YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE JESUITS IN ORE.

THE
JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
AN HISTORICAL INQUIRY INTO THEIR
POLITICAL INFLUENCE

BY
WALTER WALSH, P. R. Hist. S.
Author of " The Secret Eistory of the Oxford Movement," " The Eistory of the
Romeward Movement in the Church of Mngland,'' " A Defence of the Sing's
Protestant Declaration," " The Religious Life of Queen Victoria," etc.

LONDON
GEORGE ROUTLEDGE & SONS, Ltd.
New Yokk: E. P. Button & Co.
1903

PREFACE
The Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century was
the wonder of the world. Its rapid growth, notwithstanding
the eflforts of the Papacy to uproot it, served to convince
its disciples that there was a power behind it which was
not of this world. Popes cursed it, and Kings drew the
sword against its followers; but all in vain. Countless
multitudes of martyrs were sent to the stake, yet still Protes
tantism would not die. It grew more powerful every year.
With earthquake force it shook the Vatican, and threatened
ere long to sweep the Papacy from off the face of the
earth. It seemed at one time, as though nothing could
resist its progress. It will soon be four hundred years since
Martin Luther raised the standard of revolt against Papal
tyranny, but Protestantism is not dead yet; on the contrary
it is a great and living power in the world, able to hold
its own against every machination of Rome. Yet it must
be admitted that in the latter half of the sixteenth century
the Protestant Reformation received a severe check through
the exertions of the Society of Jesus.
The operations of this Order in Great Britain during the
^sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are referred to by most
of our historians, but at quite an inadequate length, and
without utilising in any way the wealth of material which
has seen the light for the first time during the past half
century. And even those Protestant authors who have
written specially on the Jesuit Order seem to have been

VI PREFACE

quite unaware of its existence. I have made extensive use
of this new material in the following pages, in which will
be found a considerable amount of historical information
not generally known to the public. In one respect this
book will certainly differ from every other book on the
Jesuits written by a Protestant, inasmuch as the great
majority of my authorities are either Jesuits or ordinary
Roman Catholics. The Protestant indictment against th«
Order is all the stronger when built upon such authorities.
I have confined myself to an examination of the political
influence of the Jesuits in Great Britain, excepting in the last
two chapters, in which the Constitutions and the general
work of the Society and of its agents and instruments are con
sidered. I venture to suggest that in these last chapters will
be found some important information which throws light on its
present operations. The work carried on by the Jesuits through
its Sodalities has never, so far as I am aware, been adequately
described by any Protestant writer. There are Jesuit Sodali
ties for both sexes, and for every class of society. At the
chief Jesuit Church in London (at Farm Street, W.) the lowest
rank of Society admitted to its " Sodality of the Immaculate
Conception " is that of gentleman. Each member is admitted
by authority of the General of the Jesuits, and is under the
guidance of a Jesuit Director. There are Sodalities also for
ladies. In the section devoted to these Sodalities I quote
from their privately printed books.
The evidence produced in the following pages can leave no
doubt in a candid reader's mind that during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries the Jesuits were a thoroughly disloyal body
of men, and the ringleaders in sedition and rebellion. They
wanted to restore Roman Catholicism in the United Kingdom,

PREFACE Til
and for this purpose their chief reliance was on the sword.
If they could have had their way Protestantism would have
been exterminated, in the time of Queen Elizabeth, not by
fair controversial methods, but by crooked dealing, and,
above all, by foreign soldiers. The chief disturbers of the
State in Elizabeth's reign, and in the early years of James L,
and the instigators of the abominable Gunpowder Plot, were
the spiritual children of the Jesuits. From the ranks of
one of their Sodalities, as Mr. Simpson, the Roman Catholic
biographer of Father Campian, assures us, came most of
the men implicated in the plots to assassinate Elizabeth.
No class of men were more alive to the dangerous and dis
loyal character of the Society of Jesus than the secular
Roman Catholic priests. Roman Catholics, in almost every
country, have said stronger things against the Society than
anything which Protestants have uttered.
There are many sensational events recorded in these pages,
but I trust that nothing will be discovered in the way of
intemperate comment. The facts against the Jesuits are so
strong that they do not need the aid of abuse.
The work of the Jesuits in Great Britain during the
Commonwealth period, and subsequently to the accession of
James II. is not recorded in this volume. Happily the
omission may be largely filled in by a perusal of Father
Taunton's recent History of the Jesuits in England. This
gentleman, though a Roman Catholic priest, exposes the
history of the Order with an unsparing hand. It is all the
jmore valuable as coming from such a source. I have used
his book but sparingly, and with due acknowledgment in
¦each case. Had it appeared at an earlier date it would
have saved me much original research; but nearly all my

VIII PREFACE
facts had been collected several years before its publication.
Mr. Taunton deserves our warmest thanks for the courage
he has displayed in telling the truth about an Order which
has ever been the fruitful parent of civil and political
discords. Want of. space has also prevented me dealing with the
history of Jesuit operations in Ireland, where their services
on the side of disloyalty and rebellion have been conspicuous.
The British Empire, at home and in its Colonies and
Dependencies, is the chief centre of Jesuit operations at the
present moment. Its leaders know very well that to destroy
the power of Protestantism in the dominions of King
Edward VII. would be the greatest service they could render
to the Church of Rome. The work of the French Jesuits
in connection with the Dreyfus Case, and the abuse of
England by Jesuit papers and magazines on the Continent,
in connection with the recent South African War, have given
the Order a bad name once more amongst British Protes
tants. Expelled from France they are flocking to England,
but not for England's good. Every lover of Protestantism
should realise more clearly than ever that the Jesuit Order
is the great foe of our civil and religious liberty.
I cannot conclude this preface without acknowledging th&
kind encouragement and assistance rendered to me by Lieut.-
Colonel T. Myles Sandys, M.P., without which I should
probably have never undertaken the task of writing this book.
W. W.
London, April 1903.

CONTENTS

PAGE
CHAPTER I. — THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE JESUIT MISSION . 1
Early Visits of Jesuits to England— Jesuit Disguises— Father
Thomas Woodhouse, S.J.— First Execution of a Jesuit-
Toleration and Treason — Jesuits Executed for Treason-
Questions put to Prisoners as to their Loyalty— Testimony
of Cardinal Allen— Martyrs to the Deposing Power — Father
Watson on Traitorous Jesuits — Jesuits rely on the Arms
of Spain — Jesuits opposed to Toleration for Roman
Catholics — Remarkable Interview with the Pope — A Great
Papal League— The Jesuit Mission starts for England —
Arrival of Parsons and Campian — Their Dangerous Dis
pensing Powers — Jesuits at Southwark Synod — Father
Parsons' Perjury — Parsons on Lying and Perjury- The
Confessional used for Political purposes— Sowing the seeds
of the Gunpowder Plot — A Secret Jesuit Organisation —
Its Assassination Promoting Members — Campian's Inter
view with Queen Elizabeth— His Arrest, Trial, and Exe
cution — The Use of Torture in England— Bn»fow'» Motives
— Its Traitorous Character — Treason in the Seminary
Colleges— Cardinal D'Ossat's Testimony,
CHAPTER n.— A GREAT JESUIT PLOT IN SCOTLAND ... 30
Esm6 Stuart, Lord Aubigny — Educated by the Jesuits —
Starts for Scotland — Created Earl of Lennox — Joins the
Protestant Kirk of Scotland — Romanists Disguising their
Religion — The Protestant Ministers become Alarmed —
Archbishop Spottiswoode on Dispensations from Rome
— Queen Elizabeth sends a warning to James VI. — Lennox
swears to the Solemn League and Covenant — Lord Beton
a Disguised Romanist — Jesuists say Mass in his House
. — Seton swears to the Solemn League and Covenant —
Treason of Roman Catholic Lords — Mendoza offers
Lennox the help of the Pope to destroy Scottish Protest
antism — Parsons sends Secret Emissaries to Lennox —
Their instructions — Reports of the Emissaries — Mary,
Queen of Scots joins the Jesuit Plot — The Pope sends
a Jesuit Emissary to Scotland — The Jesuit Creighton's
Report of hia Intrigues in Scotland — Secret Conference
in Paris — Lennox promises to aid in restoring Popery
in Scotland — Articles of agreement sent to the Pope —

X contents pagb
Lennox's Letters to Tassis, and Mary Queen of Scots--
Another Jesuit Conference in Paris— Report of Jesuit
Emissaries — Lennox corrupts the Morals of the King
of Scotland— The King's Royal Declaration in Defence
of Lennox's Protestantism— The Raid of Ruthven—
Supplication to the King from Protestant Noblemen-
Lennox's deceitful conduct— He boasts of his Protes
tantism — Takes Counsel with the Romanists — Leaves
Scotland— His interview with Queen Elizabeth— Tells
her he had never spoken to a Jesuit — Sends his Secre
tary to Mendoza to assure him he is really a Roman
Catholic — Dies at Paris in communion with the Church
of Rome — Lessons from his life.
CHAPTER III. — AN assassination plot — a jesuit lord
CHANCBLIiOB OF SCOTLAND  61
The Jesuit Parsons— More about his Traitorous Work —
Plot to Assassinate Queen Elizabeth — Parsons' approval
of the Plot — His remarkable Letter — Father Tierney's
opinion of that Letter — Letter of the Papal Nuncio to
the Papal Secretary of State describing the Plot — Reply
of the Pope's Secretary — The Pope and Assassination
— The Proposed Assassination approved by Philip II. —
A Modern Brompton Oratorian Whitewashing Assassi
nation — Jesuit Conference in Paris — Another Conspiracy
— Parsons sent on a Mission to the Pope — Plans of the
Conspirators — An Emissary sent to English Roman
Catholics — Remarkable Application to the Pope — Dis
pensations asked for to attend Protestant Services —
James VI. and the Duke of Guise — His unprincipled
Letter to the Duke — James writes to the Pope — Lord
Seton's Deceitful Conduct— His Letter to the Pope —
The Jesuit Alexander Seton — Educated in the Jesuits'
College at Rome — Returns to Scotland where he says
Mass— Acknowledged by Modem Jesuits as a Member
of their Order — Publicly professes Protestantism and
swears to the Solemn League and Covenant — The King
warned against him — A Disguised Romanist for nearly
forty years- Becomes Earl of Dunfermline and Lord
Chancellor of Scotland— Marries Three times— Three
times a year goes secretly to Confession and to Mass
— All the time a Communicant in the Scotch Kirk —
Testimony of Father James Seton, S.J  Dies a Romanist,
but is buried as a Prot-estant.
CHAPTER IV. — JESUIT preparations for the Spanish armada 87
The Jesuits and Murder Plots -Roman Catholic Testi-
, mony— Rome and Murder Plots— Remarkable Statement
by Lord Acton— The Assassination Plot of Somerville and

contents XI
PAGE
Arden— English Jesuits pronounce Arden a " Confessor
of the Faith"— Strange Confessors of the Faith— Exe
cution of William Carter— Extracts from a Popish book
he printed — Judith and Holofemes— Cardinal Allen's
Modest Defence of English Catholics — Development of
the Jesuit Plot — Throgmorton's Assassination Plot— Plans
for Invading England— Double-Dealing of Mary Queen of
Scots— Capture of the Jesuit Creighton — His remarkable
Confessions— An Act against the Jesuits— The Duke of
Parma appointed Leader of the Enterprise against
England — His character— Parsons writes the Admonition
to the People of England— 'Extra.cte from it — The Pope's
Admiration of Queen Elizabeth — Papal Claims to the
Sovereignty of England— The Babington Assassination
Conspiracy — The Conspirators were the Spiritual Children
of the Jesuits— Guilt of the Priest Ballard — Mary Queen
of Scots and the Conspiracy — Assassination " by Poison
or by Steel "—Piety, Blood, and Murder—" The Choice
of England "—Thomas Morgan— The Pope gets him
out of Prison.
CHAPTER V. — the Spanish armada — treasonable jesuit
BOOKS  127
Robert Bruce's Mission to Spain— Proposal to Massacre
the Presbyterian Ministers — Preparing for the Armada
— The Secret Wire Pullers — Spanish Negotiations with
the Pope — Papal help for the Spanish Armada — Philip
II. and the English Succession — Parsons on the Claim
of Philip to the English Throne — Execution of Mary
Queen of Scots — The Pope's Haughty Letter to Philip
II. — An Address to the men of the Spanish Armada —
Text of the Deposing Bull of Sixtus V. — A Miserly Pope
— More Jesuit Plots in Scotland — They organise Traitor
ous Conspiracies — Dissimulation of the Popish Lords
— Plot to Murder Chancellor Maitland — Encouraged by
Jesuits — The Pope Authorises it — The Jesuits and the
Seminary Colleges — Scarce Jesuit Books — The Writings
of Parsons — Extracts from them — Parsons on Heretical
Rulers— The Jesuits' Plan for the Reformation of
England— Its Outrageous Proposals approved by Modern
Jesuits — The Jesuits' English Utopia— Jesuit Teaching
on Equivocation and Mental Reservation.
CHAPTER VI. — MORE assassination conspiracies  THE
GUNPOWDER PLOT AND THE JESUITS  167
The Attempt of Patrick Collen— Evidence against the
Jesuits— The Plots of York, Williams, and Squire-
Thomas Fitzherbert, S.J.— Charges against the Jesuits
Holt and Walpole— The Spanish Blanks— Another

XII CONTENTS PAGB
Scottish Plot— Rebellion of Scottish Roman Catholic
Noblemen— The Second Spanish Armada— Advice of
the Jesuits to the King of Spain— Jesuit Practices for
Killing Princes— The Gunpowder Treason— The Plotters
the Spiritual Children of the Jesuits— The Religious
Character and Piety of the Conspirators— Guy Fawkes
" a man of great Piety "—Father Thomas Strange, S.J.,
on King Killing — Remarkable Evidence of Thomas
Bates— The Jesuit Tesimond and the Plot— Father Old-
corn, S.J., and the Plot— The Case of Father Garnett—
His Confession of Guilt and Plea for Pardon— The
Confessional and the Plot— Garnett's Knowledge outside
the Confessional— He Confesses the Justice of his Sen
tence — Was He a Martyr?
CHAPTER VII  A QUEEN AS A DISGUISED ROMANIST . . 204
Anne of Denmark — Educated as a Lutheran — Marries
James VI. of Scotland — Her Secret Reception into the
Church of Rome by a Jesuit — Father Abercrombie's Nar
rative — The King discovers the Secret — Appoints the
Queen's Jesuit Confessor as Keeper of the Royal
Hawks— Narrative of Father Mac Quhirrie, S.J. — 'The
Queen "without doubt a Romanist"— Her Political In
fluence — Strives to pervert her children to Popery — Her
secret Correspondence with the Pope — The Queen at
Mass — Attends Protestant Services and Sermons — Her
Deception on her Dying Bed — Dies in Communion with
the Church of Rome.
CHAPTER Vin — THE SECRET HISTORY OP CHARLES II. . .218
Charles II. — His Roman Catholic Mother — Her great In
fluence — Charles seeks Help from the Pope and Spain
— Secret Negotiations at Rome. — His Propositions to the
Pope — Negotiations with the Scotch Presbyterians— He
swears to the Solemn League and Covenant — Charles
studies Romish Books of Controversy — Escapes to the
Continent — Secret Negotiations with Spain — When did
Charles join the Church of Rome ? — Testimony of Bishop
Burnet — The Jesuit Talbot invites Charles to become
secretly a Roman Catholic— Talbot's Disgraceful Letter —
Charles is secretly received into the Church of Rome —
Dr. Renehan's Narrative of his Reception — Carte's ac
count of his Secession to Popery— Lord Halifax's Com
ments on that Secession — Secret Treaty with Spain —
Charles professes his Love for the Protestant Religion —
French Protestant Pastors affirm their Faith in his
Protestantism— Charles' Hypocritical Piety— His Protes
tant Letter to the Convention Parliament — Is secretly
married to a Roman Catholic — She is welcomed to
England by the Jesuits— The King sends another emis-

CONTENTS nil
PAGK
sary to the Pope— His List of Services to the Papacy —
Secret Negotiations for the Submission of the United
Kingdom to the Pope — Seeks to Relax the Penal Laws
— His Declaration of Indulgence — Is " Highly Offended "
at the presence of Jesuits in the Country — Crypto-
Papists in Court — Premunire to call the King a Papist
—Extraordinary Attack on the Earl of Clarendon.
CHAPTER IX. — CHARLES II. AND THE JESUITS .... 251
Secret Correspondence of Charles II with the General of
the Jesuits — Text of the Correspondence — An Important
Secret Conference — Secret Interviews with the French
Ambassador— Charles' Anxiety to restore the Pope's
authority — Negotiations with Louis XIV. — The Secret
Treaty of Dover — Lord John Russell on the Treaty —
Charles Becomes a Pensioner of the King of France —
A Popish Army at Blackheath — The Titus Oates Popish
Plot — Infamous Character of Titus Oates — Coleman's
Real Jesuit Plot — Death of Charles 11.
CHAPTER X. — THE FORMATION OP THE JESUIT ORDER . . 278
The Birth and Early Life of Ignatius Loyola— Contrast
Between Martin Luther and Loyola — Ignatius on his
Travels— Scandals in a Barcelona Convent — Ignatius
in the Prisons of the Inquisition — Decides to Found a
New Religious Order— His first Companions— Ignatius
and the Paris Protestants — The Spiritual Exercises and
Money Making — Nine Young Jesuits at Rome— The
Jesuit Order Established.

CHAPTER Xl — THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE JESUITS  THEIR
SECRET AGENTS 
Loyola Appointed First General of the Jesuits— He
Compiles the Constitutions of the Order — Rules of the
Jesuits — Vows of the Jesuits— Blind Obedience of the
Jesuits— Blind Obedience, Crime, and Folly— The Pro
fessed Fathers — Jesuit Spies— Secrecy of the Jesuits—
The Jesuits and Political Afiairs — Jesuits and their
Property — The Order Responsible for what its Members
Write — Double Dealing — A Dispensation to Leave the
Jesuits— Crypto-Jesuits— The Duke of Gandia— Secret
Jesuits— The " Prima Primaria "—Jesuit Sodalities— How
Used by the Jesuits— The Children of Mary— Female
Jesuits— The Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary-
Jesuitism in English Convents— Literary Servants of the
Jesuit Order -Jesuit Donnas- The Jesuit Holy League
— Its 25,000,000 members.— Conclusion.

293

THE JESTJITS H GREAT BEITAII

CHAPTER I
THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE JESUIT MISSION
Ignatius Loyola, the Founder of the Society of Jesus, from
an early period in his career, down to the time of his death,
took a special interest in English affairs. About ten years
before his Order received the Pontifical blessing, in 1530,
Loyola paid a visit to London, for the purpose of collecting
alms from the numerous Spaniards who at that time resided
iDi the English metropolis. His visit appears to have been
a jjrief one, and very little is known about it. Bishop
Burnet states that the Jesuits requested Cardinal Pole, in
the reign of Mary, to invite them to England, on the ground
that the old monastic orders were of no use, especially the
Benedictines. They had the audacity to suggest to the
Cardinal that the Homes of the English Benedictines should
be handed over to the newly founded Society of Jesus. But
Cardinal Pole seems to have had no love for the Jesuits,
whose request he refused. "The Jesuits," says Bishop
Burnet, "were out of measure offended with him for not
entertaining their proposition ; which I gather from an Italian
manuscript, which my most worthy friend Mr. Crawford
found in Venice, when he was Chaplain there to Sir Thomas
Higgins, His Majesty's envoy to that Republic; but how it
came that this motion was laid aside, I am not able to
judge.'" The first Jesuit sent on a temporary mission to
England was the well-known Father Ribadeneira, who
arrived a few days before the death of Queen Mary, which
1 Burnet's Eistory of the Reformation, vol. ii., pp. 526, 526. Oxford, I860.
1

2 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
occurred on the 17th of November, 1558. He remained in
England for a few months only, during which he appears
to have been deeply pained by the changes in religion
already inaugurated by Queen Elizabeth. He poured forth
his grief into the ear of the Father General of the Jesuits,
in a letter dated January 20, 1559. "The heretics," he
wrote, "are very elated, and the Catholics are very dis
consolate.'" Ribadeneira little thought what an important
part his Order would take in combating the "heretics,"
whose rejoicing he witnessed. It was not, however, until
about the year 1564 that the first Jesuit was formally sent
to England as a Mission priest. His name was Roger Bolbet.
At about the same time a second priest. Father Thomas
King, arrived as a Missioner. It is recorded of the latter,
by a recent Jesuit writer, that while moving about the
country carrying on his allotted work, " his disguise, for he
was well dressed, rather shocked his converts at first." '
The Jesuits residing in England during Elizabeth's reign
may be said to have travelled about in perpetual disguise.
One cannot be surprised at this, though there can be no
doubt that at times they went too far. It was the only
way in which they could escape arrest. The disguise of the
famous Jesuit Robert Parsons, when he arrived at Dover,
June 12th, 1580, was such as to both amuse and astonish
his companion, Edmund Campian, who thus describes his attire
in a letter to the General of the Jesuits, dated June 20th,
1580: — "He (Parsons) was dressed up like a soldier, — such
a peacock, such a swaggerer, that a man must have a very
sharp eye to catch a glimpse of any holiness and modesty
shrouded beneath such a garb, such a look, such a strut ! " '
In the 17th century the Jesuits were exceedingly clever in
inventing effectual disguises. The late Rev. Dr. Oliver, who,
though not nominally a Jesuit, was really in tbe service of the
• The Month, September 1891, p. ii.
2 Ibid., p. 46.
^ Simpson, Edmund Campian, p. 124.

FATHER THOMAS WOODHOUSE, S.J. 3
Order, ' informs us that Father Stephen Gelosse, an Irish
Jesuit who flourished during the Commonwealth, "adopted
every kind of disguise ; he assumed every shape and character ;
he personated a dealer of fagots, a servant, a thatcher, a
porter, a beggar, a gardener, a miller, a carpenter, a tailor
with his sleeve stuck with needles, a milkman, a pedlar, a
seller of rabbit-skins etc."*
There is no evidence to prove that either Bolbet or King
interfered with political questions during their short mission
in England, which seems to have lasted only a few months.
Sixteen years more had to pass by before the Jesuits set
seriously to work to overturn the Protestant Reformation
in England. But, meanwhile, their Order had the privilege
of boasting that one of its members was the first priest who
was executed in England during Elizabeth's reign. Father
Thomas Woodhouse, the priest referred to, was on May 14,
1561, committed to the Fleet Prison, London, and remained
in custody until his execution on June 19, 1573. His
imprisonment was not altogether of a severe character. He
was allowed many privileges which prisoners in the twentieth
century never possess. A sympathiser, writing the year
after his death, informs us that " his keeper allowed him to
make secret excursions to his friends by day, and gave him
the freedom of the prison." ' He was allowed to say Mass
daily iu his cell, and for a long time no hindrance was
placed in the way of his efforts to proselytise his fellow-
prisoners of the Protestant faith. There can be no doubt
that Father Woodhouse was a man who possessed the
courage of his opinions and was never afraid to avow his
convictions. But the Bull of Pope Pius V. of February 25,
1570, deposing EUzabeth from her throne, and forbidding
1 Foley, Records of English Frovince, S.J'., yol. vii., p. 559.
' Oliver, Collections towards the Biography of the Scotch, English, and Irish
Members S.J., Ed. 1838, p. 230.
= Foley, Records, S.J., vol. vii., p. 1257.

4 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BMTAIN
her subjects to obey her, turned him into a traitor. On
November 19, 1572, he addressed a letter to Lord Burghley,
urging him to acknowledge his "great iniquity and offence
gainst Almighty God, especially in disobeying that supreme
authority and power of the See Apostolic;" and exhorting
him to " earnestly persuade the Lady Elizabeth (who for her
own great disobedience is most justly deposed) to submit
herself unto her spiritual Prin«e and Father, the Pope's
Holiness, and with all humility, to reconcile herself unto
him, that she may be the child of salvation." '
It was not likely that Lord Burghley would leave an
impudent and disloyal letter like this unnoticed. It will be
observed that Woodhouse refers to the Queen, not by her
proper title, but by that of " the Lady Elizabeth," by which
she was known before her accession to the throne; and
that he had the audacity to declare that she was "most
justly deposed." Three or four days after receiving this letter
Lord Burghley had an interview with the priest. What
took place at the interview cannot be better described than
in the "Relation" written by Father Garnet, whose name
was subsequently to startle the civilised world in connec
tion vrith the Gunpowder Plot.
"The Treasurer,'' writes Father Garnet, " called him unto audience,
where he sat in a chajnber alone, and seeing him, such a siUy
little body as he was, seemed to despise him, saying:
"'Sirra, was it yon that wrote me a letter the other day?'
" ' Yes, sir,' saith Mr. Woodhouse, approaching as near Ms nose
as he could, and casting up his head to look him in tbe face, ' that
it was even I, if your name be Mr. Cecil.'
"Whereat the Treasurer staying awhile, said more coldly than
before: " ' Why, Sir, will you acknowledge me none other name nor tifle
than Mr. Cecil?'
"'Because,' saith Mr. Woodhouse, 'she that gave you those names
and titles hsid no authtwity so to do.'
"'And why so?' saith the Treasurer.
"'Because,' saith Woodhouse, 'our Holy Father tbe Pope hath
deposed her.'
'"Thou art a traitor,' saith the Treasurer."^
1 This letter is printed in Foley's Records, S.I., vol. vii., p. 1266.
2 Ibid., p. 1263.

TOLERATION AND TREASON 5
And there can be no doubt that Lord Burghley was right.
Woodhouse was a traitor beyond possibility of dispute, and
there can be no question that he was just the kind of man
to carry his theory into practice, so far as circumstances
would permit. Those were times when it was not safe for
the State to tolerate treason. Only a few months before,
by the execution of the Duke of Norfolk, the country had
emerged safely from a dangerous conspiracy to murder
Queen Elizabeth and to place Mary Queen of Scots on
the throne by an armed rebellion, if the murder plot had
failed. The proposed assassination had been organised by
Ridolfi, the emissary of Mary Queen of Scots and the Duke
of Norfolk to the Pope and the King of Spain. Mignet,
gives us, in his life of that Queen, the minutes of a secret
Council of State held at the Escurial on July 7th, 1571,
at which Philip H. of Spain presided, when Ridolfi's scheme
of assassination was solemnly discussed in the presence of
the Inquisitor General, the Cardinal Archbishop of Seville,
and other high officers in Church and State. ' By the good
providence of God the plots for murder and rebellion were
discovered in time, though many of the particulars were
then unknown to English statesmen which have been brought
to light in recent years, and the Duke paid the penalty
for his crime. How could Burghley forget the lessons he
had so recently learnt? When Woodhouse returned to las
prison after his intervieWxwith the Treasurer, he was placed
in a chamber by himself. Soon the news of his traitorous
speeches spread all over England, and the Council felt them
selves compelled to take action. At first they hoped that
proof would be forthcoming that the priest was mad, but
when it was clear to them that he was unmistakably a
man with a sound mind, they ordered that he should be
called before the Recorder of London. When there, so
Father Garnet reports, Woodhouse "denied the Queen to
» Mignet's Eistory of Mary Queen of Scots, 7th English Ed., pp. 309—311.

6 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
be Queen. *0h!' said one, 'if you saw her Majesty, you
would not say so, for her Majesty is great.' 'But the
majesty of God,' said Woodhouse, 'is much greater.'" ' It
is evident that in this instance the priest considered the
majesty of the Pope and that of God as the same thing,
the former by his deposing Bull being the mouthpiece of
the Almighty. Woodhouse was at length put on his trial
at the Guildhall, London. He was not charged with any
offence against the religion of the Established Church of
England, or with teaching Roman Catholic doctrines. The
evidence of Father Garnet is clear on this point. He says
that at the trial Woodhouse was asked —
"What he could say for himself in answer to the indictment,
which was of High Treason, for denying her Majesty to he Queen of
England; to which he said, ttiey were not his judges, nor for his
judges would he ever take them, being heretics, and pretending
authority from her that could not give it to them."'
The Jury could, of course, only find him guilty of High
Treason, after such a speech, and he was accordingly
condemned to death, and executed at Tyburn on the date
given above. Father Rishton who at the close of Elizabeth's
reign wrote the continuation to Sanders' Rise and Growth
of the Anglican Schism, states that Woodhouse, with Dr.
Storey and Felton, " openly refused to obey the Queen," '
No one can truthfully say that he died for his religion, but
for maintaining the deposing power of the Pope, and his
claim to interfere with the temporal .^vernment of the
kingdoms of the world. It is therefore a most significant
faci that the present Pope, Leo XIU., in 1886, raised Thomas
Woodhouse to the rank of the "Blessed." In a Menology,
published in London in 1887, "by order" of the late Cardinal
Manning, and " the Bishops of the Province of Westminster,"
' Foley, Records, S.J., vol. vii., p. 1264.
2 Ibid., p. 1265.
' Sanders' Rise and Orowth of the Anglican Schism, Ed. London, 1877, p. 317.

JESUITS EXECUTED FOR TREASON 7
it is declared that Woodhouse " suffered for the Faith." '
What " Faith " ? It must have been faith in the deposing
power. While in prison Woodhouse was received into the
Society of Jesus, and Brother Foley, S.J., has inserted his
name in a list, published in 1882, of "Martyrs of the
English Province, S.J. (First Class)." * I venture to assert
that loyal Englishmen will not think modern Jesuits justified
in thus holding up to the admiration of Englishmen one who,
Jesuits themselves being the witnesses, was nothing less than
a convicted traitor though now termed a " Blessed " martyr. I
have nothing to say in behalf of the cruel way in which Wood-
house was put to death. It was a punishment ordered to
be inflicted on all traitors, and in accordance with laws
passed by the country when it was Roman Catholic. Wood-
house deserved to die. " Treason," as Mr. Froude wisely
remarks, "is a crime for which personal virtue is neither
protection nor excuse. To plead in condemnation of severity,
either the general innocence or the saintly intentions of
the sufferers, is beside the issue." '
This record of the first execution of a Jesuit priest in
England may be a suitable point at which to raise the general
question — did the Jesuits and the Secular Priests who were
put to death in England duriag Elizabeth's reign, suffer for
their religion, or for treason such as would be acknowledged
as treason by politicians of the twentieth century ? It would
be easy to cite Protestant authors who have maintained that
they died only for their treasonable conduct. It is well
known that Queen Elizabeth frequently boasted that no
priest was executed for his religion under her rule; and
Lord Burghley, in 1583, wrote his Execution of Justice
to prove the same thing. No Protestant writer of the period
can be produced who did not believe every executed Jesuit
to have been disloyal, apart from religion. But what is of
1 Stanton, Menology of England and Wales, p. 275.
s Foley, Records, S.J., vol. vii., p. Ixiv.
^ Fronde, Eistory of England, vol. xi., p. 108.

8 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
far greater weight in forming a just opinion on this question,
Roman Catholic authors may be quoted who agree with
Queen Elizabeth, Lord Burghley, and Protestant writers.
The late Mr. Charles Butler, the principal lay leader of the
English Roman Catholics, at the beginning of the nineteenth
century, in agitating for the political emancipation of his
co-religionists, in his Historical Memoirs of the English
Catholics, publishes the questions put to all the priests im
prisoned in the time of Elizabeth, beginning with the Jesuit
Campian and his companions in 1581. These questions
were as follows: —
"1. Whether the Bull of Pius V. against the Queen's Majesty,
be a lawful sentence, and ought to be obeyed by the subjects of
Ebigland? " 2. Whether the Queen's Majesty be a lawful Queen, and ought
to be obeyed by the subjects of England, notwithstanding the Bull
ot Pius v., or any Bull or sentence Uiat the Pope hath pronounced,
or may pronounce against Her Majesty?
" 3. Whether the Pope have, or had the power to authorise the
Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, and other Her
Majesty's subjects, to rebel, or take arms against Her Majesty, or
to authorise Doctor Sanders, or others, to mvade Ireland, or any
other her dominions, and to bear arms against her; and whether
they did therein lawfully, or not?
"4. Whether the Pope have power to discharge any of Her
Highness's subjects, or the subjects of any Christian Prince,
from their allegiance, or oath of obedience, to Her Majesty, or to
their Prince for any cause?
"5. Whether the said Doctor Sanders, in his book Of the Visible
Monarchy of the Church, and Dr. Bristow in his Book of Motives
(writing in allowance, commendation, and confirmation of the said
Bull of Pius v.), have therein taught, testified, or maintained a
truth or falsehood?
"6. If the Pope by his Bull, or sentence, pronounce her Majesty
to be deprived, and no lawful Queen, and her subjects to be dis
charged of their allegiance, and_ obedience, unto her; and after
the Pope, or any other by his appointment and authoritj', do invade
this realm, which part would you take? or which part ought a
good subject of England to take?"'
Cardinal Allen, writing in 1582 to Agazarius, a Jesuit at
Rome, declared of the first eight priests to whom these
questions were put, that "If they had answered, so as to
give satisfaction to the same Queen [Elizabeth], she would
' Butler, Historical Memoirs of English Catholics, 3rd. «d., vol. i., pp. 425, 426.

MARTYRS TO THE DEPOSING POWER 9
have remitted their sentence of death, although in everything
else they should profess the Catholic faith." ' Mr. Charles
Butler tells us that three of these eight priests answered
satisfactorily, and their death-penalty was therefore remitted.
He adds : —
"The pardon of the three priests who answered the six questions
satisfactorily, seems to show that a general and explicit disclaimer,
by the English Catholics, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, of the
Pope's deposing power, would have both lessened and abridged
the term of their sufferings .... We may add, that among the six
questions, there is not one which the Catholics of the present
times have not fully and satisfactorily answered, in the oaths
which they have taken, in compliance with the Acts of the 18th,
31st, and 33rd years of the reign of his late Majesty." =
Sir John Throckmorton, an English Roman Catholic
Baronet, goes even further than Mr. Butler. Commenting
on these same questions put to the Jesuits and other impris
oned priests, he writes:
"These questions continued to be put to the missionary
priests throughout the whole of this reign, and of the one
hundred and twenty-four priests who suffered death, I believe
few, if any, will be found who answered them in such a
manner as to clear their allegiance from merited suspicion.
They were martyrs to the Deposing power, not to their religion. '
The fact is that, considering the times and the circum
stances, the Queen treated her Roman Catholic subjects with
extraordinary clemency. Modem ideas of religious liberty
were almost unknown, but the conduct of Elizabeth towards
her subjects, who acknowledged the spiritual jurisdiction of
the Pope, will contrast most favourably with that accorded
to Protestants in Roman Catholic countries at that time.
The contrast is as great as that between white and black.
Father Jlishton makes a very remarkable acknowledgment,
> Quoted in Sir John Throckmorton's Letter to the Catholic Clergy. London,
1792, p. 106.
3 Bati«r, Historical Memoirs of English Catholics, vol. i., p. 429.
» Throckmorton, Letter to the Cmtholie Clergy, p. 103.

10 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
which needs to be considered by all who desire to know
the facts of the case. Referring to the sufferings of his
brethren in 1587, he remarks :— " It is said that this cruelty
is inflicted on all ranks of men for the safety of the Queen
and the State, more and more endangered— so they say —
by the CathoUcs every day becoming more and more
numerous and attached to the Queen of Scotland [Mary,
Queen of Scots], and not at all on account of their religion.
Certainly we all think so, and all sensible men think so too." '
Similar was the testimony of those secular priests who were
responsible for the publication, in 1601, of the Important
Considerations, sometimes attributed to the pen of Father
Watson. These were men who knew what they were writing
about, and they were men, too, who never wavered in their
spiritual allegiance to the Pope, though — unlike the Jesuits
— they rejected his claim to depose Kings from their
thrones. "If," they wrote, "the Jesuits had never come into EngUnd:
If Parsons and the rest of the Jesuits, with other of our countrymen
beyond the Seas, had never been agents in those traitorous and
bloody designments of Throckmorton, Parry, Williams, Squire,
and such like .... If they had not sought by false persuasions and
ungodly arguments to have allured the hearts of all Catholics from
their allegiance .... most assuredly the State would have loved us,
or at least borne with us : where there is one Catholic, there would
have been ten : there had been no speeches among us of racks
and tortures, nor any cause to have used them; for none were
ever vexed that way simply for that he was either a Priest or a
Catholic, but because they were susi>ected to have had their hands
in some of the same most traitorous designments." ^
It is certain that the Jesuits throughout Elizabeth's reign
relied on physical force, rather than on their proselytising
work, for re-establishing the Pope's authority. Their dis
loyalty was of the most unmistakable character. In the
year 1596 Pope Clement VIII. desired Monsignor Malvasia,
his Agent at Brussels, to draw up and send to him a report
' Sanders' Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism, p. 320. Ed. London, 1877.
" Important Considerations, pp. 55, 56. Quoted in Berington's Memoirs of
Panzani, p. 36, note.

JESUITS RELY ON THE ARMS OF SPAIN 11
on the state of the Church of Rome in Scotland. This was
done ia a document of considerable length, in which the
political action of the Jesuits in England was also referred to.
" The Jesuits," wrote the Papal agent, " hold it as an axiom
established among them, and confirmed by the authority of Father
Parsons, that only by force of arms can the Cathohc religion
be restored to its former state, inasmuch as the property
and revenues of the Church, divided as they are among
heretics, and having already passed many hands, can be
recovered by no other means. And, to bring about this
result, they believe that the only arms available are those
of Spain; and whether coming from Rome or elsewhere,
they enter those countries with this idea firmly impressed
upon them by their Superiors." '
This is a very important statement, the accuracy of which
cannot be denied. The Jesuits went even further than this
in disloyalty. Two years later Father Henry Tichborne, a
Jesuit, writing from Rome to a brother Jesuit, Father
Thomas Darbyshire, remarked: — "And here, by the way, I
must advise you that Sir T. Tresham, ' as a friend of the
State, is holden among us for an atheist, and all others of
his humour either so or worse." ^ We may well ask, even
in this enlightened twentieth century, how could Queen
Ehzabeth, with safety, tolerate in England an Order whose
chief idea of religious duty was that of fomenting rebellion
in her dominions? That she was acquainted with what
was going on in the Jesuit camp is evident to all who read
the Calendars of State Papers, published in recent years by
the Government. A modern Roman Catholic biographer of
Father Edmund Campian, one of the Jesuit priests put to
death in Elizabeth's time, frankly admits that the conduct
1 Bellesheim, Eistory of the Catholic Church in Scotland, vol. iii., p. 470.
Englisli edition.
' He was a Roman Catholie.
3 Father Tichborne's letter is printed in full in Law's Jesuits and Seculars,
pp. 141—143.

12 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of Ballard and Catesby, and other Roman Catholic conspirators,
was such that their Protestant adversaries were " on political
grounds justified" in their "determination to persecute even
to extermination" such a set of Papal rebels as existed in
those days. ' The same writer says that " The aim of the
Pope, the Jesuits and the Spaniards, was not to have them
[Enghsh Roman Catholics] believe a salutary doctrine, and
to make them partakers of life-giving Sacraments, but to
make them traitors to their Queen and country, and to
induce them to take up arms in favour of a foreign
pretender. . . . But when both sides, both Philip and Cecil,
were equally convinced that every fresh convert [to Roman
ism], however peaceful now, was a future soldier of the
King of Spain against Elizabeth, toleration was scarcely
possible." '
"As affairs were managed," he declares in another por
tion of his biography, "they rendered simply impossible the
co-existence of the government of Henry VIH. and Elizabeth
with the obedience of their subjects to the supreme authority
of the Pope ; and those princes had no choice but either to
abdicate, with the hope of receiving back their crowns, like
King John, from the Papal Legate, or to hold their own
in spite of the Popes, and in direct and avowed hostility to
them." ' The anonymous Roman Catholic priest who, in
1603, wrote A Beplie Unto a Certaine Libell, Latelie Set
Foorth By Fa : Parsons, well and forcibly asked that ring
leader of Jesuit traitors, the following questions. *
"And I would," he writes, "but ask Fattier Parsons (because I
know him to be a great Statist) this one question. Whether in
his conscience he do think there be any Prince in the world, be
he never so Catholic, that should have within his dominions a
kind of people, amongst whom divers times he should discover
matters of treason, and practices against his person, and State,
whether he would permit those kind of people to live within his
dominions, if he could be otherwise rid of them ? And, whether
' Simpson, Life of Edmund Campian, p. 336.
2 IHd.. p. 199. 3 lb., p. 63.
* I have modernized the spelling in the extract from this book.

JESUITS OPPOSED TO TOLERATION 13
he would not make strait laws, and execute them severely against
such offenders, yea, and all of that company, and quality, rather
than he would remain in any danger of such secret practices, and
plots? I think Father Parsons will not for shame deny this;
especially if he remember the examples of the French Religious
men, for the like practices expelled England generally, in a Catholic
time, and by a Catholic Prince, and their livings confiscated, and
given away to others The like was of the 'Templars, both in
England and in France. Yea, to come nearer unto him, was not
all their Order expelled France for such matters, and yet the King
and State of Prance free from imputation of injustice in that action ?
If these things proceeded fi:om Catholic Princes justly against whole
Communities, or Orders of Religion upon just causes, we cannot
much blame our Prince and State, being of a difierent religion, to
make sharp laws against us, and execute the same, finding no less
occasion thereof in some of our profession, than the foresaid
Princes did in other Religious persons, whom they punished, as
you see." (ff. 31, 32.)
The fact is the Jesuits did not want a general toleration
at this period, lest the price paid for it should be their own
expulsion from England. In a Memorial against the Jesuits
presented to Clement VIII. by Roman Catholics residing in
the Low Countries in 1597, it is stated that: — "It is a
common report in England, that had it not been for the
pride and ambition of the Jesuits, there had, ere this, been
granted some toleration in rehgion." ' In 1598 Father Henry
Tichborne, a Jesuit, was greatly alarmed at the rumour that
a toleration might be granted to Roman Catholics by Queen
Ehzabeth, and wrote to a brother Jesuit about it : — " This
means was so dangerous that what rigour of laws could
not compass in so many years, this liberty and lenity will
effectuate in twenty days, to wit, the disfurnishing of the
seminaries, the disanimating of men to come and others to
return, the expulsion of the Society [of Jesus] . . . This dis
course of liberty is but an invention of busy heads, and
neither for to be allowed, nor accepted if it might be
procured." ^ The fact is the Jesuits did everything in their
power to make toleration an impossibility. Father Preston,
known as "Roger Widdrington," declared, at the commence-
' Law's Jesuits and Seculars, p. 109.
» Ibid., pp. 141, 142.

14 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
ment of the seventeenth century, that "Queen Elizabeth
having discovered that she was minded to shew favour to
as many Roman Catholic priests as should give her assurance
of their loyalty, and to exempt them from suffering the
penalties of her laws ; some well-meaning men went to Rome
to carry the good news, as they thought it ; but when they
were come thither, they found themselves much mistaken;
instead of thanks, they were reproached by tbe governing
party, and branded with the name of schismatics, spies and
rebels to the See Apostolic; and, moreover, there was one of
that party [Father Fitzherbert, a Jesuit] compiled a treatise
in Italian, to advise his Holiness, that it was not good and
profitable to the Cathohc cause that any liberty or toleration
should be granted by the State of England." ' It is probable
that the incident referred to by Widdrington is that which
is recorded in the Diary of Father Mush, a secular priest,
who thus describes an interview which he and two of his
brethren had with Pope Clement VIH., on March 8th, 1602 :—
" We had," writes Mush, " audience before his Holiness
tiie space of an hour. He answered to all the points of our
speech, said he had heard very many evil things against us,
as that we had set out books containing heresies, that we
came to defend heretics against his authority, in that he
might not depose heretical Princes, etc. That we came sent
by heretics upon their cost, that we were not obedient to the
See Apostolic and the Archpriest constituted by him. For
a toleration or liherty of conscience in England, it would do
harm and make Catholics become heretics; that persecution
was profitable to the Church, and therefore not to be so
much laboured for to be averted or stayed by toleration . . .
[He was] pffended that we named her Queen whom the See
Apostolic had deposed and excommunicated." *
The Bull of Pius V. deposing Ehzabeth from her throne,
and absolving her subjects from their oaths of allegiance,
1 Quoted in Gibson's Preservative from Popery, vol. xvii., p. 25.
' The Archpriest Controversy, vol. ii., p. 6.

A GREAT PAPAL LEAGUE 15
having proved a failure, it was at length determined to
attack her in a more systematic and formidable manner.
To use a modern expression, a gigantic " Plan of the Cam
paign" was at length drawn up by the Papal authorities
at Rome, against which the efforts of Ehzabeth and her
€lovernment, it was expected, would prove altogether in
vain. This "Plan of the Campaign" was embodied in the
articles of a League between Pope Gregory XIIL, Philip II.
King of Spain, and the Duke of Tuscany. The consequences
of this League were of so important a character that it
may be well to reprint its articles here in extenso.
" On Thursday the 18th February, in the year 1580, the Ambas
sadors of the Catholic King and the Grand Duke of Tuscany were
together at the audience (in Rome), when a League against the
•Queen of England was concluded between his Holiness and the
said Grand Duke in manner following:
" 1. That his Holiness will furnish 10,000 infantry, 1,000 cavalry,
the Catholic King 15,000 infantry, and 1,500 cavalry, and the Grand
Duke 8,000 infantry, and 100 cavalry ; and to these forces are to be
:added the Germans who have gone to Spain, and who are to be
paid pro ratd by the above named Princes.
"2. Should it please our Lord God to give good speed and suc
cess to the expedition, the populations are in the first place, and
above all things, to be admonished, on the part of his Holiness,
to return to their obedience and devotion to the Roman Catholic
Church, in tiie same manner as their predecessors have done.
"3. That his Holiness, as Sovereign Lord of the Island (of
England), will grant power to the Catholic nobles of the Kingdom
to elect a Catholic Lord of the Island, who, under the authority
of the Apostolic See will be declared King, and who will render
¦obedience and fealty to the Apostolic See, as the other Catholic
Kings have done before the time of the last Henry.
" 4. That Queen Elizabeth be declared an usurper and incapable
"to reign, because she was born of an illegitimate marriage, and
because she is a heretic.
"6. That the property of the Church shall be recovered fi-om
the possession of the present owners, and men of quality and
learned men of the country shall be appointed Bishops and Abbots,
and to similar oflfices, and they, by the examples of their lives,
and by preaching, shall endeavour to bring back the people to
the true religion.
"6. That the King of Spain is not to make any other engage-
Tnent, except to enter into a League and relationship, if he please,
with the King to be elected, and so, that they united together,
may assist the affairs both of the Island and of Flanders.
"7. That the Queen of Scotland is to be set at liberty, and to
>be aided to return to her Kingdom, should she desire to do so.

16 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
"8. That his Holiness will use hia best influence with the Kin?r
of France, in order that neither his Majesty, nor Monsieur his
brother, shall give assistance either to the Queen, or to the Flemings
against Spain. . , t.. -.r ri.
"9. That the Bull of excommunication which Pius V. of happy
memory issued against the said Queen be published in the Courts
of all Christian princes.
" 10. That the English Catholics shall be received m the army,
and granted suitable pay according to then: rank."'
No time was lost in making the terms of this League
known to those Roman Catholics in England and Ireland
who were expected to actively assist it. Camden tells us
that in the same year the Popish faction " published in
print that the Bishop of Rome and the Spaniard had conspired
together to conquer England, and expose it for a spoil and
a prey; and this they did of purpose to give courage to
their own party, and to terrify others from their allegiance
to their Prince and country." ' Within a few months after
the League was ratified, printed copies of the Articles were
circulated in England and Ireland. In the month of July
one William Jeowe, of Bridgewater, confessed to the Earl of
Ormond and to Nicholas White, Master of the Rolls of
Ireland, that he had given out twenty copies in England^
that "the same was commonly abroad in England;" and
that he had received his copies from " Mr, Harry Bowser
[Bourchier], brother to the Earl of Bath." ' In the Calendar
of Carew Manuscripts it is stated that " these Articles were
brought by the Prince of Condy to the Queen's Majesty
and her Council." * No wonder therefore that the Queen
was alarmed. Philip H., on whom the success of the
League mainly depended, was the most powerful monarch
' These Articles are printed in the Calendar of Venetian State Papers, vol. vii.,,
pp. 650, 651 J and in the Calendar of the Carete Manuscripts, 1575 — 1588,
pp. 288, 289. In the latter the date of the Leagae is given as the 23rd Febrnary.
The two versions of the Articles vary slightly, bat not in any important point.
2 Camden's Elizabeth, p. 247. Ed. 1688.
" Calendar of Carew Marmscrifts, 1575 — 1588. p. 280.
* Ibid., p. 289.

THE JESUIT MISSION STARTS FOR ENGLAND 17
in the world; and it was therefore absolutely necessary to
take measures for the protection of her throne and the
country. The Pope's claim to the supreme Government in
temporal matters in England, was one she was determined
never to submit to, and in this resolution she was heartily
supported by the nation.
But it was not enough for the conspirators at Rome to
make known their designs to those whom they could trust.
If the Papal Plan of the Campaign were to succeed, it
was necessary to commence operations without a moment's
loss of time. The necessary preparations occupied a good
deal of time, but by the 18th of April, 1580, everything
was ready for the despatch of the Jesuit missionaries
to England, who on that day left Rome for their native
shores. A month later an army of soldiers was sent to
Ireland to raise a rebellion there. In the opinion of
those who sent the Jesuits to England, they were so many
John the Baptists, whose duty it would be to prepare
and make ready the way for the Papal army to follow
them. The leaders of the band were Father Edmund
Campian and Father Robert Parsons ; and they were
accompanied by Ralph Emerson, a Jesuit lay brother,
Ralph Sherwin, Luke Kirby, and Edward Rishton, the three
latter being priests. As far as Rheims they had for
companion Dr. Nicholas Morton, who, in 1569, had been
sent into England by Pope Pius V. to stir up the Earls of
Northumberland and Westmoreland to the rebellion against
Ehzabeth which, in that year, they actually raised in the
North of England. The daily conversation of such a man,
who remained with them until the last day of May, or for
nearly six weeks, would certainly not tend to increase any
loyalty to the English throne which Campian and Parsons
may be supposed to have possessed. At length the two
leaders of the party arrived in England, as aheady related,
and at once commenced their labours. Before leaving Rome
Parsons and Campion had consulted the Pope on the question

18 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of Pius V.'s Bull excommunicating and deposing Elizabeth,
and received from the Pontiff the following faculties bearing
on this subject, permitting her Roman Catholic subjects to
obey her, until the BuU could be executed, but afiarming
that it was still binding on the Queen and her Protestant
subjects: —
"Let it be desired of our most Holy Lord the explication of
the Bull Declaratory made by Pius V. against Elizabeth, and such
as do adhere to or obey her; which Bull the Catholics desire to
be understood in this manner: — That the same Bull shall always
oblige her and the heretics, but the Catholics it shall by no means
bind as affairs do now stand, but hereafter, when the public execu
tion of the said Bull may be had or made.
"The Pope hath granted these foresaid graces to Fathers Robert
Parsons, and Edmund Campian, who are now to go into England;
the 14th day of April, 1580. Present, the Father Oliverius Manar-
cus, Assistant." '
Now the very fact that such a document as this was
taken by those Jesuits into England, and shewn by them
to the English Roman Catholics whom they met, was in
itself a most disloyal act. For the document expressly
acknowledges the Bull of Pius V. as still binding on the
Queen " and the heretics." Father Tierney, writing in 1840,
justly remarks: — "It is clear that, with this dispensation in
their possession, no protestation, however expHcit, either
from Campian, or from his associates, could possibly be
received as an indication of their real opinion, on the sub
ject of the deposing power claimed by the Pope. . . . They
professed their obedience to the Queen, but they also asserted,
either directly or by impHcation, the power of the Pope to
deprive her: and they plainly intimated that, if the case
should arise, their own exertions would not be wanting to
second the declaration of their superior." ' Every loyal
Enghshman must admit the justness of Mr. Fronde's opinion
of these faculties: — "The poison of asps," he writes, "was
' See The Jesuifs Memorial, p. xxvi., and Harleian Miscellany, vol, ii.,
p. 130, 4th edition.
' Tierney's Dodd's Church History, vol. iii., p. 13, note.

THE JESUITS AT SOUTHWARK SYNOD 19
under the Ups of the bearers of such a message of treachery.
It could not be communicated, as Burghley fairly argued,
without implied treason. No plea of conscience could alter
the nature of things. To tell English subjects that they
might continue loyal till another sovereign who claimed
their allegiance was in a position to protect them, was to
assert the right of that sovereign, as entirely and essentially
as to invite them to take arms at his side." '
Within a few weeks after their arrival in England, Par
sons and Campian were present, in the month of July 1580,
at a Synod of Roman Catholic priests held at Southwark,
at which were also present some of the principal lay Roman
Catholics. At this Synod the two Jesuits, writes Mr. Simp
son, "made oaths before God, and the priests and laymen
assembled, that their coming [to England] was only apostol
ical, to treat matters of religion in truth and simpUcity,
and to attend to the gaining of souls, without any pretence
or knowledge of matters of State." ' After taking this
oath, it is said that they exhibited their "Instructions" to
their assembled brethren ; but if they did so they must have
kept from their sight the conclusion of the following extract,
given from those " Instructions " by Campian's biographer : —
"They must not mix themselves up with affairs of State,
nor write to Rome about political matters, nor speak, nor
allow others to speak in their presence against the Queen,
except, perhaps, in the company of those whose fidelity has
been long and steadfast, and even then not without strong
reasons." ' So that, after all, it was a rule with exceptions.
If the oath these men took is accurately described by Mr.
Simpson — and I see no reason to doubt it — Parsons and
Campian were guilty of perjury. I think it probable that
they acted on the principle subsequently laid down by
Parsons himself, in his Treatise Tending To Mitigation: —
' Proude's History of England, vol. li., p. 57.
' Simpson's Campian, p. 130.
3 Ibid., p. 100.

20 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
" The substance of School docta-ine in this point, and of Canon
Lawyers is, that when a man is offered injury, or unjustly urged
to utter a secret, that without his hurt or loss, or public damage he
may not do; then is it lawful for him without lying or perjury,
to answer either in word or oath, according to his own intention
and meaning, so it be true, though the hearer he deceived therewith." >
Even the most ardent admirer of Parsons must admit,
that he at any rate, did not subsequently act in accordance
with the oath he took at the Synod of Southwark. Father
Knox teUs us that on his arrival in England, Parsons " lost
no opportunity of acquainting himself with the political
state and sentiments of the Cathohc body, and he enjoyed
quite exceptional means of gaining this information through
the many Catholic gentlemen who spoke to him on the
subject, when treating with him of their consciences."'
Here we have, probably, the first known instance in England
of a Jesuit using the Confessional for political purposes.
Within three months after the Southwark Synod, viz., in
October 1580, Parsons and Campian, who had been mean
while separately travelling through the country, met again
at William GrifSth's house near Uxbridge, and related to
each other the adventures through which they had passed
during those months. Mr. Simpson afi&rms that if Parsons
had then " been gifted with a prophetic spirit,, he might have
told how he had planted at Lapworth Park and other
places roimd Stratford-on-Avon the seeds of a political
Popery that was destined in some twenty-five years to bring
forth the Gunpowder Plot."" '
In carrying on their missionary and other labours, Par
sons, Campian, and the Jesuits who assisted them, received
important aid from an Association of Roman Catholic young
noblemen and gentlemen, which had been inaugurated shortly
before the arrival of Parsons in England. The founder of
1 Parsons, A Treatise Tending To Mitigation, 1607, p. 437.
' Knox's Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. xixiii.
^ Simpson's Campian, p. 178.

A SECRET JESUIT ORGANISATION 21
this Association was a young gentleman of great wealth, named
George Gilbert. In 1579 he had become a Roman Cathohc,
under the influence of Father Parsons, who acted as his god
father on the occasion of his reception, which took place on the
Continent. He was received into the Jesuit Order shortly
before his death in 1583. This Association which was appar
ently a sodality afiUiated to the Prima Primaria mentioned
below, ' supplied the Jesuits with money, disguises and hiding-
places. The members further assisted them by an-anging
interviews with Protestants whom it was probable they would
induce to forsake their religion for Romanism. The Associa
tion was formally blessed by Pope Gregory XIII., on
April 14, 1580, " that is within two months after the date
of his League with the King of Spain and the Duke of
Tuscany, against Queen Elizabeth. The names of its prin
cipal members are well known. Mr. Simpson, after mention
ing several of them, adds : — " It will be seen by the above
list that the young men not only belonged to the chief
Cathohc families of the land, but that the Society also
furnished the principals of many of the real or pretended
plots of the last twenty years of Elizabeth and the first
few years of James I. So difficult must it ever be to keep
a secret organisation long faithful to a' purely religious and
ecclesiastical purpose." ' The question here naturally arises,
have the Jesuits of the present day any more or less " secret
organisations" at work in our midst, under their guidance,
and for their own ends? If one Pope (Gregory XIII.) could
bless and sanction a secret Society of this character, why
may not a Leo XIH. ? We know, of course, that the Church
of Rome in recent years has bitterly denounced secret soci
eties. That is her rule; but may there not be exceptions
to it? What was considered morally right for a Gregory
XIII. to do, cannot be morally wrong for a Leo XIII. What
> See Chapter XI.
' Foley's Records of English Province, S.J., vol. iii., p. 627.
* Simpson's Campian, p. 158.

22 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
I have written below about the Prima Primaria seems to
supply an answer to this question. ' Mr. Froude, referrmg
to this 16th century Association, remarks: "In the list of
its members may be read the names of Charles Arundel,
Francis Throckmorton, Anthony Babington, Chidocke Tick-
bourne, Charles Tilney, Edward Abmgton, Richard SaUsbury,
and WiUiam Tresham ; men implicated, all of them, after
wards in plots for the assassination of the Queen. Tbe
subsequent history of all these persons is a sufficient indica
tion of the effect of Jesuit teaching and of the true objects
of the Jesuit mission." ^
The existence of such a disloyal Jesuit Association was
a standing danger to the State, which the Government could
not safely treat with contempt. Its members were men with
a large number of dependants, who, were a foreign invasion
to take place, would be certain to take the side of their masters
against the Queen. Much of the suffering endured by the
lay Roman Catholics of England may be justly attributed
to the existence of this disloyal and secret organisation.
The missionary career of the Jesuit Campian was destined
to be a very brief one. He was in many respects a different
man from his companion Parsons. The latter was rough
and uncouth in his manners, more pugnacious in every way,
a kind of ecclesiastical Ishmael, whose hand was, all the
days of his life, against almost everybody outside his own
Order, and one whose most bitter foes, in his later years,
were the English secular priests of his own Church. Cam
pian, on the other hand, was refined in his deportment,
with a pleasing manner, and possessed of great oratorical
power as a preacher. Crowds flocked to hear him, wherever
it was known that he was about to preach. In his famous
challenge he affirmed that he took no part in political
matters. "I never had mind," he wrote in his challenge,
" and am strictly forbidden by our Fathers that sent me, to
' See infra, p. 320.
' Fronde's History of England, vol. li., p. 63.

campian's INTERVIEW WITH QUEEN ELIZABETH 23
deal in any respects with matters of State or policy of this
realm, and those things which appertain not to my voca
tion, and from which I do gladly restrain and sequester my
thoughts." ' This assertion of Campian was untrue, and
therefore serves to lessen our confidence in several of the
statements he subsequently made at his trial. We have
already seen that in the Instructions which he and Par
sons had received from the authorities of the Jesuit Order,
they were distinctly informed that when " strong reasons "
justified such conduct, they might " mix themselves up with
affairs of State, in the company of those whose fidelity has
been long and steadfast." ' A good deal of additional light
is thrown on Campian's political views, by an extract from
a letter of his quoted by the learned Bishop Thomas Barlow
(Bishop of Liacoln from 1675 to 1692), iu his work on
The Gunpowder Treason, published in 1679. Campian wrote : —
"All the Jesuits in the world have long since entered into
convenant, any way to destroy all heretical Kings; nor do
they despair of doing it effectually, so long as any one
Jesuit remains in the world." ^
In the month of July 1581, Campian was arrested and
brought to London. Two days after his arrival, the Queen
herself had a private interview with the now famous young
Jesuit. Ehzabeth was evidently anxious to spare his life.
She asked him if he regarded her as his lawful Sovereign.
The faculties which he possessed, allowing Roman Cathohcs
to obey her, notwithstanding the Bull of Pius V., excommu
nicating and deposing her, enabled Campian to answer that
he did. She then asked him for a declaration more distinctly
loyal, in short that he should repudiate the temporal preten
sions of the Pope, and his right to excommunicate her. He
refused to make such a declaration. * Had he done so,
1 Foley's Records of Engluh Province, S.J,, vol. iii., p. 630.
'¦' See page 19 supra.
' Bishop Thomas Barlow's Gunpowder Treason, p. 42. Lonilon, 1679.
* Fronde's History of England, vol. xi., p. 92.

24 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
there can be no doubt that he would have saved his hfe.
The result of his disloyal silence was that he was remanded
to prison, there to wait his trial. But meanwhile he was
subjected to the torture, and that to such an extent that
when asked by his judges to plead to the indictment, by
holding up his hand, he was unable to comply with the
request by raising it as high as his fellow-prisoners, one
of whom held it up for him. Campian was not the only
priest put to the rack by Elizabeth's Government. No
honest Protestant writer, who has studied the subject, can
deny that dozens of priests were cruelly treated in this
manner. If any one wishes to see the evidence of this,
let him read the late Mr. David Jardine's treatise On the
Use of Torture in the Criminal Law of England Previously
To the Commonwealth. It is the work of a Protestant
lawyer, and the State documents he cites must, when
perused, remove all doubts on the subject. Yet I would
remind Jesuit and Roman Catholic writers of the present
day, that they have no right to throw stones at Elizabeth's
Government for what they did in this respect. Mr. Jardine
shows that although the use of torture was common in
England before the Commonwealth, yet that it was decided
by "aW the judges of England" (p. 10) that "no such
punishment [as torture] is known or allowed by our law"
(p. 12). He adds:—
" Here then, is a practice repugnant to reason, justice and human
ity — censured and condemned upon principle by philosophers and
statesmen, — denounced by the most eminent authorities on muni
cipal law, — and finally declared by the twelve judges, not only
to be illegal, but to be altogether unknown as a punishment to
the law of England. As far as authority goes, therefore, the crimes
of murder and robbery are not more distinctly forbidden by one
criminal code than the application of the torture to witnesses or
accused persons is condemned by the oracles of the Common law." '
Mr. Jardine adds that when torture was actually used in
England, it was done "at the mere discretion of the King
' Jardine, On the Use of Torture, p. 12.

BRISTOW S MOTIVES

and the Privy Council, and uncontrolled by any law besides
the prerogative of the Sovereign." ' The last recorded instance
of the use of torture in England is dated May 22, 1640.
In Roman Cathohc France it was not abolished until 1789,
and in Austria it continued until the middle of the eighteenth
century. I do not for one moment justify Elizabeth's
Government in the use of torture; on the contrary, I
deeply deplore it, and consider it worthy of the severest
censure. Several matters of importance were made known at Cam
pian's trial, for particulars of which I am indebted to his
biographer. The Queen's Counsel declared that:— "It is
the use of all Seminary men, at the first entrance into
their Seminaries [i.e., the Colleges, on the Continent, for
educating Enghsh Roman Catholic priests], to make two
personal oaths, the one unto a book called Bristow's Motives
for the fulfilling of all matters therein contained ; the other
unto the Pope." Campian, in reply, denied that " men of
riper years" were compelled to take the oath to Bristow' s
Motives, adding that "none are sworn to such articles as
Bristow's but young striphngs that be under tuition." This
admission was a remarkable one, and after it no one can
deny, who is acquainted with the book mentioned, that the
teaching of those Seminaries was calculated to make the
students disloyal to Elizabeth.
This book was issued with the imprimatur of William
Allen, subsequently known as Cardinal Allen, as "in all
points Catholic, learned and worthy to be read and printed."
This approbation was dated April 30, 1574, and therefore
the book had been in circulation for seven years when
Ca,rapian's trial took place. Several editions were published.
That which I possess is dated, Antwerp, 1599. The last
edition was issued in 1641. ^ The following extracts from
' Jardine, On the Use of Torture, p. 13.
^ Gillow's Bibliographical Dictionary of English CathoUcs, vol. i., p. 304.
A wori of great value, to which I am much indebted for valuable informatina.

26

THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN

this book will shew its traitorous character, and serve to
justify the English Government in its stern dealings towards
the Seminary priests.
" Whereby it is manifest," writes Bristow, * that they do miserably
forget themselves, who fear not the excommunications of Pius
Quintus, of holy memory ; in whom Christ Himself to have spoken
and excommunicated, as in St. Paul, they might consider by the
miracles, that Christ by him, as by St. Paul did work."'
"And if at any time it happen after long toleration, humble
beseeching, and often admonition of very wicked and notorious
apostates or heretics, no other hope of amendment appearing, but
the filthy more and more daily defiling himself and others to the
huge great heap of their own damnation, that after all this the
Sovereign authority of our Common Pastor in religion, for the
saving of souls, do duly discharge us from subjection, and the
Prince offender from his dominion, with such grief of the heart
is it both done of the Pastor, and taken of the people, as if a
man should have cut off from his body, for to save the whole,
some most principal but rotten part thereof."*
These extracts, as sworn to by the students of the foreign
Seminaries, fiilly recognise the validity of the deposing Bull
of Pius v., and affirm that Elizabeth was no longer to be
obeyed by her subjects. But Bristow further praised the
attempted rebelhon of the two Earls against Ehzabeth, in
1569, which had been blessed by the Pope, and held up
the memories of those justly punished for their treason and
rebelhon, as so many Martyrs for the true Faith.
" For a full answer to them all," v?rote Bristow, " although the
very naming of our Catholic Martyrs, even of this our time, to
reasonable men may suffice as . . . the good Earl of Northumber
land, D. Story, Felton, the Nortons, M. Woodhouse, M. Plumtree,
and so many hundreds of the Northemmen; such men, both in
their life, and at their death, that neither the enemies have to
stain them, as their own consciences, their own talk, and tbe
world itself bear good witness : many of them also, and therefore
aU of them because of their own cause, being by God Himself
approved, by miracles most undoubted ; although, I say, no reason
able man will think, those stinking Martyrs of the heretics worthy
in any way to be compared with these most glorious Martyrs of
tbe Catholics."*
' Bristow's Motives, fol. 31.
» Ibid., fol. 154.
3 Ibid., fols. 72, 73.

TREASON IN THE SEMINARY COLLEGES 27
The Seminary Colleges did not improve as the years went
on. They became more and more the pohtical foes of the
Queen and her Government, and had to be treated accordingly.
Cardinal D'Ossat, who was well acquainted with what was
gomg on, wrote on Nov. 26, 1601, to Henry IV., King of
France, concerning tbe Seminaries at Douay and St. Omers :
"The principal care which these Colleges and Seminaries have,
is to catechise and bring up these young English gentlemen in this
Faith and firm belief, that the late King of Spain had, and
that his children now have, the true right of succession to the
Crown of England; and that this is advantageous and expedient
for the Catholic Faith, not only in England, but wherever Christi
anity ia.
"And when these young English gentlemen have finished their
humanity studies, and are come to such an age, then to make
them thoroughly Spaniards, they are carried out of the Low Coun
tries into Spain, where there are other Colleges for them, wherein
they are) instructed in philosophy and Divinity, and confirmed in
the same belief and holy faith, that the Kingdom of England did
belong to the late King of Spain, and does now to his children.
After that these young English gentlemen have finished their
courses, those of them that are found to be most Hispaniolized,
and most courageous and firm to this Spanish creed, are sent into
England to sow this faith among them, to be spies, and give
advice to tbe Spaniards of what is doing in England, and what
must and ought to be done to bring England into tbe Spaniards'
hands; and if need be to undergo Martyrdom as soon, or rather
sooner, for this Spanish faith, than for the Catholic religion." '
The College of St. Omers was founded by the Jesuits in
1594. Its object was to furnish the Jesuit Colleges in
Rome and Spain with scholars whom they had themselves
trained from their early years. A modern apologist for DoUay
College, the late Father Knox, comments on Cardinal D'Ossat's
letter, but he meets his startling statements concerning the
chief object of the Seminaries named, by the unwarranted
statement that the " intrinsic value " of the Cardinal's letter
is very small. He admits, however, that at that time " the
English Jesuits were devoted adherents to the Spanish King ; "
and that " the English Seminaries abroad were either governed
' Leitres Card. D'Ossat, Part 2, I. 7. Quoted in Gee's Jet»its Memorial,
Introdnction, p. xlvi.

28 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
by the Jesuits or at least, as in the case of Douay College,
under their infiuence." '
To return to Campian, whom we left before his judges.
The extracts from Bristow's Motives, given above, were
brought before him, as they had already been during his
examination. A loyal man would have at once repudiated
such traitorous doctrine. The Queen's Counsel asked him:
"How can a man be faithful to our State, and swear per
formance to those Motives?" to which Campian replied,
" Whether Bristow's Motives be repugnant to our laws or no,
is not anything material to our indictment, for that we are
neither Seminary men, nor sworn at our entrance to any such
Motives." ' It was noted that he carefully abstained from
censuring the doctrines of Bristow. The record of Cam
pian's examination in prison on these points, which was
taken on the 1st of August, 1581, is interesting. It is as
follows, and was signed by himself: —
"Edmund Campian being demanded whether he would acknow
ledge the publishing of these things before recited, by Sanders,
Bristow, and Allen, to be wicked in the whole, or any part ; and
whether he doth at this present acknowledge her Majesty to be
a true and lawful Queen, or a pretended Queen, and deprived,
and in possession of her Crown only de facto: he answereth to
the first that he meddleth neither to nor fro, and will not further
answer, but requireth that they may answer. "To the second he saith,
that this question dependeth on the fact of Pius Quintus, whereof
he is not to judge, and therefore refuseth further to answer." '
Another matter of importance made known at the trial,
was the fact that disloyal oaths had been administered to
the English people. Mr. Simpson tells us that " The Clerk
of the Crown read certain papers, containing in them oaths
to be administered to the people for the renouncing their
obedience to her Majesty, and the swearing of allegiance
to the Pope, acknowledging him for their supreme head
' Knox's Records of English Catholics, vol. i. Douay Diaries, p. ovii.
* Simpson's Campian, p. 288.
* Tierney's Dodd's Church Eistory, vol. iii. Appendix, p. xi.

EXECUTION OF CAMPIAN 29
and governor ; the which papei-s were found in divers houses
where Campian had lurked, and for religion been entertained." '
Campian pleaded that there was no evidence before the
Court, that he had circulated those papers; but he could
not deny that the circumstances were suspicious. We need
not wonder that the jury found him guilty, nor yet that,
however sad it may be, he suffered subsequently the punish
ment of death. He was a martyr to the deposing power
of the Pope, not to his religion. On the 9th of December,
1886, Pope Leo XIH. raised Campian to the rank of a
"Blessed" Martyr.
' ijimpsun's Campian, p. 295.

CHAPTER II
A GREA.T JESUIT PLOT IN SCOTLAND
Towards the close of 1579 a remarkable Jesuit plot was in
course of development in Scotland, which had for its object
the destruction of Protestantism in that country, with a view
to restoring Mary Queen of Scots to the throne which
she had lost, or at least that she might share it with her
son ; and this as a preliminary to placing her on the throne
of England also, as soon as Ehzabeth had been deposed.
Carnal weapons were alone relied on for the success of this
plot. It was then as it always has been since with the
Jesuit Order, which rehes more on political machinations
than on mere proselytising efforts. The principal tool of
the Jesuits in this plot was Esme Stuart, Lord of Aubigny,
a young Frenchman, and a near relative of the youthful
James VI., King of Scotland. Aubigny had been educated
by the Jesuits, and in September, 1579, he was sent over
to Scotland on the pretence of congratulating the King on
his entrance to his kingdom. He announced that his visit
would be very brief, and that, on its termination, he intended
to return at once to France. ' A modern Jesuit vn:iter
informs us that Aubigny " came over from France with the
express object of destroying Morton, ' who, for political
reasons, was at that time the chief supporter of the Pro
testant interests in Scotland. Before leaving his home,
Aubigny had a conference with the Roman Catholic Bishops
' Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. iii., p. 461. Woodtow
Society Edition.
2 Narratives of Scottish Catholics, edited by W. Forbes Leith, S.J., p. 165.

AUBIGNY STARTS FOR SCOTLAND 31
of Glasgow and Ross, in which his future political course
in Scotland was arranged. It was decided that he should
aim at dissolving all friendly relations between Scotland and
England, by removing from the King all those who were
favourable to friendship between the two nations ; to procure
an association between Mary Queen of Scots and James VI.,
her son, in the government of Scotland; and, lastly, to
alter the religion of the country, with a view to the restora
tion of the Roman Cathohc religion, and the suppression
of Protestantism. ' It was a bold programme, and required
the a.ssistance of some of the most subtle and astute minds
the Church of Rome could produce, to give it a chance
of success. Secrecy was above all things essential.
When Aubigny started for Scotland he was accompanied
to the French coast by the Duke of Guise, who, seven years
previously, had been one of the principal organisers of the
horrible St. Bartholomew Massacre. ' The Duke was the
man who had led, at the commencement of that Massacre,
the party of assassins sent to murder that brave Protestant
hero, Admiral Coligny. He stayed outside Coligny's house
while the foul deed was being perpetrated by his fol
lowers upstairs. They were long at their evil work, and
duise became impatient. At last he called out to his men,
^'Have you finished?" "It is done," was the reply of the
murderers. "Then throw him out of the window," said
the Duke. When the lifeless body of Cohgny fell on the
street pavement below, the brutal Guise kicked the face of
the brave Protestant, and then exclaimed, "Come, soldiers,
take courage, we have begun well. Let us go on to the
others, for so the King commands." Thus began that fear
ful carnage which has made St. Bartholomew's Day a day
of horror for all future generations. ' Guise was an active
spirit throughout in the Jesuit plot which Aubigny was
• Calderwood's History, vol. iii., p. 460.
' IHd., p. 457.
^ Baird's Rise of the Huguenots, vol. ii., p. 459.

32 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
sent to Scotland to support. Had it succeeded, under such
auspices, there might have been another St. Batholomew
Massacre in Scotland. Mignet says that Aubigny arrived in
Scotland " with a secret mission from the Duke of Guise. '
The Ministers of Edinburgh had warning beforehand as
to the character of the young Frenchman. Calderwood states
that it was Aubigny's mother, " a very religious lady,"
who sent the warning. It was soon evident that Aubigny
had not come to Scotland merely for a brief visit, but that
he meant to settle down in the country. He rapidly gained
the affections of the youthful King, and was speedily promoted
to high office. He well knew, however, that he could only
gain his ends by disguising his religious opinions. Accordingly,
soon after his arrival, he announced his willingness to be
instructed in the Protestant faith. There was no time to
be lost, for already an outcry had been made, and the Pres
byterian ministers had denounced in their sermons the con
duct of the King in allowing so many Papists to reside at
his Court "In a short time," says Archbishop Spottiswoode,
Aubigny, who had meanwhile been created Earl of Lennox,
was brought "to join himself to the Church, and openly,
in St. Giles', to renounce the errors wherein he had been
educated."" This event took place on March 17th, 1580.'
In the month of July, the same year, the General Assembly
of the Church of Scotland met at Dundee. To this meeting
Lennox thought it necessary to send a letter renewing his
profession of Protestantism. "It is not, I think, unknown
to you," he wrote to the Assembly, " how it hath pleased
God, of His infinite goodness, to call me, by His grace and
mercy, to the knowledge of my salvation, since my coming
in this land. Wherefore I render, most earnestly, humble
thanks unto His Divine Majesty." * Notwithstanding these
J Mignet's History of Mary Queen of Scots, p. 344. Seventh Edition.
2 Spottiswoode's History of the Church of Scotland, 3rd ed., p. 308.
a Moyse's Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, p. 41. Edition 17S5.
'' Calderwood's Eistory, vol. iii., p. 488.

ROMANISTS DISGUISING THEIR RELIGION 38
reiterated professions of his belief in the Protestant faith
the suspicions of the Presbyterian Ministers continued. One
of their number, Mr. Walter Balcanquall, in a sermon which
he preached in Edinburgh on December 7th, 1580, declared
that the Papists "affirm that it is lawful unto a Christian,
if he feareth any danger or trouble, outwardly to deny his
faith and religion, with this condition, that he keep it close
within himself. In respect whereof it is that both plainly
they speak and write, that if any of their Catholics come
among us (whom they call heretics and Calvinists), if they
be afraid of any trouble or danger, it is lawful for them to
deny their Catholic or Roman religion, and so dissemble with
the same that they do anything we bid them do, and if it
were with tiheir mouth to deny their Papistry, subscribe the
articles of our religion, and be participants of the Sacraments,
with this condition, that they keep their rehgion inwardly
and heartily to the Cathohc Roman Kirk, and faith thereof."
The preacher applied his remarks to what he termed " the
French Court come into Scotland," meaning thereby Aubigny
and his party. And he courageously warned his country : —
"If these things continue," he exclaimed, "and go forward,
I will tell thee, 0 Scotland, and those who fear the Lord
within thee, that thou shalt repent that ever the French
Court came into Scotland, or that ever thou saw it, or the
fruits thereof with thy eyes." '
Two days later another faithful Minister — there were men
in Scotland then with "backbone," not afraid to speak out
— John Durie, confirmed all that Mr. Balcanquall had said,
The King was very angry with the preachers, and no doubt
would have punished them severely, were it not that they
received the protection of the General Assembly of the Kirk
of Scotland, which, at its first meeting after the sermons
were preached, at this request of the King, appointed certain
commissioners to examine Mr. Balcanquall's sermon. They
1 Calderwood's Eistory, vol. iii., pp. 773—775.

34 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
reported that there was " nothing either erroneous, scandalous,
or offensive in his sermon, but good and sound doctrine,
whereof they desired the Assembly's approbation." There
upon the General Assembly unanimously affirmed that the
preacher "had uttered nothing in that sermon erroneous,
scandalous, or offensive, but solid, good, and true doctrine,
for which they praised God." '
The fears of the Protestant Ministers for the fature were
not lessened as the months passed by. On the contrary,
they were, says Spottiswoode,
"increased by the interception of certain Dispensations sent from
Home, whereby the Catholics were permitted to promise, swear,
subscribe, and do what else should be required of them, so as in
mind they continued firm, and did use their diligence to advance
in secret the Eoman faith. These dispensations being shown to the
King, he caused his Minister, Mr. John Craig, to form a short Con
fession of Faith, wherein all the corruptions of Kome, as well in
doctrine as outward rites, were particularly abjured." -
This Confession of Faith was signed at Edinburgh,
January 28th, 1581. It was not signed, however, until
after the King had received a letter of warning from Queen
Elizabeth, which ought to have opened his eyes to the
designs of Lennox. In this communication (which was read
to the General Assembly at which the Confession of Faith
was signed), sent by the hand of her ambassador, Randolph,
she informed James that: —
" It had been discovered by sundry means unto her Majesty, that
the Pope and his adherents have concluded, as a thing necessary
to the general enterprise, to attempt the recovering of Scotland to
his obedience, and, in some part, the manner thereof, how they
meant to proceed, had been also unto her Majesty revealed; and
that she had seen some part thereof begun already, which was, by
sending Monsieur D'Aubigny, a professed Papist, into Scotland,
under colour of his kindred to the King, that these twenty years
past never oflFered any service to the King, when as he had most
need; partly by dissimulation and courting with the King, being
young, and of noble and gentle nature, and partly by nourishing
and making factions among the nobility, but specially, to oppose
1 Calderwood's History, vol. iii., p. 586.
- Spottiswoode's Eistory, vol. ii., p. 268.

QUEEN ELIZABETH S WARNINGS 6b
himself to such of the nobles as were known afiectionate, to main
tain amity between her Majesty and the King of Scots, and were
earnest to continue the love between the two nations. Thereby
to make some ready way, by colour of division and faction, to
bring strangers, being Bomanists, into the realm, for his party.
And, consequently, by degrees to alter religion, yea, in the end
to bring the person of the young King in danger; which is seen
very easy to be done, by colour of his office, being now, without
any proof of service done to the King or his country, made his
principal Chamberlain, and possessor of his person: and so to
make himself, by the greatness of his authority; and by his banding
in factions, but specially by pretence of his nearness of blood to
the King, to get the Crown al«o, in the end to himself."*
The Queen then proceeded to point out to the King
several of the steps already taken by Aubigny towards the
attainment of his objects ; and specially referred to the arrest
of the Earl of Morton, who, at the instigation of Aubigny
(Lennox), was in prison at the time, on a charge of high
treason. This she considered
" A matter sufficient to confirm the just suspicions of Monsieur
D'Aubigny'a intention to become the principal minister of the Pope
and his adherents, for to reduce that realm [of Scotland] to the
servitude of Rome, whereof himself from his birth hath been a
professed vassall, that now by policy (though some of his company
brought with him, and yet secretly cherished by him, do remain
still Papists), he himself, to colour his dissimulation, affirmed by
words, to be somewhat otherwise changed. A matter, being well
considered, that served his turn the better, to achieve his enterprise ;
and such a device, that (as it is confessed by sundry) the Pope doth
many times give dispensations to divers for some notable respects,
to dissemble not only in bare words and with oaths, but also in
outward facts to proceed to be of the Eeformed Religion, only
to have more commodity to work their further practice. And
of this kind had been discovered many in England, and also in
Prance, that had confessed such Dispensations so to dissemble;
yea, they are taught that they, without hurt to their Popish con
science, by oath, before any Protestant magistrate, may deny their
faith, and dissemble, and break any promise made to a Protestant." '
Notwithstandmg these warnings, so fully justified by sub
sequent events, James continued his royal favour to Lennox.
But the action of Ehzabeth made it all the more necessary
that the favourite should give one more proof of his repudia-
1 Calderwood's Eistory, vol. iii., p. 491.
2 Ibid., vol. iii., p. 493.

36 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
tion of Popery, and of his allegiance to the Protestant faith,
and therefore he was the first to swear to and sign the
Confession of Faith, after the King. That he should be
guilty of what — in his case — was nothing less than perjury
in its most abominable form, only proves that he was, as
Mr. Froude affirms, " accomplished in all arts, whether of
grace or villainy." ' As showing the depth of his wickedness,
as to which no evidence exists that he was ever censured
by the Pope, I here subjoin the text of the principal por
tions of the Confession of Faith itself, which he swore to
and signed. The original document is preserved in the Advo
cates' Library, Edinburgh: —
"We all, and every one of us underwritten, protest, that after a
long and due examination of our own consciences in matters <rf
true and false religion, are now thoroughly resolved in the truth,
by tbe Word and Spirit of God  And, therefore, we abhor and
detest all contrary religion and doctrine; but chiefly all kind of
Papistry in general and particular heads, even as they are now
damned and confuted by the Word of God and Kirk of Scotland.
But in special, we detest and refuse the usurped authority of that
Roman Antichrist upon the Scriptures of God, upon the Kirk,
tbe Civil Magistrate, and consciences of men; all his tyrannical
laws made upon indifierent things against our Christian liber
ty; .. . his blasphemous opinion of Transubstantiation, or
Real Presence of Christ's body in the elements . . . his devilish
Mass; his blasphemous priesthood, his profane Sacrifice for the
sins of the dead and the living; his canonization of men, calling
upon angels and saints departed, worshipping of images, relics,
and crosses ; . . . his Purgatory, prayers for the dead, praying or
speaking in a strange language ; with his processions and blasphe
mous Litany, and multitude of advocates and mediators; his
manifold Orders, Auricular Confession ; . . . his holy water, baptising
of bells, conjuring of spirits; . . . his worldly monarchy, and wicked
hierarchy ; hia three solemn vows ; . . . his erroneous and bloody decrees
made at Trent, with all the subscribers and approvers of that cruel
and bloody band, ccmjured against the Kirk of God. And, finally,
we detest all his vain allegories, rites, signs, and traditions brought
into the Kirk, without or against the Word of God, and doctrine
of this true Reformed Kirk; to the which we join ourselves willingly
in doctrine, faith, religion, discipline, and use of the holy Sacrv
ments, as lively members of the same, in Christ our Head: pro
mising and swearimg hy the great name of the Lord our Qod, that
we shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline
of this Kirk, and shall defend the same according to our vocation
' Fronde's Eistory of England, vol. i., p. 512.

THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT 37
and power, all the days of our life, under the pains contained in
the Law, and danger both of body and soul in the day of God's
fearful Judgment. And, seeing that many are stirred up by
Satan and that Roman Antichrist, to promise, swear, subscribe,
and for a time use the holy Sacraments in the Kirk deceitfully,
against their own conscience; minding hereby, first under the ex
ternal cloak of the religion, to corrupt and subvert secretly God's
true religion within the Kirk ; and afterwards, when time may serve,
to become open enemies and persecutors of the same, under vain
hope of the Pope's dispensation, devised gainst the Word of God,
to his greater confusion, and their double condemnation in the
Day of the Lord Jesus: We, therefore, willing to take away all
suspicion of hypocrisy, and of such double dealing with God and His
Kirk, protest, and call the Searcher of all hearts for witness, that
our minds and hearts do fully agree with this our Confesmyn, promise,
OATH, and subscription; so that we are not moved for any worldly
respect, but are persuaded only in our conscience, through the
knowledge and love of God's true religion printed in our hearts
by the Holy Spirit, as we shall answer to Him in the Day when the
secrets of ail hearts shall he disclosed. . . . We protest and promise
solemnly with our hearts, under the same oath, handwriting, and
pains, that we shall defend his [the King's] person and authority
with our goods, bodies, and lives, in the defence of Christ's Evangel,
liberty of our country, ministration of justice, and punishment of
iniquity, against all enemies within this realm or without, as we
desire oar God to be a strong and merciful Defender to us, in
the day of our death, and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ: To
Whom, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, be all honour and
glory eternally. Amen." '
Lennox was not the only Romanist in disguise who
treacherously signed this Confession of Faith. Lord Seton
was another. He had rendered special service to the Church
of Rome before this period, and he continued those services
to the end of his hfe. A year after the event just recorded,
a priest, who was a political emissary of the Jesuits to
Scotland, reporting his work to Cardinal Allen, remarked:
"We celebrated [Mass] daily, and preached during the
Christmas season in the house of Lord Seton, the greater
part of his household, which is very numerous, being present." *
Lord Seton, writing on March 14th, 1584, to Pope Gre
gory Xin., was not ashamed to boast of his services to the
• Kow's Eistorie of the Kirk of Scotland, pp. 74—77. Edinburgh : Woodrow
Society. - Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 178.

38 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Church of Rome. "I need not explain to your Hohness,"
he wrote, "the part which I have taken in defending the
Catholic rehgion, and the authority of the Supreme Pontiff,
for I would rather leave this to others." ' Did his lord
ship, we may well ask, in his own mind, include the
signature of the Presbyterian Confession of Faith, as amongst
the services he had rendered to the Papacy?
The progress to power of the Royal favourite was rapid,
and the evil deed of January 28th, 1581, helped on his
pohtical schemes. He was first, as we have seen, created
Earl of Lennox, and next made Chamberlain of Scotland.
Edinburgh Castie was given in charge of one of his supporters.
Dumbarton was made over to him as an appanage of his
earldom, and thus he had the key in his hands to open
Scotland to the French or Spaniards, whenever he was ready
to receive them. It was even suggested that he should be
recognised as heir to the Crown, should the King die with
out issue. ^ On August 27, 1581, he was proclaimed Duke
of Lennox. His evil deed of the previous January had
enabled him to get rid of the Earl of Mortem, his most
formidable rival, who was executed June 2nd, 1581.
"The death of Morton was followed," writes Tytl^, "as was to
be expected, by the concentration of the whole powrar of the
State in the bands of the Eari of Lennox and Captain Stewart,
now Earl of Arran. This necessarily led to the revival of the
influence of France, and to renewed intrigues by the friends of
the Catholic faith and the supporters of the imprisoned Queen
[Mary Queen of Scots]. The prospects of the Protestant lords,
and of the more zealots Ministers of tbe Kirk were proportionably
overclouded; the faction in the interests of England was thrown
into despair, and reports of the most gloomy kind began to circu
late ttirough the eo«ntry." '
Towards the end (rf the summer of 1581, Mendoza, the
Spanish Ambassador in London, and one of the bitterest
enemies of England and the Protestant rehgion, determined
that, if possible, the Jesuit Plot in Scotland should be
' Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 186.
^ Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 51.
= Tytler's Eistory of SeotUmd, vol. iv., p. 38. Edinborgh, 1864.

TREASON OP ROMAN CATHOLIC LORDS 39
worked in the interests of Spain rather than of France, of
whose influence both he and his master, the King of Spain,
were very jealous. For this purpose Mendoza had several
secret conferences in London with some of the principal
Roman Cathohcs of England. To them he pointed out that
there was a far greater chance of success for the Roman
Cathohc cause in England and Scotland, if the undertaking
in that country were under the auspices of Spain rather
than those of France, but he was careful at the same time
to remind them that "the first step to be taken was to
bring Scotland to submit to the Holy See," for this would
embarrass Queen Elizabeth more than anything else. After
a great deal of negotiation, what appears to have been a
sort of committee to represent the other Roman Catholics
of England was formed. It consisted of ^x English Lords ;
all of them being Spanish in their sympathies. Writing to
the King of Spain, on September 7th, 1581, Mendoza says: —
"My proposal was approved of, and six Lords, who are tiie
leaders and chiefs of the other Catholics, met for the purpose of
considering it. One of them repeated to the others what I had
said,' and urged that the best way for them [in England] to shake
off the oppression with which they were being afflicted by the
heretics would be to attempt to bring Scotland to submission to
the Church. They took solemn oaths to aid each other, and to
mutually devote their persons and property to the furtherance of
this end without informing any living soul of their determination
excepting myself. They decided to send an English clergyman
who is trusted by all the six, a person of understanding who was
brought up in Scotland, to the Scottish Court, for the purpose,
after he had made himself acquainted with the state of things,
with their assistance and recommendation, to try to get a private
interview with D'Auhigny, and tell him that, if the King would
submit to the Roman Catholic Church, many of the English nobles,
and a great part of the population, would at once side with him,
and have him declared heir to the English Crown and release
hifl mother. He was to assure him that the help of His Holine-^s,
your Majesty, and it was supposed also of the King of France,
would he forthcoming to this end." '
The reference to help from France was put in as a matter
of policy, for Mendoza assured his master that the English
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 170.

40 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Lords did "not wish to have anything to do with France."
The Enghsh priest chosen for this deUcate and secret mission
was Wilham Watts. Before he started for Scotland Watts
received his instructions from the notorious Jesuit, Father
Robert Parsons, who was a prime mover in the conspiracy.
Parsons told him what subjects he should introduce in con
versation with the young King of Scotland. He was to
request his Majesty to take under his protection those
Enghsh Roman Catholics who fled to Scotland, since the
Romanists were the only persons who favoured his succession
to the English Throne. Then he was to dwell upon the
reasons which ought to incline the King to view Popery
with favour, and the Protestant heretics in abhorrence, and
to hold out before him the prospect, not only of the suc
cession to the English Throne, but also of the frieaadsliip
of the neighbouring Roman Catholic Princes; the assistance
of the Romanists of both England and Scotland, and especially
of the f»iests in recovering Scotland to the Roman Cath(^hc
Church, which they were ready to undertake even thoiigh
it should cost their Uves.
With these instructions Father Wilham Watts set off to
ScoUand, accompanied by a servant. Having arrived in tnat
coimtry, he was fortunate enough to obtain from John Lord
Maxwell, a Protestant, a safe conduct in writing to any
part of Scotland. Watts next went to the "Baron of
Grencknols " whom he knew to be favourable to the Popish
cause, though outwardly a Protestant, and to him he opened
his mind freely, and obtained promises of sympathy and
aid. At last he reached Edinburgh, where he had interviews
with Lord Seton (a disguised Romanist) and other noblemen,
including his son, afterwards known as Chancellor Seton. Lord
Seton entertained Watts in his own house. These noblemen
at last introduced him to the King, but what transpired at
the interview has not, so far as I am aware, been pubhshed.
These Scottish noblemen gave this secret emissary promises
such as satisfied him. Father Watts wrote out a report of

REPORTS OF SECRET EMISSARIES 41
his mission which he forwarded to Father Parsons, who at
once sent it on to the General of the Jesuits at Rome.
Watts supplied a hst of noblemen favourable to the Popish
cause. It included D'Aubigny (on whom their hopes mainly
relied), the Earl of Huntly, the Earl of Eghnton, the Earl
of Caithness, Baron Seton, Baron Ogilvy, Baron Gray, and
Baron Femihurst. ' In writing to the General of his Order
Parsons sought fgr his advice, telling him that he entirely
relied upon his answer for his guidance as to his future
conduct in the matter. Apparently the answer was satisfac
tory to Parsons, if we may judge by the fact that he
continued to be an active worker in the plot. By direction
of Parsons, Watts prolonged his stay in Scotland, and did
not return to London until the following January, when he
wrote out a second report of his proceedings, and forwarded
it to Dr. Allen (afterwards Cardinal) who was then staying
at Rheims. Allen at once sent on the report to the Car
dinal of Como, Papal Secretary of State, for the information
of the Pope, who took the greatest interest in what was
going on in Scotland. In this document Watts stated that
the Scottish nobles favourable to the plot despaired of success
without armed aid from abroad. They desired that special
efforts should be made to bring the King over to the Church
of Rome, but if these failed "they would then get her
Majesty's [Mary Queen of Scots] licence and permission to
convey the King, her son, if necessary, to some Catholic
country, where he could be better instructed in the true
faith, and trained to the duties of sovereignty." It would
be well, they thought, if a marriage could he arranged
betwcMi the King and the daughter of the King of Spain.
The King of Scotland was then only fifteen years old.
Father William Holt, a Jesuit, was also sent by Parsons
to Scotland soon after Watts had started for that country,
and he remained there until the beginning of the following
• Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 166 — 174.

42 THE JESUITS IN GRttAT BRITAIN
Lent. On February 9th, 1582, Mendoza wrote a lengthy
letter to the King of Spain, reporting what took place at
an interview which he had just had with Father Holt in
London, after his arrival from Scotland. Holt told the
Spanish Ambassador that on his arrival in Edinburgh, he,
like Father Watts, was received " by the principal Lords and
Councillors of the King, particularly the Duke of Lennox
[Aubigny], tiie Earls of Huntly, Eglinton, Argyll, Caithness,
and other personages, who are desirous of bringing the
country to submit to our Holy Cathohc Faith." These
noblemen had unanimously pledged themselves to adopt
four means of obtaining their object. First, to endeavour
to induce their King to become a Roman Cathohc; secondly,
they would try and obtain, if necessary, the permission of
the King's mother, that " if he be not converted, he should
be forced to open his eyes and hear the truth ; " thirdly, if
his mother thought it necessary " they would transport him
out of the Kingdom to a place that she might indicate;"
and fourthly, "as a last resource they would depose the
King " until his mother had escaped from captivity and had
arrived in Scotland, "unless he would consent to become a
Catholic." One way to forward these expedients was, they
suggested, for some foreign sovereign to support them with
troops, of whom they supposed 2000 would be sufficient for
their purpose. They did not intend to apply for help to
France for these troops, but they had appealed to Mary Queen
of Scots, whose personal intercession woidd, they behoved,
"prevail upon the Pope" and the King of Spain to help
them. If the soldiers were sent, these Scottish noblemen
"would undertake to convert the country to the Cathohc
faith, and to bring it to submit to the Pope." To prevent
the jealousy of the French they thought it would be best
were the King of Spain to send, under the name of the
Pope, Italian rather than Spanish soldiers to Scotland. '
' Calendar of Spanish State Pasters, vol. iii., 28S— 289.

THE pope's secret EMISSARY 43
Mary Queen of Scots was made acquainted with this
artfully contrived plot, and gave it her hearty approval and
assistance. To facihtate matters she was willing to give
up her claim to be the only Sovereign of Scotland, and to
associate the name of her son with her own as joint Sov
ereigns of the land. But this association with her son
would entirely depend upon his becoming a Roman Catholic,
and she held herself free at any time to withdraw from
association with him, provided she had come to the decision
that his perversion was hopeless; in which case she woidd
resume her claim to be the Queen of Scotland, and heiress
to the throne of England. She wrote to Mendoza on the
subject a letter^ in which she expressed the opinion that
the Duke of Lennox, " though he has joined with the heretics
in order by dissimulation to strengthen his posiHon,"" would
not be blind to the advantage of helping the King by any
means. *
At about this period the Pope, anxious for further informa
tion for his personal guidance, sent an emissary of his own
to Scotland. He selected for the mission Father William
Creighton, a Scotch Jesuit, who also went with the approba
tion of the King of Spain, the bloodthirsty Duke of Guise,
and Father Parsons. Before starting on his journey, Creigh
ton, in company with Parsons, had an interview at Eu,
towards the end of January, with the Duke of Guise, " about
the advancement of the Catholic cause in both realms of
England and Scotland, and for the delivery of tbe Queen
of Scots, then prisoner." ^ Creighton arrived in Scotland in
the beginning of Lent, 1582, and left the country on his
return to the Continent towards the end of March. His
account of his visit to Scotland was subsequently written
for the purpose of being preserved in the archives of the
Jesuits at Rome. From this report I take the following
extract, in which the real sentiments of Lennox towards the
• Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 290.
* Kboi's Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. xxxv.

44 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
reliffion of Rome come out in their true and natural colours.
The italics are mine.
"At the time of his arrival," wrote Creighton of himself, "only
one of the members of the Royal Council, Lord Seton, remained
constant to his religion. This nobleman willingly received Pr.
Creighton into his house, and treated him with kindness and respect.
All the others had subscribed to the heretical Confession of Faith, '
through fear of the tyranny of those who had seized upon the govern
ment, and especially of the heretical preachers. The guardian of the
young King, then still a minor, was his cousin, the Duke of Lennox.
Ft. Creighton considered it best to enter into correspondence with
this nobleman, whom he knew to be a Catholic at heart, although exter
nally complying in every respect with the requirements of the Ministers;
and it was not without great difficulty that he obtained an interview
with Lennox, for he had to be introduced into the King's palace
at night, and hidden during three days in a secret chamber. The
Duke promised that he would have the King instructed in the Catholie
religion, or else conveyed abroad, in order to be able to embrace
it with more freedom. To secure this concession, he made some
on his side, chiefly of a pecuniary nature; and such as seemed
very insignificant when compared with the object in view. The
articles of this agreement were drawn up by Fr. Creighton, and
signed by the Duke's hand in evidence of his assent to it, so that
the Pope, then Gregory XIII., might possess in the Duke's hand
writing a proof of ttie accuracy of Fr. Creighton's verbal statement.
Armed with this document, Father Creighton at once crossed over
to France, and arrived in Paris, where the Duke of Guise — the
King's relative, the Archbishop of Glasgow, Father Tyrie, ' and the
other Scotchmen, all considered the Catholic cause as good as gained. "
On Father Creighton's return to France he communicated
the results of his Scottish visit to the Archbishop of Glas
gow, Dr. Allen (subsequently Cardinal Allen), the Duke of
Guise, Father Parsons, and to the agent of the King of Spain.
" The greater part of April and May was," writes the late Father
Knox, "spent in discussing this design, and finally, at a meeting
held in Paris, at which, besides those already mentioned, F, Claude
Mathieu, Provincial of the Jesuits in France and Confessor to the
Duke of Guise, was present, a plan was definitely decided upon,
and F. Creighton was deputed to take it to the Pope at Rome,
Emd F. Parsons to Philip II. at Lisbon, where the King was then
residing." *
' And so, as we have seen, had Lord Seton also.
^ Father Tyrie also was a Jesnit priest.
' Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 181, 182.
* Knox's Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. xliii.

SECRET CONFERENCE IN PARIS 45
Tassis, the Spanish Ambassador to France, took part in
these conferences, and on May 29th wrote about them to
his master, the King of Spain.
" The Duke of Guise," wrote Tassis from Paris, " has arrived, and
conferred at length with the priests, after which they summoned me
at night to the Scots Ambassador's house. The Duke of Guise in
formed me of his great desire to personally participate in so im
portant an affair, with the sole object I have mentioned, and
the plan^of execution was subsequently discussed. His opinion
was that His Holiness should have the enterprise carried out
entirely in his name, and should announce that the destination
of the expedition was to be Barbary. . . . The priests subsequently
informed me that the principal reason why he (Guise) advocated
this course was the oath he took when he received the Order of
the Holy Ghost, not to employ himself in favour of any foreign
Prince without the consent of his Sovereign, and he thinks that
if he is engaged in this enterprise with forces belonging to your
Majesty he might be breaking this oath. The priests, however,
say that they have satisfied him upon the point, and have shown
him that he may do so with a perfectly clear conscience, so that
he is now resolved to take part in the affair in whatever form His
Holiness and your Majesty may consider advisable." •
In other words, under Jesuit guidance, the Duke decided
to break his solemn oath, in order that he might do good
to the Roman Catholic faith in Scotland and England.
The object of the visits of these two Jesuits to Rome
and Lisbon respectively was to 'obtain a strong mihtary
force to guard the King of Scotland and the Duke of
Lennox, and to provide a Roman Cathohc bride for the
King, by whose means it was expected to make his secession
to Romanism secure. The Pope approved of the design,,
took it up warmly, and subscribed four thousand gold
crowns. He also wrote to Phihp II. urging him to help a
cause which so greatly interested all Christian people. In
response, Philip gave twelve thousand gold crowns, promising
the same amount every year, and more if necessary. '
A great deal of the correspondence of those who took
part in this treacherous conspiracy was pubhshed in London
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 377, 378.
' Narratives of Scottish CathoUcs, p. 182.

46 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
in 1882, in the second volume of the Records of English
Catholics. From that book we learn that after the delibera
tions of the conspirators had for the time concluded, the
Papal Nuncio at Paris wrote a lengthy report of the pro
ceedings to the Papal Secretary of State, for the information
of the Pope. The design in hand, he informed the Secretary,
must be arranged in all particulars by the Duke of Guise.
Father Robert Parsons had said that 6000 footmen were
sufficient for Scotland, and that after their work was done
they could pass over to England, so as to bring back two
Kingdoms to the Church of Rome. "Moreover," continued
the Nuncio, "at the proper time the principal Cathohcs in
England will receive information of the affair by means
of the priests. But this will not be done until just before
the commencement of the enterprise, for fear of its becoming
known; since the soul of this afiair is its secrecy." The
Nuncio concluded the letter thus: — "It seems to me that
this enterprise is so honourable and useful to the Church
of God that nothing, I believe, could be undertaken or
even imagined greater or more fruitful ; and I cannot do other
wise than entreat your most reverend lordship to animate
our Lord (the Pope) to this enterprise, which is worthy of
Christ's Vicar." '
Before he wrote the above letter the Nuncio had received
a visit from Parsons, who placed in his hands a memoran
dum, in which he offered " in the name of all the Catholics
of England, their life, their goods, and all that lies within
their power for the service of God and his Holiness in this
enterprise." Two years later, when Father Creighton was
arrested by the Enghsh Government, the plan of this very
enterprise was found upon him. In this plan it was stated that
"The great and rich cities for the most part, as Newcastle, York,
and such like, are all full of Catholics, who will repair to the
[invading] army, so as they shall be victorious without drawing
sword; and all the Catholic lords and gentlemen of those shires will
' Knox's Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., pp. ili, xHi.

THE POPE DESIRES THE AID OF LENNOX 47
unite themselves unto them: which we say not by conjecture, but
know assiwredly that they will do it, although they dare not trust
anybody in the world but only their priests, who are already dispersed
throughout all the shires of the realm." '
The special object of the enterprise was said to be the
deposition of Queen Ehzabeth, and the setting up of the
Scottish Queen in her room. The plan further provided
that on the entry of the invading army into England, all
those who should bear arms in defence of Queen Elizabeth,
should be treated as "guilty of treason, and shall be held
for such, unless they come to join with the army of the
Scottish Queen in England by such a certain day, and they
shall not only lose their lives, but also aU their possessions,
lordships, and lands, shall be given to the next of their
blood." Here we see what was, and ever has been, tbe
true attitude of the Jesuits towards civil and religious hberty.
Had they succeeded in their scheme, every Protestant who
resisted them, aye, and every loyal Roman Catholic also,
would have been put to death!
Father Creighton, on leaving Scotland, was the bearer
of a letter from the Duke of Lennox himself to Tassis, the
Spanish agent at the French Court. The letter is well
worth citing here.
"Sir," wrote Lennox, "the bearer of this, William Creighton, a
Jesnit, has come here and told me that he has been sent to me by
the Pope and the King of Spain, your King, and he has brought
me a letter of credence from the Ambassador of Scotland to the
effect that I should put trust in what he shall say to me. After
him there arrived another Jesnit, an Englishman [P. William
Holt], bringing me a letter from the Ambassador your King has
in London [Don Bernardino de Mendoza], and who in conjunction
with the Pope desires, as it seems to me, to -use my services in
the design which they have in hand for the restoration of the
Catholic religion and the liberation of the Queen of Scotland,
according to what the aforesaid Creighton related to me. As I
believe that this enterprise is undertaken for the good and pre
servation of the Queen of Scotland and the King her son, and
that his crown will be maintained and supported, I am ready,
with the consent of the Queen his mother, to devote my life and
^ Knox's Records of English Catholics, p. 430.

48 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
property to the execution of the said enterprise, on condition that
I am provided with all those things which are set down in a
memorandum which I have given to the bearer to communicate
to you." »
The "memorandum" to which the Duke of Lennox here
refers, required that by the following autumn twenty thou
sand Spanish, Itahan, German, and Swiss soldiers should
be landed in Scotland, with plenty of mnnitions of war; as
also that a large sum of money should be sent towards the
expenses of the enterprise; and he names in it the ports
where the troops should be landed.
On the same day that the Duke of LennOx wrote to
Tassis, he wrote also a similar letter to Mary Queei^ of Scots.
" Madam, — Since my last letters a Jesuit named William Creighton
has come to me with letters of credence from your Ambassador.
He informs me that the Pope and the Catholic King had decided
to succour you with an army, for the purpose of re-establishing
religion in this island, your deliverance from captivity, artd the
preservation of your right to the Crown of England. He says
that it has been proposed that I should be the head of the said army.
Since then, I have received a letter from the Spanish Ambassador
resident in London to the same effiect, through another English
Jesuit. For my own part, Madam, if it be your will that anythii^
should be done, and that I should undertake it, I will do so, and
am in hopes that, if promises are fulfilled, and the English
Catholics also keep their word, the enterprise may be carried to a
successful issue, and I will deliver you out of your captivity or
lose my life in the attempt. I therefore humbly beg you to inform
me of your vrishes on the matter, through the Spanish Ambassador
in London, with all speed, and I will follow your instructioiis if
you approve of the enterprise. As soon as I receive your reply
I vrill go to France with all diligence for the purpose of raising
some French infantry, and receiving the foreign troops and leading
them to Scotland." '
No one who reads the letters of Queen Mary, published
in the third volume of the Calendar of Spanish State Papers,
can doubt that she took a very decided part in furthering
this Papal and Jesuit plot, of which she heartily approved.
Yet when, two years later, she was charged by Mr. Somner,
Secretary to Sir Ralph Sadler, with having taken a part
' Knox's Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. xxiv.
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 333.

REPORT OF JESUIT EMISSARIES 49
in it, she actually had the daring falsehood to deny it,
calhng God to witness the truth of her lying assertions. '
The two Jeshit priests who had been to Scotland about
the business in hand, had an interview with Tassis at Paris,
about the middle of May. The latter wrote at once about
the subject of the interview to the King of Spain, on
May 18th, 1582:—
"Two or three days ago two Jesuit Fathers [Holt and Creigh
ton] came to see me, one an Englishman and the other a Scot.
The latter told me that, more than a year since, he was at Rome
to attend a meeting or Chapter of his Order, and by command of
his General, gave to His Holiness an account of the state of affairs
in Scotland, and the good hopes that existed of success attending
the attempts to restore the Catholic faith in the country if the
task were undertaken in earnest. His Holiness liked his discourse
so much that he sent him hither [to Paris] and gave instructions
to the Nuncio, and to the Scots Ambassador here, to consider
what steps could be taken in the matter, evincing a desire to aid
it effectually if there seemed to be an appearance of hopefulness.
The Nuncio and the Ambassador decided to send him to Scotland,
to inform M. D'Aubigny, Duke of Lennox, a Frenchman and a
kinsman of that King, of the Pope's favourable disposition, as he
(Lennox) had the principle influence over the King and exercised
great authority in the country, and was known to he CathoUc.
They therefore expected to find him very willing to assist, and
the Jesuit was instructed to encourage and exhort him to this end,
bearing a letter of credence from the Ambassador, founded on the
Pope's instructions. He (the Jesuit) had gone thither and with
great difficulty (seeing the suspicion in which the godly live there)
had seen D'Aubigny once, after secret communications had passed
between them by letter. The interview took place in a castle be
longing to D'Aubigny, whither he had gone on the pretext of other
business, and another Jesuit, an Englishman and companion
of the man who came to me, was present. This Englishman
appeared to arrive at the same time with a similar mission on
behalf of the English Catholics, and carried a letter of credence
from Don Bernardino de Mendoza for D'Aubigny. After hearing
what both of them had to say, D'Auhigny decided to give the swpt-
port desired hy His Holiness and your Majesty to the project, if
he was furnished with the things set forth in a statement which
he handed to them. -
Parsons also had an interview with the Papal Nuncio in
Paris, who, on May 22, reported it to the Papal Secretary
J Sadler's State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 14i7— 149.
2 Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 370.

50 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of State, the Cardinal of Como. " I have had," he wrote,
"a visit from Father Robert [Parsons], an English Jesuit,
who appears to me a very prudent man; but as yet I do
not know of the arrival of the Duke of Guise with whom
the design on hand must be arranged in all its particulars, the
said Father has given me a memorandum of which I send
a copy. It is, I know, unnecessary to say that the Bishop
alluded to in the memorandum should not be appointed in
Consistory, since in that way the affair would be easily
discovered, and therefore I wiU say nothing about it. This
Father assumes that 6000 footmen are sufficient in Scotland,
to cross over afterwards into England, but this is a point
which will be better settled when the Duke comes. The
expense seems to me small for two such great Princes,
especially since it will not last for many months, and the
gain of bringing back to Christ two kingdoms is inestimable,
and not to attend to this enterprise would drive into the
extremity of despair the Catholics of both realms. In a
few days Father Creighton, a Scotchman, who has lately
returned from Scotland, will go to Rome with a full account
of the state of England and Scotland; and from what I
know, if these troops can be brought on a sudden to Scot
land, and go thence likewise on a sudden to England, it
seems to me that the affair is most easy." '
This great Jesuit conspiracy against two nations, England
and Scotland, depended for its success mainly on the con
tinuance of the Duke of Lennox in power in the latter
country, while, in its turn, his continuance in power depended
entirely on the fact of his adherence to Romanism remaining
a profound secret. Lennox had used the power entrusted
to him in persecuting the Presbyterian ministers, and in
forcing the Episcopal system on the Church of Scotland.
The ministers were not blind to the dangers that surrounded
them. At this period, says Dr. M'Crie, the King
' Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., pp. il, xli.

A ROYAL DECLARATION 51
"fell into the hands of two unprincipled courtiers, the one a French
man, whom he made the Duke of Lennox; and the other, one
Captain Stewart, a notorious profligate, who afterwards became
Earl of Arran. These men, besides polluting his morals, filled his
head with the most extravagant notions of Kingly power, and the
strongest prejudices against the Scottish Church, the strict discipline
of which, for obvious reasons, was peculiarly obnoxious to persons
of such characters." '
It is no wonder that the ministers were dissatisfied with
the existing state of things, and earnestly desired that such
dangerous counsellors and unprincipled scoundrels should be
removed from the person of the King, who was still a mere
boy of barely sixteen years of age. Their dissatisfaction
was shared by many of the Protestant noblemen and gentry,
who could not view without serious alarm, the probability
of the loss of the civil and religious liberties of the country.
That alarm was in no way lessened by a Declaration issued
in the name of the King, though, no doubt, at the instiga
tion of Lennox himself. It was dated July 12, 1582, and
concluded as follows : —
"And because it is come to our knowledge that, by the said
disturbers of our common peace, rumours are published that our
dear cousin Esme, now Duke of Lennox eto., should be a counsellor
and deviser to us in the premises presently, of the erecting of
Papistry, and abolishing of the true religion, which he hath sub
scribed with his hand, sworn in the presence of God, approved with
the holy action of the Lord's Table, like as he is ready to seal the
same with his blood. We, therefore, with advice of our Lords of
the Secret Council aforesaid, have thought expedient to publish
to all our faithful subjects, the malicious falsehood of their calum
nies laid and published against our said cousin, his faithful and
constant abiding in the true religion of Christ professed within this
our realm, his dutiful obedience to us, our authority and laws, his care
and diligence in the preservation of our person, with all other
virtues required in a true counsellor and obedient subject. 'That
none of you, our faithful subjects, be moved or animated aga,inst
our said cousin, by the false bruits given out by such seditious
persons, enemies to our said cousin, or others our faithful coun
sellors, . . . and we charge you straitly and command that, forth
with, these our letters seen, ye pass to the Market Cross of all
boroughs, and to all Parish Kirks within our realm, and there
by open proclamation, make publication and intimation hereof,
that none pretend ignorance of the same." "
' M'Crie, Sketches of Scottish Chrerch Eistory, p. 105, ed. 1841.
'^ Calderwood's History, vol. iii., p. 783.

52 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
The Royal Proclamation, however, failed to allay the
deep-seated suspicions that had been aroused as to the
Jesuitical designs of Lennox, but for a while it was found
difficult to discover a remedy for the existing state of affairs.
At length a successful plan was devised, which effectually
checked the schemes of the Pope, Jesuits, and Diike of
Guise. On the 28th of August, 1582, several of the Pro
testant noblemen came to the King at Perth, and invited
him to pay a visit to Ruthven Castle, where,^,^r a time,
he was detained, no doubt against his will. This plan was
afterwards known as the Raid of Ruthven. The next day
a supplication was addressed to him by the Protestant noble
men and gentlemen, in which the reasons were given for
their action, and a statement of grievances was exhibited.
As this document contains a remarkable record of the per
secutions initiated by Lennox against the Church of Scotland,
and of his Jesuitical plot to bring back the power of the Pope,
it may be well to reproduce it here. It is as follows:—
"It may seem strange unto your Highness that we, your Majesty's
most humble and obedient subjects, are here convened beyond your
Highness's expectation. But after your Grace hath heard the
urgent occasions that have pressed us thereunto, your Majesty
will not marvel at this our honest, lawful, necessary, and most
godly enterprise. Sir, for the dutiful reverence and obedience we
owe to your Highness, and for that we ever abhorred to attempt
anything [that] might seem unpleasant to your Excellency, we
have suffered now about the sjiace of two years such false accusa
tions, calumnies, oppressions and persecutions, by means of the
Duke of Lennox, and him who is called Earl of Arran, that the like
of their insolences and enormities were never heretofore borne with
in Scotland. Which wrongs, albeit they were most intolerable, yet for
that they only touched us in particular, we bore them patiently,
ever attending when your Highness should put remedy thereto.
" But now, seeing the persons aforesaid have entered plainly to
trouble the whole body of thig Commonwealth, as well Ministers
of the blessed Evangel, as the true professors thereof; but in special,
that number of noblemen. Barons, burgesses, and community, that
did most worthily in your Highness' service during your youth;
whom principally and only they molest, and against whom only
they use most rigour and extremity of laws, acts, practices, for
greater vindication, so that a part of these your best subjects is
exiled, another part tormented, put to questions, and with partiality
executed; and if any escape their barbarous fury, yet have no

SUPPLICATION OP THE PROTESTANT LORDS 53
access to your Majesty, but are falsely calumniated, minassed,
debarred your presence, and kept out of your favour. Papists, and
the most notable murderers of your father and Regents, are daily
called home, restored to their former honours and heritages, and
oftentimes highly rewarded with ofl&ces, places, and possessions of
your most faithful servants. Finally, Sir, your Estate Royal is
not governed by the counsel of your nobility, as your most worthy
progenitors used to do, but at the pleasure of the persons afore
said, who enterprised nothing, but as they received directions
from the Bishops of Glasgow and Ross, your denounced rebels;
having with them joined in their ordinary Councils, the Pope's
Nuncio, the Ambassadors of Spain, and such other of the Catholic
Papists in France, as ever laboured to subvert the true religion,
to spoil you of your Crown. With these persons, and with your
mother, without advice of your Estates, they travelled to cause
your Majesty [to] negotiate and traffic, persuading your Highness
to be reconciled with her, and to associate her conjunctly with
you in your authority. Thirdly, meaning nothing but to convict
them of naurpation, conspiracy, and treason, that served your
Highness most faithfully in your youth. And so, having these
your best subjects out of the way, who, with the defence of your
innocency, maintained the purity of religion, as two actions united
and inseparable, what else could have ensued and followed, but
the wreck both of the one and the other?
"For conclusion, by their practices, the whole country (for which.
Sir, you must give account to our Eternal God, because we must
be answerable to your Excellency) is so perturbed, altered and
put out of frame, tiiat the true religion, the commonweal, your
Crown, Estate, and person, is no less in danger than when you
were delivered forth out of the hands of the murderer of your
father. Sir, beholding these dangers to be imminent and at hand,
without speedy htAp, ajid seeing your most noble person is in
8u<^ hazard, the preservation whereof is more precious to us tha*i
our own lives; seeing also no appearance that your Majesty was
forewarned ttiereof, but like to perish before you could perceive
peril, we thought we could not be answerable to God, neither be
faithful subjects to your Highness, if, after our ability, we prevented
not these pitiful disasters, and preserved your Majesty from the
same. For this effect, with all dutiful humility and obedience.
we, your Majesty's true subjects, are here convened ; desiring your
Majesty, in the name of the Eternal God, and for the love you
bear to His true religion, your country and subjects, that as you
would the tranquillity of your own estate, to retire yourself to
such a part of your country, where your Majesty's person may be
mpst a«rely preserved, aaid your nobility; where, under peril of
our lands, lives, and heritages, yofur Majesty shall see the disloyalty,
falsehoods, and treasons, of the persons atoresaid, with their ac
complices, evidently proven and declared in theirfaees ; to the glory of
God, advancement of His true religion, your Majesty's preservation,
honour and deliverance, jMicifying of yourdisturbed commonweal and
country, and to their perpetual ignominy, infamy and shame." '
> Calderwood's History, vol iii., pp. 637 — 40.

54 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
The truthfulness of this Supplication cannot be denied.
It was followed shortly after by the pubhcation at Stirhug
of a pamphlet, entitled, "A Declaration of the Just and
Necessary Causes Moving us of the Nobility, and others the
King's faithful subjects, to repair to His Highness's presence,
and to remain with Him, for Resisting the Present Dangers
appearing to God's true Religion and Professors Thereof,
and to His Highness's own Person, Estate, and Crown and
his faithful Subjects that have constantly continued in His
Obedience ; and to Seek Redress and Reformation of the
abuse and confusion of the Commonwealth, removing from
His Majesty the chief Authors Thereof, while the Truth of
the same may be made manifest to His Highness's Estates,
that with common consent Redress and Remedy may be
Provided." ' This document contains a startling and lengthy
list of grievances, and of evils inflicted on loyal and Pro
testant Scotsmen during the time the Duke of Lennox had
been in power. Justice had been trampled under foot, the
King's morals had been corrupted by harlots introduced to
him by his evil counsellors. The document exposed to the
light of day the machinations of the Papal party, so far
as they were then known, affirming, amongst other points,
that " Daily intelligence was between their men that governed
the King's person and the Papists, both in Prance and
England; and some of the English fugitives, being Papists,
harboured and entertained very near the King's Majesty's
person for the time. The special names of such of the
nobility, officers, and of the King's true servants that were
destined for the massacre, were in all men's mouths, and
nothing remained but the execution, since the authors of
the like in France [the reference is to the St. Bartholomew
Massacre] had obtained place and credit in Scotland."
In the face of opposition hke this the Duke of Lennox
lacked the courage necessary in a successful leader. "Ih
" The document is printed in Calderwood's Eistory of the Kirk of Scotland,
vol. iii., pp. 651—666.

LENNOX BOASTS OF HIS PROTESTANTISM 55
cunning and adroitness," as Mr. Froude remarks, "he was
without a rival. He could take life when there was no
risk to his own, but in the nervous courage which could
face death without flinching he was entirely deficient. He
was terrified and longed to fly." ' Had Lennox been equal
to the occasion, says Froude, " he would have thrown him
self at once at the head of all the force which he could raise,
and have flown to the King's rescue. The Kers and the
Maxwell's had been preparing the Border marauders for the
expected invasion of England; many hundreds of them had
but to spring into their saddles to be ready for the field;
and everywhere, even in the Lothians, there were loose
gentlemen and their retainers who had no love for the
disciphne of the Kirk, and had no wish to see the days of
Morton come back again. But the confederate Lords were
less united than they seemed; and the secrecy with which
Lennox had worked told against him in the suddenness of
the emergency. He was himself feeble and frightened; his
friends had no immediate purpose or rallying-point."
But though Lennox needed the courage required to
rescue the young King from the Protestant Lords by force
of arms, his cunning and powers of lying never failed him.
He met their "Declaration" by a denial of the charges
brought against him, and by false professions of his un
dying love for Protestantism and the Kirk of Scotland.
"I protest before God," he declared, "it never entered my mind
to subvert the religion, as it is falsely alleged against me: but
since God has given me that grace to embrace it, I have professed
it, and maintain the same with my heart, as, with the help of
God, for all the troubles that ever I received of the Ministers, by
the persuasion, calumnies, and false information of my evil willers
and enemies, I shall not desist to maintain and profess the said
religion; being assured it is the only true religion. And although
the said Ministers have opposed themselves in some part against
me, by reason and their vocation, yet I must grant that the said
religion is not the worse, but remains good, true, and holy." '
> Froufle's Eistory of England, vol. xi., p. 300.
' Calderwood's Eistory, vol. iii., p. 666.

Ob THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Such a statement, had it come from an honest man,
would have carried weight vrith it ; but coming as it did
from one whose evil deeds contradicted his assertions, it
was received with increduhty, and in no way lessened the
opposition against him. To Mary Queen of Scots, however,
he wrote, assuring her that he was but " dissembhng," and
that he was waiting in Dumbarton Castle until he got
possession again of the King, or, failing this, until foreign
troops arrived. '
The Raid of Ruthven destroyed the power of the Duke of
Lennox ; but he remained in Scotland for some months after
in the hope that something favourable to his interests might
take place. According to a "Report upon the State of
Scotland," written in 1594 by the Jesuits, and sent to Pope
Clement VIII., Lennox, in his difficulty, and
"Having none to advise him, sent for the Catholics, who (being
acquainted with the state of affairs) told him that nothing more
now remained to be done than that all of them should take up
arms; and they promised that within a few days they could muster
a considerable body of troops. The King, in the meantime, sent
his letters to Lennox, by which he ordered him to keep quiet,
for his Majesty did not venture to oppose the wishes of his captws
in any way, dreading that it would fare the worse with himaelf
were he to do so. These orders threw Lennox into renewed
agitation. The Catholics, the most of whom by this time bad
assembled, declared that the King's letters were of no value from
the fact of his being in the hands of his enemies. Once more
new letters were despatched, to the efiect that the King was at
this time in great peril of his life from the party into whose hands
he had fallen, and that he might possibly be sacrificed if Lennox
persevered in his designs. Even this appeal did not move the
Catholics. The following story was told to Lennox as having
happened a few years previously. When King James V., the father
of Queen Mary, who died in England, was still a boy, he was
detained against his will in Stirling Castle by the Earl of Angus
and several others of the Scottish nobility. The Duke of Albany,
who was the King's uncle, laid siege to the castle. The nobles
who held it threatened that they would expose the King to the
fire of the cannon of the besiegers. The Duke told them to do so,
for he was determined that he would have the King, alive or dead.
But Lennox could not be induced by this history, nor by any
other arguments, to make the attempt. Hence it was that a few
days afterwards there came other letters from the King, ordering
' Cakitdar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 418.

LENNOX S INTERVIEW WITH ELIZABETH 57
him to leave the realm under pain of treason. He yielded to the
advice of many Catholics, and returned into France, not without
disgrace to himself, and no less danger to the Catholic religion." •
The Raid of Ruthven was, for the time being, at least,
successful in its main object, the removal of Lennox from
the person of the King. Nothing less than the banish
ment of Lennox could have preserved the Protestant faith in
that country. Lennox left Scotland, never to return, on
December 20th, 1582. The first result of his departure was
the postponement, to a more convenient season, of the
great enterprise hatched by the Pope and the Jesuits. On
his way to France, Lennox passed through England, where
he had an interview with Queen Elizabeth, to whom he
swore that he was a true Protestant, and had never spoken
to a Jesuit! So cleverly did he play his part, that even
a modem historian, Mr. Tytler, declares that "we have
every reason to believe his assertions to be sincere." *
Unfortunately, his acts contradicted his professions, and acts
speak louder than words. Before leaving England, Lennox
sent hia confidential secretary to Mendoza, the Spanish
ambassador, who thus reported the substance of the inter
view which took place, to Phihp II.: —
"The Secretary,'' wrote Mendoza, " brought me a letter of credence
in hie mast^-'s own handwriting, with two lines of the cipher we had
used, aa a countersign, referring me to the bearer. He told me
that Lennox had been obliged to leave Scotland, in the first
place to comply with the promise which had been given by
the King to this Queen [Elizabeth], at the instance of the
conspirators, to the efiiect that the Duke should leave the country.
In the second place, he did so for the King's safety, in con
sequence of the failure of a certain plot which he, Lennox,
had arranged to rescue the King from the hands of the con
spirators, on his coming to the Castle of Blackness. "This had
been divulged by the King's houndsman a day before it was to
be executed, and, although the number of the Duke of Lennox's party
was superior, it was unadvisable to take the King by force of
arms, as the conspirators had the strength of the Queen of England
behind them ....
1 The History of Mary Stewart. Edited by the Kev. Joseph SteTeiison, S.J.,
pp. 13f, 138.
' Tytler's History of Scotland, vol. iv., p. 28.

58 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
" I asked the Duke's secretary whether his master would profess
Protestantism in France f and he answered that he had been specially
instructed to tell me that he would, in order that I might signify the
sarnie to His Holiness, your Majesty, and the Queen of Scotland ;
assuring them that he acted thus in dissimulation, in order to be able to
return to Scotland, as otherwise the King would not recall him,
and the Queen of England would prevent his return, by means
of the Ministers, on the ground that he was a Catholic, as in his heart
he was. He said that he would make this known also to the King
of France. He assured me that the only way by which the King
could be brought to submit to the Catholic religion would be by force
of arms and foreign troops, drawing him on to this with the bait
of their aid being necessary for him to succeed to the Throne of
England, to his own aggrandisement." '
Lennox left London for Paris a few days after this
interview, with the full intention of carrying on the Jesuit
Plot more effectually than he could have done had he re
mained in Scotland. From France he wrote to Mary Queen of
Scots, that he intended to return to Scotland with a foreign
army, where they would be received into Dumbarton
Castle, by an arrangement which he had made with the
Captain in charge of the Castle. Having arrived there, he
quite expected to overcome all opposition in a fortnight."
But, while man proposes, God disposes, and the thing which
Lennox proposed was not to be. Soon after his arrival in
France he fell iU, and within a short time he died. It
is asserted by Camden, Spottiswoode, and Tytler, that he
died professing himself a Protestant, but these writers do
not produce any evidence in support of their assertions.
Could they but have been acquainted with the documents
relating to Lennox which came to light and were published
for the first time in the latter half of the nineteenth century,
they would not, I venture to think, have made such a
statement in such decisive terms. Spottiswoode says that
the cause of his death was a fever, which he contracted
on his arrival at Paris, " whereof after a few days he died;"
and he adds that "Some hours before his expiring there
' Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 438, 439.
' Ibid., p. 447.

LENNOX DIES IN THE CHURCH OF ROME 59
came to him a priest or two to do their accustomed service ;
whom he could not admit, professing to die m the faith of
the Church of Scotland, and to keep the oath he had given
to the King inviolate." ' I think that a man can scarcely
be held responsible for all that he says while suffering fix)m
fever. The excitement which it produces in the mind fre
quently leads men to talk in a manner which their calmer
judgment would not approve. Lennox must, at any rate, be
judged by his whole life rather than by his death-bed, for
even if he died really believing in Protestantism, his last
protestation sent by his secretary to Mendoza, only a few
months before, expressed the genuine feelings of his heart
at that time, and for the whole of his previous hfe. His
one ambition from the time of his arrival in Scotland down
to within a few days before his death, was to extirpate
Protestantism in the country, by means of the sword and
double-dealing, and to rebuild the Church of Rome once
more on the ruins. For my part I do not believe that
Lennox died a Protestant. No doubt he kept up his disguise
to the last possible moment; but when he found himself
face to face with death he threw off the disguise which
could no longer serve him. The latest Roman Catholic
historian of the Papal Church in Scotland is fully justified
in stating that: —
" There can be no doubt that Lennox was throughout Catholic at
heart; he received the last sacraments [i.e. of the Church of Rome]
with apparent devotion ; promised, if he recovered, to make open
profession of his faith; and died in excellent dispositions, attended
by and in the presence of the good Archbishop of Glasgow." ^
Here we may well pause to ask, "Does History repeat
itself? " Can we, in this twentieth century, say with justice :
"That which hath been is now; and that which is to
be hath already been" (Eecles. iii., 15)? When we look
' Spottiswoode's Eistory of the Church of Scotland vol. ii., p. 398.
" Belleshiem's History of the Catholic Church of Scotland, vol. iii., p. 272.

60 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
around on what is going on in the Enghsh pohtical world,
and see leading statesmen, of both political parties, striving
one with the other as to who shall give the greatest amount
of honour, promotion, and political power to the Church of
Rome in the United Kingdom, is it unreasonable that doubts
should arise in our hearts? With the stern facts before
us, which this narrative reveals, can we be blamed if we
sometimes ask one another occasionally the startling question
— Is secret treachery, duplicity, and perjury, such as that
of Lennox, altogether unknown among our own statesmen?
We are not to be cried down as alarmists, or as suffering
from " Jesuitism on the brain," because these questions arise
in our minds. The history of Esme Stuart, Duke of Lennox,
has its lessons for the subjects of Edward VII., as much as
it had for the men of tiie sixteenth century. If the Jesuits
tacitly sanctioned and encouraged Lennox's infamous conduct
then, who can affirm that they are not adopting a similar
policy now, for their own selfish and disloyal ends? We
certainly need to be watchful, and ever on the guard, not
only against the open and avowed enemies of our Protestant
constitution, but also against traitorous foes secretly working
under false colours.

CHAPTER III

AN ASSASSINATION PLOT— A JESUIT PRIEST LORD
CHANCELLOR OF SCOTLAND

SooN after the death of Campian, his companion, Robert
Parsons, fled from England, never to return. It was no
longer safe to remain in his native land, and Parsons was
not made of the material out of which martyrs are formed.
He was quite willing to urge others on in a course which
he knew would imperil their lives, but he shrank back
from the post of danger for himself. Short of this, how
ever, he had unbounded zeal in the prosecution of the
designs which he had formed within his fertile brain. From
the moment of his arrival on the Continent until the day
of his death his chief energies were thrown into the work
of a traitor to his country. Of Parsons, Father Joseph
Berington writes:— "To the intriguing spirit of this man
(whose whole life was a series of machinations against the
sovereignty of his country, the succession of its Crown, and
the interests of the secular clergy of his own faith) were
1 to ascribe more than half the odium, under which the
English Cathohcs laboured through the heavy lapse of two
centuries, I should only say what has often been said, and
what as often has been said with truth." ' This testimony
is confirmed by that of a secular priest who hved in Parsons'
own day. "Father Parsons," writes Father John Mush,
"was the principle author, the incentor, and the mover of
all our garboils at home and abroad. During the short
space of nearly two years that he spent in England, so
• Memoirs of Panzani, p. 26.

62 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
much did he irritate by his actions the mind of the Queen
and her Ministers that, on that occasion, the first severe
laws were enacted against the Ministers of our religion, and those
who should harbour them. He, hke a dastardly soldier, con
sulting his own safety, fled .... Robert Parsons, stationed
at his ease, intrepidly, meanwhile, conducts his operations;
and we, whom the press of battle threatens, innocent of any
crime and ignorant of his dangerous machinations, undergo the
punishment which his imprudence and audacity alone merits." '
One of the first schemes into which Parsons threw him
self on his arrival on the Continent was that of the Pope,
the Jesuits, and the Lord Aubigny, (afterwards Duke of
Lennox) for the destruction of Protestantism in Scotland by
deception of the most scandalous and disgraceful character,
and by force of arms, a full description of which has been
given in the previous chapter. When that infamous Jesuit
Plot failed, through the expulsion and subsequent death of
Lennox, the Duke of Guise, who throughout his career had
-been the willing tool of the Jesuits, threw himself heartily
into another plot, having the same ends, but likely to be
much swifter in its operations. This was nothing less than
a villainous scheme to assassinate Queen Ehzabeth — the first
undertaken under Jesuit auspices. It is remarkable that
while other plots to assassinate Elizabeth were well known
to historians, this particular plot was quite unknown until
1882, when it was first of all made public by tbe late
Father Knox, of the Brompton Oratory, in his Letters and
Memorials of Cardinal Allen, which form the second volume
of his Records of English Catholics. Father Knox is evidently
of the opinion, held by Father Tierney before him, that at
the time the Jesuit Parsons knew all about this murderous
plot, while Tierney is of the opinion that he approved of
it. Father Tierney publishes a translation of a portion of
a letter, the whole of which, in the original, is printed by
' Memoirs of Panzani, p. 28.

THE ASSASSINATION PLOT 63
Father Knox, as written by Parsons, in 1597, who, according
to these modern learned authorities, mistook the date of the
event he recorded, giving the year 1585, instead of 1583.
"The Queen [Mary Queen of Scots] wrote to the Duke of
Guise," says Parsons, "in 1585, directing him to keep a watchful
eye on the proceedings of the Jesuits, as connected with any plan
of Spanish interposition; and taking an opportunity, at the same
time, to reprehend the Duke and the Archbishop of Glasgow for
having omitted to supply a certain sum of money, on the petition
of Morgan and Paget, to a certain young gentleman in England,
^ho, in consideration of the reward, had promised them, so they
persuaded her Majesty, to nvurder the Queen of England. The fact
was, that the Duke and the Archbishop understood that the party
in question (his name is here omitted, because he is still living)
was a worthless fellow and would do nothing, as it eventually
turned out; and, on this account, refused to provide the money.
Yet for this it was that Paget and Morgan induced the Queen to
reprehend them."
Father Tierney's comment on this extract from the letter
of Parsons is: — "Can this passage admit of any other inter
pretation, than that the writer himself, and, if we may
believe his statement, all the parties here mentioned, approved
of the design to murder Elizabeth; that Mary was actively
engaged in the scheme; and that the Duke and the Arch
bishop refused to supply the reward, only because they were
not assured that the deed would be performed?"' The
particulars of this assassination plot cannot be better related
than in the words of the Papal Nuncio at Paris, who on
May 2, 1583, wrote as follows to the Papal Secretary of
State at Rome : —
"The Duke of Guise and the Duke of Mayenne have told me
that they have a plan for killing the Queen of England by the
hand of a Catholic, though not one outwardly, who is near her
person and is ill-afiected towards her for having put to death some
of his Catholic relations. This man, it seems, sent word of this
to the Queen of Scotland, but she refused to attend to it. He was,
however, sent hither, and they have agreed to give him, if he
escapes or else his sons, 100,000 francs, as to which he is satisfied
to have the security of the Duke of Guise for 50,000, and to see
the rest deposited with the Archbishop of Glasgow in a box, of
• Tierney's Dodd's Church Eistory, vol. iii., pp. livi., note.

64 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
which he will keep a key, so that he or his sons may receive the
money, should the plan succeed, and the Duke thinks it may.
The Duke asks for no assistance from our Lord [the Pope] for
this affair: but when the time comes he will go to a place of
his near the sea to await the event, and then cross over on a
sudden into England. As to putting to death that wicked woman,
I said to him that I vrill not write about it to our Lord the Pope
(nor do I '), nor tell your most illustrious Lordship to inform him
of it; because though I believe our Lord the Pope would be glad
that God should punish in any way whatever that enemy of His,
still it would be unfitting that His Vicar should procure it by
these means. The Duke was satisfied ; but later on he added that
for the enterprise of England, which in this case would be much
more easy, it will "be necessary to have here in readiness money
to enlist some troops to follow him, as he intends to enter England
immediately, in order that tbe Catholics may have a head. He
asks for no assistance for his passage across ; but as the Duke of
Mayenne must remain on the Continent to collect some soldiers
to follow him (it being probable that the heretics who hold the
treasure, the fleet, and the ports, will not be wanting to themselves,
so that it will be necessary to resist them), he wishes that for this
purpose 100,000 or at least 80^000 crowns should be ready here.
I let him know the agreement which there is between our Lord
the Pope and the Catholic King with regard to the contribution,
and I told him that on our Lord the Pope's part he may count
on every possible assistance, when the Catholic King does his
part. The Agent of Spain believes that his King will willingly
give this aid, and therefore it will be well, in conformity with the
promises so often made, to consider how to provide this sum,
which will amount to 20,000 crowns from our Lord the Pope, if
the Catholic King gives 60,000. God grant that with this small
sum that great kingdom may be gained." ^
It is clear from this letter that the Nuncio did not expect
any opposition to the assassination scheme from the Pope.
On the contrary, he was assured that "the Pope would be
glad that God should punish in any way whatever that
enemy of His." And when Como, the Cardinal Secretary
of the State, told the Pope the contents of the Nuncio's
letter, Gregory XIII. expressed no disapproval whatever.
Had he objected to the proposed murder, he would have
ordered the Cardinal Como to write to the Nuncio at Paris
sternly forbidding the crime, and censuring severely the
' But, sorely, writing to the Pope's Secretary of Stite was practically tit
same thing P It would be certain to come to the Pope's knowledge, as in fact
it did. ' Records of English Oatholias, vol. ii., pp. xlvi., xlvii.

THE POPE AND ASSASSINATION 65
villains who planned it. But the Pope who went in proces
sion to St. Peter's to thank God for the bloodthirsty massacre
of the French Huguenots in Paris, in 1572, was not likely
to view with disapproval the assassination of a Protestant
Queen. So the Cardinal Secretary of State rephed, on May 23,
to the Nuncio, in the following terms: —
" I have reported to our Lord the Pope what your lordship has
written to me in cipher about the afiairs of England, and since
his Holiness cannot hut think it good that this kingdom should be
in some way or other relieved from oppression and restored to God
and our holy religion, his Holiness says that in the event of the
matter being effected, • there is no doubt that the 80,000 crowns will
be, as your lordship says, very well employed. His Holiness will
therefore make no diffiaulty in paying his fourth, when the time
comes, if the Agents of the Catholic King do the same with their
three fourths; and as to this point the Princes of Guise should
make a good and firm agreement with the Catholic Agent on
the spot." 2
The Duke of Guise intended that the money contributed
between them, by the Pope and the King of Spain, should
be partly spent in paying the murderer of Elizabeth. Tassis
wrote to the King of Spain on the subject of the Guise
plot, on May 4, two days after tbe Nuncio had written to
the Cardinal of Como: —
"It appears to me," wrote Tassis, "that Hercules [Duke of Guise],
seeing matters in Scotland altered, and with but small probability
of promptly assuming a position favourable for the plans that had
been formed, has now turned his eyes towards the English Catholics,
to see whether the afiair might not be commenced there. He has
already carried the matter so far that he expects to have it put
into execution very shortly, and intends to be present in person.
As he is entering into the business with the assurance of the support
of his Holiness and your Majesty, and in any case it is necessary,
if the matter is to be attempted, that it should proceed on solid
bases, and with a probability of success, he requests that his
Holiness and your Majesty should provide 100,000 crowns, to be
available here instantly when it may be required, as when the
' The " matter " referred to was of course the actual assassination of Elizabeth.
In case that foul deed were accomplished, then the Pope thought that 80,000
crowns would be "very well employed" in completing the plot, by suppressing
Protestantism in England by the swords of foreign Roman Catholics.
^ Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. xlvii. 5

66 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
hour arrives it will be too late to obtain it, and the whole design
win risk failure, and especially because he, however good an
opportunity might present itself, would not undertake to effect
anything without being cratain of the wherewithal to make a
commencement. He has told the Nuncio this^ and sent the same
message to me by the Scots Ambassador, vnth a request that I
will convey it to your Majesty, and humbly beg for your support.
I understand that he has the matter in such train as may insure
his success, and in such case it would be very necessary that he
should have at hamd the fwids for immediate wants, and partiouiairiy
for one object which I dure not venture to mention here, but which if
it be effected will make a noise in the world, and if not, may be
safely mentioned another time. I beg your Majesty to instruct me
on the point, as Hercules [Duke of Guise] is very confident that
your Majesty vrill not fail nim, and this doubtless is the principal
reason which impels him to take the matter up. The Nuncio is
writing to the same effect to his Holiness."'
There can be no question that by the "one object"
mentioned in this letter, the assassination of Ehzabeth was
intended, for Tassis, writing again to his Master, on June 24,
expressly states: — "The plan which Hercules had in hand,
as I reported to your Majesty on the 4th May, was an act
of violence against that lady." " Not a doubt as to the
morality of the vile act which they planned seems to have
entered into the heads of anyone of the conspirators, whe
evidently thought murder of this kind, when committed in
the interests of the Church of Rome, a worthy and pious
deed! Philip II. wrote on the margin of the last cited
quotation from his agent: — "I think we understood that
here. It icould not have been bad if it had been done by
them, although certain things had to be provided against." '
The plan of assassination fortunately failed, owing appar
ently to the lack of courage on the part of the young
Roman Cathohc gentleman who offered to perform the deed.
The failure need not astonish us, but what does merit our
astonishment, and even our warmest indignation, is an attempt
to whitewash this wicked assassination plot put forward in
the nineteenth century by Father Knox, who was the first
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 464.
3 Ibid., p. 47fl. 3 Ibid., note

WHITEWASHING ASSASSINATION 67
to publish its details. "The Dukes of Guise and Mayenne,"
he states, "agreed to secure the payment of a large sum
of money to a person who engaged in return to kill Queen
Ehzabeth. The Archbishop of Glasgow, the Nuncio to the
French Court, himself a Bishop, the Cardinal of Como, the
Spanish Agent J. B. Tassis, Philip H. of Spain and perhaps
the Pope himself, when they were made aware of the pro
ject, did not express the slightest disapprobation of it, but
spoke only of the manifest advantage it would be to religion,
if in some way or other the wicked woman were removed
by death."
" They had," continues Father Knox, " no personal animosity
against their intended victim. How came it then that they saw
no sin in a project which, if it were a sin, involved the most
grievous sin of murder? How is it that they were so clear in
conscience about it that their words indicate no doubtfulness, and
that there ia no sign whatever of any attempt to palliate or excuse
to themselves or others an act which might be desirable for many
reasons, but was hardly lawful? Surely the question is a grave one,
and needs an answer of some kind. I will now venture to suggest
one, which, whether it be the correct account of their motives or
not, will at least show how these persons, without doing violence
to their reason, or forcing their conscience, may have justified to
themselves the proposed act.
" Let me begin by putting a possible case. In a country where
the executive is powerless and might prevails over right, the chief
of a band of robbers has seized an unoffending traveller and keeps
him a close prisoner until he pays for his ransom a sum which
it is quite beyond his power to obtain. Now who can deny that
under these circumstances the prisoner might lawfully kill the
robber, if by so doing he could effect his escape? And if he
might do it himself, anyone, much more a friend and kinsman,
might do it for him, or he might hire another to do it in his stead.
The violent death of the robber could not in this case be justly
regarded as a murder : it would simply be the result of an act of
self-defence on the part of the innocent man whom he was holding
captive. This case seems to contain the solution of the present difficulty. . .
" Thus the parallel is complete between the bandit chief and
Queen Elizabeth. Both detain with equal injustice the prisoner
[Mary Queen of Scots in Elizabeth's case] who has fallen into their
hands. Both have the power and the will to murder their prisoner,
if circumstances make it advisable. Both prisoners are unable to
persuade their captors to release them. If then it be no sin in
the captive, either by his own hand or the hand of others, to kill
the bandit chief and so escape, why was it a sin to kill Elisabeth
and by doing so to save from a life-long prison and impending
death her helpless victim, the Queen of Scots? If the one act is

68 THE JESmTS IN GREAT BRITAIN
a laudable measure of self-defence, why is the other branded with the
names of murder and assassination f In a word, if there is no real
disparity between the cases, why should we not use the same weights
and measures in judging of them both? Such may have been
the reasoning of the Duke of Guise and his approvers, and on
such grounds they may have maintained, not without plausibil
ity, the lawfulness of an act which under other circumstances
than those which have been described would merit the deepest
reprobation." '
It is evident to those who read his comments that Father
Knox thought there was more than "plausibility" in the
arguments he thus puts into the mouths of the would-be
murderers of Queen Elizabeth. Certainly he says not one
word against their vahdity. But apparently he was blind
to the fact that these arguments would justify many other
assassinations besides the one in question. Every man in
a British jail to-day who thinks himself made unjustly a
prisoner for hfe, would find them equally vahd to justify
him in murdering his keeper, if by so doing he could
escape from an unjust imprisonment. And if, as is here
argued, there is no sin in hiring a man to do the murder
for you, by paying him a sum of money, does it not follow
that there is no sin on the part of the man who does the
evil deed from a mere mercenary motive?
The assassination plot having failed, it was necessary for
the conspirators to re-organise their plans. Their great
object was the crushing to death of Protestantism in England
and Scotland by the sword. On June 11th the Papal
Nuncio at Paris reported to the Papal Secretary of State
that conferences on the subject were held in his house at
Paris, at which, amongst others, the Duke of Guise, the
Scots Ambassador, and Father Claude Mathieu, the Provincial
of the French Jesuits, were present. They drew up a
revised Plan of Campaign, which was afterwards amended by
Father Parsons, who was staying at the time near the
Nuncio's residence at St. Cloud. On June 20th the Nuncio
1 Records of English Catholics, vol. ii,, pp. ilii — Ij.

ANOTHER CONSPIRACr 69
sent a copy of the completed plan to Rome. Dr. AUen
(afterwards Cardinal) also wrote to the Papal Secretary of
State, urging him to "admonish the Holy Father that now
was the time for acting, that there had never before been
a hke opportunity, nor would such a chance ever recur."
Not content with this, the conspirators, after a fresh con
ference together, decided to send Parsons to Rome on a
mission to the Pope, for the purpose of seeking his approval
and active assistance. Parsons took with him a paper of
instructions, which ordered him to tell the Pope, with the
utmost minuteness all that had been prepared by the traitors
residing in England for the good success and happy result
of the proposed enterprise. The conspirators at Paris, after
considering advices from the discontented Lords of the King
dom, and also a letter from Mary Queen of Scots, informing
them that " things are very well prepared especially towards
the border of Scotland, where the expedition from Spain
would land," had at length resolved that it would suffice if
the King of Spain sent a force of 4000 good soldiers. It
was, however, necessary that the expedition should bring
with it money to pay 10,000 soldiers, as well as arms to
supply 5000 more soldiers. It was essential that their
should be no delay, lest secrecy could no longer be main
tained, for premature publicity would destroy success. The
Pope was, therefore, to be urged tiiat he "would deign to
augment a little his liberahty and give at once a sum of
money proportionate to the greatness of the enterprise, and
leave the whole affair to the Catholic King and the Duke
of Guise, in order that the enterprise be carried out as
soon as may be, and, if possible, this year." Parsons was
further instructed to tell the Pope that the conspirators
were sure of having seaports in England where they could
land in perfect safety, and that it was decided that the
expedition should land at the Pile of Fouldrey, near Dalton-
in-Fumess. The Roman Cathohcs were numerous in that
part of the country, and could raise at least 20,000 horse-

70 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
men to help the invaders. The King of Spain would be
asked to permit all the English Romanists who were in his
service, in Flanders, to join the expeditionary force, whidi
would be under the command of the Duke of Guise.
"His Holiness," the instructions further stated, "should also be
intreated in the name of the Duke of Guise and all the Catholics
to expedite a Bull declaring that the enterprise is undertaken by
his Holiness, with the reasons which have moved him thereunto,
affirming also that he has charged the Catholic King and the
Duke of Guise to undertake the enterprise, at the same time giving
Indulgences to all who take part in this holy work, and renewing
the Bull issued by Pius V. against the Queen of England, and
against all who shall aid or favour her, or oppose in any way
this holy enterprise." '
While Parsons was away at Rome, the Duke <rf Guise
sent Charles Paget, as his secret envoy, to the dissaffected
Roman Cathohcs of England, to tell them of the arrange
ments which had been made for the enterprise, to find
out who they were who would join the invading army,
and what was the strength of the help which the Enghsh
Roman Catholics could throw into the movement. It had
been decided that the Spanish forces would land in the
North of England, but that Guise should invade it from
the south coast, and therefore Paget was to ascertain what
ports and harbours would be open to him, and it was sug
gested by Guise that the most convenient spot for landing
would be at some fort about 50 leagues below Dover.
"Assure them," said Guise to Paget, "on the faith and
honour of Hercules (Guise), that the enterprise is being
undertaken with no other object or intention than to re
establish the Cathohc religion in England, and to place the
Queen of Scotland peacefully on the Throne of England,
which rightly belongs to her." "
Paget came over, accordingly, to England, and held
secret interviews with those whom he knew to be favourable
' Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., pp.. Ivii, Iviii.
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 506.

REMARKABLE APPLICATION TO THE POPE 71
to the enterprise, amongst them being the Earl of Arundel,
and the Earl of Northumberland. Of course he had to go
about in disguise. After visiting the Sussex coast, he at
lei^th fixed on Rye harbour as the best place for the
landing of the invading army, and then he returned to
Prance. So much time had been spent on negotiations in
Prsaice, Spain, Rome and England, that autumn came on
before any active preparations for the invasion had been made,
and then it was seen that it must be put off until after the
a^^oaching winter.
Mary Queen of Scots was kept well acquainted with the
particulars of the plot in her favour, into which she entered
very heartily. It was probably about this time that she
wrote to the Pope, asking, for the second time, a dispensa-
tioM from him to encode an unnamed number of persons,
and also twenty-five of her servants, to profess the Protestant
religion, and to be present at the rdigrous services and
commumons of tbe Protestant Church of England! This,
she explained, was necessary for the promotion of "her
secret counsels and negotiations." She had made a similar
ap|dication before, in 1582, asking then for a dispensation
for fifty servants to deceitfully profess the Protestant faith.
She would never have made these applications had she not
entertained a belief that tiiey would be granted by the Pope.
Tbe letter containing the second apphcation for these scandalous
and disreputable dispensations was first printed, in 1900,
in the second volume of the Scottish History from Contem
porary Writers series, published by Mr. David Nutt. It
was as follows: —
" Since Her Most Serene Majesty, the Queen of Scotland, has
been for these many years a prisoner in the hands of the English
heretics, and on that account is unable to receive the Sacraments
of the Catholic Church, or to be present, except secretly and at
great risk, at divine service, and especially at the Sacrifice of the
Mass, she humbly supplicates of His Holiness that, so long as she
is kept in that restraint: . .
"Kiat to a Catholic priest, her chaplain for the time being,
there may be granted the faculty, not only of exercising all the

72 TEk JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
powers of a Bishop, except the Sacrament of Orders and Confirm
ation, and the consecration of the Chrism, but also of absolving
from heresy and receiving penitent heretics into the bosom of
Holy Mother Church. Such opportunities frequently offer them
selves. " Secondly, since, in this sad condition of her affairs, the Qaeen
herself has need, in connection viith her secret counsels and negotiations,
of the assistance of some Englishmen, who, unless they attend the
blasphemous prayers and commwnion of the heretics, would be ex
cluded, by her gaolers, from the Queen's presence, or would have
difficulty in aiding her counsds and plans, let His Holiness grant
to a priest, whom the Queen may choose as chaplain, the power
of absolving them from all censure amd penalty in such circwnstcmces,
and restoring, as often as there is need, to the grace of Holy
Mother Church, it being understood that, as far as possible, they
shall avoid this impious communion and profanation of holy things.
"Let His Holiness also permit that such persons, even before
absolution, may without scruple either to the Queen or to the
celebrating priest, or to all others who may be present, be present
and assist at the Mass which shall be celebrated in presence of
the Queen during her captivity.
"The Queen also begs that Catholic men, twenty-five in number,
nominated by her, in order that they may serve her more eonvenientl/y
and safely, may without scruple and without danger or fear of censures
and of sin, he present at such prayers and commimions of the heretics,
it being understood that they shall not communicate with them or
give even verbal consent to their nefarious acts." '
We are not told what reply the Pope sent to this request,
but I should not be surprised to learn that he had granted it.
But while these negotiations were proceeding, events had
taken place in Scotland of more tiian ordinary importance
and interest. On July 7, 1583, the young King of Scotland
escaped from the control of the Protestant noblemen who
had delivered him from the clutches of the Duke of Lennox,
by the Raid of Ruthven. It cannot be denied that James was
far from happy while under their influence, and that of the
godly Presbyterian Ministers who had access to his presence.
His morals had been corrupted by Lennox, and therefore
he rejoiced exceedingly when he was once more able to
surround himself with advisors more to his taste. The
Presbyterian Ministers, however, were seriously alarmed when
they heard of what had happened. A deputation of their
' Scottish Eistory from Contemporary H^'riters, Mary Queen of Scots, pp.
300, 301.

JAMES VI. AND THE DUKE OP GUISE 73
number waited on the King protesting strongly against the
new hne of conduct which he had adopted, especially for
having released from prison William Holt, a Jesuit priest.
But the youthful monarch, who had now on hand the
as,sured help of all the Roman Catholic noblemen of his
country, gave a deaf ear to their complaints, refusing to give up
his practices. " I am a Catholic King of Scotland," he said to
them, " and may choose any I like best to be in company with
me ; and I hke them best that are with me at present." ' One
of the Ministers, John Davidson, told the King: — "Ye are
in greater danger now than when ye were rocked in the
cradle;" but James only laughed in the faces of the wise
men who had come to tell him the truth, and to act
the part of true friends. Yet, notwithstanding his scornful
behaviour to the Ministers, James was really at heart afraid
of them, for he well knew how great was their power in
the country. He dreaded, and not without reason, lest he
should again fall into their power. That should never take
place, if he could help it, and therefore in his extremity
he sought aid from the enemies of the Protestant rehgion
which he professed, and had sworn solemnly to maintain.
The Duke of Guise wrote offering him aid in his difficulty,
and this offer he hailed with unbounded joy. He acknow
ledged the offer in a letter of gushing gratitude, dated
Aiigust 19, 1583: "The offers you make me," he said, "are
so agreeable to me that I am very happy, and desirous of
accepting them when the state of my affairs will allow me
to do so. I esteem it the greatest treasure I have on earth
to find so near a relative, who is universally acknowledged
to be the first captain of our time, both for valour and
prudence, ready to take my part if need should arise." He
thanked God that he had extracted himself from his diffi
culties, and was now "ready to avenge" himself on those
who had caused him trouble — meaning no doubt the Pro-
' Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. iii., p. 717.

74 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
testant Lords and Ministers who had tried to lead him in
the right way. Lastly, he boasted that he had set at liberty
William Holt, the Jesuit, to please the Duke of Guise, and
"to the great annoyance of the Enghsh Ambassador, and
many others." '
When he wrote this letter, James, no doubt, felt secure,
but a few months later he wrote again, on February 19,
1584, to the Duke of Guise, in fear and trembling, seeking
for help.
" I now perceive," he declared, " that the strength of my enemies
and rebels is growing daily, with so many means and aims of
the Queen of iEngland for the subversion of my State, and the
deprivation of my own life, or at least my honour and liberty,
which I prize more than my life, and that it will be impossible
for me to resist for long without the aid of God and my good
friends and allies. I therefore beg you, my dear cousin, to use
all your influence with the princes who are your friends, and even
with our Holy Father, to whom I am writing, with the object of
obtaining prompt and speedy help, otherwise I fear I shall soon
be forced either to be ruined or to throw myself into their arms
and accede to all tiieir unhappy designs and appetites. If by
your means I can obtain some succour I hope, God helping, that,
with the support of a good number of adherents that I have, both
in Scotland and in England, I shall soon be out of these difficul
ties, and I shall be more free to follow your advice in all thmga,
both in religion and State affairs, as I wish to do in all things
reasonable. ^
This was nothing better than the letter of an unprincipled
youth, who thought more of his own selfish comforts and
pleasures thaai of the welfare of his people, and the interests
of true rel%ion. His promise to follow the advice of the
Duke "in religion" as well as in matters of State, was
simply disgraceful, coming from one who had oidy a few years
previously sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant, and
had never pubhcly repudiated his allegiance to the Kirk of
Scotland. On the same day that he wrote to the Duke,
James also wrote a letter to the Pope, asking for help to
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 502, 503.
2 Ibid, p. 518.

JAMES VI. WRITES TO THE POPE 75
resist the Protestants, ajad rescue his mother, Mary Queen
of Scots, from her imprisonment in England. Certainly his
love for his mother was natural and right, and no one
couM blame him for doing all in his power to rescue her
from distress. But that love must have been miserably
weak, for it never led him to do more on her behalf than
to write a few letters here and there asking for help, and
when she died it was not long before be manifested an
eager anxiety to be at peace with his mother's great enemy,
Q»een Elizabeth. But the name of his mother was likely to
teH with the Pope, and therefore he did not fail to use it.
So, after telhng the Pontiff about his own troubles, he
proceeded : —
" Thnder such a blow as this I can only look for aid and succour
to the prudence and the affection you bear towards our very dear
mother, although I myself have hitherto deserved nothing at your
hands, bat I have always been told by those who have advised me to
tbe present course, that I might better hope for aid and succour
frona your Holiness than from any other Prince. The extreme
need in which I now am is such that, unless I have some help
from abroad. I shall find myself in danger of being forced to
seeoBd the designs of my greatest enemies and yours, because in
my childhood the traitors abused my youth and authority and
took possession of my domains and treasure, of the principal
strongholds of the country, and of every thing else which might
strengthen themselves, whilst I was thus deprived of the power of
defending myself, of delivering my mother, and of asserting her
amd my right to the Throne of England. With regard to the
means by which all this may be remedied, I have had recourse
to my dear cousin the Duke of Guise, to whom I have written,
and by whose advice I have adopted this means of defending and
protecting the cause of my dear and honoured mother. I hope
to be able to satisfy your Holiness on all other points, especially
if I am aided in my great need by your Holiness. I pray your
HoUness will please to keep very secret the communication I
thus open with you, and let no one know that I have written this,
as my interests would otherwise be retarded, and perhaps my
state utterly ruined, seeing the weakness of my resources and the
small means I have here at present to defend myself, if I were
assailed by my rebels and the Queen of England." '
No wonder that James was anxious that the Pope should
keep his letter "very secret," for if the Presbyterians of
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 518, 519.

76 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Scotland had heard about it, he would very soon have lost
his Crown. But, happily for him, they did not know how
far wrong he had gone in seeking aid from foreign powers
to upset the laws and constitution of his country. The
Pope, notwithstanding the entreaty of James, after receiving
his letter, at once sent a copy to the King of Spain, through
Count De Olivares, Spanish Ambassador at the Vatican,
recommending the cause of the King of Scotland to his
favourable consideration, and promising his own help.
Shortly before the date of King James's letter to the
Pope, the former had sent Lord Seton to Paris as his
Ambassador to the French Court. This nobleman had for
several years professed the Protestant faith, and had even
perjured himself by swearing to the Solemn League and
Covenant. Yet all the while he was secretly a Roman
Catholic, and one of the most trusted friends of the Jesuit
priests, whom he succoured on all possible occasions during
their secret visits to Scotland. On this occasion, when he
arrived in Paris, feeling no doubt safe, he made a public
profession of the Roman Cathohc religion. Rumours of
what had taken place, however, came to the ears of the
Presbyterian Ministers in Edinburgh, with the result that
when, early in 1585, Lord Seton returned to Scotland, he
was severely censured by James for his indiscreet conduct.
The circumstances of his return are thus referred to in a
letter from Mendoza to Phihp H., dated Paris, February 7,
1585: — "Letters from Scotland, dated 6th ultimo, bring
news that all was quiet there, although Lord Seton had
been harshly received by the King publicly, in consequence
of his having openly professed Cathohcism here [Paris],
whilst in private he (the King) had approved of his conduct
and had shortly afterwards gone to his house to visit him
as he was ill of dropsy." ' This httle incident shows what
a master in the art of dissimulation the young Ejng had
• Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 531.

LORD SETON S DECEITFUL CONDUCT 77
become. Soon after his arrival in Paris Lord Seton held
many secret conferences with the Papal Nuncio, the Duke
of Guise, and the Spanish Agent at the French Court. But
Sir Edward Stafford, the English Ambassador at Paris at
the time, had his eye on him, and by means of secret agents
was able to discover a great deal of his secret proceedings,
which he was careful to send home for the information of
the English Government. On February 23, 1584, he reported
what had taken place at an audience which Seton had
obtained with the King of Prance. " The Lord Seton," he
wrote, "with the Bishop of Glasgow, who always hath the
upper hand, were brought in to the King by the Duke of
Guise and Duke Joyeuse; they both, especially the Duke of
Guise, countenancing him all the ways he could, and, present
ing him to the King, told him that he wished with all his
heart that all the noblemen in Scotland were like him, for
he was a good Catholic, and greatly his servant." ' The
King told Seton that he- would do his utmost to maintain
the ancient league between France and Scotland. "The
Lord Seton," says Stafford, "answered with great thanks,
and at that time had no longer speech with him, but he desireth
again audience, some day this week. His whole address is
to the Duke of Guise from the King his master, from whose
elbow almost he never is, often at dinner and supper with
him. The Spanish Agent had conference about three hours
on Monday last, but that was openly under colour of the
Agent's visiting him; but they had twice conference before
secretly. He hath had also secret conference with the Pope's
Nuncio, who yet hath not visited him openly. I have some
intelhgence of his secret commissions, but to be certain I
vrill stay tbe advertising your honour till the next despatch,
for I think in the meantime he shall have again audience
of the King. If he have, I shall be more certain of his
charge after he hath delivered to the King than now, for
1 Burghley State Papers, vol. ii., p. 892.

78 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
he hath no want of good counsel, and their matters
be kept very secret among them." WhUe Lord Seton was
at Paris, Mr. John Colville, a well-informed agent in Scot
land of Queen Elizabeth, suggested to Lord Hunsdon, Governor
of Berwick-on-Tweed, that enquiries should be made:—
" What does the Lord Seton's long abode there [in Paris]
signify, and his frequent conferences with the Bishops of
Glasgow and Ross, with the Spanish Ambassador, Pope's
Nuncio, and Scottish Jesuits?"^
While at Paris Lord Seton wrote a letter to the Pope,
in which he showed himself in his true colours as an avowed
Roman Cathohc, and at the same time pleaded for assistance
to be granted to his master James YI. As affording a
specimen of duphcity, practised by a spiritual child of the
Jesuits, it is worth reprinting here in full: —
"To Our Most Holy Lord— I need not explain to your Holiness
the part which I have taken in defending tbe Catholic religiom, (md
the authority of tbe Supreme Pontiff, for I would rather leave this
to others. Having been sent hither by my most serene master,
the King of Scots, to implore the aid of tbe most Christian King,
in our dreadful emergencies, I could not do otherwise than write
to your Holiness some account of the state of our affairs.
" Briefly, after the Ministers had succeeded in sending the Duke
of Lennox away from Scotland, the King was so offended that he
would hold no communication with them, though previously he
had always acted in accordance with their advice. They teok
offence in turn, and set on foot a violent insuixectionary movement
against his authority, partly by means of the agents of the Queen of
England, and partly through their own rebel leaders. Being reduced
to extremity, he has implored the aid Of the most Christian Ejng,
and more particularly that of his relative the Duke of Gruise;
a proceeding which has raised the hopes of Catholics to the
highest point. So favourable an opportunity never occurred before,
and could not have been expected or looked for; and k is
doubly important that it should not be lost. The King has so
high an opinion of the Duke of Guise, that we are in hopes he
will be guided in everything by his advice; indeed he has not
only written as much to the Duke, but has charged me with a
message to the same effect. Our hope is that your Holiness will
both animate and encourage the Duke to make some effort in (he
cause of religion, and also give him substantial assistance.
"God Himself, beyond all our hopes, seems to have provided
your Holiness with this opportunity of extending religion, and of
obtaining never ending glory. The King's age, his perilous and
' Letters of Mr. John Colville, p. 60. Bannatyne Clab, 1858.

ALEXANDER SETON 79
critical position, the unbridled insolence of the Ministers, are all
circumstances in our favour. But it is of the utmost importance
to lose no time, or tbe chance will pass away. The Queea of
England is straining every nerve to crush the King of Scots by a
rebellion m his own country, and, if successful, she will suppress
the Catholic religion altogether. The Duke of Guise, to whom I
have transmitted the King of Scotland's letter for your Holiness
will doubtless explain matters in detail. But I would implore
your Holiness not to let the existence of these communications be
known to any one, for this would, at the present juncture, place
the King in the most extreme difficulty. At a later period we
hope, by the aid of your Holiness, that he will be free to declare
himself openly a son of your Beatitude. At present he is so
completely in the power of his enemies, that he is scarcely at
liberty to do anything whatever; from this condition it is for your
Beatitude to rescue him. God preserve you long to His Church.
"Your Holiness's most humble servant,
"Seton.
"Paris, March 14, 3684." •
Notwithstanding all these efforts of James and his friends
to obtain help from the Pope, the King of Spain, and the
Duke of Guise, yet, so far as I can ascertain, no practical
asssistance was granted to him beyond certain sums of
money secured by the Jesuit Parsons, who, singularly
enough, a few years later, wrote against his claim to
succeed to tiie English Throne on the death of Elizabeth.
Parsons subsequently boasted of the help he had obtained
for James: — "At this my being with the King of Spain,"
he wrote, "I obtained 24,000 crowns to be sent to the
King of Scots, which were paid by John Baptist Taxis, in
Paris. I also obtained in 1584, for King James, of Pope
Gregory XIIL, 4000 crowns, by Bills of Exchange, which
myself brought also, and delivered in Paris." '
When Lord Seton started from Scotland for Paris, he
took vrith him his son Alexander Seton, afterwards Lwd
Chancellor of Scotland. ' There is not a little mystery
about the history of this son. In his biography, written
by Mr. George Seton, one of his descendants of the present
day, some strange facts are related about his early career.
' Narratives of Scottish CathoUcs, pp. 186 — 8.
« Oliver Collections, S.J., p. 146.
' Memoir of Alexander Seton. By George Seton, p. 21 (Edinburgh, 1882).

80 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
" Prom his godmother. Queen Mary," says his biographer, '• Alex
ander Seton received, as ' ane godbairne gift,' the lands of Plus-
carden in Moray, with which he was otherwise afterwards identified.
'Finding him of a great spirit,' his father sent him to Rome at an
early age, with the view of his following the profession of a
Churchman, and he stud-led for some time in the Jesuits' College.
'He declaimed, not being sixteen years of age, ane learned oration
of his own composing, De Ascensione Domini, on that festivall day,
publickly before the Pope, Gregory the 13th, the Cardinall, and
other prelats present, in the Pope's chapel in the Vatican, with
great applause. He was in great esteem att Rome for his learning,
being a great humanist in prose and poecie, Greek and Latins;
well versed in the mathematicks, and had great skill in architecture
and hwauldrie.' According to Spottiswoode, Seton took Holy Orders
abroad, and the assertion seems to be confirmed by Scotstarvet,
who mentions that ' his Chalice wherewith he said Mass at his home
coming, was sold in Edinburgh.'"'
The date of young Seton's "home-coming" to Scotland
is not given, but apparently he came back as an ordained
priest of the Church of Rome, and certainly after having
been admitted into the Jesuit Order. &-other Henry Foley,
SJ., in his official Records of the English Province, S.J.,
gives us the following particulars: —
"Seton Alexander, Father. This Father, regarding whom we
possess so little information, was probably a son of Lord de Seton,
one of the great champion chiefs of the Catholic cause in Scotland.
In a report upon the state of Scotland made by the Priest, William
Watts, printed in a letter of Dr. (afterwards Cardinal) Allen to the
Cardinal of Como, dated Rheims, February 18, 1582, mention is
made of Lord de Seton and the other principal favourers of the
Catholio cause : ' Which Lord de Seton is father of that Mr. Alex
ander Seton, who received his education a few years ago in the
Roman Seminary.' In another letter of Dr. Allen to Father Agaz-
zari, Rector of the English College, Rome, dated Rheims, May 20,
1583, he says : ' What I wrote before regarding the capture of
Dr. Alexander Seton is disbelieved.' Again, in a letter of the
Cardinal of Como to the Nuncio of France, dated Rome, April 23,
1584, we read : ' And therefore on this account it will be superfluous
to send Father Alexander Seton here.' " ^
There can be no question as to the identity of the Jesuit
Alexander Seton with the son of Lord Seton mentioned
before. Mr. David Laing was of this opinion ; — " Sir Alex-
1 Memoir of Alexander Seton. By George Seton, pp. 18, 19.
2 Foley Records, S.J., vol. vii., p. 1451.

SETON SIGNS THE SOLEMN COVENANT 81
ander Seton of Fyvie," he writes, " third son of George,
sixth Lord Seton, was originally intended for the Church,
and entered the College of the Jesuits at Rome. ' And it
will be observed that, as late as 1584, he is still recognised
as a " Father " or priest, by high authorities in the Church
of Rome. Yet it is certain that this self -same priest and
Jesnit was one of those who, with his father, in January
1581, signed and swore to the Solemn League and Covenant,
in which the peculiar doctrines of Rome and her corrupt
practices were condemned in the strongest possible language ! '
Only two years later, in 1583, when an Englishman named
Brereton was arrested at Leith, there was found in his posses
sion a letter from Alexander Seton, addressed to the General of
the Jesuits at Rome, in praise of the work being then done
in Scotland by the Jesuit Holt, which, he stated, had given
great satisfaction and consolation to all those with whom he
had dealt and negotiated. ' The Jesuit Seton's promotion was
rapid. He was made an Extraordinary Lord of the Session, " of
the spiritual estate" in 1586, and in the following year
was created Baron Urquhart, and a grant made to him of
the lands of Urquhart and Pluscarden. In 1593 he was
elected Lord President of Session, and in 1605 he was created
Earl of Dunfermline, and appointed Lord Chancellor of Scotland.
Soon after his arrival in Scotland, young Alexander Seton
was treated by the Government as a Roman Cathohc, and,
in consequence of not having conformed to the Established
Kirk, he was deprived of the Priory of Pluscarden, which,
as we have seen, was granted to him by Mary Queen of
Scots. The Historian of the House of Seton, Mr. George
Seton, who also wrote the Memoir of Alexander Seton, says: —
' letters of John Colville, p. 203, note. Bannatyne Club, 1858.
^ See tbe text of this Solemn League and Covenant, supra, pp. 86, 87 . The
names of the principal men who signed it are given iu Calderwood's Eistory of
the Kirk of Scotland, vol. iii., p. 501, and in Kow's Historic of the Kirk of
Scotland. 'Wooilrow Society Edition, p. 77.
3 Calderwood's Eistory of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. iii., pp. 702, 706,
vol. iv., p. 400. %

82 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
"On the 6th of February 1676 — 7, we come across a curious
entry in the Great Seal Register, in the shape of a grant, during
life, by the King to James Douglas, illegitimate son of James,
Earl of Morton, Regent of Scotland, of the Priory of Pluscardine,
with its dignities and patrimony, which belonged to 'Alexander
Seytoun, alleged Prior of Pluscardyn, son of George Lord Seytoun,'
and the Lords of the Council, on the 16th of January in the same
year, at the instance of Mr. David Borthwick, the King's Advocate,
' decerned the said Alexander to have lost all his benefices, because
he had not as yet submitted to the discipline of the true Church,
and participated of the Sacraments thereof, nor had he come to
the Bishop, Superintendent, or Commissary of the diocese, or pro
mise for adhibiting his assent: nor had he subscribed the articles
of the true and Christian religion, contained in the Acts of Parlia
ment, and given his oath for acknowledging the King, nor had
brought a testimonial thereupon ; neither had he presented himself
on a Lord's Day in time of sermon or public prayer in the Church
of the said Priory, and read his testimonial and confession, and
of new taken the said oath according to the order of the Act of
Parliament." '
The biographer of Alexander Seton treats those with
something almost approaching to contempt who doubt his
Protestantism from the time of his arrival in Scotland from
Rome, notwithstanding his statement about his education in
the Jesuits College, and his ordination as a priest of Rome.
Certainly he proves that Seton made a public profession of
Protestantism, yet this is not a refutation of the fact that
all the while he was in heart a Roman Catholic. In proof
of his Protestantism his biographer quotes the official record
of his admission as an Ordinary Lord of Session, in 1588,
which states that: —
" Because the said Lords were informed that the said Alexander
has not as yet communicated with the whole of the faithful
brethren, the Sacrament of the Supper of our Lord, and, therefore,
according to the laws and statutes of this realm, he might not be
a sufficient judge with the other Lords of the Session, and there
fore the said Alexander has bound himself that he shall, with the
grace of God, communicate, with the rest of the brethren of the Session
the Sacrament of the Supper of the Lord, at the prefixed time
appointed by the Ministers of Edinburgh, or at the least before the
days appointed thereto be past, and in case he fail therein, he
shall leiss his ordinar place," -
' A History of the House of Seton Durimg Eight Centuries. By George Sefoa.
vol.^ ii., p. 635, Edinburgh. Privately printed, 1S96.
' Memoir of Alexander Seton, p. 23.

THE KING WARNED AGAINST SETON 83
It seems that early in 1597 a letter was sent in at night
to the King, warning him against certain of the men whom
he had chosen as counsellors, and especially against Seton,
to whom the writer referred in the following terms: — "I
mean that Romanist President, a shavehng and a Priest;
more meet to say Mass in Salamanca, than to bear office
in Christian and Reformed Commonweals." On this state
ment Seton's biographer remarks: — "The elegant allusions
to their [the counsellors'] religious proclivities are quite in
keeping with the sentiments of a certain section of so-called
historians of the period ; and I shall afterwards have occasion
to refer to the supposed Papistical tendencies of the ' shaveling
and priest. ' " ' We are next told that a Presbyterian Minister
named Pont, in the year 1599, dedicated a book to Seton,
in which he wrote : — " For your Lordship knows well enough
the manners of Rome, and (as I am persuaded) allows not of
that pompous superstition." ' Seton's biographer also calls atten
tion to Calderwood's statement that upon Easter Day, 1618,
"the Bishop of Galloway ministered tbe Communion in the
Royal Chapel, where Chancellor Seton" and others were
present; and that, in the same year, "upon Whitsunday, the
24th of May, the Bishop of Galloway ministered the Communion
in the Chapel Royal of the Chancellor"' — a clear proof
that down to the end of his life — he died in 1622 — ^he
continued to publicly profess the Protestant religion. He
was buried in the Kirk of Dalgety, and the Protestant
Archbishop Spottiswoode preached a sermon in the church
on this occasion.
Yet, as I have already asserted, Alexander Seton, though
for nearly forty years pubhcly professing the Protestant
rehgion was in heart and reality a Roman Catholic. There
is no record of his having ever resigned his membership
of the Jesuit Order, or of his having been expelled from it.
As a Roman Cathohc he must have looked upon the marriage
' Memoir of Ale.rander Seton, pp. 32, 33. ^ md., p. 39.
3 Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. vii., pp. 297, 298.

84 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of priests of that Church as invahd and sinful. But for all
that he got married, and was even married three times!
Bellesheim, a modern Roman Catholic Historian of his
Communion in Scotland, describing the ecclesiastical events
in that country between 1587 and 1603, remarks: — "An
other prominent Catholic in Scotland was the Chancellor of
the Kingdom, Alexander Seton, who had received bis educa
tion in Bologna and Rome, and was esteemed one of the
most learned jurists of his age. James VI. loaded him, on
his return to Scotland, with preferments and honours,
and he consequently became a prominent mark for the
spiteful attacks of the preachers. Seton appears at times
to have been wanting in the courage to make open
profession of his faith; but some time before his death he
pubhcly and unreservedly declared his adherence to the
Catholic religion." '
A Jesuit priest, named James Seton, writing to the
General of the Jesuits at Rome, on September 30th, 1605,
supphes us with ample proof of the real sentiments of Alexander
Seton at that time, over twenty years after he had publicly
professed the Protestant faith. This letter shows the Roman
priests as themselves active parties to the shameful deception
being carried on. It will be observed that Alexander Seton
was formally recognised, by the Jesuits and priests, as a
real Roman' Catholic, going to Confession and Communion
two or three times a year, and all the while professing
pubhcly the Protestant rehgion.
"The persecution in Scotland," writes James Seton to the General,
"does not cease or lessen since the departure of the King. The
government is entirely in the hands of the Lord Alexander Seton,
whom the King has made Earl of Dunfermline, and who it
favourably known to your Paternity. He is, or should be Abbot of
that place, where there was once a famous monastery. He was
formerly President of the Council, and is now Chancellor of the
Kingdom. The Viceroy is the Earl of Montrose, the President of
the Council the Lord James Elphinston, brother of Father George;
' Bellesheim's History of the Catholic Church in Scotland, vol. iii., p. 336.

SETON A DISGDlSED JESUIT 85
but they are all directed by Lord Alexander Seton. He is a
CathoKe, as is also the Lord President and the Royal Advocate. '
In political wisdom, in learning, in high birth, wealth, and authority,
he possesses far more influence than the rest, and his power is
universally acknowledged. But he publicly professes the State religion,
rendering external obedience to the King and the Ministers, and
goes occasionally, though rarely, to the sermons, sometimes to their
heretical Communion. He has also subsoribed their Confession of Faith,
without which he would not be able to retain peaceable possession of
the rank, offices, and estates with which he is so richly endowed.
He has brought all the principal men of the Kingdom round to
the same view, and very few venture to differ from him, owing to
his eloquence, learning, and authority. Two or three times a year
he comes to Catholic Confession and Commmmion with his mother,
sister, and nephews, who are better Catholics than himself." -
Father Forbes-Leith, S.J., tells us that: — "Four years
before his [Seton'sJ death, in presence of a numerous
assembly of Catholics, attended by the ringleaders of the
Puritan faction and many other Protestants, after affirming
that he had never ceased to hold the doctrine of the
Orthodox Church, he declared that nothing gave him greater
pain than to recollect how he had shown himself lukewarm
and remiss in his profession of faith, in order to ingratiate
himself with his Sovereign. When he had thus spoken
with tears in hk eyes he called the assembly to witness
that he would die in the profession of the Roman Cathohc
faith." '
What a double-dyed hypocrite this man must have been !
"Four years before his death," as we have seen, that
is, in 1618, he was present at the Lord's Supper on Easter
Sunday, in the Presbyterian Kirk, and on the following
Whitsunday he was actually a commimicant in the Chapel-
Royal, Edinburgh. His excuse that he only acted in this
double-faced manner " in order to ingratiate himself with his
Sovereign," is one which is not convincing. Is it not far
more probable that he so acted to "ingratiate himself" with
' Boft of these men, like Alexander Seton, pablicly professed the Protestant
religion, while being in reality Roman Catholics.
' Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 278, 279.
' IHd., p. 3S3.

86 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
the General of the Jesuits, and to thus more effectually
promote the interests of the Papacy under the false colours
of a Protestant? It is not to be supposed that he ever
thus made a pubhc profession of Romanism in the presence
of Protestants, " four years " before his death. That would
have been a suicidal act. And if in 1618, he had been
sincere in his expressions of regret for not having all along
professed the Roman faith which in his heart he beheved,
why did he for the next four years, and to his dying hour,
continue to publicly profess the Protestant faith?
If these things happened three hundred years ago, what
is to prevent their repetition, (should the needs of the Jesuit
Order require it) in the twentieth century?

CHAPTER IV
JESUIT PREPARATIONS FOB THE SPANISH ARMADA
Justly or unjustly, as a matter of fact, in the public
estimation the Jesuits were mixed up with almost every
pohtical crime perpetrated in England, from the time they
started their first mission down to 1605. With the excep
tion of the Gunpowder Plot the evidence of their complicity
in the attempted assassinations of Queen Elizabeth is largely
derived from the statements of spies in the employ of her
Government. The difficulty of dealing fairly with such
evidence is obvious. It cannot be placed as of as high
authority as that of independent witnesses ; yet it would be
unwise to reject it altogether. If Jesuit priests have used
and quoted portions of evidence given by spies, why should
a Protestant writer be refused permission to use it also,
provided he does so with care and discrimination? In thus
treating their evidence I have the sanction of the author of
The Life of Mary Ward, edited by the Rev. Henry James
Coleridge, S.J., and issued by the Enghsh Jesuits in their
well-known Quarterly Series. That biographer remarks: —
"The words of the apostate spies, so much employed by
the Government of Elizabeth and James, who retailed eril
concerning the Catholics, and invented where they could not
collect any, are sometimes of use in history. For feigning
themselves true children of the Church, they gained access
where otherwise they would have been shut out. When
truth was convenient they used it, so that by their means
information has come down to us, especially in matters of
personal history, which but for them would often have been

88 the JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
lost." ' A great deal of this evidence has now found its
way into the Calendars of State Papers issued in recent
years by the Government, but unfortunately these volumes
are but very slightly consulted by Protestants, to many of
whom they are practically unknown. But the evidence
against the Jesuits is by no means confined to the testimony
of spies. The various statements made by the secular Roman
Catholic priests of the period, who were no spies, but who
were personally acquainted with the men whose conduct
they condemn, forms a most important link in the chain
of evidence against certain disciples of the Jesuit Order.
In " The Secular Priests' Preface to the English Catholics,"
printed in 1602, with the English translation of The Jesuits'
Catechisme, it is asserted that " To receive Jesuits into a
Kingdom, is to receive in a vermin, which at length will knaw
out the heart of the State both spiritual and temporal.
They work underhand the ruin of the countries where they
dwell, and the murder of whatsoever Kings and Princes it
pleaseth them." ' Another Roman Catholic priest, writing
in 1603, gives it as his opinion, that " To say that no priest,
Jesuit, or other Cathohc, hath practised against the sacred
person of our Sovereign, and quiet of her State, as well
by their dealings within the realm, as by their procuring
invasions, and laying the plots thereof without the realm,
it were mere impudence, and to deny a verity as apparent
as tbe sunshine at noonday, as both by divers pubhc con
victions thereof, and by books, letters, and pamphlets written
to that purpose may appear; and Father Southwell, in his
Supplication, in part confesseth as much." ^ And the same
writer also asserts: "The Cathohc authors of the Jesuits'
Catechisme telleth us that all the late rebellious treacheries
and murders he there mentioneth, were plotted and contrived
in the colleges of the Jesuits in Prance. And do not these
» The life of Mary Ward, vol. i., p. 398.
5 The Jesuits^ Catechisms. Preface, 1602.
• A R/plie Unto a Certaine Libell, fol. 56. Printed in 1608.

ROME AND MUKOEK PLOTS 89
Jesnitical professors tell us as much of their own proceedings
in the Colleges of the Society of Jesus in Spain, for our
treasons, rebellions, and murders in Ireland." '
The murderous spirit which plotted the many attempted
assassinations of Queen Elizabeth, appears to have been
generally approved at Rome in the sixteenth century. That
most learned of recent Roman Catholic historians, the late
Lord Acton, tells us that:
"In the religious struggle [against the Protestant Reformation]
a frenzy had been created which made weakness violent, and
turned good men into prodigies of ferocity; and at Rome, where
every loss inflicted on Catholicism, and every wound, was felt,
the belief that, in dealing with heretics, murder is better than toleration,
prevailed for half a eentvry. The predecessor of Gregory [XIII.J
had been Inquisitor General. In his eyes Protestants were worse
than Pagans, and Lutherans more dangerous than other Protestants.
The Capuchin preacher, Pistoja, bore witness that men were
hanged and quartered almost daily at Rome, and Pius [V.] declared
that he would release a culprit guilty of a hundred murders rather
than one obstinate heretic. He seriously contemplated razing the
town of Faenza because it was infested with religious error; and
he recommended a similar expedient to the King of France. He
adjured him to hold no intercourse with the Huguenots, to make
no terms with them, and not to observe the terms he had made.
He required that they should be pursued to the death, that not
one should be spared under any pretence, that all prisoners should
suffer death. He threatened Charles with the punishment of Saul
when he forebore to exterminate the Amalekites. He told him that it
was his mission to avenge the injuries of the Lord, and that nothing
is more cruel than mercy to the impious. When he sanctioned the
murder of Elizabeth he proposed that it should be done in execution
of his sentence against her. It became vtsual with those who meditated
ctssassination or regicide on the plea of religion to look upon the
representatives of Rome as their natural advisers .... The theory
which was framed to justify these practices has done more than
plots and massacres to cast discredit on the Catholics. This theory
was as follows: — Confirmed heretics must he rigorously punished
whenever it can be done without the probability of greater evil
to religion. Where that is feared, the penalty may be suspended
or delayed for a season, provided it be inflicted whenever the danger
is past. Treaties made with heretics, and promises given to thena,
must not be kept, because sinful promises do not bind, and uo
agreement is lawful which may injure religion or ecclesiastical
authority. No civil power may enter into engagements whichimpode
the fiee scope of the Church's law. It is part of the punishment
' A Replie Unto a Certaine Libell, fol. 67.

90 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of heretics that faith shall not be kept with them. It is even
mercy to kill them, that they may sin no more." '
Under such circumstances as these, is it to be wondered
at that plots for the assassination of prominent Protestants
become common in the sixteenth century ? What else could
be expected in England when murder of heretics, vrithout
trial, was approved in the Papal Court itself? And who
can blame the Government of Elizabeth for taking very
stem measures indeed against the men who were known
to be associated with such a Court as that of Rome? I
have already referred to one assassination plot approved by
Father Parsons. I have now to mention an attempt to
murder Queen Elizabeth discovered in 1583, not because
there is any evidence that the Jesuits gave it any assistance
at the time, but because of the attitude towards it of the
English Jesuits at the close of the nineteenth century. A
young gentleman named John Somerville, residing in War
wickshire, excited, says Camden, by reading certain writings
against the Queen and other excommunicated Princes, resolved
that at any risk he would assassinate the Queen. It is
said by modern Jesuit and other writers that he was insane,
but I fail to find adequate evidence of this. One would
have supposed that when he began talking about his evil
intentions to the members of his family, they would,
seeing his fierce determination, have put some restraint
upon him to prevent his journeying to London on such
a dangerous errand, unless, indeed, certain of them— as
was afterwards alleged — were in favour of the foul deed
being performed. On his way to London Somerville certainly
acted in a most incautious manner, boasting as he went
along of what he was going to do. The natural result was
that he was arrested before he arrived at his journey's end.
When committed to the Tower of London he made certain
> Article hy Sir John (afterwards Lord) Acl»n, on "The Massacre of Sf.
Bartholomew," North British Revieio. October, 1869. pp. 61—63,

STRANGE "confessors OF THE FAITH " 91
confessions while on the rack, which led to the arrest of
Edward Arden, his father-in-law, his mother-in-law, his wife,
and a priest named Hall. The latter saved his own hfe
by giving evidence against his former friends, in which he
affirmed that Arden had, in his presence, made a vow to
put Elizabeth to death. Somerville and Arden were sentenced
to death, the ladies and the priest escaped. Arden was
executed, but Somerville committed suicide in prison, though
his friends declared that he was murdered therein. The latter
theory is very improbable. It is not likely that anyone
would take tbe trouble to murder a man in prison, who
was under sentence of death at the time.
That Somerville certainly intended to assassinate the Queen,
and would have done so had he obtained a chance, there
can be no reasonable doubt. Arden seems to have been a
man of high personal character, and there is reason to fear
that he was a victim of foul play. Camden, who certainly
cannot be suspected of sympathy with the Romanists, says
of Arden: — "This woeful end of this gentleman, who was
drawn in by the cunning of the pri6st, and cast by his
evidence, was generally imputed to Leicester's malice. Certain
it is that he had incurred Leicester's heavy displeasure ; and
not without cause, for he had rashly opposed him in all he
could, reproached him as an adulterer, and defamed him as
a new upstart." '
Whatever may be the truth as to Somerrille and Arden,
it is certain that neither of them was put upon his trial
for religion. Indeed religion had nothing to do with these
cases. Both men were accused of an effort to commit murder,
and for that, justly or unjustly, they were sentenced to death.
To make Confessors of the Faith and Martyrs of them is an
outrage on common-sense. Yet this is what the modern English
Jesuits have done ! In then- sympathy with Arden they have
given him this high honour, and assert that they would have
' Camden's Elizabeth. 4th edition, p. 289.

92 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
bestowed the same fame and glory on Somerville, if they
were quite sure he did not commit suicide! In a "Catalogue
of Confessors of the Faith," issued by the Jesuits from their own
printing-press at Roehampton, occurs the following entry: —
" Arden, Edward. Tower of London. Hanged December 23,
1 583, ' protesting his innocence of every charge, and declar
ing that his only crime was the profession of the Cathohc
religion.' " '
On his trial " the profession of the Catholic religion " was
not made an accusation against Arden, who was charged
with having expressed approval of Somerville's design to
murder the Queen. Brother Foley, S.J., the author of the
official Records of the English Jesuits, further states: —
" Rishton 's Diary says it does not appear whether Somer
ville strangled himself or was murdered by others. We do
not therefore insert his name," " that is, in the " Catalogue
of Confessors of the Faith." In the Index to the volume
I have just quoted the name of Arden actually appears thus
as a "Martyr"! — "Arden, Edward (Martyr in Tower)."
What was he a "Martyr" to? Am I justified in asserting
that any Protestant who may have been unjustly put to
death for attempting the murder of a Roman Catholic, is
therefore a "Martyr" to the Protestant religion, and a
"Confessor of the Faith"? If I made such an assertion I
lear my friends would begin to wonder in what direction
my sympathies lay. Our modern Enghsh Jesuits ought to
be ashamed of themselves for thus making religious capital
out of a criminal trial.
Soon after the execution of Somerville and Arden, William
Garter, a printer and bookseller, residing in London, was
arrested, and put upon his trial, on the charge of printing
a book which encouraged Roman Catholics to assassinate
Queen Elizabeth. It was not the first time Carter had been
in trouble for printing and circulating books of a traitorous
' Records of the English Province, S.J. By Henry Foley, S.J., vol. iii., p. 800.
¦ Hid., p. 801.

EXECUTION OP WILLIAM CARTER 93
character. Strype says of him, that he "had divers times
been put in prison for printing of lewd pamphlets. Popish
and others, against the government. The Bishop [Aylmer of
London] by his diligence had found his press in the year 1579 ;
and some appointed by him to search his house, among
other Papistical books, found one written in French, entitled.
The Innocency of the Scotch Queen ; who then was a prisoner
for laying claim to the Crown of England, and endeavouring
to raise a rebelhon. A very dangerous book this was: the
author called her ' the heir-apparent of this Crown ' : inveighed
against the late execution of the Duke of Norfolk, though
he were executed for high treason : defended the rebelhon in
the north, anno 1569 ; and made very base and false reflec
tions upon two of the Queen's chief est Ministers of State, viz.,
the Lord Treasurer, and the late Lord Keeper, Bacon." '
"How this man got off now," says Strype in another of
his books, "I know not (surely by the mildness of the
government), but it was his fate to come to a shameful end.
For, four or five years after, he was tried, cast, and executed
as a traitor for printing a book, called, A Treatise of
Schism." ^ For this offence, and so far as I can ascertain,
for this offence only, William Carter was executed, on
January 11, 1584.
Referring to the book for printing which Carter was put
to death, Gillow, in his Bibliographical Dictionary of English
Catholics, remarks : — " Through a similarity of title Camden,
Strype, Wood, and others have confused this work [written
by Gregory Martin] with the one for printing of which
William Carter was executed in 1584. The latter was
entitled A Brief Discours contayning certayne Reasons why
Catholiques refuse to go to Church, Doway (though really
printed by William Carter in London) 1580, 70 ff., dedicated
to Queen Ehzabeth by J(ohn) H(owlet), i.e., Robert Parsons,
and bearing the running title of A Treatise of Schiame.
' Strype's Life of Bishop Aylmer, p. 30. Edition 1821.
- Strype's Annals, vol. ii., part ii., p. 272.

94 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Parsons pubhshed this work in refutation of that attributed
to Alban Langdale." ' This statement of Gillow is confirmed
by Brother Henry Foley, S.J., who quotes the work in a
hst of Parsons' writings. ' Whether Parsons wrote the book
or not, he is evidently responsible for its seeing the light
of day, and must have approved of its teaching. According
to Lingard the passage in it on which the prosecution relied
was the following: —
"Judith foUoweth, whose godly and constant wisdom, if our
Catholic gentlewomen would follow, they might destroy Holofemes,
the master heretic, and amass all his retinue, and never defile their
religion by communicating with them in any small point. She
came to please Holofemes, but yet in her religion she would not
yield so much as to eat of his meats, but brought of her own with
her, and told him plainly, that being in his house, yet she must
serve her Lord and God still, desiring for that purpose liberty ouce
a day to go in and out of the gate. ' I may not eat of that which
thou commandest me, lest I incur God's displeasure.' " '
On this quotation Lingard remarks : —
"At his [Carter's] trial the passage quoted above was that alleged
against him. By Holofernes, the master heretic, was understood,
so the Crown lawyers contended, the Queen, and by the destruction
of Holofernes, was intended the Queen's death. Carter replied,
1st, By protesting before God, that he had never taken the passage
in that sense, nor ever known it to be so taken by others. 2nd, By
asserting, what every impartial man must see, that it had a very
different meaning. The whole object of the author was to warn
his brethren against the sin of schism. For this purpose he advised
the Catholic gentlewomen to imitate Judith; as she abstained from
profane meats, so ought they to abstain from all communication
with others, in a worship which they believed to be schismatical.
By doing this, they would destroy Holofernes. The expression was
metaphorical. By Holofemes was meant Satan, the author of heresy,
and the enemy of their salvation, whom they would overcome by
their constancy in their religion, and their rejection of a schismatical
service. But Carter's reasoning was not admitted, and he suffered
as a traitor. After an attentive perusal of the whole tract, I cannot
find in it the smallest foundation for the charge." *
I give this defence of Carter in full, for what it is worth.
It is very ingenious, but, on inspection, not very convincing.
' Gillow's Bibliographical Dictionary of the English Catholics, vol. iv., p. 486.
' Records of the English Province, S.J., vol. vi., p. 529.
' Lingard's History of England, vol. viii., pp. ~429, 430. Edition, 1844.
* Ihid., p. 430.

JUDITH AND HOLOFERNES

For, first of all, Judith did not "destroy Holofernes" by
refusing to eat his meats, but by simply cutting off his
head, which the Roman Catholic gentlewomen of Elizabeth's
time could not do to Satan, either literally, or metaphoric
ally, since in the latter case he would cease to exist. In
the Apocraphical Book of Judith we are told that while
"Holofemes lay on his bed, fast asleep, being exceedingly
drunk," Judith "went to the pillar that was at his bed's
head, and loosed his sword that hung tied upon it. And
when she had drawn it out, she took him by the hair of
his head, and said: Strengthen me, 0 Lord God, at this
hour. And she struck twice upon his neck, and cut off his
head, and took off his canopy from the pillars, and rolled
away his headless body" (Judith, Chapter XIU. 4, 8 — 10.
Douay Version). That is how Judith " destroyed Holofernes,"
and the " metaphorical " interpretation of tbe Jesuit Parsons'
advice to Roman Catholic women will not bear examination.
Lingard's suggestion that by abstaining from "a worship
they believed to be schismatical" they would "destroy"
the devil, is absurd on the face of it.
It must not be forgotten that at this period plots to
assassinate Elizabeth were multiplying on every hand, thus
making it dangerous for the Government to tolerate even
veiled suggestions of murder. Only a few months before
the trial of Carter a book by Dr. (afterwards made Cardinal
through the efforts of the Jesuits) Allen, had been printed
abroad, and secretly circulated in England, containing similar
veiled suggestions, under cover of Old Testament illustrations
— the killing to be done, however, under the orders of the
priests or their Church. From this exceedingly rare work
I take the following extracts. The italics are mine: —
"But the office and zeal of good priests is noteably recommended
unto us, in the deposition of the wicked Queen Athaliah. She,
to obtain the Crown after Ahaziah, killed all his children; only
one, which by a certain good woman's piety was secretly with
drawn from the massacre, saved and brought up within the Temple
for seven years' space; all which time the said Queen usurped the

96 THE JESUITS jK GREAT BRITAIN
Kingdom; till at length Jehoiada, the High Priest, by opportunity
called to him forces both of the priests and people ; proclainipd the
right heir that was in his custody; anointed and crowned him King;
and caused immediately the pretended Queen (notwithstanding she
cried 'Treason, Treason,' as not only just possessors but wicked
usurpMS use to do) to be slain with her fautors at her own Court
gate. Thus do priests deal and judge for the innocent and lawful
Princes (when time requireth) much to their honour, and agreeable
to their holy calling.
"No man can be ignorant how stoutly Elias (being sought to
death by Achab and his Queen Jezabel that overthrew holy altars,
and murdered all the true religious that could be found in their
land) told them to their face, that not he or other men of God
whom they persecuted, but they and their house were the disturbers
of Israel; and slew in his zeal all the said Jezabel's false prophets,
fostered at her table, even four hundred at one time, and so Bet
up holy altars again." '
The apphcation of these Old Testament examples must have
been obvious to every Roman Catholic reader of the period.
There was no need for AUen to name Elizabeth. In the
opinion of Allen and his Jesuit friends she was, like "the
wicked Queen Athaliah," only "the pretended Queen," since
Pope Pius V. had, in 1570, deposed her from her throne,
and absolved her subjects from their oaths of allegiance;
and I doubt not that he and they would have thought it
" much to their honour, and agreeable to their holy calhng,"
to have ordered her "to be slain with her fautors at her
own court gate." Nor do I doubt that, if the Spanish
Armada (which a few years later came to the shores of
England, with the intention of making Allen Cardinal Arch
bishop of Canterbury) had succeeded, it is very probable that
he would have ordered tbe Protestant " Jezabel " to be put
to death, and have slain " in his zeal " all her so-called
" false prophets," the unrepentant Protestant Ministers of the
time, " and so set up holy altars again " for his own priests
to say Mass upon. To prevent his readers supposing that
the priests of his Church had less power than those of Old
Testament times, he added: — "And this it was in the Old
' A True, Sincere and Modest Defence of English CathoUcs, pp. 91, 92.
Printed, 1588.

DEVELOPMENT OF THE JESUIT PLOT 97
Law. But now in the New, Testament, and in the time of
Christ's spiritual kingdom in the Church, priests have much
more sovereign authority, and Princes far more strict charge
to obey, love, and cherish the Church." '
And now it is time for us to go abroad again, to watch
the development of the great Jesuit Plot for the subjugation
of England. Their plans had been greatly disturbed by the
arrest of Francis Throgmorton, one of the most zealous of
the friends of the conspiracy. In the month of November,
1588, he was arrested, when there was discovered in his
house two papers which revealed to the Government tbe
plot which was on hand. At first Throgmorton denied every
thing, telling lies on quite a wholesale scale. He was then
put to the torture several times, and at last revealed the
truth, giring full details as to the plans of the conspirators.
Anyone who now reads his confessions, ^ and compares them
with the third volume of the Calendar of Spanish State
Papers, edited by Major Martin Hume, and other documents
which have first seen the light during recent years, cannot
fail to be convinced of the truth of those confessions. Yet,
strange to relate, at his execution Throgmorton denied the
truth of what he had confessed, thus dying with a he upon
his lips!
The arrest of Throgmorton frightened greatly the leaders
of the plot living on the Continent, who bad to alter their
plans now that their most cherished secrets were revealed
to the Enghsh Government. But they did not abandon their
enterprise, though they had to wait for the Spanish Armada,
in 1588, before anything really practical was attempted.
On January 16, 1584, Allen and Robert Parsons sent in
writing to the Pope a statement of the position of affairs
in England, a copy of which was also forwarded to Phihp H.
These traitors were very urgent that a foreign army should
invade their native land without delay. They concluded
' A True, Siticere and Modest Defence of English Catholics, p. 95.
^ Harleian Miscellany, vol. iii., pp. 182 — 193. 7

98 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
their statement as presented to Phihp H. with these words : —
" Wherefore, casting ourselves at his Majesty's feet, we
entreat him for the love of Jesus Christ not to abandon so
many afflicted souls, who with hands upraised to heaven
are in daily expectation of his aid. The time is very favour
able now, and every day's delay brings us great hurt and
danger. Hence we entreat his Majesty with all possible
earnestness not to defer the execution longer than is necessary :
a prayer which we have been commanded by the Duke
of Guise to offer to his Majesty in the Duke's name, who
is more determined now than ever, and awaits only the
good resolution of his Catholic Majesty." ' The Papal
Secretary of State, the Cardinal of Como, rephed to this appeal
on February 14, addressing his letter to the Papal Nuncio
in Prance: — "Our Lord (the Pope) has seen the writing
which your Lordship sent me in cipher, and which was given
you by Father Allen and Father Robert (Parsons) relating
to the affairs of England. As a like writing has been sent
to Spain, I have nothing more to say than that nothing has
been nor will be wanting on the side of his Holiness to
promote earnestly and unceasingly with his Majesty the
good success of this affair, and to do aU that is possible to
attain the desired end, and if the execution had been in
our hands, Father Allen would have seen this some time
ago." '
Mary Queen of Scots was kept well acquainted with the
latest developments of the conspiracy, and entered into it
very heartily. On March 22, 1584, she wrote from Sheffield
to Dr. Allen : — "I mention this particularly, that you may
know how necessary it is, when the time for action arrives,
to send first of all a band of soldiers, English or foreign,
to the place where I am detained, for my deliverance. H
will be very easily effected, for the place is not fortified,
' Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. liii.
- Ibid., p. Ixiii.

QUEEN mart's DOUBLE DEALING 99
and the garrison is of no account." ' Bearing her know
ledge and approval of this plot for her deliverance by an
armed force in mind, it is somewhat startling to find that
only a few months later she denied aU knowledge of it;
calling the Holy Name of God to witness to the truth of
her falsehood. On September 2, 1584, Mary had a con
versation vrith Mr. Sommer, in the course of which he told
her that writings had come to the knowledge of Queen
Ehzabeth, "wherein is spoken of an enterprise in England,
tending for her [Mary's] hberty, and increasing of her son's
greatness, and so meant to come to her, hath both greatly
offended her Majesty, and given her cause to think that
she, the Scottish Queen, is a party in that enterprise,
whatsoever it is." To this plain and truthful accusation
Mary falsely replied: — "And as to the enterprise you spoke
of, by my troth I knew not nor heard anything of it ; nor,
so God have my soul, vrill ever consent anything that should
trouble this State." ="
Notwithstanding her assurances as to the past, and her
promises for the future, we find Mary, a few weeks later
writing again, on October 30, to Dr. Allen, exhorting him
to greater diligence in fcwrwarding the enterprise for the
invasion of England and her deliverance from captivity.
"Do you," she said to him, "go on soliciting the long-
looked-for supplies vrith all the diligence you are able ....
I should vrish our most holy Lord [the Pope] and the Catholic
King to be assured that while on the one hand things are
now ripe in England [for the invasion], on the other they
are so nigh to hopelessness that if help be put off beyond
next spring, all will be lost, and there will be nothing good
to look for in our days." '
In the month of September, 1584, the Jesuit priest
Creighton was on his way by sea to Scotland, on a political
' Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. Ixiv.
^ Sadler's State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 147, 148.
' Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. lix.

100 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
errand, when unfortunately for him, the vessel in which he
was sailing was captured, and eventually he found himself
a prisoner in the Tower of London. When captured he
was observed tearing up some papers which he threw from
him towards the sea. Happily the wind threw them back
again. They were carefully pieced together, when they
were found to contain a TuU and most important discovery
of the great politic aL plot for the destruction of Protestantism
in England and Scotland, by force of arms: as agreed upon
by the chiefs of the conspiracy. This document was first
printed in extenso, by the Rev. Thomas Francis Knox, D.D.,
of the Brompton Oratory, in the second volume of his
Record of English Catholics. The document was written about
two years before the capture of Creighton. It is too lengthy
to reprint here; but as shovring what the Pope and the
Jesuits were aiming at, I must call attention to a few of
its more important points. In a list of the objects aimed
at by the enterprise, this document named: — "Lastly and
especially to depose her Majesty, and set up the Scottish
Queen, which indeed is the scope and white (sic) whereto all
this practice doth level." ' It is stated that "this enterprise
particularly hath been imparted to the Scottish King and Queen" ;
and it was reckoned that "if the Pope and Spanish King
afford the desired forces " then, as soon as the foreign forces
were landed in Scotland, the Scottish King in person would
at once "march towards England, where, assisted with the
Catholics of that realm, which are many in number, they
may be able to prevail." "There is a Bishop to be created
by the Pope to come with them to make priests, absolve
and excommunicate. This should be created Bishop of
Durham, for that in those parts they are Catholics." What
would happen to the unhappy English Protestants, and also
even to those Roman Catholics who should bear arms for
Elizabeth against the invaders, is clearly seen in the following
' Records of English CathoUcs, vol. ii,, p. 426 — 432.

THE JESUIT creighton's CONFESSIONS 101
statement:— "When they shall enter into England the
Pope's excommunication is likewise to be proclaimed, which
shall be renewed, declaring her Majesty, &c., and that all
such as bear arms in her behalf shall be guilty of treason,
and shall be held for such, unless they come to join with
the army of the Scotti^ Queen in England by such a
certain day, and they shall not only lose their lives, but also
all there possessions, lordships, and lands shall be given to
the next of their blood." " The great and rich cities for
the most part, as Newcastle, York, and such like, are all
full of Catholics, who will repair to the army, so as they
shall be rictorious without drawing sword; and all the
Catholic Lords and gentlemen of those shires will unite
themselves unto them; which we say not by conjecture,
but know assuredly that they will do it, although they dare
no more trust any body in the world but only their priests,
who are already dispersed throughout all the shires of the
realm." While in the Tower Creighton made several important
confessions, which are reprinted in substance by Father Knox.
I have modernised the spelling.
" WiUiam Creighton's Confession — what he had heard spoken.
"It was determined at Home, the Duke of Lennox should attempt
the delivery of the Scottish Queen. The plot set down by the
Bishop of Dnmblane touching Scotland, and by an English gentle
man concerning England. The Pope and King of Spain should
furnish the Duke with 10,000 men, Spaniards and French. They
to land at Dumbarton: on the borders of Scotland to join with
the banished Lords of England. The Duke of Lennox would have
with him the greatest part of the realm. The Duke of Guise should
invade the south of England with 4000 or 6000 men. He should
be received there and should pass to London; her Majesty's forces
being occupied in the north.
" That the matter pleased the Pope, but the enterprise too great
for him alone. He would willingly join with the Spanish King.
The King answered he would concur when time should serve. Tbe
enterprise failed by the death of the Duke of Lennox. He supposefh
the intention remaineth.
"Plots presented to the Duke of Guise to land in the parts of
England nearest France, to pass with fisher boats. Others of

102 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
opinion he should begin near Bcothmd. The English confederates
that he should attempt on the coast of England to deliver the
Queen [Mary Queen of Scots], being assured of her religion. The
Scottish King being constant in his religion, no trust to be put in
him. Neither would they make this expense to advance him.
That the Pope should contribute the fourth part of the charge,
and the Spaniard the rest. The King continued an imposition
upon the clergy of Spain for that fourth part."
" William Creighton's second Confession.
" That he received the discourses, Latin, Italian, and French,
of his Supmor at Paris [Father Knox in a footnote says this was
F. Claude Mathieu, S.J., Provincial of France]. He supposeth his
Superior had them of the Duke of Guise, who used him famili
arly. The Latin discourse did contain a condolence of the Scottish
Queen's long imprisonment and sickness, eto. Her constancy in
the Catholic faith. What diligence she should use to restore that
faith, rents and liberties ecclesiastical. And the like for the con
version of her son, the King, to that faith. If he should p^sist
obstinate, to give him her malediction."
"TAe effect of Creighton's third u)riting.
"His conference with the Pope was only as followeth. That
there was no Catholic service public in any part of Scotland. How
little hope there was of the reduction of Uiat realm. Of the King's
education in religion. The best way for his Holiness was to nourish
gentlemen's sons in Catholic sehocds, and to augment the rents of
the seminaries. That at his return to Lyons he was visited by an
English gentleman called Arundel, That the author of the Italian
discourse shall hardly be found out ; but in the margin he noteth
George Golbert." [Knox thinks it should be Gilbert.]
"That at his first return into Scotland he had in rfiarge by his
General to sound the disposition of the nation for the receiving
of Jesuits. At his return he declared he found no entertainment
for men of his Order and profession." ¦
When the facts revealed in the captured documents, and
the confessions of Creighton, came to be considered by the
Government, it is not to be wondered at that they were
seriously alarmed. The Jesuits and their friends were evidently
going the best possible way to work to make it impossible
for the Govermnent to grant them toleration, with safety
to the State. The natural result of the discoveries of their
treasons, supported by the forces of Spain, and France,
' Records of English Catholics, pp. 432—434.

ACT AGAINST THE JESUITS 103
backed by the money and blessing of the Pope, was to
increase the severity of the laws against traitors. The
dangers of the times required stringent measures to protect
the country against the machinations of traitors and foreigners,
enemies of the State. Accordingly, in 1585, the Act of 27
Elizabeth, Chapter 2, was passed against Jesuits and S&oai-
naries. It may be well to reprint here the first part of this
Act; as giving the reasons for passing it: —
"Whereas divers persons called or professed Jesuits, seminary
jjriests, and other priests, which have been, and from time to
time are made in the parts beyond the seas, by or accorcUng to
the order of the Romish Church, have of late years come and
been sent, and daily do come and are sent, into this realm of
England and other the Queen's Majesty's dominione, of purpose
(as has appeared by sundry of their own examinations and con
fessions, as by divers other manifest means and proofs) not only
to withdraw her Highness's subjects from their due obedience to
her Majesty, but also to stir up and move sedition, rebellion, and
open hostility within the same her Highness's realms and domi
nions, to the great endangering of the safety of her most Royal
person, and by the utter ruin, desolation, and overthrow of the
whole realm, if the same be not the sooner by some good means
foreseen and prevented.
" For reformation whereof be it ordained, established, and enacted
by the Queen's most excellent Majesty, and the Lords Spiritual
and temporal, and the Commons, in this present Parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same Parliament, that all
and every Jesuits, seminary priests, and other priests whatsoever
made or ordained out of the realm of England and other her
Highness's dominions, or within any of her Majesty's realms or
dominions, by any authority, power, or jurisdiction derived, challeng
ed, or pretended from the See of Rome, since the feast of the
Nativity of St. John Baptist in the first year of her Highness's reign,
shall within forty days next after the end of this present session
of Parliament depart out of this realm of England, and out of
all other her Highness's dominions, if the wind, weather, and
passage shall serve for the same, or else so soon after the end of
tiie said forty days as the wind, weather, and passage shall so serve.
"And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it
shall not be lawful to or for any Jesuit, seminary priest, or other
such priest, deacon, or religious or ecclesiastical person whatsoever,
being bom within this realm, or any other her Highness's dominions,
and heretofore since the said feast of the Nativity of St. John
Baptist, in the first year of her Majesty's reign, made, ordained,
or professed, or hereafter to be made, ordained, or professed, by
any authority or jurisdiction derived, challenged, or pretended from
the See of Rome, by or of what name, title, or degree soever the
same shall be called or known, to come into, be, or remain m

104 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
any part of this realm, or any other her Highness's dominions,
after the end of the same forty days, other than upon such special
occasions only, and for such time only, as is expressed in this
Act; and if he do, that then every such offence shall be taken
and adjudged to be high treason ; and every person so offending shall
for his offence be adjudged a traitor, and shall suffer, lose, and
forfeit, aaJn case of high treason."
To us, in the twentieth century, a law like this seems
very severe, and almost cruel. Yet to judge it aright it is
necessary to bear in mind the circumstances of the period, and
the very real dangers to the State from the operations of such
a very dangerous body of conspirators residing in the country.
Since then many Roman Catholic States have had to expel
the Jesuits with far less reason. A modem Roman Cathohc
writer very ju.stly remarks that: — "If it had been possible
for any one to conrince Elizabeth that his Catholicism was
such as Bossuet's was to be, and only such, the Queen
ought, on her own profession, to have tolerated such a
person, as she did in fact grant toleration to Sir Richard
Shelley in 1582. But when both sides, both Phihp and
Cecil, were equally convinced that every fresh convert, bow-
ever peaceful now, was a future soldier of the King of
Spain against Ehzabeth, toleration was scarcely possible."'
What this writer says of the perverts to Roman Catholicism,
may be apphed with far greater force to the Jesuits of that
period. They were as dangerous to the State then as
Anarchists are in the twentieth century.
Early in 1585 the I>uke of Guise withdrew from the
mihtary leadership of the proposed enterprise. He was busy
at the time in the affairs of the infamous "Holy League,"
of which he was the leader, and under whose guidance the
civil war against the Huguenots broke out in the following
April. The new military leader of the Enghsh enterprise
was the Duke of Parma, at that time Governor of the Low
Countries. Of this infamous man Motley writes : — " Hanging,
' Simpson's Edmund Campian. p. 199. First edition.

THE DUKE OF PARMa's CHARACTER 105
drowning, burning, and butchering heretics were the legi
timate deductions of his theology. He was no casuist nor
pretender to holiness; but in those days every man was
devout, and Alexander [Parma] looked with honest horror
upon the impiety of the heretics, whom he persecuted and
massacred. He attended Mass regularly — in the vrinter
mornings by torchlight— and would as soon have foregone
his daily tennis as his religious exercises. Romanism was
the creed of his taste. It was the religion of Princes and
gentlemen of high degree. As for Lutheranism, Zvringlism,
Calvinism, and similar systems, they were but the fantastic
rites of weavers, brewers, and the like— an ignoble herd, whose
presumption in entitling themselves Christian, while rejecting
the Pope, called for their instant extermination." ' It was only
a few months before the leadership of this new English enter
prise had been given to Parma, that Balthazar Gerard, encour
aged by the advice of Jesuits, and by promises of pecuniary
reward from Parma, had assassinated that grand Protestant
hero, Wilham the Silent, on July 10, 1584. Parma had
termed it a "laudable and generous deed," and under his
advice the parents of the murderer were enriehed by Philip H.,
and raised at once to a place amongst the landed aristocracy !
Such was Parma, the bloodthirsty butcher, to whom
Robert Parsons hastened for advice and help in the conspiracy
against his own country. On February 5, 1585, Allen
wrote to Mary Queen of Scots: — "Your Majesty is advertised
by better means and more speedy than I can have, for our
resolution out of Spain, that the whole execution [of the
English enterprise] is committed to tbe Prince of Parma,
and that Father Eusebius [Robert Parsons], Mr. Hugh Owen,
and myself, should deal with no other person, but sohcit
him only in your Majesty's affairs; whereof the said Hugh
Owen hath brought the King of Spain's determination to
the Prince [of Parma], who seemeth as glad as we that he
' Motley's Rise of the Dutch Republic. Part vi.. Chapter i.

106 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
may have the effectuating of the whole matter, so glorious
in the sight of God and man. Parma by order, as I take
it, of the King of Spain, acquainteth none particularly and
fully with these things but myself, Eusebius [Parsons], and
Owen."' With Allen and the Jesuits "glad" at the choice
of such a leader as Parma, we can quite imagine what a
fearful scene of slaughter would have been witnessed in
England had these traitorous schemes succeeded.
Parsons went to Flanders about mid-Lent, 1585, and
remained there until the autumn, so as to be within easy
reach of the Duke of Parma. A spy in the employ of the
Enghsh Government, writing from Rouen, on August 13,
reported that he had been informed by Thomas Fitzherbert
(afterwards a Jesuit) that "Parsons is secretly in the camp
of the Prince of Parma," about the invasion scheme. " In
the month of September Parsons started for Rome, to deal with
the new Pope, Sixtus V., who had been elected to succeed
Gregory XIH. on tbe prerious 24th of April. A recent
writer (Father Taunton) says that: —
"One of the first occupations of Parsons after his arrival in
Rome was to write a book against Elizabeth, which Allen was
weak enough to allow to come out in his own name. It was the
book afterwards known as An Admonition to the Nobili^ and
People of England and Ireland concerning the present Wars made
for the Execution of His Holiness' sentence, hy the High and Mighty
King CathoUc of Spain. It is a scurrilous and most offensive
production; and its substance was reproduced in the broadside,
A Declaration of the Sentence of Deposition of Elizabeth the Usurper
and pretended Queen of England, which was Ukewifle firom Parsons'
pen. These are undoubtedly the two works which Parsons alludes
to as his own in the paper he gave to tiie Nuncio at Paris just
before leaving for Spain. It is, of course, most probable that Allen
would have had something to do with the latter draft — but if the hands
are the hands of Esau, the voice is the voice of the Supplanter.
This book was meant as a preparation for the Armada; and Par
sons gave a copy of it to Olivares. who forwarded a summary of
it to Spain, to learn whether the King ap{H:oved of its publication."'
1 Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. 247.
- Calendar of State Papers. Domestic 1580—1625, p. 150.
' The History of the Jesuits in England. By the Rev. Ethelred L. Taunton,
pp. 11.3, 114.

TO ENGLAND 107
Some paragraphs in the document were evidently added
shortly before the Spanish Armada started for England. Father
Watson states that Cardinal Allen compiled the book, " at the
importunate suit of Father Parsons, impudently urging his
Grace thereto."' Lingard says of the book: — "Who that
author was, soon became a subject of discussion. The
language and the manner are certainly not like those of
Allen in his acknowledged works ; and the appellant priests
boldly asserted that the book was 'penned altogether by
the advice of Father Parsons,' Parsons himself, though he
twice notices the charge, seems by his evasions to acknow
ledge its truth (Manifestation, 85. 47)." " Of the two works.
Father Watson further says : — " Of these books a great
number were printed, but presently upon the overthrow of
the great Invincible Armada under their heroical Adlantado,
Father Parsons, for shame of the world, and to the end
that it should not be known how the expectation of the
false prophet was frustrated, procured the whole impression
to be burnt, saving some few that bad been sent abroad
beforehand to his friends, and such as had otherwise been
conveyed away by the printer, and others in secret wise.
Some whereof, ferrying over the main, were wafted into the
South Ocean shores ; and cast on land, came to divers their
hands that durst not avouch their harbour. One Father
Currey, a Jesuit, speaking in a faint bravado of that book
to a secret friend of mine (who durst not be known to
favour me) said that 'it was a work of that worth, as it
would yet bite in time to come ' ; and that if by conjuration
or otherwise, the Queen or the Council (especially the Lord
Treasurer whom he named in chief) could have any inkling
where it were, they would not leave one stone standing upon
another in the house where it should happen to be heard
' Watson's Decacordon of Ten Quodlibeticall Questions. Newly imprinted.
1602, p. 240.
^ Lingard's Eistory of England, vol. viii., p. 445.

108 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of, but blow it up, or consume it all to ashes before they
would miss of it." '
In this way the Admonition soon became exceedingly
scarce, as did also the brief Declaration. Father Tierney,
writing in 1840, says that "few of either seem to have
escaped." ' The Admonition was reprinted, in facsimile,
in 1842, under the editorship of the Rev. Joseph Mendham,
who, in his preface remarks: — "The profound silence of
all the principal Papal historians, in all languages, in
AUen's time, and likewise of his professed biographers,
respecting so dehberate, vigorous, and characteristic a work,
as that under consideration, is certainly, though natural,
remarkable. It certainly is remarkable, that in professed
lists of the writings of the Cardinal, by the historian of the
Popes and Cardinals, and by the later English historian,
who ought to know more about his own countryman, no
mention whatever occurs of the Admonition.'' ' Mr. Mend-
ham's reprint of this scurrilous book has now, in time,
become very scarce, and is seldom to be met with.
A few extracts from this Admonition will make clear to
us more, perhaps, than anything else, the spirit which
moved these conspirators. To read its pages one would
suppose that Queen Elizabeth was tbe incarnation of all the
vices, and the greatest monster who ever sat on any earthly
throne. The author declares that England " might by way
of rigour and extreme justice, be both charged and chastised
far more deeply than the Church of Thyatira for tolerating
the wicked Jezabel" (p. v.). The Pope, he affirms, "only
meaneth in Christ's word and power given unto him, to
pursue the actual deprivation of Ehzabeth, the pretended
Queen, eftsones declared and judicially sentenced by his
Holiness' predecessor, Pius Quintus, and Gregory XIIL, for
1 Watson's Decacordon, p. 240.
' Tierney's Dodd's Church Eistory, vol. iii., p. 29, note.
' Cardinal Allen's Admonition. With preface by Eupator. London : Duncan & Co.,
1842, p. ir.

EXTRACTS PROM THE " ADMONITION " 109
an heretic and usurper, and the proper present cause of
perdition of milhons of souls at home, and the very bane
of all Christian Kingdoms and States near her" (p. vu).
" Over and besides that she never had consent nor any approba
tion of the See Apostolic, without which, she, nor any other can be
lawful King or Queen of England, by reason of the ancient accord
made between Alexander III., the year 1171, and Henry II. then
King, when he was absolved for the death of St. Thomas of
Canterbury, that no man might lawfully take that Crown, nor be
accounted as King, till he were confirmed by tlie Sovereign Pastor of
Oiifr souls, which for the time should be. This accord afterwards
being renewed, about the year 1210, by King John, who confirmed
the same by oath to Pandulph, the Pope's Legate." '
"But to accomplish all other impiety, and to show herself wholly
sold to sin, she [Queen Elizabeth] hath now eighteen years stood
stubbornly, contemptuously, and obdurately, as in the sight of
God, by her own wilful separation through schism and heresy,
judged and condemned before, so now by name notoriously ex
communicated and deposed, in the word of Christ and omnipotent
power of God, by sentence given against her by holy Pius V.,
the highest Court of religion under the heavens. The which state
of excommunication (though presently of the faithless, where there
is no sense of religion, it be not felt nor feared) is most miserable,
most horrible, and most near to damnation of all things that may
happen to a man in this life; far more grievous (saith a certain
glorious Doctor) than to be hewn in pieces with a sword, consumed
by fire, or devoured by wild beasts." "
"And finally to accomplish the measure of all her inhuman
cruelty, she hath this last year barbarously, unnaturally, against
the law of nations, by statute of riot and conspiracy, murdered
the Lady Mary, of famous memory, Queen of Scotland, Dowager
of France, God's anointed, her next kinswoman, and by law and
right the true owner of the Crown of England." '
" Fear not, my dear countrymen, fear not, one generation is not
yet past since this wickedness began; trust now in God, and in
this self generation it shall be revenged, and in the person of this,
the aforesaid King's [Henry VIII.] supposed daughter (in whose
parents' concupiscence all this calamity was conceived) shall be
both punished and ended." *
"Mizeus caused Jehu to be consecrated King, and the house
of Achab to lose their right to the Kingdom, and his son Joram to
be slain; by whose commandment cursed Jezabel was afterwards
thrown out of her chamber window into the court, and after eaten
' Cardinal Allen's Admonition. With preface by Bapator. London : Duncan & Co.,
1842. p. ix.
^ Ibid., p. ixvi.
' Ibid., p. xxvii.
* Ibid., p. zxix. A pretty plain intimation of the fate awaiting Elizabeth, if
the Armada succeeded.

110 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of dogs, in the very same place where she had committed cruelty
and wickedness before. This Jezabel for sacrilege, contempt of
holy priests, rebellion against God, and cruelty, doth so much
resemble our Elizabeth, that in most foreign countries and writings
of strangers she is commonly called by the name of Jezabel. I know
not whether Ood have appointed her to a like, or a better end." '
"There is no war in the world so just or honourable, as that
which is waged for religion, whether it be foreign or civil; nor
crime in the world deserving more sharp and zealous pursuit of
extreme revenge, than falling from the faith to strange religions,
whether it be in the superior or subjects." °
"It is clear that what people or person soever be declared
rebellious against God's Church, by what obligation soever, either
of kindred, friendship, loyalty, or subjection I be bound to them,
I may, or, rather, must take arms against them; nothing doubting
but when my King or Prince hath broken with Christ, by whom,
and for defence of whose honour he reigneth, that then I may
most lawfully break with him." '
"Therefore, having now through God's merciful goodness, full
and sufllcient help for your happy reconcilement to Christ's Church,
and to deliver yourselves, your country, and posterity, irom that
miserable servitude of body and soul which you have long been
in, for the more easy achieving of this godly designment [by means
of the Spanish Armada], and for your better information, his
Holiness confirmeth, reneweth, and reviveth, the Sentence Decla
ratory of Pius Quintus, of blessed memory, and the censure of
all other his predecessors, and every branch, clause, and article
of them, against the said Elizabeth, as well concerning her illegiti-
mation, and usurpation, and inability to the Crown of England,
as for her excommunication and deposition in respect of her heresy,
sacrilege, and abominable life ; and dischargeth all men from all oath,
obedience, loyalty and fidelity towards her; requiring and desiring
in the bowels of Christ, and commanding under pain of excom
munication and other penalties of the law, and as they look for
the favours to them and theirs, afore promised, and will avoid the
Pope's, King's and the other Princes' high indignation, that no
man of what degree or condition soever, obey, abet, aid, defend,
or acknowledge her for their Prince, or superior; but that all
and every one, according to their quality, calling, and ability,
immediately upon intelligence of his Holiness' will, by these my
letters, or otherwise, or at the arrival of his Catholic Majesty's
forces, be ready to join to the said army, with all the powers and
aids they can make, of men, munition, and victuals, to help
towards the restoring of the Catholic faith, and actual deposing the
usurper, in such sort and place, as by the chief managers of this
affair, and the General of this Holy War shall be appointed." "
' Cardinal Allen's Admonition. With preface by Bapator. London : Duncan & Co.,
1842. p. xixiv.
s Ibid., p. xl.
' Ibid., p. xlii.
' Ibid., pp. Iii, liii.

THE pope's ADMIRATION OP ELIZABETH 111
"Fight not, for God's love fight not in that quarrel in which,
if you die, you are sure to be damned. . . . Forsake her therefore
betime, that you be not enwrapped in her sins, punishment, and
damnation. . . . Fight for your father's faith. ... If you win, you
save your whole realm from subversion, and innumerable souls,
present and to come, from damnation. If you die, you be sure
to be saved, the blessing of Christ and His Church, the pardon of
his Holiness, given to all in most ample sort, that either take
arms, die, or any way duly endeavour in this quarrel." '
We left Parsons at Rome, where he arrived in the autumn
of 1585 on a visit to Pope Sixtus V. That Pope, though
he did all that he could against Queen Elizabeth, yet in
his heart had a strange regard for her. He told the Vene
tian Ambassador in Rome: — "She is a great woman; and
were she only Catholic, she would be without her match,
and we would esteem her highly." And again he said to
the same Ambassador: — "She certainly is a great Queen,
and were she only a Catholic she would be our dearly
beloved. Just look how well she governs; she is only a
woman, only mistress of half an island, and yet she makes
herself feared by Spain, by France, by the Empire, by all." ''¦
Parsons found Pope Sixtus V. very willing to help on the i
grand scheme for the invasion of England, but he was very
jealous lest Philip II. should become by it too powerful.
He and Philip were not quite of one mind as to who should
become the Sovereign of England if the enterprise proved
successful. Phihp wanted it for himself, or at least for bis
daughter the Infanta ; while Sixtus was anxious, if he could
not prevent this, yet at least that the new Sovereign should
hold the Crown of England as vassal under himself, as tbe
chief Lord of the land— thus renewing the ancient Papal
claim to the Crown of England, a claim which I may here
remark, has never yet been withdrawn by the Papacy. This
controversy between the Pope and Philip was the subject
of a conversation between the Venetian Ambassador in
1 Cardinal Allen's Admonition. With preface by Eupator. London : Duncan & Co.,
1842. pp. hv. It.
" Calendar of Venetian State Papers, vol. viii., pp. 344, 345.

112 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Spain and the Papal Nuncio to the Court of Philip, early in
1586. On February 22 this Ambassador wrote to the Doge
and Senate of Venice: —
" Every day Mons. Spetiano, the Nuncio, a Milanese, is expected
here. His insfa-uetions are conjectured to have reference to the
expedition against England and the expedition against Geneva,
both of them eagerly desired hy the Pope. The Nuncio, here resident,
in conversation with me, remarked that if his Holiness were as well
informed as Pope Gregory had been, he would know that perhaps both
undertakings were impossible, both for the King of Spain as well
as for any other Prince who might be allied with him. As I
desired further light on this point, the Nuneio said, ' as for the
enterprise against England, since it will be the joint work of the
Pope, the King of Spain, and other allies, they must first determine
who is to be the master of that kingdom when it is captured. The
King of Spain, as the most powerful of the allies, and as the larger
contributor to the undertaking, will certainly claim to be absolute
master ; while, on the other hand, neither the Pope nor any other
Prince can consent to such an aggrandisement of the Spanish.
For, although the King of Spain is very calm, and declares that
he has no desire for what belongs to others, still the opportunity
and the natural thirst for dominion, common to all, may quite
soon produce such complications that the remedy will be beyond
ttie power of any to apply, should he some day desire to make
himself sole Monarch of Christendom. Besides, even supposing
such thoughts to be absent from the King's mind, who will
guarantee that they may not occur to his son.'
" In short, the Nuncio's opinion is that the resolution of this
point, if not impossible, is exceedingly difficult. I asked him what
opinion Pope Gregory held on the subject, and he replied that
the Pope wished the whole decision to rest with himself, and that he
should rurnne the Master of the Kingdom; but that, later on, the Pope
saw the impossibility of anyone but the King of Spain holding
the Kingdom for any length of time, and had consented to smrendeir
the Kingdom to his Majesty in return for an annmal fee" •
1 Calendar of Venetian State Papers, vol. viii., p. 141. This ancient claim
of the Pope's to the Throne of England was put forward prominently during the
reign of Elizabeth. Cardinal Pole, in the "Instructions" given by him to the
Father Confessor of the Emperor, in October, 1553, referring to the then ex
pected return of the people- of England to obedience to the Pope, remarks con
cerning the title of Mary to the Crown of England: — "It must be eonsidered
that she is not only called to it [tbe restitution of her Kingdom to the obedience
of the Pope] by the rewards ot » fatnre life, but also by those of the present
world, inasmuch as, failing the support of the Holy See, she would not be
legitimate heir to the crown, for the marriage of her mother was not valid but
by n dispensation of his Holiness ; so that obedience to the Holy See is necessary
to secure her power, since upon it depends her very claim to the erown.
(Calendar of Foreign State Papers, 155S— 1558, p. 21.)

THE BABINGTON CONSPIRACY 113
Checked and hindered in every way by the vigilance of
the English Government, the conspirators at last became
impatient and desperate. They wanted a quicker and more
decisive plan for bringing the enterprise to a successful
issue. A dagger run into the body of Queen Elizabeth
would at once remove their greatest difficulty. Men willing
and anxious to do the deed were soon found. They were
not common hired assassins, but gentlemen of good social
position, some of them of great wealth. Between them
they hatched what is known in history as the Babington
Conspiracy. Of the fourteen gentlemen who were executed
A learned Roman Catholic priest, the Rev. Charles O'Conor, D.D., who wrote
early ia the nineteenth century, states that : — " Though Queen Mary was a
Catholic, and a gloomy and persecuting bigot she was, whom every Irishman
must abhor, yet Paul IV. menaced to depose her, because she had dared to
assume the title of 'Queen of Ireland' without his consent I He said that it
belonged to him alone to erect new Kingdoms, or abolish the old; that Ireland
was, by human and divine right, the property of the Holy See; that he was the
successor of those who deposed Kings and Emperors; and that no Monarch shonid
pretend to an equality with him ! With his feeble limbs, for now he was about
eighty years old, he stamped the boards of the Vatican, 'And all Olympna
trembled at his nod 'I The Queen's Ambassadors threw themselves at his feet.
and he admitted her title, on condition only that it should be assumed from his
concession, and that Peter pence, and all the ancieat emoluments of Kome should
be restored." {An Eistorical Address, By the Kev. C. O'Conor, D.D. 1812.
part ii., pp. 196, 197.)
On the afternoon of July 13, 1556, the Venetian Ambassador at Rome, bad
an interview with Pope Paul IV, The Pope then said to him: — "If compelled
to wage war, as we suspect, owing to the deceitful nature of these Imperialists,
we, without the slightest scruple, by a legitimate process, and by a sentence so
tcemendons that it will darken the sun, shall deprive the Emperor and
the King of England, as our vassals who have perpetrated felony and rebel
lion, of all their realms, releasing the inhabitants from their oath of allegiance,
giving part of their territories to those who shall occupy them." {Calendar of
Venetian State Papers, vol. vi. part i., p. 521.) A few months later the Pope
ag^n spoke to the same Ambassador on the same subject, when he once more
put forth his claim to the temporal dominion, not only of England and Ireland;
but also of the Kingdoms of iSlaples, and Sardinia. And this is what the Pope
said on this occasion; — "The truce was made for ten days and then prolonged
for forty, although the Duke of Alva wished to have it for n much longer term
(as our Cardinal will have told you in detail) to enable him to advise Philip his
King about these things, and to receive his reply and decision, which we pray
the Lord God (who can do what to us seems impossible) to inspire them to form
8

114 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
for the part they took in promoting this attempt at assassina
tion, no fewer than six were members of a Sodality, or
Association, formed in England for the purpose of assisting
the Jesuit priests, of whom they were the spiritual children.
Their names were Anthony Babington, Chideock Tichboume,
Charles Tilney, Edward Abingdon, Thomas Salisbury, and
Jerome Bellamy." ' The remaining eight were John Ballard
(a priest), John Savage, Robert Barnwell, Henry Dunne,
Edward Jones, John Travers, John Charnock, and Robert
(Jage. The Babington Conspiracy was in reality two murder

according to their duty, granting them such repentance of their very gcevious
error, and causing them to make such amends as to put it in our power, without
detracting from our dignity, to pardon and absolve them from tbe censures they
have incurred, restoring to them in integrum what they have forfeited, for they
are deprived not only of the fiefs of the Church, which are the Kingdoms of
Naples, Sardinia, England. Ireland, and of so many privileges in Spain, conceded
to them by the prodigality of our predecessors (God forsjive them for it), and
which yield more than the Kingdom [of Naples], but, moreover, of all that they
have and possess in the world; and, moreover, they are nnworthy to remain oa
the earth." (Calendar of Venetian State Papers, vol. vi., part, ii., p. 838.)
This utterly unjust claim was again put forward in 1580 by Pope Gregory XIII.,
in the treaty into which he then entered with tbe King of Spain and the Grand
Duke of Tuscany against England, the third article of which was as follows: —
"That his Holiness, as Sovereign Lord of the Island [of England] will grant
to the Catholie nobles of the Kingdom to elect a Catholic lord of the Island,
who, under the authority of the Apostolic See will be declared King, and who
will render obedience and fealty to the Aposiolic See, as other Catholic Kings
have done before the time of the last Henry." (Calendar of Venetian State
Papers, vol. vii., p. 650.)
Pope Sixtus V. renewed the claim in 1587. The Venetian Ambassador in
Rome, writing on June 27, 1587, stated that: — "The Pope has taken occasion
to say that if tbe King of Spain will undertake the enterprise against Enghind
he will furnish him, on the landing ot troops in that Kingdom, 600,000 crowns,
and 70,000 a month as long as the war lasts, but on condition that the nomination
to the Crown of England should rest with the Pope, and that the Kingdom of
England be recognised as a fief of the Church." (Calendar of Venetian State
Papers, vol. viii., p. 288.)
Sir John Throckmorton, a Roman Catholic Baronet, writing in 1791, remarks;—
" Mr. Milner cannot have forgotten that even since the schism of Henry VIII.,
the ambition of Rome has claimed the Imperial Crown of England, as one of her
feudatory dependencies." (A Second Letter to the Catholic Clergy of Englemi.
By John Throckmorton, Esqr. [afterwards Sir John] London, 1791, p. 42.)
' Simpson'a Campian. Ist edition, p. 157.

ASSASSINATION " BY POISON OR Br STEEL " 115
plots merged into one. The first was that undertaken by
Savage at the instigation of a priest named Gilbert GifFord.
This Gifford had been educated for the priesthood (to which
he was ordained, March 16, 1585) first at Rheims, and
afterwards in the English College, Rome, then under the
control of the Jesuits. There he was a ringleader in the
disturbances against the Jesuits, and was expelled by them
for misconduct. GifFord acted as one of the Government
spies, and although Savage was the dupe of this unprincipled
scoundrel, this cannot be said of the others, at least not to
the same extent.
The priest Ballard was introduced to Mendoza, at Paris,
early in May, 1586, and revealed to him the plan which
he had formed to assassinate Elizabeth. A party had been
organised in England to undertake the deed, and these sent
messages to Mendoza, who, on May 12, wrote thus to Juan
De Idiaquez:
" I beg you to have the following very carefully deciphered and
put it into his Majesty's own hands. It is written and ciphered
by me personally. I am advised from England by four men of
position who have the run of the Queen's house, that they have
discussed for the last three months the intention of killing her.
They have at last agreed, and the four ' have mutually sworn to
do it. They will on the first opportunity advise me when it is to
be done, and whether hy poison or by steel, in order that I may
send the intelligence to your Majesty, supplicating you to be pleased
to help them after the business is effected." -
About six weeks later Mendoza again wrote to the same
correspondent, on June 24, to tell him that the arrange
ments for tbe assassination were going on satisfactorily, and
that one of the would-be murderers was very dihgent indeed in
attending to his religious duties as a devout Roman Catholic : —
" The four men," he states, " who bad taken the resolution
about which I wrote to you on the 11th ultimo [it was the
12th], have again assured me that they are agreed that it
' Sijc were actually selected for this purpose.
= Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 579.

116 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
shill be done by steel when opportunity occurs. One of them
is confessed and absolved every day, and says that there is
no need for the others in the business at all." ' There can
be but little doubt that the man who wanted all the glory
of the vile deed was the man who bore the appropriate name
of Savage, who by this time had joined the Babington Conspi
racy. It would be interesting to know who the priest was who
confessed and absolved him "every day," while without
repentance he designed such a foul deed. That will probably
never be known, yet, whoever he was, the result of his
spiritual ministrations was seen on the scaffold, when Savage,
a moment before his death, having confessed his guilt, said
that "he did attempt it, for that in conscience he thought
it a deed meritorious, and a common good for the weal
public, and for no private preferment." '
By this time Gilbert Gifford had become acquainted with
Ballard and Babington's plans, for assassination and had placed
his services at its disposal. Gifford was actually sent from Eng
land to Paris by Mary Queen of Scots herself, with a letter
of credence to Mendoza. No one can read her letter, dated
July 27, 1586, without a strong suspicion, that she knew
about the plot to assassinate Elizabeth, and was anxiously
helping it on. This was the opinion of even Mendoza him
self, who, writing to Philip II. on September 10, after the
whole conspiracy had been discovered by the English Govern
ment, remarks: — "Of the six men who had sworn to kill
the Queen, only two have escaped, namely, the favourite
Raleigh and the brother of Lord Windsor. I am of the
opinion that the Queen of Scotland must be well acquainted
with the whole affair, to judge from the contents of a letter
which she has written to me. "
Nearly two months before Mendoza wrote this letter,
and, possibly, on the same day that she wrote to him,
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 385.
" State Trials, vol. i., p. 133. Edition 1730.
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii,, p. 624.

QUEEN MARY AND THE MURDER PLOT 117
Mary wrote also to the French Ambassador to England
another letter which imphes a knowledge of the assassina
tion plot: — "Entreat," she urged, " the Lord Treasurer, that
he be careful in the choice of a new guardian for me, that
whatever may happen, whether it be the death of the Queen of
England or a rebellion in the country, may hfe may be safe." '
She was evidently, therefore, at this time, expecting the
death of Elizabeth, and a rebellion in her favour. Out
wardly there was no prospect of Elizabeth's death at that
moment, since she was in perfect health. She could then
only expect that death from tbe dagger of some assassin.
On the same day Mary wrote to Mendoza the letter to which
I have already briefly alluded, recommending GifFord to him
as a person worthy of credence, who would tell him all
that was going on for her release. ^ This letter is more
guardedly worded than that which she wrote to the French
Ambassador, but it imphes a knowledge of some plot going
on, in addition to that of an armed invasion.
"I will," wrote Mary to Mendoza, "freely confess to you that
I myself was so discoura,'ged at the idea of entering into new
attempts, seeing the failure that had attended previous ones, that
I have turned a deaf ear to several proposals that have been made
to me during the last six months by the Catholics, as I had no
ground for giving them a decided answer. But now that I hear
of the good intentions of the Catholic King towards us here, I
have sent to tbe principal leaders of the Catholics a full statement
of my opinion on all points of the execution of the enterprise.
To save time I have ordered tliem to send to you, with all speed,
one of their number sufficiently instructed to treat with you, in accor
dance with the promises given you in general terms, and to lay
before you all the requests they wish to make of the Catholic
King your master. I wish, on their behalf, and in dependance
upon their faithful promise given to me, to assure you that they
will sincerely aud truly, at the risk of their lives, carry out their
undertakings, and those entered into for them by their representative.
I therefore beg you to extend full credit to him, as if I had sent him
myself. He will inform you of the means of getting me away
from here." *
' Ranmer's Queex Elizabeth and Mary Queen of Scots. London, 1836, p. 309.
^ Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 594, 603.
' Ibid., p. 597.

118 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
A few weeks later Mary's messenger arrived in Paris,
presented himself to Mendoza, and gave to him particulars
of the conspirators' plans. These were of a two-fold char
acter. First, tbe assassination of Elizabeth, and secondly, an
armed invasion for the destruction of Protestantism. In a
despatch to the King of Spain, dated August 13, Mendoza
gave the names of the English Roman Catholic noblemen
and gentlemen who, it was alleged, had agreed to the
invasion enterprise, and then proceeded to state their
desire that the King of Spain should send help, and their
opinion that inasmuch as the whole country was " anxious for
a change of government," this had
"Led Babington, who is a strong Catholic, a youth of great
spirit and good family, to try to find some secret means of hilling
the Queen. Six gentlemen, servants of the Queen, who have access
to her house, have promised to do this, as I reported to Don Juaa
de Idiaquez on the 11th of May for your Majesty's information.
This gentleman [the messenger GiffordJ tells me that no person
knows of this but Babington, and two of the principal leaders, it
would already have been effected if they had not had their sus
picion aroused by seeing the Earl of Leicester armed and with
a force in Zeeland, which they feared he might bring over to
England quickly enough to attack them before they could gather
their own forces or obtain help from your Majesty. This has
caused them to delay laying hands upon the Queen, until they
had reported matters to me, and received assurance that they would
be succoured with troops from the Netherlands the moment they
might desire it ... . They will not ask for troops to be sent, un
less they are urgently needed, and if I will give them my word
that they shall at once have help from the Netherlands in case
they want it, and that your Majesty will succour them from Spain,
if required, they say that they will immediately put into execution
their plan to kill the Queen. They beg me not to doubt this, as
those who are to carry it out are resolved to do it, and not to
wait for a favourable opportunity, but to kill her, even on her
throne and under her canopy of State, if I tell them the time has
arrived to put an end to her." '
Mendoza promised the conspirators: — "If they succeeded
in killing the Queen, they should have the assistance they
required from the Netherlands, and assurance that your
Majesty would succour them. This I promised them, in
' Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 605, 606.

PIETY, BLOOD, AND MURDER 119
accordance with their request, upon my faith and word. I
urged them vrith arguments to hasten the execution." Be
went even further, and suggested that they "should either
kill or seize Cecil, Walsingham, Lord Hunsdon, KnoUys,
and Beal, of the Council, who have great influence with
the heretics, as they are terrible heretics themselves, and I
gave them other advice of the same sort." ' In the heart
of Mendoza Papal piety and crime were closely united. He
thought the murder of such a heretic as Ehzabeth a glorious.
Catholic, and truly Christian act. "I received the gentle
man [who brought to him the plan of assassination] in a
way tbe importance of his proposal deserved, as it was so
Christian, just, and advantageous to the holy Catholic faith,
and your Majesty's service, and I wrote them two letters
by difFerent routes, one in Italian and the other in Latin,
encouraging them in tbe enterprise, which I said was worthy
of spirits so Catholic, and of the ancient valour of English
men." ' The King of Spain was delighted when he received
Mendoza's letter, and wrote back to him, on September 5,
a letter filled with piety, blood, and murder: — "As the
aflFair," he said, "is so much in God's service, it certainly
deserves to be supported, and we must hope that our Lord
will prosper it, unless our sins are an impediment thereto. . . .
I recollect some of those you mention as being in the plot,
and in other cases their fathers. A business in which such
persons are concerned certainly looks serious; and in the
serrice of God, the freedom of Catholics, and the welfare
of that realm, I will not fail to help them. I therefore
at once order the necessary force to be prepared for the
purpose, both in Flanders and here in Spain. It is true
that as the whole thing depends upon secrecy and our pre
parations will have to be made without noise, the extent
of the force must not be large enough to arouse an outcry,
and so do more harm than good, but it shall be brought

' Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii., p. 607., = Ibid., p.

606.

120 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
to bear from both directions with the utmost promptness,
as soon as we learn from England that the pvinciple execution
planned by Babington and his friends has been effected.
The matter has been deeply considered here, with a view
to avoiding, if possible, the ruin of those who have under
taken so holy a task." In another letter written to Men
doza on the same day, the King told him what to do " until,
by Godrs grace, you receive intelhgence that Babington has
carried his intention into efiFect.'"
My readers will have observed that in her letter to Men
doza, dated July 27, Mary Queen of Scots informed him: —
"I have sent to the principal leaders of the Catholics a
full statement of my opinion on all points of the execution
of the enterprise. To save time I have ordered them to send
to you, with all speed, one of their number sufficiently
instructed to treat with you." This "full statement" was
actually written on the same day that she wrote to Mendoza.
It was addressed to Anthony Babington, in reply to his
celebrated letter to her, and was ostensibly tbe chief cause
of her subsequent trial and execution. As every student of
English history is aware, much controversy has arisen as to
Babington's letter, and Mary's reply. It has been alleged
again and again that Phelippes, who was employed by
Walsingham to decipher the letters of Babington and Mary,
interpolated into that which she wrote on July 27 certain
passages, which clearly imply her knowledge of the assassina
tion plot, and that he added to her letter the famous post
script in which she asks for the names of the six conspirators
who had agreed to do the deed. It is, of course, possible
that the postscript was a forgery, added to enable the
Government to know with certainty the names of the chief
culprits; but the assertion that interpolations were made
in the body of the letter, seems to me built only on mere
conjecture, and is scarcely consistent with Phelippes' evident
' Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 614, 615, 616.

mary's letter to babington 121
anxiety to recover the original letter of Mary when Babing-
\ton was arrested. On July 19 (New Style, 29th) Phehppes
wrote to Walsingham: — "You have now this Queen's
tnswer to Babington, which I received yesterday. If he be
ik the country, the original will be conveyed unto his hands,
aid like enough an answer returned. I look for your
honour's speedy resolution touching his apprehension or
ptherwise, that I may dispose of myself accordingly ....
your honour mean to take him, ample commission and
large would be given to choice persons for search of his
ouse. It is like enough for all her commandment [to
km the letter], her letter will not soon be defaced. 1
it for an evidence against her." ' Walsingham also
anxious to secure the original of Mary's compromising
^r, for two days after Phelippes had written the above letter,
anotherefore probably before it could have reached London,
Watngbam wrote to Phelippes : — " Bab.[ington] shall not be
rithal until your return. He remaineth here. The original
letter into him you must bring with you." ' But the whole
controersy is too lengthy to be dealt with adequately here.
Thok who read the reports of tbe trials of tbe fourteen
gentlemn executed for the Babington Conspiracy, as con
tained iithe State Trials, can scarcely doubt the justice of
the senflbces, which in some cases were for hiding their
knowled^of the plot, rather than for directly taking part
in it. In Vher case, the legal punishment of their offences
was deatbX Savage pleaded guilty; as did also the priest
Ballard. 0\ the scaffold Ballard again confessed his guilt
as to " thosWhings of which he was condemned, but pro
tested they \re never enterprised by him upon any hope
of preferment hut only for the advancement of true
rehgion." Baigton also pleaded guilty, but laid all the
blame of his ience on Ballard— not Gilbert Gifford, who
had no hand iVbringing him into the plot. "Yea," said
' The Letter Books\ 5,,. Amias i\mlet. Edited by John Morris, S.J., p.
' Ibid., p. 245.

122 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Babington, "I protest before I met with this Ballard, I
never meant nor intended for to kill the Queen ; but by his
persuasions I was induced to believe that she was excom
municate, and therefore lawful to murder her." Bamwel
pleaded : — " I never intended harm to her Majesty's person,
but I confess I knew thereof, and I held it not lawful i»
kill the Queen; howbeit, for my other actions, forasmucji
as I know I am within the danger of the law, I plead
guilty." Tichboume said: — "I will confess a truth, and
then I must confess that I am guilty;" but on the scaffold
he acknowledged that he knew about the plot, yet ha
"always thought it impious, and denied to be a dealer in
it." Dunne pleaded guilty, and at his death admitted that
he had consented to take part in the effort to dehver Mary
Queen of Scots from custody; but as to the proposed
assassination he thought it unlawful, though he knew about
the plans of the conspirators with regard to it, before his
arrest. Abingdon made a similar acknowledgment. SaL'sbury
pleaded guilty of treason, but not of intention to murder,
and on the scaffold declared: — "I confess that I have
deserved death." Gage, when about to die, said that "he
detested his own perfidious ingratitude" to the Queen.
Travers pleaded not guilty. Jones said, at his trial: —
"For concealing of the treason, I put me to her Majesty's
merey." Tilney pleaded not guilty, though by the confessions
of the other prisoners it was proved that he inew about
the intended crime. Charnock said : — " I confess that Bal
lard did make me acquainted with the invasion of the realm,
and the other treasons," but he denied any active part in
the assassination. Bellamy seems to have been condemKed
mainly for harbouring the conspirators from justice.
It has been asserted again and again that the whole of
the Babington Conspiracy originated solely with the Govern
ment and its spies. It is very strange, if this were so, that
not one of the prisoners seem to have suspected such a
thing, for if they had, one or other of them would have

fm

"the choice of engl.4nd" 123
pleaded it either at their trials or on the scaffold. That
Vhe Government employed spies in the case there is no
doubt, prominent amongst them being Gilbert Gifford, but
ntt one need wonder at this, nor would it be fair and just
tnen or now, except on tbe clearest evidence, to charge the
spies with suggesting crime. Gifford's part was imdoubtedly
that of an infamous scoundrel; yet even if he were the
origiVator of the whole plot— which certainly has not been
provei — yet that will in no way lessen the guilt of the
fourt^n gentlemen who willingly, and with their eyes open,
took mrt in it. That they deserved to die there can be
no question. It is worthy of note that the chief actors
were tit spiritual children of the Jesuits, and, as members
of the Association, under vows of obedience to them. And
what ari we to think of our modern English Jesuits who
have insetted the name of the self-same priest John Ballard
(executed Vor an attempt at murder, and for nothing else)
in their listVf " Confessors of the Faith," and as a " Martyr " ! '
Is their no\ a danger lest honour thus conferred on sack
a criminal, \bould induce others to become "Confesaors
of the Faith,'j^ and "Martyrs," by doing the things John
Ballard did?
Father JohnVjerard, the Jesuit priest whose name was
prominently befoe the public in 1606 for the part he was
alleged to have Rken in the Gunpowder Plot, in his " Nar
rative of the G^owder Plot," refers to the Babingtoa
Conspiracy, not foithe purpose of censuring the crime, but
for that of whitewahing the criminals. This is his account
of the transaction :-\ "After this, about twenty years ago,
there was another iktter intended by fourteen gentlemen,
Mr. Babington, Mr. Wesberie, and others of the choice of
England, for the saidQueen's deliverance and restoring to
her right ; wherein, thourh they were ensnared and entrapped
• Records of the English Pro^e, S.J., vol. iii., pp. 801, 808, 813. There
is only one priest known by tlAname ot John Ballard, whatever aliases he
mnj have assumed. \ \

124 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
by some pohtic heads that sought both their overthrow and
thereby a seeming justifiable pretence to cut off the said
Queen [Mary Queen of Scots] also, yet it was apparent
by their examinations and executions, taking their death in
so devout and resolute manner, that they intended sincerely
the Queen's dehvery for the advancement of the Cathohc
cause." ' But not a word of censure does the Jesuit vrite
against those whom he honours by terming them "the choice
of England."
Father Robert Parsons, S.J., apparently vrished people to
beheve that Babington and his fellow conspirators were the
innocent rictims of hes told by an " apostate " pries! named
Anthony Tyrrell. "So here," wrote Parsons, "you shall
see Anthony Tyrrell to confess the like that upon his own
maUce, and Justice Young's and others' allurenents, he
devised all these odious accusations of intention to iivade and
kill the Queen against both tbe Queen of Scofe, Ballard,
Babington, and the rest that were put to leath about
these broils — which is a pitiful and lamentabe matter." '
And Parsons adds that he has published these confessions
of Anthony Tyrrell, "to the end that albet that for the
present there be no remedy, yet that thei; memory here
after may be relieved so far forth as it nay deserve from
the opprobrious crimes of treasons and coispiracies, by the
confession and clearing of him [Anthony Tyrrell] that first
of all, as it seemeth, did falsely charge then with the same." '
Father William Weston tells us tha he knew Anthony
Babington well, and gives him the fclowing character: —
"He hved in such a manner as to gither around him, by
force of his gifts and moral superiorly, various young men
of his own rank and position, Catholis, zealous, adventurous,
bold in the face of danger, ardent or the protection of the
' Condition of Catholics under James I. dited by John Morris, S.J., p. 36.
" Troubles of Our Catholie Forefatheri second series. Edited by John
Morris, S.J,, p. 318.
» Ibid., p. 319.

THE POPE GETS MORGAN OUT OF PRISON 125
Cathohc faith, or for any enterprise the end of which was
to promote the general Catholic cause," ' and, again, " In his
rehgion he was always the best and bravest of young men." "
One of the most zealous of tbe servants of Mary Queen
of Scots, was the well-known Thomas Morgan, many of
whose letters are printed by Murdin in the Burghley Papers.
This Morgan, while hving on the Continent, was one of the
most active of conspirators against Elizabeth. Owing to
the part he took in the Throgmorton Conspiracy, he had
been arrested in Paris, at the request of the English Govern
ment. While in prison he managed to keep up a secret
correspondence with Mary, and introduced to her several of
the men who took part in the Babington Conspiracy, with
which he was fully acquainted, and of which there is no
doubt he fully approved. NaturaUy enough Elizabeth wished
him, as an English subject, to be sent to England to be
tried for his offences, but the King of France refused. He
had imprisoned Morgan to please Elizabeth, and that was
all he was willing to do. Mary wrote to France in his
interests, hoping to get his release from prison, but in vain.
Even the Duke of Guise failed in his efforts to secure
Morgan's release. All other efforts having proved unavaihng,
at last the Pope himself sent bis Nuncio to the King of
France, demanding that this would-be murderer should be
let out of prison. Such an application was anything but
creditable to the Pope, but it proved successful. On Septem
ber 3, 1587, the Venetian Ambassador in France wrote to
the Doge and Senate : — " The Nuncio has had an audience.
In his Holiness^s name he made four demands  Third,
that Thomas Morgan, servant of the Queen of Scotland,
who has been for long a prisoner in the Bastille at tbe
instance of England, shall be released. . . . His Majesty has
promptly resolved to obhge the Pope, and has ordered the
' Troubles of Our Catholic Forefathers, second series. Edited by John
Morris, S.J., p. 182.
= Ibid., p. 186.

136 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
instant release of Morgan. ' We may be quite sure that
aa act like this of the Pope, in behalf of a man who
c^erved death as a would-be assassin, was not calculated
to benefit the Roman Cathohcs residing in England. But
the Pope and the Jesuits never did anything with a view
to eonciliating Elizabeth ; on the contrary, they did every
thing in their power to exasperate her and her Government,
and to justify her severity towards her disloyal subjects.
' Calendar of Venetian State Papers, vol. viii., p. 309.

CHAPTER V
THE SPANISH AEMADA— TREASONABLE JESUIT BOOKS
The Babington Conspiracy was worked in tbe interests of
Spain. The Duke of Guise, as a Frenchman, though a warm
friend to Spain, was not at all pleased to find that the
control of the English enterprise was likely to fall out of
his own hands altogether, and therefore, in a fit of jealousy,
he set to work to recover his lost influence over tbe move
ment. During the years 1585 and 1586 the Jesuit priests
had been very actively at work in Scotland, and had made
their influence felt in a special manner amongst the Roman
Catholic nobles, to whom several of them were related. As
a result of their labours a priest named Robert Bruce was
sent to the Continent in the summer of 1586, by the Earl
of Huntly, the Earl of Morton, and Lord Claude Hamilton,
to ask for a Spanish army to be sent to Scotland, consisting
of 6000 paid troops, and for a grant of 150,000 crowns to
carry on a war against Queen Ehzabeth, having for its object
tbe re-establishing of the Roman Catholic religion. They
promised that " by the Grace of God " they would carry out
their " holy enterprise," deliver the young King of Scotland
from the hands of the heretics, and then " make him again
join the community of the Church [of Rome], to recognise
the obligation he owes " to the King of Spain, and to enter
into no marriage engagement except to the satisfaction of
Phihp II. '
The Duke of Guise was most anxious to help on this
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 590.

128 the JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Scottish scheme, which in fact he seems to have originateJ,
because if successful it would lead^to his kinsman, James VI.
becoming King of England, instead of Philip H. On this
very account, when Robert Bruce arrived in Spain, he found
that Philip was by no means warm in granting assistance.
But inasmuch as the Scottish conspirators had promised
him, if he would grant their requests, two important ports
on the borders of England from which he might attack
Ehzabeth with a Spanish army, Philip thought it good
policy to send Bruce back with fair words, 10,000 crowns
in hand, and a promise of 150,000 crowns more when the
Scottish Roman Catholic nobles rose in arms. On his way
back to Scotland Bruce travelled through Paris, where he
called on Mendoza, and told him that the objects of the
proposed insurrection in Scotland included "massacring the
English faction and Ministers, unless they could with perfect
safety imprison them, in which case they would at once have
them executed by process of law." Bruce added that "they
had the secret consent of the King for them to set him at
liberty by any means." '
Bruce knew what he was talking about when he told
Mendoza that James VI. was willing to see the success of
the Roman Catholic insurrection. That double-faced young
hypocrite cared nothing for any religion, whether Roman
Catholic or Protestant, except so far as it might aid him
to succeed to the English throne on the death of Elizabeth.
His idol was himself, and he cared for nothing else, except
as it ministered to his comfort or ambition. Tytler, referring
to this period, states that : — " Various Jesuits and seminary
priests in disguise (of whom Gordon and Drury were the
most active) glided through Northumberland into Scotland,
proceeded to tbe late convention at Edinburgh, and from thence
to Aberdeen, where they continued their efforts, in conjunc
tion with their foreign brethren, for the re- establishment
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 682.

THE SECRET WIRE-PULLERS 129
of the Cathohc faith and lite dethronement of Elizabeth.
Apparently all this was encouraged by the Scottish King.
It is, indeed, sometimes exceedingly difficult to get at the
real sentiment of a Prince who prided himself upon his
dissimulation; but, either from policy or necessity, he was
soon so utterly estranged from England, and so completely
surrounded by the Spanish faction, that Ehzabeth began to
be in serious alarm." ' The Queen knew well how to manage
James, and very soon she persuaded him to enter into an
alhance with her to maintain the Protestant religion professed
in both countries, against all its adversaries, Elizabeth on
her part promising him a yearly pension. With this James
felt that his prospects of succeeding Ehzabeth were greatly
strengthened. He threw off, for the time being, his friend
ship with the Roman Catholic Lords, and very soon suppressed
a rebellion which they had started.
Meanwhile the King of Spain had taken up the business
of invading England with energy, and was making active
preparations for that Spanish Armada, which, two years
later, he sent to the English shores. It was a busy time
for the traitorous Jesuits, who were the secret wire-pullers
of aU that was going on. Mr. Thomas Graves Law (formerly
a priest at the Brompton Oratory) truly states that: — "Allen
and Parsons, the respective heads of the two missionary
bodies. Secular and Jesuit, were the soul of the new enter
prise. When Phihp procrastinated, or the Pope was cautiously
counting the cost, it was these men who passionately entreated
and goaded them to war, drew up plans of campaign,
named the Catholics in England who would fly to the foreign
standard, promised moral aid from the priests, and assured
the invaders of success. The foreign Princes seemed to
depend for their information far more upon the reports of
the Jesuits than upon those of their ambassadors.""
But Phihp did not care to go on with his preparations
' Tytler's Eistory of Scotland. Edition 1864. Vol. iv., p. 164.
* Law's Jesuits and Seculars, p. xv.

130 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
for the Armada, until he was quite sure that the Pope
would allow him to nominate the new King of England,
should it be successful. On this point he dreaded most of
all the possibility that James VI. might become a Roman
Catholic, and thus secure for himself from the Pope the
nomination to the English Throne. In July, 1586, Philip
gave his Ambassador in Rome definite instructions how to
proceed with the Pope in this important affair. The Pope
had offered a contribution of 500,000 crowns for the enter
prise; but the Ambassador must tell him (hat the amount
was not sufficient, and that what had been offered should
be paid in advance. ' The Ambassador seems to have had
some success in his negotiations with the Pope, for on
September 6 he reported to his master that the Pope had
undertaken to pay towards the cost of the raitra^Krise 700,000
crowns, of which 500,000 would be paid on the arrival of
the Armada in England, 100,000 six months later, and
100,000 at the end of another six months. ^ The Ambassador
added that he had not been able to mention the question
of the succession to the English throne to the Pope, but
that he had begun to "weave the web" around him, and
to place "snares" in his way, so as "to have everything
ready for the moment when your Majesty may order me to
put the screw on." About two months later the Pope put
his promise of help into writing, dated December 13. It
was as follows:
" His Holiness, desirous of aiding with all his strength this holy
enterprise, to which God has stimulated his Catholic Majesty, is
willing to employ in it a sum not exceeding one million in gold;
that is to say, he will give 500,000 crowns in one sum as soon as
the Armada shall have arrived in England, in accordance with Ifce
document signed with my hand of the 8th of September of this
year, and subsequently, at the end of each four months, he will
pay 100,000 crowns until the full sum of a million shall have
been paid, the rest of the clauses agreed to in the documents (rf
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 593.
» Ibid., p. 622.

PHILIP II. AND THE ENGLISH SUCCESSION 131
24th February and 8th September standing unchanged. Signed
Antonius Cardinal Carrafa, by orders of his Holiness— Rome, 22nd
December, 1586." '
At this time the Jesuit Parsons and Dr. Allen were at
Rome, and in direct communication with the Spanish Ambas
sador, to whom they offered their advice for the success of
the enterprise, and as to the succession to the throne.
" This Father Robert [Parsons] and Allen," wrote the Ambas
sador to Phihp, "are not only of opinion that tbe Pope
should give the investure to the person who should be
nominated by your Majesty, but say that the succession
rightly belongs to your Majesty yourself, by reason of the
heresy of the King of Scotland, and, even apart from this,
through your descent from the house of Lancaster." ^ In
the foUowing month Parsons and Allen had become impatient
at the slow progress of events, and told the same Ambas
sador that " the appropriate moment has arrived, both for
the main business and for the elevation of Allen [to tbe
Cardinalate], and they look upon every hour's delay as a great
evil." ' These two traitors had begun to despond, fearing
that Phihp would not move until it was too late. To
comfort them Philip sent word to bis Ambassador at Rome
(Count Ohvares): — "You will maintain Allen and Robert
[Parsons] in faith and hopefulness that the recovery of
their country vrill really be attempted, in order that they
may the more zealously and earnestly employ the good
offices which may be expedient with the Pope." *
The King of Spain was anxious that the Pope should at
once, and publicly, acknowledge his claim to the Throne of
England; but the cunning mind of Parsons saw danger in
this. It was true that he had no objection to the thing in
itself; on the contrary he beheved that the Kingdom of
England was Philip's by right. But he dreaded — and not
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iii., p. 659.
- Ibid., p. 660. s Ibid., vol. iv., p. 10.
* Records of English Catholics, vol. ii., p. hiivi.

182 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
without reason — the jealousy of other nations. On March 18,
1587, he handed to the Count Olivares a paper which he
had written, entitled "Considerations why it is desirable to
carry through the Enterprise of England before discussing
the Succession to the Throne of that country, claimed by
his Majesty." In this paper the Jesuit reveals his earnest
wish that the Armada should be victorious. He feared,
however, so he wrote, that:
" The very fact of this Spanish claim being made would greatly
aggravate heresy in England, as his Majest3r's participation in this
enterprise would thereby become odious to all other Princes,
heretics and Catholics alike, with the idea that Spain wishes to
dominate all Europe, and so the cause of the heretics would be
more favourably regarded, on the ground that the enterprise was
undertaken for reasons of State, and not for the sake of religion. . . .
" Inasmuch as the whole world is now of opinion that his
Majesty is to undertake the enterprise in order to restore the
Catholic faith, to avenge the open and intolerable injuries against
himself, and especially against God's Church, and the multitude
of martyrs, all good Catholics in Christendom would favour it with
their prayers, blessings, writings, and other aids ; so that those who,
for State or other reasons, or jealousy of the power of Spain, were
averse to it, will not venture to oppose it. His Majesty's friends
will be better able to work in favour of the enterprise, as, for in
stance, the Pope with the King of France, who may not be pleased
with the aflFair, and get him to remain quiet, with the Princes of
the House of Lorraine, and other French Catholics ; whilst Allen's
negotiations with the English Catholics and neutrals will be also
more eflfectual, as he can assure them by letters, books, &c. that
the only object entertained here is to reform religion and punish
those who have deserved punishment. This will greatly encourage
them in England.
"When the enterprise shall have been effected, and the whole
realm and the adjacent islands are in the hands of his Majesty,
and the fortresses and strong places powerless to oppose him,
then will be the proper time to deal with the question, because
if the Queen of Scotland be dead, as she probably will be, as the
heretics, having her in their hands, and in the belief that the enter
prise is in her interest, will kill her, there will be no other Catholic
Prince alive whose claims will clash with those of his Majesty;
whereas if she be alive and married to his Majesty's liking, the
question of his Majesty's succession can be taken in hand with
her authority, and the claims of the House of Lancaster asserted." '
The news of the execution of Mary Queen of Scots,
reached Rome on March 24, when Parsons and Allen
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., pp. 41 — 43.

THE pope's letter TO PHILIP II. 133
hastened to Olivares for advice as to how to act under the
altered circumstances produced by her death. It was decided
that they should reply to all enquiries from Roman Catho
lics in England that, now Mary was dead, they must rest all
their hopes in the King of Spain. Allen wrote direct to
Phihp II. expressing a hope, that he would " urge his just
claims as next heir in blood, heretics being disqualified to
succeed," and he denounced Queen Elizabeth as " an impious
traitress and usurper." ' In the opinion of these two
leading traitors the death of Mary Queen of Scots was no
loss to the cause they had at heart. "They are," wrote
Olivares to Philip, " using every effort to convince me that,
not only will the Queen's death be no loss to the business,
but will do away with many of the difficulties which beset
it." ' Mary, before her execution, had expressed a hope that
Phihp would go on with the enterprise against England,
and this he certainly did with all his heart, and on a scale
well known to all who have read the story of the Spanish
Armada. But in making his arrangements for the future
of England he proposed that he should himself nominate to
the Archbishoprics and Bishoprics which would become
vacant when the Armada had finished its work. When
Pope Sixtus V. heard this he was furious, considering that
the King of Spain had thus usurped the Papal prerogatives,
and therefore he at once wrote to Philip a letter in the
haughty style of a HUdebrand. And this is what he wrote :
"Dear Son in Christ, Greeting —
"This morning I held a Consistory, and Allen was made a Car
dinal to please your Majesty, and although when I proposed it,
I alleged reasons calculated to give rise to no suspicion, I am told
that, as soon as it was known in Rome, they at once began to say
that we were now getting ready for the war in England, and this
idea will now spread everywhere. I urge your Majesty therefore,
not to delay, in order not to incur greater evils to those poor
Christians, for if we tarry longer that which you have judged for
the best will turn out for the worst.
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 54.
s Ibid., p. 101.

134 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
" With regard to the aid for the enterprise I have at once order
ed the fulfilment of every thing that Count de Olivares has request
ed, and I believe he sends particulars to your Majesty.
"On undertaking this enterprise, I exhort your Majesty first to
reconcile yourself with God the Father, for the sins of Princes
destroy peoples, and no sin is so heinous in the eyes of the Lord
as the usurpation of the Divine Jurisdiction, as is proved by his
tory, sacred and profane. Your Majesty has been advised to
embrace in your edict Bishops, Archbishops, and Cardinals, and
this is a grevious sin. Erase from the edict these ministers of
God and repent, or otherwise a great scourge may fall upon you.
Regard not the man who may advise you to the contrary, for he
must be either a flatterer or an atheist; but believe me, who am
your spiritual father, believe our holy faith, your spiritual mother,
whom you are bound to obey for your salvation's sake. Human,
canon, and theological laws, all counsel you the same way, and
they cannot advise you wropgly. Octavius Caesar and other Pagan
Emperors respected the Divine Jurisdiction so much that, to
enable them to make certain laws touching the same, they caused
themselves to be elected Pontiffs. I have shed many tears over
this gieqit sin of yours, and I trust that you will amend it, and
that God will pardon you. The Vicar of Christ must be obeyed,
without reply, in questions of salvation, and I, therefore, hope that
you will submit — Rome, 7th August, 1587." '
I need not write here even a summary of the story of
the Spanish Armada, its disasters, and its defeats, mercies
for which we still need to thank God as a nation. Two
points, however, I may be permitted to mention. Major
Martin Hume, the editor of the Calendar of Spanish State
Papers, tells us that he found in the National Library,
Madrid, a contemporary manuscript, apparently intended to
be issued to the men on the Armada, and bearing the title
of "An Address to the Captains and Men of the Armada."
It is a most boastful document, as may be seen by the follow
ing extracts: —
"Onward, gentlemen, onward! Onward with joy and gladness,
onward to our glorious, honourable, necessary, profitable, and not
difficult undertaking! Glorious to God, to His Church, to His
saints, and to our country. Glorious to God, who for the punish
ment of England has allowed Himself to be banished from the
land, and the holy Sacrifice of the Mass to be abolished. Glorious
to His Church, now oppressed and down-trodden by the English
heretics. Glorious to the saints, who have been there persecuted,
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., pp. 132, 133.

PAPAL CLAIM TO THE SOVEREIGNTY OF ENGLAND 135
and maltreated, insulted, and burnt. Glorious for our country, be
cause God has deigned to make it His instrument for such great
ends.... Profitable also because of the plunder and endless riches
we shall gather in England, and with which, by the favour of
God, we shall return, gloriously and victoriously, to our homes.
We are going on an undertaking which offers no great diflScnlty,
because God, in whose sacred cause we go, will lead us. With such
a Captain we need not fear. The saints of Heaven Will go in our
company, and particularly the holy Patrons of Spain; and those
of England itself, who are persecuted by the heretics, and cry
aloud to God for vengeance, will come out to meet us and aid us. . . .
"With us go faith, justice, and truth, the benediction of the Pope,
who holds the place of God on earth, the sympathies of all good
people, the prayers of all the Catholic Church; we have them all
on our side. God is stronger than the devil, truth stronger than
error, the Catholic faith stronger than heresy, the saints ajid angels
of Heaven stronger than all the power of hell, the indomitable
spirit and sturdy arm of the Spaniard stronger than the drooping
hearts and lax and frozen bodies of the English." '
Alas for the proud hopes and vain boastings of the
Spaniards! Equally proud and boastful was that Admoni
tion to the Nobility and People of England, vrritten by the
Jesuit Parsons in the name of Cardinal Allen, for distribution
in England when once the Spanish Armada had landed on
her shores. I have already quoted from this document. ^
To encourage tbe invaders Pope Sixtus V. issued a BuU
deposing Elizabeth from her Throne, declaring her worthy
of death, absolring her subjects from their oaths of alleg
iance, and affirming that no Prince can lawfully possess
the Crown of England without the consent of the Pope of
Rome! The Bull of Pius V. deposing Elizabeth is well-
known, but this of Sixtus V. has been read but by very
few Protestants, and therefore it is that I feel justified in
reproducing it here entire, as proving beyond dispute the fact of
the Papal claim to the sovereignty of England — a claim which
the Papacy has never withdrawn. I copy it from Tierney's
edition of Dodd^s Church History, modernizing the spelhng,
Mr. Tierney printed it from an original broadside of the
period, in his possession:
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., pp. 294, 295.
=¦ Supra, pp. 109—111.

136 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
" A Declaration of the Sentence and Deposition of Elizabeth,
the Usurper and Pretended Queen of England.
"Sixtus the Fifth, by God's providence the Universal Pastor of
Christ's flock, to whom by perpetual and lawful succession apper-
taineth the care and government of the Catholic Church, seeing
the pitiful calamities which heresy hath brought into the renowned
countries of England and Ireland, of old so famous for virtue,
religion and Christian obedience ; and how at this present, through
the impiety and perverse government of Elizabeth the pretended
Queen, with a few her adherents, those kingdoms be brought not
only to a disordered and perilous state in themselves, but are
become as infected members, contagious and troublesome to the
whole body of Christendom. ' And not having in those parts the
ordinary means, which by the assistance of Christian Princes he
hath in other provinces, to remedy disorders, and keep in obedience
and ecclesiastical discipline the people, for that Henry VIII., late
King of England, did of late years by rebellion and revolt from
the See Apostolic violently separate himself and his subjects from
the communion and society of the Christian commonwealth; and
Elizabeth the present usurper, doth continue the same, with per
turbation and peril of the countries about her, showing herself
obstinate and incorrigible in such sort that, without her deprivation
and deposition there is no hope to reform those states, nor keep
Christendom in perfect peace and tranquillity.
"Therefore our Holy Father, desiring, as his duty is, to provide
present and effectual remedy, inspired by God for the universal
benefit of His Church, moved by the particular affection which
himself and many of his predecessors have had to these nations,
and solicited by the zealous and importunate instance of sundry
the most principal persons of the same, hath dealt earnestly with
divers Princes, and specially with the mighty and potent King
Catholic of Spain, for the reverence which he beareth to the See
Apostolic, for the old amity between his house and the Crown of
England, for the special love which he hath shown to the Catholics
of those places, for the obtaining of peace and quietness in hia
countries adjoining, for the augmenting and increase of the
Catholic faith, and finally for the universal benefit of all Europe;
that he will employ those forces which Almighty God hath given
him, to the deposition of this woman, and correction of her
accomplices, so wicked and noisome to the world; and to the
reformation and pacification of these kingdoms, whence so great
good, and so manifold public commodities are like to ensue.
" And to notify to the world the justice of this act, and give
full satisfaction to the subjects of those kingdoms and others
> In a copy of this Bull printed in Calderwood's Eistory of the Kirk of
Scotland, vol. iv., pp. 641 — 647, the following words are inserted, which were
omitted by Mr. Tierney. — " And to his Holiness like manner, not paying unto
him his due and lawful rents" — referring no doubt to the yearly tribute
promised by King John when he received back his Crown, as the Vassal of the
Pope, from the Papal Legate.

THE pope's DEPOSING BULL 137
whosoever, and finally to manifest God's judgments upon sin, his
Holiness hath thought good, together with the Declaratory Sentence
of this woman's chastisement, to publish also the causes which have
moved him to proceed against her in this sort.
First, for that she is an heretic and schismatic, excommunicated
by two of his Holiness's predecessors; obstinate in disobedience
to God and the See Apostolic; presuming to take upon her, con
trary to nature, reason, and all laws both of God and man, supreme
jurisdiction and spiritual authority over men's souls.
"Secondly, for that she is a bastard, conceived and bom by in
cestuous adultery, and therefore incapable of the kingdom, as well
by the several sentences of Clement VII. and Paul III., of blessed
memory, as by the public declaration of King Henry himself.
Thirdly, for usurping the Crown without right, having the im
pediments mentioned, and contrary to the ancient accord made
between the See Apostolic and the Realm of England, upon re
conciliation of the same after the death of St. Thomas of Canterbury,
in the time of Henry IL, that none might be lawful King or Queen
thereof, without the approbation and consent of the Suprem,e Bishop :
which afterwards was renewed by King John and confirmed by
oath, as a thing most beneficial to the kingdom, at request and
instance of the Lords and Commons of the same.
" And further, for that with sacrilege and impiety she continueth
violating the solemn oath made at her Coronation, to maintain and
defend the ancient privileges and ecclesiastical liberties of the land.
"For many and grievous injuries, extortions, oppressions, and
other wrongs done by her, and suffered to be done against the
poor and innocent people of both countries. For stirring up to
sedition and rebellion the subjects of other nations about her,
against their lawful and natural Princes, to the destruction of in
finite souls, the overthrow and desolation of most goodly cities and
countries. For harbouring and protecting heretics, fugitives, rebels,
and notorious malefactors, with great injury and prejudice of
divers commonwealths, and procuring, for the oppression of Chris
tendom and disturbance of the common peace, to bring in our
potent and cruel enemy the Turk. For so long and barbarous
persecution of God's saints, aflBicting, spoiling, and imprisoning the
sacred Bishops, tormenting and pitifully murdering numbers of
holy priests, and other Catholic persons. For the unnatural and
unjust imprisonment, and late cruelty used against the most gracious
Princess, Mary, Queen of Scotland, who under promise and assur
ance of protection and succour came first into England. For
abolishing the true Catholic religion, profaning Holy Sacraments,
Monasteries, Churches, sacred persons, memories of saints, and
what else soever might help or further to eternal salvation. And
in the commonwealth disgracing the ancient nobility, erecting
base and unworthy persons to all the civil and ecclesiastical
dignities, selling of laws and justice. And, finally, exercising an
absolute tyranny, with high offence to Almighty God, oppression
of the people, perdition of souls, and ruin of those countries.
" Wherefore, these things being of such nature and quality that
some of them make her unable to reign, others declare her tm-
worthy to live; his Holiness, in the Almighty power of God, and

138 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
by Apostolical authority to him committed, doth renew the sentence
of his predecessors Pius V. and Gregory XIII., touching the ex
communication and deposition of the said Elizabeth; and further
anew doth excommunicate, and deprive her of all authority and
princely dignity, and of all pretension to the said Crown and King
doms of England and Ireland, declaring her to be illegitimate, and
an unjust usurper of the same. And absolving the people of those
states, and other persons whatsoever, from all obedience, oath, and
other band of subjection unto her, or to any other in her name.
And further, doth straightway command, under the indignation of
Almighty God and pain of excommunication, and the corporal
punishments appointed by the laws, that none, of whatsoever condi
tion or estate, aSter notice of these presents, presume to yield unto
her obedience, favour, or other succours ; but that they and every
of them concur by all means possible to her chastisement; to the
end tiiat she, which so many ways hath forsaken God and His
Church, being now destitute of worldly comfort, and abandoned
by all, may acknowledge her offence, and humbly submit herself
to the judgment of the highest.
" Be it therefore notified to the inhabitants of the said countries,
and to all other persons, that they observe diligently the premises,
withdrawing all succour public and private from the party pursued,
and her adherents, after they shall have knowledge of this present.
And that forthwith they unite themselves to the Catholic army
conducted by the most noble and victorious Prince, Alexander
Farnese, Duke of Parma and Placentia, in the name of his Majesty,
with the forces that each one can procure, to help and concur as
is aforesaid (if need shall be) to the deposition and chastisement
of the said persons, and restitution of the holy Catholic faith , sig
nifying to those which shall do the contrary, or refuse to do this
here commanded, that they shall not escape condign punishment.
"Moreover, be it known that the intention of his Holiness, of
the King Catholic, and his Highness the Duke, in this enterprise,
is not to invade and conquer these Kingdoms ; change laws, privi
leges or customs, bereave of liberty or livelihood, any man (other
than rebels and obstinate persons) or make changes in anything,
except such as by common accord between his Holiness, his Catholic
Majesty, and the states of the land, shall be thought necessary,
for the restitution of the Catholic religion, and puniehment of the
usurper and her adherents. Assuring all men that the controversies
which may arise by the deprivation of this woman, or upon other
cause, either between particular parties, or touching the succession,
to the Crown, or between the Church and commonwealth, or in
otherwise whatsoever, shall be decided and determined wholly
according to justice and Christian equity, without injury or preju
dice to any person. And there shall not only due care be had to
save from spoil the Catholics of these countries, which have so long
endured, but mercy also showed to such penitent persons as submit
themselves to the Captain General of this army. Yea, forasmuch
as information is given that there be many which only of ignorance
or fear be fallen from the faith, and yet notwithstanding are taken
for heretics; neither is it purposed presently to punish any such
persons, but to support them with clemency till, by conference

THE pope's DEPOSING BULL 139
with learned men and better consideration, they may be informed
of the truth, if they do not shew themselves obstinate.
" To prevent also the shedding of Christian blood, and spoil of
the country, which might ensue by the resistance of some principal
offenders, be it known by these presents that it shall not only be
lawful for any person public or private (over and above those
which have undertaken the enterprise) to arrest, put in hold, and
deliver up to the Catholie party the said usurper, or any of her
accomplices ; but also holden for very good service and most highly
rewarded, according to the quality and condition of the parties so
delivered. And, in like manner, all others which heretofore have
assisted, or hereafter shall help and concur to the punishment of
the offenders, and to the establishment of the Catholic religion in
these provinces, shall receive that advancement of honour and
estate which their good and faithful service to the commonwealth
shall require; in which resi)ect shall be used to preserve the ancient
and honourable families of the land, inasmuch as is possible.
"And finally, by these presents, free passage is granted to such
as will resort to the Catholic camp, to bring victuals, munition, or
other necessaries; promising liberal payment for all such things
as shall be received from them for the service of the Army. Ex
horting withal, and straightway commanding that all men, according
to their force and ability, be ready and diligent to assist herein,
to the end no occasion be given to use violence, or to punish
such persons as shall neglect this commandment.
"Our said Holy Father, of his benignity and favour to this
enterprise, out of the spiritual treasures of the Church, committed
to his custody and dispensation, granteth most liberally to all such
as assist, concur, or help in any wise to the deposition and punish
ment of the above named persons, and to the reformation of these
two countries. Plenary Indulgence and pardon of all their sins,
being duly penitent, contrite, and confessed, according to the law
of God and usual custom of Christian people." '
Were it not for tbe efforts of the Jesuits, and particularly
those of Robert Parsons, the Spanish Armada would never
have sailed to the shores of England, nor would this outra
geous Deposing Bull of Sixtus V. have ever been issued.
Both the Pope and the King of Spain were vrilhng enough
to punish England for her Protestantism, but they would
never have ventured on the task were it not for the encour
agement given to them by the Enghsh and Scottish Jesuits.
And it is well to remember that the claim to the Deposing
Power of the Pope is put forward at the present time by
the Jesuits, and by other writers too, in as strong terms as
any used by writers of the sixteenth century.
' Tierney's Dodd's Church Eistory, vol. iii.. Appendix, pp. iliv — xlviii.

140 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
It is a pleasure to know that Philip II. was disappointed
in his expectations of receiving large grants of money from
the Pope for the expenses of the Spanish Armada. He
never got a penny. The wily old Pope was as cunning
and as unscrupulous as any member of the Jesuit Order
could possibly be. The Spanish Ambassador in Rome was
continually pestering the Pope for money, but could not
get a penny from the old miser, who loved money with all
his heart. After one of his interviews with Pope Sixtus,
the Ambassador wrote to his master: — "When that subject
[of money] is broached to him the only effect is that,
the moment my back is turned, he babbles the most
ridiculous nonsense at table, and to everyone who comes
near him, such as would not be said by a baby of two
years old. He possesses no sort of charity, kindliness, or
consideration, and his behaviour is attributed by everyone
to the repulsion and chagrin that he feels as the hour
approaches for him to drag this money from his heart." '
The Jesuits and Philip II. realized that the defeat of the
Spanish Armada made it impossible, for the time being, to
do anything more in England to put down Protestantism
by the sword. This, however, made them all the more
anxious to do what they could to annoy Ehzabeth indirectly
by machinations carried on through Scotland. As early as
November 1588, Robert Bruce once more appealed for help
to the Duke of Parma, to be given to the Roman Cathohc
Noblemen of Scotland, who were now willing to throw
James overboard altogether, so that Philip might become
King of Scotland, and eventually succeed to the English
Throne. " It has been discussed," Bruce wrote to the Duke,
"and resolved by most of the Principal Catholics here that
it is expedient for the public weal that we should submit
to the Crown of Spain, and the Earl of Huntly therefore,
who is the first subject in this country in point of strength
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 385.

ANOTHER PLOT IN SCOTLAND 141
and influence, has authorised me, in the presence of a
sufficient number of vritnesses, to write and assert in his
name that if our King will not consent to act well, he
(Huntly) and several others of his party wish to submit to
the rule of his Catholic Majesty and his forces, and to
render him the peaceful possessor of the whole country, if
he will consent to direct his forces to be employed to this
end." ' Mendoza, at Paris, strongly favoured the idea of
helping the Scotch nobles, and told his master so. "If,"
he wrote to Philip, on November 7, "it was important
before to hold the [Scottish] Catholic nobles to their good
resolve it is doubly so now, and also to show the Queen of
England that your Majesty intends to assail her on all sides,
which will cause her not to divest herself of her ships
suddenly, which otherwise will go out to pillage and trouble
your Majesty's forces. Your Majesty should keep up the
talk of war and great armaments, even if you do not carry
them out; publicity is as important now as secrecy was
before. As the Duke of Parma has so many troops, it
would be well to relieve the country and provide winter
quarters for them, which would prevent troublesome mutinies,
by sending to the Scottish Cathohc nobles the number of
troops they request." "
In the month of February the Enghsh Government captured
a Scotsman named Pringle, who was on his way to Spain
with letters from Roman Cathohc noblemen of Scotland,
asking for help from Phihp. Elizabeth at once sent on
these letters to Edinburgh, accompanied with a strong
letter from herself to James, urging him to punish the
traitors. One of these letters was written by Robert Bruce
to the Duke of Parma, to whom he joyfuUy announced that
the ranks of the traitors had been strengthened by the
perversion to Romanism of the Earl of Erroll, and the Earl
of Crawford. Nothing could, perhaps, more clearly reveal
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 478.
^Ibid., p. 476.

142 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
the seditious conduct of the Jesuits thwi what Bruce here
records of their work:
"By the instant prayers and holy persuasions of two fathers,
Jesuits, [they have] converted to our holy faith two heretics, Earls
of the first authority and power amongst them, the one whereof
is called the Earl of Erroll, Constable of Scotland, converted by
Father Edmund Hay; the other, called the Earl of Crawford, con
verted by the said Father William Creighton. They are both able
and wise young lords, and most desirous to advance the Catholic
faith, and your enterprises in this island, which they are intending
to testify to his Majesty Catholic and your Highness, by their
own letters, which by the grace of God I shall send with the
first commodity. In the m^eantime they have required me to make
you offer of their most humble and affectionate service, promising
to follow whatsoever the said Jesuits and I shall think good to be done
for the conservation of the Catholics; and to dispose and to facilitate
the execution of your enterprises here, which they may do more
easily nor they thai are knoum to be Catholics, whose actions are ever
suspicious to the heretics for their religion, whereof the two Earls
have not yet made outward profession, but in that, as in the rest,
they submit themselves to our will, and to what we find most
expedient. "The said Fathers of that [Jesuit] Company make great fruit
in Scotland ; and so soon as a Lord or other person of importance is
con/verted by them, they dispose and incline, in the very mean time,
their affections to the King of Spain and your Highness [the Duke
of Parma] as a thing inseparably conjoined with the advancement
of true religion in this country. If I had commandment of your
Highness, I would give them some little alms in your name to
help them, and eight others, whereof four are also Jesuits, and
other four are Seminary priests of Pont Moncon, in Lorraine, which
are all the ecclesiastics that produce so great spiritual fruit in
Scotland, and acquire to you here such augmentation of your friends
amd servants.
" After the parting of Colonel Semple from this, the Lords sent
letters with the said [Jesuit] Father Creighton, and other gentle
men, after the army of Spain [that is, the Spanish Armada] to
cause it to land in this country; but it had taken the way of
Spain a few days before their arrival at the Isles, where it had
refreshed itself, so that it was not possible for them to attend to it." '
The deception practised by these young Earls, in continu
ing to publicly profess the Protestant rehgion after having
been received into the Church of Rome was, in these in
stances, manifestly the result of the advice given to them by
the Jesuits and Robert Bruce, since they were willing to act as
their spiritual advisers thought " most expedient." Disgrace-
' Calderwood's Eistory of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. v., pp. 25, 26.

DISSIMULATION OP POPISH LORDS 143
ful deception of this kind was by no means uncommon at
this period by the spiritual children of the Je^ts. Bruce,
in the letter I have just quoted, revealed also tbe deception
practised by the Earl of Huntly, one of the rebel Lords,
of whom he wrote : — " The Earl of Huntly is constrained to
remain at Court. He is fallen from his constancy in his
outward profession of the Catholic religion, partly for having
lost all experience of your [the Duke of Parma's] support,
before the return of the said Chisholm, because of his long
study there ; partly by the persuasion of some politics ; partly
to eschew the perils imminent to all them that call themselves
Catholics; partly to keep himself in favour of his King, who
pressed him greatly to subscribe the Confession of the heretics,
and to league with England. But for all this, his heart is
no wise alienated from our cause; for he hath the soul ever
good." ' This statement by Bruce was confirmed by the
Earl of Huntly himself, who, writing to thank the Duke of
Parma for the sum of 10,000 crowns for the support of the
Roman Catholic cause in Scotland, boasted that by his
dissimulation in signing the Solemn League and Covenant
he had procured the " advancement of the cause of God,
who hath put me into such credit vrith his Majesty [James VI.]
that since my coming to Court, he hath broken his former
guards, and caused me to establish others about his person,
of my men, by tbe means of whom and their captains, I
may ever be master of his person, and, your support being
arrived, spoil the heretics of his authority, to fortify and
assure our enterprises." ^
Cunning as were the Jesuits and their pupils, they were
not a match for Queen Ehzabeth, whose prompt action in
sending on to James the intercepted correspondence witih.
Spain, led soon after to the defeat of the Roman Catholic
Lwds by the forces of the Kii^ of Scotland.
' Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. v., p. 21.
5 Ibid., p. 17.

144 THfc JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
One of the chief lay supporters of the Protestant cause
at this period was Maitland, Lord Chancellor of Scotland.
Pasquier, the Roman Cathohc author of The Jesuits' Catechism.,
asserts that Father Creighton tempted this Robert Bruce to
murder Maitland, and was very indignant because he refused
to do the vile deed.
" A short time after Bruce's arrival in Scotland," writes Pasquier,
"(he having been all his young days brought up and nourished
with the Jesuits) there came thither Father William Creighton, a
Scottish man, who some time had been Rector of the College of
the Jesuits at Lyons. And he was in the company of the Bishop
of Dunblane, who was sent by Pope Sixtus V. to the King of
Scotland, to make him an offer of marriage with the Infanta of
Spain, so that he would become a Catholic, and join with them
against the English.
" My Lord John Metellenus \i.e. Lord Chancellor Maitland] set him
self against this negotiation, and for sundry good and weighty reasons,
counselled his master not to regard it ; insomuch that the Bishop
returned thence, without effecting anything, leaving Creighton in
Scotland, who joined himself with Bruce and was his companion.
And because he conceived that Metellenus alone had turned the
King firom accepting, the offers made him, he purposed to show
him a Jesuit's tnck indeed. And that was this. A Catholic Lord
had invited the King and his Chancellor to a banquet. Creighton
solicited Bruce, if it would please him to lend him some money, to
compass this Lord, that should give order for procuring the slaughter
of the Chancellor, assuring himself that by means of the money, he
should make him do whatsoever he would. Bruce flatly refused....
Creighton seeing he had missed of this his match, went to move
him to another, and to persuade Bruce to give 1500 crowns to
three gentlemen that did offer to kill the Chancellor, after some
less slanderous and ofiensive manner. But Bruce answered him
that, as in respect of the fault or sin, it was all one to kill a man
with his own hands, and to give money to procure such a purpose
and act to be done. And that, for his part, he was a private
person that had not any authority over the life of any man, and
less over the life of the Chancellor, who was a chief man in the
execution of the justice of the land." '
It is certain that at about this period both the Bishop
of Dunblane, Creighton, and Robert Bruce were in Scotland.
In the early summer of 1589, as we learn from the Calendar
of Spanish State Papers, this Bishop was willing to get
Chancellor Maitland murdered, and that he claimed the
' 77/1? Jesuites' Catechisme. Printed 1602, f. 136.

PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE CHANCELLOR 145
sanction of Pope Sixtus V. for the proposed crime. John
Arnold, Carthusian Prior, wrote thus about the suggested
murder to Philip II : —
"Although it was necessary in the interests of our Order that
the Chapter General held this year in France should send someone
to crave the aid of your Majesty, I myself should not have come
but for a business of great importance, in your Majesty's service.
The Bishop of Cassano [Dr. Lewis], in Calabria, desirous of serving
your Majesty to the utmost in your attempt to recover the lost
Kingdoms of England and Scotland, sent about two years ago,
at his own cost, to Scotland a Scotsman, the Bishop of Dunblane,
a monk of the Carthusian Order, to gain over the King or some
of the nobles to aid the Spanish Armada. By the persuasions
of the Bishop and of other Catholics, and through fear of the
Armada, the King was for a time induced to consent, if his life
were spared and a proper maintenance secured to him, to deliver
himself into your Majesty's hands and admit the Armada into
his realm. On the evil fate of the Armada being known, his
Chancellor, who is maintained by English tyranny, and is a
pestilent heretic most fatal to his country, dissuaded him, and
induced him rather to ally himself with the murderess of his
sainted mother. Notwithstanding this, the Bishop [of Cassano]
sends me to you in his [the Bishop of Dunblane's) name, to say
that if you wish to have the King in your power he will deliver
him to you, although against the King's own will and that of all
his people. But in order to bring this about, the first thing to do
is to kill the Chancellor, who is so bound up with the English
woman (Elizabeth) and is so powerful in Scotland. The Bishop
promises to have this done (although he is a priest), as he has his
Holiness's authority for it."'
Spottiswoode also mentions an attempt to murder Lord
Chancellor Maitland in the year 1589, and affirms that it
was undertaken by the advice of two Jesuits, Hay and
Creighton. " Neither," he remarks, " were tbe Jesuits that
lurked in the country in this meantime idle. Of these the
principals were Mr. Edmond Hay and Mr. William Creighton,
who had been prisoners some months in the Tower of Lon
don. They advising the Popish Lords to attempt somewhat
by themselves, which would make the King of Spain more
earnest to give succour, a plot was laid to take the King
out of the Chancellor and Treasurer's hands, by whose
counsel they thought he was only ruled  The device was
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 542. 10

146 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
that they should all meet at the Quarrel Holes between
Edinburgh and Leith, and go from thence to Holyrood
House, and settle themselves about the King, secluding
those two counsellors; or, if they found them with the
King, that they should presently kill them. But this device
was overthrown by the King's remaining in Edinburgh,
who, suspecting some plots against the Chancellor, did for
his security stay in the same lodging with him." '
Let us now return to the work of Robert Parsons. Even
the bitterest enemy of this celebrated Jesuit must acknow
ledge that he was a man of great ability, perseverance,
and untiring industry. In his eEForts to attain the objects
he had placed before him he seemed to know no fatigue,
and only took rest when compelled to do so by illness.
His great object was the suppression of Protestantism in
England, and this he was convinced could never be accom
plished except by the sword. His main reliance was on the arm
of flesh. His political intrigues were numerous. In prose
cuting them he was a frequent traveller, seeking the help
of Kings, Princes, Popes, Statesmen, Cardinals, Bishops, and
priests of humbler degree. He knew very well that if
Spanish troops and Spanish rule were to be welcomed by
English Roman Catholics, they must be educated into ap
proval of the plans of the King of Spain, and this work
could only be done by priests, who themselves must have
been properly educated by the Jesuits before being sent on
the English Mission. Hence the zeal of Parsons in found
ing various Seminaries on the Continent for the education
of the Enghsh priesthood. We have already seen what was
the opinion of Cardinal D'Ossat as to the political influence
of the Enghsh seminaries founded abroad by the Jesuits.
Now let us see what was the opinion on this subject of a
Roman Catholic secular priest who wrote in 1603. The
author of A Replie unto a Certaine Libell, writes as follows :—
' Spottiswoode's Eistory of the Church of Scotland, vol. ii., p. 392.

THE JESUITS AND THE SEMINARr COLLEGES 147
"And touching the Colleges and pensions that are maintained
and given by the Spaniard (which he [Parsons] so often inculcateth),
we no whit thank him for them, as things are handled, and occasions
thereby ministered of our greater persecution at home, by reason
of Father Parsons' treacherous practices, thereby to promote the
Spaniards' title for our country; and his hateful stratagems vrith
such scholars as are there brought up; enforcing to subscribe to
blanks, and by public orations to fortify the said wrested title of
the Infanta; which courses cannot but repay us with double injuries
and wrongs, for the benefit received."'
"After this he [Parsons] reckoueth his seminaries in Spain and
Flanders. A goodly brood! He gave us a reward to break our
heads, by his good deeds to bring men into treason against their
Prince and country, as is declared before, and more appeared by
his soliciting some of the priests brought up there to come in
hostile manner against their country. So he dealt with Master
Thomas Leake and others; and such as refused, he fell out
with them."'
"For the proof of the second objection, of the scholars [in the
Seminaries] being urged to subscribe to blanks, and to confirm
the Infanta's title to the Crown of England, is a matter very
notorious and evident. We have divers priests yet alive in England
to confirm the same by oath, as well of them that were enforced
to subscribe against their wills, as others that openly refused the
same. I do therefore wonder to see the man's unshamefast denial
of so manifest and apparent a truth."'
This opinion of the seditious and traitorous uses to which
the Jesuit-ruled Seminaries were put, was shared also by
the secular priests who, in a declaration which they addressed
in 1601, to the Archpriest Blackwell, signed themselves,
"The Unjustly Defamed Priests." They asserted that:— "It
is evident that those new Colleges ["in Spain set forward
by Father Parsons "] were erected upon some other ground,
as may appear by tbe usage of the students ; which hitherto
hath been to abuse [? advise] the Catholic Princes of that
country, and to induce them into an admiration of Father
Parsons, as of a man likely to further any intention which
he should put into them. And to the better effecting thereof
the students have been pressed, some of them to set to their
hands directly to the Lady Isabell's title to England; some
of them to divers blanks, subscribing in English to some,
to other in Latin, and to other in Spanish; which, and his
' A Replie, &c., f. 52. ' Ibid., f. 56. » Ibid., f. 63.

148 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
like practices (how well soever he might otherwise deserve
of us), cannot be reckoned amongst good deserts ; as having
thereby given our adversaries so clear a proof of his disloy
alty towards his Prince and country, that unless we should
yield ourselves to be traitors to the State, for the love of
which and reducing thereof to the Catholic faith we daily
adventure our hves, we cannot but sever ourselves from him
and his accomplices," '
A recent Roman Catholic writer also shows how Parsons
used these Seminaries for tbe furtherance of his pohtical
schemes. "Besides the immense advantage and influence
such Colleges would give the Enghsh Jesuits," writes Father
Taunton, "they would be useful in another way. The one
hope of regaining England was, in Parsons' eyes, not the
patient toil and blood of missionaries, but the armed inter
vention of Spain. The zealous young men who offered
themselves to the Seminaries as soldiers of Christ, found
that they were also required to be soldiers of Philip. The
policy of thus bringing up young men in Spain itself, where
they would have the glories of that great country before
their eyes, and would hve in an atmosphere thoroughly
Spanish, and be accustomed to live on Spanish generosity,
would in itself tend to habituate them to the idea of
Spanish dependence. Nor did Parsons intend only to influence
only these young men. His plan was, as will be seen, that
students from other Colleges should also spend some time
in Spain before they went back to England, so that they,
too, might be ' hispaniolated.' " ''
From these facts it wiU be seen how necessary it was
for Queen Elizabeth to oppose not only the Jesuits, hut
also those priests who had been educated in foreign Semi
naries under their influence. She always made a great
distinction between "Seminary priests" and those who had
been ordained in England before her accession to the Throne.
' 714* Archpriest Controversy, vol. ii., p. 172.
^ Taunton's History of the Jesuits in England, p. 133.

SCARCE JESUIT BOOKS 149
But the zeal of Robert Parsons was not expended solely
on personal interviews with influential personages in various
parts of the Continent. He was fully aware of the power
of the pen, and used it largely on behalf of his schemes.
His letters to various individuals are scattered far and
wide, and if collected would alone fill several volumes. But
the wonder is how, with his various other works, he found
time to write such a large number of books. Many of these
have now become extremely scarce, and this remark may
also be applied to many other books written by Jesuits of
the period. The Rev. Dr. Augustus Jessopp, a high authority
on such matters, in the preface to his One Generation of a
Norfolk House, in which he deals with ecclesiastical events
at the close of the sixteenth century, tells us that:
"One of the greatest difficulties which I have had to contend
with has been the extreme rarity of some of the books which it
has been necessary to consult, and the consequent difficulty of
procuring them at any cost, or even of obtaining a sight of them
at any library. Of all the works mentioned by Dr. Oliver's Collec
tions as written by Michael Walpole, not one is to be found either
in the British Museum, the Bodleian, or the Cambridge Libraries.
There are probably not ten copies of More's History of the English
Province in England. As to Cresswell's little life of Henry Wal
pole, it is probably unique; and more than one of Parsons's minor
works even a Bibliomaniac would count himself fortunate in obtaining
twice in a lifetime.
"It was with a painful recollection of my own mistakes, loss
of time, bootless journeys, and provoking waste of money, that I
determined to append the short list of the rarer books which I have
had occasion to use and refer to. A solitary student with limited
resources, and cut off from access to the larger libraries, except at
intervals of some months, works at very great disadvantage, and
I would gladly spare others some of the trouble I have gone
through in the long process of simply learning where to look for
information. The list is after all a meagre one, and I have not
named such works as anyone can consult almost anywhere; but
I must warn those who may feel any inclination to go at all
deeply into the history of the period with which this volume deals,
that they must make up their minds to be book buyers, and not
to be frightened at the prices they will have to pay. It was at
the peril of a man's life that he ventured three hundred years ago
to be in possession of some of the books which this list contains,
and if we want to possess them now we cannot hope to get them
below their market price." '
' Jessopp's One Generation of a Norfolk House, p. ir.

150 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
, The books to which Dr. Jessopp refers have become
scarcer and more difficult to obtain since he wrote. It has
been frequently asserted that the Jesuits buy up old books
which tell against them. If this be so it serves to explain
their great scarcity. The Rev. Hugh Tootell, the author
of Dodd's Church History, writing in 1742, states that:
"The same politic method is observed [by the Jesuits] in
regard of all who are influenced by them, and under their direc
tion ; who are commonly forbidden either to read or purchase
such books as might contribute towards setting them r^ht
in several matters, where false notions had taken possession
of them to the prejudice of truth. To carry on this con
trivance their way is to buy up, commit to the flames, and
use several other uncommendable methods, to hinder tbe
spreading of such books as would give proper intelligence." '
The writings of Robert Parsons were generally, though
not exclusively, of a seditious and traitorous character. This
was specially the case with a book which he published in
1592, with the title: Andrce Philopatri ad Elizabethce Regina,
29 Novembris, 1591, promulgatum Responsio. I have no
doubt that in this book Parsons accurately described the
general teaching of his Order at the time : indeed he claims
for his teaching the general sanction of the whole of his
Church, which from that day to this has never repudiated
it. If the doctrines of Parsons were now carried into effect
King Edward VH. would at once lose his Throne, and his
subjects would repudiate all allegiance to him. This is what
Parsons wrote:
" The whole of Divines and Canonists do hold that it is certain,
and of faith, that any Christian Prince whatsoever, if he shall
manifestly deflect from the Catholic religion, and endeavour to
draw others from the same, does presently fall from all power
and dignity, by the very force of human and Divine law, and
that also before auy sentence of the Supreme Pastor or judge denounced
against him, and that his subjects whatsoever are free firom all
obligation of that oath, which they had taken for their allegiance
' Bodd, An Apology for the Church Eistory of England, p. 204.

PARSONS ON HERETICAL RULERS 151
to him as their lawful Prince; and that they may and ought (if
they have forces) drive out such a man as an apostate or heretic,
and a backslider from the Lord and Christ, and an enemy to the
Commonwealth, from all dominion over Christians, lest he infect
others, or by his example or commandment avert others from the
faith, and that this certain, definite, and undoubted opinion of the
best learned men is wholly agreeable to the Apostolical doctrine." '
Parsons also wrote another book of such a character that,
by Act of Parliament, it was declared to be high treason
in any person to be found with a copy in his possession.
It was written in the interests of Spain, and argued that
the Infanta was, by law and right, the next heir to the
Throne of England after tbe death of Queen Elizabeth.
It was first pubhshed in 1594, and was re-issued (Dr.
Oliver says "privately reprinted") in 1681, with the title
of A Conference about the next Succession to the Crown
of England. A few extracts from this book may serve to
show how unsafe it was to admit the Jesuits into her
Kingdom :
" Hereof it ensueth also that nothing in the world can so justly
exclude an Heir Apparent firom his succession as want of religion,
nor any cause whatsoever justify and clear the conscience of the
Commonwealth, or of particular men, that in this case should resist
his entrance, as if they judge him faulty in this point, which is
the head of all the rest, and firom which all the rest do serve. . . .
" But you may say, perhaps, that St. Paul speaketh of an Infidel
or Heathen, that denieth Christ plainly, and with whom the other
party cannot live without danger of sin and losing his faith, which
is not the case of a Christian Prince, though he be somewhat dif
ferent from me in religion, to which is answered that, supposing
there is one only religion that can be true among Christians, a.g
both reason and Athanasius' Creed doth plainly teach us; and,
moreover, seeing that to me there can be no other faith or religion
available for my salvation, than only that which I myself do believe,
for that my own conscience must testify for me or against me;
certain it is that, unto me and my conscience, he which in any
point believeth otherwise than I do, and standeth wilfully in the
same, is an Infidel, for that he believeth not that which in my
faith and conscience is the only and sole truth, whereby he must
be saved. And if our Saviour Himself, in his Gospel, doth hold
certain men to be held for heathens, not so much for difference
' Quoted by Sir John Throckmorton (a Koman Catholic Baronet) in his Letter
Addressed to the Catholic Clergy of England. London, 1792, pp. 12S, 129.

152 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
in fiiith and religion as for lack of humility and obedience to the
Church; how much more may I hold him so that, in my opinion,
ia an enemy to the truth; and, consequently, so long as I have
this opinion of him, albeit his religion were never so true, yet so
long, I say, as I have this contrary persuasion of him, I shall do
against my conscience, and sin damnably in the sight of God, to
prefer him to a charge where he may draw others to his own
error and perdition, wherein I do persuade myself that he
remaineth . . ."
"And now to apply all this to our purpose for England, and
for the matter we have in hand, J affirm and hold, that for any
man to give his help, consent, or assistance, towards the making for
King whom he judgeth or believeth to be faulty in religion, and con
sequently would advance either no religion, or the wrong, if he
were in authority, is a most grievous and damnable sin to him that
doth it, of what side soever the truth be, or how good or bad
soever the party may be, that is preferred." '
Parsons wrote another important book in 1596, which
remained in MS. for nearly one hundred years, when it was
printed for the first time with an introduction by the Rev.
Edward Gee, Chaplain in Ordinary to William III., from a
MS. copy which had been presented to James II., but which
he left behind when he ran away from England. It bore
the title of The Jesuifs Memorial for the Intended Reforma
tion of England Under their first Popish Prince. For a
century copies in MS. had been circulated, but it was care
ful kept out of the hands of Protestants. The author of
A Replie Unto a Certaine Libell, writing in 1603, mentions
the work and says that Parsons himself showed it to several
priests, but that it was kept " secretly." And Parsons him
self mentions the work, in an anonymous volume from his
pen, dated 1602, and gives lengthy extracts from it. ' Any
thing which Parsons wrote necessarily had a great deal of
influence amongst the Roman Catholics in England, and
their countrymen abroad, who were brought under the
teaching of the Jesuits, for, as a modern Jesuit reminds us,
to him "was committed the general charge of the Jesuit
mission in England, and of the establishments on the Con-
> A Conference About the Next Succession. Edition 1681, Part I, pp. 169 — 172.
- A Manifestation of the Great Folly, 1602. Chapter V.

A JESUIT REFORMATION OF ENGLAND 153
tinent connected with it." ' It is also important to bear in
mind that Parsons' scheme for the Reformation of England,
when the next Roman Catholic comes to the British Throne,
has been generally approved of in recent years by the
official organ of the English Jesuits, who, I doubt not,
would, were circumstances favourable, gladly see it enforced
on the first opportunity.
And this is what Parsons proposes shall be done, should
a Roman Cathohc King again come to the British Throne.
Only "known Catholics" "are to be used and employed by
the Commonwealth in all principal charges, rooms, and
offices." " As for " enemies and obstinate heretics," all the
cunning of a Jesuit is seen in the way they are to be treated.
" And first of all," writes Parsons, " perchance it would be good,
considering the present state of the realm, and how generally and deep
ly it is, and has been, plunged in all kinds of heresies, not to press
any man's conscience at the beginning, for matters of religion, /or some
few years; to the end that every man may more boldly and con
fidently utter his wounds, and so be cured thereof, which other
wise he would cover, deny, or dissemble to his greater hurt, and
more dangerous corruption of the whole body; but yet it may be
provided jointly that this toleration be only with such as live quietly,
and are desirous to be informed of the truth, and do not teach and
preach, or seek to infect others; and by experience it hath been
seen that this kind of suffering and bearing for a time hath done
great good, and eased many difficulties in divers towns rendered
up in the Low Countries, which being mitigated at the be
ginning with this entrance of clemency, never greatly cared for
heresies afterwards. Yet do I give notice that my meaning is not
any way to persuade hereby that liberty of religion to live how a man
will should be permitted to any person in any Christian Common
wealth, for any cause or respect whatsoever; from which I am
so far off in my judgment and affection, as I think no one thing
to be so dangerous, dishonourable, or more offensive to Almighty
God in the world, than that any Prince should permit the Ark of
Israel and Dagon, God and the Devil, to stand and be honoured
together within his realm or country. But that which I talk of, is
a certain connivance or toleration of magistrates only for a certain
time, and with particular conditions and exceptions, that no meetings,
assemblies, preaching or perverting of others be used, but that such as
be quiet and modest people, and have never heard, perhaps, the
grounds of Catholic religion, may use the freedom of their con
sciences to ask, learn, and to be instructed for the space prescribed,
' The Month, Jannary 1897, p. 39.
- The Jesuits' Memorial, p. 29.

154 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
without danger of the law or of any enquiry to be made upon
them to inform themselves of the truth." '
Parsons says that he would, for a time, allow public
discussions on controversial matters between learned Pro
testants and Roman Catholics, but he thinks that " in a quiet
and established Cathohc State, disputations with heretics
were not to be presumed profitable." ' As to " wilful
apostates, or malicious persecutors, or obstinate perverters
of others," he would leave them to be dealt with by the
authority of the State, reminding the rulers, however, that
"as God doth not govern the whole Monarchy but by
rewards and chastisements ; and that as He hath had a sweet hand
to cherish the well-affected, so hath He a strong arm to
bind the boisterous, stubborn, and rebellious; even so the
very like and same must be tbe proceeding of a perfect
Cathohc Prince and Commonwealth." ^ There is no doubt
that by these " boisterous, stubborn, and rebellious " persons.
the Jesuit primarily had in his mind those Protestants who
should persist in refusing obedience to the Church of Rome,
and, perhaps, seek to convert Roman Catholics to the Pro
testant faith. That sort of thing would never be allowed,
where the Jesuit Order had a free band in a Roman Cathohc
country. In Protestant lands they claim the right to pro
selytise, but Protestants have, in their opinion, no right to
proselytise whatever, and their efforts in this direction must
be put down by brute force. In order to deal with persons
of this class, Parsons suggests that as soon as possible after
we have a Roman Catholic Sovereign, it would be weU to
restore that blood-stained institution, the so-called "Holy
Inquisition." But the wily and cunning Jesuit would do the
thing carefully, and therefore this is what he recommends:
" For the execution of all these notes and advertisements that here
are set down about the Reformation in England, nothing will be
of so much moment as to have certain prudent and zealous men
' The Jesuits' Memorial, pp. 32 — 34.
= Ibid., p. 41. 3 Ibid., p. 44.

A JESUIT REFORMATION OP ENGLAND l55
put in authority by the Prince, and Parliament, and Pope's
Holiness, to attend principally and as it were only to this affair,
and to be bound to give a continual account what they do in the
same. And for that the name of Inquisition may be somewhat odious
and offensive at the beginning, perhaps it would not be amiss to
name these men a ' Council of Reformation.' " '
This Council is to look after the property of the Church of
England, all of which we may be quite sure will be taken
from the Protestant clergy ; though there would not be much
difficulty, I think, in inducing our modern Ritualistic clergy
to come to terms with the new " Council of Reformation."
And then. Parsons thinks it would be a good idea if some
"new Order were erected also in our country, of Religious
Knights, and that their rule might be to fight against heretics,
in whatsoever country they should be employed." "And
this Order of new English Knights might quickly be made
a very flourishing Order, being permitted also to marry." ^
This Council must also see that all " public and private
Libraries be searched and examined for books, as also all
Bookbinders, Stationers, and Booksellers' shops, and not only
heretical books and pamphlets, but also profane, vain,
lascivious, and other such hurtful and dangerous poisons are
utterly to be removed, burnt, suppressed, and severe order
and punishment appointed for such as shall conceal these
kinds of writings." ' A law like this would soon make
trade bad for our modem bookbinders and booksellers, and
certainly it would be death to Freedom of the Press.
When this Council of Reformation has ended tbe work
for which it is established, the Jesuit suggests, that: — "It
would be very much necessary that they should leave some good
and sound manner of Inquisition established for the con
servation of that which they have planted ; for that, during
the time of their authority, perhaps it would be best to
spare the name of Inquisition at the first beginning, in so
new and green a state of religion as ours must needs be,
' The Jesuits' Memorial, p. 70.
= Ibid., p. 79. 3 Ibid., p. 94.

156 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
srfter so many years of heresy. Atheism, and other dissolutions,
may chance offend and exasperate more than do good; but
afterwards it will be necessary to bring it in, either by that
or some other name, as shall be thought most convenient
for the time, for that without this care, all wiU slide down
and fall again." '
Parsons next proposes to reform Parliament. He advises
that Abbots as well as Bishops be admitted into the House
of Lords, and Deans, Archdeacons, and Monks into the
House of Commons. As to choosing ordinary laymen as
Members of Parhament, no candidate must be allowed to
come forward until he has been approved of by some
Roman Cathohc Bishop. "And for Knights of the Shire,"
writes Parsons, "perhaps it would not be amiss to give
some hand in the matter, at leastwise for a time, to the
Bishop of the Diocese, to judge of their virtue and forward
ness in religion, and to confirm their election, or to have a
negative voice, when cause should be offered, and that they
made public profession of their faith before their election
could be admitted, or they take their way towards the Par
liament. ^ Under these regulations we may be quite sure
that no Protestant whatsoever would ever be allowed to sit
in the British House of Commons, since none of them could
make such a "public profession of faith" as would satisfy
a Roman Catholic Bishop.
And when the first Parliament of a Roman Catholic King
meets. Parsons suggests that its second decree should be:
"That every man be sworn to defend the Catholic Roman faith;
and, moreover, that it be made treason for ever for any man
to propose anything for change thereof, or for the introduction
of heresy." * After this is done, tbe Parliament must proceed
" to abrogate and revoke all laws whatsoever that have been
made at any time, or by any Prince or Parliament, directly
or indirectly in prejudice of the Catholic Roman religion,
• The Jesuits' Memorial, p. 98.
' Ibid., p. 104. 3 Ibid., p. 105.

A JESUIT REFORMATION OF ENGLAND 157
and to restore and put in full authority again all old laws
that ever were in use in England in favour of the same,
and against heresies and heretics." ' By this plan no doubt
we should soon see again the days of Queen Mary and the
fires of Smitbfield. Amongst the matters the new Parliament
must give early attention to, is : " The decree or law for
the faithful restitution of Abbey Lands and ecclesiastical
revenues," and that as "among the first points of importance."
The new Roman Catholic King's Council must, says Par
sons, " be made with great care," and no heretic allowed
to be a member of it, "for that if any one person thereof
should be either infected with heresy, or justly suspected, or
not fervent nor forward in tbe Catholic religion, and in the
Reformation necessary to be made for good establishment
of the same, it would be to the great prejudiee of the
cause, and of his Majesty and Realm." " The King must
" exclude from his Privy Council, and other places of chief
charge and government, not only men known or justly
feared to be favourers of heresy and heretics, that will never
be secure to God or his Majesty, but also cold and doubt
ful professors of Catholic religion, untU they be proved by
long tract of time." '
Here we get a view of The Jesuits' English Utopia!
This is what the Jesuits would like our country to become !
It may be said they have no chance of realising it; but be
it remembered that the Jesuits are very patient as well as
persevering. They do not expect to gain all they want in
a day, and they know very well that they are not at all
likely ever to secure all that Robert Parsons hoped for.
But if they cannot get everything they need, they stand a
chance of securing a great deal more than Protestants sup
pose. Parsons' Plan of Campaign holds good not only for
the mother country, but fm her Colonies and Dependencies
1 The Jesuits' Memorial, p. 107.
2 Ibid., p. 206. 3 Ibid., p. 207.

158 the JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
also. And the Jesuits are working out there, with greater
prospects of success, in some instances, than in England.
Where the majority of the population in a Colony, or a
very large proportion, is Roman Catholic, the Jesuits have,
for them, good ground to work upon, hkely to produce
abundant fruits for their labour.
The Enghsh Jesuits of the present generation have, as I
have already intimated, given a general approbation to the
scheme of Father Parsons, and in doing so have been careful to
utter no word of censure of those intolerant proposals which
I have just quoted. The general approbation was given in
the official organ of the Order in England, for which, not
only the English Jesuits but the whole Society also is
responsible, since none of its members are allowed to print
anything without the sanction of the authorities. The
writer of the article I am about to cite was the editor of
the official organ, the Rev. R. F. Clarke, a prominent and
influential member of the Society of Jesus. It appeared in
the Month, for October 1889, with the title of "A Jesuit
Scheme for the Reformation of England," and is avowedly
a review of Parsons' Memorial for the Reformation of England,
as published by Gee, in 1690. No doubt whatever is thrown
on the genuineness of the work, of which it appears several
MS. copies are still extant. Mr. Clarke looks upon the book
as one of practical value for the present time, which ought
not to be forgotten, since it "has a number of points of
interest at the present time;" and he thinks that Parsons
" acted with prudent foresight in drawing " it up. " A copy
of the book was presented to King James," writes Mr. Clarke,
" soon after his accession. If he had followed its directions,
his chance of remaining King of England would at least
have been far greater, and the salutary measures it recom
mends would have retarded, even if they did not entirely
prevent the rebellion." In other words, if James had not
been in such a hurry to show his tyrannical powers against
Protestpiuts, and had put on the Jesuits' mask of tolerance

A JESUIT REFORMATION OF ENGLAND 159
and charity for a while, he would have been more success
ful. That mask of tolerance is still occasionally worn by the
Jesuits; it serves to hide from a too confiding Protestant
public their real designs. Mr. Clarke further states that: —
"Father Parsons' object in his book, however, is not to criticise
the past, but to provide such plans for the future that Catholics
may avail themselves of them if the occasion offers of restoring
the Church in England. He is constructive throughout, and his
constructive scheme is not only that of a good and prudent man,
but of one who knows by experience the nature of the evils to
be met and the best remedies for them. He is very practical, and
sometimes enters into details into which we shall not attempt to
follow him. But the main features of his proposal are of permanent
interest, not merely as a historical study, but as affording some
valuable suggestions for the guidance of Catholics, even in circum
stances very different from those which the headstrong House
•of Stuart turned to such ill account." '
Now the " main features " of Parsons' proposal were
imdoubtedly the suppression of Protestantism in England,
and the estabhshment of Roman Catholicism in its place,
and that by means of intolerance of the most extreme type.
Yet here we have the modern Jesuits assuring us that the
¦" best remedies" for the evils complained of are to be found
in Parsons' book, which affords "some valuable suggestions
for the guidance of Catholics " whenever they get a chance
to enforce the "main features" of the "Jesuit scheme for
the Reformation (?) of England." There are some good
things in the scheme I willingly admit, but they are not
its "main features"; on the contrary they take quite a
subordinate position. It is a question whether the British
Government ought any longer to tolerate in its dominions
an Order which has so recently given its official approbation
to such an outrageously unjust and intolerant scheme as
that of Robert Parsons, and that without excepting any of its
intolerant provisions.
The Jesuits' English Utopia would be an uncomfortable
j)lace for Protestants to live in.
^ The Month, October 1889, p. 191,

160 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
And here it may be well to mention another book of
Robert Parsons, containing Jesuit teaching on Equivocation,
a right understanding of which is necessary for those who
have to enter into controversy with the Order in the
twentieth century, since his teaching is that which sub
stantially obtains at the present time. Parsons thought that
it was wrong to tell lies, but it was quite lawful, under
certain circumstances to equivocate, or to use mental reserva
tions. The conduct of his own disciples is aptly described by
a modern Jesuit Father, John Morris, who wrote : — " The only
difference between modern morality and that which Father
Gerard acted [over whom Parsons acted as Superior] was that
now-a-days men say, ' Have recourse to evasions.' Then men
said, ' Say what you like, it is their fault if they think it
true.'' It is evident," continues Father Morris, " that of the
two courses of proceeding, the plain-spoken old way is the
least open to abuse." ' And he defines an equivocation
thus: — "An 'equivocation' was a false expression used under
such circumstances that if they to whom it was addressed
were deceived by it, it was their own fault. They had
then no right to the truth, and even in some cases it would
have been a sin to tell them the truth." " We need not
therefore wonder very much when Father Taunton tells us
that "we should have sufficient cause for distrusting any
statement which comes to us on the unsupported testimony
of Robert Parsons." '
Now as to this book of Parsons', published by him in
1607. When treating about Auricular Confession he is not
content with asserting that a priest must not reveal anything
revealed to him in the Confessional. He goes further and
recommends the priest, if questioned about what he has beard,
to adopt a course of conduct which ordinary men of sense
1 The Condition of Catholics Under James I. Edited by John Morris, S.J..
p. CM.
' Ibid., p. ccxi.
' Taunton's Eistory, of the Jesuits in England, p. 374.

EQUIVOCATION AND MENTAL RESERVATION 161
call lying and perjury; and he even affirms that the priest
would commit a sin who did not so act. Parsons, however
would dignify such conduct by the names of mental reservation
and equivocation, as the case might be. He writes thus:
" If a priest who has heard another man's Confession should be
demanded whether such a one had confided such a sin unto
him or not, though by no ways, nor upon any consideration what
soever he may tell a lie[!], according to our former doctrine; yet
may he not only say, nescio, ' I know nothing,' but answer directly
that he hath not confessed any such thing unto him, albeit he
had so_ done; and that the said confessor may not say, but swear
also this answer of his, understanding and reserving in his mind,
that the penitent hath not confessed the same unto him so as
he may utter it." '
Parsons adds that the Confessor "is bound also in con
science" to act thus, "under grevious sin"; and that "no
denial of matters heard or known by Confession, in what
sort soever, can be a lie, or perjury." " But it is not
merely in regard to matters heard in Confession that
equivocation and mental reservation may be used.
" Wherefore," he writes, " seeing the obligation not only of con
cealing secrets heard in Confession, but of those also that be se
cular out of Confession, is so great, especially of those that be
public and appertain to the Commonwealth, it followeth that when
a man shall be unjustly pressed to utter the same, he may not
only deny to utter them, which he must do upon pain of dam
nation as you have heard; but also dissemble to know them by
any way of lawful speech, that may have a true sense in his
meaning, though in his that presseth to know them, it may be
otherwise. . . . Knowing the said secrets of the Commonwealth, they
may as private persons deny to know the same, with this or like
true reservation of mind, so as they are bound, or may utter
the same unto him that unlawfully demandeth." ^
Another case in which equivocation may be used is that
of a defendant in a criminal action. But in this case, says
Parsons, if the defendant is tried by a "lawful Judge,"
who conducts the trial lawfully, that is "according to form
of law and equity," then he must "answer directly, truly,
1 A Treatise Tending to Mitigation. By Kobert Parsons, 1607, pp. 407—408.
» Ibid., p. 409. 3 jua.^ pp. 412, 413. 11

162 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
and plainly, according to the mind and intention of the
demander, and not to his own, and to confess the truth
without ffl-t, evasion, equivocation, or other shift or declin
ation." " But now," he continues, " when the Judge is not
lawful, or not compet^it at least in that cause; then all
these foresaid obligations do cease in the defendant . . . When
this, I say, or any of this falleth out, then hold the former
Doctors that all the foresaid obligations of true answering
unto him do no more bind." ' " The famous Doctor Nauar
. . . proveth that the said defendant being so pressed unjustly
to answer, when he hath no other way left to defend him
self, may truly, and without any he at all, say 'He did it
not,' with the foresaid reservation of mind, that he ' did it
not,' in some such sense, as in his own meaning, and in the
ears of Almighty God is true; though the imjust Judge,
taking it in another sense, is deceived thereby." '
"Wherefore all these authors do conclude that, in the foresaid
case, when injury is done against law, and when no appellation or
other refuge is permitted, nor any doubtfulness of amphibology
or words can take place, then is the oppressed defendant to turn
himself to Almighty God the righteous Judge of all, and fi*aming
to himself scMne true reserved sense, may say, 'I have not done
it,' 'I have not seen him,' 'I have not killed him,' and the Uke,
understanding that he hath not done it so, as the examination or
punishment thereof is subject to that tribunal, or he subject to
their jurisdiction, whereby he is bound to utter the same unto
him." '
It is even lawful, according to Parsons, for the defendant
to confirm his equivocations and mental reservations by a
solemn oath. " The second rule," he says, " is that if the
defendant should be demanded an oath by the judge about a
secret crime committed by him, and this contrary or besides the
order of law, he may with a secure conscience answer, and swear
that he hath not committed that crime, nor knoweth any-
thmg of it." * " The substance of School doctrine in this
point, and of Canon Lawyers is, that when a man is offered
• A Treatise Tending to Mitigation. By Kobert Parsons, 1607, pp. 415—418.
» Ibid., p. 419. 3 Ibid., pp. 423, 334. * Ibid., p. 428.

EQUIVOCATION AND MENTAL RESERVATION 163
mjury, or unjustly urged to utter a secret, that without his
hurt, or loss, or public damage he may not do; then is it
lawful for him without lying or perjury, to answer either ia
word or oath, according to his own intention and meaning,
so it be true, though the hearer be deceived thereunth." '
In another of his books Parsons explains and defends the
opinion o£ Emmanuel Sa on this subject, who, he says,
teaches that : " The priest that heareth Confessions may law
fully swear that he knoweth nothing, nor that he hath heard
anything in Confession; understanding in his mind, so as
he is bound to utter the same. Again, the penitent may
swear that he said nothing, or no such thmg, as he is
demanded in Confession, though he had said it. And, more
over, in another place: He that is not lawfully demanded,
may deny that he knoweth the thing he is demanded
(though he know it indeed), imderstanding in his mind, that
he knoweth it not so, as he is bound to open it to him." ^
This teaching of Robert Parsons, which would, in many of
the affairs of hfe, undermine all confidence between man and
man, was the common opinion of the Jesuits then, as it is
in the twentieth century, though modern Jesuits may differ
as to how the thing is to be done in particular instances.
Father Henry Garnett, S.J., whose connection with the Gun
powder Plot has made his name notorious in English history,
sanctioned equivocation and mental reservation in terms quite
as strong as those of his Superior, Father Parsons. He
would allow it, not merely as a defence against attack, but
for the purpose of securing some positive good. " Neither,"
wrote Garnett, " is equivocation at all to be justified, but in
case of necessary defence from injustice or wrong, or of the
obtaining of some good o/" great importance when there is no
danger of harm to others." ' Garnett even permits the use
' A Treatise Tending to Mitigation. By Robert Parsons, 1607, p. 437.
' A Quiet and Sober Reckoning with M. Tlunnas Morton. By Robert Parsons,
pp. 277, 278.
' Records of the English Pronvinee, SJ., vol. iv., p. 190.

164 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of equivocation at the solemn hour of deajih, which is a pecu
liarly horrible thing, just as a man is going into the presence
of his Maker. One could hardly believe that even a Jesuit
would sanction such deception at such a solemn moment, were
it not that we possess the eridence in Garnett's own hand
writing. This is what he teaches:
"But in case a man be urged at the hour of his death,
it is laivful for to equivocate, with such due circumstances as
are required in his life. An example we may bring in an
other matter. For the Divines hold that in some case a
man may be bound to conceal something in his Confession,
because of some great harm which may ensue of it. And
as he may do so in his hfe, so may he at his death, if the
danger of the harm continue still.
"The case being propounded, supposing that I know
Gerard acquainted with this [Gunpowder] Treason, and
baring been often demanded thereof, I stiU denying it by
way of equivocation, whether at the hour of my death, either
natural or by course of justice, I may by equivocation seek
to clear him again. I answer that in case I be not urged,
I may not, but I must leave the matter in case in which it
stands; but if I be urged, then I may clear him by equi
vocation, whereas otherwise my silence would be accounted
an accusation." '
Garnett further affirmed that equivocation " may be with
out perjury confirmed by oath, or by any other usual way,
though it were by receiving the Sacrament, if just necessity
so require." ^ No wonder that Father Taunton declares of
Garnett: "As it is, we are forced to conclude that no
reliance can be put upon any word he says, unless it he
supported by other eridence." ' And even Dr. Lingard,
when deahng with the case of Father Garnett, goes so far
as to say that: "By seeking shelter under equivocation, he
1 Records of the English Province, S.J., vol. iv., pp. 190, 191.
2 Ibid., p. 191.
^ Taunton's History of the Jesuits in England, p. 318.

EQUIVOCATION AND MENTAL RESERVATION 165
had deprived himself of the protection which the truth
might have afforded him; nor could he in such circumstances
reasonably complain, if the King refused credit to his asserv-
ations of innocence, and permitted the law to take its
course." '
It is admitted by a Jesuit writer on "Equivocation and
Lying," m the Month, of July, 1898, that: "Nothing has
so powerfully contributed to injure Father Garnett's cause, and
disparage his memory as his doctrine and practice respecting
what he termed 'equivocation.' Whatever may be thought
of his connection with the Powder Plot, historians are unani
mous in declaring that his professed sentiments on this
subject abundantly sufficed to justify his condemnation, that
no Government could acquit a man whose principles struck
at the root of all morality, and deprived his own protesta
tions of all credit." The writer devotes the whole of his
article to a consideration of Garnett's theory and practice
on this subject, and certMuly he treats it in a thoroughly
J^uitical manner. He asserts he does not write on Garnett's
doctrine " as advocating or justifying its adoption, but in order
to a satisfactory judgment on Father Garnett's position in its
regard," which, he thinks "has been largely misunderstood." *
Instead, however, of denouncing that doctrine and practice in
the strongest terms, as was done by Lingard, this Jesuit writer
makes every possible excuse for tbe culprit, and whitewashes
him to the utmost of his power. " On the merits of such
theory it is not," he says, "necessary to attempt any
pronouncement," though ordinary persons would think it
very necessary indeed to do so. The worse things he can
say against Garnett are contained in the foUovring sentence :
—"The instances in which he [Garnett] put his theory into
practice, three in number, were most singularly infelicitous,
and certainly 'impolitic'; for, as a very kindly biographer
observes, his subterfuges and equivocations were so unskil-
' Lingard's History of EngUmd. Edition 1844, vol. ii., p. 67.
= The Month, Jnly 1898, pp. 7, 8.

166 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
fuUy framed as to be easily detected, and show that he was
but a clumsy performer on this line of defence." ' And this
is all the modern Jesuit has to say against conduct which
has merited the sternest reprobation of truth-loving men of
every denomination! His greatest fault was that he was
not successful in deceiving his opponents, through lack of
cleverness ! The article in the Month is, in reality, an apology
for Garnett, leading a candid reader to beheve that the
writer is, in reality, in full sympathy vrith both the theory
and practice of a prominent member of his Order at the
commencement of the seventeenth century.
It is only fair to add that the advocacy of equivocation
and mental reservation has now become common amongst
Roman Catholic theologians who are not Jesuits, though I
do not tiiink many of them advocate the one or liie other
in such an extreme form. In the Roman Cathoiic Dictionary,
issued with the Imprimatur of Cardinal Vaughan, we are
told that "almost all theologians hold that it is sometimes
lawful to use a mental reservation which may be, thoi^h
very likely it will not be, understood from the circumstances; "
and that: — "No doubt, equivocation is always an eril,
Ihough not always a sin, and the less of it there is tbe
better." "
' The Month, July 1898, p. 13.
= The Catholie Dictionary. Edition 1893, pp. 620. 881.

CHAPTER VI
MOEE ASSASSINATION CONSPIEACIES— THE
GUNPOWDER PLOT AND THE JESUITS
Between the defeat of the Spanish Armada and the death
of Queen Ehzabeth several attempts were made to assassinate
her, in which the names of several Jesuits were more or less
mixed up. Although, to our modern notions, it seems strange
tiiat any professed Ministers of tbe Gospel should so far
forget its principles as to sanction murder under any cir
cumstances, of the fact itself there can be no doubt whatever.
I have already called attention to ihe startling statemraits, on
this point, of the learned Roman Catholic historian, Lord Acton.'
We need not, therefore, be surprised that so many attempts
were made to assassinate Queen Elizabeth, in some instances
even with Pontifical sanction. Yet in deahng with the attempts
towards the close of her hfe we are met with many difficult
ies in forming a fair and accurate opinion as to the evidence
on which the alleged plotters were executed, and of the part
the Jesuits took in these transactions. The witnesses were
not always to be trusted. Many of them were spies in Qte
pay of the Government, and although we cannot reject their
eridence altogether, for frequently it was rehable, yet the
testimony of such witnesses needs support from other quarters.
We must not beheve every story, merely because it was against
the Jesuits. Major Martm Hume, w^ile describing several
of the alleged plots to murder the Queen, is constrained to
admit that: — "Though many of the so-called murder con
spiracies for which perfectly innocent Catholics suffered
were thus elaborated, there were undoubtedly several that
1 Supra p. 89.

168 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
were in some degree dangerous and real. They all emanated
from the same small group of extremists in Flanders, with
the more or less open connivance of the Spanish Ministers
there — though probably at this juncture without the aid of
Philip himself. The proposed perpetrators were usually
some of the wild, reckless swashbucklers, English or Irish,
who swaggered, drank, and diced in tbe Flemish cities.
There seems to have been no attempt at concealment. We
are told that these plots were regularly discussed at a council
table at which sat such men as Stanley, Owen, Jacques
Francis (Stanley's Burgundian lieutenant), and even some
of the Jesuit priests, such as Holt, Sherwood, and Walpole,
are said to have given their approval." '
Early in 1594 an Irishman named Patrick Collen was
executed for an attempt to assassinate the Queen. Most
of the vritnesses, who apparently were not personally exam
ined in Court in this remarkable case, testified that, while
residing on the Continent, they had been urged by Jesuit
priests to murder the Queen. In some instances the Jesuits
admitted having met the witnesses abroad, but denied that
they gave them any encouragement. In this it is quite as
hard to believe the Jesuits as to believe the witnesses. By
means of mental reservations and equivocations the Jesuits
were often able to deceive even the astutest of their enemies.
Yet there is nothing improbable in the evidence of these
witnesses, whose testimony against the Jesuits I now proceed
to give my readers.
Wilham Polwhele testified that, while on the Contment, a
man named Jacques "wished him to come to England to
kill the Queen, saying that no action could be more glorious
than cutting off such a wicked member, who is likely to
overthrow all Christendom. Soon after they sent Hesket into
Ibgland. ' Went to Father Sherwood [a Jesuit], and
' Treason and Plot. By Martin A. S. Hume, p. 100.
* Hesket was sent to induce the Earl of Derby to enter into a plot by which
he would become King of England on the death of Elizabeth, on the ground that he

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 169
offered to do it resolutely, if he had a fit opportunity.
Jacques said it was a motion of the Holy Ghost." ' " When
he told Father Sherwood of his motion to go to England
to kill the Queen, Sherwood said he was a fool for not
undertaking it sooner, when he was moved to it, as he then
might have had the honour of it, but that Patrick Collen
was gone for the same service, and more were going every
day. . . Has often heard Jacques say that he did not esteem
the kilhng of Perez, who has done all the hurt he can,
nor the killing of the Lord Treasurer, as he is old; and if
he were taken away some other as ill or worse would come
in his place; nor the killing of any one else save the
Queen; and that a man would hazard as much by enter
prising the killing of another person as the Queen herself,
and neither he nor Father Holt [a Jesuit] would deal with
any but for the killing of the Queen. Heard Father Sherwood
reprove Edmund Halsey, servant to Sir Thomas Tresham,
for undertalring to poison the Lord Treasurer, as Captain
Jacques would not hear of any being meddled with but the
Queen." -
Hugh Cahill, an Irishman, testified that:
" Being in Brussels in May, 1592, John Daniell, an Irish gentle
man, informed him, on pledge of secrecy, that Sir William Stanley,
Father Holt, and Hugh Owen, wanted to employ a tall, resolute,
and desperate Irishman to go to England to kill the Queen, pre
ferring a stranger to one of Sir William's followers, as less likely
to be suspected ; and that if the examinate would agree with them
to do it, they would give him money, and he, Daniell, would
accompany him to England, and reveal it to the Queen or Lord
Treasurer, that Her Majesty might look better to her safety. ' There
upon went with Daniell to Father Holt at Brussels, where they
also found Father Archer, the Jesuit, and Hugh Owen, to whom
Daniell said he had brought a special man, who had served the
King of Spain under strange captains, as they desired, and that
was in the line of succession. Hesket's instructions are printed in the Cecil
Papers, Historical MSS. Commission, vol. iv., pp. 461 — 63.
' Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591—94, p. 398.
' Ibid., p. 435.
¦' In other words, they should play the traitor to those who employed them.

170 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
he had promised to do the deed they had so often wished done.
Tbey said that it would be a most blessed deed for him, a soldierj
to kill the Queen, as by it he would win Heaven, and become a'
saint if he should be killed, and that he that should do it would
be chronicled for ever. . . . Two or three days afterwards, Daniell
brought him 100 golden crowns, and said that Father Archer, the
Jesnit, had sent it fi-om Hugh Owen, according to promise, in part
payment. . . .
" Meanwhile Father Archer, an Irish, and Father Walpole, an
English Jesuit, came to Calais, and hearing that examinate had
not gone over to England according to promise, Father Archer
found great fault with him for having lingered in his business;
said that Holt, Owen, and Stanley were very angry at his delay,
earnestly persuading him to go forward in that godly and laud
able ^iterprise to kill the Queen, and promised that he and Wal
pole would pray to God for his good speed." '
The man, John Daniell also gave his testimony, fully
confirming that of Hugh Cahill. He said: —
"On 2 May, 1592, being in the Jesuits' garden at Brussels, Jaioes
Archer, a Jesuit bwn in Kilkenny, told him that he had been sent
to him by Sir William Stanley and Hugh Owen, to let him under
stand of a practice they had in hand for killit^ the Queen, and
besought him to make choice of some tall soldier, an Irishman,
but not of the Irish regiment, to take the execution thereof; per
suading him that it was a most godly act, and that the party
should not only merit his salvation thereby, but should also have
2000 crowns, and a pension of 30 crowns a month during his life,
as a reward.
"On 5 May, Wm. Holt, another Jesuit, came to him, and made
the same offer; promised to do his best to help them to a man
fit for their purpose. 6 May, Sir Wm. Stanley and Hugh Owen
sent for him, and asked if Archer and Holt had deliv^ed auy
message from them; said they bad, and that he had promised to
help them ; tbey besought him to use all expedition. In otdeic to
avoid the peril that might ensue if their devilish practices should
take effect, made choice of Hugh Cahill, and persuaded him to
take the same upon him, but never to put it in execution. 7 May,
Cahill came to bis chamber in Brussels; made Cahill swear to keep
his counsel, told him of the practices before mentioned, and per
suaded him to take the thir^ in hand, but made him also swear
that he would never put it in execution; thereupon persuaded
him to accompany him to the Jesuits, and to yield to anything
they should say.
" When they came there, told Archer and Holt he had persuaded
Cahill to take the execution thereof, and lAiey, finding him resolute
and answerable to their desires, made him the {ffomises before
mentioned ; and to further persua-de him, they delivered the story
of Judith and Holofernes, and said he might execute his purpose
» Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591—94, pp. 486, 437.

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 171
by first buying a horse for £10, and when finding Her Majesty
in progress, or abroad taking the air, and somewhat distant fi:om
her train, or passing into a gap of a park or dose, set spurs to
his horse, and strike her with a sword on the head, or thrust it
into her body. If that opportunity should miss, he might devise
a supplication, and in exhibiting it to her, as she was coming out
of her garden or door, thrust a dagger or strong knife into her
body. They willed him to come to them until they had found
the means for his going over, and he was with them, 8 to 10 May.
" Was sent for by them 12 May, to consult which way to provide
for sending Cahill safdy over. Fearing lest by their cunning th'ey
imght actually persuade Cahill to do the deed proposed, told them,
16 May, that if they would procure him a passpcHt from Count
Mansfeldt for six months, to fetch Ms wife and children into the
Low Oounkies, he doubted not, by means of the Earl of Ormond,
to procure one for Cahill. This tiiey approved; while they were
l»ocarLng that passport, and Cahill's for France, sued for and
rec^ved 200 crowns due of his pay ; on 5 June, the passports being
ready, Archer gave to Cahill 100 crowns, received from. Owen.
Went 7 June to the Jesuits to take leave, when they vrilled him
and Cahill to use all haste, as there were an Englishman and a
Scotchman iq>pointed for a similar purpose .... arrived [in Eng
land] 24 August, and in September acquainted his Lordship of the
before mentioned practices. After his departure, Cahill came to
Calais, waiting^ for a passport; Archer and Walpole, a Jesuit, came
there, on their way to Spain, and finding him there, th^ per
suaded him to come over secretly, with Sir John Skidamore's soil,
which he accordingly did ; informed the Lord Treasurer of his
arrival at Westminster, and was ordered to bring Cahill to his
bouse in the Strand the next day ; did so, but his Lordship being
ill, and about to take horse for 'Theobalds, could not examine him,
and thought of committing him to the Marshalsea; besought him
not to do so, and offered to produce him when required, so Cahill
was delivered to him. Three or four days after. Justice Young
examined Cahill." '
A man named John Annias testified that Patrick Collen
was also employed to murder the Queen, and Collen himself
acknowledged his guilt. Amongst other things, Annias said
that: "Patrick Collen told him he was sent from Father
Holt and Jacques to kill the Queen, and caused him to swear
not to reveal it." ^ Apparently the conspirators on the Con
tinent had become impatient at the delay of Cahill and
Daniell, and feared they would not keep their promise to
kill the -Queen; hence their employment of Cohen. That
' Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591—94, pp. 442, 443.
' Ibid., p. 431.

172 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
individual himself testified that in the previous October, while
at Brussels, " Jacques asked him to do the King [of Spain] a
good serrice, and would tell him what it was next morning . . .
Next day went to Jacques, who told him that Ant. Perez,
a Spaniard, who had been Secretary to the King of Spain,
had become the King's enemy, had been in France and was
come into England, and asked the examinate to kill him
with a pistol. Undertook the matter, and swore to perform
it, whereupon Jacques gave him ,£30 in gold for his voyage ;
departed immediately from Brussels for St. Omer ; found an
old Irish priest called Sir Thomas — , to whom he confessed
what he had undertaken; the priest dissuaded him, telhng
him it was unlawful to commit murder; the day after his
undertaking the enterprise, was brought by Jacques to Father
Holt, who said he might lawfully enterprise anything for
his King's service, advised him to prepare himself to God,
and thereupon absolved him. Did not hear Jacques declare
to Father Holt what he had undertaken, but perceived
afterwards he had done so, as he told examinant in his
confession that he wished Jacques had not acquainted him
with the matter, because he, Holt, was a churchman." '
Ten days after making the above statement, Collen said that
at this interview with Holt that Jesuit declared that — "he
saw no reason why he might not lawfully do what Jacques
wished." '
It will be observed that four Jesuit priests were named
by these witnesses, as having approved of their plots to murder
the Queen. As I have already remarked, however shocking
to the reader's feehngs the thought may be of professed
disciples of Christianity approving of, and even encouraging
such awful crimes, there is nothing at all improbable in the
testimony of these witnesses. When Popes were found
encouraging assassination, we need not wonder at Jesuit
priests following such examples. The Jesuit Order has a
' Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591 — 94, p, 437.
= Ibid., p. 431.

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 173
bad name for this sort of work, and not without reason.
A few months later. Father Henry Walpole was captured
when landing on the Yorkshire coast. While in prison he
expressed his abhorrence of any attempts to murder the Queen,
but he admitted that he had been asked, four years previously,
by Jacques, "whether it would be well to seek the death
of Her Majesty, but dissuaded it ; " on which the Editor of the
Calendar of Domestic State Papers very properly asks : — " Why
did he not reveal this as a warning ? " ' Walpole further
admitted that while abroad he had heard of other plots to
murder Elizabeth ; that Father Holt had told him that " Jacques
was sent over to burn the Queen's ships ; " ^ and he also
admitted that be (Walpole) had translated " Philopater's " [i.e.
Father Parsons] book, in which he had " spoken unreverently
of Her Majesty and some of her Ministers deceased, as also
the Treasurer." ^ Of this latter nobleman Walpole had written :
— "My L. Treasurer etc. may justly feare the greate and
high galowes prepared by himself for Mardocheus, and the
children of Israel, for that God is as juste now, as he was then
and as potent." " Walpole praised also the work of the King
of Spain, and, referring to the defeat of the Spanish Armada,
with an implied threat, he declared that " the Inglishe oughte
not to bragg, seeing there are so many reasons, and ex
amples of enterprises that take successe the second or thirde
tyme, which did not at the firste." ' Father Henry Walpole
was manifestly a disloyal man, whatever may be thought
about his alleged part in CoUen's attempt to murder Eliza
beth. He was executed, but has been raised to the rank of
a "Venerable" Saint by Pope Leo XIII.
Hugh Owen heard of the charges brought against him,
and indignantly repudiated them. He wrote a long letter
1 Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591 — 94, p. 517.
2 Ibid., p. 534. 3 Ibid., p. 535.
* An Advertisement Written to a Secretarie of my L, Treasurer of England.
Anno Domini 1692, p. 17.
' Ibid., p. 30.

174 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
to Phehppes on the subject, in which he " swears" that all
the accusations were false, though he admits that be was
personally acquainted with Cahill and Daniell. Owen fiirther
declared that he had never taken part in any such plot, yet
Father Henry Walpole, S.J., affirmed that he remembered
that "Mr. Creake's man, when on his death-bed, told him
[Walpole] that Owen offered him money to do violence to
Her Majesty's person." ' Owen's declarations of innocence
cannot be trusted. " No doubt," remarks Mr. Martin Hume,
"the confessions of the criminals were in most cases in
terested or exaggerated, but Hugh Owen's denials fail to
carry conviction sufKcient to demolish their stories altogether.
An age that saw Henry III., Guise, Orange, and Henry IV.
assassinated was not squeamish about killing Princes, if
they were considered in the way; and the few violent
extremists iu Flanders, and more especially Jacques, belong
ed to the risionary type from which regicides are usually
drawn." '
The conspiracy to poison the Queen for which Dr. Lopez
was executed the day before Patrick Collen, does not
appear to have been in any way connected with the Jesuits.
But soon after the death of Lopez another conspiracy to
murder Elizabeth was discovered, for which, early in 1595,
Edmund Torke and Richard Williams were executed. In
this latter conspiracy the Jesuits were once more named
as active parties in the rillainy.
Eichard Williams declared that he "was sent by Father
Holt and Sir W. Stanley to kill the Queen, with the promise
of great reward, and received the Sacrament with Yorke
thereon."^ Edmund Yorke affirmed that "Holt promised
him, or any confederate, 100,000 or 200,000 crowns, if he
would raise a rebelhon or do some notable act ; * and that
' Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591 — 94, p. 535.
' Hume's Treason and Plot, p. 110.
' Calendar of Domestic .State Papers, 1691 — 94, p. 550.
* Ibid., p. 543.

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 175
he "was persuaded by Father Holt to come over on the
Queen's pardon, and to hve in the Court, as one fled away,
having the money due to him to his imcle sent for his
maintenance, and an assurance on oath of 40,000 crowns,
with present payment guaranteed by the Secretary, Stephen
de Ibarra, if he performed the required service of kilhng
the Queen . . . ; they swore on the Sacrament to do it, and were
absolved by Father Holt." ' Yorke further testified that
"they solemnly swore him to perform the service, and
Holt confessed him and gave him the Sacrament. Williams
swore to kill the Queen, Yorke to aid him, and to do it if
he failed, by poisoned arrow, pistol, or rapier." ^
At his trial in 1606, Father Garnett, said: "The thu-d
thing I determined to speak of was the Jesuits in general;
of whom some have been by Mr. Attorney accused of un
dertaking several treasonable attempts, as the matters of
Patrick Collen, Yorke, WiUiams, and Squire, of all which
I can say no more but this, that I have had the hands and
protestations of those Fathers that are accused, as Father
Holt and Father Walpole, who on their salvations affirm
that they never treated with the parties concerning any
such matter." * To this it may suffice to reply by asking,
if Garnett had these written statements in his possession,
why did he not publish them to the world years before his
own trial in 1606? Indeed, they have never yet, so far as
I am aware, been published. Besides, as we have already
seen, Garnett was such a master in deception, even on oath,
that it is impossible to beheve a word he said, in defence
of himself 'or his brethren, unless supported by outside
eridence. In 1602, Thomas Fitzherbert, a Jesuit, published two
pamphlets, now exceedingly scarce, in which he dealt with
the cases of Collen, WiUiams, and Yorke. His apology for
' Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1591—94, p. 546.
« Ibid., p. 548.
' The Condition of Catholics Under James I, p. 249.

176 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
these men is far from conrincing. As to Williams and
Yorke, Fitzherbert asks, was it reasonable to suppose that
two such young men, who were new converts to the Church
of Rome, would ever be entrusted with such a secret
business? To which it may suffice to reply that new converts,
fuU of zeal for their new faith, and hatred of that which
they had left, were just the kind of men most likely to
undertake such a business as that which was required of
them. As to their youth, it is well known that young
men are more ready to undertake such work, and more
blind to its dangers, than older men, who but rarely hire
themselves out for assassinations. Besides, the Jesuits accused
of plotting these murders were residing on the Continent,
where they were safe from arrest, if discovered. And even
if the men they employed should prove untrustworthy, by
betraying their secrets to the English Government, the Jesuits
knew very well how, by equivocations and mental reserv
ations to deny the plain facts of the case, and confirm their
denials by oaths. The fact is they selected just the most
likely men for their work. Fitzherbert asserts that " some "
of those conspirators named in the case as members of an
assassination Council which met at Brussels, resided at
St. Omers, or Antwerp, and were in their ordinary places
of residence at the very time they were asserted to be in
Council together at Brussels. But he conveniently omits
to mention any names, and produces no evidence in support
of his assertion. As to Patrick Collen, Fitzherbert declares
that "he never confessed either publicly or privately that
he was any way employed against Her Majesty's person." '
This we certainly know to be untrue, for CoUen's confessions,
quoted above, still exist in the Record Office in London.
Fitzherbert adds that, at his execution, Collen "called God
to witness that he was never employed against Her Majesty,
1 An Apology of T.[homas] 2''.[itzherhert] in Defence of Himself and Other
Catholyks Falsly charged with a Fayned Conspiracy Agaynst Her Maissties Person,
chapter xv., f. 27. Imprinted with Licence, 1602.

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 177
nor came into England with any such intention;" but I
can find no evidence that be ever said anything of the kind.
On November 13, 1598, a man named Edward Squire
was executed for an attempt to poison Queen Elizabeth. In
this case the evidence against the prisoner of a man named
John Stanley was clearly false. He declared that he
(Stanley) on a certain date had an interview with the King
of Spain, who gave him full directions how to proceed in
an attempt to poison the Queen, but Mr. Martin Hume has
clearly proved that at that time tbe King "was lying at
the Escoral hopelessly ill and quite unable to see any one
on business." Besides, in his evidence, Stanley declared that he
had brought with him "two letters from Father Thomas
Fitzherbert, S.J., and Father Richard Walpole, S.J.," but,
as the Government officer, Waad, wrote to the Earl of
Essex directly after Stanley's examination: — "Privately he
confessed to me that he devised them himself, and caused
a Spaniard to write them both." ' It is evident that we
cannot rely on the evidence of such a scoundrel.
Squire himself, however, gave evidence. He said:
"When Walpole [Father Eichard, S.J.] persuaded me to be
employed against Her Majesty's person, he asked whether I
could compound poisons; I said no, but that I had skill in per
fumes, and had read in Tartalia of a ball, the smoke whereof
would make a man in a trance, and some die. Walpole said that
would be difficult, but to apply poison to a certain place was the
most convenient way; I said I had no skill therein, to which
Walpole replied, ' you shall have directions. . . .' Walpole said he
would write to Bagshaw at Wisbeach Castle, as he knew all the
courses of the Jesuits. I had directions from Walpole, under his
own hand, but I threw them into the water, and also the letter
to Bagshaw. Certain poison drugs, whereof opium was one, were
to be beaten together, steeped in white mercury water, put into
an earthen pot, and set a month in the sun; then to be put in a
double bladder, and the bladder pricked full of holes in the upper
part, and carried in the palm of my hand, upon a thick glove, for
safeguard of my hand; and then I was to turn the holes down
ward, and to press it hard upon the pommel of Her Highness's
saddle; it would lie and tarry long where it was laid, and not be
checked by the air." =
' Cecil Papers. Historical MSS. Commission, vol. viii., p. 396.
" Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1598—1601, p. 107. 12

178 THE JESUITS IN' GREAT BRITAIN
"He [Walpole] said it were a meritorious act to stab or kill the
Earl of Essex, ' but this against the Queen is all in all, for there
shall need but little else than to do that well, which I charge
you to perform before all things.' ... At my next Confession, he
charged me that I meant not to perform my promise ; I protested
to him that I verily meant to do it. Then he laid before me the
danger I was in if I did not endeavour to the utmost to perform
it, and that I must not now fear death, though it might seem
very imminent, for what availeth it a man to win the whole
world and lose his own soul? and if I did but once doubt of the
lawfulness or the merit, it was sufficient to cast me down head
long to hell; and then, taking me by the arm, he lifted me up,
and took me about the neck with his left arm, and made a cross upon
my head, saying, 'God bless thee, and give thee strength, my son,
and be of good courage; I will pawn my soul for thine, and thou
shalt ever have my prayers, both dead and alive, and full pardon
of all thy sins.' He also used a speech over my head, which I
could not understand, save the first word, Dominus." '
William Monday also testified, and said: — "Between last
Whitsuntide and Midsummer, as I was in the hall of Thomas
Fitzherbert at Madrid, he came in from Father Cresswell
[a Jesuit] in a great rage, and said Rolls and Squire were
viUainous rascals to deceive the Catholic King, and undo us
all, as they had betrayed a number of godly priests in
England, and exposed aU their secrets; and that Squire
undertook to poison the Queen's saddle and Rolls to kiU the
Queen." ' Richard Rolls, mentioned by Monday, was also
examined. He said : " I and Squire came from Seville towards
England last June twelvemonth, and the April or May before,
we received the Sacrament at Walpole's hands at SeriUe.
After I was out of prison, Walpole persuaded me to serve
the King, but I refused." '
Thomas Fitzherbert, tbe Jesuit, wrote a defence of his own
conduct in the case of Squire, on lines which, if accepted,
would have upset every verdict in similar cases at that
period. The witness Monday, as we have just seen, testified
that while he was at Madrid, Fitzherbert came into the hall,
and said that Rolls and Squire were "villainous rascals,"
because they had not assassinated the Queen, as they had
1 Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1598— ICOl, pp. 108, 109.
' Ibid., p. 115. ' Ibid., p. 116.

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 179
promised. In dealing with this statement Fitzherbert attri
butes it to Stanley, and then adds : — " I answer that I protest
before God, and upon my salvation, that I never said any
such thing to Stanley in my life." * A very convenient
way of getting out of a difficulty. Fitzherbert further asserted
that there was no evidence against Squire but his own con
fessions and the testimony of Stanley, the fact being that
two other witnesses gave evidence — viz., Monday and Rolls.
The Jesuit admits that at his trial Squire acknowledged the
truth of the statements which he had made, and which were
read in open Court, but that on the scaifold he denied them.
He quotes, however, a pamphlet issued directly after the
execution by Christopher Barker, the Queen's printer, in
which it was asserted that Squire in no point retracted or
disavowed his confession, either at his trial or at his death.
Fitzherbert denies this, and declares that on the scafiold
Squire vrithdrew his confession, and declared that it was
false. As man against man I may be pardoned for believing
the Protestant before the Jesuit. Camden says: — "At the
bar, and at the gallows he [Squire] protested, that though
he were put on by Walpole and others to commit the fact,
yet he could never be persuaded in his heart to do it." '
In commenting on the case of Squire, Mr. Martin Hume
suggests that Father Richard Walpole's action was moved by
a revengeful desire to get a secular Roman Catholic priest,
named Dr. Bagshaw, into trouble with the Government, on
the ground that he [Bagshaw] was in favour of the attempt
to poison the Queen. This Bagshaw was a stern enemy of
the Jesuits, as may be seen by a perusal of his True Relation
of the Faction Begun at Wisbich. Mr. Hume suggests that
" while Squire appears to have been sent on a fool's errand
by Walpole so far as tbe actual commission of the crime
was concerned, the reference and letter to Dr. Bagshaw,
which would hardly have been invented by Squire on the
' An Apology of T. F. in Defence of Himself and Other Catholyks, Ch. li.
» Camden's Elizabeth. Fourth Edition, p. 562.

180 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
rack, point to a desire on the part of the Jesuits to strike
a fatal blow at the leader of their opponents. Dr. Bagshaw,
as we have seen, was then, and for years afterwards, the
champion of the ' loyal ' clergy, and was precisely the least
likely man to connive at the murder of the Queen by a
Spanish agent." '
Mr. Hume's theory is strengthened by a letter written
from Rome on February 20, 1599, by a priest named
Array, a friend to the Jesuits. He writes: — "At this very
instant, I have seen a letter of the Srd of January, from
Doway, of the principal there, who do say that three days
before there passed one Browne that way, and was newly
come out of England and had a messenger [? message]
from the said Dr. [Bagshaw] to his friend at Lille, wiUing
him to write a letter of defiance to Father Parsons, and
charge him with having suborned Father Walpole to send
in one Squire to draw the said Dr. and his friends into
suspicion of killing the Queen, and this he will prove to
the whole world." "
It is only fair to add that Father Richard Walpole
denied in the strongest terms the truth of the charges
brought against him at the trial of Squire. "I call God
to witness upon my soul," he said, " as it is written in the
Book of Kings— jusjurandum concipio — may God be witness,
and may His Christ be witness, that the whole of this
accusation is false, and I protest before God, and the whole
Court of Heaven, and on the word of a priest, that nothing
of the kind objected against me, even entered my thoughts." "
If this solemn assertion were made by anybody but a Jesuit
it would be conclusive. But Father Garnett's justification
of equivocation, even at the hour of death, and by oath,
forbids that confidence in Walpole which otherwise would
be gladly extended to him.
' Hume's Treason and Plot, p. 324.
^ The Archpriest Controversy , vol. i., p. 122.
' Records of the English Province, S.J,, vol. ii., p. 238.

EVIDENCE AGAINST THE JESUITS 181
Eight years later. Sir Charles Cornwallis, English Ambas
sador to Spain, wrote, on March 28, 1606, to the Earl of
Salisbury, of this same priest: — "Walpole the Jesuit (the
intemperature of whose heart is not to be contained within
his lips) yesterday in a discourse with a man of mine (whom
sometimes I use to unlock him, and to draw some part of
his intelligence and intentions from him) said plainly unto
him, that 'if your Lordship [Salisbury] were taken out of
the way, the authority and guiding of the Estate should
with more equal distribution descend unto other Lords of
the Council, more temperate, and better disposed in religion.'
He proceeded with a great deprivation of your late answer
to the Admonitory Letter. Sa,id, ' if there were not means
found otherwise to shorten your course, you would perhaps
live to see the end of others, who (your Lordship being
taken away) might do some good to the Church.' " Corn-
waUis, after relating this interview with Walpole, show.s
how seriously he thought of it, by adding: — "My good
Lord, for the love of your Prince, country, and other friends
(whose fortunes and contentment depend upon your life and
well-being) give me leave to beseech you to be very careful
and wary of yourself. By many proofs it is known unto
your Lordship, what strange attempts malice, fortified with
a superstitious and blind conceit of pardon and merit, hath
in this depraved age brought forth ... I shaU have no
quiet with myself till your Lordship shall direct me con
cerning Walpole. If it please you to have his desperate
and unchristian speeches concerning your life called in
question, I assure myself, that so dear and much respected
you are now unto this State, as there will be done what
may be, for his chastisement and further examination." '
From the defeat of the Spanish Armada until the death
of Queen Elizabeth the Jesuits were incessantly at work
promoting sedition and treasonable practices. Of course
' Winwood's Memorials of Afjairs of State, vol. ii., pp. 202, 203.

182 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Spain longed to be revenged for her defeat, and to recover
her lost glories in the eyes of the world; but her boasted
Armada was destroyed, her exchequer nearly empty, and
Philip soon reahsed that he must patiently wait for a more
favourable opportunity. But, meanwhile, he was not idle.
It was true he could not attack England as he desired, but
he could at least encourage those Roman Catholics who
sought to injure her through Scotland, and strengthen the
hands of the Jesuits and their friends in their perpetual
intrigues in the Spanish interests.
On the first of January, 1593, the city of Edinburgh was
greatly excited by the news that a new Popish Plot had
been discovered of starthng importance, and that George
Kerr, a Roman Catholic and brother of Lord Newbottle,
had been taken to prison as, apparently, tbe chief conspi
rator. He had been arrested as he was about to set sail
for Spain, and on his person was discovered a number of
letters from Jesuits and others, with certain mysterious
Blank Papers, signed by the Roman Catholic Earls of Huntly,
Errol, and Angus, and Sir Patrick Gordon. From a docu
ment discovered by Mr. Martin Hume in the Spanish Archives,
we learn on undoubted authority, what was the object of
Kerr's mission, and the part tbe Jesuits took in it. It
states that : " God having by means of the priests, Jesuits,
Seminarists, and others, during the past years, brought a
great number of the nobles and people of Scotland into the
Cathohc Church, and as the King of Scotland was so un
certain in his faith, and the Queen of England in constant
opposition, some of the principal Catholic Lords decided to
send a man of their own to his Catholic Majesty to beg
for aid in their need, as they thought with some assistance
they could get the King into their hands; and then, in his
name and authority, convert the Kingdom, and perhaps
keep the Queen of England so busy that she could not
disturb Christendom, as is her wont. They therefore deter
mined to send a gentleman of rank named George Carre

THE SPANISH BLANKS

183

[i.e. George Kerr], and the three principal Earls, the Earls
of Huntly, Angus, and Errol, gave him letters of credence,
and other letters in blank, signed with their names and
sealed with their seals, with orders on his arrival in Spain
to write in the letters the message which they had given
him verbally; and many other Catholic gentlemen in tbe
country did the same." '
The letters discovered in the possession of Kerr are printed
in the fifth volume of Calderwood's History of the Kirk of
Scotland. One from the Jesuit James Gordon, writing over
the alias " J. Christesone ; " and another from Father Robert
Abercrombie, S.J., both addressed to Father Creighton, S.J.,
contain indirect allusions to help expected from Spain. The
real facts of the conspiracy came out during the examination
of George Kerr, and Graham of Fintry, who had been arrested
as an accomplice while in prison. They both agreed in testi
fying that:
" In March, 1591 (new style, 1692) Mr. William Creighton [Jesuit]
(who has remained these two years past in Spain) sent to Mr.
James Gordon, Jesuit Father, brother to George now Earl of Huntly,
a gentleman called Mr. William Gordon, son to the Laird of
Abergeldie, with letters to let the Catholics here [in Scotland]
understand what travail Mr. William Creighton had taken with
the King of Spain since his coming there; and that the said King
had opened to him that he had been deceived by Englishmen,
and would from that time forth embrace the advice and way
which the said Mr. William should shew him both for invading
of England, and alteration of religion within this realm. And for
that purpose the said Mr. William craved by this gentleman to
be sent to him so many blanks and procurations as could be had
of noblemen here [in Scotland], for the assurance of his traffic."
"Upon the sight and receipt of such Blanks, sent with some
other discreet gentleman, having the noblemen's commission, to
be filled up with such conditions as should be capitulated and
agreed upon between the King of Spain and Mr. William Creigh
ton, which should have served as pledges and sureties for the
subscribers' part, at the landing here [in Scotland] of the Spanish
army, it was concluded that there should have been sent out of
Spain about the latter end of the spring, in this present year, 1592
[1693], an army of 30,000 men, to have landed here at Kirkcud
bright, or at the mouth of the Clyde."
"And, first of all, money should have been sent to the Catho-
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 603.

184 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
lies here, for raising of forces to supply the said Army, whereof
four or five thousand should have remained within this country,
who, with the fortification and assistance of the noblemen, Catholics,
their friends, and such other forces as the Spanish money would
raise, should have, immediately after their lauding, begun to alter
the religion presently professed within the realm, or at least, pro
cured liberty of conscience, and Papistry to have been erected here;
and the rest of the Army should have passed toward England,
the nearest way from their landing to the border." '
Graham of Fintry specially testified that the first know
ledge he had of the conspiracy was from Father Abercrombie,
S.J., and that "the said Blanks and letters which were
procured for that errand were aU delivered by Mr. James
Gordon [Jesuit] and Mr. Robert Abercrombie [Jesuit] to Mr.
Robert Kerr, to be carried by him to Mr. William Creighton,
Jesuit, and to be filled up at the discretion and direction of
the said Mr. William, and of Mr. James Tyrie [Jesuit], who
were best acquainted with the affairs there." ^ It will thus
be seen that the Jesuits were at the bottom of the whole
of this conspiracy to suppress Protestantism in Scotland by
the force of Spanish arms. Robert Kerr escaped from prison,
"chiefly owing," says BeUesheim, "to the intervention of
the Queen of James VI.," who was secretly a Roman
Cathohc ; but Graham of Fintry was executed. On the dis
covery of the Spanish Blanks the Roman Catholic Earls fled
northwards from the Court for safety.
The next move of the conspirators was to send Father
John Cecil, a secular priest, on a mission to Spain seeking
for help. With the experience of the discovery of the
Spanish Blanks before their eyes, they thought it undesirable
to commit their wishes to paper. Cecil therefore simply
conveyed a verbal message. But as a document which I
have already cited states: — "As they dared not sei^d their
signatures so soon after the other afiair, they sent the priest
with a token to Father Robert Parsons of the Society of
' Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. v., pp. 224 — 26.
" Ibid., pp. 228, ¦Zi'i.

ANOTHER SCOTTISH PLOT 185
Jesus, to whom he was already well known." ' Parsons
was rejoiced to see Cecil at Valladolid, and on 31st of
August, 1593, he sent him on to tbe Spanish Secretary,
Juan de Idiaquez, with an introductory letter : — " He [Cecil]
is a good man," wrote Parsons, "who has suffered for the
cause, and full credit may be given to him." ^ As to the
Scottish Roman Catholic Lords who had sent Cecil, Parsons
wrote : — " In no place in the world can the Queen of England
be so much troubled as in Scotland, if these gentlemen can
raise the force they say. Nothing has grieved her as much
for years as these Scottish troubles. Thirdly, whenever
France has been at war with England the French have
always sent money and men to Scotland, which caused a
diversion. They used to say that every thousand Frenchmen
in Scotland were of more avail against England than 3000
in France. So if his Majesty sends the 4000 men they
ask, it will be better than 10,000 elsewhere against the
Queen."' It was decided by Philip to send back Cecil to
Scotland, together with a Spanish officer named Porres, tbe
business of the latter being to inspect tbe harbour accom
modation in Scotland, and to ascertain what were really
the mihtary resources of the Roman Cathohc nobles. Unfor
tunately for the rebels the vessel in which these two
gentlemen sailed was driven by tempests into Plymouth
Harbour. Cecil was reaUy in the pay of the English
Government as a spy, and was therefore, after, no doubt,
reveahng the whole conspiracy, allowed to proceed to
Scotland accompanied by Porres.
It is erident that James was secretly and treacherously
furthering the interests of the Roman Catholic Lords, while
pubhcly appearing as their enemy. Father Forbes Leith,
S.J., states that: — "With the advice of his councillors of
State, James sent Father Gordon and Father Creighton
secretly to Rome, for the purpose of laying the whole
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 603.
" Ibid., p. 606. ^ Ibid., p. 607.

186 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
matter before the Pope, and arranging with him the means
of restoring the Cathohc religion in Scotland. Gordon ac-
comphshed this according to his instructions, and returned
to Scotland in company of Father William Creighton and
the Pope's Legate, George Sampiretti. The last named
was the bearer of a large sum of money which he was to
give to tbe King of Scotland, promising him a monthly
allowance of 10,000 ducats, on condition of his protecting
the Catholics and allowing them to remain unmolested in
the exercise of their faith. On the 16th of July, 1594,
the party landed at Aberdeen." '
But at this time the Presbyterian party were strong and
not to be trifled with. James had consequently to bow to
the storm blowing from that quarter; and therefore he
gave a commission to the Earl of Argyll to pursue the
Popish Lords — who were up in arms — with fire and sword.
Two of them, the Earls of Huntly and Errol, says Father
Forbes Leith, "quickly collected fifteen hundred horsemen
from among their friends and retainers, with a few foot-
soldiers, and invoked the divine assistance by Confession
and Communion. Father Gordon, with two or three other
Jesuit Fathers, heard the Confessions of the whole army,
and gave them Communion. They asked to have their
weapons sprinkled with Holy Water, and marked a white
cross upon their arms and coats." On October 4, 1594,
the contending forces met at Glenlivet, the victory remain
ing with the Popish Lords. The victory, however, was
soon turned into a defeat, by the resolution of James him
self, who advanced against the Popish rebels, and Huntly
and Errol, as a result, found it wise to retire from Scot
land for a time. "With these exiled," writes Mr. Martin
Hume, "the Catholic revolt was at an end in Scotland, and
the King's position with the Protestant party firmer than
ever it had been." ^ And thus ended this essentially Jesuit Plot.
' Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 222.
' Hume's Treason and Plot, p. 75.

THE SECOND SPANISH ARMADA 187
In the year 1597 the King of Spain sent another Great
Armada to England, with orders to land at Falmouth. But
once more, as in 1588, the winds of heaven were against
the Armada, which was driven back to Spain by storms,
before even one blow had been struck, or one shot tired
from the Spanish ships. This Armada had been two years
in preparation, watched with eager anxiety by tbe English
Jesuits residing in Spain. That ringleader of traitors, Robert
Parsons, was very active, and wrote a special memorandum
for the King's guidance, headed : " Principal points to
facilitate the English enterprise." He suggested that "one
very good way" to assist the enterprise, "would be for a
little tract to be written by some reputable Englishman,
who might set forth that for tbe general welfare it would
be advantageous that all should agree to accept the Infanta
of Spain," as Queen of England. "It would be well,"
added Parsons, " to support tbe Cathohc nobles and gentlemen
of Scotland, for the Queen is more alarmed at 1000 men
in Scotland than 10,000 elsewhere. It will cost very little
to support those Scotsmen, and they will take islands and
forts, to tbe Queen's prejudice. The same thing may be
said of the Irish savages, who should be encouraged by
some trifling help, in the form of money and arms (as they
have plenty of men), and thus the Queen might be kept
uneasy . . What would disturb and trouble her most of all,
however, is that the English exiles in Flanders should make
constant raids, summer and winter, with thqse httle vessels
they have in England." "Another way of strengthening
our friends," Parsons added, "is that in any fleet his Majesty
sends to England, Ireland, and Scotland, there should go
some high English ecclesiastic (such as Dr. Stapleton, or
some other in Flanders) with authority, both from the Pope
and his Majesty, to settle matters." " The excommunication
of the Queen should be renewed by the Pope," and it is
important to note that Parsons expressed his belief that
Father Henry Garnett had helped and would help the King

188 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of Spain with valuable information. "Father Henry Gar
nett, Provincial of the Jesuits, writes that trustworthy men
may be obtained in London, who will get their information
at the fountain-head in the Council, and they [the Jesuits]
themselves wiU provide correspondents in the principal ports,
who will keep advising as to the warlike preparations." '
Father Joseph Creswell, another Jesuit, also wrote to the
King of Spain a letter of advice on the same subject. In
it he commenced by boasting of the services rendered to
the Spanish Armada of 1588, by his Jesuit Superior at
Rome and by himself personally: — "My Superiors," he
wrote, "baring sent me from Rome to Flanders at the
instance of Cardinal Allen and Count de Olivares, to serve
the Duke of Parma in the Enghsh undertaking in 1588,
his Highness ordered me to write out the Edict that was
then printed in English." He recommended the King to
use conciliation towards the English when this new Armada
reached their shores, but a conciliation of a thoroughly
Jesuitical character. His real sentiments come out in the
following startling statement : " I find myself," he declared,
" by His Divine grace, so free from personal or national
bias in the matter that, if I heard that the entire destruc
tion of England was for the greater glory of God and
the welfare of Christianity, I should be glad of it being
done."' Who can doubt that in this Jesuit's opinion "the
greater glory of God and the welfare of Christianity" were
identical with the glory of the Pope and the welfare of his
Church; and that he would rather see all England entirely
destroyed than that the new Spanish Armada should fail in
its objects?
Soon after these opinions of Parsons and CresweU had
been delivered, a wellinformed spy, residing in England,
reported to his Government on February 24, 1597, that:—
" Within these two days a priest has arrived [in England]
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., pp. 628—33.
5 Ibid., pp. 636, 636.

THE SECOND SPANISH AHMADA 189
from Father Parsons to Father Whalley [an alias of Father
Henry Garnett, S.J.], to report all his proceedings with the
King of Spain; that there are great preparations, and that
Parsons told all the scholars at Valladolid and Seville that
his Majesty was determined this spring to turn all his forces
for the recovery of England from heresy, and wished them
to assist him with their prayers, and to be ready to obey
as they would himself. Fathers Charles Tankerd, the Jesuit,
and Dr. StiUington. He also told them the King's pleasure
that after the conquest, the Spaniards should not be com
manders and rulers in England, as it was resolved that the
Cardinal Albert of Austria should marry the Infanta of Spain,
and with her enjoy the Throne of England, without altering
tbe ancient customs and prerogatives thereof; and that all
the priests in tbe three Colleges, of which there are almost
thirty, are stayed by commandment, so as to come with
the Armada." '
In the month of June, 1598, Charles Paget, a loyal Roman
Catholic wrote "A Brief Note of tbe Practices that divers
Jesuits have had for Killing Princes and Changing of States,"
in which he expressed an earnest hope that the Pope might
be induced to issue an order for the withdrawal of all
Jesuits from England, until at least the death of the Queen.
As this document is both an interesting and important
exposure of Jesuit tactics, from the pen of one who under
stood their ways as well as any body then living, I think
it well to quote here its opening paragraphs: —
"Father Parsons and the rest of the Jesuits first sent into Eng
land had orders not to deal in matters of State, but only to gain
souls; nevertheless Parsons so broiled in matters of State that some
Catholics, now dead, desired him to retire out of the country, or
they would discover him, whereupon he went to France without
the privity of his General.
'"There he did not cease to deal in State matters, and wrote the
Earl of Leicester's Life, and sent it to England by a Lay Brother;
and was one of those that advanced Parry's and Savage's practices to
kill the Queen.
' Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1595 — 97, p. 364.

190 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
"He and Father Claude Matheus, a Jesuit, were the chief dealers
with the Duke of Guise, to his ruin, to enter with 5000 men into
England, where Father Parsons promised he should have been
seconded with some English, for the sudden surprising of the
Queen's person, and of London. An Italian Jesuit in Paris gave
Parry his absolution for killing the Queen, and another in England
animated Savage, who had some scruples about it.
" Father Parsons assisted Cardinal Allen to make the book that
><hould have been divulged against the Queen, at such time as the
Spanish Army was to invade England, aud has ever since, until
lately, remained in Spain, to advise practices for the ruin of Her
Majesty and her estate. He made the book of the pretenders to
the Crown of England, caused it to be printed, and by Father
Holt's and Owen's means, sent into England ... He has made another
book, not yet printed, for the Reformation of England, to the
prejudice of the nobility, ancient customs, and laws of England.
Fathers Holt and Archer were privy to and practised with Daniell for
killing the Queen, and Owen and Archer were privy to Polwhele' s
practices. "A Jesuit persuaded the youth that was executed in France, to
kill the King of France, who expelled all the Jesuits out of France;
since which Boetius, a French Doctor of the Sorbonne, has written
a most bitter book against the French King, printed by two English
men called Thwing and Tipping, and the licence of printing was
procured by Father Holt, who lent money for it.
"The Jesuits of England, under colour of godly uses, collect
money of Catholics, and bestow it not on the English poor, accord
ing to the intention of the givers, but keep it for their private
uses, for the printing of seditious books, and aiding of such aa
will second them in bringing the State of England to be only
governed by them, as well for spiritual as temporal affairs. The
General of the Jesuits has given absolute authority to Father Par
sons, to send into England and to revoke such of his Society as
he thinks good, and it is therefore likely that he will maintain
them in such practices as he has set on foot, for making Kings
and changing the State of England, according to his fancy." '
The next murder plot vrith which the Jesuits were, in
popular opinion, associated, was that of the Gunpowder
Treason of 1605. It is unnecessary for me to write here
the full story of that attempt at wholesale murder. It has
already been written by the late Mr. David Jardine, first
of aU in one of the volumes of " Criminal Trials," issued
by the Library of Entertaining Knowledge, in 1835; and,
subsequently, in his invaluable Narrative of the Gunpowder
Plot, published in 1857. It seems a great pity that both
» Calendar of Domestic State Papers, 1598—1601, pp. 68, 69.

THE JESUITS AND THE GUNPOWDER PLOT 191
of these volumes have been out of print for many years.
A modern Jesuit, tbe Rev. John Gerard, in 1897 attacked
the Protestant versions of tbe Gunpowder Treason, in a
volume entitled: What Was the Gunpowder Plot? His
attack was ably refuted by that learned historian, the late
Mr. Samuel Rawson Gardiner, in a volume bearing the title
of What Gunpowder Plot Was. It is therefore unnecessary
for me to enter into tbe general controversy raised by
Father Gerard, S.J. I will simply confine myself to the
part which the Jesuits are said to have had in the Plot.
Every one of the Gunpowder Plotters was entitled to be
ranked as a gentleman, with the exception of Bates. They
appear to have all been the spiritual children of the Jesuits.
One of the Jesuit priests implicated in the Plot was Father
John Gerard, who by a singular coincidence bore the same
name as the author whose book I have just referred to. He
escaped to the Continent, and subsequently wrote a history
of the Plot, from tbe Jesuit point of view, which was first
published in full by the English Jesuits, in 1871, in The
Condition of Catholics Under James I., edited by John Morris,
S.J. A portion of the narrative of Gerard, relating to events
previous to the discovery of the Plot, has also appeared in
the " Quarterly Series " of books issued by the English Jesuits,
entitled During the Persecution. Autobiography of Father
John Gerard of the Society of Jesus, edited by G. R. King-
don, S.J.
This Gerard gives a very flattering account of the religious
condition of most of the Conspirators. Robert Catesby was
the first to plan the Gunpowder Plot, and if ever viUain
deserved to die, he was the man. Yet Gerard, who knew
him well, tells us that " he was a continual means of helping
others to often frequentation of the Sacraments, to which
end he kept and maintained priests in several places. And
for himself he duly received the Blessed Sacrament every
Sunday and Festival Day ... so that it might plainly appear
he had the fear of God joined with an earnest desire to

192 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
serve Him."' Catesby was a penitent of Father "Green-
way," a Jesuit, whose real name was Tesimond. "
What was the religious character of tbe notorious Guy
Fawkes himself? This same Father Tesimond, alias Green-
way, who knew him personally, testifies that " he was a man
of great piety, of exemplary temperance, of mild and cheerful
demeanour, an enemy of broils and disputes, a faithful friend,
and remarkable for his punctual attendance upon religious
observances." ' Father Gerard tells of Guy Fawkes that " at his
apprehension, he bad a shirt of hair found upon his back." *
Thomas Percy, another plotter, whose guilt is not denied
by any Roman Catholic, was, says Father Gerard, one who
by "often frequentation of the Sacraments" came "to live
a very staid and sober life, and for a year or two before
his death kept a priest continually in the country to do
good unto his family and neighbours." "
Thomas Winter, says the same Father Gerard, "was
very devout and zealous in his faith, and careful to come
often to the Sacraments." "
John Wright, the same Jesuit authority declares, "grew
to be staid and of good sober carriage after he was a
Catholic, and kept house in Lincolnshire, where he had
priests come often, both for his spiritual comfort and their
own in corporal helps." ^
Christopher Wright another Conspirator was, says Father
Gerard, "a zealous Catholic, and trusty and secret in any
business as could be wished, in respect whereof they [the
other Conspirators] esteemed him very fit to be of their
company and so caused him to take the oaths of secrecy
and he received the Blessed Sacrament thereupon (as they
had also done) and so admitted him." °
' The Condition of Catholics, pp. 56, 57.
2 The Life of a Conspirator. By One of His Descendants. London, 1895, p. 203.
' Jardine's Narratives of the Gunpowder Plot, p. 38.
* The Condition of Catholics, p. 117.
6 Ibid., p. 58. « Ibid., p. 59. 1 Ibid., p. 59. » Ibid,, p. 70.

RELIGIOUS GUNPOWDER PLOTTERS 193
Robert Winter " was also an earnest Cathohc." '
Of other Conspirators, we are informed by Father Gerard
that Mr. Ambrose Rookewood " was brought up in Cathohc
rehgion from his infancy and was ever very devout" and
that "he was known to be of great virtue."'
John Grant must have been a very pious Roman Cathohc
for he kept " a priest in his house, which he did with great
fruit unto his neighbours and comfort to himself." ^
Of Robert Keys it is recorded, by the same Jesuit priest,
that "he had great measure" of "virtue."''
Sir Everard Digby was also put to death as one of the
Conspirators, and no modern Jesuit attempts to deny that
he was guilty. Of Digby and his wife. Father Gerard writes :
"Certainly they were a favoured pair. Both gave themselves
wholly to God's service, and the husband afterwards sacrificed
all his projierty, his liberty — nay, even his life, for God's
Church." "
I should think it would have been more accurate to have
said, not that Digby " sacrificed" his " life for God's Church,"
but that he sacrificed it in a wicked attempt to commit
wholesale murder. This Jesuit further relates that Digby
"used his prayers daily, both mental and vocal, and daily
and dihgent examination of his conscience: the Sacraments
he frequented devoutly every week." ^ And, further, Gerard
declares of Digby: — "He was a most devoted friend to me,
just as if he had been my twin-brother." '
Now here we have the reUgious character of eleven out
thirteen Gunpowder Plot Conspirators executed for their
crimes, and of whose gmlt there is no question. The Jesuit
priests and Jesuit Lay Brothers implicated in the plot are
not included amongst the thirteen. All of these eleven were,
' Condition of Catholics, p. 71. - Ibid., pp. 85, 86.
3 Ibid., p. 87. " Ibid., p. 87.
* During the Persecution, p. 212.
' Condition of Catholics, p. 89.
' During the Persecution, p. 214. 13

194

THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN

then, as we learn solely on Jesuit authority, what is now
termed "good Cathohcs" who attended regularly to their
religious duties. AU we can say now about the quahty of
their rehgion is that, if they were "good Catholics," we
may be quite certain that they were very bad Christians.
It so happens that we have, recorded by the Jesuits
themselves, the opinion of a Jesuit, residing in England at
this period, on King Killing, when ordered by superior
authority. It was printed by Henry Foley, S.J., in 1878,
from a MS. narrative of the period, preserved in the Jesuits'
CoUege at Stonyhurst. The Jesuit priest to whom it refers
was Father Thomas Strange, who was in prison in London
in 1606, soon after the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot.
The writer states that:
"^To excite the King against the Father [Thomas Strange], he
[Cecil] wished to know his mind upon the authority of the rope
to depose his Majesty, and if it was lawful to kill a deposed King.
The Father replied that he had been brought to the examination
to give account of his deeds, and he desired before going to another
point to be declared innocent of the charges laid against him.
But Cecil wished above all things to know his opinion ; and so the
Father replied that the subjects of a deposed King were no longer
subjects, and that when a deposed King came to do violence, the
subject in self-defence might kill the King. Cecil was not satisfied
with this, but wished him to answer straightforwardly if in such
a case of deposition it was lawful for the subject to kill his King?
But the Father would give no other reply, but that it was lawful
to do what the Church had defined. ' Then,' says Cecil, ' if it is
defined in such a case by the Church that the subject can kill
his King, you also hold it lawful?' ' Yes,' says the Father."^
Men who held views like those of this Jesuit Father
Strange, were, it wiU be admitted, a dangerous class
for the Government to have to deal with in those most
dangerous times. They needed to be carefuUy watched. It
is worthy of note, as showing the state of things at tbe
present time amongst the Enghsh Jesuits, that in printing
this narrative, Brother Henry Foley, S.J., has not one word
of censure for the King Kilhng and murderous doctrine of
Father Thomas Strange, S.J.
' Records of the English Province, S.J., vol. iv., p. 6.

THE JESUIT TESIMOND AND THE PLOT 195
As to the connection of Father Tesimond, alias Greenway,
with the Gunpowder Plot, we have the evidence of Thomas
Bates, Catesby's servant. He stated, while under examination :
"Then they [the Conspirators Catesby and Thomas Winter],
told him [Bates] that he was to receive the Sacrament for the more
assurance, and be thereupon went to Confession to a priest named
Greenway ; and in Confession told Greenway that he was to conceal
a very dangerous piece of work that his master Catesby and
Thomas Winter had imparted unto him ; and that he, being fearful
of it, asked the counsel of Greenway, telling the said Greenway
(which he was not desirous to hear) their particular intent and
purpose of blowing up the Parliament House; and Greenway the
priest thereto said that he would take no notice thereof, but that he,
the said examinate, should be secret in that which his master had
imparted unto him, because it was for a good cause, and that he
willed this examinate to tell no other priest of it. And thereupon
the said priest Greenway game this examinate Absolution; and he
received the Sacrament in fee company of his master Bobert Catesby
and Thomas Winter." '
This was Bates' Confession, and very damaging it was to
the character of the Jesuit Greenway, who had thus, in the
Confessional, declared that the Conspirators were engaged in
"a good cause." But how does the modern Father Gerard
deal with the difficulty? In a thoroughly Jesuitical manner!
He declares of Bates' Confession that " he afterwards retracted
it."' This assertion is simply an untruth. Bates never
retracted his very damaging Confession. In proof of his
assertion Father Gerard quotes a letter written by Bates
when in prison to his Father Confessor; and he quotes it
in this unfair manner : " At my last," wrote Bates, " being
before them, I told them I thought Mr. Greenway knew of
this business. . . . This I told them and no more. For
which I am heartily sorry for, and I trust God will forgive
me, for I did it not out of malice, but in hope to gain my
hfe by it, which I now think did me no good. Thus
desiring your daily prayers, I commit you to God." Father
Gerard gives as his reference for Bates' letter his name-
' Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. ii., p. 164.
¦ The Month, January, 1895, p. 10.

196 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
sake's "History of the Gunpowder Plot," page 210. On
turning to this history, I find that the modern Father Gerard
has left out an important passage in the middle of his
quotation (though with the usual marks of omission)
which entirely overthrows his contention that Bates in it
"retracted" his Confession. What Bates wrote was this:
"At my last being before them I told them I thought Mr.
Greenway knew of this business, but I did not charge the others
with it, but that I saw them all together with my niaster at my
Lord Vaux's, and that after I saw Mr. Walley and Mr. Greenway
at Coughton, and it is true. For I was sent thither with a
letter, and Mr. Greenway rode with me to Mr. Winter's to my
master, and from thence he rode to Mr. Abington's. This I told
them and no more. For which I am heartily sorry'' etc.
We thus see, by reading the passage of Bates' letter
omitted by Father Gerard, that in it Bates, instead of
"retracting" what he had said about Father Greenway,
declares, on the contrary, that "it is true." He was "heartily
sorry," and trusted God would forgive him, not because he
had told an untruth, but because it had brought trouble on
his master, and eternal and richly merited disgrace upon
the Jesuit Order.
Father Gerard further informs us that " Greenway himself,
when he was afterwards beyond reach of danger, declared on his
salvation, that Bates never spoke one word to him of the Plot
either in or out of Confession." ' This, at first sight, seems
almost conclusive. We would, as I have already said, natur-
aUy think that even a Jesuit priest who has "declared on
his salvation " that a certain statement is false, ought to be
believed. But Father Gerard, soon after tbe Plot, made a
precisely similar false statement to that of Father Tesimond,
alias Greenway, and in even stronger terms. He protested
"upon his soul and salvation" that he did not know who
the priest was that gave the Sacrament to the Gunpowder
Conspirators in a house off the Strand. ^ And yet it is
> TAe Month, January, 1895, p. 11.
' Condition of Catholics, p. 201.

THE JESUIT OLDCOENE AND THE PLOT 197
beyond possibUity of refutation that Gerard in that protest
made what amounted to an oath in favour of a deliberate
and wicked lie ! The Sacrament was given to the Conspira
tors by Gerard himself! No wonder that the historian. Father
Tierney, with reference to this very circumstance, declared
that "very little reliance can be placed on the asservations
of Gerard, when employed in his own vindication." ' It is
the modern Father Gerard who assures us that equivocation,
as used at this period by Garnett and his brethren, was
"not a play upon words, which the term is usually taken
to mean, but a downright denial " of the plain truth. ° Bear
ing these facts in mind, the question naturally arises, how
far can we trust the words, or even the oaths, of men hke
Greenway and Garnett ? Greenway 's denial of the Confession
of Bates is therefore clearly not worth anything as evidence.
He manifestly expressed approval of the Gunpowder Plot to
Bates, after hearing from him full particulars of the pro
posed crime. I am quite certain that had this Jesuit Green
way been caught by the Government he would have deserved
to die, as an accomphce in that foul crime, just as much
as Catesby or Guy Fawkes. But, fortunately for himself,
he escaped to the Contiirent.
Now let us look, for a moment, at the case of another
Jesuit priest, who was executed at Worcester for his part
in the Gunpowder Plot. The priest was Father Oldcorne,
alias Hall, who was Father Confessor to Catesby ^ and
Robert Winter. Humphrey Littleton, who was one of those
who gave assistance to tbe Conspirators after the discovery of
the Plot, and was executed for his crime, wrote a confession
before his death, in which he affirmed that he had consulted
Father Oldcorne, alias HaU, about the Gunpowder Plot,
and that that Jesuit had instructed him that "the action
' TiSrney's Dodd's Church History, vol. iv., p. 44, note.
¦ The Month, March, 1895, p. 358.
' Catesby seems to have had two Jesuit Father Confessors, Greenway and
Oldcorne.

198 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
was good; " and he added that, in his [Oldcorne's] opinion, " al
though the said action had not good success, yet was it com
mendable and good, and not to be measured by the event, but
by the goodness of the cause whrai it was first undertaken." '
Later on, Littleton expressed his regret for having betrayed
the Jesuits, but I cannot find that he ever charged himself
with telling falsehoods about them. Father Oldcorne him
self acknowledged that he had been consulted by Littleton
about the Plot, and that he told him that the Powder action
" is not to be approved or condemned by the event, but by
the proper object or end, and means which were to be used
in it; and because I knew nothing of these, I wiU neither
approve it nor condemn it, but leave it to God and their
own consciences." " So that here we have Oldcorne's own
acknowledgment that he did not " condemn " the Gunpowder
Plot, when consulted about it. I beheve Humphrey Littleton
when he declares that Oldcorne told him that the Plot was
"commendable and good."
And here it may be weU to mention that a secular Roman
Catholic priest named Clark, writing to a friend about five
years before the Gunpowder Treason, remarks of this same
Oldcorne :
" It is true that Mr. Oldcorne dealt with a gentleman, and my
friend, to have been of a certain small number as I take it 25 or
13, all which as he said should be gentlemen or gentlemen's
fellows, who should upon a sudden surprise the Tower of London.
The manner should have been (as Mr. Oldcorne said) that the
said parties should so dispose of themselves, as that some of them
being entered under some pretence or other, the rest should sud
denly set upon the warders, krwck them down and slay th&m, and
then taking away the keys, possess the rest of the wards, and so
maintain the said Tower for some month or six weeks, until aid
should come from the Spaniard. This attempt was to have been
practised, if their designs had taken place, much about the time
of the investing of our new Archpriest. But when the good Jesuit
perceived that this gentleman, in whom, as I dare boldly affirm,
never scintil of disloyalty towards his Prince and country did once
lurke, altogether misliked such courses, as disloyal and treacher-
' Records of the English Province, S.J., vol. iv., p. 219.
2 Ibid., p. 227.

FATHER garnett's CONFESSION OF GUILT 199
ous in themselves, and foul and tainty to the actors, he gladly would
have intreated secrecy therein ; which assuredly had not fallen out
if this plot had not been let fall, by reason of contrary success,
as I suppose, to their expectations in their Spanish attempts." '
It will probably surprise some of my readers to learn
that the present Pope, Leo XHI, has raised this self-same
Jesuit, Father Oldcorne, to the ranks of the "Venerable,"
as a preliminary to his expected Beatification, and eventual
Canonization. With Oldcorne two other Gunpowder Plot men, lay
Brothers of the Jesuit Order, have also been raised to the
rank of "Venerable" by the present Pope, with a view to
their ultimate Canonization — namely, Nicholas Owen and
Ralph Ashley. And even the notorious Father Henry Garnett
himself is down on the hst for consideration of his claims
to be ultimately declared a Canonized Saint in Heaven! '
None of these Jesuits died for their religion, but for an
alleged participation in an attempt to commit wholesale
murder. If a Protestant were at the present time put to
death in Spain for an attempt to commit wholesale murder
by dynamite, no one in England would think of saying,
even if the man were innocent, that he died for the Pro
testant religion. This action of Pope Leo XIII. has a very
unpleasant look about it.
We have now to consider the alleged guilt of Father
Henry Garnett. My case against him rests mainly upon his
own acknowledgments of guUt. The first of these is his Con
fession written with his own hand, and stUl in existence at
the State Paper Office. The modern Father Gerard admits
that it is a genuine document. ' It is as follows :
" I, Henry Garnett, of the Society of Jesus, Priest, do here freely
protest before God, that I hold the late intention of the Powder
' The Archpriest Controversy, vol. i., pp. 157, 158.
2 Stanton's Menology of England and Wales, p. 663, where we are told that
Garnett's "canse is deferred for farther investigation."
» The Month, March. 1895, p. 349.

200 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
action to have been altogether unlawful and most horrible, as well
in respect of the injury and treason to hia Majesty, the Prince,
and others that should have been sinfully murdered at that time,
as also in respect of infinite other innocents, who should have
been present. I also protest that I was ever of opinion that it
was unlawful to attempt any riolence against the Bang's Majesty
and tbe estate after he was once received by the realm. Also I
acknowledge that I was bound to reveal all knowledge that I had
of this or any other treason out of the Saora/ment of Confession.
And whereas, partly upon hope of prevention, partly for that I
would not betray my friend, I did not reveal the general knowledge
of Mr. Catesby's intention which I had by him, 1 do acknowledge
myself highly gmliy, to have offended Ood, the King's Majesty and
estate; <md humbly ask of all forgiveness; exhorting all Catholics
whatsoever, that they no way build upon my example, but by
prayer and otherwise seek the peace of the realm, hoping in his
Majesty's merciful disposition, that they shall enjoy their wonted
quietness, and not bear the burden of mine or others' defaults or
CHIMES. In testimony whereof I have written this with my own
hand. "Henry Garnett." '
I gave a brief quotation from this Confession of guilt in
a paper which I wrote, and which was read at the National
Protestant Congress at Preston, in October, 1895. Immediately
after the word "intention" in the sentence, " I did not reveal
the general knowledge of Mr. Catesby's intention which I had
by him," I inserted in my paper, within square brackets, as an
explanation of the word " intention," the foUowing sentence—
" to blow up the Houses of Parliament." The modem Father
Gerard, when he read these words, was very angry with me,
and wrote a letter to the Rock, which he subsequently had
inserted in the Tablet, in which he declared that the " general
knowledge of Mr. Catesby's intention" which Garnett admitted
to have received outside of the Confessional, " did not include
the particular scheme on which Catesby was engaged. He
knew that this man and others were talking of the resistance
to the persecution directed against them, but he never hesard
from tl;iem of the Powder Plot, which, according to their
own declarations, he carefully concealed from him." ''
Now to all this I rephed that Father Garnett knew what
1 Jardine's Narrative of the Gunpomier Plot, p. 242.
« Tablet, November 23, 1895, p. 834.

THE CONFESSIONAL AND THE PLOT 201
Catesby told him, far better than my critic or myself. At
his trial Garnett said : — I am weU assured that Catholics in
general did never hke of this action of Powder, for it was
prejudicial to them all; and it was a particular crime of
mine, that when I knew of the action I did not disclose it." '
This is, surely, as plain and distinct as words can make it.
Garnett admits that he "knew of the action" and that it
was a "crime" on his part that he "did not disclose it."
This is an opinion which he would not avow of knowledge
received in the Confessional. He would never consider it a
" crime " to conceal what he heard in the Confessional ; on
the contrary he would think it a virtue to keep the "seal
of Confession." It is therefore plain that I was fully justified
in asserting that " Catesby's intention " which was revealed
to Garnett generally, related to his design to blow up the
Houses of Parhament by Gunpowder. If that was not
Catesby's "intention" which he revealed to Garnett, I chal
lenge any one to name any other "intention," or plot, which
Catesby had in hand at that time. Mr. Jardine was ap
pealed to by Father Gerard, as though he were on his side.
But this is not so. Mr. Jardine is on my side on this
question, for he writes: "In the first place, that Garnett
had some general knowledge of the Plat from Catesby . . . is
quite evident." " On the day after he made the confession
of guilt cited above, Garnett wrote to Greenway;— "I wrote
yesterday a letter to the King, in which I avowed, as I do
now, that I always condemned that intention of the Powder
Plot; and I admitted that I might have revealed the general
knowledge I had of it from Catesby out of Confession, and should
have done so if I had not rehed upon the Pope's interference
to prevent their design, and had not been unwiUing to betray
my friend; and in this I confessed that I had sinned both
against God and the King, and prayed for pardon from both."'
' Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. ii., p. 289.
* Jardine's Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot, p. 288.
^ Taunton's Eistory of the Jesuits in England, p. 318.

202 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Garnett's strong language of self-reproach shows that he
had done something which he thought was very wicked, and
a crime against God and man. Father Gerard now tells us
that two years before the Gunpowder Plot, Father Garnett
discovered that a political plot against the Government of
King James was being hatched by two Secular Roman
Cathohc priests, and that he and another Jesuit "actually
conveyed information of the scheme to the Government." '
We may well ask, why did he not do the same thing, when
he heard from Catesby of his disloyal " intention " ? I fear
that the only reasonable answer to this question must be
that, in the one case, those disloyal secular priests were bitter
enemies of the Jesuits, who were therefore anxious to get rid
of them altogether; while, in tbe other case, the Jesuits
approved of tbe Gunpowder Plot, and therefore would not
reveal their knowledge of it. It is said that Garnett wrote
to the Pope, asking him to put down commotions amongst
the English Romanists. But why did he not write to the
English Government, to whom the information would have
been of real value? Some months before the Plot was
discovered Father Greenway revealed the full particulars of
the Plot to Garnett, it is said in Confession. But even in
this instance the information was given to him in such a
way as to leave him free to reveal it to the Government if
he should "be brought in question for it." Writing to Mrs.
Vaux, Garnett said: — "I acknowledged that Mr. Greenwell
[one of Greenway's aliases^ only told me in Confession, yet
so that I might reveal it if after I should be brought into
question for it." " He was called in question for it, but
waited a long time, until it was too late to be of any use,
before he revealed the knowledge he possessed. Why
this concealment? Mr. Gardiner, the Historian, was quoted
against me by Father Gerard ; but here also I claimed that

1 The Month, March, 1895, p. 353.
" Records of the English Province, S.J., vol. iv., p. 104.

WAS GARNETT A MARTYR? 20B
Mr. Gardiner is on my side, and not on that of my oppo
nent. Mr. Gardiner writes thus:
"On the scaffold he [Garnett] persisted in his denial that he
hswi any positive information of tlie Plot except in Confession,
though he allowed, as he acknowledged before, that he had a
general and confused knowledge from Catesby. In all probability
this is the truth." '
It is evident to anyone who carefuUy studies the quotation
I have just given from Gardiner, that that historian con
nects the "general and confused knowledge from Catesby"
with "the plot" which he had just mentioned before — that
is, the Gunpowder Plot.
If any further evidence be needed of Garnett's guilt it will
be found in his speech to the Deans of Westminster, St. Paul's,
and the Chapel Royal, shortly before his death. They visited
him together in prison, and one of these gentlemen asked him :
"'Whether he conceived that the Church of Rome, after his
death, would declare him a ma,rtyr; and whether, as a matter of
opinion and doctrine, he thought the Church would be right in
doing so, and that he should in that case really become a martyr ? '
Upon this Garnett exclaimed, with a deep sigh, 'I a martyr? Oh
what a martyr I should be! God forbid! If, indeed, I were really
about to suffer death for the sake of the Catholic religion, and if
I had never known of this project except by the means of Sacra
mental Confession, I might perhaps be accounted worthy of the
honour of martyrdom, and might deservedly be glorified in the
opinion of the Church ; as it is, I acknowledge myself to have sinned
in this respect, and deny not the Justice of the sentence passed upon
me.' ' Would to God,' he added, ' that I could recall that which
has been done I Would to God that anything had happened rather
than this stain of treason should attach to my name! I know that
my offence is most grievous, though I have confidence in Christ to
pardon me on my hearty penitence; but I would give the whole
world, if I possessed it, to be able to die without the weight of
this sin upon my soul.'" ^
Who can doubt Father Garnett's guilt, after reading this
confession of his misdeeds?
' Gardiner's Eistory of England, vol. i , p. 282. Edition 1887.
* Jardine's Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot, pp. 250, 251.

CHAPTER VII
A QUEEN AS A DISGUISED ROMANIST
The fact that the wife of a King of England was secretly
a Roman Catholic, while openly attending the serrices of the
Church of England, is certainly startling. Yet the fact cannot
be denied. The Jesuits themselves, who are primarily respons
ible for the secret reception of the Queen, are the first to
make known to the public fiiU particulars of the subtilty and
deception practised under the guidance of their predecessors.
The lady in question was Anne of Denmark, wife of James VI.
of Scotland, subsequentiy James I. of England. TTiis secret
reception of a Queen enabled the Jesuits to have a trust
worthy spy of their own, and a traitor to the religion she
openly professed, even in the bosom Of the King himself,
and that for upwards of twenty years! Anne of Denmark
had been educated in the Lutheran Churdi, and on her
marriage with James VI., November 23rd, 1589, it was
agreed that she should be permitted the free exercise of her
religion in Scotland, and accordingly she brought with her
a Lutheran chaplain to look after her spiritual interests.
There is some doubt as to the exact year in which the Queen
was received into the Church of Rome. Father Robert Aber
crombie, S.J., who claims to have received her, states that
"About the year 1600 dhe began to think about changing
her religion ; " ' but Father MacQuhirrie, S.J., also a Scotch
man, writing in 1601, affirms that the event had taken place
" three years ago," ° that is, in 1598. I am inchned to think
1 The Month, vol. xvi. (Jan. to April, 1879), p. 259.
- Narratives of Scottish Catholics, p. 272.

SECRET RECEPTION OF THE QUEEN 205
that it took place even before the latter date. A few refer
ences to the Queen in the Calendars of State Papers have
led me to adopt this opinion. Writing from Brussels on
May 17th, 1595, Dr. W. Gifford, a well-known Roman
Cathohc priest, announces: — "The King of Scots' wife is
reconciled ; this is a great secret, but Father Creighton told
Paget." ' Creighton, who gave this information, was a Scotch
Jesuit, who was sure to be accurately informed as to so
important an event. The next entry on the subject is nearly
two years later. John Petit, writing April 29th, 1597, from
Brussels to Phehppes remarks: — "The Queen of Scots is
converted, and wants but absolution." ^ If Anne seceded to
Rome in 1595 she would have been secretly a Roman Catholic
for twenty-four years at the time of her death, in 1619.
If we accept Father Abercrombie's date, she was a Romanist
nineteen years, during which her life may be truly said to
have been an acted lie. The story of her reception is graphic-
aUy related by Father Abercrombie himself, in a letter dated
September, 1608, addressed to a Scotchman named John
Stuart, Prior of the Monastery of Ratisbon. The italics in
the quotation from this letter are mine: —
"About the year 1600 [Queen Anne] began," wrote Abercrombie,
" to think about changing her religion from Lutheranism to Catho
licism. ... It recurred to her how, being in Germany while she
was very young, and resident for her education in the house of a
certain great Princess who was a Catholic, she had seen a priest
who daily celebrated Mass; the memory of whom, and the love
of the Princess (who, if I be not mistaken, was the granddaughter
of Charles the Fifth), suggested to her that she should embrace
that religion. She consulted some friends of hers, who were Catho
lics, about this matter, especially a Catholic Earl, as to what should
be done, and he assured her that the Catholic Religion was the
only true religion, and that all the rest were sects and heresies;
and he recommended me by name to her as her spiritual father.
After a considerable delay, I was summoned to wait upon the
Queen, where, having been introduced into the Palace, I remained
for three days in a certain secret chamber. Every morning for
one hour she came to me there for the purpose of being instructed,
her ladies remaining all that time in the outward chamber, while
• Calendar of Domestic State Papers. Elizabeth, vol. cclii, p. 36.
= Ibid., p. 391.

206 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
she herself went into it, as though she had some letters to write.
Whenever she came out she always carried some paper in her hand.
On the third day she heard Mass, and received from me the Most
Holy Sacrament, and then I took my departure from her. My stay
in Scotland did not exceed two years complete after this Com
munion, during which time, if my memory does not cheat me.
ghe nine times received the Most Holy Sacrament, and this so early
in the morning that all the rest of the household was asleep, with
the exception of a few women, who communicated along with her.
After Communion, she always gave herself up to holy conversa
tion ; sometimes she expressed her desire that her husband should
be a Catholic, at other times about the education of her son'
under the direction of the Sovereign Pontiff. She spoke also about
the happiness of the life of a Nun, among whom she said she was
sure she would end her days. She had a great scruple because a
part of her dower arose from a Monastery, and she promised that
whenever there should be a change of religion she would restore
that Monastery either to its lawful owners, or at least would change
it into a College of Jesuits. She would not set out for England '
until I had been summoned, and had provided her with the Most
Holy Viaticum, promising further that I would come to her in
England if she should summon me.
"As a consequence of this frequent use of the Sacraments, her
husband noticed a great improvement in her, and suspecting that
it arose from the influence of some Popish priest — noticing also
that she held her own Minister in contempt — one night when they
were in bed (she herself told me the story) he spoke to her in
some such terms as these : " I cannot but see a great change in
you; you are much more grave, collected and pious. I siu«pe(^,^
therefore, that you have some dealings with a Catholic priest."
She admitted that it was so, and she named me, an old cripple.
His only answer was this : ' Well, wife, if you cannot live without
this sort of thing, do your best to keep things as quiet as possible,
for if you don't our Crown is in danger.' After this conference
between them, the King always behaved to me with greater gentle
ness and kindness.
"The Queen, moreover, spoke with such of the leading courtiers
as had shewn themselves most hostile to the priests, advising them
to do me no harm, unless they wished to incur her anger, and
this they promised ....
" One of the leading ladies of the Court has written to me from
Greenwich about the Queen's state of mind at this present time
\i.e., in 1608]. As to her religion, she is just as she was when I
left her; there is this difference, however, that she can no longer
enjoy the free practice of her religion which she had while in

' Then the heir to the thrones of England and Scotland.
^ That is, in 1603, when her husband became King of England.
* It ia plain, therefore, that he was not sure. This story proves that the
Queen was slyly received by the Jesuits into the Church of Rome, without the
consent of her husband, and even without his knowledge.

"keeper of his majestt's hawks" 207
Scotland. I will here record two acts of hers, which show her
heroic courage.
"The first of the two occurred shortly after the arrival of the
King and Queen in England, at the time of their coronation.
When they reached the Church it had been decided that before
they could be crowned they m\»8t receive communion in the
heretical fashion. This the King did forthwith, but the Queen
refused, stating distinctly that she would not communicate, and
rather than receive their communion would go without the Coro
nation. The King and the councillors were urgent with her, but
all in vain.
"The next instance is the following: — Upon one occasion she
visited the Spanish Ambassador; apparently it was a mere matter
of compliment ; hut she heard Mass, and received the most Adorable
Sacrament. When the King heard it he scolded her bitterly, and
told her that she would lose the Crown and the Kingdom.
"What shall I say about their daughter f I knew her very in
timately when she was about eight or ten years old. She was
brought up in the house of a Catholic lady, who is a Countess, and
is a child of most excellent disposition.
"Braunsberg, in the month of September, 1608.
" Robert Abercrombie, Priest of the Society of Jesus.
"To the Very Reverend Father and Lord in Christ, John Stuart,
of the Order of St. Benedict, Prior of the Monastery of the Scots
at Ratisbon. his most honoured Father and friend." '
It will be observed from this letter that the Queen be
came a Roman Catholic without tbe consent, and even
without the knowledge of her Royal husband. The King,
however, does not appear to have made any effort to reclaim
his wife to Protestantism. On the contrary, he seems to
have taken pains to supply her vrith the religious consolation
she now coveted. He actually appointed Father Abercrombie
to the office of " the Keeper of his Majesty's hawks," ' and
in this disguised character he was able to obtain access to
the Queen's person, without exciting the suspicions of the
numerous Protestants around her. But though the King
was indifferent to his wife's spiritual state, she was not
indifferent to his. She held frequent conversations with him,
for the purpose of perverting him to Popery. Within a

1 The Month, vol. xvi., pp. 259—261.
=¦ Ibid., p. 261.

208 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
year after her reception the Queen opened negotiations with
the Pope, which are thus related by the Scottish Jesuit,
Father MacQuhirrie, in a Memorial of the State of Scothmd,
which he wro^e to the General of the Jesuits in 1601: —
"In the first year of her reconciliation she was very desirous
to render due Christian homage to his Holiness by lett^, and
accordingly enjoined her spiritual father to dictate a suitable letter
for her to write to his Holiness, informing him of her reconciliation
with the Catholic Church, and tendering her obedience and respect.
She also wrote a letter, addressed to your Paternity [the General
of the Jesuits], requesting him to act as her advocate with his
Holiness. Both these letters were written out, signed and sealed,
with the Queen's own hand. The person selected by h«r Majesty
to convey these letters, James Wood, of Boniton, took charge of
them ; but was shortly afterwards, as you have heard, taken prisoner
and beheaded. He lost his life, beyond all doubt, in behalf of
the Catholic religion, for, had he been a heretic, he would certainly
not have exposed himself to such a death. God, for his greater
glory, and the preservation of the innocent Queen, did not permit
the letters to be intercepted, and Boniton had them secretly con
veyed to me just before his trial. After his martyrdom, we asked
the Queen what she would wish to be done with them, and whether
they should be destroyed. She replied that they were not on any
account to be destroyed, that she did not abandon her pious pur
pose of sending them, but would add three others to explala the
cause of the long and unfortunate delay, and the accident which
had led to it. One of these was addressed to his Holiness, another
to the illustrious Cardinal Aldobrandini, and the third to your
Paternity ; and after they had been dictated to her she wrote them
out, signed them with her own hand, and sealed them, as she had
done the other two last. They were all to have been despatched
to your Paternity last summer, by a nobleman who was a member
of the Queen's household; but I am ashamed to own that this
was prevented through want of money. I should hardly venture
to write this down, only I know to whom I am writing, and in
whose presence ; and that your Paternity, in whom the poor Queen
reposes her greatest hopes, will regard her situation with compas
sion. The fact is, the letters are still in the hands of the honest
gentleman who keeps them quite safe. Her Majesty has promised
every day, for the last year, to send the money requisite for their
despatch, but has never been able to do so. I hope, however, they
will reach you early in the spring." *
Jesuit "martyrs" are not always remarkable for hohness.
This James Wood was really executed for breaking into his
father's house and stealing his property, and not for his
' Forbes Leith, Narratives of Scottish Catholics, pp. 273, 274.

THE QUEEN " WITHOUT DOUBT " A ROMANIST 209
rehgion at all. * His arrest took place at Edinburgh, after
he haid attended a Mass offered by Father MacQuhirrie.
Calderwood says that at his death Wood "pretended he
suffered for the Cathohc Roman religion, but it was no
point of his dittay [i.e., indictment]. Only the stealing of
his father's evidences and writs was laid to his charge." '
Although the fact that Anne of Denmark was a Roman
Catholic was generally unknown at the time, there were a select
few, members of the Church of Rome, who were made acquaint
ed with the secret. Long before she left Scotland she told
certain Roman Cathohc ladies, and particularly the mother
of Lord Seton, that she was "really a Catholic, and prays
by the Rosary." ' After her arrival in England, Beaumont,
the French Ambassador, had an interview with her, during
which she told him that "she wished to show the Catholics
some favour, since she was of their religion in her heart,
and that she had very frequently spoken to the King about
his conversion, but that she had always found him firm in
his opposition. Yet she should always persevere in such a
good work." * Bellesheim relates that on October 29, 1603,
Count Alfonso Monticuculi, the Tuscan Ambassador, had an
interview with Anne, when she " professed herself a Catholic,
and said that she desired nothing but the exaltation of Holy
Mother Church."'
Shortly before this. Baron de Tur, formerly French Am
bassador at Edinburgh, informed the Papal Nuncio at Paris
that "the Queen was, without doubt, a Catholic, but on
account of the heretical Ministers in Scotland, did not
venture openly to profess tbe faith." " The Protestant Duke
of Sully knew about her Popery when, a few years later,
' Calderwood, Eistory of the Kirk of Scotland, vol. vi., p. 1(J3.
¦ Ibid., p. 105.
' Calendar of Spanish State Papers, vol. iv., p. 604.
< The Month, vol. xvi., p. 265.
' Bellesheim's Eistory of the Catholic Church in Scotland, vol. iii., p. 349.
« Ibid., p. 850. 14

210 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
he wrote his celebrated Memoirs. "The character of this
Princess," he wrote, "was quite the reverse of her husband's;
she was naturaUy bold and enterprising; she loved pomp
and grandeur, tumult and intrigue. She was deeply engaged
in all the civil factions, not only in Scotland, in relation
to the Catholics, whom she supported, and had even first
encouraged, but also in England, where the discontented,
whose numbers were very considerable, were not sorry to
be supported by a Princess destined to become their Queen." '
There is a great deal of evidence in proof of Queen Anne's
being a Roman Catholic in the tenth volume of the Venetian
State Papers, recently published by tbe Government. Scara-
melli, the Venetian Secretary in London, writing to the
Doge and Senate on May 28th, 1603, tells them that: —
"The Queen [Anne], whose father was a Martinist, and
who had always been a Lutheran herself, became a Cathohc,
owing to three Scottish Jesuits, one of whom came from
Rome, the others from Spain. Although in public she went
to the heretical Church with her husband, yet in private
she observed the Catholic rite. With the King's consent
the Mass was sometimes secretly celebrated for her. He is
much attached to her, and she has obtained leave to bring
up her only daughter, a girl of eight, as a Catholic. In
order to secure the Protestant education of Prince Henry
[then Heir to the Throne], the King has kept him far away
from his mother." ^
Two months later Scaramelli reported that Anne was
using her influence to get Papists into public offices of in
fluence: "The Queen," he wrote, "is most obedient to her
husband, and goes with him to the heretical services, but all
the same she endeavours to place in office as many Catholic
nobles as possible, and as the King is extremely attached
to her she succeeds in all she attempts." ' When the day
' Sully's Memoirs, vol. iii., p^ 111. Edition 1757.
^ Venetian State Papers, vol. x., p. 40.
' Ibid., p. 68.

THE queen's secret COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE POPE 211
came for their Coronation of the King and Queen in West
minster Abbey, she was present throughout the service, but,
as related above, resolutely refused to partake of the Holy
Communion. The refusal caused a great deal of astonishment,
yet it does not appear to have shaken the confidence of the
English Bishops in her religious principles, for we find one
of them (the Bishop of Winchester) declaring of her:
"We have not the daughter of a Pharaoh, of an idolatrous
King, nor fear we strange women to steal away King James's
heart from God ; but a Queen as of a Royal, so of a religious
stock, professing the Gospel of Christ with him." '
Soon after her arrival in England Anne of Denmark
opened up communications with tbe Pope, who was made
acquainted with all that was going on. Not long after
her arrival she received a present of devotional objects from
Clement VIII. The Grand Duchess of Tuscany sent her
some sacred pictures, and Cardinal Cajetan forwarded a
miniature Crucifix in ivory for her acceptance. The Pope
also sent the Queen a letter, dated January 28th, 1605, "in
which," says Bellesheim, "be congratulated her on her devo
tion to the Holy See, and expressed his earnest hope that
she would educate the young Prince in the Catholic faith,
and would also use her influence to instU true religious
principles into the mind of the King her husband.^ It
would have been more to the credit of the Pope if he had
added an exhortation, beseeching her no longer to act the
part of a religious hypocrite.
It is evident that the Queen was a tool in the hands of
the wily Jesuits, who well knew how to use such a Royal
pervert for their own purposes. Both English and Scotch
Jesuits were, at that time, labouring hard in the Spanish
interests. On October 29th, 1605, Mr. Levinus Muncke,
writing from the Royal Court at Wilton, near Salisbury, to
Mr., afterwards Sir Ralph Winwood, remarks: "Let me
' Strickland's Lives of the Queens of England, vol. iv., p. 78. Edition 1888.
' Bellesheim's Eistory of the Catholic Church in Scotland, vol. iii. p. 394.

212 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
tell you in your ear without offence, she [the Queen] is
meerly Spanish." ' About the same time Sir Charles Corn-
walhs, Enghsh Ambassador to Spain, wrote to the Earl of
Salisbury, (who was then actively engaged in opposing the
disloyal schemes of the Jesuits) warning him that the Queen
was using her influence with the King to withdraw his
affection from him, on the ground that Salisbury was an
enemy of Spain. The Spanish Council had decided to use,
for their own purposes, the service of an English Lord,
residing in the English Court, "expecting," wrote the
Ambassador, " that Lord should use the means of the Queen
to alienate the King's favour from you, as one who, for
your own ends, sought to cross her desires of amity with
Spain." " Queen Anne's friendship for Spain, and her zeal
for the Roman Cathohc religion, were specially shewn in
her efforts to secure the marriage of her son. Prince Henry,
with the Infanta Anne, daughter of Philip HI., King of
Spain. The Prince was the heir to the Enghsh throne,
and at that time the Infanta was heiress to the throne of
Spain. It was a cunning scheme, part of the plan being
that, before the proposed marriage, the English Prince
should be sent to Spain for the purpose of being educated
in the Roman Catholic religion. ' Had it succeeded Rome
would have triumphed once more in the United Kingdom,
and the civil and religious hberties of the Protestants would
have been destroyed. Happily it was defeated. Nine years
later, in 1613, the Queen's love for Spain continued. At
that time Sarmiento, the Spanish Ambassador to England,
was engaged in bribing several of the more influential
members of the English aristocracy, in the interests of his
Royal Master. Mr. Gardiner, who had access to the despatches
of the period from Sarmiento to the King of Spain, still
preserved in the Simancas MSS., tells ua that, "Amongst
1 Winwood's Memorials of Affairs of State, vol. ii., p. 155.
= Ibid., p. 159.
' Gardiner's Eistory of England, vol. i., p. 220.

THE QUEEN AT MAiSS 213
those of whose assistance he [Sarmiento] never doubted was
tbe Queen. The influence which Anne exercised over her
husband was not great, but whatever it was, she was sure
to use it on behalf of Spain. Mrs. Drummond," he con
tinues, "in whom she placed all her confidence, was a
fervent Catholic, and from her, whilst she was still in
Scotland, she had learned to value the doctrines and
principles of tbe Church of Rome. She did not indeed
make open profession of her faith. She still accompanied
her husband to the services of the Church of England, and
hstened with all outward show of reverence to the sermons
which were preached in the Chapel Royal. But never could
she now be induced to partake of the Communion at the
hands of a Protestant minister, and those who were admitted
to her privacy in Denmark House, knew well that, as often
as she thought she could escape observation, the Queen of
England was in the habit of repairing to a garret, for the
purpose of hearing Mass from the lips of a Catholic priest,
who was smuggled in for the purpose." ' An interesting
story concerning one of her attendances at Mass was related
by a Mr. Gray to a Roman Catholic named Rant, a few
years after the Queen's death. It is published by Father
Tierney in his edition of Dodd's Church History, vol. v.,
p. 107: "Queen Anne, being with chUd of Prince Charles
[in 1600], being near her time, and fearing to miscarry in
child-bed, sent for a priest, who said Mass, soon after mid
night. A fool, that was then in Court, was in another
room, next to the chamber where Mass was, unknown to
any. He opens the door, whUe tbe priest elevates the
chahce. They shut him out. The next day, he sported
before the King, how she made good cheer at midnight,
and how the table cloth was laid, and cups walking, but he
was thrust out. The King was jealous of some worse matter;
the Queen told him of it the truth ; and he was satisfied."
' Gardiner's Eistory of England, vol. i., p. 224,

214 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
. Mr. Jesse tells us that when Anne of Denmark " followed
the King from Scotland it was rumoured he [Sully] says,
that she was coming to England, in order to add her
personal influence to the Catholic faction; a circum
stance which so disturbed the King, that he sent the Earl
Lennox to endeavour to oppose her progress, and, if possible,
to persuade her to return to Scotland. The Spaniards indeed,
whose interests she adhered to iu opposition to those of
France, appear to have rested their hopes of destroying the
Protestant faith in England principally on her influence and
exertions. She endeavoured to exert her prejudices, in favour
of Spain and the Pope, into the mind of her son Prince Henry.
Sully says that none doubted but that she was inclined to
declare herself 'absolutely on that side'; and that in public
she affected to have the Prince entirely under her guidance.
In a letter from Sir Charles Cornwalhs to the Earl of
Sahsbury, she is even stated to have told the Spanish
Ambassador, that he might one day see the Prince of
Wales on a pilgrimage to St. Jago." '
The Queen's attachment to the Church of Rome continued
tUl the end of her life, though she never made a public profes
sion of her faith. Indeed, so artfully did she conceal her
religious opinions that but very few, if any, suspected the
truth. At her residence at Oatlands, in 1617, she kept two
priests in the house, one of whom said Mass for her every
day. At that time she was suffering from dropsy, and her
physicians looked upon her condition with grave anxiety.
WhUe in this weak condition, the priests, whose names are
unknown, refused to hear her Confession, or give her Com
munion, unless she abandoned her practice of going to the
Protestant Church services with her husband. ' But why, it
may well be asked, did tbey not refuse the Sacraments to
her when she was in good health? No doubt the Jesuits
' Jeise's Memoirs of the Court of England During the Reign of the Stuarts.
Edition 1855, vol. i., p. 104.
^ Gardiner's Eistory of England, vol. iii., p. 293.

THE DEATH OP THE QUEEN 215
winked at that, in a Royal pervert, which they would have
condemned severely in persons of a lower rank in life. I
can only find one other instance recorded in which a priest
urged her to cease attending a Protestant service. The
priest was Father Richard Blount, a Jesuit. He had been
asked by the Queen, who was expecting to be confined
shortly, to give her the Sacraments, and, therefore, taking
advantage of her condition and fears, he extracted from her
a promise to go no longer to a Protestant Church. But
Father Abercrombie's letter proves that the Sacraments of
the Church of Rome were given to her frequently, while
openly professing the Protestant religion ; and thus her priests
were partakers of her sin of deception. At Oatlands, the
two priests already mentioned, easily obtained the promise
they required from her. The King soon after heard about
it, and was very angry. The Queen failed to keep her
promise. It is recorded that subsequently "she was able
to attend to a long sermon, preached by tbe Bishop of London
in her inner chamber." ' Miss Strickland affirms that the
Queen "died in edifying communion with the Church of
England." * No doubt, to all outward appearances, she did
so. She received the religious ministrations of the Archbishop
of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London, on her death-bed ;
but there is no evidence that they administered to her the Holy
Communion, according to the rites of the Church of England.
This was a most significant omission. It is certain that, though
aU her life she had been a gay and worldly woman, she
was then in a religious mood. Had she, at that time, in her
heart repudiated the Popery she had secretly cherished for
twenty years, there can be no doubt that she would have
received the Sacrament at tbe hands of the Anglican Prelates,
who were most anxious to afford her every religious con
solation in their power. The fact is that down to the last
moment of her life she did not realise that she was actually
' Strickland's Lives of the Quiens of hnylaiid. vol. iv., p. 130.
-Ibid., p. 131.

216

THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN

d3ring, though it was evident to aU around her that her days
were numbered. That which gives colour to the assertion
that Anne died a Protestant is the account of her last hours
given by an eye-witness. On one occasion, when the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London, vrished to
see the dying Queen, "she requested their presence; and they
came in, and knelt by her bedside . . . Then the Arch
bishop said, 'Madam, we hope your Majesty doth not trust
to your own merits, nor to the merits of saints, but only
to the blood and merits of our Saviour.' — 'I do,' answered
she, ' I renounce the mediation of saints and my own merits,
and only rely on my Saviour Christ, who has redeemed my
soul by His blood.' Which declaration gave great satisfaction
to the prelates, and to those who heard her." '
The question here arises, was the Queen reaUy sincere in
what she said? One naturally wishes it were so, yet it is
recorded by her biographer that, after this conversation, she
told those about her bed that "she felt no symptoms of
dissolution." ^ The fear of immediate death was not present
to her, therefore, when she thus renounced the mediation of
saints, and it is not unreasonable to suppose that she was
only practising those equivocating doctrines commonly taught
at that period by the English Jesuits. It was the Jesuit,
Henry Garnett, who, not twenty years before, had written:
"In case a man be urged at the hour of his death, it is
lawful to equivocate, with such due circumstances as are
required in his life." ' It will be noted that Queen Anne
is represented as having only repudiated the "mediation of
saints," and not any of the other peculiar doctrines of the
Church of Rome, which she had secretly professed for so
many years. If she had repudiated the Pope and his claims
to the spiritual allegiance of all baptised Christians, there
would have been greater reason for supposing that she died
' Strickland's Lives of the Qutens of England, vol. iv., p. 181.
s Ibid., p. 132.
' Condition of Catholics. Edited by John Morris, S.J., p. ccH.

HER PERVERSION " BEYOND DISPUTE" 217
a Protestant. Not one word of dying regret is recorded as
to her past life, nor any sorrow for the religious deception
she had practised for so long a period. There is, therefore,
only too much reason to believe that Father Drew, S.J., was
fully justified in asserting that Anne of Denmark " died in
the bosom of the [Roman] Catholic Church." '
The whole story of the secret reception of Anne of Den
mark is disgraceful to herself, and especially to the Jesuits
who were so largely responsible for her life-long deception. In
relating the story in the Month, Father Joseph Stevenson, S. J.,
manifests no abhorrence of her double-dealing. If anything
he seems rather proud of it than otherwise. "That she
was a Cathohc," he remarks, "is, I think, beyond dispute.
The facts rest upon her own assurance, upon the written
evidence of the priest by whom she was admitted into the
Church, and upon the statement of contemporary writers 
That a Queen of England, generally presumed to be a
Protestant Queen, and certainly the vrife of a Protestant
King, should really have been a Catholic, was an unpleasant
conclusion at which to arrive, and the effort has been made
to get rid of it. Not by any attempt to prove its falsity,
not by any strong assertion to tbe contrary, but by quietly
permitting it to fall out of memory." "
' Quoted in Foley s R'-cor/s, vol. vii., p. 2.
- The Month, vol. xvi., p. 26j.

CHAPTER VIII
THE SECEET HISTOJRY OP CHARLES II
That a King of England, whUe outwardly professing the
Protestant Faith, should be in heart and reality a member
of the Church of Rome at the same time, may to many seem
incredible and impossible. Yet Charles II. was such a dis
guised Romanist throughout the whole of his reign, and for
at least four years before he ascended the throne of England.
That he died a Roman Catholic is well known to every
reader of English history, but that for so many years his
outward religious profession was a mask only, is not so widely
known as it should be. Charles II. was not a useless pervert
of the Jesuits, for throughout his whole reign he rendered
important services to the Church of Rome, though at times
the inherent weakness and cowardliness of his character was
seen in signing the death-warrants of Romish priests and
laymen who, in the Royal estimation, were more worthy of
honour than of execution.
The father of Charles H. was foolish enough to marry a
Roman Catholic wife, the Princess Henrietta Maria of France.
Before leaving her home for England she promised the King
of France: — "I wUl make no selection of persons to bring
up and serve the children who may be born, except from
Catholics; I wUl only give the charge of choosing these
officers to Catholics, obliging them to take none but those
of the same religion." To the Pope she wrote promising:—
"I will not choose any but Catholics to nurse or educate
the children who shaU be born, or do any other serrice to
them." ' The Pope, on his part, plainly told her that her
' Letters of Queen Eenrietta Maria, pp. 8, 9.

CHARLES SEEKS HELP FROM THE POPE 219
mission in England was to procure in that land the reign
of Popery. By the articles of marriage it was provided that
"The children which shall by reason of the said inter
marriage be born and hve, shall be nursed and brought up
near unto the said lady and Queen, from the time of their
birth until they come to the age of fourteen years." ' Father
Cyprien De Gamache, who became Father Confessor to Queen
Henrietta Maria in England, says that one of the most im
portant articles of the marriage was that " the children born
of it should be brought up and instructed in the Catholic,
Apostolic, and Roman religion till the age of fourteen or
fifteen years." ^
Although Charles I. tried to evade his engagements as to
the early religious education of bis children as far as poss
ible, his wife seems, on the whole, to have had things mainly
in her own way. She was a devoted daughter of the Church
of Rome, and laboured to her utmost to promote its interests.
The wonder is that any of her children escaped, especially
the Duke of Gloucester who, when he was in Paris during
the Commonwealth period, was very much persecuted by bis
mother because he would not become a Roman Catholic.
The evil results of mixed marriages between Protestants and
Roman Catholics are clearly seen in the case of Charles I.
Under such influences it is not to be wondered at that
Charles H. in early life learned to love the Church of Rome,
whose interests he served throughout his career.
Soon after his father's execution Charles II. began to
negotiate with the Pope and several Roman Catholic Sover
eigns, seeking their help to upset the power of Cromwell,
and to place himself on the Throne of the United Kingdom.
Evidence of this may be found in abundance in the Clarendon
State Papers. For instance, Mr. Robert Meynell was sent
to Rome in the autumn of 1649, with special instructions
from Charles. He obtained an audience with the Pope, in
' A Breviate of the Life of Ifilliam Laud. By William Prynne, p. 71.
' The Court and Times of Charles the First, vol. ii., p. 306.

220 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BKITAIN
which he promised in the name of Charles all favour to
his Roman Catholic subjects, to receive affectionately the
Pope's Nuncio in England, and even to make the Pope
arbitrator between him and his Roman Catholic subjects,
provided the Pope would, on bis part, help to place him
upon the Throne. The Pope was all civility to Mr. Meynell,
whose mission was supported by several Roman Catholic
priests then residing in Rome; but nothing practical came
of it, owing to the jealousy and distrust of the Pope, who
had heard, meanwhile, about Charles' negotiations with
Scotland, and his willingness to support the Presbyterian
religion in Scotland, provided the Scots made him actual
King of their country. Lord Cottington and Sir Edward
Hyde (afterwards Earl of Clarendon) were sent a few months
later on a mission to Spain, with secret instructions signed
by Charles himself. " You shall," he said to them, " assure
his Catholic Majesty of our fuU resolution of grace and
favour towards the Cathohcs of our several dominions; and
that we are so far from an inclination to be severe against
them, that we resolve to give them our utmost protection
from the severity of those laws which have been made to
their prejudice, but to endeavour effectually the repeal of
those laws; which, if his Catholic Majesty shall at present
eminently assist us, we have reason to believe we shall
easily do." The Ambassadors were to ask from the King
of Spain a loan of money, and he instructed them to be
particularly polite to the Pope's representative at the Spanish
Court, and to maintain the strictest secrecy as to their
mission. "You shall," said Charles, "perform all such
comphments and civilities, as you shall judge conducing to
our service, with the Pope's Nuncio, or any other Minister
of his, and hold such correspondence, and make such
addresses to Rome, as may incline the Pope to give us his
assistance in this our distress." ' /
' Clarendon Stnte Papers, vol. ii., p. 4S1.

SECRET NEGOTIATIONS AT ROME 221
Other efforts to secure the aid of the Pope were made
by Charles. In Somers^ Tracts, vol. xin., pp. 401—414
(Edition 1752), there is reprinted a pamphlet which was
first pubhshed in 1650, bearing the title of "The King of
Scotland's Negotiations at Rome, for assistance against the
Commonwealth of England, in certain Propositions there made,
for, and on his behalf; in which Propositions bis Affection
and Dispositions to Popery is Asserted." Tbe introductory
preface to this pamphlet states that " an Irish priest, whose
name is Dalie, who is Confessor to the Queen of Portugal,
is now at Rome by the command of the King of Scotland
[the titie then given to Charles IL] ; that he came by the
way of France, and spake there with the Queen of Scot
land's mother; and received her directions; that he is at
Rome, and presseth and puts forward the said Propositions
very hotly." It is also stated in tbe same preface, that
•' one Roe, an Irishman, and Provincial of the Discalced
Carmelites of Ireland, was lately at Paris in his return from
Rome, and did avow those Propositions were given in to
the Pope, and they were referred to a Congregation of
Cardinals." These statements as to Daly (which is the
correct way to spell his name) and Roe, are proved to be
true by the Clarendon State Papers, now preserved in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford. Robert MeyneU, writing from
Rome, June 24, 1650, to Cottington and Hyde, remarks: —
"Daniel O'Daly, an Irish Dominican, has come to Rome
with a commission from the Queen [i.e., the mother of Charles
II.] to treat with the Pope; he was formerly at Lisbon,
where he did many good offices for the late King ; was with
the present King [Charles IL] at Jersey, and came from him
extremely satisfied. ' Writing again from Rome to Cottington,
on July 31st, Meynell announces that: "The reason of
Father Rowe's sudden departure from Rome is believed to
be the enclosed letter." ' There can, therefore, be no doubt
' Calendar of Clarendon State Papers, vol. ii., p. 66.
2 Ibid., p. 70.

222 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
that both these priests, O'Daly and Rowe (whose name is
sometimes spelt Roe), were together at Rome in the early
summer of 1650, seeking the assistance of the Pope on be
half of Charles. And what were the "Propositions" which
they were empowered, to present to the Pontiff, on behalf of
Charles, and with the sanction of his mother, Queen Hen
rietta Maria? In the document presented in his name to
Pope Innocent X., Charles ' boasts that he, even "while his
father yet hved, was known to have good and true natural
inchnations to the Catholic faith," and he enumerates several
acts of his in favour of the English and Irish Romanists,
in proof of his assertion. He then proceeds to denounce
the conduct of the supporters of Oliver Cromwell, whom he
terms "Regicides," and sneers at "the Covenant with God,
as they call it." He, therefore, makes to the Pope the
following " Propositions " : —
"1. That your Holiness would make an annual supply out of
your own Treasury unto the said Charles II., of considerable sums
of money, suitable to the maintaining the vvar against those rebels
[Cromwellians] against God, the Church, and Monarchy.
"2. That you would cause and compel the whole beneficed
Clergy in the world, of whatsoever dignity, degree, state, or condi
tion soever, to contribute the third or the fourth part of all their
fruits, rents, revenues, or emoluments to the said war, as being
universal and Catholic. And that the said contribution may be
paid every three mouths or otherwise, as shall seem most expedient
to your Holiness.
"3. That by your Apostolic Nuncios, your Holiness would most
instantly endeavour with all Princes, Commonwealth, and Catholic
States, that the said Princes, Commonwealths and States may be
admonished in the bowels of Jesus Christ, and induced to enter
into, and conclude an universal peace ; and that they will unitedly
supply the said King. And that they will by no means acknow
ledge the said regicides and tyrants for a Commonwealth, or State,
nor enter into, or have any commerce with them.
"4. That by the said Nuncios, or any other way, all and every
the Monarchs of all Europe may be timely admonished, and made
sensible in this cause ; wherein besides the detriment of the faith,
their own proper interest is concerned. . . .
"5. That your Holiness would command, under pain of excom
munication, ipso facto, all and singular Catholics, that neither they
nor any of them, directly nor indirectly, by land or by sea, do
serve them [Cromwellians] in arms, or assist them by any counsel

Charles' propositions to the pope 223
or help, to favour or supply them any way under whatsoever
pretext." '
The author of The Secret History of the Reigns of Charles II.
and James IL, published in 1690, says that the document
just quoted "was once printed in Whitelock's Memoirs; but
upon the considerations of the danger that might ensue
upon divulging it at that time to the world, [it] was torn
out of the book." ' These Propositions, fortunately for the
peace of England, were not accepted by Innocent X. The
negotiations with the Vatican were a failure. Meynell (who,
as we have seen, was also an agent of Charles at Rome)
wrote on July 31st to Cottington, that: "A flat answer
has now been given to him more than once, as well as to
Father Daniel O'Daly, from the Pope, that he cannot at
aU meddle in the business. The main motive is, that the
Pope wiU not be drawn to part with money, but the fear
of the King's being in the hands of the Presbyterians is
pretended as the main remora, and all the assurances of his
inchnations to favour Catholics are accounted mere shadows." '
While these negotiations were going on in Rome and
Madrid, Charles was also, at the very moment, engaged
in negotiations with the Presbyterians of Scotland. The
Parliament of Scotland offered him tbe Crown of Scotland
at once, provided he would swear to the Solemn League
and Covenant, and thus in the most unmistakable manner
repudiate both Popery and Prelacy. It was a bitter pill
to swallow, but he was equal to the task. Father Cyprien
De Gamache, who, from his position as Confessor to Charles'
mother, was well acquainted with aU that was going on in
Royal circles at that time, says that, " The bad state of his
affairs obliged him [Charles] to smother his just resentment,
and to use towards these dissembling people [the Scotch] a
very ingenious and necessaiy dissimUation. He complied, there-
' Lord Somer's Tracts, vol. xiii., p. 410.
' Secret Eistory of the Reigns of Charles II. and James II., p. 11.
' Calendar of Clarendon State Papers, vol. ii., p. 70.

224 the JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
fore, with their humour, relinquished that majestic haughti
ness which accompanies Royalty, exhibiting to them nothing
but an agreeable insinuating famUiarity, which won them,
and induced them to take up his defence, his cause, and his
establishment, to begin with. They made him a great
number of proposals, demanding several things which he
granted with a good grace." '
Having agreed to everything the sturdy but too credulous
Scotch Protestants demanded, the Royal hypocrite, without
waiting to learn the results of his negotiations with Rome,
landed in Scotland on the Srd of July, 1650. Before he
stepped on shore he signed the Solemn League and Covenant.
By this act he swore, with his " hands lifted up to the Most
High God," that he would " endeavour the extirpation of
Popery and Prelacy," although, as we have seen, at the
same time he was engaged at Rome in an effort to re-establish
both, in their worst forms, in his dominions! On New
Year's Day, 1651, he was crowned King, and perjured him
self again by taking the following Oath, which, it is not
uncharitable to say, he never intended to keep:
"I, Charles, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, do assure
and declare by my solemn oath, in the presence of Almighty God,
the searcher of all hearts, my allowance and approbation of the
National Covenant, and of the Solemn League and Covenant; and
faithfully oblige myself to prosecute the ends thereof in my station
and calling; and that I myself, and successors, shall consent and
agree to all the Acts of Parliament enjoining the National Covenant,
and the Solemn League aud Covenant, and fully establish Presby
terian Government, the Directory of Worehip, Confession of Faith,
and Catechisms in the Kingdom of Scotland, as they are approved
by the General Assembly of this Kirk, and Parliament of this
Kingdom; and that I will give ray Royal assent to all Acts of
Parliament passed, or to be passed, enjoining the same in my
other dominions ; and that I shall observe these in my own prac
tice and family, and shall never make opposition to any of these,
or endeavour any change thereof." -
After his escape from the Battle of Worcester, in 1651,
Charles was hid for a time at Moseley Court, of which Father
' The Court and Times of Charles the First, vol. ii., p. 383.
2 Neal's Eistory of the Puritans, vol. ii., p. 402.

CHARLES STUDIES ROMISH BOOKS 225
John Huddleston, O.S.B., was then Chaplain. The King
little dreamt that he was then in the presence of the priest
who was destined to administer to him on his death-bed the
last Sacraments of the Church of Rome. Mr. Foley reprints,
in his Records of the English Province, S.J., an account
relating the marvellous escapes of Charles, after the Battle
of Worcester. While at Moseley " he was pleased," so we
read, "to inquire how Roman Catholics lived under the
present usurped Government. Mr. Huddleston told him they
were persecuted on account both of their religion and loyalty,
yet his Majesty should see they did not neglect the duties
of their Church. Hereupon he carried him upstairs, and
showed him the chapel, little, but neat and decent. The
King, looking respectfully upon the altar, and regarding the
Crucifix and candlesticks upon it, said : ' He had an altar,
Crucifix, and candlesticks of his own, tiU my Lord of Holland
brake them, which [added the King] he hath now paid for.'
His Majesty likewise spent some time in perusing Mr. Huddle-
ston's books, amongst which, attentively reading a short manu
script written by Mr. Richard Huddleston, a Benedictine
Monk, entitled, ' A Short and Plain Way to the Faith and
Church,' he expressed his sentiments of it in these positive
words: 'I have not seen anything more plain and clear
upon this subject. The arguments here drawn from succes
sion are so conclusive, I do not conceive how they can be
denied.' He also took a view of Mr. Tuberville's Catechism,
and said it was a pretty book, and he would take it along
with him." '
After many stirring adventures Charles at length arrived
safely in France. His earnest desires to become King of Great
Britain and Ireland induced him to lose not a moment in
seeking such aid as would enable him to secure the realisa
tion of his ambitions. He knew full well that it was useless
to apply to the Protestants of the Continent, who much
' Foley's Records of English Province, S.J., vol. v., p. 445. 15

226 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
preferred a Cromwell at the head of English affairs. His
only hope, therefore, was in the Roman Catholic powers.
From this time until his return to England in 1660 Charles
appears to have secretly employed agents at Rome, working
in his interest. Lord Clarendon (then Sir Edward Hyde)
had at this time a correspondent residing at Rome to whom
he frequently wrote, but whose real name is not even yet
known with certainty. He was simply known as "Mr. Cle
ment." To him Hyde wrote on April 2nd, 1656, telling
him that Charles, on his arrival in France, after the battle of
Worcester, wrote a letter to the Pope, which was dehvered
by the General of the Augustinians, asking for assistance.
"The Pope liked very well the expressions" conveyed in
the letter, "but would have a certain time prefixed, when
the King would declare himself a Catholic," ' and intimated
that he could not give assistance to an heretic Prince. In
1652 Cardinal De Retz urged Charles to allow him to apply
to the Pope on his behalf; and this would no doubt have
been done, were it not that directly after the proposal had
been made the Cardinal was arrested and sent to the Bastille.
Early in 1655 Lord Jermyn, who is supposed to have been
married to the widow of Charles I., wrote to Charles II., to
tell him that his mother was about to send a special
messenger to the Pope, and offering his services with the
Pope in the interest of her son, as more likely to succeed
than if he were to send a messenger of his own.
I have no doubt, that, even at this early period in his
life, Charles's judgment approved the doctrines of the Church
of Rome, though he had not yet been formally received
into communion with that Church. It was not long after
his arrival in France when it began to be rumoured that
he had actually seceded to Rome. I do not think he had
seceded at that time, for reasons to be explained further
on. Bishop Burnet's account of Charles's alleged reception
' Clarendon Slate Papers, vol. iii., p. 291.

SECRET NEGOTIATIONS WITH SPAIN 227
into the Church of Rome will be read with interest. He
writes: — "Before King Charles left Paris he changed his
rehgion, but by whose persuasion is not yet known: only
Cardinal de Retz was in the secret, and Lord Aubigny had
a great hand in it. It was kept a great secret. Chancellor
Hyde had some suspicion of it, but would never suffer him
self to beheve it quite. Soon after tbe Restoration, that
Cardinal came over in disguise, and had an audience with
the King: what passed is not known. The first ground I
had to beheve it was this: the Marquis de Roucy, who was
the man of the greatest family in France that continued
Protestant to the last, was much pressed by that Cardinal
to change his religion: he was his kinsman and his parti
cular friend. Among other reasons one that he urged was
that the Protestant religion must certainly be ruined, and
that they could expect no protection from England, for to
his certain knowledge both the Princes were already changed.
Roucy told this in great confidence to his Minister, who
after his death sent an advertisement of it to myself. Sir
Allen Broderick, a great confident of the Chancellor's, who,
from being atheistical became in the last years of his life
an eminent penitent, as he was a man of great parts, vrith
whom I had lived long in great confidence, on his death
bed sent me likewise an account of this matter, which be
believed was done in Fontainebleau, before King Charles
was sent to Colen." '
Towards the close of the year, 1655, the Jesuits were
actively engaged in seeking help for Charles, to restore him
to the Throne of England. The leader in these negotiations
was the well-known Jesuit, Father Peter Talbot, subsequently
titular "Archbishop of Dublin." He was particularly anxious
for help, in money and men, from Spain. The Spanish King
and Government were quite willing to grant tbe needed
assistance, but were unwiUing to do so unless Charles
' Bnrnet, Eistory of Eis Own Time, vol., i., p. 126. Oxford, 1823.

228 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
became a Roman Cathohc. The Jesuit Father, elated with
the prospects of success, wrote a long letter to the King,
dated Anvers, December 24th, 1 655, urging him to become
"secretly" a Roman Cathohc, from which letter I take the
following extracts: —
"May IT PLEASE Your Majesty.
" Mr. Harding hath assured me that he delivered my last letter
unto your Majesty, wherein I advertised you of what I thought
to be my duty : and though your Majesty seemeth to take no notice
of that, nor of former letters, yet I will write this one more, the
matter being of high concernment, and the opportunity once let
slip, hardly ever recovered. It imports your Majesty most of any
to keep secret what followeth, and to consult none hut God; therefore
I write in cypher, which will come to your Majesty's hands by
another way. Saxby was desired by Count Fuensaldagna to tell
what propositions he had to Father Talbot, that Father Talbot
might deliver them in writing to Count Fuensaldagna; some things
there were prejudicial to the King, though not named in particular;
yet advantageous at the present for the King of Spain, as Don
Alonzo and Count Fuensaldagna conceived. Father Talbot desired
them both to reflect upon the evil consequences of Commonwealth
and Parliament. They answered all was considered, and very
good desires there were in the Council of Spain to help the King,
but that at present one only way could enable them to help him ;
and that was, that the King should renounce the French faction, and
become a Eoman Catholic, yet so secretly, that no living
CREATURE SHOULD KNOW OP IT, but Count Fuensaldagna, Don Alonzo,
the Archduke and Father Talbot, or any other whom the King
would name ; and in all things proceed as the Queen of Sweden did.
"For all his life, if it be not his interest, not to declare, and if
THE SECRET BE DURING THE KiNg'S LIFE DISCOVERED, THEY ARE CON
TENT TO LOSE THEIR HEADS. Father Talbot desired to know what
might that avail the King? They answered that the King of Spain
and the Pope will engage themselves to get him all his own again;
and that very suddenly by the Pope's collections of money and other
ways under divers pretexts . . . if he [the King] resolve to be a Soman
Catholic privately as soon as he comes, let him in God's name come
suddenly, but as incognito as if he were in England, for jealousies
of Saxby and the States of Holland. One shall be despatched
immediately to the King of Spain and Don Lewis, another to the
Pope, and infallibly (by God's assistance) the King's business shall
be done before it be six months. . . Father Talbot urged that the
King might come to Brussels, without desiring him to be a Roman
Catholic, privately; but Count Fuensaldagna is much against his
coming upon any other score; yet he is most earnest for it upon
this, because he knows how profitable this will be for the King of
England, and the King of Spain. I desu-e your Majesty not to
let slip this opportunity; though you live a hundred years there
will never concur such circumstances to your advantage. Kemember,

THE JESUIT TALBOt's DISGRACEFUL LETTER 229
Sir, that three kingdoms is worth a journey; Father Talbot takes
upon himself all the danger, there can be none in that particular,
he says. . . The last words Count Fuensaldagna and Don Alonzo
told Father Talbot were these: — 'Tell tbe King of England that
he shall find among us secrecy, honour and real dealing ; and assure
him that if he will do what we desire, we will live and die together ;
let him make no capitulations, for that will be suspicious; the
more he trusts the King of Spain and the Pope the better it is.' .. .
But secrecy is the life of all, — ^it shall be kept on this side, let the
King of England keep his own. " P. T." '
Three weeks later the Jesuit Talbot wrote again to the
King, as to instruction to be given him in the Roman Cathohc
faith; — "It was never thought, and much less said, that your
Majesty was of any other religion than of that which you
profess ; yet it was believed, and must be stUl as an article
of our faith, that only want of information can alienate a
person of your Majesty's great wit and judgment from our
communion ; and truly I did, and do always suppose, that a
very short time is sufficient to inform one who hath so much
knowledge beforehand as your Majesty. This confidence, or
rather belief, can be no greater crime than tbe other articles
of our faith; therefore I can as httle crave pardon for it,
as for professing myself a Catholic." '
Probably a more disgraceful letter than Talbot's, of Decem
ber 24th, was never penned by a professedly Christian Minis
ter. Coldly, and deliberately, he proposes to the King that
the whole of his future hfe should be an acted lie; that,
outwardly, and to the whole world, he should profess him
self to be a Protestant, while in reality he should be a traitor
to the faith be publicly professed! Talbot wrote several
times to the King on the subject. At last his efforts were
rewarded vrith success; and he had the privUege of himself
formaUy receiving the King into communion vrith the Church
of Rome. The story of his reception is thus related by tbe
Rev. Laurence Reneham, D.D., who from 1845 to 1857 was
President of Maynooth College.
' Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 280-283.
' Ibid., p. 285.

230 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
"Charles IL," writes Dr. Eenehan, "fled to Paris, whence he
removed to Cologne in July, 1665, after the conclusion of the
treaty between the French Court and Cromwell. His Majesty now
turned his thoughts on engaging the Spanish Court to assist in
his restoration. Talbot possessed a great deal of influence with
many of the Spanish Ministers in Flanders, and particularly with
the Count de Fonsalda^na, who at that time was the actual
Governor of the country, though the Archduke Leopold enjoyed
the title. His old and special intimacy with Father Daniel Daly,
alias Dominick a Rosario, a native of Kerry, and then the Am
bassador of the King of Portugal at the Court of France, besides
the vast power and influence of the Society to which he belonged
\i.e. the Jesuit Order] enabled Talbot to be of incalculable
service to Charles in the days of his distress. He frequently
visited his Majesty at Cologne, and was always honoured with the
most gracious and friendly reception. Conversation, after some
acquaintance, often turned on the respective merits of the Catholic
and Protestant religion. If the King was willing to learn, Talbot was
able and willing to teach ; and so deep was the impression made on
the conscience of His Majesty, that after a secret conference of
some days, he at length shut himself up with our professor [Talbot]
in his closet for several days till his conviction was fully completed,
and every doubt removed from his mind. Charles, however, was
not a man who would forfeit a Crown to follow his convictions.
He knew how much the English mind was maddened by the
spirit of bigotry against the Catholic Church, he knew the character
of Ormond and the others that surrounded his person, he probably
saw that these calculating Royalists might believe that this con
version would mar their projects for the settlement and partition
of Ireland ; and he therefore determined to be received into the bosom
of the Catholic Church as secretly as possible, and afterwards, and
then only, to absent himself from Protestant Communion, but to
make no declaration of his religious opinions. Talbot had thva
the pleasure to witness his solemn renunciation of the errors of Pro
testantism, and to receive him, after a formal profession of faith,
into the Catholie Church, and no doubt to administer to him the
holy sacraments.
" King Charles, soon after his conversion in 1655 or '56, despatched
Father P. Talbot on an Embassy to the Court of Spain. The
purport of this Embassy was studiously concealed from hie
Protestant Ministers, and hence some of them suspected that
among other things, Talbot was authorised to communicate to
Philip IV. the fact of Charles' reconciliation to the Catholic
Church." 1

The date of Charles' secret reception into the Church of
Rome, as given by Dr. Renehan, is " 1655 or '56." I
have no doubt that this story is reliable. There is an-
' Renehan's Collections on Irish Church Eistory, pp. 202, 303.

CARTES ACCOUNT OF CHARLEs' SECESSION TO POPEBY 231
other version of the same story to be read in Carte's Life
of Ormond, which confirms the accuracy of what Dr.
Renehan states. The Duke of Ormond was one of the
most trusted counseUors of Charles II. during his stay on
the Continent previous to his Restoration. The Duke,
though thoroughly loyal to the King, was, unlike some
other of his counsellors, also true to the Protestant faith.
After stating that, in 1656, Charles II. of England was
anxious to enter into a treaty with the Court of Spain,
Carte relates that: —
"Either a slowness natural to that Court, and observed in all
their counsels and proceedings, or some other reason, caused a
great delay in the Treaty which his Majesty was desirous to con
clude with the King of Spain. It was on this occasion suggested
by Roman Catholics to the King, that the dilatoriness of that Court
arose from their aversion to enter into any league with a Prince
of a different religion ; and that if he would sufier the Duke of
Gloucester, or, if he could be persuaded himself, to make profes
sion of their religion, it would be a vast advantage to his afiairs.
The mischiefs that would arise from the King's open profession
were so very great, and so very evident, that Mr. Walsingham and
the most zealous of that party could not but acknowledge the
danger of such a step; and yet it being as certain that the Pope
and Roman Catholic Princes of Europe would not assist his
Majesty as long as he continued of a difierent Communion, it
was proposed as an expedient that he should be secretly reconciled
to iAe Church of Eome. This was supposed to be done about this
time; for Father Peter Talbot waa very often shut up with him
in his closet at Cologne, where they had many private conferences
together, and in consequence thereof he was despatched in the
spring of this year to Madrid on a very secret afiair, which not
being communicated to the Council, was imagined to be to impart
to his Catholic Majesty the King's assent to the Roman Catholic
religion. '
Carte adds that " The King had carefully concealed that change
[of religion] from the Duke of Ormond, who yet discovered it by
accident. The Duke had some suspicions of it from the time
that they removed from Cologne to Flanders, for though he never
observed that zeal and concern as to divine things which he often
wished in the King, yet so much as appeared in him at any time
looked that way. However, he thought it so very little that he
hoped it would soon wear ofi' upon returning to his Kingdoms,
and was not fully convinced of his change till about the time the
Treaty of the Pyrenees was going to be opened. The Duke was
always a very early riser, and being then at Brussels, used to amuse
' Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. iii., pp. 652, 653. Edition 1851.

232 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
himself, at times that others were in bed, in walking about the
town, and seeing the churches. Going one morning very early
by a church, where a great number of people were at their de
votions, he stepped in, and advancing near the altar, he saw the
King on his knees at Mass. He readily imagined his Majesty
would not be pleased that he should see him there, and therefore
retired as cautiously as he could, went to a different part of the
Church near another altar where nobody was, kneeled down and
said his own prayers, till the King was gone. Some days after
wards Sir Henry Bennet came to him, and told his Grace that
the King's obstinacy in not declaring himself a Roman Catholic
put them to great difiiculties ; that the Kings of France and Spain
pressed him mightily to it, and their Ambassadors solicited it
daily, with assurances that if he would make that public decla
ration, they would both assist him jointly, with all their powers,
to put him on the Throne of England like a King; that he
and others had urged this, and endeavoured to persuade him
to declare himself, but all in vain; that it would ruin his affairs
if he did not do it, and begged of the Duke of Ormond to join in
persuading him to declare himself. The Duke said he could never
attempt to persuade his Majesty to act the hypocrite, and declare
himself what he was not in reality. Sir Henry thereupon replied
that the King had certainly professed himself a Roman Catholic,
and was a real convert, only he stuck at the declaring himself so
openly. The Duke of Ormond answered he was very sorry for it,
but he could not meddle in the matter; for the King, having never
made a confidence of it to him, would not be pleased with his
knowledge of the change he had made; and for his own part he
was resolved never to take any notice of it to his Majesty, till he
himself first made him the discovery. Some time afterwards, George,
Earl of Bristol, came to the Duke, complaining of the folly and
madness of Bennet and others about the King, who were labouring
to persuade him to what would absolutely ruin his affairs. The
Duke asking what it was, the other replied that it was to get the
King to declare himself a Roman Catholic, which, if once he did,
they should be all undone, and therefore desired his Grace's assist
ance to prevent so fatal a step. The Duke of Ormond said it was
very • strange that anyone should have the assurance to persuade
his Majesty to declare himself what he was not, especially in a
point of so great consequence. Bristol answered, that was not the
case, for the King was really a Roman Catholic, but the declaring
himself so would ruin his affairs in England. 'And as for the
mighty promises of assistance from France and Spain, you, my
Lord, and I, know very well that there is no dependence or stress
to be laid on them, and that they would give more to get one
frontier garrison into their hands, than to get the Catholic religion
established, not only in England, but over all Europe;' and then
desired his Grace to join in diverting the King from any thoughts
of declaring himself in a point which would certainly destroy his
interest in England for ever, and yet not do him the least service
abroad. The Duke allowed that the Earl of Bristol judged very
rightly in the case; but excused himself from meddling in the
matter, because the King had kept his conversion as a secret from

LORD HALIFAX ON CHARLEs' SECRET SECESSION 283
him, and it was by no means proper for him to show that he had
made the discovery." '
Clarendon must, I think, have known very well that the
King had been received into the Church of Rome while on
the Continent. His intimate acquaintance with bis Majesty,
and with all who were about his person for several years,
was of such a character, that a secret which was known to
the Protestant Duke of Ormonde, Sir Henry Bennet, and the
Earl of Bristol, could scarcely have been withheld from him.
On the 1st of May, 1656, Clarendon wrote to the King telling
him about rumours which had been circulated, to the effect
that he had become a Roman Catholic: — "If you understand
Dutch," he wrote, " you will find a very worthy mention of
you in the last Diurnal printed at the Hague, of your chang
ing your religion, and some other particulars not crowded
in by chance; it shall go hard but I will discover by what
viUainy those scandals are published." " And on the same
day Clarendon wrote to the Duke of Ormonde on the same
subject: — "The d — prints at the Hague of the King's being
turned Papist shows how necessary it is that Dr. Earle be
with him." ^ Clarendon was an active party in several of
the negotiations to obtain help for Charles from the Pope.
The first Marquis of Halifax, who held high ofiSce in the
Government under Charles II. says that he had no doubt
whatever as to the King's secret reception into the Church of
Rome while abroad. He remarks that:
"The Government of France did not think it advisable
to discover it openly, upon which such obvious reflections
may be made that I will not mention them. Such a secret
can never be put into a place which is so closely stopped
that there shall be no chinks. Whispers went about;
particular men had intimations ; Cromwell bad his advertise
ments in other things, and this was as well worth his
> Carte's Life of Ormond, vol. iv., pp. 109—111.
! Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., p. 298.
3 Calendar of Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., p. 118.

234 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
paying for. There was enough said of it to startle a great
many, though not universally diffused ; so much, that if the
Government here had not crumbled of itself, his right alone,
with that and other clogs upon it, would hardly have thrown
it down. I conclude that when he came into England he
was as certainly a Roman Catholic as that he was a man
of pleasure, both very consistent by visible experience. . . .
His unwilhngness to marry a Protestant was remarkable,
though both the Catholic and the Christian Crown would
have adopted her. Very early in his youth, when any
German Princess was proposed, he put off the discourse
with raillery. A thousand httle circumstances were a kind
of accumulative evidence, which in these cases may be
admitted. Men that were earnest Protestants were under
the sharpness of his displeasure, expressed by raUlery as
weU as by other ways. Men near him have made discov
eries from sudden breakings out in discourse, etc., which
showed there was a root. It was not the least skilful part
of his concealing himself to make the world think he leaned
towards an indifference in religion. '
The secret treaty between Charles II. and PhUip IV., King
of Spain, mentioned by Carte, was signed at Brussels on
April 12th, 1656, by the Duke of Ormond, and Rochester,
on the part of Charles ; and by Fuensaldagna and De Cardenas,
on the part of Spain. It provided that Spain should supply
4000 foot soldiers and 2000 cavalry, "with arms, ammuni
tion, etc., for an expedition to England in the course of the
present year;" and that Charles, "when he shall have re
covered his Crown," should maintain " twelve ships of war —
two of 60 guns, two of 50, four of 40, and four of 30, for
five years for the service of Spain against Portugal, and for
the allowance of leries among the English and Irish." There
was a reserved and special article added to the Treaty, which
was "not inserted in it on account of the need of entire
' Life and Letters of the First Marquis of Ealifax, vol. ii., pp. 345-47.

SECRET TREATY WITH SPAIN 235
secrecy," by which Charles undertook, " upon his restoration,
to suspend all Penal Laws against the Roman Catholics, and
endeavour to procure their total revocation; to grant the
Roman Catholics fuU hberty in the free exercise of their
religion, and to carry out fuUy the Treaty made by Ormond
with the Irish in 1648." ' The Treaty here referred to
provided, amongst other things, that all impediments should
be removed which hindered Roman Catholics from sitting in
the Irish Parliament ; that Irish Roman Cathohcs should be
preferred to "places of command, honour, profit and trust
in his Majesty's armies ; " that positions " of command, honour,
profit, and trust, in the Civil Government" of Ireland should
be conferred on them, together with the " command of Forts,
Castles, Garrison towns, and other places of importance;"
and that "untU full settlement in Parliament, 15,000 foot
and 2500 horse, of the Roman Catholics of this Kingdom,
shall be of the standing army of this Kingdom" of Ireland.
Full reUgious liberty was also accorded to Irish Roman
Cathohcs. '
During the two years immediately following Charles' recep
tion into communion with the Church of Rome, by the
Jesuit Talbot, in 1656, rumours of what had taken place
got abroad. In 1658 they were so loudly heard that Charles
thought it wise to deny them in the following letter, which
he addressed to the Rev. Mr. Price, Presbyterian Minister
of the English Congregation at Amsterdam. A similar letter
was sent by him to the Rev. Mr. Cawston, Minister of the
English Congregation at Rotterdam: —
"Charles Rex.
"Trusty and well beloved. We greet you well. We have received
so full a testimony, from persons to whom we give entire credit,
of your good affection to our person and zeal to our service, that
' Calendar of Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., p. 110.
» The articles of this Irish Treaty, of 1648, are printed in Father Peter Walsh's
Hlitory of the Loyal Irish iormulary and Remonstrance. Appendix of Instru-
meats, pp. 44-61.

236 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
are willing to recommend an affair to you in which we are very
much concerned. We do not wonder that the malice of our
enemies should continue to lay all manner of scandals upon us,
which might take away our reputation ; but that they should find
credit with any, to make our affection to the Protestant Religion
in any degree suspected, is very strange, since the world cannot
but take notice of our constant and uninterrupted profession and
exercise of it in those places where the contrary religion is only
practised and allowed. And though we do not boast of doing
that which we should be heartily ashamed if we did not do, we
may reasonably believe that no man hath or can more manifest
his affection to, and zeal for the Protestant Religion than we have
done, or in some respects hath suffered more for it, and therefore
we are more sensibly affected that those calumnies can make im
pression to our disadvantage in the minds of honest and pioua
men, as we are informed they have done. And we do the rather
impart the sense we have of our suffering in this particular to you,
because as you have the charge of the English congregation in
Amsterdam, so you cannot but have much conversation and
acquaintance vrith the Ministers of the Dutch Church, and others
in that populous place, with whom we would not suffer under so
unjust and scandalous an imputation. And we presume and expect
from yon, that you will use your utmost diligence and dexterity
to root out those unworthy aspersions, so maliciously and ground-
lessly laid upon us by wicked men ; and that you assure all
who will give credit to yon, that we value ourselves so much
upon that part of our title, of being Defender of the Faith, that
no worldly temptations can ever prevail with us to swerve from it
and the Protestant Religion in which we have been bred, the
propagation whereof we shall endeavour with our utmost power.
And as we shall never fail in the performance of our duty herein,
so we shall take the offices you shall do in vindicating us from
these reproaches very well from you, in which we promise ourself
yon shall serve us effectually. And so we bid you farewell.
"Given at our Court at Brussels the 7th day of November, 1658,
in the tenth year of our reign." '
Strong as these affirmations of love to Protestantism were
they did not allay public suspicion. The rumours of his
secession to Rome were so strong in London a year later
that Lord Mordaunt found it necessary, on Nov. 10th, 1659,
to write to the Marquis of Ormond on the subject, in
erident anxiety.
" The occasion," he wrote," of my writing to you is to let you know
that there is a report so hot of your Master's being turned Papist,
that unless it be suddenly contradicted, and the world disabused
by something coming expressly from him, it is likely in this extra-
' Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., pp. 419, 420.

PROTESTANT MINISTERS DECEIVED 237
ordinary conjuncture to do him very great injury amongst his
friends both in city and country; in both which, his constancy all
this while hath rendered him many proselytes. I beseech you,
therefore, as soon as this arrives, use your earnest endeavours to
cause the mistake to be rectified. I am told some do intend very
shortly to publish how he has renounced his Religion, put away
from him his Protestant Council, and only embraced Romanists.
Favour me with the truth of these particulars, and it shall be my
care to take order to stay this calumny till our Master can do it
more authentically. Do not contemn my advice; but know that
if it were not highly necessary I should not have adventured to
give you this trouble. Your Master is utterly ruined (as to hia
interest here in whatever party) if this be true ; though he never
had a fairer game than at present; and 'tis his stability in that
point that gains daily." '
In the face of such serious and dangerous rumours, it
was of the utmost importance that something should be
done to aUay the fears of Englishmen, who, if the real
truth were known, would never permit Charles to ascend
the Throne. Innocent and highly respectable dupes were
found, ignorant of the true facts of the case, and willing to
give their testimony to the reality of the King's love for
Protestantism. Several of the Protestant Ministers of Paris, including M.
Raymond Gaches, M. Drelincourt, and M. Daill^, the weU-
known author of The Right Use of the Fathers, during the
following March wrote letters, which were published at the
time, emphatically denying the rumours that bad gone
abroad, as to Charles's secession to Rome. M. Daill^ vrrote:
"I know 'tis reported that the King has changed his religion;
hut who can believe a thing so contrary to all probabihty ?
Nothing of this appears to us; on the contrary we well
know, that when he has resided in places where the exer
cise of his religion is not permitted, he has always had his
Chaplains with him, who have regularly performed Divine
Service. Moreover, all Paris knows the anger the King
expressed at the endeavours that were used to pervert [to
Popery] the Duke of Gloucester. And though 'tis objected
' Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., p. 602.

238 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
that he never came to our Church at Charenton, yet as we
are better informed on this than any one, we can testify,
that religion was not the cause of it, but that it was upon
political and prudential considerations, which may be pecu
liar to our Church, for he has gone to sermon in Caen,
and some other towns; and in HoUand he heard some ser
mons from the famous Monsieur More, our present colleague.
Thus, Sir, it is more clear than the day, that whatsoever
has been reported tiU this time, of the change of this Prince's
religion, is a meer calumny."
Monsieur Raymond Gaches, Pastor of the Reformed Church
at Paris, wrote to the well-known Rev. Richard Baxter: —
"I know what odium has been cast upon the King; some
are dissatisfied in his constancy to the true religion. I will
not answer what truly may be said, that it belongs not
unto subjects to enquire into the Prince's religion; be he
what he wiU, if the right of reigning belongs to him,
obedience in civil matters is his due. But this Prince never
departed from the public profession of the true religion;
nor did he disdain to be present at our reUgious assemblies
at Rouen and Rochelle, though he never graced our Church
at Paris with his presence, which truly grieved us."
Pastor Drehncourt, one of the Protestant Ministers at
Paris, wrote : " A report is here, that the thing which vrill
hinder the King's restoration is the opinion, conceived by
some, of his being turned Roman Catholic, and the fear
that in time he will ruin the Protestant Religion. But I
see no ground for tbe report, his Majesty making no pro
fession of it, but, on the contrary, has rejected aU the aids
and advantages offered him upon that condition. Charity
is not jealous, and if it forbids us to suspect on slight
grounds private persons, how can it approve jealousies upon
persons so sacred!" '
These letters of the Protestant Pastors were reprinted
' Neal's History of the Puritans, vol. ii., pp. 538, 539.

CHARLEs' HTPOCEITICAL PIETT 239
and widely circulated in England in the interests of Charles.
No doubt they helped him immensely, and at a time when
help of the kind was particularly needed. But, after all,
their real value was very little. Charles left Paris five
years before they were written; and what did they know
of what had happened since then? No doubt they wrote
in good faith;. yet, notwithstanding their testimony, the fact
remains — Charles actually was a Roman Catholic when they
wrote in his favour.
As tbe time approached when, in all probability, Charles
would speedily be restored to the Throne, his lying profes
sions of love for Protestantism were multiplied. The author
of the Secret History of the Reigns of Charles II. and James II.
tells us that: "While he [Charles] lay at Breda, daily ex
pecting the English Navy for bis transportation [to England],
the Dissenting party, fearing the worst, thought it but
reasonable to send a select number of their most eminent
Divines to wait upon his Majesty in Holland, in order to
get the most advantageous promises, from him they could,
for the hberty of their consciences. Of the number of these
Divines, Mr. Case was one, who with the rest of his brethren
coming where the King lay, and desiring to be admitted
into the King's presence, were carried up into the chamber
next or very near the King's closet, but told withal, that
'the King was very busy at bis devotions, and till he had
done they must be contented to stay.' Being thus left alone
(by contrivance no doubt) and hearing a sound of groaning
piety, such was the curiosity of Mr. Case, that he would
needs go and lay his ear to the closet door. But, heavens !
how was the good old man ravished to hear the pious
ejaculations that fell from the King's lips! — 'Lord, since
Thou art pleased to restore me to tbe Throne of my an
cestors, grant me a heart constant in the exercise and pro
tection of Thy true Protestant religion. Never may I seek
the oppression of those who, out of tenderness of their con
sciences, are not free to conform to outward and indifferent

240 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
ceremonies' — with a great deal more of the same cant. Which
Mr. Case having overheard, full of joy and transport, returning
to his brethren, with hands and eyes to heaven uplifted, fell
a-congratulating the happiness of three nations over which
the Lord had now placed a Saint of Paradise for their
Prince! After which, the King coming out of his closet,
the deluded Ministers were ready to prostrate themselves
at his feet ; and then it was that the King gave them those
promises of his favour and indulgence, which how well he
after performed, they felt to their sorrow." '
In his letter from Breda to tbe Convention Parliament,
Charles boasted of his services to the Protestant cause. "If
you desire," he wrote, " the advancement and propagation
of the Protestant religion; we have, by our constant pro
fession and practice of it, given sufficient testimony to the
world, that neither the unkindness of those of the same
faith towards us, nor the civilities and obligations from those
of a contrary profession (of both which we have had abun
dant evidence), could in the least degree startle us, or make
us swerve from it ; and nothing can be proposed to manifest
our zeal and affection for it, to which we will not readily
consent ; and we hope, in due time, ourself to propose some
what to you for the propagation of it, that will satisfy the
world that we have always made it both our care and our
study, and have enough observed what is most likely to
bring disadvantage to it." ^
Having, by means of oft-repeated professions of Protes
tantism, blinded the eyes of Englishmen as to his true
objects, Charles II. for two years after his Restoration went
on in security, doing his utmost for the promotion of arbitrary
power and Popery in his Kingdom. " The project to make
the King absolute," writes Rapin, " and equally to employ
for that purpose the assistance of Catholics and Protestants,
begun by James I., vigorously pursued by Charles I., inter-
1 Secret Eistory, pp. 20—22.
' Harris's Life of Charles the Second, vol. ii., p. 53. Edition 1814.

CHARLES SECRETLY MARRIED TO A PAPIST 241
rupted by twenty years' troubles, was eagerly resumed under
Charles II." Contrary to the wishes of a majority of his
subjects, he insisted on selecting as his wife a Roman
Catholic Princess, Catherine of Braganza, Infanta of Portugal,
to whom he was married at Portsmouth on May 24th, 1662.
King James II. tells us in his Memoirs Writ of His Own
Hand, that she was first of all secretly married by Lord
Aubigny, a Roman Catholic priest, and subsequently she
was publicly married by the Protestant Bishop of London.
" Their Majesties," wrote James IL, " were married by my
Lord Aubigny, Almoner to the Queen, but so privately (not
to offend the Protestants) that none were present but some
few Portuguese, as witnesses. Soon after this, the King and
Queen coming forth into the great room, where all the
company was, and being seated in two chairs. Doctor Sheldon,
then Bishop of London, performed the outward ceremony in
public, of declaring them to be man and wife." '
Amongst those who went to Portsmouth to visit the new
Queen, and congratulate her on her arrival, was the Pro
vincial of the English Jesuits, who presented to her the
respects of his Society. * Her Confessor, who came over
vrith her from Portugal, a Father Mark Anthony Galli, was
a Jesuit, who applied to the General of his Order to admit
the Queen into a participation in " the merits of the Society,"
towards which she ever manifested a great friendliness.
Shortly after his marriage, Charles sent, in October, 1662,
Sir Richard Bellings, an Irish Roman Catholic, on a secret
mission to the Pope, to ask that a Cardinal's hat should
be given to Lord Aubigny, Almoner to the Queen, and a
descendant of the Duke of Lennox, whose Jesuitical conspi
racies in Scotland during the reign of James VI. are related
in a previous chapter. The wishes of Charles were supported
by his mother and wife. BeUings took with him to Rome a
Report of "The Favours and Benefits bestowed upon the
' Clarke's Life of James the Second, vol. i., p. 394.
' Foley's Records of English Province, S.J., vol. iv., p. 278. 16

242 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Enghsh Cathohcs by the Reigning Monarch," in the hand
writing of Charles himself. In this document the King
boasted of his services to the Papacy during the first two
years of his reign, which he enumerated as foUows: —
"1. He had relieved a large number of Catholics from the
sentence of confiscation of property pronounced on them under
Cromwell. " 2. He had suspended the execution of a portion of the Penal
laws ; so much, namely, as punished non-attendance at Protestant
worship, in the case of rich Catholics, by the loss of two-thirds
of their estate, and in the case of poor, by a fine of a shilling for
every instance of recusancy.
"8. He had set at liberty priests and religious, who were in
prison or under sentence of death, for exercising their ministry.
"4. He had abolished the pursuivants, the officials charged
with the duty of searching out priests in the houses of Catholics,
and had thus put an end to an intolerable oppression, inasmuch
as a Catholic in whose house a priest was found was liable to
confiscation of property and banishment for life.
'"6. Notwithstanding other and much more advantageous pro
posals, he had married a Catholic Princess.
"6. He had permitted the erection of two public chapels in
London for the Queen Mother and his own Consort; in the Queen's
chapel the choral office was solemnly celebrated by the Benedic
tines, while in that of the Queen Mother the functions were carried
out by the Capuchins. All this wag the cause of grea,t consolation
to the Catholics, who had free access to the Divine Service in the
Royal Chapels.
" 7. He had, immediately on ascending the throne, caused liberal
alms to be bestowed on the English Nuns living in Flanders, es
pecially those domiciled at Ghent; and even during his exile in
Holland he had sent to the latter sixteen hundred scudi, in earnest
of his goodwill towards them.
"8. He had given the Ghent Nuns permission to build a Convent
at Dunkirk, and to this he himself contributed twelve thousand
scudi. " 9. He had repeatedly received in audience priests and religious,
in particular two Provincials of the Jesuits, and had assured them of
his protection.
"10. He had insited the Queen's Chapel, attended by his Court,
had assisted at part of the High Mass, and knelt profoundly at the
elevation. "11. He had given the Catholic Lords a seat and voice in the
Upper House of Parliament, a concession unheard of since the
reign of Elizabeth.
" 12. The oath of allegiance prescribed to Catholics on entering
or leaving the Kingdom had been abolished.
" 13. Thirty thousand Catholics belonging to the London train
bands, who had declared themselves unable to take the oath
according to the customary form, had been permitted to subscribe

SECRET NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE POPE 243
to a new formula, in which the name of the Pope was not men
tioned. " 14. Several Catholics had been appointed to positions of trust.
"15. The endeavours of Parliament at the beginning of the
current year, to provide for the enforcing of the Penal Laws, had
been opposed by the King.
" 16. He had deprived the Exchequer of a considerable sum by
not permitting it to appropriate the forfeited two-thirds of the
estates of Catholics.
"17. With regard to the accusations that the King had pre
scribed to Catholics a form of oath prejudicial to their loyalty
to the Pope, it was to be observed that the real responsibility for
the formula in question rested with one Peter Walsh, a Franciscan
friar, who drew it up and had it printed, and subscribed to by a
number of his religious brethren ; whilst a Dominican bishop, and
others, had presented it to the King, with the assurance that
Catholics might lawfully take it." '
Here was abundant evidence of the Royal goodwill towards
the Papacy. But Sir Richard BeUings was entrusted, at the
same time, with a further mission. The late Lord Acton,
a learned Roman Cathohc historian, wrote an article in the
Home and Foreign Review, on "The Secret History of
Charles II." For this article he was supplied with copies
of original documents, relating to this period, by Father
Boero, Librarian of the Jesuits' CoUege in Rome. His lord
ship states that "Sir Richard Bellings carried to Rome
proposals for the submission of the three Kingdoms to the
Church [of Rome], and presented to Alexander VII. the
King's Profession of Faith." ' In this document, Bellesheim
states, the King describes the "greatly longed for union of
his three Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland with
the Apostohc Roman See." The King also professed his
wilhngness to accept all the Decrees of the Council of Trent,
and the decisions of recent Popes against the Jansenistic
doctrines; and expressed his detestation of what he termed
"the deplorable schism and heresy introduced by Luther,
Zwingle, Calvin, and other wicked men," and the "Baby
lonish confusion " brought about by the Protestant Reforma-
' Bellesheim's Eistory of the Catholic Church in Scotland, vol. iv., pp. 97-100.
' Eome and Foreign Review, vol. i., p. 154.

244 THE JESUITS IN OBEAT BRITAIN
tion. ' The negotiations fell through, however, and Belhngs
had to return to England, with the refusal of a Cardinal's
hat for Aubigny. Tbe King had wished to retain certain
privileges to himself, in the event of his Kingdoms becoming
reconciled to the Papacy, and these the Pope was unwilhng
to concede. Rome must have all, or nothing.
All through his reign Charles H. helped forward the
interests of the Church of Rome in his dominions to the
utmost of his power, never hesitating to practise every
possible deception in order that he might accomplish his
evil purpose. WhUe Sir Richard Bellings was at Rome
Charles endeavoured to benefit the Papists indirectly. He
issued a Royal Declaration, dated December 26th, 1662, in
which he promised to do his utmost to persuade Parliament
to grant him a dispensing power in favour of the Presby
terians and Nonconformists, which should give them leave
to "modestly, and without scandal, perform their devotions
in their own way." At the same time he hoped to give
some indulgence to Roman Catholics, who had, he affirmed,
deserved weU from him for their services to his father and
himself. "It is not," he said, "my intention to exclude
them from aU benefit from such an act of indulgence,
but they are not to expect any open toleration." Rapin
says that "This declaration was resolved and prepared
at Somerset House, where the Queen Mother resided, and
probably by a Catholic Junto, or by secret favourers of that
religion. Those who knew the Chancellor's [Lord Clarendon's]
principles, easily judged he had no hand in it. They had
reason to be afterwards confirmed in that opinion, when every
one evidently saw the King, in his pretended compassion
for the Presbyterians, designed only to procure a toleration
for Catholics." " That Charles was moved by a desire to
benefit the Roman Catholics rather than the Protestants, is
proved also by a statement of Father Peter Walsh, a learned
' Bellesheim's History of the Catholic Church of Scotland, vol. iv,, p. 101.
2 Bapin'a History of EngUmd, vol. xi., p. 246. Sth Edition.

CHARLES SEEKS TO RELAX THE PENAL LAWS 245
and loyal priest who hved at the time. He tells us that
about 1661, one Sunday morning very early, being sent for
by one of the first lords of the Kingdom, among other things
this great personage spoke to him as followeth: "Father
Walsh, now is the time for you to reap the fruit of your
long painful endeavours, your fidelity and patience, and the
expectations you have had of us for many years. I can tell
you that we are now going to do what you have laboured
so much for — viz., we are going to abolish all the laws
which have been made in this Kingdom against Catholics,
and procure them the public exercise of their religion; ad
mission into all offices, civil and military, and a dispensation
for taking the oath of supremacy. We shall manage so
that they shall have forty in London, where they may say
Mass undisturbed for the future. We are going to choose
some members of the House of Lords to demand the aboli
tion of the laws against Roman Cathohcs, before the present
Parhament rises. But, because the Presbyterian members
wiU oppose such a measure, pretending that the safety of
the State is incompatible with the toleration of a party that
owns no other superior but the Pope : — Therefore, my good
father, you must, without delay, in going from house to
house, engage aU the Catholics to promise to take the oath
of aUegiance, which wiU stop the mouths of the Presby
terian lords." ' When Parliament met on February 18th
the King delivered a speech to both Houses in favour of
adopting his Declaration, and at the same time he made a
loud profession of his zeal on behalf of the Protestant rehgion.
"The truth is," he said, "I am in my nature an enemy to
aU severity for religion and conscience, how mistaken soever
it be, when it extends to capital and sanguinary punishments,
which, I am told, began in Popish times ; therefore, when I
say this, I hope I shall not need to warn any here not to
infer from hence I mean to favour Popery. I must confess
> Quoted in Harris's Life of Charles II., Vol. ii., p. 71.

246 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
to you there are many of that profession who, having served
my father and myself very well, may fairly hope for some
part of that indulgence I would wUlingly afford to others
who dissent from us. But let me explain myself, lest some
mistake me herein, as I hear they did in my Declaration.
I am far from meaning by this a toleration or qualifying
them thereby to hold any offices or places in the Govern
ment ; nay, further, I desire some laws to be made to hinder
the growth and progress of their doctrines. I hope you
have all so good an opinion of my zeal for the Protestant
religion, as I need not tell you, I will not yield to any
therein, not to the Bishops themselves, nor in my liking
the uniformity of it, as it is now estabhshed, which being
the standard of our religion, must be kept pure and uncor-
rupted, free from all other mixtures." '
Charles, however, failed in gaining his object. Instead
of persuading the House of Commons to adopt his views,
he alarmed its members considerably. The House forwarded
to his Majesty an address declining to accept his views, and
shortly afterwards sent him a further address, in which they
declared: "Tha.t his Majesty's lenity towards the Papists,
had drawn into the Kingdom a great number of Romish
priests and Jesuits," and humbly begged him to issue a pro
clamation to command all English, Irish, and Scotch Papist
priests, excepting those in attendance on the Queens or
foreign ambassadors, to depart from the Kingdom. To this
latter address the King replied that he was " highly offended "
at the resort of Popist priests and Jesuits to his Kingdom,
and that therefore he would issue the proclamation desired
by the House of Commons. At the same time he again
assured them of his "affection and zeal for the Protestant
religion and the Church of England." The proclamation was
accordingly issued, but was not seriously enforced. Rapin
remarks that: — "As it was not then known that the King
' Rapin's Eistory of England, vol. xi., p. 246.

CRYPTO-PAPISTS IN COURT 247
was a Catholie, his assurances of zeal for the Prote.stant
rehgion were taken for so many truths, which removed all
suspicion of his having the least design to restore the
Catholic religion in England.'' Yet, though concealed from
public gaze, the design existed, and was known to a few trusted
crypto-Romanists. These secret conspirators meant business,
and for a time everything seemed to favour their plot.
Of these crypto-Catholics the author of The Secret History
of the Reigns of Charles II. and James II. — who wrote in
1690, and was evidently a well-informed man in high posi
tion — tells us that: — "The King was not ignorant that he
was furnished already with a stock of gentlemen who, being
forced to share the misfortunes of his exile, and consequently
no less embittered against those whom tbey looked upon
as their oppressors, he had moulded them to his own Popish
rehgion and interests, by corrupting them in their banish
ment with him to renounce the Protestant doctrine and
worship, and secretly reconcile themselves to the Churcl^ of
Rome; insomuch that Mr. R. offered to prove one day, in
the pensionary House of Commons, that of all the persons,
yet persons all of rank and quality, who sojourned with the
King abroad, there were but three then alive — viz., P. Rupert,
the Lord M. and Mr. H. Coventry, who had not been pre
vailed upon by his Majesty to go to Mass. Nor could their
being restored to their estates at his return separate them
from their Master's interests; for that, besides the future
expectations with which the King continually fed them, and
the obhgations that the principles of the religion to which
they bad revolted laid them under, they had bound them
selves by all the oaths a,nd promises that could be exacted
from them, to assist and co-operate with him in all his
designs for the extirpation of the Protestant religion, and
introducing of Popery ; though they were dispensed with from
appearing barefaced." *
' The Secret Eistory of the Reigns of Charles II. and James II., pp. 29, 30

248 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
During the summer of 1663 a remarkable attack was
made upon the Earl of Clarendon by George, Earl of
Bristol. The latter appears to have had deep personal
feelings of hatred towards the former, whom he desired to
injure in every possible manner. Bristol was a Roman
Catholic, whUe Clarendon was a Protestant, though unhappily,
a stem foe to religious liberty being given to Nonconformists.
Both had rendered important services to Charles whUe on
the Continent, and were, no doubt, aware of his secret re
ception into the Church of Rome. Clarendon was particu
larly anxious to prevent the King's affection for Popery
becoming generaUy known, and with this object he plotted
with the Duke of Ormond and the Earl of Southampton to
protect the King's character as a Protestant. Carte tells us
that Ormond "had kept the discovery he had made of the
King's change [of religion] a secret from his friend the
Chancellor [Clarendon] all the time that they were abroad
together; but now [in 1662] he thought it necessary to
discover it to him and the Earl of Southampton, that
they might agree on some measures to prevent as well
the King's being prevailed upon to declare himself, or the
Roman Catholic priests publish his secret embracing their
religion. They apprehended very Ul consequences from
either of these, and agreed, that as soon as the new Parha
ment should meet, a clause should be inserted in some
Act, making it a premunire for any person to say that the
King was a Papist. This was done in the fiirst Act which
was passed in that Parliament, for the Security of His
Majesty's Person and Government." ' The Act referred
to by Carte is that of 13 Charles II., Chapter i. It was
passed in 1661, and not only inflicted a severe punishment
on aU who said the King was a Papist, but also on aU who
affirmed that he had a design to introduce Popery. This
Act is no longer on the Statute Book. Apparently the Earl
' Carte's life of Ormond, vol. iv., p. 112.

ATTACK ON THE EARL OF CLARENDON 249
of Bristol thought he could inflict a deadly injury on his
enemy the Earl of Clarendon, by proving him guilty of
breaking the very law in the passing of which he had taken
so prominent a part. When, in 1667, the Earl of Clarendon
was for a second time charged with treason, he boasted :
"I may without vanity say that I had more than a common
part in the framing and promoting that Act of Parliament,
that hath made those seditious discourses, of the King's
being a Papist in his heart, or Popishly affected, so very
penal as it is; and therefore there is need of an undoubted
and uncontrollable evidence that I did so soon run into that
crime myself.'' '
The Earl of Bristol, on July 10th, went down to the
House of Lords and there impeached the Earl of Clarendon
of High Treason, for that (amongst other matters which he
named) he had endeavoured "by words of his own, and by
artificial insinuations of his creatures and dependants, that
His Majesty was inchned to Popery, and had a design to
alter the religion established in this Kingdom;" that to
several members of the Privy Council he had asserted,
" That his Majesty was dangerously corrupted in his religion,
and inclined to Popery; that persons of that religion had
such access and such credit with him, that unless there
were a careful eye had unto it, the Protestant religion
would be overthrown in this Kingdom," that "his Majesty
had given ,f 10,000 to remove a zealous Protestant that he
might bring into that high place of trust [i.e., as Principal
Secretary of State] a concealed Papist" — Sir Henry Bennet. '
Lord Clarendon denied the truth of the charges brought
against him, and was acquitted by tbe House of Lords,
upon which his accuser fled from the country to escape the
wrath of the King, who was naturally very angry at having
so much public attention directed to such a very delicate
subject. "It could not," says Rapin, "but appear strange
' Collection of State Trials, vol. viii., p. 386. London, 1735.
' Ibid., vol. ii., p. 550, where the articles are printed in full.

250 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
that an open and declared Papist, as the Earl of Bristol
was, should accuse the ChanceUor of favouring the Romish
religion, and, on the other hand, of insinuating that the King
was a Papist, in order to alienate the affection of his sub
jects. But what was still more extraordinary in the impeach
ment is, that the insinuations the Chancellor was accused
of, concerning the King, were true in themselves." '
This was the first serious attack made upon the power of
Clarendon, but it was not the last. His enemies were many,
and as he was opposed to an increase of liberty being given
to Presbyterians and Nonconformists, many of the latter would
no doubt have rejoiced to have seen him removed from power.
But his chief enemies were the crypto-Papists in the Court,
who, after four years of incessant intriguing, succeeded in
their efforts. Of course the charges brought against Clarendon
were of a varied kind, and there can be no doubt that he
was not altogether free from blame. The Earl of South
ampton, who died about three months before Clarendon's
fall from power, said of him: — "The Earl of Clarendon is
a true Protestant, and an honest Englishman; and while he
is in place we are secure of our laws, liberties, and rehgion ;
but whenever he shall be removed, England will feel the
iU effects of it."
• Kapin's History of England, vol. xi., p. 254.

CHAPTER IX
CHARLES II. AND THE JESUITS
Ie further proof be needed to show that Charles, while
King of England, attending the services of the Church of
England, and even taking the Sacrament in her communion,
was in reality all the time a Roman Catholic, it will be
found in the story of his first iUegitimate son, as related
for tbe first time in Italy in 1863, by a Jesuit priest,
Father Boero, in the colunms of the Civilta Cattolica, the
official organ of the Jesuit Order at Rome. The articles
contributed by Father Boero to that magazine were sub
sequently re-issued by the Jesuits as a pamphlet of 79 pages
with the following title: "Istoria Delia Conversione Alia
Chiesa Cattolica Di Carlo II. Re DUngilterra, Cavata Da
Scritture Autentiche ed Originah, Per Giuseppe Boero,
D.C.D.G." In 1866 a translation into English of some of
the documents in this extraordinary pamphlet appeared in
the Gentleman^s Magazine, which has now become so scarce
that I had to wait six years, after first hearing of what it
contained, before I could even get a chance of purchasing
a copy. London second-hand booksellers, deahng speciaUy
in magazines, have frequently offered me £3 3s. for the
two volumes for 1866, to complete their sets. It looks as
though they had been bought up to be suppressed as far
as possible. An article on Father Boero's revelations appeared
in the Home and Foreign Review for July, 1862, which was
then edited by the late Lord Acton. The article bears his
initials, and is entitled, "Secret History of Charles H."
Lord Acton had been shown the documents by Father
Boero, before they were published by him in Italy, and

252 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
gives his readers a most interesting account of the secret
intrigues of Charles with the Pope and the General of the
Jesuits. In 1890 the late Mr. W. Maziere Brady, a Roman
Catholic residing in Rome, devoted a chapter of his book,
entitled Anglo-Roman Papers, to the story of "The Eldest
Natural Son of Charles II." Neither Lord Acton nor Mr.
Brady express any doubt as to the truthfulness of Father
Boero's extraordinary narrative.
From these documents we learn that, early in the year
1668, Charles's eldest illegitimate son, James Stuart, under
the alias of James de la Cloche, was received into the Order
of Jesuits at Rome, as a novice. When the news reached
London the young man's Royal father expressed his satisfac
tion in a long and secret letter, which he addressed to the
General of the Jesuits, on August 4th, 1668. In this docu
ment Charles teUs the General that he had long prayed that
God would send him someone to whom he "could confide
the important matter of our spiritual welfare, without giving
Our Court the shadow of a suspicion that We were a Catholic."
There were, he said, "a large number of priests" of the
Church of Rome about the Court, but he could not with safety
accept the services of any of them, for fear of detection.
Under these circumstances it seemed to him a " Providence of
God " that he had now a son of his own in the Jesuit CoUege
at Rome. This son would, he hoped, be sent by the General
as quickly as possible to London, to be secretly ordained a
Roman Catholic priest, in order, said the King, that he may
"administer to Us, privately, the Sacraments of Confession
and Communion, which We desire to receive without delay,"
and thus enable his father to " practise the rites of the Roman
Catholic religion without exciting in Our Court the shadow
of a doubt that We belong to that persuasion." He tells
the General : — " We often wrote secretly to His Holiness con
cerning Our own conversion to the Roman Catholic Church;"
thus proving that the Pope was not ignorant of the facts
of the case; and he adds that he had no wish to withdraw

THE king's secret CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE JESUITS 253
his son from the Jesuit Order; on the contrary, he assured
the General : — " We hold it near to Our heart that he shonid
pass his life with you." Apparently the King felt that al
though he had been formally received into the Church of
Rome thirteen years previously, yet, for his attendance at
Church of England serrices, and his hypocritical promises to
support the Protestant rehgion, and his other innumerable
wickednesses, he needed absolution, and therefore he expressed
a hope that his son, when he arrived in London, would
"absolve Us from heresy and reconcile Us to God and His
Church." In conclusion, he assures the General of his Royal
affection and goodwUl to the Jesuit Order, and of his desire
to assist it.
On the same day Charles wrote direct to his natural son,
telhng him about his plans for his future, and urging him not to
write to his father, "in order that not the slightest suspicion
of Our being a Cathohc may arise," and assuring him of
"the good feelings which We entertain for the Reverend
Fathers, the Jesuits." On August 29th, 1668, the King
again wrote to the General of the Jesuits on the same sub
ject, and urged him to become a party to a deception which
he was practising on the Queen of Sweden, evidently without
a doubt that he would comply with his underhand wishes.
He teUs the General that he is in great fear lest the fact
that he is a Roman Catholic should be discovered by his
subjects, for "of all the erils that could surround us, the
certainty that We were a Catholic would be the greatest,
and the most hkely to cause Our death."
The King wrote a second letter, on the same day, to the
General of the Jesuits, giving further directions for his son's
journey to England, and ordering that on his arrival he should
caU himself by the name of Henry de Rohan. The King
informs the General that he takes note secretly and circum
spectly of aU departures and arrivals of vessels at tbe various
Enghsh ports, and of the arrival of all strangers:— "This,"
says Charles II., "we do on colour of zeal for the Kingdom

254 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
and on pretext of maintaining the Protestant religion, to which
we feign to be more than ever attached, although before God
Who sees the heart we abhor it as most false and pernicious.
We now desire our son not to travel via France. We ask
you. Father General, to spread a report that he is gone to
Jersey or Hanton to see his pretended mother, who wishes
to become a Catholic. . . . No doubt, when time and cir
cumstances shaU permit our writing to acquaint His Holiness
of the obedience which toe owe to him as Vicar of Christ, we
hope that he wUl entertain for us such benevolence as not
to refuse our son the Cardinal's hat. If it should be incon
venient for him to reside in England as a Cardinal, we can
send him to reside in Rome, as we intend, with all the Royal
magnificence due to his rank. If he wishes, nevertheless, to
be a simple Jesuit, we shall not force the purple on him
against his wUl." '
This disreputable transaction of Charles II. with the Genersil
of the Jesuits is so important that I think it necessary to
reprint below entire his two first letters to the General, and
also his letter to his son: —
Charles II. to the General of the Jesuits.
" To the Very Reverend Father, the General of the Order of the
Jesuits at Rome.
"Very Bkv. Father, — We write to your Beverence as to a person
whom We esteem to be of singular prudence and sound sense,
inasmuch aa the first great charge which your Reverence has of
so celebrated an Order does not permit Us to think otherwise. We
address you in the French tongue, used by every person of quality,
with which we believe your Paternity to be familiar. We prefer
writing in this tongue, to using an imperfect Latin, the use of
which might cause us to be misunderstood; the more especially
as our chief object in view is to avoid the necessity of any English
man's seeing this as an interpreter, a circumstance which might
greatly tend to the detriment of the motives which lead Us to
desire that this letter may remain secret between yourself and Us.
"To begin: Your Very Reverend Paternity knows, that long since
in the midst of the cares imposed upon Us by our Crown, We have
prayed God that He would vouchsafe to bestow upon Us the
occasion of finding in our Kingdom a person to whom We could
' Anglo-Roman Papers, page 103.

CHABLES' LETTER TO THE GENERAL OF THE JESUITS 255
confide the important matter of our spiritual welfare, without
giving Our Court the shadow of a suspicion that We were a
Catholic; and, although there be here a large number of priests,
some for the special service of the Queens, and who inhabit Our
Palaces of St. James and Somerset, and others who live dispersed
in London, nevertheless. We cannot accept the services of any of
them, lest we should excite the suspicions of our Court by con
versing with these persons who, whatever may be their external
disguise, are quickly known and detected. Notwithstanding these
great and serious difficulties, it is erident that the Providence of
God had provided for and seconded this ardent desire on Our part,
by raising to Us a son of the Catholic faith, in whom alone we
can confide in so delicate a matter ; and although there might be
found, for our service in these circumstance, many persons more
versed than he in the mysteries of the Catholic religion. We,
nevertheless, can accept none other than himself, and, moreover,
he will ever suffice to administer to Os, privately, the Sacraments
of Confession and Communion, which We desire to receive without
dday. "'This, our Son, is a young Cavalier, whom We know you hwve
received in your Order, in Rome, under the name of De La Cloche,
of Jersey, for whom We have always entertained a singular afifec-
tion, partly because he was born to Us, when we were not more
than sixteen or seventeen years of age, of a young lady belonging
to the most distinguished in Our Kingdom, an event arising rather
from the weakness of our early youth than from any great deprav
ity; and partly because of the excellent understanding which We
have always found in him, and of the eminent learning to which,
by Our means, he has attained ; and We the more esteem his
entrance into the Roman Catholic Church because We know that
he has done so with discretion and reason and the aid of learning.
Great and various reasons connected vrith the peace of our King
dom have hitherto withheld Us from publicly recognising him as
Our son, but this will be but of short duration, as We are now
resolved to recognise him in a few years, and have in the mean
time granted him, in the year 1665, our Testimonials, in the event
of our demise, in order that he may draw all necessary claims
from them, in due time and place. And as he is in no way known
here, except by the two Queens, this business has been treated
under the greatest secrecy ; We are, therefore, enabled to converse
in all security vrith him, and practise the rites of the Roman Catholie
religion, without exciting in ow Court the shadow of a doubt that
We belong to that persuasion; a matter which we could not carry
out with any other Missionary, seeing with what entire confidence,
We can open our heart to him only, in all sincerity and security,
as though he formed a part of Ourself; and it is evident that
although he was born to Us in early youth and against the Dirine
Law, God nevertheless, who alone can evoke good from evil, has
turned him to His holy purpose for the salvation of Our soul.
"We think that we have explained to your Very Reverend
Paternity the want We have of him ; and if your Paternity write
to Us, you will confide your letters to our Son only, when he
shall come to Us, and although We are aware that you could

256 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
easily find some other secure channel in this matter, nevertheless
it would be to us a cause of displeasure if you confided your
letters to other than him; and this for many reasons of weighty
consideration of which your Paternity can guess part; and also,
more especially, on account of the evils which might arise, as
unfortunately occurred when We received from Rome a letter in
answer to one from Ourself to the late Pope, which was delivered
to us with every precaution by a Roman Catholic; yet this was
not done with a degree of prudence sufficient to prevent the clear
sighted of our Court from inferring that We had a secret under
standing with the Pope; but, having found the means of suppress
ing this suspicion, which had begun to circulate, that We were a
Roman Catholic, We were at the same time, obliged, from dread
lest it should again spring up in the public mind, to bear, on
several occasions, with many things which turned to the prejudice
of many Roman Catholics in our Kingdom of Ireland ; which is
still the reason why Our being constrained to cease to communicate
with the Holy See is in force; although We often wrote secretly
to His Holiness concerning Our ovm conversion to the Roman Catholie
Church at the period when We requested Him to raise our Well-
beloved Cousin, my Lord d' Aubigny, to the rank of Cardinal, which
for good reasons, was refused.
" And although the Queen of Sweden is both prudent and wise,
still that is not sufficient to remove Our fears that she may be a
woman who could not keep this secret, and on that account, as
she believes that she alone knows the particulars of the birth of
Our beloved son. We have, of late, written to her, and have con
firmed her in this belief, and, for those reasons. Your Very Rev
erend Paternity will likewise give her to understand, at the oppor
tune moment, that you know nothing of his birth, should she question
you on the subject; and, in the same manner, We entreat Your
Very Reverend Paternity to state neither to her, nor to any other
person whomsoever, the intention we entertain of becoming a Ca
tholic, nor that to the end We desire Our dearly-beloved son to
come to Us. If the Queen of Sweden is desirous of knowing where
he ia gone. Your Very Reverend Paternity will know where to
find a pretext, and might say that he has been sent on a mission
to the Isle of Jersey, or into some other part of Our Kingdom, or
any other pretext, to the end that we may not again have to repeat
to Your Very Reverend Paternity Our desire and wishes on this
matter. We, therefore, pray you to send to Us our most dearly-
beloved son as quickly as possible; that is, as soon ae the most
fitting time of this or of the ensuing season shall permit. We be
lieve that Your Very Reverend Paternity is actuated by too ardent
a zeal for the salvation of souls, and entertains too high a respect
for crowned heads, not to acquiesce in so just a demand. We have
had some idea of writing to His Holiness, and laying before Him
that which We had on Our mind, and, at the same time, of re
questing him to send Our son to Us, but have thought it sufficient,
on this occasion, to lay Our views before Your Very Reverend
Paternity, reserving to another season, of which We shall avail
Ourself as soon as may be, to write and state our intentions to
the Pope, through the agency of a secret messenger, sent by us

LETTER TO THE GENERAL OF THE JESUITS 257
on purpose, should our dearly-beloved son not then be in priest's
orders, or should he not be able to be ordained without having
publicly to make known his birth ; or, in fact, through any other
circumstances. We state all the particulars, because We are ignorant
of your manner of proceeding in such matters, in such case as the
present: he should on no account be ordained in Rome, in order
that he may not have to declare to the Bishops or priests who he
ia; but let him go to Paris and present himself to our well-beloved
Cousin, the King of France, or, if he prefer it, to our most honour
ed sister, the Duchess of Orleans, to both of whom he will make,
in all security, our wishes known. They well understand what we
have on our mind, and will recognise our dearly beloved son by
the tokens we gave in 1665; and, learning that he is a Catholio,
they either will find or possess the means of causing him to be
ordained a priest, without its being known who he is, and with the
greatest secrecy, as we are led to conclude; if, indeed, he should
not prefer to come straight to us without being ordained a priest,
which, perhaps, would be his better mode of proceeding, as we
could carry out this same purpose by means of the Queen our
most honoured mother, and of the Queen Consort, who both could
have at their disposal Bishops, Missionaries, or others to perform
this duty, so that no person in the world could either know or suppose
anything. We say this, lest any difficulty should present itself in
ordaining him in Rome.
"And although we order our dearly beloved son to come tons,
nevertheless it is not with any intention to withdraw him from your
Order; on the other hand. We hold it near to our heart that he should
pass his life with you, if the Lord should inspire him with that
desire to embrace that state : whilst we, having through his means,
set in order all matters of conscience, shall not place any impe
diment to his return to Rome, there to live according to the vows
which he has embraced ; but shall, during his stay in our service,
permit him, if such be- his choice, to observe with tho.se members
of your Order, who are in our Kingdom, the rules ol the religious
life he has embraced, prorided this be not done in London, but
in some town or place not far distant from Our City of Londnn,
in order that he may come to Us with greater speed when We
require his services. And the reason why We do not wish him to
remain in London, among your members, is on account of the dan:.ier
that a suspicion might arise that he was a JeSuit, if he were to
enter places where your members reside, who are known to niany ;
a chcumstance which might turn to Our prejudice. Or, if the
foregoing plans be not carried into effect. We are content, after
he shall have absolved Us from heresy, and reconciled Us to God and
the Church, that he return to Rome, to lead there the religious life
he has embraced, and there await Our future orders, which manner
of proceeding We consider the best; believing that your V'ery
Reverend Paternity will be of Our opinion and way of thinking in
this last proposal; and this carried out. We will send him back
to Eome under the rule of your Very Reverend Paternity, in order
thai he may by your teaching become better able to serve Us. And
during the short time he will be in London let him be most
guarded in hot saying for what purpose he is come, when speaking 17

258 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
to any of your members; he may, instead, say that he has impor
tant business at Our Court, to be known only to your Very Rev
erend Paternity and himself.
"And although I cannot openly express to all your Illustrious
Society the affection and good will We bear towards it, this need be
no impediment to your Very Keverend Paternity to let Us know
by Our dearly beloved son in what manner We may assist it; the
which we shall the more cheerfully do, because We are assured
that any assistance on Our part will be devoted to the serrice of
God, in expiation of Our sins, and in this good hope and expecta
tion. We commend Ourself to your prayers, and also our Kingdom,
and are: " CHABLES, King of Englano.
" Whitehall 3rd August, 1668."
" Charles II. to His Son.
"For Our most Jumoured Son, the Prince Stuart, residing at Some
with the Reverend Fathers, the Jesuits, under the name of Monsieur
d* La Cloche.
"SiE, — We have written at length to your Very Reverend Fatber
the General of the Jesuits, who will explain our wishes to you.
The Queen of Sweden has borrowed from Us the sum of money
which We had remitted to her as a means of subsistence for your
self for some years. We have taken the necessary measures in
the matter; do not, therefore, think any more about it; neither
write nor speak further to her on the subject.
"If the autumn be too unpropitious for you to travel to Us, and
you feel you cannot do so without incurring the risk of falling
ill, wait until the ensuing spring; taking care above all things of
your health, and giving yourself repose; and do not write to Us,
in order that not the slightest suspicion of Our being a Catholio may
arise. " The Queens are most impatient to see you, as we have secretly
communicated to them your conversion to the Roman Catholio
religion. They have counselled Us to say that \ye shall certainly
not prevent your living in the Institution [the Jesuit Order] you
have made choice of, and in which it is most acceptable to Us
that you continue to live for the rest of your life.
"With all this, measure well your strength and constitution,
which appears to us to be somewhat weak and delicate. Bear in
mind that one can be a good Catholic without being a Monk.
Bear also in mind that We also entertain the desire to recognise
you after a few years; but, up to the present time, neither the
Parliament nor public affairs leaning thereto. We have been com
pelled to defer it. You shall, moreover, consider that from Us
you might lay claims to honours and titles as great, if not greater,
than those of the Duke of Monmouth, who is a young man like
yourself. Should liberty of conscience and the Catholic religion
be restored to this Kingdom, you might even perhaps entertain
hopes of arriving at the Crown ; because We may assure you that,
should God so decree, that We and our honoured brother the
Duke of York die without heirs, the Kingdom will be yours ; nor

CH.\RLES'S LETTER TO HIS SON 259
eoald the Parliament, according to the laws, oppose itself to this.
But your being a Roman Catholic would be an impediment, or if,
as is now the case, the impossibility of having other than Pro
testant Sovereigns were to continue.
"Such is the substance of what the Queens counsel us to write.
If you are more inclined, every matter well weighed, to serve God
in Uie Institution of the Jesuits, We are not disposed to oppose
tbe Divine Will, which We have already but too much offended
by Our faults. We shall not, therefore, oppose you if you are
inspired of God; We desire only that you maturely consider this
matter and think upon it deeply. We had wished to write to the Pope
before speaking to you. We wrote to the late Pope requesting him
to bestow the dignity of Cardinal on our beloved Cousin, my Lord
d'Aubigny, a satisfaction, however, that was not conceded to Us;
nevertheless, We do not entertain any unpleasantness of feeling
towards his Holiness on this account, who laid before Us a great
multitude of reasons why he could not create a Cardinal for Our
Kingdom, seeing the state in which religious matters and other
affairs are at the present time. Shortly after. We wrote to the
Queen of Sweden, recommending her not to write to Us, and to
receive you as a simple gentleman, and not to appear to know
the condition of your birth ; you will not, therefore, take it amiss
if her Majesty should receive you as one. It is to Us no small
grief to Bee you constrained to live unknown. But have patience
for a short time ; We shall, in a few years, take measures so to
manage public affairs, and the Parliament more particularly, that
the whole world shall know who you are. You shall then no
longer live in privations and straits; and it will depend on your
self to live in liberty and the enjoyment of that splendour which
is due to a person of your rank and birth ; unless, indeed, being
strongly inspired of God, you should positively determine to con
tinue to lead the religious life you have already entered upon.
"Although We cannot and ought not openly to manifest the good
feelings which We entertain for the Reverend Fathers, the Jesuits, who
have received you, nevertheless. We shall await the opportunity of
being better o6Ze to assist them with Our Royal munificence in a more
manifest manner, should there be any place, site, building, or
occasion in which they may require our assistance, and we have
it in Our power to give them aid. We shall do so the more will
ingly, because We are aware that our gift would be devoted to
the service of God and the remission of Our sins. Nor are We
willing that a person of your birth should remain among them
without some foundation in remembrance of your condition, should
yon persist to continue to live with them. We will speak to you
touching this matter in London. In the meantime We wish you
to believe that We have nourished a special regard for you, not
only because you were born to Us in our early youth when We
were little more than sixteen or seventeen years of age, but more
particularly because of the excellent disposition We have observed
in you, and also for the high scientific attainments you have
acquired through assistance, and likewise, because you have ever
obeyed Our commands, all of which, joined to the paternal love
We bear you, largely stray Us towards wishing you every sort

260 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
of good; setting aside the regret We experience in seeing you
living thus unknown and unappreciated; a state which will con
tinue the shortest possible time for Us.
" We cannot very secretly send to Rome a sum of money suffi
cient for a person of your birth to enable you to assume the state
and condition necessary to appear before Us, as We are not desirous
to have it known in Rome that there is in Rome any person with
whom We are in communication. It cannot be that you will not,
in every sense, be prudent and circumspect when coming to Us;
if not in the state of a person of your quality, at least in that of
an ordinary gentleman when you set foot in England. Lastly,
pray for us, for the Queens, and for our Kingdom.
"We are,
"Your affectionate father,
"CHABLES,
"King of England, France, Scotland, and Ireland.
"Whitehall, 4th August, 1662."
"Charles II. to the General op the Jesuits.
" To the Reverend Father, the General of the Order of the Jesuits
at Rome.
" Sir and Very Reverend Father, — We send in great haste
and secrecy an express messenger with two letters, one to Your
Very Reverend Paternity requesting that our most dearly beloved
son may come to us as soon as possible, and one to the Queen
of Sweden; and have commanded Our messenger to await her
Majesty in any Italian city she may have to pass through, as we
are averse that he should in any manner make his appearance in
your house, lest he should there be known by any members of
your Order who may be English and worthy of belief, or remain
more than one day in Rome, lest he should also be their recognised
by Englishmen.
" We must inform your Very Reverend Paternity that, after We
had written Our first letter. We received reliable news that the
Queen of Sweden had gone to Rome against our expectations, and
that this, to a certain degree, has placed in no small risk the
matter of Our spiritual welfare. We have in consequence, and
after having taken the advice of the Queens, determined at once
to write to the Queen of Sweden; pretending, and giving her to
believe, that Our dearly beloved son, having represented to Us his
request that We would grant him some certain income during his
life, in order that, should he be unable to continue to lead the
religious life he has entered upon, now that he is a Catholic, he
might have wherewith to shelter himself; and, admitting his being
unable to continue in his calling, he, still in the same manner
entreating Us to grant him funds which he might dispose of ac
cording to his own pious intentions. We have in this granted all
his requests; but being unable to carry out these Our wishes in
Rome, We have commanded him to repair to Paris to some of
Our friends, and from thence to proceed to Jersey or Southampton,

letter to the general op the JESUITS 261
where he will receive from Us forty or fifty thousand crowns
wherewith to constitute a fund, or which he may place in some
bank. We hsvve also led her to believe that We have ordered him
to say nothing concerning his birth to the Very Reverend Father,
the General of his Order; but that he is merely to inform him
that he is the son of a rich minister who has been dead some
little time and that his mother, being desirous to become a Catholic
and of giving up to him his inheritance, has written to him on
the subject; and that your Very Reverend Paternity, desirous to
further the spiritual welfare of this person, and to receive her as
a Catholic, and wishing also that the son should obtain his inhe
ritance, will permit this journey without any difficulty. Such are
Our intentions and riews. In this manner, the Queen concluding
that she alone is entrusted with this secret, will have no motive
to sacrifice any of the friendship she may entertain for your Very
Keverend Paternity; and in this manner also We will guard
{gainst any suspicion she might entertain that We had ordered
Our son to come to Us, or that we were a Catholic. And above all,
it is necessary that he wait not for the Queen, but depart as soon
as possible; because, as she is in want of means (her wants being
such that she asked thirty-five thousand crowns of the Swedish
Diet in advance), she might so entangle him that the affairs which
we- have to treat would only be treated unsatisfactorily. This is
what We had to say on the subject of the Queen of Sweden.
Your Very Reverend Paternity will not, therefore, experience too
great a degree of astonishment; for, if the sentiment of fear is
bestowed upon Us in order to protect us from the evils which
surround us, it necessarily becomes greater and keener as the latter
becomes graver, and more likely to produce disastrous results. At
the present time, it is a truth fully agreed upon by persons of the
soundest judgment that of all the evils that could surround Us the
certainty that we were a Catholic would be tlie greatest and the most
likely to ca/use our death, and, together with it, an infinity of tumult
in Our Kingdom. Your Very Reverend Paternity will not, there
fore, be too greatly astonished if We take so many precautions.
and have judged proper to write this second letter, as well on
account of what concerns the Queen, as to make good any omis
sions We have made in the first, and also to substitute some
parts, such as, that our most dearly beloved son is not to present
himself to Our Beloved Cousin, the King of France, nor to Our
most Honoured Sister, the Duchess of Orleans, before he shall
have spoken to Us ; but that he is simply to come to Us through
France, or Paris, or by any other way which your Very Eeverend
Paternity may be pleased to point out to him ; and that he is to
write to the Queen of Sweden when on his journey, lest she should
perceive that Our measures of dissimulation, connected with the
pretexts We have placed before her, had failed in their execution.
Such is what we have resolved upon with the Queens ; fearful lest
any rumours of it should become noised abroad, or any mis
adventure arise.
"And, as We are desirous, with all the prudence requisite in a
matter of such weighty importance to Us and to tbe peace of Our
Kingdom, to facilitate for Our most dearly beloved son all the

262 the JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
necessary means for the prosecution of the matter of Our spiritual
welfare; and to avoid all the difficulties which might arise on this
score. We have decided, with the Queens, that on his arrival in
London, in accordance with Our will and pleasure, he shall, vriih-
out delay, suitably prepare and clothe himself should the fear
of soiling his dress, either by reason of bad weather or of the
muddy state of the roads, which are such as to break down a
carriage and injure those in it, have prevented his doing so already,
and shall then take the opportunity, being suitably prepared, to
present himself to the Queen Consort, either when at Mass in Our
Palace of St. James, or when she goes to visit Our most dear and
honoured mother, to whom he will present a letter, sealed as a
petition, in which he will briefly state who he is ; and her Majesty
has received Our orders to do what is necessary to introduce him
before Us with all possible care: and We are certain that nothing
unpleasant will arise, either in the shape of suspicion or trouble:
there being little else for him to do but to allow himself to be led
according to the advice given him to obey Our orders, and to follow
most minutely what We have written, more especially under cover.
"In the meantime We renew the request WeTiave already made
to your Very Reverend Paternity in Our first letter, not to write
to Us, nor to send Us any answer, unless by the hands of Our
most dearly beloved son, whom We command to leave Rome as
soon as possible, as We are unwilling for Our reasons aforesaid,
that the Queen of Sweden should speak with him. On leaving
Rome, he will travel straightway to Us, and We request your Very
Reverend Paternity to move him to come quickly, representing
Our need of him. We are aware that he does not like England,
and We attribute this to his not having been brought up there,
and to his having lived there as an unknown person. He lived
in it about a year, and before its expiration, laid before Us such
reasons, that we were feign to permit him to depart to Holland,
where he conducted himself so as to merit much praise, and to
Our entire satisfaction, both as regards polite letters and other
studies, in which he has made the greatest proficiency.
" We believe him to possess so much discretion, that he will be
far from disobeying Us in coming, which is what we desire of him;
and, as soon as he shall come, We will so manage, with the co
operation of the Queens, that we will have him secretly ordained a
priest ; and if there should be anything which the Bishop in Ordi
nary cannot carry out without the permission of his Holiness, let
him not fail to see to it, in all secrecy and in such a manner that
it may not be known who he is; and this he will do, if possible,
before he leaves Rome. And in the meanwhile, We entreat Your
Very Reverend Paternity to pray God for the Queens, for Our
Kingdom, and for Ourself, who are " CHARLES, King of England.
" Whitehall, August 29, 1668."
It is impossible for any honest-minded man to read these
letters without indignation at the infamous conduct of the

AN IMPORTANT SECRET CONFERENCE 263
King. We look in vain for any censure of his duplicity on
the part of the Pope or the General of the Jesuits, who were
evidently weU acquainted with his underhand proceedings.
The son referred to came to London as requested, with a
certificate of his identity in his pocket from the General of
the Jesuits ; but his after-proceedings are, to a large extent,
shrouded in mystery.
Charles continued to give evidence of his goodwill towards
the Papacy throughout his reign; but in nothing was this
more clearly manifested than in his relations with Louis XIV.,
King of France. " On the 25th of January, 1669," writes
the author of the Life of the First- Earl of Shaftesbury,
" the King held a secret conference, in the Duke of York's
house, with the Duke, who had lately embraced tbe Roman
Catholic religion. Lord Arundel of Wardour, a Roman Catho
lic, and Arlington and Clifford, who were both, if not Roman
Catholics, more or less disposed to that religion, and who
both ended by adopting it; and on this occasion Charles
declared himself a Roman Catholic, expressed his grief at
not being able publicly to avow his religion, and, stating
that he wished to encounter tbe difficulties while he was
young and vigorous, aSked advice as to the means of establish
ing the Roman Catholic religion in England." ' This state
ment is confirmed by the testimony of the Duke of York
himself, who further relates that he:
" Well knowing that the King was of the same mind [i.e., to
declare himself a Roman Catholic], and that his Majesty had
opened himself upon it to Lord Arundel of Wardour, Lord Arling
ton, and Sir Thomas Clifford, took an occasion to discourse with
him upon that subject at the same time, and found him resolved
as to his being a Catholic, and very sensible of the uneasiness it
was to him to live in so much danger and constraint ; and that be
intended to have a private meeting with those persons above
named, at the Duke's closet, to advise with them about the ways
and methods fit to he taken for advarwing the Catholic religion in his
dommions, being resolved not to live any longer in the constraint
he was under. This meeting was on the 25th of January, the day
on which the Church celebrates the Conversion of St. Paul.
' Life of the frst Earl of Shaftesbury. By W. D. Christie, vol. ii., p. 16.

264 Tiit; jBsutTS in gbe.\t brctain
" When they were met according to the King's appointment, he
declared his mind to them in the matter of religion, and repeated
what he had newly before said to the Duke — how uneasy it was to
him not to profess the faith he believed, and that he had called them
together to have their advice about the ways and methods fittest
to be taken for the settling of the Catholic religion in his King
doms, and to consider of the time most proper to declare himself;
telling them withal, that no time ought to be lost ; that he was
to expect to meet with many and great difficulties in bringing it
about, and that he chose rather to undertake it now, when he
and his brother were in their full strength and able to undergo
any fatigue, than to delay it until they were grown older, and less
fit to go through with so great a design. This he spake with great
earnestness, and even with tears in his eyes: and added, that they
were to go about it as wise men and good Catholics ought to do.
" The consultation lasted long, and the result was that there was
no better way for doing this great work, than to do it in conjunc
tion with France and with the assistance of His Most Christian
Majesty; the House of Austria not being in a condition to help
in it; and, in pursuance of this resolution, Mons. de Croissy Col
bert, tbe French Ambassador, was to be entrusted with the secret
in order to inform hia master of it, that he might receive a power
to treat about it with our King." '
Charles held several secret interviews with the French
Ambassador on the subject, in which they plotted the
destruction of the Protestant religion of England by force
of arms. In a despatch to Louis XIV., dated November 13th,
1669, Colbert tells his Master that in a secret interview he
had with Charles:
" He told me that he believed I must have thought that he and
those to whom he had entrusted the conduct of this affair, were
all fools to pretend to re-establish the Catholic religion in England ;
that, in effect, every versed person in the affairs of his Kingdom, and
the humour of his people, ought to have the same thought; but
that, after all,_ he hoped that with your Majesty's support, this
great undertaking would have a happy success. That the Presby
terians and all the other sects, had a greater aversion to the English
Church than to the Catholics. That all the sectaries desired only
the free exercise of their religion, and provided they could obtain
it, as it was his design they should, they would not oppose his
intended change of religion. That besides, he has some good
troops strongly attached to him, and if the deceased King his
father had had as many, he would have stifled in their birth those
troubles that caused his ruin. That he would still augment as
much as possible his regiments and companies, under the most
' Life of James the Second: CoUectel oat of Memoirs writ of hia own hand.
Edited by the Rev. J. S. Clarke, vol. i., p[). 44,1, 442,

THE SECRET TREATY OF DOVER 265
specious pretexts he could devise ;. that all the magazines of arms are
at his disposal, and all well filled. That he was sure of the principal
places in England and Scotland: that the Governor of Hull was
a Catholic; that those of Portsmouth, Plymouth and many other
places he named, among the rest Windsor, would never depart
from the duty they owed him ; that as to the troops in Ireland, he
hoped the Duke of Ormond, who had very great credit there,
would be always faithful to him; and that though the Duke, not
approving this change of religion, should fail in his duty, my
Lord Orrery, who was a Catholic in his heart, and who had still
a greater power in that army, would lead it wherever he shonid
command him. That your Majesty's friendship, of which he had
the most obliging proofs in the world by the answers given to his
proposals, and with which he assured me he was entirely satisfied,
would also be of great service to him ; and in short, he told me
that he was pressed both by his conscience, and by the contusion
which he saw increasing from day to day in his Kingdom, to the
diminution of his authority, to declare himself a Catholic." '
It is noteworthy that, aU the whUe this evil plot was
being prepared, the country knew nothing at all about it,
and, in a state of fancied security, was really sleeping on a
volcano. At last the negotiations between Charles II. and
Louis XIV. ended in the Treaty of Dover, of which James II.
writes: — "The Treaty was not finally concluded and signed
till about the beginning of 1670, the purport of which was,
that the French King was to give d6'200,000 a year, by
quarterly payments, the first of which to begin when the
ratifications were exchanged, to enable the King to begin the
work in England; that when the Catholic religion was settled
here, our King was to join with France in making war
upon Holland. . . .^ All this was translated with the last secrecy,
and in preparation thereunto. Colonel Fitzgerald, lately come
from Tangier, where he had been Governor, was to have a
new regiment of foot prepared for him, and such officers
chosen for it as might be confided in. . . . The rigorous
Church of England men were let loose and encouraged
underhand to prosecute according to the law the Noncon-
' Memoirs of Great Britain. By Sir John Dalrymple. Second Edition, 1783.
endii, HoUai
be crushed.

pendii, p. 39.
' Holland was a Proteatant nation, and therefore it was necessary that it should

266 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
formists, to the end that these might be the more sensible
of tbe ease they should have when the Catholics prevaUed." '
The author of The Secret History of the Court and Reign of
Charles IL, published in 1792, states that "Lord Arundel
of Wardour, a declared Papist, was the person appointed to
go to Paris, with full instructions; and none of the Ministry
or Council were admitted into the secret, but Arlington,
Clifford, and Sir Richard Bealing, who were all Roman
Catholics. "" The first article of this Secret Treaty of
Dover was as follows: —
" Art. 1. The King of Great Britain being convinced of the truth
of the Catholic religion, and resolved to declare himself a Catholic,
and to reconcile himself tq the Church of Rome, thinks the assist
ance of His Most Christian Majesty may be necessary to facilitate
the execution of his design. It is, therefore, agreed and concluded
upon, that His Most Christian Majesty shall supply tbe King of
F^gland, before the said declaration, with the sum of £200,000
sterling, one-half to be paid in three months after the ratification
of the present Treaty, and the other half in three months more:
and further that His Most Christian Majesty shall assist the King
of England with troops and money, as there may be occasion, in
case the said King's subjects should not aeguietce in the said declara
tion and rebel against his said Britannic Majesty, which is not
thought likely." '
The reading of this secret article of the Dover Treaty
greatly moved the indignation of the late Lord John RusseU.
"It is impossible," he wrote, "to read this article without
indignation at the unprincipled ambition, the shameless
venality, and the cool hypocrisy of Charles. For the sake
of public tranquillity an army of Frenchmen was to be intro
duced into England, to force the nation to embrace a rehgion
they detested! The holy name of God is used for the pur
pose of sanctioning the subjugation of a free people by the
assistance of a foreign power! Such was the return which
a King of the House of Stuart thought fit to make to a
country which had received him with unlimited confidence.
' life of James II., vol. i., pp. 442-443.
' Sfcret Eistory of the Court of Charles II., vol. ii., Sttpplciiimt, p. 3.
' liid., p. 4.

THE SECRET TREATY OF DOVER 267
Neither the affection which the people had shown to his
person, nor the general duty of a Sovereign to his subjects,
nor the solemn obligation of an oath, were sufficient to
restrain Charles from signing a treaty, which will ever re
main a monument of ingratitude, perjury, and treason. And
as his offence cannot be justified, so neither can it be
paUiated. He was not obliged, whatever he might allege, by
the unreasonable demands or unquiet humours of his people,
to fly to foreign protection : his perfidy was as spontaneous
as it was unexampled." '
The chief instrument used in securing the signing of the
Secret Treaty of Dover, was the sister of Charles, the Duchess
of Orleans, a devout Roman Catholic. She came over to
Dover for the purpose, and on her return to Paris she was
specially entertained at an Opera, in which the author, a
M. St. Ange, addressed her thus : — " It is from your heaven
like wisdom to manage your Royal brother's tender soul,
that we expect the happiest of consequences. It is from the
torch of your love to our Catholic Apostolic Church, we hope
to see his Britannic Mayesty's zeal to the ancient religion of
his ancestors take flame, by the sympathy of a nearest relation.
We long with somewhat of impatience for the happy result
of your consultations; we doubt not to see that monster
heresy lie groveUing at our invincible Monarch's and your
brother's feet, and her supporters expiring in chains." "^
By the Treaty of Dover Charles engaged to join with
Louis XIV. in a war against Holland, whose Protestantism
was an object of hatred to both Kings. Under false pretences
the English Parliament was induced to vote large sums of
money to carry on this war, but this was supplemented by
large grants of money from the King of France.
With the hope that the Roman Cathohcs, Presbyterians
and Dissenters would rally round him, Charles, shortly before
commencing this war, issued a Declaration of Indulgence,
' The Life of William Lord Rwse/l. B.v Lord .John Russell. 4th ed., p. 47.
" Oidinixon's Secret History uf Enrope, Part L, p. 104. Second Edition.

268 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
by which he suspended the execution of the penal laws against
Roman Cathohcs and Nonconformists, allowing the latter to
publicly hold Divine services in licensed buildings, and the
former to have services in private houses, and to be exempted
from the penalties to which they were subjected by law.
Bishop Burnet says the Presbyterians thanked the King for
his Declaration, but, apparently, they afterwards changed
their mind, for Rapin assures us that: — "The King and the
Cabal were extremely mistaken in imagining that the Decla
ration for Liberty of Conscience would gain the Presbyterians,
in return for so great a favour. The leaders of the Presby
terians were too wise to be taken in so palpable and dan
gerous a snare. It was easy for them to see, they were
only designed for instruments to advance the interests of the
Romish rehgion. When they reflected that this favour was
received from the King, the Duke of York, and the members
of the Cabal, they could not believe it flowed from a prin
ciple of rehgion or humanity. They saw, besides, so many
extraordinary proceedings, so many invasions on the rights
of the people; the Papists indulged in their religion; the
King making exorbitant demands upon his Parliament; an
army encamped at the very gates of London in tbe midst
of winter ; a war begun to destroy the only Protestant State
capable of supporting rehgion, and Papists in the principal
posts; aU this sufficiently demonstrated that the suspension
of the Penal laws was not for their sake." '
With a portion of the money obtained from the King of
France, and a grant obtained from his own Parliament
by false pretences, Charles set to work to form an army
likely to do his bidding, and carry out his plans. On
this scheme a writer of the period, whom I have already
cited, remarks: — "And now the King, having got the money
in his hands, a new project was set on foot, to set up an
army in England for the introduction of slavery and Popery,
' Rapin's Eistory of England, vol. xi., pp. 385, 386.

A POPISH ARMY AT BLACKHEATH 269
under pretence of landing in Holland; which was raised
with all the expedition imaginable; over which, a Colonel
Fitzgerald, an Irish Papist, was made Major-General, so were
the greatest number of the Captains and other officers of
the same stamp." '
" Nor were they ignorant of the real design for which the King
had raised his army, and what care the King and his brother took,
that there should be no other officers in that army than what were fit
for the work in hand, which was to introduce Popery and French
government by main force ; four parts of the five being downright
Papists, or else such as resolved so to be upon the least intimation.
The Duke [of York] recommending all such as he knew fit for
the turn, and no less than a hundred commissions being signed
bv Secretary W. to Irish Papists to raise Forces, notwithstanding
the late Act, by which means both the land and Naval Forces
were in safe hands; and to complete the work, hardly a Judge,
Justice of the Peace, or any officer in England but what was of
the Duke's promotion. Nor were they ignorant of the private
negotiations carried on by the Duke, with the King's connivance,
with the Pope and Cardinal Norfolk, who had undertaken to raise
money from the Church sufficient to supply the King's wants,
till the work were done, in case Parliament should smoke their
design, and refuse to give any more. Nor was the Parliament
ignorant what great rejoicing there was in Rome itself, to hear in
what a posture his Majesty was, and how well provided of an army
and money to begin the business." *
There is an entry in Evelyn's Diary, under date, June 10,
1673, about this Army: — "We went after dinner to see the
formal and formidable camp on Blackheath, raised to invade
Holland, or, as others suspected, for another design."
The schemes of Charles II. for restoring Popery in Eng
land were greatly facilitated through the presence in his
Court and in his Government of a number of men who were,
hke himself, secretly Roman Cathohcs. Professor Masson
calls attention to some of these men, when writing about
the events of this period.
"The condition of things in Charles's Court," writes
Masson, "from August 1662 onwards had been pecuharly
favourable for the resuscitation in his mind of the idea of
' Secret Eistory of Charles II. and James II., p. 70.
2 Ibid., p. 90.

270 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
exchanging his crypto-Cathohcism for an open profession of
the Roman Catholic faith. His new Queen had her chapel,
her priests, and Confessors; his mother, Queen Henrietta
Maria, who had come over again from France, to make the
acquaintance of the new Queen, and to try how long she
could stay in England, had also brought Roman Catholic
priests and servants in her train; the number of avowed
Roman Catholics at Court, and the conveniences for Roman
Cathohc worship there, had been largely increased."
" And so, though conversions among the Protestants of the Court
were not yet much heard of, the state of mind which we have
called cry pto-Catholicism, consisting in a secret inclination to Roman
Catholicism and a willingness to go over to it openly if there
should ever be sufficient occasion, had come greatly into fashion.
There were now many crypto-Catholics at Court besides Charles
himself. Lady Castlemaine was one ; Bennet [afterwards Lord
Arlington] was another; Berkeley was another; indeed, the fac
tion that gathered nightly in Lady Castlemaine's apartments,
where Clarendon and Southampton disdained to be seen, may be
described as the crypto-Catholic faction. There was a meaning,
therefore, in the introduction of Bennet into the ministry as Secre
tary of State instead of Nicholas, and in the promotion of Berkeley
in the Household in October 1662. They were si.gns that the King
was strengthening the crypto-Catholic interest, and building it up
about him." '
The part which Charles took in the famous Popish Plot
of 1678 brings lasting disgrace on his memory, for he
signed the death-warrants of many Roman Cathohcs, executed
for their alleged comphcity in that Plot, while all the time
he, at least, beheved that they were innocent of the charges
brought against them by Titus Oates and his feUows. The
torrent of Protestant opinion was so strong that he yielded
to it merely tp save himself from pubhc odium. I need
not enter here at any length into particulars concerning this
Popish Plot, for I believe those who were at the bottom
of it were nothing better than a set of scoundrels, whose
words were quite unworthy of credence. It is true there
was a very real and dangerous Popish Plot going on at the
' Masson's Life of Milton, vol. \i., p 239.

THE TITUS OATES POPISH PtOT 271
time, under the guidance of the Jesuits; but this of Titus
Oates was quite a different affair.
The testimony of Bishop Burnet, the author of the well
known History of the Reformation, as to Oates' Plot is of
great importance. His Protestantism cannot be doubted.
The Bishop boasts that he was more capable to give an account
of the Plot than any man he knew. ' He gives a very
black character indeed of Titus Oates; of whom he states
that: — "He was proud and ill-natured, haughty, but ignorant.
Ho conversed much with Socinians, and he had been com
plained of for some very indecent expressions concerning the
mysteries of the Christian religion. He was once presented
for perjury. But he got to be a Chaplain in one of the
King's ships, from which he was dismissed upon complaint
of some unnatural practices, not to be named." ' "I could
have no regard to anything he either said or swore after
that" ' " Indeed Oates and Bedlow did, by their behaviour,
detract more from their own credit than all their enemies
«ould have done. The former talked of all persons vrith
insufferable insolence; and the other was a scandalous
hbertine in his whole deportment." ^
The testimony of Evelyn, whose love for the Protestant
cause cannot be doubted, (and who was present at the trials
of several of the alleged plotters) is worthy of consideration.
On July 18, 1679, he wrote in his diary: — "For my part,
I look on Oates as a vain insolent man, puffed up with
the favour of the Commons for having discovered something
reaUy true, more especiaUy as detecting the dangerous in
trigue of Coleman, proved out of his own letters, and of a
general design which the Jesuited party of the Papists ever
had, and stUl have, to ruin the Church of England; but
that he was trusted with those great secrets he pretended,
or had any sohd ground for what he accused divers noblemen
of, I have many reasons to induce my contrary belief. That
1 Biirnet'g Eistory of his Own Time. vol. ii., p. 144. Ed. Oiford, 1823.
* IHd., p. 145. ' Ibid., p. 151. ¦• Ibid., p. 186.

272 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
among so many Commissions as he affirmed to have delivered
to them from P. Oliva [General of the Jesuits] and the
Pope, he who made no scruple of opening all other papers,
letters, and secrets, should not only not open any of those
pretended Commissions, but not so much as take any copy
or witness of any one of them, is almost miraculous."
Writing again in his diary, on June 18, 1683, Evelyn
remarks: — "The Popish Plot also, which had hitherto made
such a noise, began now sensibly to dwindle, through the
folly, knavery, impudence, and giddiness of Oates."
The fact that there are still to be found amongst us some
Protestants who believe that every word uttered by Titus
Oates was true and reliable, makes it necessary to give
here several extracts from the opinions of men of note,
whose Protestantism is unquestioned. I have just cited
Burnet and Evelyn. Now let us see what that great modern
Historian, Ranke, has to say on this subject:— "About the
plans that had been formed for the re-establishment of
Catholicism in England upon the death of the King, Oates
made statements which contradict the actual position of
affairs; they are without doubt false. Oates had been from
bis youth up notorious for the most shameless untruthfulness.
He had a passion for startling people, and giving himself
importance by boastful and lying exaggerations, which he
spiced with invective on every side, and confirmed with
vrild oaths : he was a small man with a short neck, and a
mouth strikingly out of proportion ; people were careful not
to contradict him, as they were afraid of quarrelling with
him. He mixed up what he knew with what he only
guessed, or what seemed to him serviceable for his schemes,
and he was believed by all. His successful shamelessness
stirred up emulators, of whom Bedlow was one. But still
it cannot be affirmed that all they alleged was mere inven
tion. 'There was some truth in it,' as Dryden says, 'but
mixed with lies.' Moreover, the fact that much of what
they said as to matters which no one suspected proved true,.

INFAMOUS CHARACTER OP TITUS OATES 273
led people to accept also the monstrous things they gave
out. Coleman's correspondence, which Oates first described
and afterwards discovered, especiaUy forwarded this im
pression." '
"Rational men, we suppose," writes Lord Macaulay, in
his Essay on Mackintosh's History of the Revolution, "are
now fuUy agreed that by far the greater part, if not the
whole, of Oates's story was a pure fabrication. It is indeed
highly probable that, during his intercourse with tbe Jesuits,
he may have heard much wUd talk about the best means
of re-establishing the Catholic religion in England, and that
from some of the absurd day-dreams of the zealots with
whom he was associated he may have taken hints for his
narratives. But we do not believe that he was privy to
anything which deserved the name of conspiracy. And it
is quite certain that, if there be any smaU portion of truth
in his evidence, that portion is so deeply buried in falsehood
that no human skill can now effect a separation." "
The opinion of one more eminent historian I must quote,
before I pass on. Hallam terms the Papal Plot " the great
national delusion;" but he is careful to add: — "It is first
to be remembered that there was really and truly a Popish
Plot in being, though not that which Titus Oates and his
associates pretended to reveal — not merely in the sense of
Hume, who, arguing from the general spirit of proselytism
in that rehgion, says there is a perpetual conspiracy against
all governments, Protestant, Mahometan, and Pagan, but one
alert, enterprising, effective, in direct operation against the
established Protestant religion in England. In this Plot
the King, the Duke of York, and the King of France were
chief conspirators; the Romish priests, and especially the
Jesuits, were eager co-operators. Their machinations and
their hopes, long suspected, and in a general sense known,
' Ranke's Eistory of England, vol. iv., p. 60.
2 Lord Macaulay's Works, vol. vi., p. 106. Edinhnrgh Edition, 1897. 18

274 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
were divulged by the seizure and publication of Coleman's
letters." '
This real Popish Plot, which centred round the name of
Edward Coleman, it is now our duty to notice briefly. Coleman
was private Secretary to the Duchess of York, who was a
Roman Catholic, and while acting in that capacity, he carried on
a treasonable correspondence with French Jesuits, a Papal Nun
cio, the Cardinal of Norfolk, and other Enghsh Roman Catho
hcs residing on the Continent. He was arrested on the evidence
of Titus Oates, who, at his trial, swore that Coleman had
formed a plot to murder the King. Now the Jesuits must
have known very well that Charles was himself a Roman
Catholic, and it certainly was not to their interest to destroy
him. As we have seen, the evidence of Titus Oates is
not to be trusted. When Coleman was arrested there was
found in his house his treasonable letters, by means
of which this very real plot of his and the Jesuits came
out. The letters seized on his premises were shortly
after published by authority, in two parts. As a rule they
were very obscure, purposely so, no doubt, but this at least
may be gathered from their contents. The aid of the
French King was sought by the Duke of York, through the
instrumentahty of Coleman, in order that by destroying the
power of the English Parliament, the Duke might be placed
in a position of supreme power in England, the King being
but a cypher in his hands. It was thought by the con
spirators that if the French King would grant to the Duke
a sum of .£300,000, he, with that money, would be able to
induce Charles to do whatever the King of France and the
Jesuits wished ; or, as Coleman put it to the Nuncio, in a
letter dated October 2, 1674 :— " But if the Duke, or any
other, could show of a sudden some other way what would
effectually help him [Charles IL] to money, he would let
himself be governed entirely by him, and in this case the
' Hallam's Constitutional Eistory of England, vol. ii., ^. i2i. Eighth Edition.

COLEMAn's real JESUIT PLOT 275
Duke would have aU power over him ; " ' for, as Coleman
wrote to the same correspondent on October 23, 1674: —
"You agree with me that money is the only means of
bringing the King [Charles] into the Duke's interest, and of
disengaging him from the Parliament, and you must also agree
with me that nothing can more promote the interest of the
Cathohc party, which is the principal object of the Duke's
care and affection. ... I am certain money could not fail of
persuading him [Charles] to it, for there is nothing it cannot
make him do." " If Louis XIV. would only help the Duke,
tbe Duke promised to be for ever devoted to the French
interests. What the Duke aimed at he had made known, a
few years previously, to Colbert, the French Ambassador at
the English Court, in a private interview in which (so Colbert
wrote to Louis XIV.) he said that " affairs are at present
here in such a situation as to make him believe that a King
and a Parhament can exist no longer together. That nothing
should be any longer thought of than to make war upon
[Protestant] Holland, as the only means left without having
recourse to Parliament, to which they ought no longer to
have recourse till the war and the Catholic faith had come
to an happy issue, and when they should be in a condition
to obtain by force, what they could not obtain by mUdness." '
Of all the letters found in Coleman's house none caused
greater excitement and indignation, than one addressed by
him to Father Le Chase, the French King's Jesuit Con
fessor. "We have here," wrote Coleman, "a mighty work
upon our hands, no less than the conversion of three King
doms, and by that, perhaps, the subdoing of a pestUent
heresy, which has domineered over great part of this northern
world a long time. There were never such hopes of success
since the death of Queen Mary, as now in our days; when
God has given us a Prince who is become (may I say, a
' Collection of Letters Relating to the Horrid Popish Plot, Part II., p. 5.
2 Ibid., Part I., pp. 13, 13.
' Dalrymple'a Memoirs of Great Britain. Appendix 80.

276 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
mhacle) zealous of being the author and instrument of so glori
ous a work. But the opposition we are come to meet with,
is also hke to be great ; so that it imports us to get aU the
aid and assistance we can, for 'the Harvest is great, and
the Labourers but few.' " '
Coleman was put upon his trial for High Treason, for
having conspired the death of the King, and holding a
treasonable correspondence baring for its object the destruc
tion of the Protestant religioi by political weapons. Coleman
admitted the correspondence, but denied that he had ever
plotted the murder of the King. The evidence against him
for plotting the King's death was that of Oates and Bedlow
only, which ought never to have been accepted. He was
condemned to death, and sufiFered the last penalty, proclaim
ing his innocence of the chief crime. But that he was
guUty of High Treason for holding the correspondence
there can be no doubt whatever, and the punishment of
that crime was then, and stUl is, that of death. It cannot
be truthfuUy pleaded that he was a martyr to the Roman
Catholic faith, since although he was accused of an attempt
to destroy the Protestant rehgion in England, yet it was
to be done by foreign money and by brute force. Were
any one now charged with this offence, he would be severely
punished, not for trying to overthrow Protestantism, but
for trying to do it by unlawful means. Coleman and his
fellow-conspirators were really laying dangerous plans for
making war on Parliament and the hberties of the people,
and for this he deserved to die. Of course the Jesuits ever
since have held him in high esteem; and it is remarkable
that Leo XIH. has raised him to the ranks of the " Vener
able," as a preliminary to his eventual canonization! This
modern glorification of a traitor by the Papacy, shows that it
still retains its old position, honouring most those whose lack
of loyalty to a Protestant government is most conspicuous.
' Collection of Letters Relating to the Eorrid Popish Plot, Part I., p. 118

DEATH OF CHARLES II. 277
Charles's miserable life of deception continued to the end
of his days on earth. He even practised this abominable
deception on his death-bed, for he then willingly received
the religious ministrations of Bishops of the Church of
England, refusing only to receive the sacrament at their
hands, and that on the false excuse that there was "time
enough," ' and therefore he would think about it. No
sooner had the Bishops left the dying-chamber than a Roman
Catholic priest was sent for, who heard his confession, and
absolved him, and afterwards gave him the last sacraments
of the Church of Rome.
• Calendar of Stuart Papers, vol. i., p. 4.

CHAPTER X
THE FORMATION OF THE JESUIT ORDER
Spain considers it a great honour that she gave birth to
the founder of the Society of Jesus. To a great extent it
must be admitted that the honour has proved a barren one.
There are those who suppose that departed Saints of an
eminent character, have it in their power to assist the
country of their birth through their intercessions. If this be
so, there is reason to fear that the founder of the Jesuit
Order has neglected his duty since leaving this world, for
it is a remarkable fact that ever since his death Spain has
been on the decline both spiritually and temporally, until
at present she is one of the most sorely afflicted nations
of Europe.
Neither the month, nor the day of the month in which
Ignatius Loyola, the founder of the Jesuits, was bom, is known,
but the year was 1491, eight years after the birth of Luther.
Ignatius was not his Christian name, that he gave up when
he entered on his religious career. He was born in the
Castle of Loyola, near the smaU town of Azpeytia, in the
Province of Guipuscoa, and was baptised in the name of
Eneco. He was of noble birth. There is but very little
known of his early life. It is, however, recorded that he
became a page in the Court of Ferdinand the Catholic, where
he fell desperately in love with a young lady of high
station, whose identity has not been established, and gave
himself up to worldly vanities and enjoyments. In his
love-sick condition he wrote poetry, which he sent to her,
and seems to have done his best to secure her love in

EARLY LIFE OP IGNATIUS LOYOLA 279
return, no doubt with the hope of eventuaUy marrying her.
By a remarkable coincidence, in the very year that Luther
began his war against the Pope, in 1517, by nailing up his
celebrated Thesis on the church door of Wittenberg, Loyola
first took up the profession of a soldier. Four years later
he took part in the defence of Pampeluna, against tbe French,
during which he showed more than the average amount of
courage, but unfortunately for himself, he was seriously
wounded during the siege, and made a prisoner by the
French. This memorable event took place on May 20, 1521,
and led to his enforced retirement from pubhc life for a
considerable period. Again it is interesting to note another
coincidence. Only a month previously Luther also had to
retire for a period from public life (after his brave protest
at the Diet of Worms) to the Castle at Wartburg. But
how different the occupations of tbe two men during their
retirement! Luther was occupied in translating the Bible
into German, a grand and noble work; while unhappy
Loyola was spending his time in constantly thinking about
his lady love, and, subsequently, in reading the Lives of the
Saintsl There is no reason to doubt that Loyola's decision,
formed while recovering from the severe illness brought on
by his wounds, to devote himself to a Monastic life, was
caused by despair of ever gaining tbe hand of the lady on
whom he had bestowed his affections. Monasteries and
Convents are very much indebted to the same cause for an
increase in the number of their inmates. It is stated by
several of the biographers , of Loyola, that after he had
decided to give up his worldly life, tbe Virgin Mary
"appeared to him one night with the ChUd Jesus in her
arms," but we may well doubt this, if it were only on
the ground that our Saviour had ceased to be a "chUd"
many long centuries before. Possibly it was a dream, the
result of the fever from which he was then recovering.
However that may be, it is certain that his illness formed
a turning-point in his career, which affected the whole of

280 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
his subsequent life. He decided that he would go barefoot
on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and on his return he would
enter a house of tbe Carthasians at Seville.
Early in 1522 Loyola left his home on his journey to
wards Jerusalem. He was too weak to walk, and was there
fore obliged to travel at first on a mule. After visiting
some of his relatives on the way, he at length arrived at
the monastery of Montserrat, where he passed the night at
a famous shrine of the Virgin, after having first of all
divested himself of the rich attire suited to his rank, and
put on instead the rough coarse dress of a poor pilgrim.
We next find him at the town of Manresa, where he stayed
for about four months, wearing a hair shirt all the time,
and an iron-spiked chain as a girdle next his skin. Three
times a day he scourged himself until the blood came, and
after that he lay down at night on the bare ground, with
a block of stone or wood as his pUlow, vainly thinking
that in this way he could do something towards atoning for
his sins. He removed from Manresa to a cave a short dis
tance from the town, where he took up his abode, lying at
night on the damp floor, and adding to his other mortifica
tions the lunatic occupation of beating his breast with a
stone ! Tbe result of such a course of proceeding naturally
affected his health, and brought on what we in modern
times term " a fit of the blues." He saw devils and aU sorts
of horrible things, and was tormented so much in his mind
that he seems to have nearly gone mad. While here he
seems to have conceived his first idea of forming the Jesuit
Order, and before leaving he wrote a considerable portion
of those Spiritual Exercises which are still in use in all the
Colleges of the Order throughout the world. Amongst
other wonderful things said to have happened to him at
this time, it is recorded that a statue of the Virgin spoke to
him, though what she said is not reported. '
1 life of Sf. Ignatius Loyola. By Stewart .Rose, p. 64. Edition 1891.

IGNATIUS ON HIS TRAVELS -81
After a stay of ten months at Manresa, Loyola started
again on his travels in January, 1523. He knew neither
Latin nor Italian, and as he purposed passing through Italy
this no doubt added greatly to the difficulties of the journey.
At Barcelona a lady asked him where he was going, to
which he replied that he was going to Rome. " To Rome,"
she exclaimed. "Those who go to Rome seldom come back
the better for their visit " — a clear indication of the opinion
then formed of the vrickedness of the city which was the
head centre of the Papacy. His stay at Rome was very
brief, and after obtaining a pilgrim's licence from the Pope,
together with his benediction, Loyola started once more on
his travels, and at length arrived at Jaffa, on August 31.
From there, with other pilgrims, he made the journey to
Jerusalem, riding on an ass. He had intended to take up
his permanent abode in the dty, and to devote himself to
the work of converting the Turks to Christianity. It seems
a pity now that he did not get his way, for this would
probably have saved the world a vast amount of trouble
subsequently produced by the Society he founded. But the
fact was the Franciscan Monks were in possession of the
work of the Church of Rome in Jerusalem at the time, vrith
power to decide who should stay there and who should not,
and they did not take a fancy to young Loyola. In fact
they treated him in a most unbrotherly fashion, and ordered
him to leave the city as quickly as possible. It was a sad
trial, no doubt, to his enthusiastic nature. He had brought
letters of recommendation with him to the Franciscans, but
they were all in vain. So, after a stay of six weeks, he
started on his way back to Europe. Having arrived in
safety, it came into his head that it was high time for him
to become educated. He was thirty-three years old when
he decided to throw off his ignorance as far as possible, by
going through a course of study. He began his self-imposed
task at Barcelona, but found it hard work to keep his mind
on his books, though he had the assistance of a tutor

282 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
provided for him at the expense of a wealthy lady. She
provided him also with a decent suit of clothes to wear, but
the shoes he found altogether too luxurious. He could not
throw them away without being found out and offending
the giver, but he got out of the difficulty by cutting off the
soles ! With his studies he continued his penitential mortific
ations, and one good woman afterwards averred that one
night, looking into his room through a chink, she saw the
future saint while at prayer surrounded with a dazzling
splendour, and lifted two feet high in the air, where he
stood upon nothing! Outside the town of Barcelona was a
Dominican Nunnery, called the Convent of Angels. The
ladies inside its waUs were by no means saints or angels.
Indeed they had earned for themselves a very bad name in
the town, for young men of very bad repute were welcome
and frequent guests at the Convent, and scandal was the
very natural result. The Jesuit Bonhours says that the
Nuns "were perfect courtesans." ' People tell us that such
things could not possibly happen in a Convent, but Jesuit
writers record the facts, and there is, in this case, no
reason to doubt the truth of their statements. " Ignatius
gave the wicked Nuns good wholesome advice, with the
result that they reformed their manners from that time forth.
"^ After two years spent in preparatory studies at Barce
lona, Ignatius, in August 1526, arrived at Alcala, where he
became a student of the University. While there he got
into trouble with the Inquisition, and was actually imprisoned
lor forty-two days, when he was declared by the Inquisitors
not guUty of the charges of heresy brought against him.'
They feared that he was a Lutheran, but were not long in
discovering their great mistake. It would indeed have been
strange had Rome's future leading champion against Pro
testantism been found guilty of such an offence, and put to
1 Bonhours' Life of St. Ignatius, p. 70. London. 1686.
= Life of St. Ignatius of Loyola. By Father Genelli, S.J., p. 55.— Hose's
life of Loyola, p. 101.

IGNATIUS IN THE PRISONS OF THE INQUISITION 283
death for it. y\ One result of his imprisonment was that it
led to his leaving the University of Alcala, for Salamanca,
after a stay in the former place of a httle more than a
year. But trouble awaited him at Salamanca also. He had
gone out amongst the people there with a companion, speak
ing to them of religious things, but as they were both
laymen this at once aroused the suspicions of the priesthood,
with the result that only twelve days after his arrival poor
Ignatius once more found himself within the walls of a
prison, on a charge of heresy. For twenty-one days the
unfortunate Ignatius remained in the dungeons of the Inqui
sition, chained to a fellow-prisoner; when he was again
fortunate enough to be declared innocent. ;k,, After another
such an experience it became evident to Ignatius that be
could no longer remain with comfort in Salamanca. He
determined to go to Paris and study there. His friends
tried hard to dissuade him from such a step, but in vain,
and consequently early in 1528 he arrived in Paris. He had
not been long in that city before he again incurred the
suspicion of the Chief Inquisitor, Matthew Ori, who sent for
Ignatius to explain his position. This time the future
General of the Jesuits was able to satisfy the Inquisitor with
out being sent to prison. At Paris he supported himself by
begging, but this failing to secure sufficient for his pur
poses, for three successive years he visited Flanders, during
the vacation, for the purpose of begging from his country
men there resident. He even paid a short visit to England,
as to which little is known. Ignatius studied in the University
of Paris for seven years, and took the degrees of Master
in Arts and Doctor. At times he suffered great privations,
but with that indomitable perseverance which was one of his
chief characteristics, he brought bis studies to a successful
close. During those seven years the thought of forming a
new religious Order in the Church of Rome never forsook
him, and he was constantly on the look-out for suitable
disciples to join with him in founding it. He selected six

284 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
for this purpose — namely, Peter Favre, or Lefevrc, a peasant
from the mountains of Savoy ; Francis Xavier, a member of
an ancient and noble family of Navarre, and afterwards widely
known as a Missionary in India ; James Laynez, a Spaniard,
who subsequently became General of the Jesuit Order, in
succession to Loyola; Alpbonsus Salmeron, from Toledo;
Simon Rodriguez, a Portuguese; and Nicholas Bobadilla, a
Spaniard. "fvThese six were men of exceptional natural abU-
ities, and his choice is a clear proof of the wisdom of
Ignatius in selecting men for the work he had on hand. It
was a saying of his that those who were best fitted to succeed
in the world, were likely to make the best and most useful
servants of Christ. He preferred to have a few trustworthy
men at hand to a crowd of inefficient instrumentsv/ On the
15th of August, 1534, Ignatius with his six companions
met together in a small chapel on the hUl of Montmartre,
Paris. There Favre— the only one of the party who was
a priest at the time — said Mass, after which the seven of
them made vows of poverty and chastity, and bound them
selves to go to Palestine, there to labour for the salvation
of the infidels. It was agreed, however, that if anything
should happen which would make this an impossibihty, then
they should go to Rome, throw themselves at the feet of
the Pope, and place themselves at his disposal>)^ It was a
very important event which took place that day, from what
ever point of view we may look upon it. It was in reahty
the birthday of the Society of Jesus, which was at once
placed by its founders under the special protection of the
Virgin. At the same time it was decided that the whole
of the party should meet at Venice on January 25, 1537,
for the purpose of embarking for the Holy Land.
The year 1534, in which the Jesuit Order was bom —
though as yet without Papal sanction — was memorable in
English Church History. In that year Acts of Parliament
were passed forbidding appeals to Rome, the receiving of
Papal dispensations, and the payment of Peter's Pence. It

IGNATIUS AND THE PARIS PROTESTANTS 285
also witnessed the abjuration of Papal Supremacy by the
Convocations of Canterbury and York. In Germany it witnessed
also the completion and pubhcation of Luther's translation
of the whole Bible in the German language. In the very
year in which Papal Supremacy was abolished in England,
and the Bible given in their own language to the people of
Germany, was born the Order whose aim has ever since
been to restore that Papal Supremacy wherever it has fallen,
and to destroy the Supremacy of the Bible over the Church
of Christ. In Paris, where Ignatius Loyola resided, there
was at the time a considerable number of Protestants, whose
presence was a sore trouble to the Romish priests. Early
in that year it was decided by the Romanists that the
burning pUe was the best answer to heresy. "It is not
enough," said the priests, "to put Lutheran evangelists in
prison. We must go a step further and burn them." As
a result of this decision, no fewer than 300 Protestants were
incarcerated in one prison alone. Officers were sent out in aU
directions through the city, hunting for Lutherans and haUing
ihem to prison. We are not told that Loyola assisted in
the work, but one of his Jesuit biographers significantly
teUs us that : " The principal employment of Ignatius at
that time was to confirm Catholics in their ancient behef,
and to make heretics sensible of their errors. He caused
many to return, who had abjured the faith, and he brought
them to the Inquisitor to be reconciled to the Church." *
One of those imprisoned at this time was Alexander Canus,
a converted Dominican monk, of great eloquence, whose
whole soul was on fire with love to the Saviour, and longing
for the salvation of sinners. He was crueUy tortured while
in prison. When the priests had crushed in his left leg,
he groaned aloud: "0 God! there is neither pity nor mercy
in men!" He was condemned to death at the stake. He
died preaching to those around the mercy of the Saviour he
1 Bonhours' life of Ignatius, p. 118.

286 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
loved. His last words were ' ' My Redeemer ! 0 my Redeemer ! "
On November 18th a poor Protestant bricklayer named
PoUle was led out before the Church of St. Catherme's,
Paris, to die for his faith. As he stood by the stake, ready
to be bound to it, with a face beaming with peace and joy,
he exclaimed:— "My Lord Jesus Christ reigns in heaven,
and I am ready to fight for Him on earth unto the last
drop of my blood." They were brave and glorious words.
May God grant us all grace to lay them to heart in this
twentieth century, and infuse into us the brave witness-
spirit for Jesus which he then possessed. But his cruel
persecutors were not pleased with his noble words. " Wait
a bit," tbey said to him, " we wiU soon stop your prating."
They caught hold of his tongue, sht a hole through it;
and then made a sht in his cheek, pulled his tongue through
it, and fastened it there with an iron pin. He was then
burnt alive. '
On the anniversaries of the day on which Ignatius and
his companions first took their vows, in 1535 and 1536, his
companions met together in the same chapel and renewed
them; Ignatius himself being away in Spain at the time.
During this period three others joined the new Society,
namely, Claude le Jay, John Codure, and Paschase Brouet.
The Society now numbered ten members, bound together
by their vows, and by the rules prescribed by Ignatius,
in his well-known book of Spiritual Exercises, by the
practice of which exercises the author maintained that a
man may so overcome himself and order his life, as to
free himself from all hurtful affections. I very much doubt
whether the book has fully succeeded in its object in any
case, and judging by the conduct of many of his followers
it has been in their cases a decided failure in eradicating
from their minds all hurtful affections. But it is none the
less a work of considerable ability. Ranke caUs it a " very
> Dauhigne's Reformation in the Time of Calvin, vol. iii., p. 143.

THE "spiritual EXERCISES " AND MONEY MAKING 287
remarkable" book, and adds that, "In its general tenour,
its several propositions and their mutual connection, there
is a certain cogency that excites tbe thoughts indeed to
inward activity, but confines them within a narrow circle.
It is most happUy adjusted to the author's aim, the foster
ing of a spirit of meditation under the government of the
imagination." '
Father William Watson, a secular Roman Cathohc priest
residing in England towards tbe close of the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, knew the Jesuits very well indeed, and frequently
exposed their misdeeds. In his Decacordon of Ten Quod-
libelical Questions, printed in 1602, he shows how the Jesuit
priests of that time used the Spiritual Exercises to get money
out of their rich penitents, as weU as to secure likely can
didates for admission into the Jesuit Order. Father Watson
writes: —
"Another young gentleman not long since entering into this
Exercise under a young Jesuit here in England, was found by his
meditations to have lands yet unsold, amounting in value to 2100
marks a year; which, because it hindered his journey to heaven,
he offering the same to the said young Jesuit, the good young
Father allowing well the offer, said that if he should receive the
land her Majesty would take it from him. 'But,' quoth he, 'sell
it, and then I am capable of the money.' By which ghostly counsel
the gentleman set his land to sale, and was offered £900 for it;
but the holy Father insisting upon £1000, the gentleman died ere
ever a chapman could be gotten, and so the good Father lost all.
" I could here recite many cousening parts played by sundry of
them, through the abuse of giving this holy Exercise; but I will
only enlarge myself with a few golden threads of Father John
Gerard's webb, work, and weaving. ... I will here set down part
of the cousening gains he had made of this Exercise. First, he was
the man that caused Henry Drury to enter into this Exercise, and
thereby got him to sell the Manor of Loxell in Suffolk, and other
lands to the value of £3500, and got all the money himself, the
said Drury having chosen to be a Lay Brother. Afterwards he sent
him to Antwerp to have his Noviciate by the Provincial there 
"Two others had the Exercise given them at that time by
Father Gerard, viz.. Master Anthony Rouse, of whom he got about
£1000; and Master Thomas Everard, of whom he had many good
books and other things. Also he gave the Exercise to Edward
Walpole, whom he caused to sell the Manor of Tuddenham, and
had of him about 1000 marks.
' Kanke's History of the Popes, Part I., Book II.

288 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
"He dealt so in like manner with Master James Linacre, his
fellow-prisoner in the Clink, from whom he drewthere £400 ; and after
wards got a promise of him of all his lands, but was prevented
thereof by the said Linacre's death.
" Furthermore, under the pretence of the said Exercise, he cousened
Sir Edward Huddleston's son and heir, by sundry sleights, of
above £1000. And so he dealt with Master Thomas Wiseman ; and
by giving him the Escerdse he got his land, and sent him to Antwerp
where he died. He also gave the Exercise to the eldest son of Master
Walter Hastings. And he hath drawn Master William Wiseman
into the said Ecerdse so oft, as he hath left him now very bare to live.
"He hath so wrought with Master Nicholas King, lately of
Gray's Inn, as he hath gotten most of his living, and sent him to
Rome. Master Roger Lee, of Buckinghamshire, hath been in this
Exercise likewise, and is also by him sent to Rome.
" In like manner he dealt with such gentlewomen as he thinketh
fit for his turn, and draweth them to his Exercise; as the Lady
Lovell, Mistress Heywood, and Mistress Wiseman, now prisoners ;
of whom he got so much as now she feeleth the want of it. By
drawing Mistress Fortescue, the widow of Master Edmund Fcfftescue,
into his Exercise, he got of her a farm worth £50 a year, and paid
her no rent.
" Another drift he hath by his Exercise of cousenage ; which is
to persuade such gentlewomen as have large portions to their
marriage, to give the same to him and his Company, and to
become Nuns.
" So he prevailed with two of Mr. William Wiseman's daughters,
of Brodock ; vrith Elizabeth Shirley, born in Leicestershire ; with
Dorothy Rookwood, Mr. Richard Rookwood's daughter, of Suffolk,
who had a great portion given unto h^- by the Lady Elizabeth
Drury, her grandmother; with Mistress Mary Tremaine, Master
Tremaine's daughter, of Cornwall, she having a large portion; vrith
Mistress Mary Tremaine, of Doisetshire, of whom he had about
£200; with Mistress Anne Arundel, of whom he got a great portion;
with the Lady Mary Percy, who is now a Nun at Brussels.
"Thus you see by these devices how UH^tily the Jesuits have
increased their riches, and enriched their coffers, expecting a
time no doubt, when to draw forth their treasure to their most
advantage." '
If one Jesuit priest, by the use of the Spiritual Exercises
of Loyola, could gain such a rich harvest, what may not a
whole army of Jesuit priests gain ? It is e^adent from Father
Watson's statement (supported by facts, names, and figures)
that the Jesuit Order has at least a strong mercenary reason
for stUl pushing the use of the Spiritual Exercises to the
utmost. It seems as though here we discover the secret oi
the great wealth of the Society of Jesus.
' Watson's Decacordon, pp. 89 — 91.

NINE YOUNG JESUITS AT ROME 289
Early in 1535 Ignatius had gone to Spain and had visited
his birthplace, where his brother and family still resided
NaturaUy enough the return of Ignatius, in the humble
garb he had adopted, created a great sensation in the neigh
bourhood. Crowds went out anxious to see him. Though
he was but a layman at the time, he was allowed to preach
in the churches, but it was soon found that no building was
large enough to hold the multitudes who came to hear him. So
he had to preach in the open air. During his visit he is
said to have worked several miracles, but he only stayed
about three months, and then he started off for Venice,
haring no doubt his vow to go to Jerusalem in mind. He
arrived in Venice on the last day of 1535, remaining there
until his nine companions, whom he had left in Paris, joined
him, on January 6, 1537. It seems that they made the
journey on foot, suffering at times very severely from the
cold of winter. They passed through Lorraine and Germany,
here and there holding discussions with Lutherans on the
way. At Venice the whole party remained for a time, until
they could go to Rome, there to ask the permission of Pope
Paul in. to visit Jerusalem. Ignatius at this time decided
that be would not go to Rome with his companions, but
remain for a while at Venice. The nine young Jesuits were
most favourably received by tbe Pope, who gave them his
blessing and permission to go to Jerusalem. They then
returned to Venice where, on June 24, 1537, Ignatius, and
those of his companions who had not before been ordained,
were promoted to the priesthood. Soon after it was ascertained
that, owing to a war then going on between Venice and
the Turks, it was impossible for the party to go to the
Holy Land as they had intended. This necessarily led Ig
natius to change the plans which he had laid out for his
future course of hfe. He now decided that he would go to
Rome and beg tbe Pope to erect his youthful Society into
a regular Religious Order. He took vrith him on this journey
Favre and Laynez, and they were received by the Pope with every
19

290 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
testimony of affection and approval. The Pontiff directed
that the three companions should remain in Rome, where
Faber and Laynez were to give public lectures on Theology,
and Ignatius to preach and conduct the Spiritual Exercises.
But even here in Rome trouble awaited the founder of the
Jesuits and his two friends. A year later Ignatius wrote to a
friend that they had while there "gone through the most violent
persecution and opposition" which they had endured in their
lives. One of the charges which their enemies brought
against them was that they " wanted to found a Congregation
or an Order without authority from the Holy See." There
was a measure of truth in the accusation, for they had ac
tually formed such an Order without such leave; but, on
the other hand, it is certain that they were most anxious
to secure that authority as soon as possible. In due course
the Jesuits were acquitted of tbe accusations brought against
them by their foes. There were, however, special difficulties
in the way of establishing a new Order at that time, arising
from the corrupt state of the clergy and convents in the
city of Rome. A modem Roman Catholic biographer of
Ignatius says: — "It ought never to be forgotten, that in the
times when Loyola entered on his religions life, a woeful
depravity of morals had spread far and wide; many clergy
were among its most deplorable examples; the Convents
were infected with the vices of the outer world." A com
mission was issued by Paul III., in 1538, for the purpose of
correcting such abuses, and the commissioners, says the
writer just cited, reported that " great scandals existed among
the clergy and in the Convents. To remove this last griev
ance, they proposed that the several Communities should be
(without exception, as far as appears) forbidden to receive
novices ; so that the old set of Monks and Nuns having died
out, a new generation might be trained in the spirit of their
primitive rule." ' Of Cardinal Bartolomeo Guidiccioni, to
' Life of St. IgnatitiS Loyola. By Stewart Rose, pp. 358, 259.

THE JESUIT ORDER ESTABLISHED 291
whom the question of forming the Jesuit Society was referred
by the Pope, it is recorded that "His horror at the dis
orders into which many of the Monks and Nuns had faUen,
made him desire, not reform, but suppression; he wished
aU Orders to be abolished but four, which he would remodel
and place under strict governance. To allow a new Order
was, to his mind, an idea not deserving even to be dis
cussed." ' With the Monasteries and Convents in Rome in
such a deplorable condition, it was a somewhat daring
thing to propose that another Order should be added to
those already existing. A plan of the proposed Order was,
however, submitted to the Pope, and after careful considera
tion received his approval. On September 27, 1540, Paul IH.
issued his celebrated BuU approving of and establishing the
Society of Jesus. In this Bull the Pope quoted, with his
expressed approval, the statement which had been submitted
to him by tbe members of this new Society, in which they
declared that it was formed, amongst other reasons, "for
the instruction of boys and ignorant people in Christianity,
and above aU for the spiritual consolation of the faithful
in Christ, by hearing Confessions ; " that the appointment
and distribution of the duties of its members should be in
the hands of a General chosen by the Pope, " which Chief,
with the adrice of his associates, shall have authority to
draw up Constitutions " for the new Society ; and they pro
mised that "this entire Society and all the members (shaU)
become God's soldiers under faithful obedience of the most
sacred Lord the Pope ; " and that " each one of us be bound
by a special vow, beyond a general obligation, so that
whatsoever the present and other Roman Pontiffs, for the time
being, shaU ordain, pertaining to the advancement of souls,
and the propagation of the faith, and to whatsoever provinces
he shall resolve to send us, we are straightway bound to
obey, as far as in us hes, without any tergiversation or
1 Life of St. Ignatius Loyola. By Stewart Kose, p. 264.

292 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
excuse; whether he send us among the Turks, or to any
other unbehevers, even in those parts called India; or to
any heretics or schismatics." They also promised to take
vows of perpetual chastity and poverty. Tbe Pope in thus
giring his approbation to the new Order, was careful to limit
the number of its members to sixty only ; but three years
later, the same Pope, on March 14, 1543, issued another
BuU, by which, to the great joy of Ignatius, he removed
the restriction as to numbers, and permitted the unlimited
extension of the Society throughout the world.
The day on which the Papal approbation was given to
the Society of Jesus was a memorable one indeed, and to be
remembered ever after by Ignatius vrith joy and gratitude.
Down to this point there is, I think, no reason to doubt
his sincerity. He had shown it in many ways, and for a
period covering many years. He was superstitious of course ;
he desired with aU his heart to support that Papal system
which we, as Protestants, believe to be not only unscriptural
but in many ways highly injurious. Had he walked under
the hght of the Gospel, as revealed in the written Word
of God, he would have been a different man, and as great a
friend to Protestantism as he afterwards turned out to be
its enemy. He was of an intensely enthusiastic nature,
emotional to a degree, and just the kind of man likely to
suffer from spectral iUusions. Many cases of such iUusions
are recorded by Dr. Abercrombie, in his valuable book
entitled Inquiries Concerning the Intellectual Powers, which
are quite as surprising as those recorded of Ignatius and
other Roman dathohc saints, but which are shown by him
to be due to natural causes, and often arise without any
reference to rehgious affairs.

CHAPTER XI
THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE JESUITS-THEIR
SECRET AGENTS
The formal approbation of the Pope having been obtained
for the new Order, the next step to be taken was the
election of its first General. Ignatius for this purpose called
a meeting of his companions at Rome, and invited those
unable to be present to send their votes in writing. On
April 7, 1541, the meeting was held, at which, however, only,
five Jesuits were present. The result was that Ignatius was
unanimously elected as first General. Bonhours asserts that
Loyola was "afflicted, and even surprised to see himself
elected General," and assured his brethren that he was un
willing to act. But in this Loyola could not have been
sincere. How could he have been " surprised " at his elec
tion, when he was the founder of the new Order ? He knew
that some one must be appointed, and it is erident that he
did not think either of his companions suitable, or he would
have voted for him. When his own voting-paper was
opened it was found that he bad not voted for anybody.
His attitude under the circumstances was one of pretence,
for I doubt not that he would have been bitterly disappointed
if anybody else had been selected.
The new General at once set to work to draw up the
Constitutions of the Society of Jesus. He wrote them
in Spanish, but they were at once translated into Latin by
his Secretary. These Constitutions are drawn up with extra
ordinary skiU, and manifest worldly wisdom of a high order.
The founder of the Order here laid down plans which show
that he expected it to cover eventually the whole of the

294 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
globe. "It is indeed," says Mr. Cartwright, "impossible to
consider the series of 'Regulations' and 'Constitutions,' —
of minute injunctions and astute exemptions, — which make
up the code of the Society, without becoming greatly
impressed with the forethought and sagacity which could
devise provisions so intricate and so nicely dovetailed. The
law-makers of the Society have framed a set of ordinances
and of privileges with skill that is perfectly marvellous.'"
The object of the Society of Jesus is said to be "the
greater glory of God" (Ad majorem Dei Gloriam), the
initials of the words, " A. M. D. G.", being frequently used
by the Jesuits in announcing their public services, and on
the title pages of their books. By the Constitutions it is
required of those admitted into the Society that they shall
be of "a comely presence," and that when commencing
their probation they shall have exceeded their fourteenth
year. If they have " external gifts of nobility, wealth,
reputation and the like," these, though not of themselves
sufficient, will make them " more fit for admission " (Part I.
Chap, u., Sees. 3, 12, 13). Other things being equal, it is evi
dent that a rich young man has a better chance of admission
than a poor one. When a candidate is thought suitable for
probation, he is sent to a Home of Probation as a g^est,
for from twelve to twenty days. On the day after he arrives
he is told how to conduct himself while there, " and expressly,
that he hold no intercourse (unless for some cause of no
slight moment it seems otherwise to the Superior), either by
word or writing, with those within or those without,
except with such as are for that purpose designated by the
Superior" (Chap, iv.. Sec. 4). While a guest he must open
his conscience to the Superior, and make a General Con
fession, which, however, may not be to any Confessor he
may choose, but " to the Confessor who shall be designated
by the Superior to receive it." (Sec. 6). There are several
' The Jesuits. By W. C. Cartwright, M.P., p. 13.

RULES OF THE JESUITS 295
things which may lead to the dismissal of the novice at
this stage, amongst them, if he " cannot settle himself to a
life of Obedience, to be regulated according to the Society's
manner of proceeding ; if he cannot, or will not, subject his
own opinions and judgment; or for other impediments,
whether natural or habitual" (Part II. Chap, ii., Sec 4).
It wiU thus be seen that there is no room in the Society
of Jesus for any man with private opinions of his own.
" For liberty of mind and will, — for bold unfettered thought, —
They must think as they are bidden, and believe what they are
taught:
They must shut their eyes and ope their ears, fast bound by
slavish laws,
Rome's hook within their n ostrils, and her bridle on their jaws." '
If the candidate be found likely to become a useful
member of the Society, he next enters as a scholar upon a
formal course of probation in one of its Houses or Colleges.
I may here be permitted to mention that in the Rules
of the Society of Jesus, printed for the private use of its mem
bers only, at the Jesuits' private printing press, Roehampton,
in 1863, the foUowing is printed as the 14th of what are
termed the "Common Rules": —
"None of those who are admitted for the work of the House,
must learn either to read or write, or if he have any knowledge
of letters acquire more; nor shall any one teach him, without
leave of the General; but it shall be sufficient for him to serve
Christ our Lord in holy simplicity and humility." (p. 27.)
While there he must "at least once a week go to the
Sacraments of Confession and Communion; except for some
reason the Superior determine otherwise ; " and one Confessor
m appointed in each House or College to hear the Con
fessions of aU the probationers. Even at this early stage,
before the probationer has actually joined the Society, and
though he may be only fourteen years old, provision is made
in the Constitutions to enable him to give up at once all
' Moultrie's Poems,

296 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
his property to the Society, and he is even advised that it
is better for him to make no conditions in so doing, "but
let him leave its [" his property "] disposal to him who has
the care of the whole Society, whether it should he applied
to one place rather than another within the same province;
since he must know better than any other what is most
needful, and what most urgent" (Part IH., Chap, i.. Sec. 9).
The novice must spend two years in this probationary state,
and during this period — a modern Roman Cathohc historian
of the Order tells us — "In order to exercise their memory
the Jesuit novices are obhged to learn daily a short lesson
by heart; but, with this exception, St. Ignatius decrees that
all study shall be rigorously banished." '
At the end of two years the novice takes the simple
vows of a "Spiritual Coadjutor" in the following terms: —
"Almighty, Everlasting God, I, N. N., though altogether most
unworthy of Thy Divine sight, yet trusting in Thy goodness and
Infinite mercy, and moved with a desire of serving Thee, vow
before the most sacred Virgin Mary, and the whole Court of
Heaven, to Thy Divine Majesty, perpetual Poverty, Chastity, and
Obedience, in the Society of Jesus, and promise that I will enter
into the said Society, for ever to lead my life therein, undertaking
all things according to the Constitutions of the same Society.
Therefore I most humbly beseech Thee, by Thy Infinite goodness
and mercy, by the Blood of Jesus Christ, that Thou wilt vouchsafe
to admit this holocaust in an odour of sweetness, and that as Thou
hapt already given me grace to desire and offer it, so Thou wilt
also bestow plentiful grace on me to fulfil it. Amen."
Of these three vows, those of Poverty and Chastity are
easUy understood, and require no explanation here. But
some space is necessary to explain the Jesuit's Vow of
Obedience, for, as the author last quoted, tells us:-)("The
great law of Obedience is the secret of the perfect discipline
that pervades this vast organization."V^In his famous Letter
on Obedience, dated March 26th, 1553, Loyola wrote to his
subjects in the Order: — "More easUy may we suffer our-
' The Jesuits: Their Foundation and History. By B. N., vol. i., p. 34.
(London, Barns and Oates, 1879).

BLIND OBEDIENCE OF THE JESUITS 297
selves to be surpassed by other Religious Orders in fasting,
watching, and other severities, in diet and apparel, which
according to their Institute and Ride every one does
piously practise; but in true and perfect Obedience and
the abnegation of our wUl and judgment, I greatly desire,
most dear brethren, that those who serve God in this Society
should be conspicuous, and that the true and genuine progeny
of the same should as it were be distinguished by this mark."
And again in the same letter, he remarks (the itahcs are mine) :
"And if there be any who for some time obey, induced by that
common apprehension, that obey they must though commanded
amiss; yet doubtless this cannot be firm and constant, and so
perseverance fails, or at least the perfection of Obedience, which
consists in obeying promptly and with alacrity, for there cam be no
alacrity and diligence, where there is discord of minds and opinions.
There perishes thai zeal and speed in performing, when we doubt
whether it will be expedient or no to do what we are commanded:
there perishes that renowned simplicity of Blind Obedience, when
we call in question the justice of the commw/nd." '
What the obedience of a Jesuit especially should be to
the Church of Rome, may apply also to his obedience to the
Superiors of his Order. In the Spiritual Exercises, Loyola
lays down the proposition : " That we may be entirely of
the same mind with the Church ; if she have defined anything
to be black which may appear to our minds to be white,
we ought to believe it to be as she has pronounced it."
Under these circumstances it would manifestly be impossible
to see anything sinful or wrong in what is commanded, no
matter what the command might be. It is laid down in
the Constitutions: "That Holy Obedience may be perfect
in us in every point, in execution, in will, in intellect;
doing whatever is enjoyned us with all celerity, with spiritual
joy and perseverance ; persuading ourselves that everything
is just; suppres.sing every repugnant thought and judgment
of our own in a certain obedience, and that, moreover, in all
things which are determined by the Superior, wherein it
1 Rules of the Society of Jesus, p. 72. JRoehampton, 1863.

298 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
cannot be defined (as is said) that any kind of sin appears.
And let every one persuade himself that they who live under
Obedience should permit themselves to be moved and directed
under Divine Providence by their Superiors just as if they
were a corpse, which aUows itself to be moved and handled
in any way; or as the staff of an old man, which serves
him wherever and in whatever thing he who holds it in his
hand pleases to use it" (Part 6, Chap. I.).
The Jesuits frequently refer to this rule in proof of their
being some limit to the Obedience of a Jesuit. He must
not obey when he clearly sees " sin " in tbe command. The
Jesuit must obey, says Loyola, in his Letter on Obedience,
" in all things where manifestly there appears no sin." But
here we may reasonably ask, how is it possible for a man
to see who is first of aU made " blind" ? What power has
a "corpse," or a "staff," without hfe or judgment, to see
anything wrong in what is done with it?
" The famous simphcity of Bhnd Obedience," said Loyola,
"no longer exists when we begin inwardly to question
whether it is rightly or wrongly that we are given a com
mand." ' A Jesuit, he affirms, ought to have " a will in
clined only to obey, mthout examining anything, without
seeing anything, to perform all that the Superior has told
you to do." ' " Obedience to the Superior whom God gives
us, be he what he may, is the sure and only means of
regaining peace of soul." ^ But what if the Superior be a
wicked man? Is it not probable, in this case, that he will,
from time to time, relying on the Bhnd Obedience of his
subject, order him to commit that which is sinful ? In this
case how can his subject see anything wrong in the com
mand, when he is required to obey it "without examining
anything, without seeing anything"? The fact is that the
Jesuit's Bhnd Obedience would justify, and even make a
merit of, doing any crime which a Superior may command.
' The Spirit of St. Ignatius, p. 70. London : Burns and Oates, 1892.
= Ibid., p. 72. » Ibid., p. 79.

BLIND OBEDIENCE, CRIME, AND POLLY 299
This Blind Obedience should never be given to any man,
or body of men. And even apart from crime, it serves to
make men in authority in the Order tyrants over their sub
jects, and gives them the power to inflict untold misery
without a shadow of excuse.
Blind Obedience facUitates not only crime and tyranny, but
also folly, sometimes of the most ridiculous kind. It would
be easy to multiply instances, supplied by the Jesuits them
selves, in proof of this. The case of Alonzo Rodriguez, S.J.,
may suffice. He is now a Canonized Saint. It is recorded
of him that he was so perfect in Blind Obedience that he
used "to obey without reasoning," and that "one of the
Fathers had even said he obeyed like an ass"! ' Here is
another instance which shows into what folly such obedience
may lead: —
" A still stranger instance of Blind Obedience," says the biographer
of Rodriguez, " occurred at a little earlier date. Brother Roca, who
was the infirmarian, was one day waiting on our Saint, who was
ill at tbe time. He had brought to him in the Refectory some
tasty and thick soup, in an earthenware dish or porringer — esou-
delta. He noticed that the sick man would not touch it, out of
love of mortification and dislike of special fare, and as Roca thought
it would do him good, he got the Rector to send word that he
must eat the whole diah—escudella, Alonzo at once began with
his knife to scrape the rough earthenware, endeavouring thus to
fulfil the order to the letter. The noise naturally attracted the
attention of the Brothers at his side, and Roca then asked him
why he was spoiling the knife and scratching the dish. ' Because,'
answered Alonzo, ' they told me to eat it.' ' No,' explained Brother
Roca, 'the Superior only wished you to finish the soup; that is
what we mean here by the dish.' So the holy Brother laid down
his knife, and did as he was bid.""
The modern Jesuit biographer of Rodriguez evidently
admires this act of foUy very much, for he actually adds
to the story this marvellous comment: "It is clear that
the Rector might have enjoined in earnest what his words
literally conveyed, as a test of the Saint's obedience; so
Alonzo was justified in taking them in their strictest sense."
1 Life of St. Alonzo Rodriguez. By Francis Goldie, S.J., p. 272.
s Ibid., p. 277.

300 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
After a prolonged course of probation and study, the novice,
if found likely to prove serviceable to the Order, is admitted
into the rank of a " Spiritual Coadjutor." As such he reads
his vow in church, after which he partakes of the Sacra
ment. The vow is in the following terms: —
"I, N., promise Almighty God, before His Virgin Mother, and
before all the heavenly host, and to you. Reverend Father, General
of tbe Society of Jesus, holding the place of God, and your suc
cessors; or to you. Reverend Father, in the place of the General
of the Society of Jesus and his successors, holding the place of
God, perpetual Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, and therein
peculiar care in the education of boys, according to the manner
expressed in the Apostolical Letters and in the Constitutions of
the said Society."
The Spiritual Coadjutors, though priests and real Jesuits,
are not the inner circle of the Society of Jesus. They
may have important posts assigned to them, but they have
no control over the Society. The " Professed Fathers " alone
*' constitute the Society of Jesus in its most technical sense."'
They alone, with a few exceptions, can take part in the
General Congregations of the Order, or vote for the elec
tion of a General. The secrets of the Order are not im
parted to the Spiritual Coadjutors, who may remain ignorant
of them aU their lives. From these latter are selected, as
a rule, those men of high aims in the spiritual life, prepared
to endure in foreign Missions great privations for the good
of the people and the honour of the Order. The Professed
Fathers are but a smaU per-centage of the whole body,
yet they alone possess real power. They take a special
vow of obedience to the Pope, promising to go wherever
he may send them into the Mission field, and no one is
admitted into the rank of the Professed Fathers untU he is
forty-five years of age. Mr. Cartwright asserts that not
more than two per cent of the members of the Order are
received into the supreme grade, but a writer in the organ
' The Jesuits: Their Fa/undation. and History. By B. N.. vol. i., p. 36.

JESUIT SPIES 301
of the English Jesuits, The Month, assures us that from
20 to 30 per cent " would be nearer the truth." '
In addition to the Spiritual Coadjutors and Professed Fathers,
there are in the Order Temporal Coadjutors, laymen, who service
the Society in various capacities, from the humblest offices
in the kitchens of their houses, to the higher office of authors
of books, such as the late Henry Foley, S.J., who was
selected to write the Records of the English Province, S.J.,
in eight large volumes. The lay brother is as much a
Jesuit as the priests of the Society, but he does not, like
them, take a vow to teach boys. The other three vows of
Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience, he takes in the same
terms as those of the Spiritual Coadjutors. The "Rules of
the Temporal Coadjutors," as privately printed in English,
at the Roehampton House of the Order, direct them to
"perform the household serrices of their caUing of whatsoever
kind, however mean and humble they are, being ready to
spend aU their life -time in them. "" In their daUy recreations
they must "not converse among themselves only, or retire
apart from the common place of recreation." One important
work which they are frequently required to undertake, is to
accompany the priests of the Order when paying visits to
private indiriduals, and they are expected to act as spies on
those priests, reporting to the Superior anything they may
have done amiss. The fifth of these rules deals with these
visits, and is worth reprinting here. It is as foUows: —
"In accompanying Ours, especially in visits to women, they
must not only observe what is prescribed to priests in their Rules,
that when they are sent to hear the Confessions of women, or
upon ot^er occasions to risit them, the companion assigned by
the Superior, as long as the priest converses with the women, is
to be in a place where he may see him (so far as the room will
permit), and not hear what ought to be secret ; but also when they
shall risit men, of what quality or degree soever they be, they
must endeavour not to leave him alone at any time, both in regard
of rdigious decency and of common edification, unless it happens
1 The Jesuits. By W. C. Cartwright, p. 23.
' Rules of the Society of Jesus, p. 84.

302 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
that they to whom the visit ia made are of such authority, that
neither the business itself, nor civility will allow the priest or any
of Ours to introduce a companion while the business is going on.
They must, moreover, know that when they come home, they are
of their own accord to go to the Superior and (though he do not
ask) tell him if anything has been done contrary to this Rule."
A very strict watch is kept over the books which the
lay brethren read. The tenth of their Rules enacts that:
"They must not keep nor read any book, of what kind
soever, without leave of the Superior, to whom it belongs
to assign them those which may be most proper for their
spiritual profit." In addition to the Rules for Temporal
Coadjutors, there are several " Common Rules " — as they are
termed — applicable to Jesuits of every rank. Every one
"must," not merely when he feels that his spiritual needs
require it, but "upon the day assigned," confess to an
appointed Confessor, " and to no other without the Superior's
leave" (Rule 3). "No one must have money in his own
keeping ; or, in another's keeping, either money or anything
else" (Rule 7).
"No one must shut his chamber door so that it cannot be opened
on the outside ; or have any chest or other thing locked, without
the Superior's leave" (Rule 11).
" No one must take any medicine, or choose a Physician, or take
adrice of him, unless with the Superior's approval " (Rule 17).
It is a very serious offence indeed for a Jesuit to be too
inquisitive as to the internal affairs of the Society, possibly
because such inquisitiveness might lead to those in the lower
grades learning more than it would he safe for them to be
acquainted with. And therefore it is prorided: —
"No one must curiously enquire of others, the intentions of
Superiors in things appertaining to government, or by forming
conjectures enter into conversation upon them" (Rule 21).
" No one but those who are appointed by the Superior, must
speak with such as are in their first Probation; ordinary saluta
tions, however, are excepted, which, when one meets another,
religious charity requires" (Rule 27).
There is a great dread lest the outside public should
know what goes on in Jesuit Houses and Colleges, while

SECRECY OF THE JESUITS 303
the books used in those establishments are, as far as possible,
to be kept from the knowledge of extems. Secrecy is the
prominent feature of the Jesuit Society, as may be gathered
from the following Rules : —
"When at home, no one must talk with externa, or call any
to talk with them, without general or particular leave of the
Superior" (Rule 86).
" No one must deliver the messages or letters of any extern to
one of the House, or of one of the House to an extern, vrithout
the Superior's knowledge" (Rule 37).
"No one must relate to extems what things are done, or to be
done in the House, unless he knows the Sujjerior approves of it;
and he must not lend them the Constitutions, or other such books
or writings, in which the Institute or the privileges of the Society
are contained, without the express consent of tbe Superior " (Rule 38).
While subordinates in the Society must not enquire too
«uriously about the plans of their Superiors, the latter are
expected to have an unbounded curiosity as to the doings of
those under them, not only while in the Home, but while
on risits outside, especiaUy if those visits are paid to persons
of importance: —
"No one must go out of the House, but when, and with what
companion, the Superior shall think good" (Rule 43).
"When any one asks leave of the Superior to go anywhere he
must, at the same time, tell him whither and for what cause he
desires to go; especially if he would go to speak with a Prelate,
or other person of quality ; and he must the same day relate unto
him what he has done, as he shall understand him to wish it, and
the matter shall require" (Rule 44).
These "Common Rules" are considered by the Jesuit
Order of such importance that it is ordered that each member
•shall possess a copy, and "renew the memory of them
every month, by reading or hearing them" (Rule 49).
In addition there is a series of "General Admonitions,
which regard the religious direction of Ours, and are to be
observed by aU." Every Jesuit has permission to write
direct to the General of the Order, and it is provided that : —
•"Those who write to the General or mediate Superiors, or
receive letters from them, shall not shew them to the

304 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
immediate Superiors." Secrecy is again enjoined by these
Admonitions : — " None in future shaU impart or communicate
to any extern, on any occasion, the Annual Letters of the
Society." Tbe eighteenth of these Admonitions is very
noteworthy. It is often referred to by Jesuits, as a proof
that the Order takes no part in political and State affairs.
It orders that: —
"To take away all appearance of evil, and, as far as possible,
to prevent the complaints which arise from false suspicions, ail
of Ours are commanded in Virtue of Holy Obedience, and under
pain of inability to any post, dignity, or superiority, and of priva
tion of active and passive voice, in no way to meddle in public
or secular affairs of Princes, which appertain, as they term it, to
matters of State; neither may they presume or take upon them to
treat of such political affairs, however much and by whomsoever
they may be urged or importuned."
At first sight this positive command seems decisive. But^
on the other hand, we have to consider the fact that the
General has a dispensing power over the Constitutions of
the Society. It is expressly provided that: "As it belongs
to the General to see that the Constitutions of the Society
be everywhere observed; so shall it belong to him to grant
dispensation in all cases where dispensation is necessary.'*
(Constitutions, Part 9, Chap, iii.. Sect. 8). In the instructions
given by tbe General to the first two Jesuit Missionaries
sent to England (Edmund Campian and Robert Parsons) it
was ordered that : " They must not mix themselves up with
affairs of State, nor write to Rome about pohtical matters,
nor allow others to speak in their presence ag^ainst the
Queen, — except, perhaps, in the company of those whose fidelity
has been long and steadfast, and even then not vrithout
strong reasons." ' Here then was a clear dispensation given
to two Jesuits to enter upon pohtical and State affairs,
though only vrith those who could be trusted. How Parsons
acted on this dispensation is a weU-known fact of history.
1 Simpson's Edmund Campian, p. 100. 1st Edition.

JESUITS AND THEIR PROPEETI 305
Of course it would never do for the Jesuit Order to aUow
its members to enter indiscriminately on political questions.
Many of them would certainly lack the necessary discretion
on such subjects, and therefore there was great worldly
wisdom in thus forbidding them to enter on dangerous and
delicate work, without a dispensation, which, of course, would
be granted only to those whose tact and discretion had been
tried and tested. But as to the rule itself to which modern
Jesuits so vainly appeal, the best comment on it is the
world-wide practice of the Order. In every land they have,
sooner or later, interfered with State affairs, with a view
to subduing every power and authority to their imperious
rule. The history of the Jesuit Missions in Paraguay is in
itself one of the most remarkable proofs of this guiding
principle of the Order.
The Order evidently attaches considerable importance to
"A Selection of Decrees of General Congregations" of the
Society of Jesus, which, by the command of the General,
are " to be read publicly every year, together vrith the General
Admonitions." Of these the following have, to the general
reader, a special interest: —
" As soon as Ours have left the Novitiate, they must divest them
selves of all administration of property whatsoever; nor is any
one to be allowed the administration or free use of it, even while he
still retains the dominion. Moreover, Ours are bound to divest them
selves of the dominion of all property whatsoever, whether real or
personal, and whether held in perpetuity or for life, and of all
right of succession, as soon as their age and the laws of the country
allow of it, whenever our Rev. Father General shall require it."
This Rule as to the possession of property is simUar to that
of most of the Monastic Orders, and of course it serves to bind
the Jesuit very closely to the Order, to which he must hence
forth look for bodUy sustenance. In this section the respon
sibility of the Society as a whole for whatever its members
may write or pubhsh, whether it be a book or a mere tract,
is clearly seen. A very strict censorship is set up, to which
every Jesuit must submit without exception. It is ordered that : —
20

306 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
" Whoever, without the permission of Superiors, publish books,
pamphlets, or flying sheets as they are called, under their own
name or that of another, or even anonymously, shall be severely
punished, as, for example, with privation of office, of active and
passive voice, inability also to receive dignities and superiority
in the Society, and finally ¦with corporal penances, according as
the Superior shall judge and the gravity of the case require 
Finally, they will be presumed to be guilty of fraud, who shall
give to externs writings which they shall publish."
" It is decreed that nothing whatever is to be published (not even
Theses or loose sheets) unless approved by Revisers appointed for this."
"Writers of books cannot make any contract with publishers,
vrithout the express permission of the Provincial."
Notwithstanding these stringent rules it is a fact that
Jesuit writers have from time to time, flatly contradicted
each other in their pubhc writings, and occasionaUy, though
but very rarely, it has be^i necessary for tbe Heads of the
Order to repudiate a book written by one of the brethren.
In this cross-writing against each other by Jesuits— though
it is seldom seen — there has occasionally been a great deal of
what we in plain English term trickery. This comes out in
a remarkable manner in connection with a well-known book
written by Father Robert Parsons, S.J., at the close of the
reign of Queen Ehzabeth, and entitled A Conference About
the next Succession to the Throne of England. He wrote it
under the nom de plume of " R. Doleman," which was actually
the name of a secular Roman Cathohc priest at that time
working in England, and strongly opposed to Parsons'
traitorous practices. It certainly looks as though Parsons
adopted the name of Dolman for the purpose of getting the
latter into trouble with the Government. Father Christopher
Bagshaw was very angry with Parsons, and told Father
Henry Garnett "how vUely he, the said Master Dolman,
had been dealt with, by such as he, the said Master Garnett,
had interest in; in that Father Parsons had set out the
Book of Titles [i.e, A Conference About the Next Succession'] in
Master Dolman's name, which (notwithstanding that he detested
the contents of it) might have brought him into great danger." '
' Jesuits and Seculars in the Reign of Elizabeth. By I. G. Law, p. 64.

JESUIT DOUBLE DEALING 307
The object of Parsons' book was to prove that the Infanta
of Spain was entitled to succeed Elizabeth as Queen of
England, and that consequently tbe King of Scotland was
not the legal heir to the Throne. Though the Constitutions
command that all the Jesuits shaU " speak, as far as possible,
the same thing," and that therefore "no contradictory doc
trines shall be allowed either by word of mouth, or public
sermons, or in written books" (Part iu,. Chap, i., Sect. 18),
a friend of Parsons and also a brother Jesuit, wrote a
reply to the Conference About the Next Succession, in which be
advocated the claims of the King of Scotland as heir to the
English Throne. Nearly one hundred years later Father
La Chase, the Jesuit Confessor of Louis XIV., wrote a letter
about this incident in the history of bis Order, to Father
Petre, the Jesuit Confessor of the King of England. It
affords a curious revelation of Jesuit tactics. Father La
Chase wrote: —
" Examples instruct much. One of our assisting Fathers of that
Kingdom [EJngland], which was Father Parsons, having written a
book against the succession of the King of Scots to the Realm of
England, Father Creighton, who was also of our Society, and up
held by many of our party, defended the cause of that King, in
a book entitled The Reasons of the King of Scots, against the Book
of Father Parsons. ' And though they seemed divided, yet they
understood one another very well; this being practised by order
of our General, to the end that if the House of Scotland were ex
cluded, they might show him who had the Government, the book
of Father Parsons ; and on the other hand, if the King happened
to be restored to the Throne, they might obtain his goodwill by
showing him the works of Father Creighton. So that which way
soever the medal turned, it still proved to the advantage of our
Society." «
A nice little arrangement — for the Jesuits! But what
about truth and straightforward conduct? There is some
' The real title of the book by Creighton was An Apology and Defence of
the King of Scotland. It is reprinted in the first volume of Miscellanies of
the Scottish History Society, pp. 41 — 64.
' Third Collection of Papers Relating to the Present Juncture of Affairs in
England. Printed ia the year 1688. No iii., p. 27.

308 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
confirmatory evidence as to Father La Chase's statement, in
a letter written by Father WUliam Warford, a Jesuit priest,
dated from Rome, September 4th, 1599, to a secular priest
named Dr. John Cecil. News had arrived in Rome that Father
Cecil intended to take up his pen against Father Creighton's
book, whereupon Parsons took alarm at once, rushed
to the aid of his nominal opponent Creighton, and ordered
Father Warford to write the Letter just referred to, which
commences as follows: — "So it is, that since my return to
abide in the English College, I understood by Father Par
sons our Rector, that Master Doctor Kellison hath written
hither, concerning a certain intention of yours to write a
book against Father Creighton, touching certain differences
between you and him. Whereupon Father Parsons willed
me, both in his name, and in mine own, as one you know
of old, to write some few lines to dehorte you from such
a perilous and impertinent action. ' The apphcation, how
ever, was in vain. Cecil printed his reply to Creighton,
with the title of A Discovery of the Errors Committed.
Of course from time to time the Jesuit Order thinks it
desirable to dismiss unsuitable novices, and even to grant
to Spiritual Coadjutors permission to withdraw from its
ranks. As to the one who is dismissed, it is provided by
the Constitutions, that "the Superior take care, as far as
possible, that he be sent away with mutual kindness, and
a feeling of good-wiU towards the House".; and great care
must be taken "that no irritation be allowed to remain
in any one's mind on account of the dismissal" (Part II.,.
Chap, iu.. Sects. 6, 8). This counsel reminds us of the advice
of the Jesuit Balthasar Gracian, Rector of the Jesuit
College at Tarragon: "Always have your mouth full of
sugar to sweeten your words, so that even your ill-wisher
enjoys them. * It may indeed be often and truly said of a
' Winwood's Memorials of AJairs of State, vol. i., p. 109. l'oli;y's Records
of English Province, S.J., vol. iv., p. 578.
- Gracian's Art of Worldly Wisdom, p. 161. London, 1892.

A DISPENSATION TO LEAVE THE JESUITS 809
Jesuit that " The words of his mouth were smoother than
butter, but war was in his heart; his words were softer
than oil, yet were they drawn swords" (Psalms Iv. 21).
Sometimes a Jesuit petitions for his dismissal from the
Order. In 1594, one who had taken the three vows, but
had not been Professed, and who had spent many years in
the Order as a priest, petitioned his Superior for his dis
missal from the Society, with a release from his vow of
obedience. He obtained his request by means of a document
which, as such documents are but rarely seen, I here
reprint: —
"Clement Puteanus, Provost of the Company of Jesus in the
Province of France, to all persons to whom it may appertain, and
to whom these presents shall come, greeting in our Lord Jesus
Christ. I give you to understand that although the bearer hereof
has lived a certain time in our Company, yet he was not Professed,
but upon some good considerations moving him to request it, we have
frankly and freely dismissed, and set him at liberty from anything
that might tie him to our Society. Furthermore we certify that
he hath with us been promoted to all Holy Orders, and that we
know no impediment why he may not exercise his function. In
witness whereof we have made him this passport under our own
handwriting, and sealed it with the seal of our Society. Given at
Paris, the 24 and 25 of August, 1594." '
In consequence of two articles in the Quarterly Review,
for October 1874, and January 1875, respectively, re-issued
as a volume in 1876, by their author, Mr. W. C. Cart
wright, M.P., under the title of The Jesuits, a keen and
important controversy arose between the author and the
English Jesuits, as to whether the Society has within its
ranks any members besides Professed Fathers, Spiritual
Coadjutors, and Lay Brethren, whose adhesion to the Order
is open and unconcealed; or whether, on tbe other band,
persons are at times secretly received into its ranks. The
Jesuits replied to Mr. Cartwright through the columns of
The Month, their ofScial organ, and subsequently re-issued
their defence in pamphlet form, with the title of Remarks
' The Jesuits' Catechisme, p. 1099. Printed Anno Domini 1602.

310 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
on a Late Assailant of the Society of Jesus. Later on, the
Jesuits continued the controversy in the columns of The
Month for July and August 1877. Mr. Cartwright asserted
that persons were secretly received as members of the Order,
to which the Jesuit reply was an emphatic though rather
astonishing assertion that the Society of Jesus "has always
lived in the hght of day ; " ' but this is followed by the
inconsistent admission, a few pages later on, that: —
" It is true that St. Francis Borgia was secretly admitted to the
solemn vows of the Society, and in virtue of such admission was
enrolled in the Catalogue of Professed Fathers ; hot this would in
no way entitle him to the distinction of a crypto-Jesuit. For the
case was clearly exceptional, even when the Society was in its
infancy, and the Rules and Constitutions not fairly in shape; so much
so, indeed, that the Pope himself gave a disiiensation from the regular
mode of procedure, allowing St, Francis to remain in the world
for the period of four years, for ttie purpose of putting his affairs,
public and private, on a thoroughly satisfactory footing before his
final retirement. This sufficiently proves that tl^ case was angular,
and not falling undra* the ordkiary rules of the Society. A few
otiier similar examples may p^baps be found, two or three at the
most. For instance, the ease of Cardinal Orsini is well known." '
The argument of Mr. Cartwright, however, was not that
these " Crypto-Jesuits " were as thick in the Order as black
berries on the hedges in autumn, but that such beings —
whose numbers must necessarily remain unknown to the
public — have actually existed. This assertion is amply proved
by the extract from The Month just cited. It is frankly
admitted by this Jesuit writer that Francis Borgia — after
wards General of the Jesuits — Cardinal Orsini, and "a few
other similar examples " were aU secretly received into the
Society, and consequently for a time they must have been
"Crypto-Jesuits, notwithstanding the very feeble denial of
The Month. Since this controversy vrith Mr. Cartwright took
place the English Jesuits have pubhshed The Life of St.
Francis Borgia, written by A. M. Clarke. This Borgia was
the great grandson of Pope Alexander VI., a man whose
> Reinarls on A Late Assailant, p. 5.
2 Ibid., p. 23.

THE DUKE OF GANDIA 311
crimes were of the most awfully abominable character, yet
his English bic^rapher has the audacity to assert that " there is
no proof of any immorality in him after he ascended the Papal
throne." ' As Duke of Gandia, Francis Borgia was possessed
of enormous wealth. He married, and brought up a large
family of children. After the death of his vrife, Borgia's
thoughts turned to a strictly religious life, and this led him
to consult his Confessor as to his future. One morning this
priest came to the Duke, and addressing him, said: "My
Lord Duke, both God and His Most Holy Mother desire
that you should enter the Society of Jesus." The Duke
very naturaUy asked why he spoke in such positive terms,
to which the Confessor rephed: "After making my usual
meditation I prostrated myself upon the ground, and with
copious tears implored the Queen of Heaven, the Morning
Star, to enhghten my mind. Shortly afterwards I heard a
sound which caused me to look up, and I saw Mary herself
standing before me. With ineffable sweetness she smUed
upon me and said : ' TeU the Duke to enter the Society of
my Son, for this is my wish, and wiU be most pleasing also
to Him. Tell the Duke also, that he is to extend and
glorify in the eyes of aU men this Order, now so poor and
despised, and that he is to be the means of rendering great
services to the whole Church." * Borgia at once retired to his
oratory, and we are gravely assured that an image of the
Virgin before which he prostrated himself, actually spoke to
him and said: — "Francis, hesitate no longer, enter into the
Society of my Son."
Thereupon Borgia at once wrote to Ignatius Loyola,
founder of the Order, telling him of his desire to enter its
ranks, and at the same time giring a full account of his
affairs, including the amount of his yearly income. It is
needless to add that Ignatius was delighted on receiving such
an application from one in such a distinguished position in
1 The Life of St. Francis Borgia. By A. M. Clarke, p. 8.
2 Ibid., p. 118.

312 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
society, and possessor of such abundant wealth. He lost no
time in writing an answer. "In the name of the Lord,"
he wrote to the Duke, "I receive you at once as our
brother, and shall henceforward regard you as such." And
then, with that hatred of pubhcity for which the Jesuits
have, from time to time, been so noted, before concluding
his letter Ignatius twice exhorted him to secrecy: — "You
had better keep the affair a secret at present so far at least
as it is possible to do so ; " and : — " I cannot conclude with
out once more inculcating upon you to take every precaution
in order to prevent this astonishing piece of news from
being prematurely divulged." ' As we have seen " this
astonishing news" was kept secret for four years, during
which the Duke appeared outwardly as a man of the world,
while in reality he was something else. He received a
Papal Brief giving him permission, after making his pro
fession as a Jesuit, to remain in the world for the purpose
of arranging his affairs. Borgia took the three vows early
in 1548. "The ceremony," says his English biographer,
"took place before a very smaU number of witnesses, in
order that the secrecy recommended by St. Ignatius might
be more easily preserved." The wording of the vows was
altered to suit his special case, for the document which he
read is different from the formula provided in the Consti
tutions. It was as follows: —
" I, Francis Borgia, Duke of Gaudia, a miserable sinner, unworthy
of the vocation of God and of this my profession, yet trusting in
the mercy of the Lord, and hoping He will be propitious to me,
do make a solemn vow to observe Poverty, Chastity, and Obedience
in conformity with the Constitutions of the Society, through the
favour which has been granted me by Father Ignatius, General
of the same. I implore the angels and saints who are in heaven
to be my protectors, and the witnesses of my act. I ask a similar
favour of the Fathers and Brothers now present here." '
From the concluding words it seems as though only
priests and Brothers of the Society of Jesus were present
» The Life of St. Francis Borgia. By A. M. Clarke, pp. 122, 123.
» Ibid., p. 127.

SECRET JESUITS 313
to witness the Duke's vows. His biographer asserts that
*' besides the instance of St. Francis Borgia, who although
a professed Jesuit, remained for a considerable period in the
world and led a secular life, no other is recorded in the
annals of the Society." But if they are not "recorded" in
those annals, they have certainly taken place. As we have
seen the Jesuit writer in The Month admits that there were
other instances. Anyhow it is now quite clear, Jesuits
themselves being our witnesses, that secret receptions have
taken place, and they cannot therefore be surprised if Pro
testants suspect that such instances occur at the present
time, and have been in the past more numerous than
are " recorded in the annals of the Society " revealed to the
pubhc. It is quite possible for members of Royal families,
and members of the aristocracy, to be at the present moment
real though Crypto-Jesuits, while publicly attending to their
duties in the world, no one around them suspecting the real
truth. In the seventeenth century the English secular
Roman Catholic priests believed in the existence of Crypto-
Jesuits. This we know on the authority of Panzani, the
Pope's secret Envoy to England, who asserted that: —"The
[Roman Catholic] clergy, to prevent being imposed on by
false brethren, caused an oath to be privately administered
to all new missionaries of their body, whereby they were
to disown themselves to be Jesuits in masquerade." ' We
may be perfectly certain that such an oath would never have
been administered without good reasons.
As to the question, are there any other classes of persons
united to the Society of Jesus in addition to the Professed
Fathers, Spiritual Coadjutors, and Lay Brethren, the Month
denies that any such classes exist within the Order, yet at
the same time it makes an admission in the following terms :
"But it wUl be asked, are there not, after all, persons
affihated to the Society of Jesus? Yes, but they are in no
true sense members of the Society, and in no sense at all
¦ Berington's Memoirs of Panzani, p. 249.

314 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
subject to its obedience or its rules. They are rirtuous
persons, to whom in acknowledgment of special services
the Society grants a share in its prayers and satisfactions,
and nothing more." ' A considerable number of influential
friends of the Society have, no doubt, been aflihated in this
way, some of them by no means remarkable for sanctity.
One of the number was the Duke of Tyrconnel, whom
Macaulay describes as " the fiercest and most uncompromising
of all those who hated the hberties and religion of England."
" In his youth," says the same historian, " he bad been one
of tbe most noted sharpers and buUies of London," and
though no longer young, "whenever he opened his mouth,
ranted, cursed, and swore with such frantic violence that
superficial observers set him down for the wildest of liber
tines."' Women are affihated to the Jesuit Order in the
same way that " Lying Dick Talbot " — as Tyrconnel used to
to be called— was. Tbfese men and women form no doubt
powerful auxiliaries to the Jesuit Order throughout the
world. If they receive from the Society certain spiritual
blessings by affiliation, they are no doubt expected to labour
for the Society in return, even though not under formal
vows of obedience. In some respects they wUl, no doubt,
be more useful to the Company than if formaUy enrolled
in the ranks of its members.
But are Societies as well as private individuals affiliated
to the Society of Jesus? One such world-wide Society
certainly' exists, ruled and governed in all things by the
Jesuits for the time being. It is known as tbe Prima Primaria,
and has affiliated to it a number of " Sodahties " throughout
the world. I have before me as I write the official Manual
for the Use of the Sodalities of Our Lady Affiliated to the
Prima Primaria, privately printed, in 1885, at the Jesuits'
Press, Roehampton. From the preface, written by tbe Rev.
M. Garin, S.J., I learn that the Prima Primaria traces its
» The Month, Aug«»t 1877, p. 466.
" Macaulay's History of England, vol. i., pp. 659, 590. Edition lb96.

THE JESUIT SODALITIES 315
origin to the year 1563, at Rome, where it was founded by
Father G. Leonio, S.J., but it was not estabhshed "Canon-
ically" untU 1584, by a Bull issued by Gregory XIII. on the
5th of December in thai year. Although it is entirely con
trolled by the Jesuits, yet Sodalities are affiliated to it which
"are under the direction of the secular clergy" (p. 1).
"Whatever snccess," says Mr. Gavin, "may have attended the
Society of Jesus in the education of youth both in schools and
universities, is due, after God, to His Virgin Mother, and devotion
to her has been mainly propagated and kept alive by the Sodality.
Connection with the Sodality is not in any sense meant to cease
when schooldays are over. Sodalities, duly affiliated to the Pi-ima
Primaria, exist in nearly all the chief towns of England, Ireland,
Scotland, and America, where the Society of Jesus owns a Church." '
This mysterious organization has evidently played an
important part in the past history of the Jesuit Order, for
it boasts of having had amongst its members such distinguished
personages as Popes Urban VIII., Alexander VII., Clement IX.,
Clement X., Innocent X., Innocent XL, and Clement XL,
together with a whole host of Cardinals ; also Sigismond IL,
King of Poland and Sweden ; Ladislaus IV., King of Poland ;
John Casimir, Bang of Poland, and the Emperor Ferdinand II.
The Catholic Dictionary informs us that the members of
this Prima Primaria have been everywhere "looked upon
as the champions of orthodoxy against heretics and infidels ; "
and that it has been "thrown open to women and young
girls." To give some idea of the extent of this Jesuit-
controlled organization, it may be mentioned that Mr. Gavin
states that:
" So great was the renown of this famous Congregation that, in
the first 240 years of its existence, 2,476 Sodalities were affiliated
to it. In the 40 years that followed, from 1834 to 1864, the same
honour was conferred on 7,040 Confraternities; in all, up to 1864,
no less than 9,516 had been affiliated to the Prima Primaria.
Since 1876 to the present date [1885] 750 affiliations have been
registered, but probably three or four times that number have
been affiliated though not registered." =¦
1 Manual, p. 15. » Ibid p. 7.

I I I
316 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Statistics as to tbe number of members in each Sodality
are not given; but it is evident from the facts supplied by
Mr. Gavin, that in almost, if not quite, every place where
the Jesuits are at work they have a regiment of men and
women at hand, mainly educated in Jesuit Schools and
Colleges, ready to carry out the wishes of the Society. It
looks as though those in the humblest ranks of life are not
eligible for admission, since one of the Rules is that: —
"Only those are to be admitted into the Congregation who
are in a respectable position in life, and with some preten
sions to a literary education," though what is to be the
test of education is not stated. At least one Sodality affiliated
to the Prima Primaria is confined to gentlemen only. Its
headquarters are at the chief London church of the Jesuits in
Farm Street, W., where it possesses a private chapel. The
special and privately printed Manual of this organization,
issued in 1883, lies before me as I write. It is entitled.
Manual for the Use of the Sodality of the Immaculate Con
ception. With Appendix for the Farm Street Sodality. From
it we learn that this Sodality was established in Farm Street,
by Father Gallwey, S.J., on December 8th, 1857. "Many
Catholic gentlemen," writes Mr. Gavin, who in 1883, was
Director of the Sodality, " became members, and we now number
about 100 [I believe the number is now about 300]. Of these
some joined in Farm Street, while others had been received
in boyhood at some of the [Jesuit] Society's Colleges in
England or elsewhere, and renewed their prerious connec
tion with the Sodality. Like all things undertaken for God,
the Sodality has had many difficulties to contend against,
but it has done good, and wiU, through our Lady's aid, do
better work still amid the Catholic gentlemen of London.
Tbe Sodality is a spiritual association of laymen, who pledge
themselves to be servi perpetui of the Blessed Virgin."
According to the official Manual, provision is still made
for the admission into the Prima Primaria of persons of
very exalted station. While at Farm Street none beneath

THE JESUIT SODALITIES 317
the rank of "gentlemen" are admitted, yet higher personages
are expected. In a list of "Privileges and Concessions,"
dated 1776, and stiU in force, it is provided that: —
"All Kings, Princes, Dukes, and Counts, invested with supreme
authority, and those related to them by blood, within the first and
second degree, who desire to be enrolled in the Congregation
^ected in any place, or hereafter to be enrolled, can, although
absent, by performing the works of piety already mentioned, and
by visiting some Church which may be most convenient to them
selves, gain all the indulgences, remissions, mitigations, etc., which
have been granted and communicated." '
All the members of this particular Sodality, and of the
Prima Primaria to which they are affiliated, however
exalted may be their station, even though Princes and
Kings, are bound to obey the " commands " of their Directors,
who, in turn, have vowed " Blind Obedience " to the General
of the Jesuits, who is the head of this vast network of
organizations scattered throughout the world. We read in
the Manual that: —
"Upon Sodalists, moreover, it is enjoyned that they should always
obey, with a prompt and ready will, the counsels and commands of
their own Directors" (p. 160).
"The Father Director represents the person of the General [of
the Jesuits] in the direction of the Sodality, to the Director con
sequently everything and everybody ought to be subject, as if to
the General himself" (p. 19.)
"The immediate Superior of the Congregation of the Prima
Primaria, by virtue of the Apostolic Constitution, is the Father
General of the Society of Jesus. To him consequently belongs
the government of the Congregation ; it is in his power to make
laws, revoke, or modify them, since everything depends on his
authority" (p. 17.)
We thus learn of what vast importance to the interests
and prosperity of the Society of Jesus are the Sodahties thus
affihated to the Prima Primaria, which is subject to the sole
authority of the General of the Order. It seems strange that
the work of these affihated has not hitherto received anything
like adequate attention from Protestant writers. To me it seems
that in all probability most of the secret work of the Jesuits,
1 Manual, p. 162.

318 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
both political and religious, is carried on by its members,
who need not be formally Jesuits, though they certainly are
the obedient servants of the Society. The members, being
generally in good social positions, can easUy be utilised by
the wUy Fathers as spies on those who hold important
offices in the State, and, in some cases, being friends of
Statesmen, tbey are no doubt expected to use their influence
on behalf of the objects of the Jesuit Order. They will prob
ably be also found extremely useful in introducing wealthy
Protestants to the Jesuit priests, with a view to proselytismg.
If this Congregation were for spiritual purposes only, what
need could there be, it may well be asked, for tbe following
rule? — "Those are excluded from the Congregation who
suffer from epileptic fits, or are physically or accidentally
deformed." '
The Roman Catholic priest who, in 1603, wrote A Replie
Unto A Certaine Libell, was eridently well acquainted with
the work of these Jesuit Sodalities in his own day, and
realised also their vast importance in the work of the
Jesuit Order.
"It is," he writes, "but an ordinary course with the Jesuits, to
bind both noble men and women, and others also unto them by
vow, and yet learing them in the world to be their instruments,
of which kind in both sexes I could name some in our own
country. And therefore it is no strange thing to charge the Jesuits
to have men in the world abroad who are their's, and bound to
them in vow, and therefore may be termed Jesuits. For what doth
incorporate into a religious body, but the vows thereof, amongst
which obedience is the chiefest?"'
"For you must know that the Jesuits are wise and cunning
politicians, and can tell how to manage matters by secondary, or
third means, lying aloof oflF themselves, and being least seen or
suspected. Such as have been acquainted with their dealings,
know this, which I say, not to be void of truth." '
' Manual for the Use of the Sodalities of Our Lady AfUiated to the Prima
Primaria. Privately printed at the Manresa Press, Roehampton, 1885, p. 91.
This is not the same Manual as that naed in the Farm Street Sodality, though it
contains mnch to be found in the latter book.
' A Replie Unto A Certaine Libell, t. 47.
' Ibid., f. 62.

THE JESUIT SODALITIES 319
Father Robert Parsons mentions these Sodalities in an
exceedingly scarce book, written in 1602. He writes:
" In all Catholic countries throughout the world where Jesuits
live, it is very ordinary among other means which they use, for
assisting men in spiritual affairs, to institute several Congregations
and Confraternities of all sorts of persons, themselves being Prefects
and Directors thereof, for exercise of all pious works and godliness.
And this was in Paris and other cities of France, while they remained
there, and is at this day in Rome, Naples, Seville, Toledo, Valencia,
Salamanca, and other towns of Italy and Spain, and other places.
And the fruit of these Congregations is infinite for all kinds of
piety, and in Rome itself it cannot be denied but that great
Prelates, Noblemen, and Cardinals themselves are of these Con
gregations, wherein private Religious men of this Order [of Jesus]
be ever the Heads and Prefects for direction and execution of
the rules.'' '
Members are always admitted into these various Sodalities
throughout the world in the name of the General of the
Jesuits, and each person on admission is required to make
the following "Act of Consecration" to the Virgin Mary: —
" Holy Mary, Mother of God, and Virgin, I., N.N., do this day
choose thee as Sovereign Protectress, and Advocate; and I firmly
purpose and resolve never to forsake thee, never to say or do
anything against thee, and never to permit those subject to me
to do anything against thy honour. I beseech t'aee, therefore,
receive me as thy servant, stand by me in all my actions, and
•do not abandon me in the hour of death. Amen."
Sodahties "for men" were, in 1885 — how many have
been formed since I cannot say — established in England at
Farm Street, London ; St. Francis Xavier, Liverpool ; St. WU-
frid's, Preston; St. Walburge's, Preston; St. Michael and
John, Ciitheroe; St. Aloysius', Oxford; St. Mary's, St. Helens;
and The Holy Name, Manchester. In Ireland, at St. Francis
Xavier's, Dubhn; Church of the Sacred Heart, Limerick;
and St. Ignatius', Galway. In Scotland, at the Church of
the Sacred Heart, Eduiburgh; and St. Joseph's, Glasgow
• A Manifestation of the Great Folly and Bad Spirits of Certayne in
England calling themselves Secular Priestes. By Priestes Lyving in Obedience,
{i.e., by Kobert Parsons, S.J.,] f. 4.

320 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
Sodalities "for boys" were, in that year, in existence, at
Beaumont College, Old Windsor ; Stonyhurst College ; Mount
St. Mary's College, Chesterfield; Belvedere College, Dubhn;
TuUabeg College, TuUamore ; Clongowes College, Naas ; and
St. Aloysius', Glasgow. '
Every Sodality connected with the Prima Primaria has
an official called "The Archivist," who has to take charge
of all the manuscripts and other confidential documents of
the Sodality. The greatest care is taken to keep the contents
of the archives from the knowledge, not merely of outsiders,
but as far as possible from ordinary members. One of the
rules bearing on this important subject is as follows: —
" To no one except the Father Director, Prefect, and Secretary,
who have the right to visit the Archivium, will the Archirist open
it, or communicate the documents kept there without the express
orders of the Father Director or the Prefect. Every time permission
is obtained from the Father Director or from the Prefect to show
copies of documents or anything else kept in the Archivium, the
Archivist, in addition to his own signature, shall have that of the
Secretary placed on the document, who will stamp it with the
seal of the Congregation. When documents, records, or papers of
any description whatever are taken from the Archivium with the
leave of the Father Director, who alone can give it, let the Archi
vist write down exactly the day, the paper, or the papers taken
out, and the person to whom they were lent, even if he he the
Father Director or the Archivist himself. To this rule no exception
shall ever be made; to prevent the records of the Congregation
from being lost." ^
The various Sodahties established by the Jesuits for dif
ferent classes have frequently been utilised by them for
furthering their political schemes and mischievous plans.
The members have ever proved most useful tools in their bands.
As we have already seen, ' one of these organizations was
formed in England amongst the more wealthy Roman Catholic
gentry, as early as 1580, and from its ranks came most of the
men afterwards implicated in attempts to assassinate Queen
• Manual for the Use of the Sodalities of Our Lady Affiliated to the Prima
Primaria. Privately Printed at the Jlanresa Press. Roehampton, 1885, p. 91.
1 Ibid., p. 68.
3 Supra, pp. 20—22.

JBSUITS AND THE HOLT LEAGUE 321
Elizabeth. Towards the conclusion of the reign of Elizabeth
a considerable body of Roman Catholic priests were in prison
at Wisbech, and while there a, Jesuit priest named Weston
founded a Sodality which was the cause of many bitter
quarrels between the Jesuits and secular priests.
But even before these organizations were founded in Eng
land, and before they were officially blessed by the Pope,
they had found their way into Prance, where they took an
active and prominent part in the organization and work of
that most disloyal and traitorous body, known as "The
Holy League," whose main object was the extermination of
Protestantism from France by the sword. The well-known
Itahan historian, DaviUa (who was a Roman Catholic), reveals
the secret work of the Jesuits in this connection. He tells
us, under date 1576, that the conspirators' " way of meeting
together, and holding intelhgence with one another, was
opened to them by the King's own institution, who, either
moved by his inclination to piety, by the admonitions and
writings of Father Bernard Castor, a Jesuit, and many other
religious men of that and other Orders; or else to cover
and palliate those hidden intentions which he had resolved
on for the course of his future government, had brought in
the use of many Fraternities, who, under divers habits and
different names, met together upon days of devotion, to spend
their time in processions, prayers, disciplines, and other
spiritual exercises, under the pious pretence of appeasing
God's wrath, of imploring a remedy for their present divi
sions and calamities, and of procuring unity, peace, and
concord amongst aU the people of the Kingdom ; by which
means the Cathohcs did not only meet freely together in all
places, but also found matter and opportunity to discourse
of present affairs, and to bewail the miserable condition to
which the Crown was reduced hy division, and by the
increase of heresy ; from which lamentations coming to talk
of businesses of the Government, and the affairs of State, it
was not hard both for those Brethren themselves, and
21

322 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
perchance for others more crafty, and better acquainted
with the designs of the principal contrivers, to sow the
seeds, and ingraft the beginnings of that League, which had
a near connection with that devout pretence for which the
Catholics assembled themselves in so many several places." '
Pasquier, in his Jesuits' Catechisme, states that he read
in the Annual Letters of the French Jesuits that about the
year 1589 they instituted at Lyons "the Brotherhood of
our Lady"; and at Bruges "the Brotherhood of the Pen
itents," "not to appease the wrath of God, but to provoke
it against the late King'"" of France, Henry HI. He
also quotes the statement of Father Alexander Hayes^
a Jesuit, who wrote: —
" I must confess to you that, upon the first breaking out of the
troubles, we presently instituted within our College of Paris, a
Brotherhood, which we named a Congregation in honour of our
Lady, being for this cause called 'The Congregation of the Chaplet',
because the Brethren of that company were bound to carry a
Chaplet, or prayer of beads, and to say it over once a day. Into
this Congregation did all the zealous and devout personages of our
Holy League cause themselves to be enrolled, the Lord Mendoza,
Ambassador for the Catholio King of Spain, the sixteen Governors
of Paris, with their whole families, whereof I have kept no register,
neither was it any part of my charge.
"Our Congregation was kept every Sunday in a certain High
Chapel, where all the Brotherhood were bound to be present, if
there was no necessary cause of let or impediment. There we
were all severally confessed on the Saturdays, and on Sunday we
received the Sacrament. When the Mass was done one of our
Fathers went into the pulpit, and there exhorted all the audience
to continue steadfast in that holy devotion, which at this day is
in France called Rebellion. This done, all the common sort
departed, and those of greatest place and authority stayed behind,
to consult about the affairs of the Holy League. Our good Father,
Odon Pigenat, was long time President of that Council." '
A century later, the Duke of Saint Simon seems to have
been well acquainted with the work of the Jesuits, and
their influence over Louis XIV. After recording, in his
Mimoires, the death of that monarch, he proceeds thus:—
1 Davilla's History of the Civil Wars of France. London, 1648, p. 447.
^ The Jesuits' Catechisme, f. 197.
" Ibid., f. 198.

JESUIT SODALITIES AT WORK 323
*'The Jesuits constantly admit the laity, even married,
into their Company. This fact is certain. There is no doubt
that Des Noyers, Secretary of State under Louis XIIL, was
of this number, or that many others have been so too.
These licentiates make the same vow as the Jesuits, as far
as their condition admits : that is, unrestricted obedience to
the General, and to the Superior of the Company. They
are obliged to supply the place of the vows of poverty and
chastity, by promising to give all the service and all the
protection in their power to the Company, above aU to be
entirely submissive to the Superiors and to their Confessor.
They are obliged to perform with exactitude such light
exercises of piety as their Confessor may think adapted to
the circumstances of their lives, and that he simplifies as much
as he likes. It answers the purpose of the Company to ensure
to itself those hidden auxiliaries whom it lets off cheaply.
But nothing must pass through their minds, nothing must
¦come to their knowledge that they do not reveal to their Con
fessor; and that which is not a secret of the conscience, to
the Superiors, if the Confessor thinks fit. In everything,
too, they must obey, without comment, the Superior and
the Confessors." '
Writing early in the nineteenth century, the Abbe De La
Roche Amauld, who had once been an inmate of a Jesuit
College, gave several particulars of the work of the Con
gregations and Sodalities affihated to the Jesuit Order. He
states that, under the guidance of Father Ronsin, the head
of the Paris Jesuits: "Distinct Congregations began to be
formed of Nobles, of men of moderate fortune, of mihtary
men, of women and of children. Father Varin was ordered
to take charge of the city people (bourgeosie), Father Roger,
of the artizans, the men of the Fauxbourg St. Marceau,
and the military; while other Jesuits participated the sub
ordinate divisions. Father Ronsin monopolised the care of
' Memoirs of the Duke of Saint Simon, vol. iii., p. 268. Edition 1903.

324 THE JBSUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
all men of the State. In his Congregation they were to
be seen of every grade, from the Duke Mathieu down to
the Apostolic Nuncio; multitudes of very Christian Barons,
Dukes, Princes, Marquises, Counts, Cardinals, Bishops,
Deputies, Prefects, and a host of men distinguished for
celebrity, wealth, influence, and especially for fanaticism.
The young persons who belonged to the class of citizens,
and who had acquired notice for their extravagant zeal,
obtained, as a very extraordinary favour, admittance to the
grand Congregation; places of profit and dignity were obtained
for them." '
These Congregations and Sodalities have proved very
serviceable to the Jesuits in promoting their political schemes.
A valuable description of their operations in France during
the first half of the nineteenth century is given by Dr. E. H.
Michelsen, in his Modern Jesuitism, pubhshed in 1855. The
extract from his book which I am now about to give is
lengthy, but the importance of the subject must be my excuse
for giving it here to my readers. He writes: —
"These missionary doings, however pernicious in themselves,
were far from being the greatest evils brought upon France by the
Jesuits. It was the Congregation by which the Jesuits became a
real plague to the land, and at the same time objects of popular
hatred and persecution. We look upon the Congregation, that
remarkable system of association in its most fl.ourishing and ex
tensive development, in which the Jesuits have always been great
masters — ay, much greater even than in their system of education
— as the true organ, THE grand secret of the immense influence
which they have for centuries exercised upon European society. By
means of that peculiar system, the Order of Loyola joined to the
standing army of its spiritual or real members, who were bound
to live according to the rules of their order, also an army of
secular volunteers, Jesuits in short coats or skirts (A rohe courte),
who were not in the least disturbed in their ordinary calling and
trade, and of whom nothing was required but that they should
wear certain sacred appendages as a sign of recognition, say daily
a short prayer, now and then participate in the more heavy
exercises of the Church, and engage themselves by a simple vow
for a certain time (in France, for instance, for the term of five
years), to render all possible services to the Order, and obey its
instructions. In return, they were promised a ready promotion of
' The Modern Jesuits. By L'AbbeDeLaRDohe Arnaald. London, 1837, p. 153.

JESUIT SODALITIES AT WORK 325
their worldly views and interests, and absolution and indulgence
of all sins and transgressions. Neither were these promises empty
words incapable of realisation. The mighty and widely ramified
Order of St. Ignatius was powerful enough to procure by its interest
far greater advantages to individuals, than could any other Cor
poration, Fraternity, or even secular power. Hence the great
facility with which they acted upon all classes of society, by
holding out the seductive prospects of ambition or pecuniary gain,
according to the views and the position of the individuals whom
they wished to enlist in their service. In recent times, in parti-
eular, the success of the Order rested chiefly on the co-operation
with its standing army (the real tonsured members) of the innumer
able hosts of volunteers, the Jesuits in short coats, who had been
enlisted from all classes of the population. This was not only
the case iu France alone, but also in all countries where the
disciples of Ignatius have been permitted to settle and acquire
power and wealth. We shall dwell at some length upon this
peculiar branch of Jesuitical operations, because, having obtained
in France its utmost development, it affords the best historical
clue for sketching its historical outline.
" Already, under the Consulate, the work of the Association had
after a long interruption, been resumed by the Jesuits. One of
the ' Fathers of the Faith,' Pater Bourdier Delpuits (of Auvergne)
had, in 1801, founded in Paris the ' Congregation of the Holy Virgin,'
under which name a similar Fraternity had been established in
France by the Jesuits in 1563, under the sanction of the then
Archbishop of Paris, Cardinal de Belloy. The Congregation
founded at the beginning of the present century counted members
indiscriminately from all classes of society, and chiefly served as
a sort of receptacle of all elements of discontent. It consisted of
all persons who were displeased with the prevailing systems in
^ religion ' or politics. . . .
" With the restoration of the Bourbons the activity of the ' Con
gregation ' became much more extended. The distinguished favour
shown to the Society by the brother of Louis XVIII., Count Artois,
and his bigoted daughter-in-law the Duchess of Angoul^me, even
in the first week after their return to Paris, soon stamped the
'Congregation' as a union of the highest distinction in the fiashion-
able world. But the zeal which the union displayed in opposing
the National Charter and Constitutional Monarchy, soon constituted
it the central point of all ultra-Royal and Ultramontane agitations.
Again, the very comprehensive plan which the Congregation had
in view— the reconstruction of the sovereign and absolute power of
the Church— required a previous reorganisation of its own society
on a much broader basis. It was indeed, to this latter work that
the Loyolites applied all their energies. The one large 'Congrega
tion,' which had been composed indiscriminately of all classes of
society, was divided by Pater Ronsin, their Superior, into several
flections for the different classes of the population respectively. .. .
All these Congregations had been Christened by several names in
connection with the Catholic Church. There were Congregations
for the 'Diffusion of Belief,' and for the 'Defence of the Catholic
Religion ' Congregations of the ' Sacred Mysteries, of the ' Holy

326 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BBITAIM
Sacrament,' of that of the ' Virgin,' of the ' Sacred Rosary,' the
'Holy Sepulchre,' of 'Saint Louis of Gonzaga,' of 'Saint Joseph,*
and many others of a similar character. T'hey were divided in
tens and hundreds, and possessed leaders or Superiors of both
sexes, women also being members of the Congregation. These
leaders collected the weekly or monthly subscriptions (labourers
and servants paid one sou weekly), which they handed over to
the Jesuits, their chiefs. In addition to these subscriptions, the
members on entering the Congregation were obliged to engage
themselves by a solemn oath to 'promote the great cause of God
and the Holy Virgin by all possible means in their power.'
" When we consider that the first division ultimately numbered
over a thousand members of the highest aristocratic families, of
whom the greater part were either fanatics or blockheads, or
probably both together, and that many of them had allotted the
greatest part of their annual income, amounting to from sixty
thousand to one hundred thousand francs, to the service of the
Society, it will easily be conceived what vast sums of money the
Jesuits must have had at their command in the metropolis, as
also in the large and middle towns of France. We are assured
by a very credible author (Roche Arnauld) that in the first years
of the reign of Charles X. upwards of 6,000,000 of individuals had
belonged to the Congregation, who, as a matter of course, stood
at the entire disposal of the Order.
"It was natural that the 'Congregation,' with such means in
hand, should ultimately exercise influence also on the government
of the country. Indeed, it formed the soul of that Privy Council
of Louis XVIII., which possessed already, in 1820, power enough
to carry through the House or Chambre, the famous or infamous
three laws against the press, individual liberty, and reforni of the
elective system. The new order of things, to which these laws
had paved the way, received its best support in the succeeding
year (16th December, 1821) by the nomination of a Ministry whose
members belonged to the 'Congregation,' and who were con
sequently Jesuits in the proper sense of the term. Villfele, Minister
of Finance, and Corbifere, Minister of the Interior, were known to
be amongst the most zealous and truest members of the 'Con
gregation,' while the Duke of Montmorency, Minister of Foreign
Affairs, was even one of the chiefs of the society. As members
of the Congregation, they were in duty bound to fill all the
subordinate places of the administration with the creatures of the
society, or rather with Jesuits. And so they did. M. Renneville,
who had shortly before left the Jesuit school at St. Acheul, be
came Chief of the Cabinet Bureau; Franchet, a Congregationist,
became Director of the Police of the Kingdom; and another, a
certain Delavan, Prefect of the Police at Paris. The Prefectures
and Sub- Prefectures, the posts in the States' Council and Embassies,
and, as a matter of course, the Episcopal Chairs, were generally
given to persons recommended by the 'Congregation.' The ante
chambers of the Jesuit Presidents, Ronsin and Jennesseaux (the
latter being Attorney General of the Province of France), were
usually filled with courtiers and supplicants for places, while the
Ministerial offices swarmed with clerks taken from the Congregation.

JESUIT SODALITIES AT WORK 327
"'Great was, moreover, the supervision and vigilance of the
Congregation over private and family life, by other and different
means. By the vast number of offices established by it for the
placing of clerks, valets, tutors, nurses, chambermaids, grooms,
eooks, etc., and at the head of which generally stood some ladies
of high rank, the Congregation had the best means of making
sure of the services of the needy classes. The families, moreover,
who applied to such offices for servants, etc., became thereby
known to the society as belonging to their friends to whom applica
tion might be made in necessary cases. But the principal object
gained by these offices was the confession and confidential informa
tion given by the individuals who had obtained places, reports
by which the members were enabled to become familiar with all
the secrets of family life, with all its wants and foibles, with all
its wishes and defects." '
Is it, I may here venture to ask, unreasonable to assume
that the Jesuits of the present day, work their Sodalities
and Congregations, for both sexes in Great Britain, on similar
lines to those so forcibly described by Dr. Michelsen ? If
so, their existence in our midst constitutes a very grave
danger indeed. But the secret history of these later doings
yet remains to be written. Here, however, we discover who
are the men and women in every rank of life who are doing
work for the Jesuits, while they discreetly keep in the back
ground as much as possible. The few hundreds of Jesuit priests
residing in Great Britain and Ireland do not constitute thfe
whole of the Order's servants. They are only the officers
of a very large army, all subject to the orders of a foreigner
owning no aUegiance to Edward VII.— the General of the
Jesuits in Rome. And this army, should the commands of the
General ever conflict with the laws of our King Edward VII.,
wUl obey the General in preference, and let the King look
after himself. A more unsatisfactory body of nominal sub
jects does not reside in His Majesty's dominions than the
Jesuit Army described in these pages. Their officers have,
again and again, been driven out of every Roman Cathohc
•ountry. Ought they not, as a matter of strict justice, to
be expeUed also from the British dominions— not only from
' Modem Jesuitism. By Dr. E. H. Michelsen. London, 1863, pp. 168—170

328 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
the mother country, but from all our Colonies and Depend
encies also?
The Sodalities affiliated to the Prima Primaria are not,
however, it will have been observed, confined to men.
Women also have their Sodalities equaUy under the sole
control of the General of the Jesuits. Mr. Edmund Waterton,
a Roman Catholic writer, gives us the foUowing particulars
as to these female Sodalities, the members of which are
known as "Children of Mary": —
"In many Convents there are Congregations or Confraternities
of our Blessed Ladye, the members of which are called Enfants
de Marie, or Children of Mary ; — in Italian, Figlie di Maria. Those
which are erected by a diploma of the General of the Society of
Jesus are branches of the great Prima Primaria Sodality, and
enjoy all the privileges and indulgences attached to it, in common
with all other Sodalists. A distinction, therefore, must be made
between the Enfants de Marie, or Lady Sodalists, who are affiliated
to the Prima Primaria, and those Enfants de Marie who are mem
bers of some local or conventual Confraternity which had no
connection with the Prima Primaria.
" On the 7th of January, 1837, the Congregation or Association
of the Figlie di Maria, erected in the Convent of the Sacred Heart
of Jesus in Trinitd. de' Monti at Rome, was affiliated to the Prima
Primaria in the Roman College. The Sodality of Girls erected at
St. Mary's, Hampstead, was affiliated to the Prima Primaria by
Letters of Aggregation of the General of the Society of Jesus, dated
Rome, December 5th, 1874." '
I have been unable to learn how many female Sodalities
are affiliated to the Jesuit Prima Primaria, though there
can be no reason to doubt that wherever the Jesuits are
at work every effort is made to increase the number. And
as all the members are expected to obey the commands of
their Directors, who are guided by the General of the Jesuits,
they must prove very serviceable auxiliaries to the Order.
Girls are induced to join at a very early age, while at Ladies'
Schools under Jesuit influence, and their membership of the
Sodality which they join may be continued throughout their
lives. When of high rank in society their influence must
tell effectually towards the furtherance of any schemes
the Jesuits may have on hand from time to time.
> Pietas Mariana Britannica. By Edmund Waterton, p. 105.

THE FEMALE JESUITS 329
In a memoir written about the year 1678, by one whom
the Canadian historian Parkman says, was probably the
Abb6 Renaudot, "a learned Churchman," the way in which
one of the female Sodalities erected by the Jesuits in Quebec,
was used by them, is clearly stated. In this document, says
Parkman, "It is added that there exists in Quebec, under
the auspices of the Jesuits, an association called the Sainte
Famille, of which Madam Bourdon is Superior. They meet
in the Cathedral every Thursday, with closed doors, where
they relate to each other — as they are bound by a vow to
do — aU they have learned, whether good or evil, concerning
other people, during the week. It is a sort of female
Inquisition, for the benefit of the Jesuits, the secrets of
whose friends, it is said, are kept, while no such discretion
is observed with regard to persons not of their party." '
And here it may be useful to pay some attention to the
great influence which the Jesuits have exercised over several
Conventual Orders of women in the Church of Rome. The
first instance of this kind is related to the history of the
Institute, founded in the seventeenth century by Mary Ward,
commonly known as the Female Jesuits. The life of this
lady has been edited by a Jesuit priest in two thick volumes. '
It seems that all through her life she was under Jesuit
influence, and that three of her uncles were Gunpowder Plot
conspirators. Early in life she had, at times, very strange
ideas of duty. We are told, for instance, by one of her
intimate friends that: — "She being of herself in tbe highest
degree neat and dainty, thought necessary to curb it, which
she did by lying in bed with one of the maids that had the
itch, and got it." ' When Mary Ward was only twenty-three
years of age the English Jesuits described her as "entirely
under the direction of Ours." * After spending a short time
1 La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. By Francis Parkman,
pp. 110, 111. Edition 1899.

James

= The Life of Mary Ward. By Mary C. E. Chamhers. Edited by Henry
nes Coleridge, S.J. ' Hid-, vol. i.. p. 45. * Ibid., p. 153.

330 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
as a norice in a French convent of Poor Clares at St. Omer^s
"she formed," writes the Hon. Edward Petrie, "a project
of another establishment of rehgious women, who should
be bound by certain vows, but without enclosure ; and whose
principal occupation should be to educate young ladies.
This she attempted by the advice of Father Roger Lee, and
other Jesuits. She began with several young ladies, in a house
at St. Omer's, about the year 1603. The Jesuits mainly
supported their cause, and endeavoured to procure their
estabhshment. Hence they were called Jesuitesses, but some
times also Wardists." ' The date, it appears, should have
been given as 1607, not 1603. Three years later the Jesuits
of St. Omer, in their Annual Letters mentioned that the new
Order of Nuns "are assisted spiritually by our Fathers.'*
In 1614 they numbered between forty and fifty persons. In
1615 Mary Ward sent a Memorial to the Pope asking
for his approval of the new Order she had founded, and
requesting that, like the Jesuit Order, they might not be
subject to the rule of any Bishop. " We humbly beg,"
she said, "that neither the Bishop, nor any one appointed
to make the annual visitation, shall have over us any other
authority than that of informing himself of the exact observ
ance of the rules and the Institute, but that he may neither
change nor add anything thereto, either with regard to our
end or to the means by which it is to be attained." ^ The
answer was most favourable (though the new "Institute,"
as it was termed in the Papal reply, was not formaUy
confirmed at that time) and consequently Mary Ward went
on her way rejoicing. The General of the Jesuits also
showed his approval at about the same time. Soon after she
eame to England, with the object of starting branches of
her new Institute, and gaining new novices at the same time.
' Notices of the English Colleges and Convents Established on the Continent.
By the Hon. Edward Petrie. Edited hy the Rev. E. Husenbeth, p. 98. (Nor
wich, 1849.)
' Ufe of Mary Ward, vol. i., p. 38.S.

THE FEMALE JESUITS 331
WhUe in England her influence seems to have been most
injurious to Protestantism, if we may rely on the statement
said to have been made by the then Archbishop of Canter
bury : " That woman had done more harm than many priests,
and he would exchange six or seven Jesuits for her."
In 1622 Mary Ward petitioned Pope Gregory to formaUy
confirm her Institute, to whom she stated that she wished
its members to take upon them in the future, as they had
during the previous twelve years, "the same holy Institute
and order of life already approved by divers Popes of happy
memory to the religious Fathers of the Society of Jesus."
"We," she continued, 'humbly beseech that by the author
ity of the See Apostolic, the aforesaid Institute (holily
observed by the said Fathers of the Society of Jesus, with
80 great fruit to the Universal Church) together with their
Constitutions, manner of life, and approved practice (altogether
independent, nevertheless, of the said Fathers) may likewise
be approved and confirmed, in and to us, to be entirely
practised by us . . . beseeching it will please your Holiness
to receive this our whole company into your and their
especial care and protection, not suffering Bishops in their
particular Dioceses or others whomsoever, to have auy ordinary
authority or jurisdiction over us." '
The biographer of Mary Ward says that " This memorial
certainly could never be accused of want of plainness of speech. It
asked for the establishment of an Order exactly like the Society
of Jesus." At this time Mary Ward wished for the help of the
General of the Jesuits, but though willing to help her in
private, he was afraid to give public approval to her Insti
tute. There were secular Roman Catholic priests in England
«t that time who were very much opposed to Pontifical
confirmation being given to the Institute. These gentlemen,
including their chief, the Archpriest of England, had had some
unpleasant experiences of the work and character of Mary
Ward's Female Jesuits in England, and therefore they sent
' Life of Mary Ward, vol. ii., pp. 9, 10.

332 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
a memorial to the Pope full of charges against them,
signed by ten of their number. " These women," they
declared, "are commonly called Jesuitresses, because they
live according to the Rule and Institute of the Jesuit Fathers,
and under their government and discipline."
" These Jesuitresses,'' they continue, " have a habit of frequently
going about cities and provinces of the Kingdom [of England], insinu
ating themselves into houses of noble Catholics, changing their
habit often, sometimes travelling like some ladies of first conse
quence, in coaches or carriages with a respectable suite, sometimes,
on the contrary, like common servants or women of lower rank,
alone and private. But any one will easily see how dangerous
it is, and occasionary of many scandals, that women should go
about houses in this fashion, wander hither and thither at will. . .
"They are a great shame and disgrace to the Catholic religion,
so much so that not only heretics (for whom these women occasion
many jokes in public declamations) calumniate the Catholic faith
on this account, as if it could not be supported or propagated
otherwise than by idle and garrulous women, but they have a very
bad reputation even amongst the most influential Catholics (by
whom their disciples, in familiar speech, are called sometimes
Galloping Girls, because they ride hither and thither, sometimes
Apostolicse Viragines). Besides, they are found to manifest such
garrulity and loquacity in words, and to display such boldness
and rashness in common intercourse, that they are for the most
part not only a scorn but a great scandal too to many pious
people, when they see that many things are done and said by them
both unbecoming to their sex, and untimely and inconvenient to
the Catholic religion, labouring in the midst of heresies. So to
them the Apostolic taunt seems exactly to apply: 'Idle women
learn to run about houses, not only idle, but wordy and curious,
speaking what they ought not.'
" Some of these Jesuitresses, behaving publicly in this way, are
observed to have a very bad character, and are very much talked
about for petulance and indecorum, with very great scandal and
disgrace to the Catholic religion. All these things duly considered,
we have reason to wonder what the Fathers of the Society mean^
when they assert themselves to be moderators, patrons, and
defenders of these women, whilst all other regulars, priests, and
the laity themselves protest, and condemn an Institute of this
kind as liable to very many dangers and scandals. For it is clear
enough that the Jesuit Fathers are expressly forbidden by the
precepts of their own rule to involve themselves or meddle with
the government of any women whatsoever; and yet the Jesuit
resses so make use of them alone in the administration of their whole
life and of their affairs, both in and out of England, that it seems to
them a penance to admit any other priest but a Jesuit even to receive
the secrets of their conscience in the Sacrament of Penance." '
> Life of Mary Ward, vol. ii., pp. 185, 186.

THE FftMALB JESUITS 333
These were very serious charges to make, yet coming
as they did from prominent Roman Catholic priests of known
personal respectabihty, it cannot be supposed that they were
the products of mere malice or envy, or that they were
made thus formally in a memorial to the Pope, without
some careful previous enquiry as to their accuracy. Of course
modern Jesuits deny the accuracy of these charges, but against
their unsupported denials we must place the testimony of ten
of the leading Roman Catholic priests of the period, whose
falsehoods would — had they really been falsehoods — no doubt
have been exposed and refuted at the time. They seem, in
any case, to have influenced the Pope very powerfully. Mary
Ward's biographer candidly acknowledges that the charges
of the Memorial, when laid before the Pope, constituted a
stroke which " told with good effect." ' The Pope refused the
petition for confirmation of the Institute, though he allowed its
members to go on working without it even in Rome itself.
The efforts of her opponents having failed to induce the
Pope to suppress the Institute, Mary Ward pushed forward
its work with great zeal, and in the course of the next few
years she was able to open several new Houses connected
with the Institute in different parts of the Continent, in which
the education of young ladies was the principal work. But
though the opposition was checked for a time, it was not
removed altogether. Amid all the troubles of these Female
Jesuits the Society of Jesus was their best friend. Its
priests supported them against aU their foes. At length the
opposition became so powerful as to lead to Mary Ward's
being actuaUy denounced to the Inquisition, by whose orders
she was, in 1631, imprisoned in a Convent on suspicion of
being a heretic. After about two months' close confinement
in this prison she was, by the Pope's orders, released, as
innocent of the charges laid against her. But, unfortunately
for herself and her Institute, her release was quickly followed
' Life of Mary Ward, vol. ii., p. 62.

334 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
by a Bull of Pope Urban VIII. suppressing her Institute
altogether. This Bull stated that the ladies who formed
the Institute had "carried out works by no means suiting
the weakness of their sex, womanly modesty, above aU,
virginal purity, and which men most experienced in the
knowledge of the Sacred Scripture, and the conduct of affairs,
undertake with difficulty, and not without great caution;"
and that they " still, with arrogant contumacy, have attempted
like things daily, and uttered many things contrary to sound
doctrine." '
The Bull of Suppression would have extinguished aU hope
and energy in an ordinary woman. But, it must be con
fessed, Mary Ward was no ordinary woman, for she possessed
more than a woman's average share of courage and perse
verance. But these alone would not have sufficed to induce
her to go on with her work after such a crushing blow.
Fortunately for her she had at hand the crafty advice of
the ablest heads of the Jesuit Order, who very speedily
•devised a plan by which she was enabled to go on with her
work almost as though nothing had happened. She actuaUy
went to the Pope and obtained his permission to gather
•certain of her late members to work together with her at Rome.
With this permission she at once set to work to build up
again the organisation which the Pope's Bull had destroyed.
On the ruins of the suppressed Society of "Jesuitresses,"
as they were termed in the Bull of Pope Urban, Mary
Ward at once built up " The Institute of the Blessed Virgin
Mary," in reality the same thing under another name. In a
work issued by the Enghsh Jesuits in 1887, we are informed
that: "Mary Ward, with the sanction, and under the pro
tection of the Pope who had decreed the suppression, gathered
around her the scattered remnant of her flock, and at the
•express desire of the Holy Father, established a house in
the Papal city, where she and her chUdren could follow
their method of hfe within the range of supreme ecclesiastical
' Life of Mary Ward, vol. ii., pp. 386, 387.

THE INSTITUTE OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN 335
supervision. Thus, under the eye of the Sovereign Pontiff
the new Institute was formed and fashioned." ' The same
writer further remarks that : — " She truly was the inaugurator
or pioneer of that now widely-spread system of uncloistered
Rehgious Congregations of women, formed to meet the
exigences of modern times, whose position and work in the
Church enjoy at the present day the fuU recognition and
approbation of the Holy See; while in regard to the Institute
of Mary, although it is legally inadmissible to apply to her
[Mary Ward] the formal title of ' Foundress,' for reasons
specified in the Introduction to the second volume of her
Life, it is clearly shown by the same authority, that she
was the agent which Divine Providence employed in its
formation, and that its members are free, and ever have
been free, to regard her at least as the ' Mother ' under God,
to whom their existence was in the first instance owing." '
The new Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary continues
to the present day its close connection with the Society of
Jesus. It is not formally affiliated to it, and in theory may
be said to be independent of it; but in reality it is guided
by the priests of that Order, since wherever it works, and
wherever possible, members of the Jesuit Order are the
Father Confessors and Spiritual Directors of the Sisters.
Besides this, the Constitutions of the Institute are taken
from those of the Society of Jesus, with the result that
the members of this Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary
are as much entitled to be termed Jesuitresses, as those who
in the seventeenth century were known by that name to Roman
Cathohcs and Protestants alike. The Institute possessed in
1887 no fewer than 149 Houses in various parts of the world.
Of these 66 were in Bavaria, 6 in Darmstadt, 5 in Prussia, 3 in
Austria, 6 in Tyrol, 5 in Hungary, 4 in Italy, 2 in Spain,
2 in Turkey, 5 in England (now 6), 19 in Ireland, 11 in
India, 8 in Canada, 1 in the United States, 3 in Austraha,
¦ SI. Mary's Convent, i'ork. Edited by Henry James Coleridge, S.J., pp. 4, 5.
» Ibid., pp. 2, 3.

336 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
1 in Africa, and 2 in Mauritius. The English Houses of the
Institute are at London, Cambridge, Ascot, York, and Leek.
With these facts before us we cannot doubt that the
Institute of the Blessed Virgin is a powerful auxihary of
the Jesuit Order, though it may not be formally subject to
its control. The influence of the Jesuit priests who act as
Spiritual Directors and Confessors of the various Houses of
the Institute must necessarily be great. As all these Houses
are devoted to the education of young girls, mainly if not
exclusively of the well-to-do class, the influence of the Jesuits
on the religious character of the pupils cannot but prove
most helpful to the Order. At any rate, those Protestants
who are anxious to ascertain by what instruments the Jesuits
carry out their policy and work, must necessarily take into
account their intimate relationship with the Institute of the
Blessed Virgin, alias the female Jesuits, throughout the world.
We must not, however, suppose that the influence of the
Society of Jesus is felt only in the Institute of the Blessed
Virgin Mary. From a book recently published, written by a
Miss Steele, from information supplied by the Convent
authorities, and issued with a preface by Father Thurston, S.J. '
we learn for the first time how wide-spread this influence
is in the Convents of this country. It will, no doubt, be a
surprise to many of my readers to read that in no fewer
than 71 Convents in England alone, the Rules and Con
stitutions of the Jesuit Order have been adopted, so far as
they are suited to women! As this includes, probably in
every instance, the Blind Obedience to Superiors which is
such a very objectionable feature in the Jesuit Order, it is
reasonable to suppose that its evU results wiU be even more
severely felt by women than by men. Blind Obedience to
a tyrannical Mother Superior must frequently lead to bitter
suffering by those subject to her rule. These 71 Convents
are united to 17 Conventual Orders or Congregations, viz.:^
» Tlie Convents of Great Britain. By Erancesca M. Steele. With Preface hy
Tather Thurston, S.J. (London: Sands and Co., 1902.)

JESUITISM IN ENGLISH CONVENTS 337
"Sisters of the Temple," with 1 Convent, at Clifton Wood, near
Bristol. "The Company of St. Urmia," with 1 Convent, at Oxford.
" Sceurs Be La Croix," with 1 Convent, at Boscombe, Bournemouth.
"Society of Mary," with 3 Convents, at Clapham Park, S.W.,
Burnham, and Weston-super-Mare. This Congregation, says Miss
Steele, was founded " under the direction of the Rev. Father Huby,
of the Society of Jesus." •
"Sacred Heart Nuns," with 5 Convents, at Roehampton, Brighton,
Wandsworth, Hammersmith, and Carlisle. Miss Steele states that
"they receive ladies for Retreats given by the Jesuit Fathers in
their Convents." ^ "This Order," she further states, " was founded
by the Venerable Madeleine Sophie Barat and Pfere Varin, S.J."
"Ba.mes Be L' Instruction Chr&tienne," with 1 Convent, at Sherborne.
"Sisters of Notre Bame," with 17 Convents, at Clapham, Blackburn,
Liverpool (3), Manchester, Northampton, Wigan, Sheffield, South
wark, St. Helens, Plymouth, Norwich, Birkdale, Battersea, Brixton,
and Leeds. These Sisters have charge at Liverpool of a Training
College for young women desirous of becoming teachers in Element
ary Schools under Government inspection.
" Irish Sisters of Charity," with 3 Convents in England, at Rock
Ferry, Birkenhead, and Hackney.
"Sisters of Christian Education," with 1 Convent, at Famborough.
"Institute of the Sisters of St. Mary," with 2 Convents, at Bishop's
Stortford and Rhyl.
"Faithful Companions of Jesus," with 13 Convents, at Isleworth,
Somers 'Town, Poplar, Chester, Birkenhead (2), Salford, Manchester,
Middlesbrough, Liverpool, Preston, Skipton, and West Hartlepool.
Of this Order Miss Steele informs us that " The principal Rules of
the Institute were supplied by the Society of Jesus, under whose
direction it was founded." '
" Battghters of the Cross," with 7 Convents, at Chelsea, Brook
Green, Totteridge, Margate, Bury, Manchester, and Carshalton.
"Institute of Perpetual Adoration," with 1 Convent, at Balham.
This Institute " was founded about fifty years agd with the assist
ance of a Belgian priest. Father Jean Baptiste Boone, S.J." *
" Institute of Marie Reparatrice," with 1 Convent, at Chiswifck.
'^Helpers of the Holy Souls," with 1 Convent, at Gloucester Road,
Regent's Park, London.
"Poor Servants of the Mother of God," with 7 Convents, at St.
Helens, Liverpool, Rhyl, Roehampton, Streatham, Brentford, and
Soho Square, W.C.
These, with the 6 Convents previously named as connected
with the Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary, make up the
71 Convents in England modelled after the pattern set by
Ignatius Loyola. The spirit of that notorious Order is
1 The Convents of Great Britain. By Francesca M. Steele. With Preface by
Father Thurston, S.J., p. 133.
2 Ibid., p. 169. » Hid., p. 203. ^ Ibid., p. 267. 22

338 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
therefore working largely in England, as well as in Scot
land and Ireland, in our Colonies, and throughout the world,
by means of Sisterhoods and Convents which in many
cases have been actually founded by priests of that Society.
Almost all of these Convents undertake the education of girls
on Jesuitical principles, and everywhere they make special
efforts to obtain as pupils the daughters of Protestant parents
who may be foolish enough to entrust them to their care.
But in addition to the help rendered to the Jesuits by
those who are admitted to share in its supposed spiritual
merits, by Sodalities of men and women affiliated to the
Order, and by Convents following its Constitution, there has
been in the past — and for all I know may still be in the
present— a class of Roman Catholic priests of whose existence
no Protestant writer appears hitherto to have heard. Curiously
enough it is the Jesuits themselves who first make known
the existence of this class. In the official Records of the
English Province, S.J., by Henry Foley, a lay Brother of
the Order, there is found a brief biography of a Rev. Dr.
George Oliver, a learned Roman Cathohc priest of the early
half of the nineteenth century. He was the author of
several important works, amongst them being his Collections
Towards Illustrating the Biography of the Scotch, English,
and Irish Members, S.J. In the Dedication of this book
Dr. Oliver speaks of himself as outside of the Society of
Jesus. "Without," he writes, "possessing the merit and
honour of being a member of the Society, yet to none can
I yield in sentiments of regard and veneration for this pious
Institute, as the Council of Trent styles it. To witness its
hereditary spirit of zeal and charity throughout the Enghsh
Prorince, is, to me, a source of the highest gratification."
This was telhng the truth, but not the whole truth. Had
Dr. Oliver told his readers the whole truth it would have
greatly lessened the value of his enthusiastic praise of the
Society. This is what Brother Foley, S.J., writes about him
in his brief and official biography: —

LITERARY SERVANTS OP THE JESUITS 339
"Oliver George, Rev., D.D., was born in Newington, Surrey,
February 9, 1781; educated at Sedgley Park and Stonyhurst
Colleges; taught humanities for five years, and was ordained
priest at Durham by Bishop Gibson, at Pentecost, 1806. He was
nearly the last survivor of a number of Catholic clergymen, scholars
of the English Jesuits, who, though never entering the Society, always
remained in the service of the English Province, and subject to its
SUPERIORS. Soon after his ordination he was sent to the ancient
Mission of the Society, St. Nicholas, Exeter, in January 1807, as
successor to Father William Poole, or Pole. He served the Mission
for forty-four years, retired from active duty in 1851, and died at
Exeter a few years later at an advanced age."'
Should we, I may here ask, be far wrong in terming the class
of Roman Catholic priests thus described by Brother Foley,
as Crypto-Jesuits ? It is true they were not strictly entitled
to the name Jesuits, but they evidently were in a position
to secretly render more important service to the Order than
many of its avowed members. It seems that Dr. Oliver was
"nearly the last" of this mysterious body. WIio were the
others ? Nobody knows, outside of the Society. Outwardly
and to the world these gentlemen pretended to be indepen
dent of the Order, in reality they were aU " subject to its
Superiors " ! Is there such a body of Roman Catholic priests
in existence to-day? If they were in being one hundred
years ago, what is to prevent a body of successors being
in the service of the Jesuits at the beginning of the twentieth
century ? How can we now teU when we hear some secular
Roman priest praising the Society, as an outsider, that he
is not really paid to do it by his Superiors, the Jesuits
themselves ?
It is certain, then, that a body of priests have been in
the service of the Jesuits, who "though never entering the
Society, always remained in the service of the Enghsh
Province, and subject to its Superiors." But here arises
the question, is there a body of Roman Cathohc laymen
holding the same position? Are not the lay members of
the Sodahties affiliated to the Jesuit Order really in this
1 Records of the English Province, S.J., vol. vii., p. 559.

340 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
position ? They are certainly subject to their Directors, and
pledged to obey their commands ; while those Directors are
subject to the General of the Jesuits. These Sodalities are
not confined to the upper ranks of society. Special Sodal
ities exist for different classes of society. " The regulations
of the Sodalities," says Father Gavin, S.J., "in each case
can be adopted to the particular circumstances of the mem
bers." ' And he relates that : —
"At Naples the Sodality owed its origin to the piety of the
Apostolic Nuncio, and included all classes, from the highest to
the humblest; for in the year 1610 four hundred fishermen in
Naples were enrolled on the list of members, and by the exact
observance of all the duties of religion, won the admiration of
the city. At the end of the seventeenth century we find St. Francis
Jerome presiding at Naples over a Sodality of poor artisans." ^
But in addition to these very useful lay subjects of the
Jesuits, the Order possessed in Canada during the last half
of the seventeenth, and the early portion of the eighteenth
century, a class of lay servants bound to them by vows for
life. Some interesting facts concerning these vowed servants
of the Jesuits appear in one of the volumes of an important
work pubhshed for subscribers only, in 73 volumes, by the
Burrows Brothers Company, Cleveland, United States of
America, entitled The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents.
From a "Memoir" therein pubhshed, from the pen of a
Father LaUemant, S.J., in 1642, we learn that he, in 1638,
before leaving Prance for Canada, had an interview with
the Father Provincial of the French Jesuits, to whom the
Canadian Jesuits were subject, and received in writing his
consent to the formation in Canada of a body of Domestics
for the serrice of the Society, who should not be Lay
Brothers, but yet be required to take a solemn vow to serve
the Jesuits all their lives, the vow, says Father LaUemant,
being "worded according to one which had formerly been

' Manual for the Use of the Sodalities, p. 11.
3 n;j T, a

» Ibid., p. 8

JESUIT DONNAS 34.|
granted to the Province of Champagne, and accepted by Our
Reverend Father General."' These servants of the Order
were termed " Donnas." " As for the matter of the vow,"
says the same Jesuit, "aU external ceremonies have been
discontinued, such as pronouncing the form aloud on the
day of reception ; also, the public renewal of it which they
made. All is now done privately by each one, under the
direction of his Confessor." ^ It was, therefore, evidently a
secret transaction. Two years after Father LaUemant wrote
this statement the General of the Jesuits ordered the dissolu
tion of this organization for carrying on a portion of the
Jesuits' work, but after explanations he revoked the decree
of suppression, and allowed the work to be continued.
Whether it still exists is more than I can say. According
to the form of the vow taken by the Donnas, as printed
in The Jesuit Relations for the first time, the members
promise to go into " whatever part of the world " they may
be sent. The vow itself was as follows: —
"I, the Undersigned, declare that of my individual freewill I
have given myself to the Society of Jesus, to serve and assist with
all my power and diligence the Fathers of the said Society, who
work for the salvation and conversion of souls, and particularly
those who are employed iu the conversion of the poor savages
and barbarians of New France among the Hurons, and this in
such method and dress as shall be required, and as shall be judged
most suitable for the greater glory of God, without claiming any
thing else whatever except to live and die with the said Fathers
in whatever part of the world I am required to be with them;
leaving to their free disposition all that concerns me and may belong
to me (except what shall be declared in a special memorandum
drawn up for this purpose), without desiring that any inventory
besides should be made of it— wishing to give up all for God
without any reserve, or any resource except Himself. In attestation
of which I have signed the present declaration which I pray God
to bless and forever find acceptable. Done at the residence of Ste.
Marie of the Hurons, this 23rd of December, 1639." «
Three years later those who took the vow as Donnfe
received from the Superior a document accepting their
services in the following terms: —
' The Jesuit Relations, vol. ixi., p. 293.
- Ibid., p. 299. * Ibid., p. 305.

342 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
"I, the Undersigned, Superior of the Missions of the Society of
Jesus among the Hurons, certify by these presents that Jean
Gu6rin having earnestly represented to us his desire to consecrate
himself to the service of God and our Society, by vowing himself
for the rest of his life to the service of our Fathers who are among
the Hurons, and in other places of New France, as shall be decided
to be for the greater glory of God, — the same having given us
sufficient proof of his piety and fidelity, We, by these presents,
accept him as Donn6 in the capacity of Domestic Servant during
his lifetime, to continue in the same services as in the past, or
in such others as we shall deem advisable, among the said Hurons,
or elsewhere; promising, on our part, to maintain him according
to his condition with food and clothing, without other wages or
claims on his part, and to care for him kindly in case of sickness,
even to the end of his life, without being able to dismiss him in
such case, except with his own consent; provided that, on his part, he
continue to live in uprightness, diligence, and fidelity to our service,
even as by these presents he promises and binds himself to do."'
It will be observed that the unfortunate Donn^, by his
vow made himself, practically, the freewill slave of the
Jesuits for life, while the Jesuits could turn him off at any
time, whenever he ceased, in their opinion, to serve them with
"diligence and fidelity." It was a very profitable bargain
for the Jesuits, who thus secured the services of a body
of men for life, without having to pay them a penny in
wages. Father LaUemant was evidently wide awake to the
advantages to be gained by his Order from the services of
the Donnas, for, in his "Memoir" he writes:— "Now
these private vows [of the Donnas] are more advantageous
and necessary to us in this country, than one would at first
suppose, since we have here no means of restraining people
except by way of conscience. It is well to take into con
sideration Domestics who have the management of temporal
matters, and other transient Domestics who are in the
house, — with whom, as well as with the savages, many
things could take place contrary to the good of the house,
without much scruple on the part of our Donnas, if they
were not retained by some extraordinary bond of conscience.
One can easily perceive other advantages, which it would
take me too long to enumerate."
' The Jesuit Relations, vol. xxi., p. 303.

THE NEW HOLY LEAGUE 343
In The Jesuit Relations evidence is supphed, proving
that these Donnas, or Domestics, were not all in the class
of life which the latter term would seem to imply to
Enghsh ears, though no doubt many of them served in the
humblest capacities. Thus Simon Baron and Rene Goupil
are mentioned as Surgeons; Gaspard Gonant was an Apo
thecary; Guillaume Couture was not only an interpreter, but
an important political agent working from time to time
amongst the Indian tribes. Other Donnas were also employed
on political errands, either by the Jesuits or the Government.
As late as 1701, nine Donnes were in the service of the
Quebec Jesuits.
One of the most (extensive auxiliaries of the Society of
Jesus, is an organization known as "The Holy League of
the Sacred Heart of Jesus," called also "The Apostleship
of Prayer." A League for the purpose of offering prayer
seems, at first sight, a very innocent thing; but it is well
to remember that first impressions are often mistaken. The
Roman Catholic Dictionary says that this Association was
"founded in 1844 by the Jesuits at Vals, in the Diocese of
Puy." Ostensibly its chief object is that of devotion to the
"Sacred Heart" of Jesus; but it has other objects of a
more practical character. From the English edition of the
official Handbook of the Holy League we discover that " The
work of the Apostleship of Prayer" includes not only
petitions for "the triumph of the Church (and) of the Holy
See " — we know what the Jesuits mean by that " triumph "
— but also practical operations. The members are required
"to take an active part in the welfare of the Church, to
second the efforts of God's Ministers, to promote the designs
of God's providence and the rescue of souls. It presses
them to devote themselves, and with more fruit than is gained
by any pohtician, to the regeneration of modern society,
which seems to be falling to pieces." ' We thus learn that
1 Eandbook of the Holy League of the Heart of Jesus. 2nd Ed., pp. 27, 28.

344 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
the members are "pressed" to take an active part in the
work usually undertaken by a "pohtician" in the "regenera
tion of modern society ; " which, in the case of the Jesuits
may be expected to be on the Unes laid down by Father
Robert Parsons, in his notorious work on The Reformation
of England, which, as we have seen, has been blessed by
the Modern English Jesuits. ' A large number of easily
obtained Indulgences have been granted to the members of
this " Holy League " by Pius IX. and Leo XIII. ; but one of
the conditions of receiving them is that the members shall
offer "Prayers for the Pope's intentions" — whatever they
may be — and for "the extinction of heresies.'"'
In Ireland those who hold office in this organization, as
"Promoters," are expected to make a solemn promise to
have nothing to do with Freemasonry, or secret societies,
but to oppose them to the utmost of their power. The
promise is made in the following terms:
"Freemasonry, and all other secret societies having been con
demned by the Infallible voice and authority of the Vicar of
Christ, I, N. N., obedient to that authority, solemnly resolve and
engage never to belong to any such secret association, under
whatsoever name it may be called ; but, on the contrary, to oppose
to the utmost of my power their influence, their teaching, and
their acts. Amen." '
This solemn promise is not printed in the English Hand
book of the League, but it is, notwithstanding, expected to
be taken by every man and woman throughout the world,
and in the case of "Promoters," as "a necessary condition"
of being admitted to office in the League, of which "the
Director General is the General of the Society of Jesus." ¦*
In the Irish Handbook of the League appears the following
official notice on this point. " Our Reverend Directors, our
Promoters and Associates, wUl understand the motives which
have prompted the Director General of the Holy League to
' Supra, pp. 152—159. 2 Ibid., p. 103.
' The Irish Handbook of the Holy League. 2nd Ed., p. 21. Dublin, 1897.
* IHd., p. 12.

THE NEW HOLT LEAGUE 345
issue the following instructions: In order the more thor
oughly to enter into the intention of the Holy Father,
expressed in the teaching of the late Encyclical Letter,
Humanum Genus, we earnestly beg of all our Directors, both
Diocesan and Local, to require, in all new receptions of
Associates of either sex to the Holy League, and in the
case of our Promoters, as a necessary condition, the promise
never to enter into any secret society, and not to give
encouragement or help to any of them." '
This Holy League, or "Apostleship of Prayer," is not
confined to congregations under the direct spiritual super-
rision of Jesuit priests. No fewer than 22 Orders and
Rehgious Institutions have given to its members a "parti
cipation in all their merits, prayers, and good works." ^ It
seeks to push itself into aU "Religious Communities" and
Ecclesiastical Seminaries for the education of priests, and
into ordinary secular Colleges and Schools. In this last
connection the English Handbook mentions the existence of
a mysterious organization called "The Militia of the Pope
in Colleges and Schools," as to which it would be desirable
for the Protestant public to have further information than
they at present possess. It seems that even persons outside
the Church of Rome may be members of the League, for,
in the "Instructions for Local Directors," we read: — "It
may sound strange, but it is true that even those who are
not keeping the laws of the Church can often be sincerely
affected by this truth, and practically accept it — never with
out being made the better — and many even when out of the
Church have been, if inconsistent, at least sincere members of
the League, and have owed to their daily offering the grace
which has at last brought them back to the practice of a
Cathohc life." '
If this "Holy League" were but a small affair it would
' The Irish Eandbook of the Eoly League. 2nd Ed., p. 22. Duhlin, 1897.
- Eandbook of the Eoly League of the Eeart of Jesus, p. 37.
3 Ibid., p. 108.

346 THE JESUITS IN GREAT BRITAIN
scarcely be worthy of notice; but it is not small. It is in
reality the largest organisation ever formed within the fold
of any professedly Christian Church. It is stated in its
Irish Handbook that, in 1897, it numbered nearly 25,000,000
of Associates, ' scattered throughout the whole world. How
many of them live in Great Britain is more than I can tell.
The figures are simply amazing! Just think of it for a
moment. Twenty-five millions of men and women under
the direct influence of the Jesuit Order, the greatest enemy
of our Protestant liberties to be found in the whole world!
And yet there are still people amongst us who affect to
treat the Order as uninfluential, and of no consequence in
these realms. Such persons are under a dangerous delusion.
Whenever the Jesuit Order may need to stir up civU com
motions and dissensions in the interests of the Papacy, and
to the injury of Protestant Sovereigns and Governments, from
the ranks of this " Holy League " it can at any time select suit
able instruments. By the means of this League they easily
know who their instruments are, and where to find them when
wanted. The " Holy League " of France in the sixteenth century,
began as a religious work, and ended in the cruel and blood
thirsty wars of religion, having for their object the exterm
ination of the Huguenots. In this new " Holy League " may
eventually be found the army the Jesuits will some day
require to restore the Temporal Power of the Pope, which
is one of the dearest objects they have at heart in the
present time. " I have," wrote the Rev. E. J. O'Reilly, S.J.
Professor of Theology in Maynooth, in a posthumous work
published in 1892, "no hesitation in saying that a war
directed to the re-establishment of the Pontiff's temporal
sovereignty, would be just, so far as the cause is concerned." '
From a privately printed Catalogue of Books by the English
Jesuits I learn that " the entire Collection of the Rescripts,
Decrees, and Apostolic Letters, in which are the utterances of
' Irish Handbook of the Holy League, p. 7.
2 The Relations of the Church to Society. By Edmund J. O'Reilly, S. J., p. 384.

THE JESUIT ORDER INCURABLE 347
the Holy See regarding the Holy League " has been printed,
but that it is, "For the use of our Directors only." What
are they afraid of, I wonder, which prevents them offering
this book to the pubhc? With the history of the Jesuits
before us it is impossible to suppose that they will not,
from time to time, use this "Holy League" for political
purposes. The English Jesuits have emphatically declared,
through their magazine. Catholic Progress: — "We cannot
separate politics from religion, from Catholicity." '
In concluding this record of Jesuit deception, trickery,
sedition, treason, and crime in Great Britain, it is important
to point out that the Order has never repented of its past
offences. What it has done in the past it would do to-day,
were circumstances favourable. Knowing its past history,
not only in the dominions over which King Edward VII.
reigns, but in every country in the world, we realise that,
with its secret agencies spread abroad everywhere, with its
multitude of unknown and pledged adherents in every class
of society, it is a standing danger to the Empire. What
it has done for France it will do for the British Empire if
only time is allowed it, and Protestants can be luUed to
sleep in a delusive security. It would treat us as Delilah
treated Samson of old, and with simUar disastrous results. It is
useless to expect the so-called " Society of Jesus " to reform.
A well-known English Jesuit, the Rev. Bernard Vaughan,
is reported by the Catholic Times to have said in a lecture
he recently delivered in Dublin, on "The Jesuit in Fact
and in Fiction," that:— "One thing was certain, and that
was the [Jesuit] Society never had been, and never would
be, reformed. It was its one proud boast that if it failed
in anything it was in its indiridual members, not in its
organization, in its constitution, or in its corporate life."
In other words, it is hopelessly incurable.
1 Catholic Progress, vol. viii., p. 247.
The End.

INDEX

A

Abercrombie, Father Robert, S.J. 183,
184, 215;
his narrative of this secret reception
of Anne of Denmark 205—207;
appointed Keeper of theKlng'sHawks,
207.
Abington, Edward 22, 114, 122.
Acton, Lord, on Rome and Murder Plots
89, 90.
on the secret History of Charles II.
243, 251.
Admonition to the People of England
106—111.
Allen, Cardinal 41, 44, 69, 95, 96, 97, 98,
106, 131, 190;
on questions put to Roman Catholics 8;
letters to, from Mary Queen of Scots
98, 99.
Alva, Duke of 113, note.
Angus, Earl of 182, 183.
Anne of Denmark 184;
her early life 204;
narrative of her secret reception into
the Church of Rome 205—207;
writes about her perversion to the
Pope 208;
further evidence of her Popery, 209,
210;
uses her influence to put Papists into
public offices 210;
refuses to partake of Communion in
Westminster Abbey 211 ;
opens up communications with the
Pope 211;
the Pope sends present to 211;
endeavours to pervert her eldest son
212*
her lo've for Spain 212, 213, 214;
taught Popery by her lady-in-waiting
213;

secretly attends Mass 213, 214;
keeps two disguised priests to say
Mass for her 214;
attends Protestant services and ser
mons 213;
double-dealing on her dying bed 215 —
217;
dies in the bosom of the Roman
Catholic Church 217.
Annias, John 171.
Apostleship of Prayer, The 343—347.
Arden, Edward, and the plot to assassi
nate Elizabeth 91, 92.
Arlington, Lord (see also Bennet, Sir
Henry) 263, 266, 270.
Archer, Father James, S.J., and the plot
to assassinate Elizabeth 169, 170, 171,
190.
Amauld, Abb6, on the Jesuit Sodalities
323.
Arnold, John 145.
Arundel, Charles 22.
Arundel, Lord Wardour 263, 266.
Ashley, Ralph, S.J., 198.
Assassination Plots 22, 61—68, 90—92,
113--125, 167—181.
Association of Roman Catholic Gentlemen
21, 22;
and Plots to assassinate Elizabeth 22.
Aubigny, Lord, (see also Lennox) princi
pal agent in a Great Jesuit Plot 30;
the object of his mission to Scot
land 30, 31 ;
rapid promotion of, 32;
joins the Presbyterian Kirk 32;
created Earl of Lennox 32;
his plans revealed by Queen Eliza
beth 34, 35;
proclaimed Duke of Lennox 38.

B

Babington, Antony 22.
his plot to assassinate Elizabeth
^^g  125'
names of his fellow Conspirators 114;
pleads guilty 121, 122.
Babington Conspirators, Father John
Gerard S.J., on the 123;

Father Robert Parsons, S. J., on the 124 ;
Father WUliamWeston,S.J.,onthel 24.
Bagshaw, Dr. Christopher, and the Jesuits
179, 180, 306.
Balcanquall, Walter, his sermon on Dis
guised Romanists 33;
approved by the General Assembly 34.

350

index

Ballard, John 114, 115, 121.
Barnwell, Robert 114, 122.
Bates, Thomas, Gunpowder Conspirator,
told by a Jesuit the cause waa good"
195; comments on the confession of 195 —
197.
Bellamy, Jerome 114.
Belling, Sir Richard 266;
sent by Charles II. on a secret Mission
to the Pope 241, 243;
presents to the Pope Charles' Pro
fession of Faith 243.
Bennet, Sir Henry (see also Arlington
Lord) 232, 233, 249, 270.
Berington, Father Joseph, on the Jesuit
Parsons' disloyalty 61.
Blackheath, Popish Army at 269;
Evelyn on the 269.
Blind Obedience of the Jesuits 296—299,
336; justifies crime, tyranny, and folly
298 299.
Blount, Father Richard, S.J. 215.
Boero, Father, S.J., his pamphlet on the
secret History of Charles II 251.
Bolbet, Roger, S.J. 2.

Borgia, Francis, SJ. his secret reception
into the Jesuit Order 310-312.
Brady, W. M., on "The Eldest Son of
Charles II." 252.
Breda, how Charles U. deceived the
Dissenting Ministers at 238, 239.
Bristol, Earl of 232, 233;
attack on the Earl of Clarendon by
248—250.
Bristow's Motives 25, 28;
extracts from 26.
Broderick, Sir Allen 2, 27.
Bruce, Robert, sent to ask for a Spanish
Army 127, 128;
visit of, tot he Duke of Parma 140, 141 ;
on the disloyal work of the Jesuits 142.
Burghley, Lord, his interview with the
Jesuit Woodhouse 4;
his Escecution of Justice 7.
Burnet, Bishop, his account of the secret
reception of Charles IL into the Church
of Eome 226, 227;
on the wicked character of Titus Oates
271.
Butler, Mr. Charles, on questions put to
Roman Catholics 8, 9.

Cahill, Hugh, employed to assassinate
Elizabeth 169, 170, 171, 174.
Caithness, Earl of 41.
Calendar of Carew Papers 16.
Campian, Edward, S.J. 17, 19, 22;
his untruthful assertion 22;
interview with Queen Elizabeth 22;
is tortured 24;
questioned as to his loyalty 28;
a Martyr to the Deposing Power 29.
Carter, William, executed for printing
traitorous books 92 — 95.
Cassano, Bishop of (Dr. Lewis) 145.
Castlemaine, Lady 270.
Catesby, Robert, Gunpowder Plot Con
spirator, his pious character 191.
Catherine of Braganza, married to Char
les II 241, 242;
Provincial of the Jesuits congratulates
241;
participates in the merits of Jesuit
order 241.
Cecil, Father John 184, 185, 308.
Charles II., the Secret History of, 218— 250;
sends Mr. Robert Meynell on a mis
sion to the Pope 219, 220;
negotiations of, with the Presby
terians of Scotland 220;
sends Lord Cottington and Sir Edward
Hyde on a mission to Spain 220;
Fathers O'Daly andRoesecretAgents
of at Rome 221, 222;
propositions of, to Innocent X. 222—
223;
determines to dissemble with the
Scotch 223, 224;
swears to the Solemn League and
Covenant 224;

his interviews with Father John
Huddleston 225;
escapes to the Continent, where he
again negotiates with the Pope
226;
Bishop Burnet's account of his secret
profession of Popery 226, 227;
Father Peter Talbot, S.J., invites
him to become secretly a Romanist
228, 229;
Dr. Renehan's account of his secret
reception into the Church of Rome.
230;
the Duke of Ormond sees Charles on
his knees at Mass 232;
Carte's account of the secret recep
tion of 231, 232;
Lord Halifax on the perversion of
233, 234;
his Secret Treaty with Spain 234, 235;
Protestant Ministers testify to the Pro
testantism of 237—239;
strong professions of Protestantism
by 235, 236, 240—245, 246;
rumours concerning the Popery of
235—237 ;
how the Dissenting Ministers were
deluded by 239, 240;
marries secretly a Roman Catholic
Princess 241 ;
sends Sir Richard Belling on a secret
mission to the Pope 241;
seventeen Favours bestowed on the
Church of Rome by 242, 243;
assists at Mass and bows at the
elevation 242;
proposes the submission of hia King
doms to the Church of Rome 2j3;

INDEX

351

sends to the Pope his Profession of
Faith 243:
the secret Catholic Junto of 244;
proposes some toleration to Roman
Catholics 244—246;
Act forbidding anyone to term the
King a Papist 248, 249;
and the Jesuits 251-277;
his secret correspondence with the
General ot the Jesuits 252—262;
writes secretly to the Pope 252,256, 259 ;
longs for the Sacraments of the Church
of Rome 255;
wishes to secretly practise the rites
of the Roman Catholic religion 255;
the "greatest secrecy" desired by
255, 257;
has " a secret understanding with the
Pope" 256;
wishes his son ordained as a Roman
priest, to give him secretly the
Sacraments 257, 262;
does not wish to withdraw his son
from the Jesuit Order 257, 259;
his affection and goodwill to the
Jesuit Order 258, 259;
letter of, to his Jesuit son 258 — 260;
expects to aid the Jesuits with his
Royal munificence 259;
afraid of death if his Popery is
found out 261;
his " measures of dissimulation" 261 ;
his Secret Conference at York House
263, 264;
seeks advice how to establish Popery
in his dominions 263, 264;
acknowledges himself a Roman Catho
lic 264;
his secret interviews with the French
Ambassador 264, 265;
boasts that his army will help his
plans 264, 265;
his Secret Treaty of Dover 265— 267;
declaration of Indulgence by 267, 268;
places a Popish Army at Black
heath 269;
Crypto-Catholics in the Court of 247,
269, 270;
and the Popish Plot 270—273;
ends his miserable life of deception 277.
Charnock, John 114, 122.
Chase, Father Le Chase, S.J. 275, 307.
Children of Mary, see Sodalities.
"Choice of England, The" 123.
Clarendon, Earl of, see also Hyde, Sir
Edward 233;
attack upon by the Earl of Bristol,
248—250;
plots to prevent the Popery of Char
les H. becoming known 248, 249;
said to be a friend to Protestantism,250.

Clarke, Father R. F., S.J., on Parsons'
plan for the Reformation of England,
158 159
Cliffo'rd, Lord 263, 266.
Cloche, James de la, illegitimate son of
Charles II. 252;
received into the Jesuit Order 252 ;
his father's correspondence with the
General of the Jesuits 252—262;
letter to, from Charles II. 258—260.
Colbert, French Ambassador to England
275; his secret interviews with Charles II.
264, 265.
Coleman, Edward, his real Popish Plot
274—276; treasonable Letters of 274, 275.
Coligny, Admiral, murder of 31.
Collen, Patrick, his plot to assassinate
Elizabeth, 168—174, 175, 176.
Colville, Mr. John, 78.
Conference about the Next Succession to
the Grown of Eng land 151, 152, 306, 307 ;
Confessional, The, used for political pur
poses, 20.
Congregations of the Jesuits (see Sodal
ities).
Constitutions of the Jesuit Order, 291,
293—306; adopted by Female Convents335— 338.
Convents and Monasteries, Depravity of
282, 290, 291.
Convention Parliament, Charles II.'s Pro
testant letter to the 240.
Como, Cardinal of, 50, 64, 67, 98;
letter to, revealing plot to a
Elizabeth 63;
his reply 65.
Cornwallis, Sir Charles, on the character
of Father Richard Walpole, S.J. 181;
on the Spanish sympathies of Anne
of Denmark 212, 214.
Cottington, Lord 221;
sent by Charles II. on a mission to
Spain 220.
Coventry, H. 247.
Crawford, Eari of 141, 142.
Creighton, Father William, S.J. 46, 47, 4S,
49, 50, 142, 144, 145, 205, 307, 308;
sent by the Pope on a mission to
Scotland 43;
his report of his mission 44;
captured 100;
his confessions 101—102;
his treason in Scotland 183-^86.
CresweU, Father Joseph, S.J. a traitor to
his country 188.
Crypto-Catholics in the Court of Charles
H. 247, 269, 270.
Crypto-Jesuits 309—313.
Currey, Father S.J. 107.

DaillA, M., testifies to the Protestantism
of Charies IL 237, 238.
Daniell, John 169, 170, 171, 174 190.
Davilla on Jesuit Soldalities 321.
De Retz, Cardinal 226, 227.

Declaration of Indulgence by Charles II.
267, 268. , „ .
Digby, Sir Everard, Gunpowder Conspi
rator, given "wholly to God's service"
193.

352

INDEX

Disguises, Jesuit 2, 3, 80—86, 129.
Disguised Romanists 32—60, 76-79, 80—
86, 204—217 ;
Walter Balcanquall's sermons on 33;
Archbishop Spottiswoode on 34.
D'Ossat, Cardinal, on the disloyalty of
Romish Seminaries 27.
Dover, secret treaty of, 265—267 ;
Lord John Russell on the 266.
Drelincourt, Pastor, testifies to the Pro
testantism of Charles IL 238.

Drew, Father, S.J. on the death of Anne
of Denmark 217.
Drummond, Mrs., teaches Popery to Anne
of Denmark 213.
Disloyal Oaths 28.
Dunblane, Bishop of, 101, 144, 145.
Dunfermhne, Earl of, see SetonAlexander.
Dunne, Henry 114, 122.
Durie, John 33.
Queen Elizabeth on 34, 35.

E

Eglinton, Earl of 41.
Emerson, Ralph 17.
EUzabeth, Queen, Ridolphi's plot to assas
sinate 5 ;
on Di^uised Romanists 34, 35 ;
plots to assassinate 62—68, 90—92,
113-125, 167—181 ;
her murder sanctioned by StPiusV. 89 ;
Somerville's and Arden's plot to
assassinate 90 — 92;
praised by Pope Sixtus V. Ill ;
Babington's plot to assassinate,
113—125 ¦
Bull of Sixtus V. deposing 136—139 ;
Patrick CoUn's plot to assassinate
168—174.
England, Expedition against, eagerly
desired by the Pope 113;

Papal Claims to the Throne of 112—
114, notes 137 ;
the Jesuits' plan for the Reformation
of 152^159.
Equivocation and Mental Reservation
160—166, 196, 197, 216 ;
Robert Parsons, S.J. on 161—163;
Father Henry Garnett, S.J.onl63— 166;
Father John Morris, S.J. on 160;
Emmanuel Sa on 163 ;
the Catholic Dictionary on 166.
Errol, Earl of 141, 142, 182, 183, 186.
Evelyn, John, visits the Popish Army at
Blackheath 269;
on the wicked character of Titus Oates
271, 272.
Evidence of Spies, value of the 87, 88.

P

Fawkes (Guy), Gunpowder Plotter, a
"man of Great Piety" 192.
Female Jesuits, The 329—338;
petition against, from Roman Catholic
priests 331—333 ;
suppressed by Urban VIII 334;

revived as the Institute of the Blessed
Virgin 334.
Femihurst, Baron 41.
Fitzgerald, Colonel, appointed General of
a Popish Army at Blackheath 269.
Fitzherbet, Thomas, S.J. on the plots to
assassinate Elizabeth 175—176, 179.

G

Gaches, M. Raymond, testifies to the
Protestantism of Charles II. 238.
Gage, Robert 114, 122.
Garnett, Father Henry, S.J. on Equivoca
tion and Mental Reservation 163 — 166,
180, 216;
on plots to assassinate Elizabeth
175;
gets valuable information for the
King of Spain 187, 188;
and his knowledge of the Gunpowder
Plot 196, 199—203;
his Confessions of guilt 199 — 203;
his knowledge of the Gunpowder
Plot 199—203;
his letter to Mrs. Vaux 202;

his interview with the three Deans
203.
Gelosse, Father Stephen, S.J. His extra
ordinary disguises 3.
Gerard, Balthazar 105.
Gerard, Father John, S.J. on the Babing
ton Conspiracy 123;
Gifford, Gilbert 114, 121, 123;
sent to Paris by Mary Queen of
Scots 117.
Gifford, Dr. W., on the secret reception
of Anne of Denmark 205.
Glasgow, Archbishop of 59, 63, 67, 77.
Gordon, Father James, S.J. 183, 185, 186.
Gordon, Sir Patrick 182.
Gracian, Father Balthazar, S.J. 308.

INDEX

353

Graham of Fintry 184.
Grand Secret of Jesuit influence. The 324.
Grant, John, Gunpowder Conspirator, a
very pious Papist 193.
Gray, Baron 41.
Gregory XIII. made acquainted with plot
to assassinate Elizabeth 63—65;
claimed to be Sovereign Lord of
England 114, note.
Guise, Duke ot 31, 43, 44, 45, 62, 65, 70,
101, 102, 104, 127, 190;

Ills plan to assassinate Elizabeth
63—66;
offers help to James VI. 73, 75;
letters of James VI. to the 73, 74.
Gunpowder Plot, Father Parsons sows
the seeds of 20 ;
Jesuit Testimony to the pious char
acter of the Conspirators 191—194;
worked by the spiritual children of
the Jesuits 191.

H

Halifax, Lord, on Charles II. as Roman
Catholic 233, 234.
Hallam, Henry, on the Popish Plot 273.
Hamilton, Lord Claude 127.
Hay, Father Edmund, S.J. 142, 145.
Hayes, Father Alexander, S.J. 322.
Henrietta Maria, Queen 218, 221, 222, 226,
244, 270;
her promises before marriage 218,
219.
Holt, Father WilUam, S.J. 41, 73;
interview with Mendoza 42;
interview with Tassis 49;

and plots to assassinate Queen Eli
zabeth 169-475, 190.
Hyde, Sir Edward, (see also Clarendon
Earl of) 221, 226 ;
sent by Charles II. on a mission to
Spain 220.
Holy League, The 104, 322, 346.
Holy League of the sacred Heart of Jesus
343—347.
Huddleston, Father John, his interview
with Charles II. 225.
Huntly, Earl of 41, 127, 140, 141, 182,
183, 186 ;
boasts ot his Dissimulation 143.

Important Considerations, on Jesuit dis
loyalty 10.
Innocent X., Proposltioni ot Charles II.
to 222, 223.

Institute of the Blessed Virgin Mary
334—337; is practically an Order of Female
Jesuits 334, 335;
influence of at the present time 335, 336.

Jacques, Francis 169, 172, 173.
James VL of Scotland 30, 31, 128, 130, 140;
signs the Solemn League and Cove
nant 36;
his secret interview with Father
William Watts 40;
his morals corrupted by Captain
Stewart and Lennox 51;
proclamation in defence of Lennox s
Protestantism 51;
and the Raid ot Ruthven 52;
supplication to, of Protestant Noble
men 52, 53;
the Duke of Guise offers aid to Ii;
his letters to the Duke of Guise 73, 74;
scandalous letter of, to the Pope 75;
obtains pecuniary assistance through
the Jesuit Parsons 79;
his dissimulation 129;
and the Roman Cathohc Lords 182,
Jessopp, 'Dr. Augustus, on the scarcity
of Parsons' books 149.

Jesuits and the Spanish Armada 87—126.
Jesuit Donnte 340—343;
their vows 341, 342.
Jesuit Plot in Scotland, Great 30—60.
Jesuit Lord Chancellor of Scotland
79—86. ..--^*"%>
Jesuit disloyal%.10— 13,
Jesuit Order, Formation of the278— .is^,
first members of the 284, 286;
birthday of the 284;
approved by Paul HI. 2M;
constitutions of the 291, 293-306;
and its vows W^^SOi  — 
and Blind ObedpnceJ^^aaaj--'
the Professed F*fi6rs of the 300,
the Secrecy of the 302, 304,309-313;
and politics 304, 305;
responsibility of, for the writings ot
its members 305—308;
a. case of dismissal from the 309;
the Sodalities and Congregations of
the 314-329, 340; ,--- __^-^ N
the Grand Sectefof the 324:- J

354

INDEX

the, cannot be reformed, and there
fore incurable 347.
Jesuits, The, Roman Catholicjestimony
against 88;
act of 1585 against '
their Spiritual Cr "
in disguise 80— jT
thee£focts-of?to books 150; \

their King-Idling Practices described
189, 190^
¦ "¦ 1es II. 251—277;
and Female Convents 329—338;
literary servants of 338, 339.
Jesuits' Memorial for the Reformation
of England, Extracts from 153—457.
Jones, Edward 114.
Judith and Holofernes, held up for the
admiration of Papists 94, 95, 170.

Kellison, Dr. 308.
Kerr, George, and the Spanish Blanks
182—184.
Keys, Robert, Gunpowder Conspirator, a
man of great " virtue" 193.
Kirby, Luke 17.

Knox, Father, whitewashes an attempt
to assassinate Elizabeth 67, 68.
King Killing and the Jesuits 189, 190,194.
King, Father Thomas, S.J. 2;
his disguise 2.

Leake, Thomas 147.
League between the Pope, the King ot
Spain, and the Duke of Tuscany 15,
16, 114, note.
Lennox, Duke of 49, 50, 52, 54—60, 101;
(see also Aubigny), Ms profession
of Protestantism 32;
swears to the Solemn League and
Covenant 36;
Froude on the personal character of
the 36, 55;
Mary Queen of Scots approves of his
dissimulation 43;
the Jesuit Creighton's secret inter
views with 44;
his plot approved by the Pope 45;
his letter to Tassis 47;
his letter to Mary Queen of Scots 48;
corrupts the Morals of James VI. 51 ;
James VI. defends the Protestantism
of the 51 ;
his ly ingProfession of Protestantism 55 ;
seeks help from the Papists 56;
leaves Scotland 57;
boasts ot his Protestantism to Queen
Elizabeth 57;
boasts of his Popery to Mendoza
57, 58;

dies as a Roman Catholic 59;
lessons from the life of the 59, 60.
Leo XIII. honours Gunpowder Plotters 199.
List of Favours and Benefits to the
Church of Rome by Charles H. 241— 243.
Literary Servants of the Jesuit Order
338, 339.
Littleton,Humphrey,his testimony against
the Jesuit Oldcorne 197, 198.
Lopez, Dr. 174.
Louis XIV., 263, 264, 273, 274, 275, 322;
large sums of money granted to
Charles II. by 26^-afeer-- 
Loyola, Ignatius, His ®sit to Londoit^ ;
founder of the Jesuit Order, The
early career of 278—292;
begins to write his Spiritual Exercises
280;
he visits Jerusalem 281;
imprisoned by the Inquisition 282,
283;
the first disciples of 284, 286;
and the Paris Protestants 285;
elected General 293;
draws up the Constitutions ot the
Jesuit Order 293.; 
•Bhnd Obedience 296—2

yffTl

M

Macaulay, Lord, on the Popish Plot,
273.
M'Crie, Dr., on the character of the Duke
of Lennox 51.
MacQuhirrie, Father, S.J. 205, 209 ;
his Memorial on the State of Scotland
208.
Maitland, Lord Chancellor, Plot to assassi
nate 144—146 ;

the Pope authorises the attempt to
assassinate 145.
Malvasia, Monsignor, his report of Jesuit
treason 10.
Martyrs to the Deposing Power 9.
Mary Queen of Scots 30, 31, 42, 43, 47,
48, 58, 69, 75, 101, 102, 109, 110, 125;
her letters to Mendoza on the Ba
bington Conspiracy 117, 120;

INDEX

355

her letter to Babington 120, 121.
Jesuit opinion on the result ot her
death 133.
her part in the Jesuits' Plot 43, 47, 48 ;
approves a plot to assassinate Eliza
beth 63 ;
applies to the Pope for an extra
ordinary dispensation 71, 72 ;
her letters to Dr. Allen, 98, 99 ;
her shocking lies 99;
acquainted with the BabingtonConspi-
racy 116, 117.
Mathieu, Father Claude, S.J. 44,68,103,190.
Mayenne, Duke of, his plan to assassinate
Elizabeth 63.
Memorial against the Jesuits 13.
Mendham, Rev. Joseph, his edition of the
Admonition to the People of England
108.
Mendoza, Spanish Ambassador 76, 115 —
120, 141, 322 ;
his secret conferences with English
Roman Catholics 39, 115—120;
his interview with Lennox's secretary
57, 58;
helps the plots to assassinate Eliza
beth 115.

Mental Reservation and Equivocation
160-^66, 196, 197, 216 ;
Father John Morris, S.J. on 160;
Father Robert Parsons, S.J. on 161—
163;
Father Henry Garnett, S.J. on 163 —
166;
Emmanuel Sa on 163;
the CathoUc Dictionary on 166.
Meynell, Robert 221 ;
sent by Charles II. on a mission to
the Pope 219, 220.
Michelsen,Dr. on Jesuit Sodalities 324 — 327.
MiUtia of the Pope, The 345.
Monday, William, and the attempt to
poison Elizabeth 178, 179.
Morgan, Thomas 125, 126.
Monticuculi, Count Alfonso 209.
Mordaunt, Lord, on rumours as to Popery
of Charles II. 236.
Morton, Dr. Nicholas 17.
Morton, Earl of, 30 ;
arrest of the 35 ;
effects of the execution ot the 38.
"Murder is better than Toleration" 89.
Mush, Father John, on the disloyal
machinations of the Jesuit Parsons 62.

0

Dates, Titus 274, 276 ;
and the Popish Plot 270—273 ;
Bishop Burnet on the wicked char
acter of 271 ;
John Evelyn on the wicked character
of 271, 272;
Ranke on 272.
O'Daly, Father Daniel, a secret agent of
Charies II at Rome 221, 222, 223, 230.
Ogilvy, Baron 41.
Oldcorne, Father Edward, S.J. tells Hum
phrey Littleton that the Gunpowder Plot
was " commendable and good" 197, 198 ;
and a proposed attack on the Tower
of London 198, 199 ;
raised to the ranks of the " Venerable "
199.

Oliver, Rev. Dr. 2 ;
a Literary Servant of the Jesuit
Order 338, 339.
Orleans, Duchess of 257, 261 ;
and the Secret Treaty of Dover 267.
Ormond, Duke of 231, 233;
seesCharles II. on his knees atMass 232;
Secret Treaty with Spain signed by
234;
plots to prevent the Popery of Char
les II. becoming known 248.
Orrery, Lord 265.
Orsini, Cardinal, secretly received into
the Jesuit Order 310.
Owen, Nicholas, S.J. 199.
Owen, Hugh 105, 169, 170, 173, 174, 190.

Paget, Charles, a secret emissary to the
English Romanists 70, 71 ;
on the King-Killing Practices of the
Jesuits, 189, 190.
Papal Plan of the Campaign 15—17.
Parkman on Jesuit Sodalities 329.
Parma, Duke of 140, 141 ;
leader of the English Enterprise 104;
Motley's character of the 195;
visited bv the Jesuit Parsons 10b.
Parsons, Robert, S.J. 46, 49, 50 68, 69, 97,
98, 105, 106, 107, 111, 131, 184, 185,189,
190, 306—308, 344;
arrives at Dover 2;

his disguise 2 ; . „ „
his Faculties as to the Deposing Bull
of Pius V. 17 ;
Father Tierney on their disloyal char
acter 18 ; „ _
Mr. Froude's remarks on these va
cuities 18, 19;
his Instructions from the General of
the Jesuits 19, 23 ;
his conduct at the Southwark Synod
19"
on Equivocation 20, 161—163;
sows the seeds of the Gunpowder
Plot 20;

356

INDEX

his memorandum on the invasion of
England 46;
interview with Tassis 49 ;
Fathers Berington and Mush on the
disloyalty of 61, 62;
approves of plots to assassinate Eliza
beth 63,189;
obtains money help for James VI. 79;
writes the Admonition to the People
of England 106, 107 ;
on the Babington Conspirators 124;
his letter on the succession to the
English Throjie 132;
and the Foreign Seminary Colleges
146—148;
great scarcity ot books written by
149;
extracts from the books of 150-^63 ;
writes "Principal Points to Facilitate
the EngUsh Enterprise" 187, 188.
Pasquier on Jesuit Sodalities 322.
Paul IV. threatens to depose Mary Queen
of England 113, note;
claimed the King ot England as his
Vassal 113, note.
Percy, Thomas, Gunpowder Conspirator,
his pious character 192.
Perez, Anthony 172.
Petit, John 205.
Petre, Father, S.J. 307.

Philip II. approves of the assassination
of Elizabeth 119,120;
sends help to the Scottish traitors 128 ;
his preparations for the Spanish
Armada 129—134 ;
his claim to the Throne of England
131;
sends a second Spanish Armada to
England 187.
Piety, Blood and Murder 119.
Pius V. Pope, his Deposing Bull 16, 17,
18, 70, 96, 109;
prefers murderers to heretics 89;
sanctions the proposed Murder of
Elizabeth 89.
Plan of Campaign revised61— 70,100— 102.
Pole, Cardinal 112, note;
refuses to invite the Jesuits to
England 1.
Polwhele, William 168, 169, 190.
Popish Plot, The 270—273 ;
Bishop Burnet on 271 ;
John Evelyn on 271, 272;
Ranke on 272;
Macaulay on 273 ;
Hallam on 273.
jPrima Primaria 22 (see Sodalities).
Propositions of Charles II. to Innocent X.
222, 223.

Queen, A., as a disguised Romanist 204—
217.
Queen Anne of Denmark, see Anne of
Denmark.
Queen Catherine of Braganza, see Cathe
rine of Braganza.

Queen Henrietta Maria, see Henrietta
Maria.
Questions, The, put to Roman Catholics
in Elizabeth's reign 8;
Cardinal Allen on 8 ;
Mr. Charles Duller on 9 ;
Sir John Throckmorton on 9.

R

Ranke, Leopold von, on the Popish Plot 272.
Records of English Catholics 46—62.
Renehan, Dr., his account of the secret
reception of Charles II. into the Church
of Rome 230.
Replie unto a Certaine Libell lately set
foorth by Fa. Parsons 12
Ribadeniera, Father, his visit to Englandl.
Ridolphi, bis plot to assassinate Queen
Elizabeth 5.
Rise and Growth of the Anglican Schism
10.
Rishton, Edward 17.

Rodriguez, Alonzo, S.J. and the folly of
Blind Obedience 299.
Roe, Father, a secret Agent of Charies
n. at Rome 221, 222.
Rolls, Richard 178, 179.
Rome and Murder Plots 89, 90.
Ronsin, Father Peter, S.J. 323, 325, 326.
Rookewood, Ambrose, Gunpowder Con
spirator, a man "of great virtue" 193.
Russell, Lord John, on the secret Treaty
of Dover 266, 267.
Ruthven, Raid of 52, 56, 57, 72.

s

St. Bartholomew Massacre 31.
Saint Simon, Duke of, on Jesuit Sodalities
322.
Salisbury, Thomas 114.

Savage, John 114, 116, 121, 189.
Scaramelli, Venetian secretory in London,
on the secret Popery of Anne of Den
mark 210.

INDEX

357

Scotland, Jesuit Plots in 30—60, 80—86,
127^29, 140-146, 182-186;
disguised Jesuits in 80 — 86, 128;
Jesuit Memorial on the State ot 208.
Secret Conference at the Duke of York's
House 263, 264.
Secret History of Charles H. 218-250;
Lord Acton on the 243, 251.
Secret Treaty of Dover 265—267.
Seminary Colleges, Disloyal teaching in
the 146—148.
Seminary Priests 25 ;
Seminary colleges Cardinal D'Ossat on
27; governed by the Jesuits 28.
Seton, Alexander, a Jesuit Priest 80;
says Mass on his return to Scotland 80 ;
a Jesuit biography of 80;
swears to the Solemn League and
Covenant 81 ;
binds himself to communicate in the
Scottish Kirk 82 ;
James VI. warned against, as a " shave -
ling and a priest" 83;
created Earl of Dunfermline 81 ;
appointed Lord Chancellor of Scotland
81;
for nearly 40 years a disguised
Romanist 83;
married three times 84;
goes secreUy two or three times a
year to the Popish Confessional 85 ;
testimony of Father James Seton,
S.J. to his Popery 84, 85;
dies a Romanist, and is buried as a
Protestant 85, 86.
Seton, Lord (a Disguised Romanist),
signs the Solemn League and Cove
nant 37;
Mass said at the house of 37;
boasts of his services to the Church
of Rome 38;
his secret interviews with Father
William Watts 40, 41;
sent as Ambassador to the French
Court 76;
publicly professes to be a Romanist
in Paris 76—79;
his letter to the Pope 78.
Seton, Father James, S.J., testifies to the
secret Popery of the Jesuit Lord Chan
cellor of Scotland 84—85.
Sherwin, Ralph 17.
Sherwood, Father 168, 169.
Sixtus V. 106, 140;
praises Queen Elizabeth 111;

claims England as a Fief of the
Papacy 114, note;
his offers of help to the Spanish
Armada 130;
his haughty letter to Philip II.
133, 134;
his Bull deposing Queen Elizabeth
13't-139;
on the claim of the Papacy to the
Throne of England 137;
character of 140 ;
attempted assassination of Lord Chan
cellor Maitland, sanctioned by 145.
Sodalities ot the Jesuit Order 314—329, 340 ;
Davilla on the work of 321 ;
Pasquin on the 322;
the Duke of Saint Simon on the 322;
the Abb6 Arnauld on the 323;
Dr. Michelsen on the 324—327;
Parkman on the 329.
Solemn League and Covenant 36, 37.
Solemn Oaths of six English Roman
Catholic Lords 39.
Somerville, John, proposes to murder
Elizabeth 90—92.
Somner, Mr. 48, 99.
Southampton, Earl of 248, 250.
Spanish Armada, Preparations for the
129—134; the Pope's offer of help to the 130;
address to the officers and men after
134, 135;
a second sent to England 187.
Spiritual Children of the Jesuits 20, 114,
191—194.
Spiritual Exercises of Ignatius Loyola
280, 286, 290, 297;
Ranke on the 286, 287 ;
how used to collect money 287, 288.
Spottiswoode, Archbishop, on disguised
Romanists 34.-
Squire, Edward, his attempt to poison
Elizabeth 177^180.
Stafford, Sir Edward, on Lord Seton's
position in Paris 77.
Stanley, Sir William 168, 169, 170, 174.
Stapleton, Dr. 187.
Stevenson, Father Joseph, S.J., on Anne
of Denmark being a Papist 217.
Stewart, Captain, corrupts the morals of
James VI. 51.
StiUington, Dr. 189.
Strange, Father Thomas, S.J. on the law
fulness of King Killing 194.
Sully, Duke of, his character of Anne of
Denmark 210.

T

Talbot, Father Peter, S.J. 227, 231;
his letter to Charles II. inviting him
to become secretly a Roman Catho
lic, 228, 229; ., ¦ .
receives Charles II. secretly into
the Church of Rome 230.
Tankerd, Father Charles, S.J. 189.
Tassis on the Scottish Plot 45;
letter to, from the Duke of Lennox 47 ;

reports his interview with Holt and
Parsons 49. .
Tesimond, Father Oswald, S.J. (alias
Greenway), tells Bates that the Gun
powder Plot was for a " good cause " 195 ;
comments on the guilt ot 195—197.
Throgmorton, Francis, the plot of 97.
Throckmorton, Sir John, on "Martyrs to
the Deposing Power" 9.

358

INDEX

Tichborne, Father Henry, on the friends
of the State 11;
opposed to religious toleration of
Romanlts 13.
Tichboume, Chidock 22, 114, 122.
Tilney, Charles 22, 114, 122.
Toleration for Roman Catholics, the Jesuits
opposed to 13, 14;
by Elizabeth "was scarcely possible"
12;
Father Preston on Jesuit opposition
to 13, 14;

Pope Clement VIII. opposed to 14;
said to be "scarcely possible" 104.
Torture, Mr. David Jardine on 24.
Tower of London, proposed Jesuit attack
on the 198, 199.
Travers, John 114, 122.
Treason, were the Jesuits executed for?
7—14.
Treatise Tending to Mitigation, extracts
from 161—163.
Tresham, WiUiam 22.
Tyrie, Father James, S.J. 184.

u

Urban VIII. suppresses the Female Jesuits 334.

Vows of the Jesuits 296—300, 312.

V

w

Walpole, Father Henry, S.J. and the plot to
assassinate Elizabethn0,171,173,174,175.
Walpole, Father Richard, S.J. and the
plot to poison Elizabeth 177, 178, 180,181.
Walsh, Father Peter, remarkable state
ment to 245.
War for the Restoration of the Temporal
Power 346.
Warford, Father William, S.J. 308.
Ward, Mary, founds an Order of Female
Jesuits 329 ;
her Order suppressed by Urban viii.
334;
she revives her Order with a new
name 334.
Watson, Father 107 ;
- on the Spiritual Exercises 287, 288.
Watts, Father William, his secret mission
to Scotland 40—41 ;
obtains a safe conduct from a Protes
tant 40;
his report of his mission 41.
Weston, Father William, S.J. on the
Babington Conspirators 124.

Widdrington, Father Roger, on Jesuit
opposition to toleration for Roman
Catholics 13, 14.
William the Silent 105.
Williams, Richard, his plot to assassinate
Elizabeth 174, 175, 176.
Winter, Robert, Gunpowder Conspirator,
as "an earnest Catholic" 193.
Winter, Thomas, Gunpowder Conspirator,
his great piety 192.
Wood, James 208, 209.
Woodhouse, Father Thomas, S.J. turns
Traitor 3;
his disloyal letter to Lord Burghley 3;
his interview with Lord Burghley4;
denies Elizabeth to be Queen 6;
his trial and execution 6;
Saint, to be a Martyr of the "First
Class" 7.
Wright, Christopher, Gunpowder Con
spirator, his pious character 192.
Wright, John, Gunpowder Conspirator,
his great piety 192.

York, Duke of 258, 268, 269, 273;
secret Conference at his house 263,
264;

and the Popish Plot of Edward Cole
man 274—275.
Yorke, Edmund, his plot to assassinate
EUzabeth 174, 175, 176.

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