to be received " to mercy," it was a sorry triumph for the King and Cromwell, that of the whole Order, but two starved and hunted individuals could be brought, by all the machinery of persecution at their command, to falter an unwilling denial of the Pope's authority. CHAPTER III. BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 1471 — 1538. We have hitherto only seen Father Forest through the jaundiced eyes of Brother Lyst, and we must now piece to gether the precious fragments of his history which survived alike the malice of his enemies and the ruin and decay of nearly four centuries. Of his career before the opening of the great drama in which he played so noble a part, there is unfortunately little to be gathered. The story of his youth, passed in the studious and prayerful silence of his cell, is a bare outline, fading away entirely here and there. Born of an honourable and wealthy family, in the year 1471, he was educated, says the Oxford historian Anthony a Wood, in piety and learning. At the age of twenty he took the habit of St Francis at Greenwich, and at twenty-six began his theological studies among the friars living at the Water-Gate, in the south suburb of Oxford. But scarcely have we found a link which seems to con nect him with a more familiar period of his life, than one of those disappointing gaps occurs which no research avails to fill up. When and where he took his degree, must remain a mystery, although Stow, Holinshed, How and others all give him the title of Doctor. Sander writes of himas the learned Dr. John Forest ; and Father Parkin son suggests that he may have studied and taken honours at the University of Paris. Dodd ignores any obscurity says he made a good figure in the University (of Oxford), BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 47 and being created D.D., became afterwards confessor to Queen Catherine, and on the decease of Stephen Baron, confessor to Henry VIIL, was made Provincial of the English Franciscans.' Unfortunately, there is no positive proof of the first and last part of this statement as we have been unable to dis cover any trace of his having taken a degree at Oxford,- although this may be accounted for, by the wholesale dis appearance and destruction of documents at the time of the dissolution. Certain it is, that his reputation for learning was only second to his wide-spread fame for sanctity, and that Queen Catherine, herself pious and learned in no small measure, chose him for her confessor. But even as late as 1525, it is only by inference that his biographers have arrived at the conclusion that he must then have ruled as Provincial in England, since they find him exercising functions which they consider as belonging to none other than a provincial. The event was as follows : — Cardinal Wolsey was entitled, as legate a latere, to make a canonical visitation of all monasteries and religious houses in the kingdom, and he announced his intention of visiting the Observants at Greenwich. They, however, were by special dispensation, exempt from visitation and legatine jurisdiction,' and expressed their disapproval by absenting themselves. For this they were severely blamed by Father Forest, who, being appointed to preach at St. Paul's Cross, on the following Sunday, solemnly cursed nineteen of the rebellious friars. ' " Church History of England,'' vol. i. p. 236. Mr. A. G. Little, writing in the " English Historical Review" (October 1 891) says in his Chronology of the Provincial Ministers of the Friars Minor in England, that he finds no authority for the statement made by various modern writers that John Forest's Observant was provincial. ^ Anthony a Wood records his supplication to the "Venerable Regents " that he might be admitted to oppose in the faculty, in order to obtain the degree of Bachelor of Divinity at Oxford. ^ Coll. Angl. Min. p. 224. 48 FAITHFUL UNTO DEA TH. The act was undoubtedly a strong one, and upon it alone rests the assumption that Father Forest was entitled to exercise supreme authority. But while we think the grounds for this supposition insufficient, the point of interest lies for us in the fact that in Forest's estimation no privilege or exemption released the brethren from the reverence they owed to papal authority, in the person of the Pope's legate. In theory, the Greenwich Observants were doubtless right, since their refusal to open their doors to Wolsey, met with no censure from Rome, and the Legate afterwards desisted from any attempt to visit them ; ' but in the manner of the repulse, they were undoubtedly wrong, and Forest saw in it a flaw in their loyal attitude towards the See of Peter, of which he was so jealous a watchman. At the time in which Father Forest lived, and for a long time afterwards, a man's enemies might be reckoned in proportion to his loyalty to Rome. This accounts for the calumnies set afoot concerning him by the King's party, and repeated in more or less good faith by Burnet and others. The chief of these calumnies was to the effect that Forest took the oath of Supremacy, and that when examined for having told people in confession that the King was not Supreme Head of the Church, he replied that he took the oath with his outer man, but that his inner man never consented thereunto.' If this ¦• Coll. Angl. Min. p. 224. Nevertheless, among the letters of Leo X. to Wolsey, is one, in which he recommends to that Cardinal's favour the Friars Observants, saying that they are willing to submit to his visitation. It was written apparently in 1519. See Brewer Cal. III. Part I. p. 195. ^ Stow "Annals," p. 575. Many honest men, it is true, took the oath conditionally, with the addition of a modifying clause, " As far as it is allowed by the law of Christ," and numbers of people who refused to take the oath of Supre macy later on, had subscribed to it with this reservation. Doctor Pits says : " Forest was a Doctor of Divinity, and a man of most virtuous life, and very zealous for the support of the Catholic faith ' and religion, and he laboured, taught and writ, with an indefatigable BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 49 were true, it would be in such direct opposition to all that we know of Father Forest's firmness under trial, of his strength of character, his sincerity and fearlessness, that his life would be a hopeless tangle of contradictions. It would have been so poor a preparation for a martyr's death, that instead of the cry of jubilation with which he greeted the fire and gallows, we should expect to hear him bartering for his life at the stake. But one who had stood up and publicly denounced his brethren, for their resistance to the representative of the Pope, one who, in the face of the King's ruthless passion, had per sisted in an attitude which said as plainly as words could say, " It is not lawful for thee to have this woman to wife," was not the man to condescend to a mean subter fuge, in order to save a life which he had repeatedly ex posed with the greatest indifference. He was by his position, by his acknowledged virtue and by his talents, a leader of men. Through his influence, the friars of Greenwich had been guided safely, amid the shoals and quicksands of the divorce and the royal supremacy, and if he had succumbed with his " outer man," he would have been the only member of his community to take the oath.* In endeavouring to trace the libel to its source, we come upon the testimony of Hall's Chronicle, an autho- industry, in opposition to the fatal schism begun by Henry VIIL, and for the authority of the Church and of the Pope ; and his book upon this subject was an unpardonable addition to his denying the King's Supremacy, especially when he refused to retract what he had asserted therein." There was perhaps no reason why the martyr should not have added a modifying clause, and so have taken the oath ; but we have no proof that he did, and the contention is, not that he signed what he could honestly accept, but that he made a dishonourable compromise with his conscience. See CoU. Anglo. Min. p. 243. Neither Sander nor Bourchier mention the oath in connection with Father Forest, and it would have been impos sible for them to have ignored it, if he had sworn, even in a restricted sense. Anthony k Wood assumes that he did swear, but Wood's authority was Hall, or rather Richard Grafton, the value of whose miscellaneous sweepings has been greatly exaggerated. ° Canon Dixon's " History of the Church of England," vol. ii. p. 56. so FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. ity supposed to carry weight, Hall being a contem porary of Henry VIIL, and during the first twenty-four years of his reign, a diligent writer of passing events. After this time he wrote no more, although he did not die till 1547; but Richard Grafton, a bitter Protestant, gathered all his papers together, anonymous or authentic as the case might be, and published everything he found, indiscriminately, together with the finished work.' " Possibly," say Mr. Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, "after 1532, Hall found the office of royal panegyrist beset with difficulties and dangers."* Hall is therefore not responsible for the statement referring to Father Forest, as he had long ceased to write when the oath was framed. Grafton, however, declares that he added nothing of his own, and it seems probable that the state ment made in what commonly goes by the name of Hall's work, and the story told by Wriothesley four years later, have one and the same origin, the real author re maining incognito. .A curious and interesting Spanish chronicle, written by one who was evidently an eye-witness of many of the scenes he describes, tells how, when the commissioners arrived to administer the oath, Father Forest went to a place fifty miles from London, and as soon as they reached the convent where he was, he went back to London, and so got off.' Another account says that he was imprisoned some time before Parliament had declared the King's Supremacy. That Act became law on the i8th November, 1534, and Bourchier, almost a contemporary, and one of the chief authorities for his life, says that he was in prison during the four years that preceded his martyrdom. If this state ment be correct, Father Forest must have been deprived ' Preface to " Hall's Chronicle." Richard Grafton to the Reader, p. 7, ed. 1809. ' Dictionary of National Biography, " Hall." " " A Chronicle of King Henry VIIL, written in Spanish by an un known hand," translated by A. Sharp Hume. " How a Doctor was burnt, and why." The author's name was Garzias. BLESSED JOHN FOREST. s i of his liberty in the spring of 1534, if not earlier ; and if he had been willing to take the oath, as his enemies declared he was, there would have been no necessity for him to have remained in prison. But we can hardly reconcile his imprisonment at that time with the fact that he was accus tomed to hear confessions at the church of the Grey Friars. It was rumoured before long, that he made use of the con fessional to influence people against the Royal Supremacy, and Lord Mordaunt, who was known to have made his confession to him, seems to have got into some trouble in consequence. There is among the Cotton manuscripts, a curious document beginning with a devout commemoration of the " most dread Sovereign Lord King He nry VIIL, . . . . Defender of the Faith, . . . . and in earth the Supreme Head of the Church of England." The object of the docu ment appears to be the exculpation of Lord Mordaunt from any taint of loyalty to the Pope, contracted in his confession to Father Forest. It describes how he sent to the Grey Friars to know " what ghostly fathers did there use for to hear confessions," being minded for to be confessed before his departure from London. His messenger, Sir William Hemmyng, a priest, first in quired for one Friar Robyns, but as he was not there, the porter, to his further questioning made reply that there was one Friar Forest, "who said the Lady Mass." Lord Mordaunt accordingly went to the Grey Friars, and after his confession, said to Father Forest, " Ask what you like and I will pay you forty pence to buy it with." " Whereupon the said friar desired the said lord, to cause it to be delivered to the said porter for his coal." This, Lord Mordaunt declared, was all that passed between Father Forest and himself, and the document concludes thus : — "As for the Bishop of Rome, or any speaking with the said Friar Forest of the said Bishop of Rome, or in any matter concerning the said bishop or his authority, E 2 52 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. or any matter touching the King or the Bishop of Rome, there never was such matter touched, opened or mooted by the friar or his said lord or either of them." ^ But his enemies were determined that the reports cir culated about him should be true, and the above-mentioned Spanish chronicle tells how " a gentleman asked him in confession, ' Father, my conscience troubles me since I took the oath to the King as Head of the Church, and I now repent of having done so.' Forest, not thinking of the malice of his penitent, answered, ' My son, God only asks for repentance, and if you have that, God will forgive you.' Before he could say more, the penitent asked him whether he had himself taken the oath, to which Forest replied, ' No indeed, I would rather burn than swear such a thing.' Then the man arose and went away saying, ' I do not want to know any more.' He went straight to Cranmer and denounced him." ^ Meanwhile, Queen Catherine, the innocent cause of all the cruel persecution, was closely guarded in her prison at Bugden. " The Queen has not been out of her room since the Duke of Suffolk was with her," wrote Chapuys, on the 17th of January, 1534, "except to hear Mass in a gallery. She will not eat or drink what the new servants provide. The little she eats, in her anguish, is prepared by her chamberwomen, and her room is used as her kitchen. She is very badly lodged." Henry watched her every movement as a cat watches a mouse, in the hope of obtaining some handle against her. But in the whole course of the seven years during which the divorce was pending, she conducted herself so as to win praise even from her greatest enemies.* The visit of the Duke of Suffolk, to which Chapuys alludes, was attended by the most cruel results. All her ^ Cotton MS. Cleop. E. iv. fol. 130. ' Spanish Chronicle, " How a Doctor was burnt and why " Dodd, " Church Hist, of Eng." vol. i. p. 250. BLESSED JOHN FORES T. 5 3 ladies and servants were dismissed, and others brought from the North, "for other reasons than to serve her." They were charged to take her to a house surrounded with deep water and marshes, the most unhealthy and pestilential in the kingdom. Catherine refused to go, unless they removed her by force. " The King," con tinues Chapuys, " at the solicitation of the Lady, whom he dares not contradict, has determined to place the Queen in the sSd house, either to get rid of her, or to make sure of her, as the house is strong, and besides, she is seven miles from another house, situated in a lake which we cannot approach within six miles. The King and the Lady have agreed to seek all possible occasions to shut up the Queen within the said island, and failing all other pretexts, to accuse her of being insane." * Anne's principal cause of anger against Catherine was the devoted affection shown to the hapless Queen by all classes. On her journey towards the house from which the Duke of Suffolk was commissioned to remove her by force, the whole route along which she, passed, was thronged with an enthusiastic crowd. " Notwith standing that it has been forbidden, on pain of death, to call her Queen, they shouted it out at the top of their voices, wishing her joy, repose, and prosperity, and confusion to her enemies. They begged her with hot tears to set them to work, and employ them in her service, as they were ready to die for the love of her." ^ ¦• Chapuys to Charles V., 23rd Dec, 1533. Vienna Archives. >¦ Same to same, 30th July, 1533, id. While the proceedings against the Queen's marriage were pending thirty women were arrested at Oxford and imprisoned in Bocardo for three days and three nights, for assaulting Nicholas, the King's advocate. Anthony \ Wood, Bodleian MSS., 18 D. Every device was employed to blast Catherine's fair fame. The King's spies scrutinized her life from all points, in the hope of finding some flaw in her moral character. The smallest fault would have been magnified into a weapon wherewith to strike her, but absolutely nothing was found that could be construed into lightness or even im- 54 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. In the midst of her privations, and the daily fear of what Henry might next attempt against her, it added not a little to her sufferings, to know what others were enduring in her behalf, and for the sake of the truth which her cause represented. It is probable that she did not know of Henry's proceedings against the Observants collectively, but she was well informed of Father Forest's danger, and wrote him the following brave and consoling letter :— « • " My Honoured Father, — You who have had so long experience in directing others in doubtful matters, can have no difficulty in directing yourself ; for not only will your religion, but your learning also convince you, that you ought to be prepared, if it be necessary, to suffer death for the name of Christ, and under such circum stances not to shrink from so doing. Go- onwards then, and be of good courage, for if in these torments you en dure a small amount of pain, you are well assured that you will receive an eternal reward. To relinquish such a reward as this for the dread of the suffering, might well be accounted the act of a confirmed madman. " But alas for me, your daughter ! one born to you in the wounds of Christ, whom for a season you leave here in her solitude ; leave, I repeat, in the depth of her dis tress and affliction. And this I may venture to say prudence. Du Boys, " Catherine d'Aragon : pieces iustificatives " Notes et Eclaircissements, i. ' " The originals of the six following letters have unhappily disap peared. Father Thomas Bourchier must have had them in his possession when he translated them into Latin and inserted them into his " Historia Ecclesiastica." There are three editions of his book in the British Museum, one published in 1582, another in 1583 and an other in 1586 But the editions of 1582 and 1586 are virtually the same, although the title-page is different. The only perfectly correct version of the letters is probably contained in the edition of ii;83 which we have followed. Some of the. various printed re-translations have been made from one of these versions, some from another, and errors have therefore slipped m. Raynaldi's version of Catherine's letter to Father Forest differs somewhat from Bourchier's, as also his text of the answer. ' BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 55 because I am losing him whom alone I followed in the things of God, because I knew him to be deeply in structed in human and divine knowledge. And of a truth, if I may freely express ' to you what I wish, I would rather go before you through a thousand torments than follow after you. And even were it possible to obtain what one most earnestly desires, who is there, I ask, who would be content to live upon nothing but hope ? " Casting aside therefore my own individual wishes, I would prefer that the whole of these matters should remain in the hands of Him who gave us Himself for our example. This He did when He said ' Thy will be done,' thereby giving up His own will, rather than gratify His own inclinations. You will go before me, yes, you will precede me, but your prayers will obtain for me, that I should follow you along- the same pathway, advanc ing, as I trust, with an ever braver and steadier footstep. Onwards then ; be assured that albeit the pangs that you suffer be grievous, yet I share them along with you- Without doubt, they shall earn for you a crown which never withers, a crown prepared for those who end;ire for the name of Christ, provided that with unflinching and unwavering courage you suffer the agonies which are awaiting you. Remember your ancient and noble family, and this thought will assuredly animate you to bear with a brave spirit the death which awaits you for the name of Christ. You who are illustrious by the title of your family, will not basely defile its nobility by yielding to the impious demands of the King. I do not forget that you esteem the dignity of your Order in so far, and no farther, as it is correspondent with virtue. Surrender then, and with all joy, that body of yours to its Creator, that body which for so long a period has led a holy life under the garb of the poor Institute of St. Franci=. 56 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. "And yet, when I, your obedient daughter, remember how great will be the sorrow which I shall endure for your sake, I know not what to say.. This arises chiefly from the thought that you are leaving me without com fort of any kind. My abode in this world, and my anticipations, can be nothing else than misery ; a real death in a living life. Nevertheless, I trust in the Lord, to whom I have said, 'Thou art my lot in the land of the living,' that land in which I hope to meet you shortly, when the storms of this world shall have ended, and I shall have passed into the peaceful life of the blessed. " Farewell, my honoured Father, and always remember me in your prayers while on earth, and I trust they will be my chiefest consolation when you shall have obtained an entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven. " Your daughter Catherine, with a heart full of sorrow." This letter was written when Father Forest had been about two years in Newgate prison. He had employed his hours of leisure in writing a book " On the authority of the Church and of the Pope," in which he had condemned the pride and impiety of the King, because he did not scruple to entitle himself Supreme Head of the Church, and to take upon himself that of which he was not capable, whereas, if he had wished to be a true member of the Catholic Church, he ought to have given God thanks that he was such, and have re mained humbly in the Church, instead of trying to tear it to pieces. The book having come to the knowledge of the inquisitors, they reported the matter to the King.' Forest was ordered to appear before the Privy Council, over which Cromwell presided. His condemnation was a foregone conclusion, and sentence was passed upon him to suffer death by fire and the gallows. ' Anthony k Wood, Athen. Oxon. vol. i. p. io8. The opening words Is^Aaron." "° '"''" ^''""" '° himself the honour, unless he be called, BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 57 Both Father Forest himself and Catherine were under the impression that the sentence was to be carried out immediately, and he accordingly wrote the following letter to the Queen, believing that he was to suffer in three days : — " My most serene Lady Queen and my very dear daughter in the bowels of Jesus Christ. " I have received your letters from Thomas, your young servant, and having read them, I experienced an incredible joy by reason of your great steadfastness in the truth which I perceive in you — I. mean your faith in the Holy Church your Mother. Standing firm in this, you will assuredly obtain salvation. Nor have you any reason to be doubtful on my account, as if I could submit to disgrace my grey hairs by any such fickleness. In the meantime, I earnestly entreat you to be unwearied in your prayers to God for me (for whose spouse the Church we are suffering so many and so severe torments), that He would receive me into His glory, for which I have striven so frequently as a member of the Order of St. Francis, namely for forty-four years, and am now in the sixty- fourth year of my age. At such a period of life as this a man easily perceives that people can do without him ; consequently I am most earnest in my prayer that I may be dissolved to be with Christ. " In the mean season, do you be careful to shun that pestilential teaching of the heretics so thoroughly that, even if an angel were to come down from heaven bringing with him a doctrine different from that which I brought you, on no account ought you to give any credence to his message, but to reject it. Should he advance any revelation which dissents from that which I taught you long ago, give no ear to it, for it does not come from God. Take these few words as if in place of the consolation which you may expect chiefly from our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom I chiefly recommend you, as also to my father 58 FAITHFUL UNTO DEA TH. St. Francis and St. Catherine, to whom I most earnestly entreat you to pray for me, when you shall hear that I am in the midst of my sufferings. And now I bid you farewell. I have sent rny rosary to you, for only three days of my life remain to me." * The next letter is from Mrs. Elizabeth Hammond, one of the Queen's ladies. " My Most Honoured Father, — You would scarce trust me were I to tell you how deeply my Lady, the most serene Queen, and I are grieved on hearing of your sufferings, at once so severe and acute, and this we do all the more because we are deprived of all consolation. Hence it is that my Lady weeps and prays without intermission. If it be possible, by any means for you to escape (from prison), through the aid of certain of our friends, I entreat you not to leave us orphans with out you : for we are in dread that my Lady the Queen would be so agitated^by such an event, that she would fall into an illness which would end fatally. And this we dread all the more since the Kings fury is so great that the Queen seems unable to endure it Last Monday, the King's ministers came here seeking we know not for what, and they terrified us so dreadfully with their threats that we scarce know what counsel to follow, so that we are utterly ignorant what the King's intention was in thus alarming us. This one thing I ask of you, namely, that you would pray for me and my companion Dorothy Lichfield, who heartily salutes you. Farewell, and pray to God for us." This letter elicited the following reply from the martyr : — 8 Ribadeneyra, in his " Historia Ecclesiastica del Scisma del Reyno de Inglaterra," gives these two first letters in Spanish. They differ somewhat in expression from any of the other versions, and do not read like translations. It is possible that they may be simply copies of the originals, which are not unlikely to have been written in Spanish, as Father Forest understood that; language perfectly. blessed john forest. 59 " My Beloved Daughter, Elizabeth Hammond, — Very heartily am I grieved for the deep sorrow which you and your mistress feel about the pains which I have to undergo, just as if there were not a resurrection to glory. Such thoughts have no place in the pious acts which with others I frequently inculcated. If I ever taught what you here propose, let it be known that I erred widely from the way of truth. If I were willing to break my faith and hand myself over to the Devil, through dread of suffering and the desire of the riches of this world, I could, beyond a doubt, easily escape. Learn, therefore, rather faithfully to suffer for the truth of the Christian creed, and to die for Christ's spouse and your Mother the Church, and do not attempt to turn me from those torments by which I hope to attain eternal happiness. Follow, I entreat you, in the footsteps of the Queen your "mistress; imitate the bright example which you find in her ; and pray for me, that my tormentors may add to the keenness of the torments which they mean to inflict upon me, since they are but trifles when they will contribute to the glory of God. Farewell in the Lord." In the year 1533, Thomas Abel, the Queen's confessor and director of music in her chapel, was imprisoned for the part he took in opposing the divorce. He was liberated on condition that he neither wrote nor preached till a fortnight after Easter.' Subsequently, on his re fusal to take the oath of Supremacy he was again thrown into prison, tortured thirty-seven times in the year 1537, and executed in 1540. He thus wrote to Father Forest : — "Very Reverend Father, — Although our senses dread the weight of the torture, yet our faith demands and requires us to bear it. I said, ' My foot is moved, 1 Chapuys to Charles V., Jan. 3, 1533. Vienna Archives. 6o FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. because Thou hast turned away Thy face.' But where fore this delay to one who so eagerly longs for that supreme blessedness ? O blessed Face, in which is the fulness of joy ! Wherefore David says, ' I shall be satisfied, when Thy glory shall appear,' but 'Thou hast turned away Thy face from me, and I became troubled,' because the agony of the torture is prolonged ; it is pro longed, and at the same time I am humbled, humbled and not raised up, because I am not drawn to my Saviour ; not drawn, because burdened by the weight of my sins, burdened, and not refreshed by Him. How far then am I benefited by my condemnation, if I have to wait yet longer.'' 'Waiting I have waited, and He has not re garded me' I ask. Why ? Because you have not implored for me the mercy of God, by pouring out your prayers to Him for me ; for I know of what weight is the prayer of the just man with God. For 'with the Lord there is mercy, and with Him is plenteous redemption.' There fore, Thou hast delivered Thy servant for the sake of David. Why then is not there an end to these tortures ? I have endured them now for seven and thirty days, and I find no rest. But my hope is that we shall die together in the same punishment. Let us die, I pray, that we may live with Him, to whom at this hour of prayer I abundantly commend you — to Him, the Martyr of all Martyrs. Fare well, and pray for me." To this Father Forest replied : — " In proportion to the clearness of knowledge will be the fruition of joy in eternal habitations. Whence it is that St. Augustine, in his book ' Of the City of God,' writes that as there are many mansions in one home, so in like manner will the .dignities of the reward vary. But where God will be all in all, there the joy will vary in its brightness, so that what each possesses individually may be the common property of all. The glory of the Head will be the glory of all of them BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 6i through the bond of charity ; and thus each individual will rejoice at the happiness of his neighbour, just as much as if it were his own. Therefore, my son, do not count up your tortures, for this is to add pain to pain ; but rather remember what St. Paul says when he reckons ' that the sufferings of this world are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed.' To these words we may well add the saying of the Prophet, ' a thousand years with the Lord are but as yesterday.' For if you patiently endure the sufferings which are inflicted upon you, doubt not as to your reward, of which the Psalmist says, ' I have inclined my heart to do Thy justifications for ever, on account of the reward.' O blessed and thrice happy reward, w^hich God gives to those who fear Him ! So that we may pray, ' Lord, reward Thy servant,' but only upon the understanding — ' because I have kept Thy words.' " If then there be a reward for keeping the words of the Lord, do you keep them, my son .? For how long ? Even to the end ; for He says, ' He that endures to the end, the same shall be saved.' So then it is neither the tortures of thirty-seven days, nor of a thousand years, that shall crown your work, but the last end. With labourers, the toil of a single day does not count as a full year. They who are hired to go to Rome do not receive as much as they who go to Jerusalem. If you have been so careful as to go as far as Rome, do you not think you can reach Jerusalem 1 Jerusalem, I say, the city of the great King. You will recognize her by her dwellings, you will understand her when you become her inmate, her, I repeat, in whom is supreme peace and the most perfect calm. Think you, my son, that we shall run together and rejoice in one suffering, and drink of the same chalice t A greater combat awaits me, but for you a lighter trial is in store. But of whatever character these sufferings may be, play the man, and the Lord will hold you up. Farewell." 62 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Although we have for the sake of convenience brought these six letters together in this place, they were not written all at one time, the two last being probably of a much later date than the first four. Contrary to the expectation of all, Father Forest was left to languish in Newgate for more than two years after the passing of his sentence and his farewell letter to the Queen, while Catherine died in the beginning of 1536. She must have been kept in ignorance of the suppression of the Obser vants, for, on the day of her death she sent a special request to the King through Chapuys that her body might be laid in one of their churches.^ She also'bequeathed her robes and dresses to the Observants, to be used as church vest ments. But the King said, " as to the robes bequeathed to the Franciscan convents, it was an unnecessary and vain bequest, one which could not really be carried out, inas much as there was a superabundant quantity of ecclesi astical ornaments in the Church of England. Instead of that, some endowment might be made to the abbey in which the Queen's body would be interred, which would be a more suitable donation and one far more worthy of notice, than that of her own robes and vestments. The Princess might have everything her mother left her, and anything she liked to ask for, provided she showed herself a dutiful daughter, obedient to her father's com mands."^ No donation, however, appears to have been made to the Abbey of Peterborough, where Catherine was buried, and Henry seized all his wife's effects, although Chancellor 1 Chapuys to Charles V., 21st Jan., 1536 : " The Lady Catherine, in her memorandum of last wishes, desired to be buried in a convent of Observant Friars. Cromwell replied that as to the burial it could not be done where she had desired, for there remained no convent of Observants in England." In the same letter Chapuys speaks of the love Mary bore her mother, who was her chief refuge in her troubles. = Gayangos, Cal. v., State Papers, pt. ii. p. 16, Spanish. BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 63 Rich told him that he could not lawfully retain her pro perty. For in what quality could he claim it ? Only as her lawful husband, and he had repudiated that title.^ It was in May 1538, that our martyr's "greater com bat" began and ended. His enemies finally resolved to proceed against him for heresy, although, says Collier, " by what law they could stretch his crime to heresy is hard to discover, for he was tried only for dissuading his penitents in confession from owning the King's Supremacy." '' He was examined at Lambeth by a commission presided over by Cranmer. As to what passed here and in the interval of ten days between his examination and his martyrdom, many false witnesses have arisen, but they all repeat Wriothesley's story. According to him. Father Forest abjured his heresy, and swore on the Gospel to do penance at Paul's Cross, bear ing a fagot as a heretic, which he afterwards " obstinately and frowardly " refused to do.° Holinshed says, going upon exactly the same lines, " Upon his submission, having more liberty than before he had to talk with whom he would, and others having liberty to talk with him, he was incensed by some such as had conference with him, that when his formal ab juration was sent, to him to read and peruse, he utterly refused it, and obstinately stood in all his heresies and treasons." ^ Doubtless, articles abjuring the Pope's authority were =* Du Boys, " Catherine d'Aragon," p. 514. ¦• " Eccles. History," ii. p. 149. ^ "A Chronicle of England during the Reigns of the Tudors," by Charles Wriothesley, Windsor Herald, edited froni a MS. in the posses sion of Lieutenant- General Lord Henry H. M. Percy, K.C.B. etc., by Wm. Douglas Hamilton (Camden Society). Charles Wriothesley was a near relation of the celebrated statesman of Henry the Eighth's reign, afterwards created Earl of Southampton, the secret friend of the Observants. But the author of the " Chronicle " had no leaning to wards the religious Orders, but went entirely with Henry in his ruthless Nationalism and greed. ° Vol. iii. p. 945. 64 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. drawn up and presented to Father Forest to sign, but the very words of Holinshed prove that he did not sign them. 'For if Cranmer had obtained his signature, the triumph of his enemies would have been complete, and there would have been no need to send him back to prison. They would have obtained all they had ever asked, and would naturally have made much of him. But it is perfectly comprehensible that not having suc ceeded with him at Lambeth, they should have made one more effort, and have sent him the form of abjuration which he still " obstinately and frowardly " refused to sign. Again, it is extremely unlikely that if, after years of patience, the King's party had conquered his resistance at last, they would have sent him the precious document " to read and peruse," they knowing him to have already repented. Not only are Sander and Bourchier silent as to the charge, but Foxe, always so ready to make much of any tale to the discredit of Catholics, makes no mention of any projected penance at Paul's Cross. Wriothesley was not the only dupe, for Latimer also believed the story, and is said to have read the articles of abjuration on the day appointed, when all but the "penitent" had assembled. Nothing could have given the lie to the story more completely than Father Forest's own conduct at his execution, which took place ten days after his appearance at Lambeth. Not only was there no sign or shadow of weakness in him, but there was no contrition for any act of infidelity, no craving for pardon because of a broken trust, no cry of "This hath offended," such as Cranmer's, w^ho now sat calmly to see him die. Father Forest's death was a jubilant death, full of faith and con fidence—" not even if an angel came down from heaven, to teach him any other doctrine than what he had received from his youth, would he believe him ; and if his body should be cut joint after joint, or member after member. BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 65 hanged, burned, or what pain soever might be done to his body, he would never turn from his old profession." When he came to the place of execution, seeing a great pile of fagots and straw prepared, he cried, with a loud voice full of courage, " O Lord God, neither fire nor gallows, nor any torments whatsoever, shall part me from Thee ! " Then he was, according to Foxe, led to " where a pair of new gallows was set up to receive him, and he was hanged thereon, by the middle and arm-pits, quick, and under the gallows a fire being made, he was burnt and utterly consumed to ashes." Latimer was appointed by Cromwell to preach the stake sermon, and he wrote the following letter accepting the commission. It is unequalled for flippancy and heartlessness. " Sir, — If it be your pleasure, as it is, that I shall play the fool after my customable manner, when Forest shall suffer, I should wish that my stage stood near unto Forest, for I would endeavour myself so to content the people that therewith I might also convert Forest, God so help ing, or rather altogether working. Wherefore I would that he shall hear what I shall say, si forte, &c. Forest, as I hear, is not duly accompanied in Newgate for his amendment, with the White Friars ot Doncaster and monks of the Charterhouse, in a fit chamber, more like to indurate than mollify ; whether through the fault of the sheriff or of the jailor, or both, no man could sooner discern than your lordship. Some think he is rather comforted in his way than discouraged ; some think he is allowed both to hear Mass and also to receive the Sacrament ; which, if it be so, it is enough to confirm him in his obstinacy, as though he were to suffer for a just cause : these things would be tried, ut retegantur ex multis cordibus cogitationes. It is to be feared that some instilled ' Coll. Anglo. Min. p. 243. 66 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. into him, that though he had persevered in his abjuration yet he should have suffered afterwards for treason ; and so by that occasion he might have been induced to refuse his abjuration. If he would yet with heart return to his abjuration, I would wish his pardon ; such is my foolish ness." * It was on the 28th of May, 1538, that Father Forest was drawn on a hurdle from Newgate to Smithfield. Wriothes ley, who was present at the execution, estimated the by standers at above ten thousand persons. The line from St Paul's to Cheapside was a row of goldsmiths' shops, and the road lay through this busy thoroughfare, the vendors exhibiting their wares to the passers-by. The cross " in Cheep," newly gilt five years before, for Anne's coronation, looked down upon the sorrowful procession, of which that other had been the beginning. The pomp and display begun at the Tower, were ending in fire and blood at Smithfield. The Spanish chronicler before mentioned, who was un doubtedly an eye-witness of the martydom, thus describes the scene : — " Two platforms were erected at Smithfield ; a gibbet was put up, and a great store of wood. One platform had a pulpit, the other a chair. A stand was erected for the members of the Council, and a proclamation had been made all over London, that Latimer would preach at eight in the morning, till eleven. When all had taken their seats. Forest, about sixty-five years of age, was brought He mounted the platform .and took the chair, while Latimer got into the pulpit. When he had been preaching about an hour, he said : ' Dr. Forest, above all I am astonished that thou, whom I hold for one of the most learned men in the realm, should be accused of being a Papist, and I refuse to be believe it till I hear » Crom. Corr. vol, xlix. i, 518. "Latimer's Remains." vol. ii. p. 391. BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 67 it from thine own mouth.' Forest replied, ' Thou hast known me for many years, Latimer, and I am still more astonished at thee, that for the pomps of the world thou hast endangered thine own soul. Dost thou not recollect what thou didst write me against the Emperor, when he was against Rome and the Pope, and how thou with all thy voice didst denounce them all as heretics ? Recollect how we, the doctors of the Church, considered the act and condemned it, and decided that those who did it should be excommunicated. What wert thou then, Latimer, a Papist or a heretic ^ ' To which Latimer replied, ' I am no heretic, but rather was I then deceived, and am now enlightened with the Holy Spirit, and if thou wilt call upon thy better self, thou also wilt receive the light, for thou art now blind.' ' Oh, Latimer,' said the good Doctor, ' I think thou hast other things in thy heart I but since the King has made thee from a poor student into a bishop, thou art constrained to say this. Open thou thine eyes ; take example by that holy Bishop of Rochester and the blessed Thomas More, who renounced the goods of this world, and chose rather to die than to lose their immortal souls.' Latimer retorted, ' O God, how great are the snares of the Bishop of Rome, who has kept men in darkness for so many years ! And look thou, Dr. Forest, that thou mayst see the snares and the falsity of his saints, they shall bring hither one of the idols of the Bishop of Rome.' At that moment a great uproar arose, and they brought forward a great wooden saint, which eight men could hardly carry, so big indeed that it looked like a giant, and they hoisted it up on the platform where Dr. Forest was, and three men had as much as they could do to keep it upright They had brought this saint from Wales, where it was kept in a church ; and it is said that all those who stole or robbed anything were absolved by the priests, if they offered to the idol a part of their booty. The saint was called F 2 68 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. in English Darbel Gadarn = Gathering, which means the Collector .« Upon the gallows he died on, was set up in great letters : — David Darvell Gatheren, As saith the Welshman, Fetched outlawes out of Hell, Now is he come with speare and shield. In harness to burn in Smithfield, For in Wales he may not dwell. And Forest the Friar, That obstinate liar, That wilfully will be dead. In his contumacie, The Gospel doth deny The King to be Supreme Head. " Then said Latimer, ' Look, Dr. Forest, this is one of the idols of the Bishop of Rome, and for my own part I think the priests ought to have given the Bishop of Rome half of his profits.' When the good Doctor ' " A great idol, brought out of Wales, which they did prophecy should set a forest on fyre." Wright (Suppression of the Monasteries," p. 208), suggests that it may have been a genuine relic of paganism. Hu Gadern, the Mighty Guardian, the Haesus of Lucan, the Celtic Mars ; but this is clearly preposterous. The " London Chronicle " of the reigns of Henry VII. and Henry VIII., from the original MS. in the Cottonian Library, British Museum, edited by Clarence Hopper, C.S., has the following entry. " The xxij daye of Maye, Wensday, was there set up in Smythfield iij skaffoldes ; the one was for my lord mayir and aldyrmen, and the Deuke of Norfolk, the Deuke of Suffocke, and my lord prevesele ; and the tother for the byshop of Worcetter, wheer on he stoode and preche ; and the third skafifolde was made over agaynst y" byshop where on stode Doctor Forrest a grave freer of Grenewiche which had byn many yeres afore a grete precher at PoUes Crosse, and beside hym was there a pictor set up that w as brought out of Walls, that was called Dervelle jadern, and a litill beside that a payr of galous set up, and when the Bisshop had made an end of his sermon, then was the freer had to the galous and hanggid alive by the myddylle and the armys w' chayns and there burned and the pictor cast in to the fyir to." The editor goes on to say that Darvel Gadern was the son of Hywell ap Emyr Llydaw, and was founder of Llanderfel church in Merioneth, early in the 6th century, and that his feast was kept on the 5th April. Michael Wood thus alludes to him in 1554, "If the Welchman would have a purse, he prayed to Darvel Gathorn." BLESSED JOHN FOREST. 69 heard this, he laughed and said, ' I am not surprised that what thou sayest should have happened, for the priests are so greedy, that they well might invent that, and much more ; but do not think that the Pope sanctions any such thing.' In these arguments much time was passed, till at last Cromwell said, ' My lord Bishop, I think you strive in vain with this stubborn one. It would be better to burn him.' Then said Dr. Forest, ' Gentlemen, if I were willing to sacrifice my soul, it would not have been necessary to come to this place.' ' Take him off at once,' said Cromwell ; and as the three men on the platform were still supporting the wooden saint, Dr. Forest turned to them and said, ' Brethren, I pray ye, do not drop it on me, for my hour is not yet come.' Then Bishop Latimer addressed Forest again, and said, ' Brother Forest, I beseech thee to turn. The King will give thee a good living, for I know full well that if thou wishest, thou art well able to give doctrine to great numbers.' But Forest replied, ' All the treasures of the world, Latimer, will not move me from my will ; but I much desire to speak with one of the gentlemen here ! ' Then the good Duke of Norfolk arose to go and speak with him, but Cromwell called out, ' My lord Duke, take your seat again ; if he wants to say anything, let him say it out that we can all hear.' So the Duke went back to his seat again. A mystery indeed of God is this, that a common man should hold so much authority that one of the noblest dukes of the land should obey him. When Dr. Forest saw that they would not let him speak to anyone, he made the sign of the Cross, and said, ' Gentle men, with this body of mine deal as you wish ! ' So they brought him down, and took him to the gibbet, which was just near, and they tied him with a chain round his waist, and hung him up suspended by the middle. He begged them to let his hands be free, which they did. Then they began to set fire underneath him, and as it 70 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. reached his feet, he drew them up a little, but directly afterwards let them down again, and he began to burn. The holy man beat his breast with his right hand, and then raised both his hands to heaven, and said many prayers in Latin, his last spoken words being, ' Domine, miserere mei,' and when the fire reached his breast, he spoke no more, and gave up his soul to God. As soon as the fire was lighted, they cast the wooden saint into it, and it was burnt A miracle happened, for the fire had hardly destroyed the body, when at midday was seen a dove, as white as snow, over the head of the sainted dead, and remained there for a long time, seen by many people. After dinner, the body was taken down, and buried in a hospital, and so ended this good Doctor." ' ' Chronicle of Henry VIII. " How a Doctor was burnt." CHAPTER IV. PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. Ven. FF. Brookby, Belchiam, Cort and Waire, 1537 — 1 539. The case against the monasteries has been stated, and restated, exaggerated and misrepresented, until the English people may very justly be pardoned for the view they take of monastic life, as it is supposed to have been constituted in the 15th and i6th centuries. The evils which had crept in, the unsatisfactory condition of some few houses, have been painted in the very blackest tones, while the bright and edifying side of the picture has been almost entirely ignored. Drs. Browne and Hilsey, Lee and Bedyll, and afterwards Legh and Layton, received commissions to visit the houses of all religious Orders throughout the country, beginning with the friaries. They were to make inquiry concerning the lives and morals of the inmates, and were to ascertain the state of their fealty towards the King. They were to instruct them how to conduct themselves with safety, and were to reduce them to uniformity, calling in, if necessary, the aid of the secular arm.' At the first blush, these articles do not convey any notion of the tyranny that was to be exercised, but they were the beginning of the suppression of the monasteries. 1 Grants in April, 25 Henry VIIL, R.O. 72 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. The truth is, that the wells were poisoned from the outset. The royal commissioners had too great an interest in bringing about the ruin of the rich abbeys to make their pictures very life-like, for the King was poor, and bent on plunder, and their business was to give him a plausible reason for satisfying his greed of money. That they grossly misrepresented matters with regard to many of the greater monasteries, is proved by subsequent com missions, sent out on the 26th April, 1536, to some of the country gentlemen of each county, to make a new survey of religious houses. They had been already valued by the royal commissioners, the year before, for the King's tenths and first-fruits, and a detailed account had been sent in, as to the condition of buildings, together with an estimate of the sums that might be realized from the bells, lead and other fixtures, the moveable goods, etc., and the number of woods, parks and forests belonging to each house. The " lives and conversation " of the monks in nearly every case had been sweepingly condemned. But the returns of the new commissioners have been also to a certain extent preserved, and it is remarkable that in each instance, the verdict of the King's commissioners is re versed. The return for Leicestershire is particularly striking. That county contained the two monasteries of Garendon and Gracedieu, against which some of the worst " compertes " had been found ; but the country gentlemen reported the inmates of both houses to be of " good and virtuous conversation." = Whether neighbours and men of position in the county were more likely to be fair and competent judges, than men who paid a hasty visit with the distinct object of pleasing the King and Cromwell, both anxious for a pretext for confiscation, is a matter for the honest student of history to determine. The poor suffered perhaps most of all, in the utter " Gairdner, Preface to Calendar x. pt. i. PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 73 desolation which followed on the suppression of the monasteries. Vast tracts of country were impoverished ; the destitute and homeless thronged the high roads. Far from encouraging idleness and beggary, the monks had been the best of landlords, and the kindest. Always in residence, they had encouraged industry by taking their rent and tithes in kind ; while their successors racked the rents, and doubled the income of estates to which they had no right^ Henry was in no hurry to part with the spoils, but he found it absolutely necessary to keep his greedy courtiers satisfied. He had neither the sobriety which belongs of right to parsimony, nor the lavishness which is supposed to accompany a love of pleasure. It soon became usual for him to pay his gaming debts with abbey lands, and to reward his cooks in like manner, for pleasing him with a new dish. It was an easy way of wiping out old scores, and of cultivating a certain kind of popularity. These lands seldom remained long in the possession of their new owners ; the families founded on the ruins of the monas teries became extinct in one or two generations ; but the newly pauperized lived on, and grew and multiplied. It was soon found necessary to legislate for them, and the poor gradually came to be considered, no longer a bless ing, but an intolerable burden. According to Stow,* at the time of the dissolution of the lesser monasteries, " it was pitiful to hear the lamentation the people made in the country, there was so great hospitality kept among them, and it was thought more than ten thousand persons, masters and servants, had lost their living by the pulling down of these houses at that time." The French ambassador told Francis, that rehgion was in everything as before, except that it was forbidden to ^ Dixon, " Hist, of the Ch. of England," vol. ii, p. 205. * "Annals," p. 571. 74 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. acknowledge the Apostolic See, and that all the abbeys and religious houses had been suppressed, that there no longer existed a single monk who had not changed his habit for the dress of a secular priest. Henry, in his quality of English Pope, had sent to the Tower certain heretics, who had eaten meat in Lent, and had preached against abstinence. The celebrated Dr. Barnes, who had delivered a sermon without licence, at St Paul's, against the Bishop of Winchester, for preaching Catholic doctrine from the same pulpit the day before, was sent to beg pardon of the Bishop, and was ordered to preach another sermon, contradicting all he had said in the first.^ Every where confusion and discontent reigned. Discipline was broken up, but a reign of terror had begun, while the country was suffering from the apprehension of famine. Many were convinced that the King's iniquitous conduct was the cause of bad weather and bad harvests.® On the 8th July, 1536, Chapuys wrote to the Emperor's secretary, that it was lamentable to see a legion of monks and nuns, who had been chased from their monasteries, wandering miserably hither and thither, seeking means to preserve their lives. He declared that several honest men had told him that what with monks, nuns, and persons dependent on the monasteries suppressed, there were twenty thousand who knew not how to live. We have already seen that the Observants were the first to suffer from Henry's licentiousness. His letter to the Duke of Norfolk, dated the 17th March, 1537, shows that in venting his anger on other religious Orders, and in pursuing with his vengeance those who had dared to oppose his innovations from the beginning, he kept a watchful eye upon those who were still in the enjoyment of their liberty. The letter runs thus ;— ' " Correspondance Politique de MM. de Castillon et de MarsiUac, Ambassadeurs de France en Angleterre." d. I?? = Gairdner, 1538. ' v i> PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 75 " As to the friar that prayed for the Pope, it is thought here to be treason, but we refer his trial to your wisdom, that none may take example by his presumption. You are also to proceed against the Abbot of Gervaise, and the quondam of Fountains, for whose apprehension we heartily thank you ; also against the Abbot of Salley, if you can find matter worthy of it, as we doubt not you shall. You may remember the letter sent by him to Sir Thomas Percy. We refer the arraignment and execution of the persons bailed by Sir Ralph EUerker, and others, to your discretion. The rest we are content to take to mercy. From my lord of Durham's declaration and other evidences, we see that the Friars Observants are disciples of the Bishop of Rome, and sowers of sedition. You shall therefore do your best to apprehend the friars of that faction, and place them in other houses of friars as prisoners, without liberty to speak to any man, till we shall determine our further pleasure about them." ' This was the second winnowing. Already in 1534, we have seen how the Observants had been driven from their houses, imprisoned in other convents, or banished the realm, at the instigation of Wriothesley, their secret friend. Some few had returned, and were giving the King trouble, by their freedom of speech in the metropolis. They fr equently preached in the church of St. Lawrence, and although they knew that every word they uttered w ould be reported to Henry, so little did they value their lives, in comparison with the salvation of their hearers, that they took every opportunity of expounding the Catholic doctrine of Papal Supremacy. Father Forest was the first of all the Observants to encounter the King's ire,* but these others were to pass him on the road to martyrdom, while he languished in prison, waiting long- ' Gairdner, Cal. xii. 666. " " Certamen Seraphicum,'' p. 7. 76 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. ingly for his " greater combat." It is probable that the arrest of the Friars Brookby, Belchiam and Cort, followed immediately on Henry's letter to the Duke of Norfolk. The first of these to suffer was Father Anthony Brookby.' He was a Latin, Greek and Hebrew scholar, Professor of Divinity at Magdalen College, Oxford, and was celebrated for his eloquence as a preacher. He was no less remark able for the austerity and sanctity of his life. The King's advocate was present at a sermon preached in the church of St. Lawrence, in which Father Brookby spoke of Henry's new marriage, as the cause of the dreadful evils which threatened to overwhelm the country, denouncing also the rupture with Rome and the pillage of the religious houses. The spy here interrupted the preacher, and tried to frighten him into silence. But the friar, nothing daunted, continued his sermon, prepared to suffer all kinds of torment for the sake of justice. The matter was reported to Henry, and it may easily be supposed lost nothing in the telling. The infuriated King ordered the friar to be taken prisoner, and accordingly Henry's zealous agent, accompanied by several officers, proceeded to the church of St Lawrence, where Father Brookby was again preach ing, and as he descended from the pulpit, tapped him on the shoulder, and told him he was arrested in the King's name. Without a word of reply, the friar bowed his head submissively, and allowed the officers to bind him tightly, with his hands behind his back, and to lead him through the city to Newgate, a prison, says the chronicler, in which "thieves, murderers, assassins, and the worst criminals were confined." And he goes on to say that the holy man was " thrown into the most foetid and stink ing place in the whole prison, in which, within the memory of man, no one had been condemned to lie, so that even the prisoners themselves were astonished at so much " Also called Brockly, Brorbe, and Broche. PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 77 cruelty. But the good friar remembered the words of St. Peter : ' Christ suffered for us, in order to give us an example, that we might follow in His footsteps.' " ^ Here he was racked with ropes, screws, and pulleys, till all his joints were wrenched asunder, the object of this inhuman treatment being to obtain from him an accept ance of the new statute of Royal Supremacy ; ^ but the executioners were weary of their ghastly labours without obtaining the least sign that could be interpreted as an assent. Such were the martyr's courage and constancy, that in the midst of his torments he expressed an ardent desire to suffer yet more cruelly for the love of God.' His body was reduced to a mangled condition ; he was unable to move hand or foot, and would have died of starvation, through inability to carry food to his mouth, but for the charitable offices of a devout woman, who fed him through the prison bars, for twenty-five days. The oppressive heat of the July weather is said to have added greatly to his torments. At length his lingering martyr dom was completed, and on the 19th July, 1537, he was strangled with the cord he wore round his waist, by order of the King. The turnkey who had charge of him, entering into his dungeon, saw him lying as if asleep, with his face to the ground. The man gave him a kick, telling him to get up, but on approaching nearer to him, he saw that he was dead. The news soon spread like wild-fire through the city, and God was pleased to work a miracle, as a sign of Father Brookby's holiness, the filthy dungeon in which he lay being flooded with an unearthly light.* Crowds assembled to witness the spectacle, and many were converted by the martyr's death, who had remained untouched by the eloquence of his living words. ^ Barezzo Barezzi, " Delle Croniche dell' Ordine de' Frati Minori." Venice 1608, vol. iv. p. 210. ^ Dodd, "Church History of England." " Coll. Anglo. Min. pt. i. p. 239. * Barezzo Barezzi, p. 210. 78 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH The next "sower of sedition" to encounter the King's vengeance was Father Thomas Cort. This venerable Observant belonged to a good old family. From the beginning of the conflict he had been zealous in upholding the lawfulness of Henry's marriage to Catherine, in boldly denouncing his conduct in the matter of the divorce, and his severance of the kingdom from Papal obedience. Henry, to justify his measures, changed his tactics, pre tended to appeal to a General Council, not likely to be soon assembled, and tried to make it appear that he no longer stood under the ban of the Church.^ The English bishops were examined as to whether " he that was called Pope of Rome was above the General Council, or the Council above him, or whether he has by the law of God any more authority within the realm than any other foreign bishop." ® The alleged uncertainty of the royal mind did not, however, allow of any argument by which the question could be settled in favour of the Pope's authority. To say that theologically and historically the Pope had jurisdiction in this realm, was to " sow sedition," and for boldly asserting it. Friar Cort was seized and thrown into a filthy dungeon in Newgate. The grim walls had in former days seen many a State prisoner, many a celebrated ruffian, but a Franciscan friar in his poor habit was as yet a novel spectacle. It was the custom for the jailor to take a cloak or any article of value the prisoner happened to possess, as a tax, in return for which he provided him with some degree of alleviation from the horrors of his cell. The friars, having nothing of the least value where with to propitiate the jailor, were left to rot. The cells were rendered foul, by the accumulation of the filth of years ; a loathsome miasma exuded from the damp walls and the unpaved floor, and from the moment that Friar ' Gairdner, Cal. vi. Preface. « Memoranda for the King's Council. Cleop. E. vi. f. 312, B.M. PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 79 Cort entered his dungeon, the pestilential atmosphere began to tell upon him. In a few days, he sickened and died, of the stench and of " excessive hunger." At the moment of his death, a heavenly and miraculous light filled his cell, and those who witnessed it were struck with amazement and fear. When the circumstance was re ported to the King, he appears to have had one of those momentary fits of remorse and terror, such as he ex perienced when the plague was rife, and he was cowed into sending away Anne Boleyn and going to confession. "This day," wrote one of his attendants to Wolsey on that occasion, " His Highness, like a gracious prince, hath received his Maker at the Friars' (Greenwich), which was ministered to His Highness by my Lord of Lincoln."' Afterwards, his conscience became more callous, and " while leading a vile life, interrupted none of his usual Communions at Christmas, Easter, and Whitsuntide."* To these hypocritical Communions may perhaps be attri buted Henry's blindness of heart and persistent self- deception. His emotion on the death of the holy friar was as ephemeral as it had been on other occasions. When he had ordered him to be decently buried, in the church yard of St. Sepulchre, he incontinently returned to his vomit. An inscription was piously placed on Father Cort's tomb by Mary Herbert, wife of a glove-maker of Ghent." ' Privy Purse Expenses. , ' Rev. T. E. Bridgett, " Life of Blessed John Fisher." " I hear," wrote the French ambassador, "he has made his will and taken the Sacrament for fear of sudden death." ' The epitaph, which might still be read in 1607, ran as follows : — " Hac tu qui transis Christo devote viator In precibus, quasso, sis memor ipse mei." One of the chief authorities for the main outlines of the sufferings of the Friars Brookby, Cort and Belchiam, is F. Thomas Bourchier, an English Franciscan author, who died at Rome in 1586. The title of his book is " Historia Ecclesiastica de Martyrio Fratrum Ordinis Divi !Francisci dictorum de Observantia, qui ab anno 1536 usque ad hunc praesentem 1582 passi sunt." 8o FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. The third Franciscan to lay down his life for the Faith, in the memorable year 1537, was Father Thomas Belchiam. He had boldly proclaimed the King to be a heretic, and in support of the assertion, he wrote a book, addressed to his brethren, and beginning with the text : " They that wear soft clothing are in Kings' houses." He showed how Henry had fallen away from the true Faith in separating himself from the Vicar of Christ, the centre of Unity, how the courts of great princes were too often filthy sinks of vice, so that " he that will be godly must depart the Court ; '' how there were no examples there of religious deportment, but a field of licentiousness, where vices of all sorts and sizes not only budded forth plenti fully, but grew up daily. He showed how avarice, incon tinence, and cowardice disgraced the lives of the English clergy, and notably those of the bishops, who for temporal advantages, and the goods of this perishing life, chose rather to incur the just anger of God, than to lay open the plain truth to the King, as they ought in duty to do, even with the hazard of their lives.' The tone of the book is that of the faithful sons of St. Francis in all ages, but it carries us back irresistibly to the stern figure of the Baptist, standing up boldly before the King, with his one word, " It is not lawful," his poor gar ment of camel's hair, his unkempt locks and penance-worn features in strange contrast to the glitter and luxury of a court steeped in vice. One copy of the book was leTt by the author to the Observants of Greenwich. It passed through the hands of the eminent Franciscan, Father Thomas Bourchier, who intended to publish it, and Father Angelus Mason says it was always in the minds of the friars to print the work ; but here we lose sight of it entirely, and it doubtless perished, under the destroying sway of the reformers. ' Coll. Anglo. Min. pt. i. p. 240. PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 8i Another copy, found in the martyr's cell after his death, was carried to Henry, who is said to have been moved to tears in reading it. Repenting, however, immediately of his weakness, he ordered it to be committed to the flames. Meanwhile, the workers of the royal will had left no means untried to subdue such a formidable opponent as the fearless and ardent young friar. Every kind of torture was inflicted ; the last of all, that of hunger, killed him. They had reduced him to a skeleton, but they could not deprive him of his valiant heart, his constancy in prayer, his love of God and of his neighbour. " In Thee, O Lord, have I trusted, let me never be confounded," he cried out triumphantly, a moment before his death. An earth quake shook the prison as he breathed forth his soul, and the terror of the jailors once more communicated itself to the King's guilty conscience, securing him a decent burial. Up and down ran the Court fool, crying out, "The plain dealing of one beggar baffles the King's anger." One other name, coupled with that of a secular priest, has come down to us, and closes the record of their sufferings under Henry VIII. N. Waire, Observant; and Griffith Clark, were martyred at St. Thomas Water ings on July 8th, 1539. Stow admits that he did not see their indictment, but Dodd says that Catholic writers, who are particularly inquisitive concerning such matters, all agree that they suffered for denying the King's Supremacy.^ Any account of this cruel persecution of the Observants for teaching and preaching doctrine that had always been taught and preached since England was a Christian country, would be incomplete without a short mention of one who was closely allied to them throughout the whole struggle. Thomas Abell, sometime chaplain to Queen ' Dodd, vol. i. p. 214. 82 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Catherine, was a man of great learning and virtue. He was sent to the Tower together with Bishop Fisher, for defending her cause before the Legatine Commission, and to him Father Forest addressed one of the six letters which we gave in the preceding chapter. Among the touching inscriptions on the walls of the Beauchamp Tower, in carving which a long succession of state prisoners whiled away many a tedious hour, is a device in the form of a bell. Upon it is inscribed the letter A, and above it the name Thomas. This inscription chronicles the sojourn of Thomas Abell in the Beauchamp Tower, and from its dreary precincts he wrote the following letter to Cromwell in the year 1537 : — " My Lord, — I beseech our Saviour, Jesus Christ, to give your lordship after this life, life everlasting in Heaven, Amen. I beseech you move the King's Grace to give me licence to go to church and say Mass here within the Tower, and for to lie in some house upon the Green. I have now been in close prison three years and a quarter come Easter, and your lordship knows that never man in this realm was so unjustly condemned as I am, for I was never, since I came hither, asked nor examined of any offence that should be laid unto my charge ; also Master Barker, my fellow, was commanded hither with me, and both of us for one thing and deed, and he was examined and delivered, and I was never spoken to and yet con demned, and lie here still in close prison. What was put in my condemnation is untrue, as I have written to your lordship largely once before this. I judge and suppose in your lordship such pity and compassion, that you would of your own accord have besought the King to give me the liberty I desire, even had I been guilty, after so long im prisonment. I doubt not but that you will do so now, knowing, as you do, that I am innocent, and have so great wrong. Therefore, I do not rehearse the diseases I have, nor my increasing misery, need, and poverty. I commit PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 83 to you this little petition of going to church and lying out of close prison." ' It does not appear that his petition was granted, although his execution did not take place till the 30th July, 1540, about six years and a half after his arrest. Cromwell has been described as a man without passions, whom no touch of love or hate swayed from his course. It is equally true of him that he was inaccessible to pity. His whole^career is one of selfish, ruthless, all-absorbing ambition. He was the son of a poor farrier, and the nephew of the Archbishop of Canterbury's cook. Having committed some crime in his youth he was still inex perienced enough to be found out, and after suffering a term of imprisonment, was forced to leave the country. He went to Flanders, Rome, and Florence, where he made profound studies in Machiavellian politics. On his return to England he married the daughter of a shearman and served in his house. He then became a solicitor. The Cardinal of York being struck with his ability, the vigi lance and promptitude which he evinced in good and evil, took him into his service, and employed him principally in demolishing five or six good monasteries. This was the beginning of his fortunes, and at the Cardinal's fall, no one behaved better to him than Cromwell. After Wolsey's death. Wallop attacked him with insults and threats, and in order to protect himself, he procured an audience with the King, and offered to make him the richest king that ever was in England. Henry imme diately made him one of his Council, but told no one of it for four months. After that time he stood above every ' Gairdner, Cal. xii, 542. Thomas Abell was beatified at the same time as Sir Thomas More, and fifty other martyrs. Dr. Ortiz, writing to the Empress in 1536, says : " Master Abel, one of the Queen's Chaplains, who has been imprisoned for preaching that the King ought to punish his Council, for giving him bad advice, has no prospect of being liberated during this schism in England." Gairdner, Cal. xi. 320. G 2 84 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. one, with the exception of Ann Boleyn. By one of those timely hits, sometimes called strokes of genius, which are the making of unscrupulous and ambitious men, he advised Henry to cut the Gordian knot of his self-made difficulties by declaring his own supremacy. It was the expression of the King's own secret thought and desire.* As long as it suited his purpose Cromwell supported Anne; when she was disgraced he abandoned her to her enemies. He flooded the country with spies ; in his determination to get the spoils of the monasteries for the master who owed him everything, the most innocent words were tortured into treason. That a man is responsible for his actions, and seals his own doom, according to the passions dominant in his soul, is one of the most useful lessons taught us by the reign of Henry VIII. It is true that those who look for the ulti mate triumph of goodness in this world, as the test of success, will be disappointed, for to all but the eye of faith, it is a period of hopeless confusion. Cromwell, indeed, fell a victim to the very methods he had devised for the destruction of others ; and the King, a prey to the most loathsome diseases, died a tyrant's death, hated more than he was feared, by a people whom he had utteriy demoralized. Still the innocent had suffered far more than the guilty. Henry's lust and pride had en gendered greed, cunning, perjury, and all foulness in the servile administrators of his pleasures, and even to this day, there has been no term to the evil then set afloat in the worid. Lest we should be accused of prejudice in the opinion we have formed of Henry's character, it will be well to give here a short summary of the words of an im partial eye-witness of passing events. M. de Marillac, ambassador of France to England, was the representative of one who professed himself to be * Chapuys to Granville. Vienna Archives. PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 85 Henry's chief ally and personal friend. Writing to Anne de Montmorency, Constable of France, he says : " This prince appears among other vices to be addicted to three, which may be considered plagues in a king. He is so miserly and covetous, that all the riches in the world would not suffice to content him. Hence the destruction of abbeys, the despoiling of churches which contain any thing worth taking, the suppression of the Knights of St John of Rhodes, from whom he took not only their ancient revenues for his own enjoyment, but also the property which they had acquired, they being unable to make wills. Hence also the complaints of so many wealthy people who, guilty or innocent, are plundered of their goods. Neither dees he respect the property of the dead, to the great scandal of religious people, who look upon them as saints. Thus St. Thomas of Canterbury has been de clared a traitor, because his relics are adorned with gold and precious stones.^ In order to enrich himself, he has impoverished his people, but it does not occur to him that he will never gain in wealth, what he thereby loses in re putation. As he could not arrive at what he coveted, even after his withdrawal from obedience to the Holy See, he found himself obliged to have preachers and ministers to persuade the people that it was far better to employ ecclesiastical revenues in supporting hospitals, colleges, and other foundations tending to the public good, than in fattening idle and useless monks. The King having thus appropriated that which, for ages, the devotion of the people had consecrated to God, condemns and burns as ' A proclamation was made on the 22nd November, 1538, "That Thomas Beckett, sometime Bishop of Canterbury, and made a saint by the Bishop of Rome's authority, should from henceforth not be esteemed, named, reputed, nor called a saint, and that his images and pictures through the whole realm should be put down and avoided out of all churches, etc., and that the days used to be festivals in his name should not be observed, nor the service, office, antiphons, collects and prayers in his name read, but rased and put out of all books, because it is found that he died like a traitor to his prince." 86 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. heretics the same preachers who exhort him to pay the debt which he has contracted, and to put to a better use that which is not his." They declare this at the moment of execution, and the whole nation is scandalized. And although people deserve to reap what they have sown, those who ordered them to sow are not free from guilt There are a thousand reasons for pillaging, but not one for restoring ; and hence proceeds the second evil, which is a feeling of dread and insecurity on the part of the King. Knowing how many things he has invented, what tragedies and scandals he has caused, he does not trust anyone, thinking that he has offended all. Thus he will not cease dipping his hands in blood as long as he feels any doubt or suspicion of his people, and he doubts and suspects more every day. Hence also every day new edicts are published, so sanguinary that people have the greatest difficulty in defending themselves, armed at all points ; and the slightest inadvertence is enough to cause any man's ruin. He forms alliances, as with us, which last as long as it pleases his caprice to maintain them ; and from these two evils the last plague in a great measure proceeds. This consists in a levity and inconstancy which commu nicate themselves to the nation at large, the rights of religion, of marriage, of good faith being perverted as though they were of wax, which when it is melted will take any form you please. As the manner of life of the prince is the standard to which all his subjects aspire, so the ministers outvie each other in imitating their master, and under colour of serving him, each one is for himself."' If the people suffered in their temporalities by the sup- '¦ " A stranger standing by did wonder, as well he might, of what religion the King was, his sword cutting on both sides, Protestants being burnt for heretics, and Papists hanged for traitors." Fuller, P- 235- ' " Correspondance Politique de MM. de Castillon et de Marillac, Ambassadeurs de France en Angleterre, 1537— 1542, p. 211." This 1 etter was entirely written in cypher. . PROGRESS OF THE PERSECUTION. 87 pression of the rich abbeys, and in their consciences by the bad example set them by the King and his licentious Court, their spiritual loss in the extinction of the friaries was incalculable. The Franciscan friar could do little to alleviate the temporal necessities by which he was sur rounded. He lived so poorly himself that, at the utmost, but a crust of coarse bread and a bowl of soup were to be had for the asking at the convent gates. " That poverty, rigid poverty, to the last continued to be the rule rather than the exception with the Minorite Friars," says Brewel in his Monumenta Franciscana, " is clear from the inven tories of their houses, taken at the dissolution by the Royal Commissioners." Apart from the pressure of actual poverty, the Observants were bound to keep their rule in its primi tive austerity. They were to possess neither money nor lands, were to deny themselves the convenience of books and parchment, and content themselves with the barest necessaries. They were, in short, to be poor, not because of untoward circumstances, but because poverty was dear to St. Francis, dear to the heart of our Lord. It was therefore a purely spiritual bread with which they were to feed the people, and it was owing mainly to the labours of the friars among the poor, that the Catholic religion lived on so long in England, in spite of pains and penalties. In homely but potent imagery, they had set forth the fundamental truths of religion in language the people could understand. Long before the days of printing, the rural populations throughout the country knew and under stood the Bible far better than they have ever known and understood it since, for by means of Mysteries and prac tical illustrations, the friars taught them, in a vivid and touching manner, the principal events in the life of our Lord. These Mysteries were to the uneducated what pictures and stories are to children, a most efficacious means of instruction ; audit is not too much to say, that in more than a pecuniary sense, the poor had less chance FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. of education after the Reformation than they had before it The sweeping away of the monastic schools had a great deal to do with it, but the teaching of the friars entered largely into the calculation. Thus, greatly as the monks were regretted, the friars were felt to be a still more seri ous loss, in the actual state of religion. In the campaign that was being waged against heresy, the labours of the monk had been necessarily confined to his own immediate surroundings ; but the friar could descend into the battle field, where all sorts and conditions of men came under the influence of his charity and zeal. The people mourned for the suppression of the monastic orders, but they struck a determined blow for the return of the friars. After the northern rising, when the insurgents, at the second meet ing at Doncaster, drew up articles for presentation to the Council, the sixth article was a demand " To have the friars Observants restored to their houses." ' We all know what followed on the Pilgrimage of Grace — fresh bloodshed, more reckless cruelty ; the country was defaced by gibbets ; those who remained faithful were paralyzed with fear. The struggle was over, the friars, to gether with all that made for goodness, had been swept away, and the King remained alone in his triumphant solitude. A well-known writer has drawn a life-like portrait of Henry VIII. at the end of his career. He calls him "a strong, high-spirited, ruthless, disappointed, solitary creature ; a thing to hate or to pity or to smile at, or to shudder at or to wonder at, but not to judge." *" Then the end came, and the ghastly scenes which Friar Peyto had prophesied ; and the first heretical King of England was laid to rest with his predecessors. * Gairdner, Cal. xi. 1246. ' " Lectures on the Study of Mediaeval and Modern History." by Dr. Stubbs, p. 33. ' CHAPTER V. war and PEACE. 1547—1559. One special characteristic of the Reformation period was the decay of learning. Divinity had ceased to be taught at the Universities, for there were scarcely any students. With mock solemnity, Layton and his fellow-visitor had written to Cromwell from Oxford, that they had " bound Duns Scotus in Bocardo and had rid the University of all his obscure glosses." Under Edward VI., the works of this celebrated Franciscan, together with other invaluable books, were publicly burned to ashes in the market-place. The "new learning," so much vaunted at the beginning of the movement, had proved itself to be nothing but a veil of intellectual d^-rkness, which had clouded the minds of clerics and laymen alike. Whole libraries were wantonly destroyed, for as they were to be found chiefly in religious houses, they fell an easy prey to the marauders. In nothing did the downward tendency of the age show itself more unmistakably, than in the contempt which was shown for the lore and erudition of centuries. Precious manuscripts were wrenched from their richly adorned bindings, and sold as waste paper. Even the renegade Carmelite Bale, vile enough to lead the van of the most dissolute, bemoaned the barbarity of the times. " I know a merchant- man," he wrote, " (which at this time shall be nameless) that bought the contents of two noble libraries for forty shillings a piece. A shame it is to be spoken. This stuff hath he occupied instead of grey paper, by the space of more than these ten years, and yet he hath store 90 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. enough for as many years to come. A prodigious example is this, and to be abhorred of all men which love their nation as they should do. Yea, what may bring our realm to more shame and rebuke than to have it noised abroad that we are despisers of learning ? I judge this to be true, and utter it with heaviness, that neither the Britons under the Romans and Saxons, nor yet the English people under the Danes and Normans, had ever such damage of their learned monuments as we have seen in our time. Our posterity may well curse this wicked fact of our age, this unreasonable spoil of England's most noble antiquities." While learning was at a discount, it was hardly possible in Edward's reign to obtain justice in a court of law, without a very high percentage of bribery. " It were a goodly sign," said Latimer in one of his sermons to Edward the Sixth, " the sign of the judge's skin. It should be Lot's wife to all judges that should follow after." (Sermons, p. i8i, Camb. 1844.) We look in vain for one instance of high principle among those who gathered round' the throne at this crisis, for one disinterested or truly patriotic hand to guide the ship of the State amidst the troubled waters. Somerset himself was no exception amid the throng of greedy place- seekers. Ambition had made him remorseless ; while the poor were crying for bread, his leisure hours were devoted to plans for the destruction of what remained of convents and churches, to make a fitting site for Somerset House. He did not even succeed in gaining the affec tion of the boy king, who on the day of his uncle's execu tion wrote the following cold-blooded entry in his diary: " January 22nd. The Duke of Somerset had his head cut off on Tower Hill, between eight and nine o'clock in the morning ; " supplying immediately underneath an omission under date of the i6th — " Sir William Pickering delivered a token to the Lady Elizabeth — a fair diamond." During Henry's life the English Church, although shorn WAR AND PEACE. 91 of its allegiance to the Pope, remained otherwise un changed. The suppression of the monasteries did not interfere with the worship of God as it was conducted in cathedrals and parish churches ; ' but with the advent of Edward VI., the tide had turned. All the members of the Council favoured the new doctrines ; and Cranmer, timid though he was, found it safer to make rapid strides in the direction towards which he had long secretly leaned, than to hold back, as prudence had inspired him in the pre ceding reign. Even Luther admitted, that in taking away the headship from the Church, a torrent of contradictory doctrine had been let in, which had swamped its Christian character of peace and unity. Henry's incongruous edicts, such as prohibiting the unrestrained reading of the Scrip tures in English, and the prosecutions against Catholics and heretics alike, stultified each other by turns. It was not only a period of Sturm and Drang, but of suspense and waiting, until the Government had come to an agree ment as to what were to be the settled articles of faith. The doctrine of the Real Presence, for instance, had been as dear to Henry as it was to Father Forest and his brethren ; but in Edward's reign, the very men who had been foremost in prosecuting those suspected of heresy concerning it were loudest in proclaiming the Real Absence. The truth is that the key-stone of the arch had been taken away when Henry broke with the Head of the Church, and Sacraments followed in more or less rapid succession, till by a gradual and natural sequence nothing was left but a heap of ruins. The position of Catholics was, however, clearly defined. Gardiner, Bishop of Win chester, who had weakly pandered to Henry in the matter of the divorce, was ready to go to prison now that the very existence of the Church in England was im perilled. Together with Bishops Heath, Bonner, Tunstall, ' See "Edward VI. and the Book of Common Prayer," by the Rev. F. Gasquet and E. Bishop. 92 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. and Day he was committed to the Tower, and steadfastly forbore to purchase his freedom at the expense of his conscience. On the fall of Somerset, he wrote to the Duke of Northumberland, complaining that he had been for a year and four months in close prison, with want of air to relieve his body, want of books to relieve his mind, want of good company, and finally want of a just cause why he should have come thither at all. The Lords received the letter in good part, laughed merrily over it, and said he had a pleasant head, but took no steps for his liberation ; and he continued in prison till Mary released him, together with the other prisoners in the Tower.^ The Catholics rejoiced in the fall of Somerset, but they soon had reason to mourn, for the persecution continued to be carried on as violently as before. It was only by dint of superhuman courage and resolution that the Princess Mary succeeded in retaining the privilege of having Mass said in her private chapel. She lived in great seclusion at her manors of Hunsdon and Beaulieu (now called New Hall), in Essex. At Hunsdon she was once visited by the Protestant Bishop Ridley. Mary received him hospitably, and in return he offered to preach before her on the following Sunday. To this she replied that the doors of the parish church adjoining should be open to him, and that he might preach there if he chose, but that neither she nor any of her servants would be there to listen to him. " Madam," he exclaimed, " I hope you will not refuse to hear God's word ! " to which she answered that she could not tell what they called God's Word, it not having been accounted such in the days of her fathers. She dismissed him shortly after, saying : " My Lord, I thank you for your kindness to visit me, but for your offer to preach to me, I thank you not." ' The popular notion of Cranmer is, that he was a some- 2 Stow's " Annals," p. 600. ' "Historical Collections," p. 115. WAR AND PEACE. 93 what weak and pious old man, cruelly put to death in Mary's reign for his abhorrence of Popish doctrines. He was the very antithesis of Father Forest, of the holy Bishop of Rochester, and of Blessed Thomas More, who may be styled martyrs of the Sacrament of Marriage. All his life he had been a time server. He had annulled the King's marriage when Henry had cast his eyes on a younger and fairer woman, and he had annulled that annulling when his tyrannical master had tired of his new bauble. He excommunicated Anne Askew, and had her burned at the stake for doctrines which he subsequently found it convenient to adopt himself; and when Edward required him to proceed against Joan Bocher and others for propagating unitarian senti ments, the licence he had taken to himself was no obstacle to his circumscribing liberty of conscience in them. Edward, who did not shrink from the idea of burning the woman at the stake, was yet loath to allow her to depart this life with the sin of heresy upon her soul. For a year he hesitated, when, as Bocher remained obstinate, Cranmer compelled him to sign her death warrant.* But in spite of the prosecutions for one particular form of heresy, the religious wars on the Continent flooded England with sectarians of every colour. Tumults had become the fashion ; scurrilous pamphlets were circulated with impunity. At Edward's death, the pliant Arch bishop, who had not hesitated to betray the interests of the spiritual kingdom confided to his keeping, was no less facile when it suited his ambition to renounce allegiance to his temporal sovereign. After signalizing himself as a partisan of the Lady Jane, he was not ashamed, when her cause was lost, to turn to Mary. She forgave him, and even then he would have continued to prosper, had he not subsequently been convicted of " spreading abroad seditious bills, and moving tumults to the disquietness of Lingard, vol. vii. p. 73, 4th ed. 94 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. the present state." ^ He had been arraigned for high treason, but he was convicted of heresy, degraded and sen tenced to death. After recanting his seven recantations, he at last summoned up enough courage to die. Religious questions had been dragged into the arena of party politics and revolutionary factions ; in nearly every case where capital punishment was administered to heretics, they were guilty before the law, as disturbers of the peace and promoters of sedition. A few days before Edward's death, a request had been sent to Mary that she should repair to the Court ; but on the road from Hunsdon to London she was warned that the Council, seeing Edward's end approaching, were anxious to secure her person. Almost immediately after wards, the Earl of Arundel informed her that her brother was dead. Owing to the courage and loyalty of the Catholics in the eastern counties, into whose arms she threw herself, Northumberland's insurrection was soon quelled, and Mary firmly seated on the throne. By a strange anomaly, she was styled Head of the Church of England in her first Parliament, its first act being to declare the validity of her mother's marriage, a fact which rested on the Pope's edict as supreme Head of the Church. Order could, however, only be restored by degrees, and it would, perhaps, be hypercritical to accuse Mary of tardi ness. In spite of the plundered monasteries and churches, she found an impoverished exchequer and a load of debt ; nevertheless, she refused to avail herself of the patrimony of the Church, either to discharge the obligations of the Crown, or to supply the necessities of her Court or to reward those who had merited well of her bounty, in the late rebellion. She had no private purse, but by strict economy the debts were paid, confiscated estates restored to their owners, and by degrees something like becoming splendour surrounded the Court, which had become a by- ' Journal of Council. " Archaeologia," xviii. 175. WAR AND PEACE. 95 word for puritanical gloom under Edward. Meanwhile, she would not rest till restoration had been made of the spoils of the Church, as far as lay in her power. She had sounded the new proprietors as to the justice of giving up the lands, to which they had neither rights of heredity nor of purchase, but she had met with no encouragement. The Earl of Bedford had thrown his rosary beads into the fire, declaring with fury that he valued his fair abbey of Woburn more than all fatherly counsel that should come from Rome.° It was soon clear to her that, in the matter of a reconciliation with the Holy See, such men as these would rather remain unreconciled than release their prey. It was a disappointment, but her own course was perfectly clear. Gratitude, as well as justice, prompted her to begin by rebuilding and enlarging the house of the Grey Friars at Greenwich. The Austin Friars, who had been placed there, when the Observants were turned out, had in their turn been expelled, and the building had been suffered to fall into decay. It was not in her power to restore the church to its original beauty, nor to carry out her father's magnificent design for a window which should, at least in a measure, be worthy of the donor and of the Order.' But such as she could make it it stood completed ; and on the 7th April, 1555, Maurice Griffin, Bishop of Rochester, solemnly reinstated the exiled friars in their home.* According to Wadding, many Observants had managed to conceal themselves in various parts of the country during the persecution, reappearing immediately after Mary's accession. As early as 1553, there was a commu nity at Greenwich, established under a Guardian ; but until the completion of the new buildings and the recall of the exiles, they were not officially recognized ; just in the same manner as, until the public absolution of the people from * " Portfolio of a Man of Letters." Monthly Magazine, Nov. 1820. Cole MSS., Brit. Mus. ' See Hasted's " History of Kent," for a plan of this window. Ibid. 96 FAITHFUL UNTO DEA TH. heresy, the country could not be said to have returned to the bosom of the Catholic Church. It was necessary to observe the greatest caution in re-establishing the ancient Faith. The influx of foreign heretics, with their revolu tionary tendencies aggravated and inflamed by what they were pleased to consider suffering for conscience' sake, had effected, in the course of a few years, what Henry's greed and Somerset's ambition had failed to compass. The people had suffered so much at the hands of their rulers, that they would gladly have turned to the only true source of healing, had it been possible to apply the remedy before quacks and charlatans had confirmed the disease, and taught them to distrust the physician. The inflammatory doctrines of Geneva, working upon a system already excited to fever heat, had wrought a condition of mental aberration, against which Mary laboured in vain. The first public celebration of Mass was the occasion of a riot; a dagger was thrown at one of the Queen's chaplains, preaching at St. Paul's Cross, and another priest was violently assailed at the altar. Among the exiles were Friars Peyto and Elstow, who, it will be remembered, had been banished for the active part they had taken in defending Queen Catherine's rights, or rather the Sacrament which her cause represented. We have seen that Friar Peyto had gone first to Antwerp, where Cromwell's spy Vaughan reports him as having " put forth a book against the King's great matter." ' He afterwards proceeded to the Franciscan convent at Pontoise, where he was hospitably received. He soon joined his friend Reginald Pole at Avignon, and when he ' Wadding says he went to France, but the documents in the State Paper Office prove that he was at Antwerp for sometime in 1533. He was made Bishop of Salisbury in 1543, but Henry VIII. had already in 1539 caused Salcot, alias Capon, to be raised to that dignity. Later on. Cardinal Pole absolved Salcot, and as Peyto is not called Bishop of Salisbury, in the Consistorial Act that made him Cardinal, it is plain that the Pope recognized Pole's act. WAR AND PEACE. 97 took up his abode as a student at the University of Padua, Peyto accompanied him, and also followed him to Rome, when he was summoned there, to receive the Cardinal's hat at the hands of Paul III. Both Peyto and Elstow had been attainted by Parliament, and they, together with Cardinal Pole, could not set foot in England until the attainder had been reversed. This occasioned repeated delays in their return. It was a well-known fact that Pole did not look with a favourable eye on the project of marriage between Queen Mary and Philip of Spain. The Emperor, who knew that his influence with Mary was con siderable, contrived therefore to keep his cause in abeyance, lest, by a swift return to England, the match should be broken off. When at last the marriage had been accom plished, the matter was brought before Parliament, and the exiles were once more free to breathe the air of their native land. Cardinal Pole, who had been appointed legate a latere, with power to reconcile the kingdom to the Church, sang his first Mass in the church of the Grey Friars at Greenwich on the 22nd March, 1555. Friar Elstow was made Guardian of this now famous house, and the Queen took Friar Peyto as her confessor. But in the disturbed condition of the populace, these changes did not take place without considerable tumult ; both friars were attacked by a mob as they were going one day from London to Greenwich, and barely escaped with their lives by jumping into a boat, but not before a stone thrown at Friar Peyto had broken one of his ribs. The King and Queen omitted nothing that might convince the people that the Observants were under their special protection. In August, 1555, they went in state to Green wich, where they were received with great ceremony at the long bridge by the Lord Chancellor and many of the nobility, with a number of guards and attendants bearing one hundred lighted torches. The procession being formed, they proceeded to the church of the Grey Friars, H 98 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. and performed their devotions with great solemnity, after which they returned as they came.^ In 1557, Friar Peyto, being then eighty years of age,- was created a cardinal of the Roman Church in a secret consistory, and legate a latere in the place of Cardinal Pole, who was summoned to Rome, to clear himself from a charge of heresy. It is almost incredible that a man who had been for so many years an exile for his devotion to the Holy See, and whose mother had laid her grey hairs on the block as partner in his disgrace, should have been suspected of a want of loyalty to the Catholic Church. Pole earnestly and empha tically denied the charge, and protested against the injustice done to him.^ Doubtless, he had been misrepresented by his enemies ; but his position as legate was a delicate one, Philip II. being at that time not only master in England, but at war with the Pope in his capacity of temporal sovereign. Mary deeply resented the aspersion on the character of her friend and kinsman, and forbade Peyto to set foot in England. He died in France soon afterwards, and in the course of a few months the matter was settled by the death of all the actors in the painful drama.* The clouds that had been gathering during the last two years of Mary's reign were the presage of a more violent storm than had as yet broken over the English Church. Elizabeth had begun by making common cause with her sister's enemies. Together with Courtenay, Earl of Devon, who owed his life and liberty to Mary, she had been seriously implicated in Wyatt's rebellion. Courtenay had been sent into honourable banishment ; but Elizabeth had escaped with a year's seclusion— imprisonment it could 1 Hasted's " History of Kent." ' Lingard, vol. vii. p. 234. ^ Letters of Cardinal Pole, v. 31-36. ' Anthony k Wood, Athen. Oxon. pt. i. p. 587. WAR AND PEACE. 99 not be called, so silken were her bonds. Soon after this she had asked to be instructed in the Catholic religion, and after a remarkably short time of study had declared herself convinced of the truth of the Church's teaching. As she had been baptized with great pomp and circum stance in the church of the Grey Friars at Greenwich, and had never openly abjured the Faith, although she had professed Zwinglian doctrines during Edward's reign, no form of reconciliation was needed. Mary had, at first, treated her with suspicion, because her house was the refuge of every shade of heresy and revolutionary principle. Now, however, she made a great show of devotion, hearing daily two Masses, and conducted herself in such a way as to convince all the world of her sincerity ; although Mary could not but perceive that at Hatfield all her attendants continued to be heretics. Time went on, and the painful truth was borne in upon the Queen that her passionate longing for an heir was not to be satisfied ; and she began to treat Elizabeth as her successor. Shortly before her death, she sent commissioners to her sister with an entreaty that she would declare openly to which religion she belonged, and Elizabeth swore that she wished the earth might open and swallow her up, if she were not a true Roman Catholic' Mary was thus able to die in peace, believing that she had provided for the welfare of the Church of England. Not a doubt seems henceforth to have crossed her mind, not a care to have disturbed the serenity of her last moments. Short as her reign had been, she had done what she could, to wipe out the infamy that attached to her father's name. She had made restitution as far as she was able, stinting herself with this object, even to the number of dishes placed on her table.^ She had been a mother to the poor, who loved her through good and evil ' " Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria," by her Secretary, edited by the Rev. jf. Stevenson, S.J., p. 72. ' De Noailles to the French King. H 2 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. report, and she had paid her great debt to the Observants, according to her power. She had not only restored them to Greenwich, but had built them a convent in London, and another in Southampton, and all these houses were in a flourishing condition at her death. Novices had flocked to them, and learned members of the Order, returning to the scene of their former labours, had displayed an energy and zeal in instructing those who had been led astray by heretics, worthy of the first days of the reform. The spirit of St. Francis was once more alive in the land. The friars taught and preached and exhorted as before ; and if they were spurned and treated with inso lence, as sometimes happened now, they taught and preached and exhorted all the more. It was the business of shepherds to chase the wolf from the fold ; it was the business of the friars to repair the damages which the wolf had done, to bind up the broken and confirm the weak. Much evil had been brought about by the irreverence with which the Holy Scriptures had been treated by the sects. Garbled versions had been circulated in the vernacular and put into the hands of the ignorant and foolish, who bandied texts with one another in taverns and at street- corners. Holy things had thus been brought into con tempt and ridicule, and the Observant, Friar John Stan- dish, a man renowned in those days for his great pietv and learning, exerted himself to prevent, as it were, the Bible being torn to pieces by the mob. " Being now returned to England," saj-s Friar Parkinson,' "he observed, with great grief of mind, the intolerable abuses which arose from the rash and false interpretations of the Holy Scriptures made by women and illiterate men, who were then indifferently permitted to read those Sacred Books in their mother-language ; and he used his utmost endeavours to have this weighty affair laid before the Parlia- Collec. Angl. Min. p. 251. WAR AND PEACE. ment, to obviate for the future all such abominable irreve rences being done to the Word of God, to hinder such profanations of the Sacred Text, and to prevent the erro neous and dangerous impressions apt to be made on the minds of the ignorant people by the ridiculous explanations of tailors, weavers, cobblers, silly women, and all sorts of mechanics, who filled the thoughts of their unwary hearers with such remarks as were unworthy the holy mysteries of the Christian Faith." If Mary had lived, no doubt this, as well as other evils, would have been abolished. Not content with getting the matter laid before Parliament, Friar Standish wrote a book on the subject, and another on the Unity of the Church, besides several other works. Among those who took the habit of St. Francis at Greenwich, towards the close of Mary's reign. Friar Bour chier was eminent, alike for his piety and literary attain ments. He was descended from the Earls of Bath, and had remained faithful to the old religion amid the shifting scenes of the two preceding reigns. He had studied at Magdalen College, Oxford, and was afterwards created a Doctor of the Sorbonne. Towards the end of his life, he wrote an account of those friars of the English province who suffered martyrdom in the years 1537 and 1538. He died at Rome about the year 1586. Richard Britan and John Dennis were both novices of Greenwich about this time, and reflected honour on their Order by their mortified lives. Britan had already dis tinguished himself at Oxford by his defence of Papal Supremacy, for which he had suffered a long term of im prisonment. Among others, two Spanish Franciscans in Philip's suite joined the Greenwich Observants at the time when Friar Elstow was Guardian. These were Friar Alphonsus a Castro, and Friar Juan de Villa Gar- cina, both of whom were distinguished in the famous con- FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. troversy with Cranmer. One of his seven recantations, at least, was signed under their influence. Friar Richel also returned from exile in the Low Countries, and Friar John Gray, who afterwards attained to the honour of martyrdom during his second exile. Thus had the new community sprung quickly into vigour and activity ; there was no dearth of labourers in the vineyard, and there was work, indeed, for all ; but the night was coming on apace. Mary had ended her short and troubled career, believing that her sister would carry on the re-establishment of the Catholic religion in England, and Elizabeth was still weighing her interests against her conscience and her oath. She continued to weigh these things during the first few months of her reign, and, alternately, the hopes and fears of Catholics and Protestants rose and fell in the balance. II Schifanoya, Mantuan envoy to England, chronicles these vacillations in a series of letters addressed to his govern ment, showing the pressure brought to bear upon her by the Protestant factions, and the gradual weighing down of the scale in favour of self-interest. She continued to have Mass offered in her private chapel, but she forbade the Bishop of Carlisle to elevate the Host, and when he refused to obey, saying that " thus he had learnt the Mass," Elizabeth rose and left the chapel with her attendants. In his despatch of the 23rd January, 1559, II Schifanoya says that the revels countenanced by the Queen on the Feast of the Epiphany were indelicate, that crows were dressed up in the habits of cardinals, asses were habited as bishops, wolves represented abbots, &c. He goes on to say that Dr. Cox, in his coronation sermon, exhorted her to destroy the images of saints, churches and monasteries, and all other things dedicated to divine worship, and told her that it was very great impiety and idolatry to endure them. The same writer WAR AND PEACE. 103 alludes to a great increase in the number of church robberies, about this time, in London, and says that the returned preachers openly persuaded certain rogues to forcibly enter the church of St. Mary-le-Bow, in Cheapside, break into the shrine of the Blessed Sacrament, force open the tabernacle, and scatter the consecrated elements on the ground. The cathedral of St. Paul's was, according to II Schifa noya, the last church in London to retain the celebration of Mass. Bonner had been twice or thrice summoned before the Council, and ordered to discontinue the Holy Sacrifice. His answer was : " I possess three things, soul, body and property ; of two, you can dispose at your pleasure, but God alone can command my soul." The new ritual introduced into the Church of England omitted the names of the Blessed Virgin, of all the saints, of the Pope, and of the dead ; but, in spite of all this, Elizabeth was still deliberating whether .she would accept the offer of marriage which Philip had made her, with the condition that she should remain in the unity of the Catholic Church. She took so long to consider that events outstripped her, and finally decided her course of action. Philip, wearied with her evasive answers, her duplicity and coquetry, and foreseeing that heresy would ultimately carry the day with her, sought an alliance with the sister of the French king.* Not only did Elizabeth never forgive him, but from that moment the fate of the English Catholics was sealed. Henceforth Elizabeth was seated firmly enough on the throne ; but she was pledged to exterminate the Church, root and branch. Her task was no easy one ; the bishops, unlike the supine courtiers of her father's reign, were, with one solitary exception, staunch defenders of the P'aith. Per secution had winnowed the chaff from the wheat among the secular clergy, and those holy monks and friars who had ' Correspondence of the Conde de Feria with Philip II. Simancas Papers. IC4 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. already won the palm of martyrdom' strengthened their brethren, alike by their prayers and their example. The Observants were, perhaps naturally, again the first to suffer. Elizabeth was always sensitive on the score of her birth ; and even if she could have forgiven them all else, she could not forget the part they had taken against her legiti macy. But for them, perhaps, the people might have been willing to acknowledge Anne Boleyn as their queen ; she knew well that the poor loved them, and she had set her self to dazzle and win the masses. With the nobility she was haughty and imperious, towards her obsequious clergy witheringly sarcastic ; but with the people she was famili arity itself, accessible at all times, and ready to crack a joke with the humblest. Of all her talents, her power of throwing dust into everyone's eyes was, perhaps, the greatest. The details of the suppression are scanty. On the I2th June, 1559, the friars were expelled, and their house at Greenwich incorporated into the royal palace. Of the subsequent fate of this interesting foundation there is little to add. The buildings were sold in 1652, by the Parliament, to Richard Babington, and were removed after the resto ration of the monarchy, to make room for King Charles's Quadrangle in the Royal Hospital. CHAPTER VI. THE HIDDEN PROVINCE. 1559— 1617. Ven. F. Buckley. When the community at Greenwich was broken up, its custos. Friar Stephen Fox, and several of his brethren, sought a refuge in the Netherlands. The Grey Friars were once more banished the kingdom ; but numbers of them remained in hiding, suffering the most cruel priva tions, and encountering hourly perils, from the spies and priest-catchers with which the country was soon infested. When Pope St. Pius V., who had long waited in the hope of Elizabeth's conversion, at length issued his Bull of Ex communication against her, her frightful career of blood began in earnest. Then, statute after statute was formed against priests, and those who harboured them. It was made high treason for any ecclesiastic, ordained since the first year of her reign by a Catholic bishop, to return to, or to be found in England ; and it was declared felony for any person to harbour, succour, or assist a priest, knowing him to be such. It was a capital offence to deny the Queen's supremacy ; it was a crime punishable with fine and imprisonment to hear Mass, or to be found assisting at any Catholic religious service.' To these were constantly added other laws of increased severity. The jails were teeming with Catholics, and many families were reduced to poverty, by reason of the enor- ' R. R. Madden, "Penal Laws enacted against Roman Catholics,'' P- 93- io6 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. mous fines exacted from them, for the privilege of absenting themselves from the services of the state church. Even then they were not secure from molestation. During the latter part of Elizabeth's reign, the rack scarcely ever rested from its hideous work, and Dr. Challoner estimates that, from the year 1577 to 1603, as many as 125 priests suffered death on the gallows. Milner states that the entire number of Catholics who were martyred for the Faith in those years, amounted to 186, of whom 142 were priests; but, according to Lingard, during the last fourteen years of Elizabeth's life, " sixty-one clergymen, forty-seven lay men, and two gentlewomen suffered capital punishment, for some or other of the spiritual treasons and felonies, which had been lately created." ^ Strange to say, only one Franciscan died on the gallows. Many were left to languish in prison without being brought to trial ; some escaped the vigilance of the pursuivants altogether, but at the price of the greatest hardships, hiding for weeks together in caves and holes on the mountain-side, and trusting for safety and nourishment to the charity of poor shepherds and herdsmen. Some times, even, the justices of the peace would themselves connive at their escape ; but Topcliffe, and such as he, were ever on the alert, like bloodhounds, eager and relentless. Nevertheless, the Province had not yet become extinct The scattered members of the Order, seemingly without rule or discipline, thrown upon their own resources, with no religious habit to distinguish them or remind them of their vows, were as united in heart and in the spirit of their vocation as if they had been enclosed in convent walls and were leading a regular life in community. The ^ " History of England," vol. viii. p. 294. There were at least thr?e women among these, Margaret Ward Margaret Clithero, and Ann Line. Mrs. Wiseman was condemned to death, but the sentence was not carried out, and she was released on the death of Elizabeth herself. THE HIDDEN PROVINCE. 107 interior and supernatural life, of which the grey habit, the cord and the cowl were but as the signs and symbols, flourished in prisons and hiding-places as it had flourished in cloister and cell. Nor were subjects wanting to them. Ardent souls, who in more prosperous times would have been attracted by the love of poverty which characterized the Observants, by the fervour with which the rule was kept, by the spirit of mortification which animated the brethren, were now drawn by the life of actual beggary they would be called upon to lead, by the daily and hourly prospect of being face to face with death, by an obedience the more generous and ideal, because left to their honour. The life of the one Franciscan who attained the distinc tion of shedding his blood for the Faith, in the reign of Elizabeth, is not unlike that of many others, and may serve as an example.. Friar John Buckley, or Gryffith Jones, belonged to a good Welsh family. He was also known as Robert or Herbert Buckley, by reason of the various disguises he was obliged to assume from time to time, and he was called in religion Godfrey Maurice, or Godefride Moritius. He laboured for more than twenty years as a secular priest, twice falling into the hands of the priest-catchers. It is said that he went abroad to be ordained in the first year of Elizabeth, but how long he remained, and the date of his return to England, we have been unable to dis cover. His name occurs among the list of prisoners in the Marshalsea, in the spring of 1582, and he remained there about three years, when he was probably set at liberty, as he is mentioned in a State Paper in the autumn of 1586, in a list of " priests that have been prisoners, and are out upon bond." ' The following year, however, according to Challoner, he was confined in Wisbeach Castle, and from this place » " The Rambler," New Series, vol. xi. p. 49. io8 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH, he either escaped or was released voluntarily. Possibly, at Wisbeach, he encountered some holy Franciscan, in prison for the same cause as himself, whose example inflamed him with a desire for the religious life. He was no sooner liberated than he went abroad, and was received into the Order of St. Francis at Pontoise. But his desire for perfection did not allow him to rest content with this. Having been sent to Rome, he embraced the strict Obser vance at the famous convent of Ara Coeli, where he remained about three years. He was close upon sixty at the time of his profession. A whole life of suffering for the Faith was behind him, but his zeal and love were far from satisfied. Like another great servant of God, it seemed to him that there was no cross so great as being without the Cross, and he did not rest until he had received permission to return to almost certain martyrdom in his native land. Before leaving Rome he sought and obtained an audience of Pope Clement VIIL, who blessed him and embraced him tenderly. " Go," said the Holy Father, " for I believe you are a true son of St. Francis. Pray to God for me, and His Holy Church."* At that time Father John Gerard of the Society of Jesus, with whose marvellous escape from the Tower many are familiar, had taken a house in London, as a hiding-place for priests, and had placed it under the care of Mrs. Ann Line. To this house Friar Jones proceeded on his arrival in England. Speaking of Ann Line, Father Gerard says in his narrative : " She managed my house for three years, and received therein many holy priests. I always had a priest residing in this' house, whom I used to send to assist and console my friends, as I was unable, during my imprison ment, to visit them myself. The first I had there was * " The Rambler," from Father Garnet's Narrative. THE HIDDEN PROVINCE. 109 Friar Jones, alias Buckley, a Franciscan Observant, afterwards martyred, but then newly arrived in England." '' Mrs. Line suffered death in 1601, as a punishment for having harboured priests. Friar Jones remained for some months in London, maturing his future plans, and doing all the good that came in his way ; then he laboured in different parts of the country for about three years,^ during which time he won such a high place in the estimation of his superiors, that it is said, they made him English Provincial. If this be true, he must have been in prison again when the seal of the Province was delivered to him ; but the records about this time were not kept very carefully, so that it is difficult to fix exact dates, or to ascertain who was or who was not in authority, partly on account of the secrecy which was a sine qua non of existence, partly because of the dis organized state of the Province. Father Garnet's letter to Father Claudius Aquaviva, General of the Society of Jesus, tells us all we know of Friar Jones's labours. So great was his power of doing good, that it mattered little to him whether he were free or in bonds, for he did as much missionary work in prison as when he was in possession of his liberty. People flocked to him from all parts, to make their confessions to him, and to receive in struction and counsel. But to lead such a life, was to court the further envy and hatred of his persecutors, and the kind of fame for sanctity which Friar Jones had acquired was Topcliffe's oppor tunity. To hunt up his previous history and. to inculpate his friends was the priest-catcher's business, and Topcliffe soon found out that Friar Jones had been "harboured " by a certain Mrs. Wiseman, well known for her hospitality to priests. She had a house of her own at Northend, Great Waltham, which had been in the possession of her family 6 " Life of John Gerard," by the Rev. J. Morris, S.J., p. 208. « "Rambler." FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. since the reign of Henry VI., and Father Gerard had re commended her to go and live there, and maintain a priest, and thus extend her sphere of good works, becoming an apostle to many.' Mrs. Wiseman was arraigned together with Mr. Barnes, who had also been found guilty of assisting Friar Jones ; but Mrs. Wiseman refused to plead, " not choosing to let simple fellows damn themselves in ignorance, by giving an unjust verdict against her." She was sentenced to the peine forte et dure, but on account of her rank and good name, her punishment was commuted to imprisonment for life. She was therefore transferred to a more miserable and filthy dungeon than the one she had occupied during the trial, where she remained until the accession of James I., when she was liberated. The peine forte et dure, which, in spite of all their ferocity, the Queen's Councillors were too humane to allow in London, was inflicted on Margaret Clithero at York. It consisted of the victim being pressed to death, under a shutter or door, upon which heavy stones were piled, one sharp stone being placed under her back. Mr. Barnes was also condemned, but experienced the same " indulgence " as Mrs. Wiseman . at the hands of the Queen's Privy Council. Friar Jones alias Buckley alias Godfrey was by no means to be allowed to escape. When he was accused of going beyond the seas to be made a priest, and of returning to England in that character, the judge informed him that they were " sensible he was no plotter against the Queen, but that he was a Romish priest, and being such had returned to England, contrary to the statute of Elizabeth 27, which was high treason by the laws." " If this be a crime," answered Friar Jones, " I must own ' " Records of the English Province,'' Brother Foley • " Life of Father John Gerard," by .the Rev. J. Morris, S.J ., p, 100. ' THE HIDDEN PRO VINCE. myself guilty, for I am a priest, and come over into Eng land, to gain as many souls as I could for Christ." Sentence of death being pronounced on him, he fell upon his knees, and gave thanks to God in a loud voice.* A few days later, on the morning of the 12th July, 1597, he was drawn over the stones on a "sled," or hurdle, to St. Thomas Watering's to be executed. On mounting the cart which was drawn up under the gallows, he declared his innocence to the people. On this, a gentleman who was present, told Topcliffe with great earnestness that an innocent man was going to be put to death. " Patience a while, sir," said Topcliffe, '' you shall soon see what manner of innocent he is." Then turning to Friar Jones he said : " Tell me, if the Pope excommuni cated the Queen, or tried to turn her out of her kingdom, to encourage Papistry, what would you do, and what would you advise others to do .¦¦ " Friar Jones did not answer the question, but occupied himself partly in talking to the people, partly in prayer, and so Topcliffe "took the occasion to fix the treason upon him." The hangman, having forgotten to bring a rope, the martyr remained for about an hour, now praying, now preaching to the people, declaring that he had never spoken a word, nor entertained a thought in his whole life against the Queen or his country, but daily prayed for their welfare. All this time the infamous spy Topcliffe continued to rail against him, charging him and all other priests with disloyalty towards Queen Elizabeth, saying that they would willingly kill her if they could. " I am certain," answered Friar Jones, " that I myself and all other priests and Catholics are ready to suffer much more for the good of the Queen than you are. Master Top cliffe, though your cruelty alone has been sufficient to make her odious to all the priests in Christendom." Challoner, vol. i. p. 196. FAITHFUL UNTO DEA TH. At length, a man was seen riding rapidly towards the place of execution, and the people at once set up the cry, " A reprieve ! A reprieve ! " But for answer the man waved the rope in his hand. Great excitement prevailed among the crowd, and when the rope had been adjusted and the horses were whipped to drag away the cart, three strong men clung on behind, and succeeded in holding it back till the martyr had ceased speaking. "Sweet Jesus, have mercy on my soul! "he prayed aloud; and when the Under-Marshal mockingly said that he forgot the Blessed Virgin, he added, " Blessed Queen of Heaven, be my advocate, and pray for me now and ever." Then he again said, " Sweet Jesus, have mercy on my soul I " and immediately made the signal agreed upon, with a priest in the throng, when he should give him absolution. After this, he asked all Catho lies present to say one Credo and pray for him, adding that he came thither to suffer death for his conscience and his priesthood only. The cart was drawn away in the midst of his prayers, and Top cliffe's gibes and taunts, and he was allowed, by a singular exception, to hang till he was dead. " So was he quartered, and his head set upon a pole over against the pillory in Southwark, which remained there two days, with so cheer ful and smiling a countenance as when he lived, so that it was great marvel to all beholders, so that many did come to see it, that the officers did take it off and scratched his face with the nails of their hands and other instruments, disfiguring it, and so put gunpowder to make it deformed, and set it up then again, but in short time it was taken away, and kept as a relic : and fixed his four quarters on four several trees, adjoining to the highway, and one of the four quarters did bleed freshly within two days that it was hanged, but all was taken away in short time." ^ ' From a MS. vol. formerly belonging to the English Carthusians at Nieupoort, now in the library of the University of Louvain, with a few other remains of their valuable collection. See " Rambler." THE HIDDEN PRO VINCE. 1 1 3 According to Challoner, his quarters were set up on poles on the way to Newington and Lambeth ; and Dr. Champney, as quoted by the author of the Memoirs, says that his head and quarters were afterwards taken away by the Catholics, and that he knew of two young gentlemen who were apprehended and committed to prison for attempting it One of the martyr's fore-quarters, he says, was kept at Pontoise, in the Franciscan convent where he was professed.^ In detailing the sufferings and death of Friar Jones in his beautiful Latin letter to the General of his Society, Father Garnet ends thus : " Such was the most happy end of this saint May God make us all partakers of his merits. Your Paternity will be pleased to communicate all these particu lars to those pious fathers of the convent in which he once lived, and to commend us to their prayers." ^ It is interesting to note here the affection that existed between the Observants, and the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, united as both Orders were in a common bond of labour and suffering. No sooner did Luther raise the standard of revolt against the Church, than the Observants appeared on the ramparts, prepared to defend the breach to the last drop of their blood. In Germany, France, England, Holland, and Denmark, they fell by hundreds in the struggle against heresy,^ fighting side by side with a " band of auxiliaries " raised up for the express purpose of opposing the common enemy of Christendom. St. Ignatius of Loyola had strengthened the Church militant with new auxiliaries,* and all that was noblest and bravest in the old army made a conjunction with him, fighting under the same banner, and sharing with him the ' Challoner, " Memoirs of Missionary Priests," vol. i. p. 195. '^ " Collections illustrating the History of the Catholic Religion in Gloucounties of Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wilts, and the cester," by the Very Rev. George Oliver, D.D., p. 562. ' "L' Aureole S&aphique," par le T. R. P, L^on, p. 161. * Collect for the Feast of St. Ignatius. I 114 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. honours of the field. Shortly before his martyrdom, Friar Jones had handed on the seal of the Province to Friar William Stanney, henceforth styled Sub-Commissary General of the Franciscan Province in England. The chief event which attaches to the memory of Friar Stanney is that of his giving the Franciscan habit, in the year 1614, to one who was destined to be the founder of the second Province, and to restore order and an authorized head to the scattered and suffering members.^ Edmund Gennings, a young secular priest, arriving on the English Mission from Rheims, where he had pursued his studies and had received Holy Orders, went to his native place, Lichfield in Staffordshire, hoping to win over his re lations to the Faith. He found that they had nearly all died in his long absence, but that one young brother was living somewhere in London. To London Mr. Gennings there fore went, for what he had heard of his brother's state, and of the kind of life he was leading, alarmed him so much that he could not rest, until he had done all he could to find him. But he had no clue to his whereabouts in the great city, and for a month he searched in vain. He had just decided to leave London for a time, when something extraordinary happened. He was passing St. Paul's church one morning, on his way to say Mass at the house of a friend, when he suddenly experienced a strange sensation in all his limbs, his face glowed, his hair seemed to stand on end, and he was bathed in a cold sweat. Thinking that some peril must be imminent, he looked back to ascertain if anyone were in pursuit of him, but the only person in sight was a youth in a brown cloak, who took no notice of him. Nothing further happening at that time, the coincidence gradually faded from his mind. But some days later, on the very morning of his proposed departure from London, after ' Collec. Ang, Min. p. 262. THE HIDDEN PROVINCE. 115 having prayed for patience and resignation to the Divine will, he was returning to his inn after Mass, when all at once he was overcome by the same sensations as before. His road lay along Ludgate Hill, and no one was in sight but the same youth in the brown cloak whom he had before observed. Mr. Gennings now eyed him attentively, and the thought crossed his mind that this was perhaps the brother whom he had sought with so many prayers. There was no sign but his own inward agitation to guide him, for he had not seen his brother for eight or nine years, and could not therefore recognize him in any feature, for the child had meanwhile grown into a young man. He went up to him, however, and inquired courteously from what part of the country he came. The youth answered that he was a Staffordshire man. Where upon the priest asked him his name, and to his intense joy heard that it was Gennings. He raised his eyes to heaven in gratitude for this wonderful answer to his prayers, and then explained, smiling, that he was the young man's kinsman, and was himself called Ironmonger (the name he had assumed for a disguise), and asked him what had become of his brother Edmund. The boy answered that he had gone to Rome, to the Pope, and was a notable papist, and a traitor to God and his country, and that if he returned he would infallibly be hanged. The stranger, however, still smiling affectionately, said that he had heard his brother was a very honest man, and loved both the Queen and his country, but God above all, adding, " But tell me, good cousin John, do you not know him if you see him ? " John answered " No," but began nevertheless, to suspect who his new kinsman was. At last, Edmund Gennings made himself known to him, but did not tell him he was a priest, and as he saw that his brother was not then in favourable dispositions, parted from him without broa,ching the subject of religion. They I 2 ii6 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. agreed, however, to meet after Edmund's return from the country. On the 7th November, 1591, the holy priest was sur prised by the notorious Topcliffe, while saying Mass at the house of Mr. Swithin Wells, and was carried through the streets to Newgate, in his sacerdotal vestments, to gether with all those who had assisted at his Mass, to the number of about ten. His trial ended as was usual with such trials. A jury, hastily impannelled, found him, and two other priests taken with him, guilty of high treason, and they were condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. Edmund Gennings was sentenced to be executed with his host, Mr. Wells, in Gray's Inn Fields, before the door of Mr. Wells's own house. John Gennings was in London during his brother's trial and death, and hearing of his sufferings, afterwards declared that he rather rejoiced than otherwise, con gratulating himself on being quit of all the persuasions he feared he should have had to encounter. But the martyr proved to be a more powerful pleader in death than in life. About ten days_ after the horrible butcheries in Gray's Inn Fields, which had left the young man so strangely unmoved, he returned home one day towards evening, spent with pleasure and amusements. He threw himself into a chair and began to go over the events of that day and of other day.s, until he passed in review his whole life. First it caused him to feel a great weariness and disgust, and then his mind grew troubled. He thought of his brother, and compared his manner of life with his own, the horror of sin in the one, and the recklessness with which the other fell into all kinds of sin. By degrees he was overcome with terror and remorse, and he wept bitteriy, praying that God would enlighten him and show him the truth. After a time, he began to experience great interior THE HIDDEN PROVINCE. 117 consolation, and dwelt with feelings akin to rapture, on the thought of the Blessed Virgin and of the happiness of the Saints in heaven. He imagined he saw his brother and thought he heard him speaking out of the fulness of his great joy. So deeply did these things take hold of him, that he threw himself on the ground, and made a vow " to forsake kindred and country to find out the true know ledge of his brother's faith." The impressions of that night never faded from John Gennings' mind. Not only did he never return to his former life, but he shortly afterwards left England, in order to fulfil his vow. He went to Douay, where he became a Catholic, then a priest in 1607, and some years later was received into the Order of St. Francis.' Between the two last-mentioned event?. Father Gennings laboured on the English mission as a secular priest, and in 16 14, Father William Stanney gave him the Franciscan habit His vocation was fraught with signifi cance for the whole Province, then in a state of collapse, by reason of the long continuance of the persecution. More than fifty years had passed since the breaking up of the friaries in the first year of Elizabeth ; the old friars were dying out by degrees, and the traditions of com munity life were becoming obliterated. Moreover, there was no settled novitiate, each subject being trained in a different house on the Continent, and the Province suffered necessarily in consequence. Father John Gennings, whose devotion led him to desire ardently the restoration of the Franciscan Order in England, seemed to Father Stanney eminently suited for this great undertaking, both on account of his virtue and his special talents. With the consent of his superiors. Father Stanney handed over to him the seal of the " " The Life and Death of Mr. Edmund Geninges, Priest," written by his brother. St. Omers, 1614. u8 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Province, and empowered him to breathe anew the spirit of life into the dying embers. Douay, Ypres, and Gravelines were all concerned in the foundation of the Second Province. From the English college at Douay six students followed Friar Gennings to Ypres, to be trained by him in the religious life, at the convent of the Franciscans of the strict Observance. The little community was afterwards settled at Gravelines, and from thence removed to Douay. Among them was the celebrated Christopher Davenport, otherwise Francis a St. Clara, Francis Coventry, and Francis Hunt, for by all these names was he knowm at different times.' He had been a student of Merton College, Oxford, where he fell in with a learned Catholic priest whose conversation ultimately con verted him. He went over to Douay at the moment when Friar Gennings was collecting together the nucleus of his future Province, and struck by the earnestness and singular piety which characterized the whole movement, he was resolved to enrol himself under the banner of St. Francis. He accordingly entered the novitiate at Ypres October 17th, 1617, and, having completed his religious training, returned to Douay, and was- incorporated among the English friars, who had erected a small convent there. Friar Davenport then gave himself up to study, and soon showed signs of such remarkable capacity that he was sent to the University of Salamanca, in order to acquire a profound knowledge of school divinity. After a few years, by dint of constant application to the study of Scripture and the ancient Fathers, he became one of the ablest and most learned theologians of his time. He was then sent back to Douay, as first Professor of Divinity in the newly-founded community. His reputation for learning having spread beyond the limits of his Order, he was subsequently called to England, and made chaplain Panzani's Memoirs. THE HIDDEN PRO VINCE. 1 1 9 to Queen Henrietta Maria. Apart from his extra ordinary erudition. Friar Davenport was remarkable for the charm of his conversation, for his agreeable manners and prepossessing appearance. All these qualities endeared him to Charles I., who insisted on his frequenting the Court, a circumstance which encouraged the notion that Charles was meditating a union between the two Churches. Archbishop Laud also entertained a great feeling of respect for Friar Davenport, and made no secret of it ; but he was much more bent on being Pope himself in England than on making any serious advance towards the " Pope of Rome." The Queen had obtained, after long negotiation, that a Catholic agent should represent her interests and those of her English co-religionists at the Vatican, and that a Papal envoy should be accredited to her Court. Accord ingly, Gregorio Panzani, an Italian priest, and secretary to Cardinal Barberini, was sent to England, and for a time believed enthusiastically in the dream of a probable re union of the whole country with Rome. He gave it as his opinion that the " true means of bringing about a reunion was to examine the motives which had actuated Henry VIII. in causing a schism." Both Panzani and his successor. Conn, were optimists, and made the mistake of thinking that the King's party represented the nation, which might, as it were, be con verted en bloc. They contemplated as possible, a conver sion such as had restored England to the Catholic Church under Mary Tudor. Within the Church of England many shared this hope. Goodman, Bishop of Gloucester, went so far as to ask Panzani's permission to keep a priest in his house, to say Mass for him daily. It was also thought that many clergymen hesitated to marry, in order that they might keep their livings in case of a reconciliation with Rome. Laud's attitude led to misconceptions on all sides. One of the charges brought against him at his trial, was FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. that he had a " damnable plot to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome." * Friar Davenport possessed as much tact as either Panzani or Conn. If he expressed less enthusiasm, he was prepared to make concessions which could not be tolerated. His book, " Deus, Natura, Gratia," with its appendix con taining an exposition of the Thirty-nine Articles, interpreted in their most favourable sense, pleased neither Catholics nor Protestants. The Spanish Inquisition put it on its index, and it would probably have been condemned at Rome, if Charles and Laud had not persuaded Panzani to use his influence to stop the prosecutions. Thus it was possible to go too far, even in a good cause ; Rome saw what we now see plainly, but what the moving characters of the drama could not see. The nation, instead of being ripe for conversion, was in reality drifting farther and farther away from the Church, and a Puritan reaction was about to set in, almost as disastrous in its consequences as Henry the Eighth's schism, or Elizabeth's apostacy. During the civil war that followed. Friar Davenport was sometimes in Flanders, sometimes in England, and under one or the other of his various disguises, he visited Oxford to consult books and manuscripts in pursuit of his studies. At the Restoration he was made one of Queen Catherine's chaplains, and resided at Somerset House, where he died, May 31, 1680, and was buried in the church of the Savoy. According to Anthony a Wood, his works were held in great esteem. In following the career of this learned Franciscan to the end, we have somewhat anticipated events in the English Province ; we must now retrace our steps to the beginning of the second foundation, no less fruitful than the first in noble confessors and martyrs. ' See Dublin Review, April 1889, " Henrietta Maria, Queen Consort of England." CHAPTER VII. MARTYRS OF THE SECOND PROVINCE.^ The Ven. William Ward, Father Walter Colman, Ven. Thomas Bullaker. 1 604- 1 642. The hopes of the Catholics, regarding an improvement in their condition on the accession of James I., were destined to be cruelly disappointed. These hopes had not been groundless, for the new King owed something to the cause for which his mother had suffered, and he had moreover shown himself friendly to her co-religionists before he mounted the throne of England. It has often been said that Elizabeth did not believe in the guilt of half the victims whose death warrants she signed, apparently without a scruple ; and of both Elizabeth and James it may be fairly assumed, that the ' The authorities for this and the following chapters are : — Friar Angelus Mason's " Certamen Seraphicum Provinciae Anglias, in quo breviter declaratur quomodo Fratres Minores Angli calamo et sanguine pro fide Christi sanctaque Ejus Ecclesia certarunt." Duaci, 1649, quarto. Lingard's "History of England," and Green's " History of the English People.'' Dodd's " Church History of England." Challoner's " Memoirs of Missionary Priests." M. de Marsys, " Histoire de la Persecution prdsente des Catholiques en Angleterre." This is an extremely rare book. The copy we have used was purchased in Paris in 1886, but we have been unable to hear of any other. The British Museum does not possess a copy, and the book is not mentioned in the printed catalogue of tlic Bodleian Library. It was printed in 1646, but there is no publisher's name on the title-page. The author was an attach^ of the French ambassador in London, and was present at the trial and execution of several of the martyrs. There is a copy of another book by M. de Marsys in the British Museum, which gives a clue to the manner in which this one may have been put into circulation. In an Address to the Reader, the author says : " II se vend rue Betisq, chez un chirurgien, vis-ci-vis la rue Tire-chap." 122 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. religious question was with them one of expediency, and nothing more. If Elizabeth had any convictions, those stifled con victions were Catholic ; if James had any opinions, they were probably Calvinistic, for he had been brought up from his youth in Genevan doctrines, and had repeatedly expressed his gratitude to God that he belonged to the purest kirk in the world, declaring that he would maintain its principles " as long as he should brook his life." ^ But scarcely had he mounted the English throne, than he began to see that Puritanism would eventually destroy, not only episcopacy, but the monarchical system alto gether, and that worldly wisdom lay for him in the maintenance of the State Church as he found it. Thus, starting from different points, self-interest led both the Tudor and the Stuart sovereign to the same religious policy. Elizabeth had cut herself off from the Catholic Church, and James abandoned " the purest kirk in the world," for the furtherance of their worldly prospects. But in doing so he stirred up the Puritan wrath, and found that nothing short of a persecution of the Catholics would allay their suspicions, and secure him any peace. In a short time, the revival of the Penal Code was forced upon him, with the introduction of additional severities. Arms, powder, and all kinds of ammunition were taken from recusants ; no Catholic was allowed to enter a house in which the King or his heir should be. The heir of a Catholic, if a recusant, was to pay the debts his prede cessor had incurred for recusancy. The husband of a recusant woman, although he should be a Protestant, was deprived of all participation in public affairs. A man convicted of sending his children abroad to be educated " in Popery," was punished by the confiscation of all his goods. Foreigners residing in England, and even the Lingard, vol. ix. p. 22. MARTYRS OF THE SECOND PROVINCE. 123 accredited envoys of Catholic countries, had little more freedom to exercise their religion than English subjects. The Spanish ambassador lived in his house as if in a besieged citadel, and his servants were obliged to escort the Catholics who came and went, in order to protect them against pursuivants. It happened not unfrequently, that swords were drawn, and blood flowed in the streets. If a man, although known as a violent heretic, were seen coming out of the ambassador's house, he was imme diately suspected of having assisted at Mass. The con fessor of the Venetian envoy was arrested ; and would have been executed for his priesthood, but for the inter vention of James. In this manner, the Catholics had been delivered into the hands of their bitterest enemies. To foreigners and onlookers it was a strange anomaly that the statue of Queen Elizabeth should be allowed to stand at street corners and in the market-places, but that if anyone ventured to put up a statue to the Queen of Heaven, it was at once torn down by the infuriated Puritans. It was death to give a cup of cold water to a priest ; to possess an Agnus Dei or a rosary, was an offence against the statute of premunire. The fines for non-attend ance at the services of the parish church were extorted with violence,' and even then the Catholics enjoyed no peace. Their houses were liable to be searched at all hours of the day and night, the pursuivants breaking in and running upstairs with drawn swords, to the terror of weak women and children.* Even the chambers of the sick and dying were not respected. Not only was the condition of things as bad as under Elizabeth, but there was less hope of a term to the sufferings of the afflicted people. She had been the last " According to his own account, the King received a net income of ^36,000 per annum from the lay Catholics, for fines of recusanoy. * See a " Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot," by Father John Gerard, edited by the Rev. J. Morris, S.J. 124 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. of her race ; the old Tudor lust of power died with her, and there had been at least a fair chance that the Stuarts would befriend the Catholics. But the weakness of J:unes proved as great an evil as the diabolical energy of Elizabeth, and instead of one bitter enemy, they had a thousand. Under the circumstances, it would scarcely have been unnatural if, goaded into despair, deprived of all that made life precious, the oppressed and miserable people had taken the law into their own hands, and had sought to overcome violence with violence. The failure of what Father Gerard calls, in his " Narrative," the " pre posterous Plot of Powder," was of course the signal for increased malignity on the part of the Puritan faction, who persisted in fathering upon the whole Catholic body the wild and outrageous scheme concocted by five coura geous, but misguided individuals. Meanwhile, as wc have seen in the preceding chapter, the old Franciscan Province had gradually become extinct In the statistics of the General Chapter of the Order, held in 1623, the English Province still figured among the provinces of the Regular Observance, but, in common with that of Denmark and Scotland, a cross was prefixed to its name to indicate that it was defunct Two years later its restoration was decreed, and the work successfully carried out, under the auspices of the celebrated Father John Gennings. A few words of explanation arc here necessary, as to the nature of the restoration, and the different degrees of strictness which characterized the Reformed P'ranciscans in general ; these distinctions being somewhat subtle, mis apprehensions have arisen from time to time, causing a certain degree of confusion on the subject Thus Father Garnet, in his letter to the General of the Society of Jesus, speaks of Father Jones as a PVanciscan " Recollect." Now this term, in the sense in which he used it, did not then exist in the English Province, MARTYRS OF THE SECOND PROVINCE. 125 The religious of the Observance, engaged in the arduous work of saving souls, spending themselves wholly in the service of their neighbour, sometimes felt the necessity of withdrawing themselves from the troubled highways and byways of life, in order to refresh themselves by a more unbroken and tranquil contemplation of divine things. The convents set apart for this purpose were called Houses of Recollection ; each Province was bound to have one or two of them, for those who wished to lead a contemplative and austere life, in preparatiop for their future active duties. There they might breathe a purer atmosphere, and live more entirely alone with God, than was possible in a convent, where every subject was occupied in ministering to all the various forms of human misery that lay teeming at their very doors. But these Houses of Recollection existed long before the introduc tion of the term Recollect, as applied to one of the four branches of the regular Observance. However, when by degrees many such houses arose, especially in Belgium and Germany, they were formed into Provinces, and the members of their communities were styled Recollects of the Observance ; yet for all that, these friars were not properly speaking Recollects, but merely Observants.^ In the course of the sixteenth century, the great family of the Observants was divided into four branches, calling themselves respectively : Observants, Discalced Obser vants, Recollects, and Reformed Franciscans. The first branch belonged to the regular Observance, the three last to the strict Observance. Although distinct from each other, they yet remained united, and the difference between them, more especially between the three last mentioned, was nominal rather than substantial. Friars of the regular Observance, and the Recollects and Friars of strict Observance, may be therefore con sidered synonymous terms. '• "Aurdole Sdraphique," p. 156, and notes of Pere Leon, O.S.F. 126 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. At the time of the restoration of the Order in England, by Father John Gennings, who also founded the convent at Douay, of the Regular Observance, the friars were called Observants. Later on, they united with their Belgian, Irish, and Dutch Brethren in accepting the strict Observance. In 1675 they began to use a new seal, with the inscription : " Sigillum Provincice AnglieE Fratrum Min. Reco Hector um I' Friar O'Farrell, the last remaining member of the second Province formed by Friar Gennings, gave up these seals, with all the records which had survived the great French Revolution of 1794, to the Belgian Recollects at Man chester, who came to England in 1850 to restore the Order, and to form a third Province. The formation of the second English Province was contemporaneous with the accession of Charles I., and during the whole of his reign, the fortunes of the Catholics rose and fell with his. James, by his weakness and incapacity for governing, had sown the wind, and Charles, by the utter vacillation of his policy and the want of integrity in his character, was indeed to reap the whirlwind. It is true that the opening of his reign seemed full of promise. He had married a Catholic Princess, had unhesitatingly agreed to bring up his children in the Catholic Faith, and had signed a declaration that his Catholic subjects should not be molested for their religion, either in their persons or property, and that they should have more liberty than heretofore. All these promises he broke. Not apparently in a ruthless and cruel manner, but because he did not possess sufficient firmness and resolution to carry them out. Nevertheless, the infant Province grew strong and vigorous, and in its turn gave birth to men of zeal and holiness, future martyrs and saints. Although for some years the Catholics enjoyed comparative peace, a reaction having set in among the higher classes and those about the Court in favour of the Catholic Church, it was as if this breathing space were given to them in order that they might prepare MARTYRS OF THE SECOND PROVINCE. 127 for the coming storm. In spite of the King's favourable dispositions towards them, he found himself obliged to replenish his coffers by the fines imposed on them by the Statute Book ; and if a priest were caught he was tried and punished with death, unless the Queen succeeded in her intercession for him. In dealing with the laity, Charles was never in favour of enforcing the extreme rigour of the laws, but he was so often in want of money that he found it useful to be very severe in the matter of fines.^ This lenient attitude of the King's began by displeasing, and ended by infuriating, the Puritans. Laud's innovations into the Anglican Church appeared to them like nothing less than a conspiracy with Rome, and at length both the King and the Archbishop were terrified into changing their policy. On the Vigil of Pentecost, 1640, Count Rossetti told Cardinal Barberini that Laud had thrown himself at the King's feet, beseeching him to proceed against the Catholic religion, at least from political interests, if not from con scientious motives. Laud himself now began to undo all that he had done in imitation of Catholics, with a view to pacifying the Puritans. The order to bow at the Holy Name was re voked, and the Communion-tables, which he had caused to be placed altar-wise, were put back into the middle of the churches, and were re-christened tables. Altar-rails were abolished, and a quantity of Catholic books were ostentati ously burned in a public square. Nevertheless the Puritans were not satisfied ; scarcely a service was held in the Protestant churches without a tumult as to the manner in which it should be conducted, and the more the Arch bishop gave in to them, the more formidable they became. The King's authority was at an end. In 1641, all Catholics " See an article on " Corporate Reunion in the reign of Charles I." in the Scottish Review, April, 1889. 128 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. who were able to do so, prepared for flight In vain did Charles declare that he " loathed the superstition of the Papacy from his very soul ; " it was too clear that he had dallied with Rome. With a decided taste for the Catholic religion, and a deadly fear of the Puritans, he committed the fatal mistake of leaning a little to one side, and a little to the other, not dealing to each justice and equity, but for ever shuffling and vacillating, maintaining, in the absurdities of what he chose to consider the royal preroga tive, that all things belonged to Csesar. He was far too weak for the position he thus assumed, and in his fall he plunged the country into a new and frightful persecution. The first martyr of the second Province was William Ward, alias Webster. Although a secular priest, he be longed to the third order, and wore the cord of St Francis. This holy man was over eighty years of age when he suffered ; he had been a priest for more than forty years, and of these about twenty had been spent in prison, at different times. Being sent to the English mission, he was cast by contrary winds on to the coast of Scotland, where he was taken prisoner, and thrown into a dungeon. Here he remained for three years, without once seeing the sun during that time ; and having at last obtained his release, he went into England, where he had no sooner arrived than he was again cast into prison, and so on, until the year of his martyrdom. He was a man of austere life, of whom it might be truly said that the zeal of God's house had devoured him. His reputation for sanctity was such, that many persons living in the world placed themselves under his direction, although it was his wont to lead souls ' " The Parliament will take order likewise to have the Queen Mother away, having given her /lo.ooo to clear her debts. She will have but little comfort in staying here, now that the Papists begin to be persecuted. There was one English priest hanged, drawn and quartered on Monday last." Letter from Thomas Wiseman to Sir John Pennington, July, 1641. Dom. Charles I., 43, P.R.O. MARTYRS OF THE SECOND PROVINCE. 129 rather in rugged, than in easy paths. He suffered at Tyburn, on the 26th July, 1641.* Father Webster may be considered a Franciscan martyr, although a secular priest. It will scarcely be denied, that the Franciscan Father Walter Colman was truly a martyr, although, instead of suf fering for his priesthood on the gallows, he died a lingering death in prison. He was arraigned, together with five secular priests, and two Benedictines, all of whom were victims, as much of the King's irresolution and want of courage, as of the bigotry and blood-thirst of the Parlia ment. One of them, it is true, was acquitted, but Father Colman was condemned merely on the false testimony of one witness. They all, says Father Mason, received the sentence of death with great joy, giving God thanks that they were thought worthy to suffer in His cause ! ' On the intercession of the French ambassador, perhaps also on that of Henrietta Maria, to whom Father Colman had dedicated a poem called The Duel of Death, Charles sent a weak message to both Houses of Parliament asking the opinion of the members as to the desirability of a reprieve for all the seven priests. The votes being taken, it resulted that four should be executed, the three remaining to be reprieved and banished. In spite of this, Charles exercised his royal prerogative, and reprieved all the seven. Hereupon, both Houses petitioned his Majesty to take off the reprieve, and have all the prisoners executed, and he repHed that he would consider the matter. Meanwhile, one of them died, and negotiations were henceforth carried on respecting "the six." Then this English Pilate, seeing that the mild and weak-kneed protection, which was all he felt able to give, availed ' For a full account of the life and martyrdom of this holy priest, see Challoner's " Memoirs of Missionary Priests," vol. ii. p. 83. ' " Certamen Seraphicum," p. 192. K 130 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. nothing against the robust hatred of the Pariiamen- tarians, took water and washed his hands before the people. "Concerning the six condemned priests," he wrote from York, "it is true they were reprieved by our warrant, being informed that they were (by some re straint) disabled to take the benefit of our former pro clamation ; since that, we have issued out another, for the due execution of the laws against Papists, and have most solemnly promised, upon the word of a king, never to pardon any priest without your consent, who shall be found guilty by law ; desiring to banish these, [the six,] having herewith sent warrants to that purpose, if upon second thoughts you do not disapprove thereof. But if you think the execution of these persons so- very neces sary to the great and pious work of reformation, we refer it wholly to you, declaring hereby that upon such your resolution, signified to the ministers of justice, our warrant for their reprieve is determined, and the law to have its course." ^ Such then was the protection Charles offered to his Catholic subjects. Well might they exclaim with the unfortunate Lord Strafford, " Put not your trust in princes," There is something ingenious in the manner in which he contrived to shuffle the responsibility from his own shoulders on to those of the Parliamentary party ; but the ingenuity is entirely at the expense of the kingly dignity. About the same time .that Charles was making these miserably ineffectual attempts to save the lives of the six martyrs and confessors, without any personal sacrifice, he was giving the Pope's agent, Count Rossetti, to understand that his not becoming a Catholic was due to no dislike of the Catholic religion, but on account of the danger of such a step to his crown and his life. ' Clarendon, vol, i. pt. ii. p. 490. MARTYRS OF THE SECOND PROVINCE. 131 " But if," he declared, " he were enabled to recover his power and authority, the Catholic cause would be strengthened by supporting him ; and his conversion might then be confidently looked forward to." ^ Surely, if Charles I. was a " martyr," as the Book of Common Prayer has it, he was a martyr to his own insincerity and double-dealing. The victims of his half hearted policy continued to languish in prison. One by one they were released from their sufferings by the merciful hand of death. Father Colman lingered for three or four years, in daily expectation of being dragged to the gallows. To gain some idea of what his sufferings were, we must bear in mind that in those days the State made no difference in the prisons assigned to the lowest grade of criminals, and to those whose only offence was fidelity to the Catholic religion. These prisons were invariably fetid dungeons, dark, damp, and bare, unprovided with flooring, and empty, save for the rats and other vermin which ran riot among the accumulated filth of years. It is true, that the jailor was usually accessible to bribes, and that for a consideration, he might be prevailed on to throw down a little clean straw for a bed, but this luxury necessitated money, and the poor Franciscan possessed none. Friends, indeed, he had, willing to provide him with food and other necessaries, but these alms were distributed at the peril of their lives, it being a capital offence to relieve a priest. In Father Colman's case, no such alleviation was possible ; his friends were scattered by the war ; some were in the field, fighting for the King, others in hiding, in prison, or in exile. Refined and cultivated, belonging to one of England's oldest families, brought up in the midst of the most ' Count Rossetti to Cardinal Barberini, 19th July, 1641. Roman transcripts, Stevenson and Bliss, P.R.O. K 2 132 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. polished society of his day, himself a brilliant wit and scholar. Father Colman must have suffered a hundred martyrdoms in his loathsome prison cell. Not for him was the glory of shedding his blood for the Faith, sur rounded by a crowd of witnesses ; for him were only the lingering torments, the abandonment and the igno miny of the Cross. So obscure was his fate that none, not even his own brethren, knew exactly when the angel of death came to break his bonds. Challoner says ' he died in Newgate, in the year 1645. The second Province had been placed under the special protection of the Blessed Virgin, and it was decreed in the congregation held in London, in the year 1632, that the hymn " Tota Pulchra " should be sung every evening in honour of her Immaculate Conception. It was as Queen of martyrs that our Lady accepted the homage, for during the whole of its existence, the English Pro vince never entirely rested from some kind of persecution. One of its earliest martyrs was Father Thomas Bullaker, in religion. Father John Baptist of St Bonaventure. He was born in the year 1604, of good Catholic parents, at the very outset of the Elizabethan heresies, and he was accordinglj'', if we may be allowed the expression, cradled in persecution. His childhood and early youth were passed amid scenes calculated to foster all noble senti ments in the boy's nature, and to fire him with indig nation, as he witnessed the atrocities perpetrated upon a downtrodden and helpless people. At an early age he realized the true value of all that a vain world holds dear, and with the unhesitating directness of perfect integrity and generosity, dedicated his whole life to God. In spite of the penalties attending such a course, his father, a leading physician at Chichester, sent him abroad to study ' " Missionary Priests," vol. ii. p. 98. See also " Certamen Seraphi cum," p. 184, et seq. VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 133 for the priesthood. He went first to the Jesuit college of St. Omers, from whence he was sent in a few weeks to the seminary of Valladolid, where he was called Thomas Taller. Soon after his arrival in Spain, his fidelity to the promptings of divine grace was put to a severe test. It has been said that he had bound himself by a vow to the Society of Jesus, and was intended by his superiors for the English mission. But, however that may be, he received another inspiration, for not Ignatius, but Francis, claimed him for his own. The event was all the more wonderful and perplexing, that the young man knew nothing of the Franciscan rule, and he was moreover in a strange country, the language of which he could not speak. Added to this was a dread that his superiors would oppose the new attrait. In his difficulty he prayed night and day, with many tears and superadded austerities, till at last he found courage to open his mind to his confessor Father Baker, S.J. He was advised to make the " Spiritual Exercises " of St Ignatius, at the close of which, it was clear to those who had watched over the young student during his ten days' retreat, that his true vocation was to the Franciscan Order. Both Father Baker and the rector of the college joined in asking admission for him into the convent of Spanish Recollects at Abrojo, about six miles from Valladolid, and he was admitted on the Feast of Corpus Christi, 1622. From this moment, Thomas, or according to his new name, John Baptist Bullaker, made rapid progress. Having received the habit of St. Francis, he sped through the year of his novitiate as it were on wings, edifying all around him, by his mortification and interior spirit, so that he was admitted to make his profession with out a single dissentient voice. When he had completed his studies in philosophy and divinity, in various houses of the Spanish Province, he was ordained priest, being then about twenty-four years old. At this fresh starting-point he was prevented by 134 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. the virtue of religious obedience from making a second mistake as to his vocation. The Province of the Immaculate Conception (the name by which the Spanish Province was designated) was about to send its yearly contingent of missionaries to the West Indies, and Father Bullaker applied for permission to make one of the number. The Provincial refused, saying that his native land had a better title to his labours, and had as much need of them as the Indies. We do not find that the disappointment cost the fervent young religious even a sigh ; another note had been struck, and proved, by its perfect tone, that the instrument was in good order, and admirably attuned to God's will, made known to him through his superiors. He accordingly prepared himself at once for missionary work in England, for a life of hourly peril, to be consummated, almost to a certainty, by a martyr's death. After ten days spent in prayer alone with God, in silence and recollection, he was ready. Equipped with the courage, humility, and charity necessary for a missionary's life, he set out on foot, to traverse a great part of Spain and France, and take ship at Bordeaux for Plymouth. Perhaps, in spite of the disguise he had begged in Spain, his zeal and piety betrayed him ; for no sooner had he landed in England, than the captain of the ship denounced him to the mayor of Plymouth, and he was thrown into prison. Here he must have died of starvation, being left for eight days without food, but for the charity of his fellow-prisoners, who shared with him the alms they received. From Plymouth, he was transferred to the county jail at Exeter, where he suffered much from the company of thieves and other criminals ; but his wants were to some degree relieved by the alms of a few Catholics living in that part of the country. The judges having arrived at Exeter on circuit, Father VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 135 Bullaker was brought before them, and invited to take the oath of allegiance. He replied : " I give the king the allegiance that is due to him from a subject ; I will obey him in whatever the law commands, and I am ready to confirm this by oath if it be required, and to prove it by my acts, should the occasion offer. But, as in the oath of allegiance there are clauses relating to the Pope, Christ's vicar on earth, which I do not understand, with your permission I refuse to take it." They pressed him to admit that he was a priest, but he called upon them to prove it ; and when they tried to entrap him with sophistries, he remained silent His silence, instead of irritating his judges, seems to have enlisted their sympathy on his behalf. One of them by a sudden transition from anger to extreme gentleness, even showed him a way of escape which he was not slow to avail himself of. Turning to Father Bullaker, the judge said : " Before next sessions you will have changed your mind, and will humbly ask time for further consideration," and the prisoner answered : " I cannot possibly say what may hereafter be my decision, wherefore I humbly beg that my sentence may be deferred till next sessions." This was accordingly done, but even then Father Bullaker was in danger from the malice of the ship's captain who, seeing him about to escape, brought forward a book, which he declared was a missal found in the prisoner's possession. The book was handed round the Court, and handled curiously by the assembled crowd, as if it were some strange fetish, or dark obnoxious symbol of devil-worship. As it passed from hand to hand, some persons gave as their opinion that it was a traitorous composition of the Jesuits to stir up rebellion ; others declared that, whatever it was, its seditious character was plain, and there could be no hope for the man who possessed such a book. At last it reached the hands of a 136 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. gentleman who understood Spanish, and who declared it to be a volume of Spanish plays. This solution put the officiousness of the sea-captain in a ridiculous light, a laugh went round the Court at his expense, and Father Bullaker was sent back to prison. How long he would have lain there is uncertain ; but by the intercession of some Catholic friends at Court, he was summoned at once to London, to appear before some members of the Privy Council, by whom he was discharged. But his health gave way, after the months of exposure to cold and damp, and of semi-starvation he had under gone in prison. He was attacked by a violent fever, which left him so weak and shattered, that he never after wards fully recovered. Father Bullaker had come back to his native land, with the hope of attaining to the honour of martyrdom, and it was a longing that he shared with the best and noblest of his fellow-countrymen. As, in times of wars and invasions, a soldier's one ambition is to lay down his life for his country, so the champions of Christ, aspired to no greater glory in those troubled times than to die a martyr's death. To some, the struggle was short and sharp ; to others, the road that led to the goal was long, and seemingly easy, and the crown of martyrdom the unexpected end and reward of a life of faithful and humble service. But all alike were animated by that same spirit, by which Holy Mother Church inspires her sons to make it their daily prayer, that they, too, although sinners, may have some part and fellowship with the martyrs, and may thus be permitted, in some measure, to share in the Sacrifice of their Master. We can therefore sympathize with Father Bullaker, when, after lying for months in prison, a lull in the persecution recalled him, as it were, from active service, and made it appear as though his hopes were vain. The king had, at that time, not yet lost command of the VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 137 reins of government ; he was still strong enough to main tain some sort of unconstitutional order, and secure obe dience, without even the reasonable check of a Parliament, and Catholics meanwhile enjoyed a certain amount of stealthy liberty through the influence of the Queen, who always interceded for them when any special danger threatened them. Happily, Charles did not consider himself bound by his word to the representatives of the people, never to pardon a priest without their consent, any more than he felt obliged by virtue of his marriage promise to protect his Catholic subjects. For twelve years, therefore. Father Bullaker worked on, doing all the good that came to his hand, to the edifica tion of all. He was made secretary to the Provincial, and afterwards Guardian of Chichester ; but, full as his life was of good works, there was still room in it for one unsatisfied longing. He felt himself out of place in England, since there was to be, seemingly, no martyrdom for him ; and at last he sought and obtained permission to return to Spain. But just about that time Charles was forced to summon a Parliament, in order to obtain supplies, for the purpose of quelling the rebellion in Scotland. He had, by his mis- government and abuse of the royal prerogative, irritated the Puritans to such a degree, that they met him in no friendly spirit, and instead of voting him money, proceeded to attack what they considered the national grievances. The Parliament of 1640 was, in fact, the beginning of the Civil War, which was to end nine years later, in the over throw of the monarchy, and the total defeat of the Catholic Church in England. The reaction affected the Catholics at once. The Penal Laws could be put in full force at a minute's notice, and the execution of the Franciscan tertiary, the Rev. William Ward, in 1641, was the begin ning of as bloody a persecution as any that had ever stained the annals of the English nation. 138 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Soon after the martyrdom of this holy man, Father Colman and his six companions were sentenced to death, and Father Bullaker who, at the first signs of a renewal of the conflict, had given up all thoughts of leaving the country, now pushed forward into the thickest of the fray. London was always the headquarters of danger, and, with the consent of the Provincial, he determined to devote the rest of his life to ministering to the spiritual needs of the poor Catholics in that city. Not content with thus exposing himself to the notice of the pursuivants, he took a lodging in a quarter where he would be most likely to attract their suspicions, and when they came to search the house, he went boldly up to them and asked if he was the priest they were in search of. They answered that he was not ; and on his telling them that there was none other in the house, instead of arresting him, they went away, as if they had not heard what he said. Returning the next day for a further search, they passed his open door, and saw him sitting at dinner with his breviary lying on a table near him. But they neither entered, nor appeared to take any notice of him. Father Bullaker was not a little disturbed in his mind, fearing that he was to escape after all ; but, as his biographer remarks simply : "his hour was not yet come." It came on the nth September, 1642. He was saying Mass at the house of a devout lady, Mrs. Margaret Powell one of the heroines of that reign of terror. Margaret Powell was then about thirty years of age, and married to a Pro testant husband who, however, left her free to bring up their only child in the Catholic religion. Her life was passed in good works, in prayer and fasting, and in visiting sick priests in prison. Although cramped for means, by reason of the fines for recusancy, which had almost ruined her, she managed her small income so well, that she was able to shelter a priest now and then, and thus to enjoy the VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 139 privilege of having Mass offered under her roof. She was of course surrounded lay spies, and one, a maidservant in her house, whom she had tried to convert, went to the pursuivants and asked what they would give her for delivering into their hands a priest in the act of celebra ting Mass, together with the lady who harboured him. The sum of five jacobuses having been agreed upon after some deliberation, and the woman having received part of the money, she took them to an inn, in which was a room over looking the one in her mistress's house, that served as a chapel. She showed them a window, and told them that when a curtain was drawn across it, it was a sign that Mass was about to begin. Wadsworth, a notorious apostate and priest-catcher, headed the band. When the woman left them, they began to drink and carouse, but were careful to remain sober enough to con duct their undertaking with the necessary caution. At the given moment, making some civil excuse, they gained admittance into Margaret Powell's house, and in this manner, says M. De Marsys, an eye-witness of many of the scenes he describes, " they entered the Garden of Olives, where they found not indeed Jesus of Nazareth, but one of His disciples, who by his priestly vestments, and by the unbloody sacrifice about to be consummated, repre sented the bloody Sacrifice of our Redemption." Father Bullaker was beginning the Gloria in excelsis, when Wadsworth, advancing to the altar, laid violent hands on him. Already before Mass, God had revealed to His faithful servant that his prayer had been heard, and that the time had come when he should lay down his life for His sake. It was therefore with no shock of surprise that he saw himself hemmed in on all sides, but turning to wards the pursuivants he exclaimed, " Oh, had you but waited until the consecration had been finished, when the precious Body of my Saviour would have preserved me from the violence you are meditating, and under which my weakness may succumb ! " I40 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. Some delay was occasioned by their indecision as to whether the priest should be led through the streets in his saterdotal vestments, in order that the people might enjoy the spectacle. But Father Bullaker reminded his captors of the danger they themselves might incur from the fury of the Puritans. The stones thrown at him, would inevitably fall upon them also ; they felt the potency of the argument, and allowed him to resume his own coat, and led him away to the sheriffs house. Margaret Powell and her son, a child of about twelve years old, were arrested at the same time, she for having harboured a priest, he for having served the priest's Mass. The vestments, chalice, books, beads, pictures and a silver box for holy oils were also carried as circumstantial evi dence before the sheriff. This man is described as a rigid Puritan, and cruel persecutor of Catholics, who had obtained his office by unlawful means and exercised its functions with great iniquity. In his own account of his arrest and trial. Father Bullaker says, that after having waited half an hour, the sheriff came in, and walking up to him, asked him if he were a priest. He told him that he was. " Then," said he, " how durst you presume to return to England, in contempt of the laws which prohibit priests returning hither under the severest penalties ? " Father Bullaker answered that he came because he was convinced that those laws were unjust, and therefore not to be regarded, and added, that if they went on, they would soon make it high treason to believe in Christ ; for it appeared how little regard they had for Him whose image on the cross of Cheapside they had lately so grossly abused.* * " In 1643, after a solemn fast, the five chaplains of the Queen were apprehended and sent to France, their native country, and the furniture of her chapel at Somerset House was publicly burnt. The citizens were so edified with the sight, that they requested and ob- VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 141 Some of the by-standers here called out, asking in what part of Scripture Christ had commanded an image of Himself to be made. " I answered,'' says Father Bullaker, " that though this was not expressly commanded in Scripture, yet it was agreeable to the law of nature, and in no way opposed to the divine law ; for we may testify our love to a person by the affection we bestow on his picture or image, and right reason and experience both show, that an affront offered to the king's image is an injury done to himself, and is punished as such. For instance, I asked, if anyone in sulted, trampled under foot, or broke to pieces the king's statue, would you not say that he was guilty of treason ? And if this is so, I entreat you, how much greater a crime must it be to injure and insult the statue of Jesus Christ, the King of kings, as you have so lately done ? " As there was no possible answer to this, the sheriff put another question to him, and asked for what purpose he had returned to England. He replied, that he had been sent for the purpose of bringing his country back into the fold of Christ, from which it had strayed. Being then asked whether the Pope had sent him, he answered that he had been sent by those to whom the Pope had delegated the authority and power to send him. 1 The interrogation by the sheriff was now at an end, and the martyr was conveyed to Newgate, but secretly, on account of the mob which had collected in front of the house. He was taken by a back way, through the house of the constables by whom he was guarded, which was a tained permission to destroy the gilt cross in Cheapside. The Lord Mayor and aldermen graced the ceremony with their presence, and 'Antichrist' was thrown into the flames, while the bells of St. Peter's rang a merry peal, the city waits played melodious tunes on the leads of the church, the train bands discharged volleys of musquetry, and the spectators celebrated the triumph with acclamations of joy." — " Parliamentary Chronicle," 294, 327. 142 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. tavern. Here they gave him something to drink, and Wadsworth began to question him as to his name and birthplace, and his former associates in the county of Sussex. He asked him where he had studied, and Father Bullaker replied openly to all his questions, telling him the names of two of his schoolfellows who had lately joined the Parliamentary party, of his journey into Spain, and his residence with the Jesuits at Valladolid, by whose kind ness he had gained admittance into the monastery of Abrojo, and how, at the end of his novitiate, he had been clothed in the habit of St. Francis. All this information was duly reported to the Parliament, and two days later the martyr was taken to Westminster to be examined before a committee of members appointed for that pur pose. Wadsworth had brought the vestments and the other things seized in the chapel, and had spread them upon a table. One of the members having remarked con temptuously that they were but mean in quality and appearance, the prisoner answered that they were much too precious for those in whose possession they were now found, and that if he had not foreseen what had come to pass, he would have provided far richer ones. The chairman upon this, said severely, " Mean though they be, they can serve as well as the best, for an idolatrous worship." " What idolatrous worship .' " asked Father Bullaker. " Why," said the chairman, " is it not idolatry to worship bread for God ? " " We worship not the bread and wine for God," replied Father Bullaker, "but we worship Jesus Christ under the species of bread and wine, as the Church of God has always done from the days of the Apostles." Like all partisans of heresy, ancient and modern, instead of keeping to the point in question, and arguing it out on logical grounds, the committee having received a categorical answer, which may have disconcerted them VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 143 somewhat, now shifted their position anxiously. In turning over the objects on the table before them, they suddenly discovered an altar stone, which one of them examined curiously, exclaiming that he had found on it ¦' the mark of the beast." In his narrative of the proceed ings. Father Bullaker declares that he could scarcely refrain from laughing at the gross ignorance of the man, in not discerning the sign of Christ's Cross upon the stone. Going up to him, he said, " Since you are so well acquainted with the beast, be pleased to tell me plainly his name." This subject was then also abandoned according to custom, and the prisoner was next asked how he had dared presume to disobey the laws of his country. He answered in the words of the holy Apostles, — "Judge you, if it be just in the sight of God to obey you rather than God." Sir William Cawley, his old playmate and schoolfellow, who became afterwards one of the king's murderers, then put in, — " You know, Mr. Bullaker, it is also said, ' Fear God and honour the king." " I know," replied the martyr, " that the Parliament, which made it treason to be a priest did also by law establish the government of the Church by bishops, by the liturgy, and the ceremonies which you in this present Parliament have abolished." " True," retorted Cawley, " but it is allowed to us to amend what was wrongly done before." " I see clearly that you try to do so," rejoined Father Bullaker; " but be assured, before long, and in the very next Parliament the religion which you now pretend to establish will be thrown out and rejected." Cawley then exclaimed: "You will never live to see that day ; " upon which the martyr replied : " I know well that the time of my dissolution is at hand, but what I have foretold shall surely come to pass." 144 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. They then declared him a traitor, and said that all the troubles and disturbances in the kingdom were created by such as he. " I would to God," he answered, " that there were not in this kingdom another kind of traitors, from whom the nation has far more real, and greater dangers to fear. And as for all your pretended Popish plots, I defy you to pro duce any legal proof of one single treasonable attempt of any Catholic, from the beginning of this Parliament to the present day." Veering off from this challenge, they asked how old he was, how long he had been a priest, and how many years he had been in England. He turned to his old school fellow, and said : " This gentleman knows my age perhaps better than I do ; " and Cawley replied, " You are thirty- seven or thirty-eight ; " upon which the martyr said : " Deduct twenty-four, and the remainder will tell you. how long I have been a priest." He added that he had been about twelve years in England. They, seeing how ready he was to let them know everything they wished about himself, thought he would be equally communicative with regard to others. But when they asked him how many priests there were of his Order in the kingdom, he told them that they were mistaken, if they thought he would betray his brethren, or bring them into danger, and that he should say nothing at all on that head. Wads worth then got up, and said that the man was so obstinate and resolute, that if he were sent out of the kingdom by one port, he would return by another, and Father Bullaker affirming that in truth he would do so, an end was put to the proceedings, after one more question on a point of fact whether the Bishop of Chalcedon had conferred orders in England. The martyr's name was sent up to the Chief Justice, together with his examination, which had been taken down in writing, and he was formally committed for trial, and sent back to Newgate, VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 145 At the opening of the Sessions, he was brought before the judges, and, as he entered the Court, was observed to make the sign of the Cross upon his forehead, mouth, and breast, saying aloud : " By the sign of the Cross deliver us from our enemies, O God," humbly pray ing for a blessing in the name of the most sacred Trinity. One of the judges expressing disapprobation, he began to discourse on the virtue of the sign of the Cross, but was interrupted by the Clerk of the Sessions, who called upon him to declare whether he was guilty or not guilty. Openly confessing his priesthood, he denied that he was guilty in any other sense, and on being told that he was a seducer of the people, he joyfully exclaimed : " You fill me with gladness, for you give to me the same title which the Jews gave to Christ ! " On being asked what brought him to England, he replied that he had come to obey Jesus Christ, to work in His vineyard for the salvation of souls. He spoke of the power of his mission, which he compared to that transmitted by God the Father to His well-beloved Son, and by that Son to the Apostles. He went on to compare it with that of St. Austin and his companions, whom St. Gregory sent to England, and he concluded by saying, that if he were guilty of a crime for having come to announce the truth of the Gospel, then Jesus Christ, the Apostles, St. Austin and others were also guilty, for all were priests after the Order of Melchisedech, and exercised the same functions, which were then called crimes in England. Never was martyr more jubilant, never reason ing more solid. Pressed again and again to confess him self guilty, his answers were as lucid, as calm and full of instruction, as if he had been a simple missionary dispens ing Catholic truth in a heathen land to Jews, Turks, and Infidels, instead of a prisoner on his trial for his life in a so-called Christian country. " Granted," he said, " for the sake of argument, that what is contrary to the law is a sin. The I'urks have a L 146 FAITHFUL UNTO DEA TH. law by which it is a crime punishable by death to preach Christ among them. Consequently, if your argument holds good, those who infringe the law in this respect are guilty of treason." The judge replied that, in his opinion, such would be the case, because the proceeding would be contrary to the law of the Prince under whom they lived. Smiling, Father Bullaker rejoined: "You are a good partisan of Mahomet, and defend the Koran well," at which a laugh ran round the Court, to the confusion of the judge. At last, seeing that nothing was to be done with the friar, who got the best of every argument, he had him re moved, and turned his attention to Margaret Powell, who was also brought up for trial on that day. But she soon irritated him by her stinging words, full of a generous con tempt of death and of their jurisdiction in such a matter as she stood accused of. With great dignity and modesty fhe expressed her gratitude to God, who had singled her out for such honour, as to defend in public the faith that she had always borne in her heart, giving her the magnifi cent opportunity of sealing it with her blood. She declared proudly that she had assisted at Mass, had harboured a priest, and had done secretly what for so many blessed centuries had been done before all the world. If it was a crime she would be sorry to be innocent of it, protesting that she would neither repent nor desist from it in future. The almost royal dignity of her bearing, her eloquence, and the sweet smile which accompanied her lofty words, made a remarkable impression on all who heard and saw her. One of the judges told her that she would do much better to think of her soul, of her life, and of her family, and to embrace the religion of the State, rather than to sacri fice herself for papistical superstitions. She retorted that when Parliament had made choice of a religion, it would be time enough to invite her to adopt it, but that at present, as that point was not decided, they being all at VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. ' 147 variance on the subject, it was ridiculous to ask her to do such an impossible thing. Finding that they only succeeded in drawing unpleasant truths from her, also ex posing themselves to the gibes of the audience, the judges sent her back to prison, while they made up their minds what was to be done with her. In the afternoon of the same day. Father Bullaker was sent for, in order that sen tence might be pronounced upon him, his condemnation being already a foregone conclusion. In summing up the case for the jury, the presiding judge, who had once more urged him to acknowledge himself guilty, declared that the prisoner was convicted of treason out of his own mouth. "You therefore want nothing more," he concluded. " As to the rest, remember that according to your oath and your office, you must administer justice rightly in the sight of God." But far from having accused himself. Father Bullaker had persistently reiterated his innocence. He bade the judge reflect on the iniquity of the sentence he was about to pronounce, declaring that one day the Judge of judges would cause him to appear before His tribunal, where justice could not be corrupted nor the wicked favoured, and where every drop of blood he had caused to be shed would appear in testimony against him. The martyr then went on to warn him that the death to which he would then be condemned would not be a passage to glory, such as he himself was about to pass through, but to pains which would endure to all eternity. The judge returned an impious laugh, and said that the length of time was worthy of the pains, but that they were still a long way off, and that meanwhile he would pass sentence, and send the prisoner to keep the lodging in the place he spoke of. To this the martyr replied that he hoped in the mercy of God, and would pray that his enemies might have a better fate. The jury, after some deliberation, gave it as their L 2 148 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. opinion that the accused by his own showing had not in curred any punishment, and they were for having the case referred to Parliament The presiding judge, how ever, set aside this verdict, and immediately proceeded to pass sentence upon him. "The laws," he said, "order that you shall be taken back to the place whence you came, and afterwards you shall be drawn on a hurdle to Tyburn, and there hanged, cut down aUve, disembowelled, quartered, and beheaded." At these awful words Father Bullaker, in a transport of joy, threw himself on his knees, and poured forth a rap turous prayer of thanksgiving : " Te Deum laudamus, te Dominum confitemur, In te Domine speravi, non confundar in sternum." Then rising, he bowed to the Court, thanked them for the favour they had done him, and with undisturbed serenity returned to his cell in Newgate. In the interval between his condemnation and martyr dom, he administered the Sacraments to a number of Catholics, who came to see him in prison, and prepared himself for death by prayer and fasting and by continual acts of humility. Some of the Capuchins of the London convent, who were still tolerated by reason of an article in the Queen's marriage treaty, which gave her the right to have them established near her, but whose position had now become extremely dangerous, came to recommend the community to Father Bullaker's prayers. He promised that he would not forget them when he came before God, and they ever afterwards attributed to his intercession the fact that they were so wonderfully preserved at that time from the fury of the populace. With the intense thankfulness of one who finds himself approaching the goal of all his hopes, he received the bearer of the tidings that he was to be executed on the following Wednesday. VEN. THOMAS BULLAKER. 149 " I thank you heartily, my friend ! " he exclaimed, " for this welcome and most joyful news. Believe me, if it were not for my great poverty, I would not send you away empty handed, but you will not fail to receive your reward." By a singular exception in Father Bullaker's case, neither the foul prison air, the privations under which so many succumbed, nor the thought of the ten ible sufferings that awaited him, so well calculated to make the boldest grow pale, had the least effect on his health or spirits. It was observed on the day of his triumph, that the bright ness of his expression was undimmed, the fire of divine love, and the joy of being so soon with God, lighting up his whole countenance, and appearing to shine in every feature. He had always possessed considerable beauty, but on the day of his martyrdom, the bystanders assembled to see him die, like those who witnessed the martyrdom of St. Stephen, " saw his face, as if it had been the face of an angel." He was drawn to Tyburn on a hurdle, and having arrived at the place of execution, he began to pray aloud and to address the people in a manner which astounded even the most obstinate heretics. About to die for the priesthood, and for that alone, he would make the scaffold a pulpit, and teach the people what the priesthood was, and the awful mysteries that depended on it. " Thou art a priest for ever, according to the Order of Melchisedech," he began, and proceeded to instruct them in the Sacrament of Christ's Body and Blood, until he was silenced by the officers. Once he had been interrupted by a Protestant minister, who bade him not seduce the people with his corrupt doctrine, but with great patience and sweetness the martyr entreated him to let him preach for one short hour. " You, indeed," he said, " are the minister of the King of England, but I, unworthy though I be, am sent by the King of Heaven, to hold out a helping hand to the 150 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. crowd whom you have sought to destroy." When at last they would let him speak no longer, he held up his hands to his face as a signal to one of his brethren in the throng, who at once gave him absolution. He then stood for a few moments in silent prayer, till the cart was drawn away. Then, as he hung between heaven and earth, he cast one radiant look on all around, and was cut down still breathing, his palpitating heart torn from his bosom and held up aloft, that the crowd might see it. " Behold ! " cried the executioner, " the heart of a traitor." It was the i6th October, 1642 ; Father Bullaker was in the thirty-eighth year of his age, the nineteenth of his religious profession, the fourteenth of his priesthood, and the twelfth of his mission to England. The sun, which had not appeared over London since the day on which sentence had been passed, now burst forth and shone on the martyr's holy relics. After the horrible process of dismemberment, his head was set up on London Bridge, his quarters were exposed upon the gates of the city, but his heart, which had been thrown into the fire, was rescued, together with some other portions of his body. The Franciscan nuns at Taunton possess the whole of an arm-bone from the elbow to the wrist, a corporal saturated with his blood, and also the cor poral he was using when he was arrested. Although not a Franciscan, Margaret Powell is insepar able from any account of the Franciscan martyrs. Her trial and magnificent confession of faith were the outcome of Father Bullaker's arrest in her house ; if he was guilty of an infringement of the law, she too was accountable for participation in the act, and she was prepared to abide by the consequences. But when she was told that sentence had been passed on him, and that her cause was held over till the next session, all her boldness forsook her. For a time she was inconsolable, and she began to fear that her MARGARET POWELL. 151 unworthiness would prevent her receiving the palm of martyrdom. It cost her more to make the sacrifice of accepting a prolongation of her life, than it had cost her to consecrate herself to death. Nevertheless, by degrees the temptation to doubt left her, and she submitted herself willingly to the good pleasure of Divine Providence. She was again sent for by the judges, and told that, although she had deserved death, they had deferred her sentence through consideration for her sex and her high birth. She replied, that they had been mistaken, if they ima gined that this measure would alter her determination, for she had employed the interval in the continual exercise of her religion, and they must not think that the graces of God had diminished, for He was too good and merciful to forsake her in her need. Time, she continued, had done nothing but familiarize her with the thought of death, and the inconveniences of her prison had but detached her from the love of life, and prepared her for the pains in store for her. The judges, however, renewed their former persuasions, but God redoubled her strength so that she came out of the struggle triumphant. AH the Court were astonished, but the judges, irritated and confounded, condemned her to death by common accord. It was a Friday when it was announced to her that she was to die, and the sentence was to be carried out on the following Monday. During the intervening days her cell was filled with an incessant throng of visitors. Catholics and Protestants alike declared that her wonderful forti tude must proceed from other than natural causes. She received all who came with a smiling countenance, forgot none of the accustomed civilities, and might have been preparing for a wedding or a banquet, so gracious was her bearing, so unaffectedly gay her smile. It was observed that she spoke but little, and nearly always of heavenly things, recommending herself to the 1 52 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. prayers of Catholics. Her sweetness and modesty were remarked by all, as was also the fact that she never showed the least annoyance at the manner in which she had been mobbed in passing backwards and forwards from the Court-house to prison. Her reputation soon spread throughout the city, and M. de Marsys, hearing her spoken of with such enthusiasm, greatly desired to see her. " I found her," he writes, "standing on a balcony, at the top of the prison, conversing very quietly with several other ladies. To judge by their faces, it was they who were condemned to death and she had come to con sole them. She received me with a courtesy, mingled with so much simplicity and grace, that I was charmed. I learnt from her, and from those who were with her, that her life was even then offered her, if she would but ask pardon, or even acknowledge that she had done wrong. Several Protestants urged her to do so, her husband pleaded the happiness of their life together, and the need their only son had of his mother. But she was already detached from every human affection, impatient only to fly to the Divine Lover of her soul. Her jailors were touched and startled by a gentleness and refinement, allied to a will that was adamantine. So completely was she absorbed in God, that she had no longer any earthly care, save that of knowing her boy to be in the hands of heretics. Even this was not allowed to disturb her perfect peace for long, the news being brought to her that he had been released from prison, on account of his extreme youth, and shortly after she heard that he was to go to France with the Duchess d'Epernon, who would have him brought up in her own house. The day and hour having arrived when Margaret Powell was to be taken to execution, a rope was placed round her neck, and she was taken from prison, to be dragged to Tyburn on a hurdle, together with the holy Jesuit Father Holland. But as she was about to lie down MARGARET POWELL. 153 on the hurdle, a messenger arrived with a decree, stating that Parliament had again deferred her execution, and ordered her to be kept in prison till further notice. This blow nearly destroyed all Margaret's courage once more. But her resignation to God's will was sincere and in dependent of all conditions, and it was not long before she triumphed over the bitter disappointment, and prepared herself obediently to take up her life again where she had so gl adly laid it down. A little longer of suspense, of lingering hope of mar tyrdom, and then she was released and pardoned. She continued, as before her arrest, to minister to priests in prison, and at last retired to Oxford, where she was living to the great edification of all good people when de Marsys wrote. To those of Margaret Powell's friends outside the Catholic Church, the life she led, after her hair-breadth escape from the gallows, must naturally have appeared far more useful and profitable than would have been the ignominious death to which she had been condemned. But Catholics, who, however unworthy, have the privilege of apprehending something of the secrets of the Saints, can appreciate the martyrdom of thus coming down from the Mount, after having been, as it were, face to face with the Most High. CHAPTER VIII. THE VEN. HENRY HEATH, 160O— 1643. We find that Saints and Martyrs are less frequently fashioned in the same mould than ordinary mortals. The character of their holiness is more varied than the faces and expressions in a crowd, or the multifarious dispositions of those around us, so unlike are they to each other. Indeed, there seems to be but one common characteristic in the Saints, namely, their perfect conformity to the will q( God. Other virtues are brought into relief, or merged into the whole, one appearing more especially in one Saint, a second being more conspicuous in another, resulting in as beautiful a variety in the spiritual as in the natural world. Thus, Father Henry Heath, known in Religion as Father Paul of St. Magdalen, although a member of the same Order, and a martyr for the same cause, is as unlike Father Bullaker as St. John the Evangelist is unlike St Paul, or as St Peter differs from St. John the Baptist. He was born of Protestant parents at Peterborough, in the year 1600. Deprived of the advantages of a Catholic education, he arrived at the knowledge of the truth in a manner significant of his whole future career of usefulness in the Church. He had early shown a taste for learning, and being at Cambridge ^ in pursuit of his studies, he became remarkable for his love of books. To such a point did he carry this bent, that he habitually rose at two o'clock in the morning in order to secure more time for study, and would awaken others at three or four o'clock ' At St. Bennet's, now called Corpus Christi College. VEN. HENR Y HE A TH. 155 for the same purpose if they wished. It was observed, that he led a far more religious life than his fellow-students, and even in days when piety was no longer valued, when learning had almost ceased to attract disciples at either University, Henry Heath gathered round him a little knot of associates, on whom his example had a powerful in fluence for good. Having obtained the degree of Bachelor of Arts, and become librarian of his college, he turned his attention to the questions of religion that were then in every man's mouth. Instead of being content to take his theology from the illiterate and ranting preachers so much in vogue, he determined to examine and weigh the matter thoroughly, on logical and historical grounds. He studied Bellarmine, and Whitaker's attack on him, and was struck with the accuracy of Bellarmine's quotations, and his opponent's want of veracity.'^ He next applied himself to the study of the ancient Fathers of the Church, and, as he read, the grace of God illumined the page, and his eyes were gradually opened to the truth and beauty of the Catholic religion.^ He at once sought to share the ^ WiUiam Whitaker was Master of St. John's College, Cambridge, Canon of Norwich and Canterbury, and Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge. He was born in 1548, and died in the 47th year of his age. His works, chiefly controversial, are twenty- seven in number ; an edition of the chief of them appeared at Geneva in 1610. It forms two volumes in folio, printed in a small type, in double columns, which fills more than 1500 pages. Whitaker em ployed himself in attempting to refute the Catholic writers of the age in which he lived, such as Stapleton, Harding, Campion, Sanders and Reynolds. He then attacked Cardinal Bellarmine, against whom his later works are directed. His writings have been highly extolled by Protestants for their closeness of argument and extent of learning. But Bellarmine and others have shown that he was not an honest disputant, and that his learning was more pretentious than solid. ' Up to this point, the account of Father Heath's life is from the narrative of Father John Spenser, S.J., who was born in 1601, and who entered the Society at the age of twenty-five, subsequently teaching theology and scripture at Liege. He returned to England, where he exercised his ministry for twenty-five years, and made many converts. He died in 1671. The narrative is dated May 23rd, 1643, about 156 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. treasure he had found, with the little band of students who had gathered round him. Four of them became Catholics, and entered religion ; one became a Jesuit, and the others Franciscans. Thus, even before he had openly sought reconciliation, he was fighting the battle of the Church, and drawing upon himself the attention of heads of colleges. It was clear that the Cambridge divines would not suffer him to go on much longer, exposing the weaknesses of Protestantism in its most famous stronghold, especially as he at the same time professed to have dis covered the remedy, in a return to Catholic doctrines. He was informed that the authorities were about to proceed against him,* and that he might soon expect either to be thrown into prison, or expelled from the university. He accordingly went to London, and applied to the Spanish ambassador for admission into the Catholic Church. But although this functionary did what he could, in affording the protection of his house to his co-religionists in danger, he was not prepared to incur the displeasure of James by en couraging converts.^ Nothing daunted, however. Father Heath next had recourse to a member of a well-known Catholic family, Mr. George Jerningham, but he, too, refused to have anything to do with the young man's con version. The fact was, that the Catholics were in exceed ingly great danger from spies, who not unfrequently would three weeks after Father Heath's martyrdom. It is corroborated by two of the martyr's fellow-studenis whom he converted. "Certamen Seraphicum," p. 64. * The Masters of Corpus Christi, during the five years that Father Heath was at Cambridge, were Thos. Jegon, 1603-18, and Samuel Walsall, 1618-26. ^ An extract from an intercepted letter in Spanish dated August 1653, shows what a harbour of refuge the Spanish embassy was to the persecuted Cathohcs. It also shows how carelully they were watched, and what accurate information was given of those who fre quented the house. " Inthiscity of London, and throughout England, swarm a very numerous company of Jesuits, monks and friars. They have their general or superior in the Spanish ambassador's house in which house almost every chamber is turned into a chapel where'are altars and idols." Thurloe's State Papers, i, 403. VEN. HENR Y HE A TH. 157 pretend that they wished to be instructed in the Catholic religion in order that they might have opportunities of worming secrets out of Catholics. Perhaps Mr. Jerning ham may have remembered how, some years previously, the spy. Beard, had been sent by a prisoner in the counter, for conscience sake, " to a priest at the house of Goodacre in Fetter Lane, to be reconciled. And the priest gave him a primer book, so that he might learn how to confess." He may have remembered how the spy was allowed, all unsuspected, to go to Mass, and that he after wards gave information of all those who were present ; how he lodged with Catholics, found out their friends and the priests who frequented their houses, and having been treated with the greatest confidence and hospitality, went and denounced them. It was therefore not surprising if Mr. Jerningham looked askance at the would-be convert and doubted his sincerity. Father Heath was, however, not disconcerted, although in great straits. He remembered to have read how Catholics in their difficulties had recourse to the Saints, and especi ally to the Blessed Virgin, and he prayed very earnestly that she would help him, promising that he would, in return, dedicate himself to her service. Almost immedi ately after this, he met Mr. Jerningham, who, instead of repulsing him as he had before done, came forward courteously and took him to a priest," who heard his con fession and received him into the Church. He was then sent over to Douay and cordially recommended to Dr. Kellison, then Rector of the English College. At Douay he naturally came in contact with the English Franciscans, lately established there by Father Gennings, the nucleus of the second province, profoundly animated with the spirit of St. Francis. He could not but admire what he saw of * The Rev George Muscot, " A strenuous labourer in the Lord's vineyard, alterwards president of Douay College." Challoner, new ed. vol. ii. p. 129. 158 FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH. their apostolic fervour, of the simplicity with which they carried out the precepts of the Gospel, and he began to consider whether he would not do well to follow their example. The inspiration grew stronger as time went on, but when he revealed his thoughts to his confessor, he was discouraged from joining them, on the grounds that being a convert, he would find their life too austere and difficult. But by this time Father Heath was in love with the Cross. He could picture for himself nothing more desir able than a life of poverty, humility, and penance, and he soon convinced, not only his confessor, but the Rector and ' Council of the College, that he had a true vocation to the Franciscan order. With the permission of the English Provincial, Father Gennings, the Guardian of the Convent of St. Bonaventure at Douay, received him at once, and gave him the habit of St Francis. So far from the rule proving too strict for the young novice, he soon outstripped his contemporaries in the race of perfection. Not only was he able to observe the pre scribed austerities, but to add others suggested by his devotion. It was noticed that he did not even avail himself of the alleviations allowed by the rule, but dispensed with the barest necessities of life, as others would give up superfluities. He fasted four or five days in the week upon bread and small beer, gradually reducing even these to an infinitesimal quantity. He wore constantly a rough hair shirt, and an iron girdle under his habit, and nearly always slept on the boards of his cell, wrapped in a blanket, deeming his straw pallet too great a luxury. The community rose for matins at midnight, and when they reassembled for prime, it was frequently observed that Father Heath had remained on his knees during the interval, absorbed in prayer. He multiplied his disciplines and contrived always to have the worst clothes, the last place, the smallest cell, but all the while observing in every VEN. HENR Y HE A TH. 1 59 act, the most perfect obedience. Hard as he was upon himself, towards others he was all gentleness and for bearance. Later on, when he was made Guardian of his Convent, and Vice-Provincial, his humility, meekness, and recollectedness were such that he was considered a perfect Superior. Having been professed, after a year's novitiate, he studied theology under Father Francis a Sta. Clara, a pursuit more congenial to him probably than any other. It was a field peculiarly his own, by reason of past studies and natural aptitude, and it was not therefore surprising that his public disputations should be brilliant, his written papers,