ilSJj This book was digitized by Microsoft Corporation in cooperation with Yale University Library, 2008. You may not reproduce this digitized copy ofthe book for any purpose other than for scholarship, research, educational, or, in limited quantity, personal use. You may not distribute or provide access to this digitized copy (or modified or partial versions of it) for commercial purposes. ST. PATRICK APOSTLE OF IRELAND A Memoir of his Life and Mission WITH AN INTRODUCTORY DISSERTATION ON SOME EARLY USAGES OF THE CHURCH IN IRELAND, AND ITS HISTORICAL POSITION FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ENGLISH COLONY TO THE PRESENT DAY BY JAMES HENTHORN TODD, D.D. SENIOR FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, REGIVS PROFESSOR OF HEBREW IN THE UNIVERSITY, AND TREASURER OF ST. PATRICK'S CATHEDRAL, DUBLIN Ego Dominus primus et novissimus Ego sum. Vlderunt insulae et timuerunt, extrema terras obstupuerunt, et appropinquaverunt, et accesserunt. Esai. xii. 4, 5 < DUBLIN HODGES, SMITH, & CO. PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY 1864 LONDON PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE AND CO. NEW-STREET SqUARE PREFACE. The Author feels that some apology is required for having occupied in this volume so large a space with merely introductory matter. But Irish history is so little known, that it became necessary to explain at considerable length certain customs or usages of the antient Church of Ireland, which by some writers have been greatly misunderstood, and by others concealed or kept out of view. It was important to make it clear that those usages were not of the nature of heretical or schismatical irregularities, nor all of them, strictly speaking, peculiar to Ireland. Some of them were the result of the insulated position of the country, combined with the social condition of the people under the govern ment of their aboriginal chieftains ; some of them were antient customs, which continued to exist in Ireland long after they had been abolished elsewhere ; and some had been abolished elsewhere for reasons which did not apply to Ireland. It was necessary, also, in order to correct certain popular mistakes, to draw attention to the fact that from the eleventh century to the Reformation there were two Churches in Ireland, each ignoring, as far as it could, the existence of the other ; and that since the Reforma tion a third Church has sprung up, deriving its succession A 2 iv Preface. from a foreign source ; whilst the original Irish Church, properly so called, having merged into the Church of the English pale, has adopted the Reformation, and lost in a great measure its hold upon the descendants of the native tribes. This loss is to be attributed to that old and deep-seated disaffection to England which is the parent of almost all the political and social evils of the country ; nor can there be a doubt that this disaf fection was mainly caused, not by religious differences, but by the impolitic measures enforced in the twelfth and some following centuries, for compelling the Irish people to adopt manners and laws for which they were wholly unprepared ; not to speak of the arbitrary confis cation of landed property, for the benefit of the English colonists, and the sudden overthrow of the authority of the native chieftains. The remainder of the volume is occupied with the history of the plantation of Christianity in Ireland, as it is recorded in the acts of its first missionaries, Palladius and Patrick. But, notwithstanding the number of pages employed in the narrative, several important questions have been designedly passed over without notice. It has not been thought necessary, for example, to occupy any space with a refutation of the arguments of those who have affected to cast doubts upon the exis tence of St. Patrick. Such doubts have proceeded for the most part from writers strongly prejudiced by party feeling, and wholly ignorant of the original sources of the history. Their objections derive whatsoever plausi bility they may possess from garbled quotations, misinter preted authorities, and mistakes about antient customs especially Irish antient customs. They deal largely in Prefc ace. premises from which the conclusions deduced do not follow, and in conclusions which are deduced from no premises at all. The traditions collected in the Book of Armagh cannot be later than the third half-century after the date usually assigned to the death of St. Patrick. They were collected, for the most part, with a manifest purpose. That purpose was to prop up the incipient claims of Armagh to a jurisdiction over other Churches in Ireland; claims which, it appears, were not then universally allowed. They assume the existence of St. Patrick as admitted by all parties, and never questioned. Had the story of St. Patrick been then of but recent origin, some remarks or legends in the collection would certainly have betrayed the fact. That the collectors of these traditions indulged in the unscrupulous use of legend strengthens the argument. There were men alive at the time whose grandfathers might have con versed with disciples of the Patrick who was said to have converted the Irish in the latter half of the fifth century. Had the existence of this Patrick been a thing to be proved, or ever doubted, some of these men would have been produced as witnesses, and made to tell their experience ; but in the whole of this curious record there is not a hint dropped capable of giving support to the hypothesis that the history of Patrick was then a recently invented fable. Had it been so, the resistance to the claims of Armagh could not fail to have brought out some allusion to the fact. It is incredible that a whole nation could have combined thus to deceive themselves ; and it is even more incredible that a purely mythological personage should have left upon a whole vi Preface. nation so indelible an impression of imaginary ser vices ; an impression which continues to the present day in their fireside lore, their local traditions, their warm hearted devotion and gratitude ; which has left also its lasting memorial in the antient names of hills and head lands, towns and villages, churches and monasteries, throughout the country. The story of St. Patrick's commission from Pope Celestine is rejected in the following pages, simply be cause the writer believes that there is no satisfactory evi dence for it. He hopes that no reader will suppose him to have been influenced by any controversial prejudice in coming to this conclusion. He is conscious of no such prejudice. He is, indeed, sincerely attached to the Reformed Church of these kingdoms, in which he holds the office of a priest ; but he cannot perceive how the question whether Patrick had or had not his mission from Rome affects in any way the controversy which now unhappily divides the western Church. The Rome of the fifth century was not guilty of the abuses which rendered the Reformation necessary in the sixteenth. If we acknowledge, as we must do, the Roman mission of Palladius, as well as the Roman mission of Augustine of Canterbury, it is difficult to see what is to be gained by denying the Roman mission of Patrick. With the Roman story falls to the ground the fable of St. Patrick's having been a canon regular of the Church of St. John Lateran, at Rome. That is another subject which has been passed over without discussion in the following pages. There is no authority even in the later and most legendary of the Lives for the state ment. There were no canons regular, in the fifth century, Preface. vii in the Church of St. John Lateran, of whose society Patrick could have been a member. The stories of his having taken the monastic habit under St. Martin of Tours, although countenanced by some of his biogra phers, and of his having been for a time an Augustinian hermit, are equally without foundation. Such tales belong to the eleventh or twelfth century, when the Augustinian orders were first introduced into Ireland ; and to a somewhat later period must be referred the famous institution of St. Patrick's Purgatory. This was a manifest invention of the English ecclesiastics who had come over to settle in Ireland, and were anxious to connect themselves, in the eyes of the people, with traditions of St. Patrick. To the supposed adventure of a knight, named Owain, or Owen, the purgatory first owed its celebrity. Its first historian, Henry of Saltrei, was an English Cistercian monk ; and the imposture was supported for some centuries by the Anglo-Irish bishops of the north of Ireland, and even by the English kings. To the primitive Church of Ireland it was entirely unknown. It may be desirable to say a few words in this place on the uncouth, and seemingly unpronounceable, proper names of persons and places, which must embarrass every reader of Irish history who is unskilled in the Celtic languages. To change the spelling of such names, with a view to represent to English eyes their pronun ciation, seemed a course which, besides being unscholar- like, would be very little likely to effect its object. The name, in its new form, would be more barbarous in appearance, and perhaps quite as difficult of pronunciation as it was in its original and correct orthography. Any viii Preface. change in that orthography, made with this view, would destroy the etymology, and render it impossible for the philological student to trace, with any certainty, the real origin and meaning of the name. The reader of the history of Ireland, who is ignorant of the Irish language, must therefore make up his mind to encounter this difficulty, as the reader of the history of France, or Spain, Arabia, Russia, or Poland, has to encounter the corresponding difficulty if he should happen to be igno rant of the languages of those countries. To assist the reader in his contest with this difficulty, the following rules are here given ; and, with a little attention, it is hoped the embarrassment may in this way be most easily overcome : — VOWELS. A is always sounded as a in wall, or a in bat ; never as a in fate. E is always as e in grey, or e in set ; never as ee in meet. I is always as ee in meet, or as i in pin ; never as i in fight. O is as o in more ; or, when short, as o in pot, or a in tub. U is like u in rule, or oo in fool; and, when short, like u in full. DIPHTHONGS. AI is pronounced as oi in soil; and, when short, like ai in the French travailler. AO like ay in mayor ; by natives of Connaught, like uee in queen. AU like u long, or oo. E A like ea in bear, swear ; or, if short, like ea in heart. EE, in old spelling, is the same as EA, and pronounced as ea in bear, or ai in nail. EI, when long, like ei in reign ; when short, like e in serve. EO long, like o in pole, or oa in coal; if short, like u in cut. EU is the same as EA, and often written for it. IA always long, like ee in beer. IO, when long, is the same as IA ; when short, like io in action. IU, long, both vowels sounded, like ew in few; short, like oo in good. OI. Whether long or short, the two vowels are separately sounded ; the i predominating when long, and accented thus, oi; when short, Preface. ix and the i accented as ol, the i or ee sound predominates, and the combination is sounded like uee in queen. OO, in old spelling, is pronounced like o in pole. UA is always long, like wa in war. UI is pronounced always so as to make each vowel distincdy heard ; if accented ui, the u predominates, as oo-ee ; if accented uz, the sound resembles wee in weep ; if short, or unaccented, the sound is the same, but shortened as much as possible. CONSONANTS. B, as in English. BH as v or w. C, always hard, as K ; never as c in ceiling. CH as the Greek •%> or German ch in reich ; never as ch m.cheer. D, as in English. DH nearly as y. F, as in English. FH quiescent, or without sound. G, as g in gale ; never as g in ginger. GH final had best be pronounced like h, or gh in high. Its correct pronunciation can only be attained by a native. L, as in English. M, as in English. MH like v ; in the middle of words, like w. N, as in English. The combination NG can only be pronounced by a native. P, as in English. PH like F, or ph in Philip. R, as in English. S, before or after a, o, and u, like s in sun, or hiss ; before or after e and /, as sh in shine, blush. SH as h in hill. T, before the broad vowels a, o u, is to be pronounced like a slender th, as in thought ; before the small vowels e, i, like / in tune. TH is pronounced like the English h ; at the end of words or syllables, almost quiescent. These rules are very general, and of course very imperfect; but by an adherence to them, a tolerable approximation to the correct pronunciation may be obtained. Such readers as desire to study the subject more deeply will find full information, with copious examples, explaining especially the provincial and dia lectic pronunciations, in Dr. O'Donovan's 'Grammar of the Irish Language : ' Dublin, 1 845. In conclusion, the author has to acknowledge much x Preface. valuable assistance given to him by the Very Rev. Charles Graves, Dean of the Castle Chapel, Dublin,, especially in decyphering the curious passage quoted pp. 454, 455, of this volume, from the Book of Ar magh. A page there is nearly obliterated in the original MS., but Dean Graves, with great labour and skill, has succeeded in completely recovering it. His best thanks are also due to his valued friend the Rev. Dr. Reeves, of Armagh, who has most kindly read and corrected all the sheets from page 265 to the end of the volume ; detecting many errors, and supplying from his great stores of information, with the liberality of a true scholar, many particulars and valuable references which the author had overlooked. The proof sheets of the earlier part of the volume wanted the advantage of this supervision. They were corrected by the author at a distance from books of re ference, whilst he was resident on the Continent, for his health, in the early part of the year 1862. They pro bably contain many errors which might otherwise have been avoided, and for which the author hopes this apology may be accepted. Trinity College, Dublin ; October $1, 1863. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. Two periods of Irish Church History — Irregularities attributed to the Church in the first period — Not peculiar to Ireland — Three Orders of Irish Saints — Ecclesiastical tenure of Land, illustrated by the foun dation of Trim — Comarbs, or Coarbs — The Muinnter, or Monastic family — Termon Lands — Monastic Officers — Antient Lists of the Successors of St. Patrick — Christianity in Ireland before St. Patrick — Second period — Clanship — Two hostile Churches in Ireland since the Eleventh Century — Bull of Pope Adrian IV. — English rule in Ireland — Hatred of England not caused by Religious differences — The Refor mation — The Penal Laws — The Legislative Union . pp. I — 246 Appendix to the Introduction .... 247 — 262 A. — Genealogical Tables : — Table I. — Kings of Ireland descended from Eochaidh Muigh- meadhoin ....... 249 Table IL— The Northern Hy Neill . . . 250 Table IIL— The Southern Hy Neill . . . 252 Table IV. — Relationship between St. Brigid and St. Co lumba ........ 252 Table V. — Relationship between St. Brigid and her first bishop, Conlaedh 253 Table VI. — List of the Kings of Ireland from a.d. 164 to 665 -255 B. — History of the Foundation of Trim from the Book of Armagh 257 — 262 CHAPTER I. The antient Church of Britain, and the Mission of Palladius to the Scots believing in Christ — Certain Portions of the Acts of Palladius transferred to St. Patrick ...... 265 xn Contents. CHAPTER II. The History and Acts of St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland, and Founder of the See of Armagh— His Writings— His early History, as gathered from his Writings — Date of his Mission . • P- 34° CHAPTER III. The Missionary Labours of St. Patrick — His interview with King Laoghaire — His Irish Hymn — His adventures in Connaught — Festival of his Baptism — Story of King Laoghaire's Daughters — Foundation of Armagh — His supposed Revision of the Pagan Laws — His Canons — Date of his Death — Review ofhis His tory — His Policy, in first addressing the Chieftains, founded on a Knowledge ofthe Irish People — Cause ofhis Rapid Success — His Toleration of the Pagan Superstitions — His Mission not without Danger to Himself — Ecclesiastical Clanship in the Monasteries — Causes of the Popularity of the Monastic Life in Ireland — The Abgitoria, or Alphabets written by St. Patrick — Alphabetic Writing and a Pagan Literature in Ireland before St. Patrick — The Chris tianity established by him a National Institution — His Missionary Character ......... 400 lm ERRATA. Page 45, 1. 16, for a-icoXd'ovrfs read o-xoXd^oyres. 47, 1. 22, fir populus read populos. 130, 1. la, fir Fiac read Fiacc. 145, 1. I, for Lib. i. read Lib. 1. 166, heading of page, for Fertighus read Fertighis. 179, 1. 2, col. 2, fir Arti read Artri. 214, note 4, fir Ui Eochadh read Ui Eochach. 215, 1. 6, for Bridgid read Brigid. 249, 1. 4, after F.ochaidh dele comma. 249, 1. 16 and 22, ~l 250, and 252, jfor Hy NidI "ad Hy NeiI1- 3!3, 1 5; fir barbaros read barbaras. 448, note 2, 1. 6, fir Sanctilegium read Sanctilogium. 517 ST. PATRICK APOSTLE OF IRELAND. INTRODUCTORY DISSERTATION HE history of the Irish Episcopal Two periods successions divides itself into two chu"ch distinct and well defined periods. H,story- The first period embraces the primi tive ages, from the earliest plantation of Chris tianity in the island to the establishment of archiepiscopal and diocesan jurisdiction in the beginning of the twelfth century. The second period extends from the twelfth century to the present day. 2,. During the former period many seeming, in-eguiari- and some real, irregularities existed in the Church butedtothe of Ireland, which, when they came to be known, irfsh" excited the wonder of the rest of Christendom. church- Anselm1, Archbishop of Canterbury, in one of 1 Anselm. Opp. ed. Bened. Paris, p. 523). "Item dicitur, episcopos 1721. Epistt. lib. iii. 147. TJsser. in terra vestra passim eligi, et Syllog. Epist. 36 (Works, vol. iv. sine certo episcopatus loco constitui: * B Irregularities attributed to [introd. By st. his letters to Muirchertagh, or Murtach O'Brien, Anselm Bernard. nominal King of Ireland, in the beginning of the twelfth century, thus describes these abuses : ' It is also said that bishops in your country are elected at random, and appointed without any fixed place of episcopal jurisdiction ; and that a bishop, like a priest, is ordained by a single bishop.' He then goes on to reason that ' a bishop cannot be constituted in accord ance with the will of God, if he has no cer tain diocese or people to govern. For even in worldly affairs,' he says, ' we would not give either the name or the office of a shepherd to him who had no flock to feed.' By st. And so also St. Bernard complains, in lan guage, perhaps, too strong, that throughout the whole of Ireland, up to his own times, there had been ' a dissolution of ecclesiastical dis cipline, a relaxation of censure, a making void. of religion ;' that ' instead of Christian piety was everywhere introduced a cruel barbarism, nay, a sort of paganism, substituted under the Christian name. For,' he adds, ' bishops were changed atque ab uno episcopo episcopum spellings ofthe Irish names, to those sicut quemlibet presbyterum ordi- who are ignorant of the Celtic Ian-' nan.' The Muirchertach to whom guages, is perhaps the greatest ob- this letter was addressed, was great- stack to the popular knowledge of grandson of the _ celebrated Brian Irish history, and a reason why edu- Borumha, and died in 1119; dur- cated Englishmen are content to re- mg his reign, in consequence most main in entire ignorance of a people probably of his correspondence with so intimately connected with them- Anselm, the synod of Rathbresail selves. The name Muirchertach has made the first attempt to introduce been Anglicized (if we may so sav) Archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and to Morrogh, Murtogh, Mortimer and fix the boundaries of episcopal sees Moriarty. It is derived from 'Muir or dioceses in Ireland. (Latin Mare) the sea ; and sisrni We may remark here that the fies, < expert at sea ; ' Marinus or uncouth and seemingly barbarous Nwvalis. ' introd.] the antient Church of Ireland. and multiplied at the pleasure of the metropo litan, a thing unheard of since the beginning of Christianity, without order, without reason, so that one bishopric was not content with a single bishop, but almost every church had its separate bishop.' x 3. How far this state of things was in its origin rendered necessary by the civil or political circumstances of the country, may be difficult to prove. But it is certain that in the early period of which we are speaking, bishops, with out sees or dioceses, were very numerous in Ire land. Except in Armagh, Trim, and one or two other places, no lands or other endowments were set apart for their support. In some cases the bishops were compelled to demand fees2 for the 1 Bishop. S.Bernard. DeVitaMa- lachice, c. x. ' Inde tota ilia per universam Hiberniam, de qua supe- rius diximus, dissolutio ecclesiasticae disciplinae, censurae enervatio, reli gionis evacuatio : inde ilia ubique pro mansuetudine Christiana, saeva subintroducta barbaries, imo paga- nismus quidam inductus sub nomine christiano. Nam (quod inauditum est ab ipso Christianitatis initio) sine ordine, sine ratione, mutabantur et multiplicabantur episcopi pro libitu metropolitan!, ita ut unus episcopa- tus uno non esset contentus, sed singulae pene ecclesias singulos ha- berent episcopos.' By the metropo litan in this passage it is probable that St. Bernard meant the successor of St. Patrick at Armagh : his lan guage implies that there were episco pal districts (episcopatus), although such districts, whether limited by the territorial possessions ofthe monaste ries or of the chieftains, were 'not content ' to submit to the ordinaiy * jurisdiction of a single bishop. * Bishops withoutsees or dioceses. 2 Fees. Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, in his letter to * Terdel- vacus,' nominal king of Ireland, mentions, as one of the abuses of the Irish church, that the bishops took money for conferring holy orders : ' Quod sacri ordines per pecuniam ab episcopis dantur.' Ussher, Sylloge, Epist. 27. The real name of the king to whom this complaint was addressed was Tordhealbach (grand son of Brian Borumha). He was nominal king of Ireland from a.d. 1086 to 1094. His name, so un pronounceable to English tongues, is now commonly written Torlogh or Turlogh, and has been Latinized Theodoricus, although without any other reason than the remote resem blance in sound. The name signi fies ' Like a chieftain.' Dr. O'Brien (Dictionary, in voce) tells us that it signifies, ' Like the God Thor,' but Thor was a Saxon, not a Celtic deity, and was unknown to the Irish. The word tor signifies a lord, a chieftain. See Irish Nennius, p. 223, n. B 2 4 A real Episcopacy in Ireland. [introd. exercise of their function ; but ordinarily they were maintained by the offerings1 of the clergy or congregations amongst whom they ministered. Those who were connected with the religious houses shared no doubt with the rest of the inmates the common property- of the society; and those who ministered in the establishment of one of the petty kings or chieftains, were probably supported by their chief as one of his principal retainers or functionaries, and a part of his regal or patriarchal state. a real 4- It would be a very great mistake, however, mtiieTuh to suppose that there was no real episcopacy or S^ugh episcopal jurisdiction in Ireland in the times we without speak of, or that the distinction between the dioceses. -1 orders of priest and bishop was not thoroughly understood and carefully preserved in the primitive Irish Church. Seeming irregularities no doubt there were ; bishops were sometimes ordained^r saltum, without having previously passed through the inferior orders ; they were consecrated by a single bishop, instead of by three, as the antient canons of the Church are supposed to have re- 1 Offerings. These offerings, in antiquus, ordinare ad episcopum later times, were received at epis- pertinebunt, sive ad usum necessa- copal visitations : the collection of rium, sive egentibus distribuendum, canons, entitled ' Synodus Episcopo- prout ipse episcopus moderabit.' rum, i.e., Patricii, Auxilii et her- Villanueva, Opusc. S. Patrkii, Dub- nini; published by Spelman, Ware, lin, 1835, p. 4. In St. Patrick's and Wilkins, although it is evidently time there could have been no ' mos of a date much later than that to antiquus ' in Ireland, as to the dis- which it pretends, may be quoted in tribution of offerings made to the proof of this remark. Can. 25 is as bishops under the name of ' ponti- follows : ' Si quae a religiosis homini- ficalia dona.' But these canons are bus donata fuerint diebus illis, quibus undoubtedly Irish and antient- Pontifex in singulis habitaverit Ec- probably not later than the tenth or clesiis, pontificalia dona, sicut mos eleventh century. introd.] although "without Dioceses 5 quired ; and they were not set apart to labour in any defined district or diocese, nor bound to yield canonical obedience to any superior epis copal or archiepiscopal authority. The Degree or Order of the episcopacy was frequently conferred in recognition of the pre eminence in sanctity or learning of some distin guished ecclesiastic, who nevertheless continued to live, either as a hermit, or as the head of a school in his monastery, without necessarily taking upon him the charge of any district, church, or diocese. But the peculiar functions of his order were never overlooked, nor did the presbyters ever intrude upon the episcopal office ; so that the attempt made by some modern writers to represent the primitive government of the Irish Church as a species of Presbyterianism is entirely futile and unfounded. The bishops were always applied to, to consecrate churches, to ordain to the ecclesiastical degrees, or Holy Orders, including the consecration of other bishops ; to give Confirmation, and the more solemn benedictions ; and to administer the Holy Communion with peculiar rites, of greater pomp and ceremony. 5. It is true that the bishops attached to reli- Bishops gious houses were subject to the superior of the S^ct monastery, although that superior may have ^ been no more than a priest, or even a layman ; ^"jf3" but no abbat, in any such monasteries, although ?uPeri°r!ty ' .... . O in order. exercising a certain jurisdiction over his bishop, ever ventured to usurp any of the spiritual func tions of the episcopal office. monasteries to the abbat, full 6 Episcopacy recognised as [introd. Example of 6. It appears to have been a rule, as indeed it is eSa? t0 still more or less in every branch of the Catholic, authority. church) that some peculiar rites were necessaryf when a bishop took part as celebrant in the office of the holy Eucharist. Adamnan1, in his life of St. Columba, tells a curious story which will illus- ; trate this, and will also shew in what honour the episcopal office was held in the antient Scotic monasteries. ' Once upon a time,' he says, ' a certain stranger [or pilgrim2] from the province of Munster, whose name was Cronan, came to the saint [i.e., to St. Columba, at Hi, or Iona] ; he endeavoured from humility, as much as possible, j to conceal himself, that none might know him] to be a bishop, but he could not escape the pene tration of the saint. For on the next Lord's Day, having been invited by St. Columba to consecrate, according to custom, the Body of Christ, he calls the saint that they might break the bread of the Lord together, as if they had been both presbyters. The saint then ap proaching the altar, suddenly looked into his face, and thus addressed him : " May Christ bless thee, brother ; break thou this bread alone, with episcopal rite ; we know now that thou art a bishop. Wherefore didst thou attempt to conceal thyself until now, so that due veneration was not 1 Adamnan. Vit. S. Columbae, same chapter : and Dr. Reeves shews lib. i. c. 44. (ed. Reeves, p. 85.) that Adamnan uses the words as cf. Colgan. Actt. SS. p. 302. synonomous. Vit. S. ColumbEe, Glos- 8 Pilgrim. The word used is sary, p. 451. The Greek word pro- prosefytus ;¦ but the same individual selytus properly signifies a stranger is called a pilgrim, peregrinus, in the advena. introd.] superior to the Priesthood. 7 rendered unto thee by us ?" When he heard this, the humble pilgrim, greatly astounded, wor shipped Christ in the saint ; and all present who witnessed it, wondering greatly, gave glory to the Lord.' We are not bound to receive the miraculous part of this story, if indeed there be anything miraculous really implied in it. It proves, however, beyond all doubt, that the author regarded the episcopal office as worthy of the highest honour : and the case is the more re markable1, because of the high dignity and repu tation of Columba, although himself but a priest ; and because Adamnan, who records it, was himself, as the abbat of a Columban monastery, officially excluded from the higher order. It is clear that reverence for the episcopal office was with the monks of Hi a principle, and super seded even the veneration paid to St. Columba himself in his own monastic society. 7. Another very curious anecdote, told by the Example of same author2, illustrates in a remarkable manner ^bje^onYo the position of a bishop in an Irish or Scotic theabbat- monastery, as subject to the jurisdiction of his abbat. An Irish ecclesiastic, named Findchan, a pres byter, and a soldier of Christ, ' Christi miles,' (i.e., a monk,) became the founder of a monastery at a place called Artchain, in the Ethica Terra, » Remarkable. This observation 3 Author. Adamnan. Fit. S. Co- has been made by Dr. Reeves. lumbce (ed. Reeves), i. 36. Adamnan. Note p. 86. 8 Anecdote of the Ordination CINTR0D' or Tiree.1 He brought over with him from ' Scotia,' that is, from Ireland, in the habit of a clerk, one Aedh Dubh, or the Black, hoping apparently to convert him to a religious life, by keeping him for a few years under his own in struction in his monastery. Aedh, or Hugh, as the name is often Englished, seems to have been a most unfavourable subject for such an experi ment. He was of the royal family of the Cruith- nians, or Picts, of Dalaradia in Ulster, but is described by our author as a sanguinary murderer: ' valde sanguinarius homo, et multorum truci- dator.' In the year 565 he had murdered Diar- mait2, son of Fergus Cerbhaill, (or Carroll,) who was supreme king of all Ireland by Divine right : ' totius Scotias regnatorem Deo auctore ordi- natum.' After this unpromising character had spent some time in ' pilgrimage' at the monas tery of his friend, Findchan conceived so good an opinion of him, that he sent for a bishop, and caused him to be ordained priest.3 The bishop appears to have had some scruples, and insisted 1 Tiree. Dr. Reeves {Adamnan, from 544 to 565. O'Flaherty, Ogy- p. 48, note; Ulster Journal of Arch- gia, p. 430. aeology, ii. p. 223, sq.) ; has clearly 3 Priest. ' Hie itaque idem Ai- proved that the Ethica Terra of dus,postaliquantuminperegrinatione Adamnan was the island Tir-itha transactum tempus, accito episcopo, or Tiree. Father Innes imagined quamvis non recte, apud supra die- it to be Shetland, an hypothesis turn Findchanum, presbyter ordi- wholly irreconcilable with Adam- natus est. Episcopus tamen, non nan's notices of it. CiNTR0D- blessed chief of all virgins ; if he had an episcopal chair (cathedra episcopalis) , she had a virginal chair (cathedra puellarisj of equal rank and dig nity ; if he was always ' archbishop ' of the Irish, she was always the abbess whom all other abbesses ofthe Scots venerated; for as he was pre-eminent among the bishops of all Ireland, so she was pre eminent among the abbesses of the Scots ' in happy succession and in perpetual order.' In other words, this succession of bishops and ab besses had continued in unbroken pre-eminence, from the days of St. Brigid to the time of her biographer Cogitosus. Meaning of i o. The mention of the title of archbishop in ArchWshoV the foregoing passage, and in some other records irishntient °^ ^e antient Church of Ireland, has given rise church to several mistakes and much confusion. Thus History. # • we are told that St. Fiacc, Bishop of Slebhte, or Sletty, was consecrated a bishop by St. Patrick, and afterwards constituted Archbishop of Lein- ster1 ; that King Brandubh, in a synod of clergy and laity, decreed that the archbishopric of all Leinster should be for ever in the see and chair of St. Moedhog2, or Mogue, that is, in Ferns, and that St. Moedhog should accordingly be at once consecrated ' archbishop.' Even Colgan was misled by these statements, and inferred3 that Sletty, the see of St. Fiacc, 1 Leinster. See Colgan, Triad. => Inferred. Colgan. Triad. Thaum. ?T/VA*'C°};-1-, - p. 5*4, col... Ussher has also fallen Moedhog. Vit. S. Maidoci, ap. into the same error. Relig- 0f Ant Colgan (Actt. SS. ad 31 Jan.), Irish, ch. viii. (Works, vol iv p' t- *4- 321, sq.) introd.] in what sense called Archbishops. 15 was originally, in the lifetime of St. Patrick, the archbishopric of Leinster ; that the archiepiscopal jurisdiction was afterwards, by the influence of St. Brigid, transferred to Kildare ; that it was again transferred to Ferns about a.d. £98, or at least before 604, in which year Brandubh, King of Leinster, was slain1 ; and that it became per manently fixed in Dublin, after the foundation of that see in the eleventh century. Upon this Colgan builds an argument to prove that Cogitosus must have lived before the archie piscopal see was transferred to Ferns, that is to say, before a.d. 598, or at least before 604 ; because he speaks of its having been in Kildare in his time. Byeus2, however, the learned Bollandist compiler of the life of St. Fiacc, draws an op posite conclusion from the same premises : namely, that the scholia published by Colgan on St. Fiacc's hymn, and all other authorities in which the title of archbishop is to be found, can not possibly be earlier than the twelfth century. Both conclusions, however, are erroneous. The scholiast on St. Fiacc, whose words in the original Irish have recently been published3 by the Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society, does not say that Fiacc was Archbishop of Leinster, but that having been consecrated a bishop by St. Patrick, he became from thenceforth Ard- epscop, a chief or eminent Bis hop of Leinster. 1 Slain. The Four M. date his 3 Published. Prefatory Scholium death 60 1. Annals of Ulster, 604. to Fiacc's Hymn in praise of St. 2 Byeus. Acta SS. Bolland. ad Patrick; Boot of Hymns of the Antient 12 Oct., p. 98, num. 7. Irish Church, p. 287, 89. 1 6 Antient Irish Bishops [introd. The life of St. Brigid by Cogitosus, and the life of St. Moedhoc, (attributed to a St. Evin, whose| age is uncertain,) if not written originally in the « Irish language, were both written by Irishmen to whom the vernacular word was familiar ; and it is most natural that the authors, if they wrote in Latin, or the translators, if the original were in Irish, should have rendered the word Ard-epscop by the seemingly equivalent Archbishop.1 The Irish word, however, did not imply any thing of jurisdiction: and is not synonymous in this respect with our present use of the term Archbishop. It denotes only an eminent, or celebrated bishop ; and there is nothing in it in- o consistent with the existence of several Ard-, or chief bishops, at the same time, in the same dis trict, as Leinster. But it would be clearly im possible to suppose two or more Archbishops of Leinster, or of all Ireland, in the modern sense of the word, exercising jurisdiction, at the same time, over the bishops of the same province. It does not, therefore, at all follow that there might not have been co-existing ^ni-bishops, at Sletty, at Kildare, and at Ferns. This entirely destroys 1 Archbishop. In every page of gogus,' and we have also Masai the Irish annals we meet with such lieig (glossed archiater), a noble, or words as Ard-righ, a chief or eminent chief physician. Zeuss, Gramm. Celt. king. Ard-file, a chief poet. Ard- p. 827. The office of Archi-syna- anchoire, an eminent or remarkable gogus certainly implied jurisdiction anchorite. Ard-eagnaidhe, an emi- over others, and perhaps we may nent sage or man of learning. In therefore infer, that the old Irish none of these cases is the notion of language would have expressed the jurisdiction over other kings, poets, title of Archbishop, by uasal- anchorites, or men of learning im- (not ard-) epscop = Angl. Sax. plied. In the Book of Armagh he'ah biscop ; but there is nothing of (182, b. 2) the word huasal-ter- jurisdiction implied in the term chomrictid is glossed ' archi-syna- ' noble, or chief physician.' introd.] in what sense called Archbishops. \ y Colgan' s argument for the early age of Cogitosus. But there is also another consideration. Cogito sus does not assert that the bishop appointed by St. Brigid was Archbishop of Leinster in either sense of the word. He says expressly that he was ' arch bishop of the bishops of Ireland ;' that is, an eminent bishop amongst the bishops of Ireland, as St. Brigid was an eminent abbess amongst the abbesses of the Scots. This seems decisive of the question. Cogitosus could not have asserted that the Bishop of Kildare was Archbishop or Primate of all Ireland in the modern sense ofthe title. He meant only that the individual whom Brigid had appointed her bishop was so remark able for learning or sanctity that he was regarded as the chief among the bishops of Ireland. It is curious to observe how Colgan labours to restrict the words of Cogitosus to Leinster; doubt less because he felt that it would be very incon venient to maintain that the Bishop of Kildare in St. Brigid's time had an archiepiscopal jurisdiction over all Ireland. Hence he tells us in one place that Cogitosus, ' speaking of the Church of Kil dare,'1 says, that this bishop was pre-eminent as ' archbishop of the Irish bishops, and Brigid as the abbess who was venerated by all the Scots.' Cogitosus, however, was not speaking of the Church of Kildare, but of ' the whole island of Ireland.'2 The influence of the episcopal and 1 Kildare. ' Et in Prologo lo- petuo dominantur.' — Triad.Thaum., quens de ecclesia Kildariensi ait, p. 524, col. 2. It is clear that do- quam semper Archiepiscopus Hiber- minantur must signify here pre-emi- niensium episcoporum, et abbatissa nence, not rule or jurisdiction. &c. felici successione et ritu per- 2 Ireland. ' Amborum meritis, 1 8 St. Brigid's Bishop in Kildare [introd. virginal chair extended, he says, throughout all Ire land. The bishop and abbess of Kildare continued to enjoy their pre-eminence ' in a happy succes sion and by an enduring ordinance,' down to his own time. In another place Colgan, quoting the same words, 'archbishop of the Irish bishops,'1 says, ' the meaning is, not that the Kildare bishop was archbishop of all the Irish, but only of the Leinster bishops.' But Cogitosus says very expressly that he was archbishop of the Irish bishops, nay, ' head and chief of all bishops,' not making the smallest allusion to Leinster. And is it not therefore evident that this writer, by the word Archbishop, or ^r^-bishop, meant only a high or eminent bishop, and not a metro-^ politan with archiepiscopal jurisdiction in the modern sense of the word ? Cogitosus further tells us (as we have seen) that the jurisdiction (parochiaj of the monas tery (not of the bishop} was ' extended through out the whole Hibernian land, from sea to sea.' This surely cannot mean Leinster only. And it will be remembered that Bede, in the passage already quoted, speaks of the jurisdiction of the says Cogitosus, 'sua cathedra adopt this interpretation, the ' cathe- episcopalis et puellaris, ..... in dra' of Brigid, or the monastery of tota Hiberniensi insula inolevit. Kildare, not the province of Leinster, Quam semper, 8ccO—Ibid. p. 518. will be the extent of this arch- It may be said that the word quam, bishop's jurisdiction : and the diffi- in this passage, may refer to cathedra culty of an archbishop in Kildare, instead of to the nearer substantive without any authority out of his own insula ; and that we must not accuse city, recurs. Colgan of dishonesty for preferring r Bishops. Tr. Thaum., p.%2r the former construction, which better col. j, note 7. suited his theory. But even if we introd.] called an Archbishop. 19 abbey of Hi1, not of the bishop, and notices it as a remarkable peculiarity that even the bishops were subject to this authority.2 1 1 . Cogitosus does not expressly name the st. Brigid's i-i i n 1 J l_ n"t Bishop anchorite who, as -he tells' us, was selected by in Kildare. St. Brigid to undertake 'with her' the spirit ual care of her churches, as her bishop. It is evident, however, from the subsequent part of the narrative, that Condlaed, who is afterwards mentioned, is assumed to have been the bishop contemporary with St. Brigid. His tomb and that of St. Brigid were placed, highly deco rated with pendent crowns of gold, silver, and gems, one on the right and the other on the left of the high altar of the cathedral3 ; and we may therefore safely infer that this Condlaed was the same who had been chosen by her as her peculiar bishop, and who is generally regarded as first Bishop of Kildare. In two of the other lives of Brigid, which Colgan has published, that attri buted to St. Ultan, and that attributed to Ani- mosus, ' the bishop4 and prophet of God, who dwelt in the south of the plain of Liffey,' and 1 Hi. Dr. Reeves (Adamnan, 4 Bishop. ' Conlianus episcopus et Add. Note D., p. 258, .rj.) has clearly propheta Dei, qui habitabat in dex- shewn that the modern name Iona, tra Liflii campi, venit in curru ad now given to this island, is a strange S. Brigidam,' &c. Vit. yia (seu mistake, arising from the change of Ultani), c. 51. Colgan, Triad. u into n in the old adjective form Thaum. p. 532. ' Conlianus Epis- Ioua insula, taken from the genitive copus sanctus et propheta Dei, qui Io or Ia of the name J or Hi ; Iovus, habebat cellam in australi parte Iova,Iovum, of or belonging to Hi. Campi Liffii, venit in curru ad S. 2 Authority. Bede uses the word Brigidam, et commoratus est apud prouincia to denote the jurisdiction earn aliquot diebus ; quem beata of the monastery. See Reeves, Brigida primum episcopum elegit Adamnan, p. 65, n. and p. 336 n. iu sua civitate Kildara.' Vit. \ta 3 Cathedral. Cogitosus, cap. 35. (seu Animosi) lib. ii., c. 19. Col- Colgan, Tr. Th., p. 523. gan, ib., p. 552. 2,o History of Condlead [introd. was by her elected first bishop in her city, or monastery, of Kildare, is named Conlianus. This, however, is to be regarded only as a Latinized form of the Celtic name Connlead, or Condlaed, under which he is best known in the Irish annals and martyrologies ; and which was per haps an epithet descriptive of his merits or virtues, and not his real name. The metrical martyrology of Aengus the Culdee, written at the close of the eighth century, and still ex tant in MS., thus records his death at the 3rd of May1 : ' BAS CoNDLAID CAIN AIGE.' ' The death of Condlaid, beautiful pillar.' And the scholium or gloss on this passage, which is probably not later than the eleventh century, tells us that Condlaed is for Cundail-Aedh, that is ' Aedh the wise.' 2 If this be so the bishop's original name must have been Aedh, or Hugh, jf and the title of Cundail, ' the wise,' was given him as expressing his ecclesiastical learning and eminence. various The same scholiast (both in the Bodleian and Dublin MS.) adds that the original name of Bishop Condlaed was Ronchend, and that he was the same as S. Mochonna of Daire. This latter statement is probably incorrect3, occasioned by the great number of places in Ireland that 1 May. The year of his death Aengus in the Brussells MS. has was a.d. 519, according to the Four the gloss, ' i.e. sapiens' over the word Masters ; more correctly 520, as Cundail. But this gloss is not given O'Flaherty has dated the record of either in the Bodleian or Dublin MS. it in the annals of Tighernach. of that work. * The wise. The Martyrology of 3 Incorrect. See Colgan, Actt. names given to him. bishops of Kildare. introd.] St. Brigid's first Bishop. % i were called Doire or Daire, an oak or oakwood, of which Kill-dara, or Kildare1, the church of the oak, was one of the most famous. This variety of names, given to St. Brigid's confusion first bishop, may partly account for the very o" early 'ss great confusion which exists in the names of the early bishops in the see of Kildare : a confusion2 which has no doubt been considerably increased by the absence of diocesan jurisdiction, and local episcopal successions in the early ages of the Church in Ireland. Our ecclesiastical biographers and historians, overlooking this fact, or anxious to conceal it, and finding the names of several bishops in the same place, took for granted that they must have presided in succession to each other ; forgetting that, during the early period of which we are speaking, the Irish bishops had no regular succession or jurisdiction, and that there were frequently two or more contemporaneous bishops in the same place. SS., ad 8 Mart., p. 565, and the Th., p 531, and note (23) p. 543.) statement is not repeated by Michael In the ' Vita quarta,' attributed to O'Clery in the, Martyrology of Animosus,we read that Kildare had Donegal, although he mentions its name from an antient oak. ' Ilia Ronchend as the original name of jam celia Scotice dicitur Kill-dara, bishop Condlaed. Latine vero sonat Celia Querciis. 1 Kildare. Derry is another in- Quercus enim altissima ibi erat, stance : the original name is Daire, quam multum S. Brigida diligebat, an oak or oak wood, rendered ro- et benedixit earn, cujus stipes adhuc boretum by Adamnan and others. manet.' — Lib. ii. cap. 3. Colgan, The genitive case of Daire is Dara ; ibid., p. 550. whence Cill-dara (Kildare), ' the 2 Confusion. See Ware's Bishops, church of the oak.' Ath-dara, p. 386, sq. The list of early (Adare) ' the ford of the oak,' &c. bishops of Kildare, in the ' Red See Colgan, loc. cit., p. 566, note 3, book of the Earl of Kildare,' (Cot- 4 ; and Reeves, Adamnan, p. 160, n. ton, Fasti, part v., p. 222) is mani- Kildare is translated Celia Roboris, festly of no authority, and only in the Life of S. Brigid, attributed adds to the confusion. See Colgan to St. Ultan, cap. 47. (Colgan, Tr. Tr. Th., pp. 628 and 565, note. 22 The Bishop of Kildare [introd. Subjectionof the first Bishop of Kildare to St Brigid. Legend of Conlead's vestments. 12. It will also be observed that Animosus, in the passage just quoted from his life of St. Brigid, tells us expressly that Condlaed was elected by her, to be first bishop 'in her city,' or monastic! community x (Kildare), not to be bishop of a see or territorial district called Kildare. And this language clearly indicates the power claimed by the monastic superior, although in this case a female, over the bishop. The ' city' was hers, not his. He received from her his election or nomination to his episcopal office, and was there fore bound to exercise that office, subject to her jurisdiction, as bishop in her city, Kildare ; for that name, signifying ' the Church of the Oak," was then given, not to a diocese, but to the mo nastic establishment of St. Brigid only. If we are to credit a legend told by Co gitosus, Brigid would seem to have exercised a right of property over that which belonged! to her bishop. ' She followed,' says her biogra pher, ' the example of the most blessed Job, and never suffered the needy to pass her without a gift ; for she gave to the poor the transmarine and foreign vestments2 of Bishop Condlaed, of glorious light, which he was accustomed to use when offering the holy mysteries at the altars, on 1 Community. So the word Ciiri- tas frequently signifies. See Book of Hymns of the Antient Church of Ire land, p. 136, note. 2 Vestments. ' Nam vestimenta transmarina et peregrina Episcopi Conlaith, decorati luminis, quibus in solempnitatibus Domini et vigiliis Apostolorum, sacra in altaribus of- ferens mysteria utebatur, pauperibus largita est.' The biographer then tells us that when next the bishop , required his vestments, vestments exactly similar were miraculously conveyed to St. Brigid, in a cha riot of two wheels, sent from Christ Himself. Cogitosus, cap. 29, ap. Colgan, Tr. Th., p. 522. introd.] subject to the Abbess. , 33 the festivals of our Lord, and the vigils of the Apostles.' The germ of the same story is also found in the Irish metrical Life of St. Brigid, attributed to St. Brogan, and composed, as Colgan would persuade us, about a.d. $2$. This author, how ever, says nothing of her having given the vest ments to the poor, but only that she had blessed them. His words1 are : — £ How many miracles she wrought, No man can fully tell; She blessed the vestments of Condlaed, Which he had brought from Leatha.' 2 Perhaps the word translated ' she blessed ' may have been intended to imply that she consecrated them by giving them- to the poor ; for the next stanza speaks of their restoration : — c When they were required by her, Her Son 3 rendered the event propitious ; He brought those variegated garments, Carrying them in a two-wheeled chariot.5 We learn however incidentally, from this anecdote, that Condlaed had been abroad, and had brought, either from Italy or from Brittany, for the word used in the metrical life may signify either, vestments composed of some variegated4 1 Words. Colgan, Tr. Th., p. hymn had already told us (stanza 517 (stanzas 41, 42.) 2) that ' Brigid was the mother of 2 Leatha. Colgan translates this the Lord of heaven.' This, with word Italia ; but it is often used other attributes of the B. V. Mary, for Letavia, or Armorica. See Irish having been strangely assigned to Nennius, Addit. Note, xi. p. xix. her by the Irish. See Book of Hymns Here, however, it most probably of the Antient Ch. of Ireland, p. 64. signifies Italy or Latium. i Variegated. So they are de- 3 Her Son. The author of this scribed in both accounts. Cogitosus death 24 Story of the Death [1NTR0D- texture, which were regarded in that age as pecu liarly magnificent, and reserved exclusively for use on the greater festivals. Anecdote of j 3. Another curious fact in the history of the iSaed£°nd~ bishop, which confirms to a certain extent that just related, at least so far as his travelling pro pensity is concerned, has been preserved by the author of the Scholia1 on the ' Martyrology of Aengus,' already quoted. This anecdote, as it will throw some additional light upon the relative position in which Condlaed and his patroness were supposed to stand towards each other, may be here related. After telling us that his name Condlaed signi fied ' Aedh, the wise,' as above noticed, our author proceeds : — ' He was bishop of Kildare, and wild dogs [or wolves] devoured him, who followed Condlaed, by the side of Liamhan2, in the plain! ft Pi says, speaking of the restored vest- valuable copy of the work which ments, ' similia per omnia vesti- Colgan had seen or was in possession menta prioribus, tam texturis quam of. But it is certain that the anno- coloribus,' c. 29. In the ' Book of tations themselves were in existence Durrow,' a MS. of the Gospels, said before Maguire was born. The to be the autograph of St. Columba, MS. from which the quotations cited and now in the Library of Trin. in the text are taken, was written at Coll. Dublin, there is a curious fi- the close of the 14th century — about}; gure of an ecclesiastic in a varie- 100 years before Maguire ; and gated chasuble, the texture of which there is another beautiful copy, writ-J is represented as composed of squares ten in the middle of the 13 th cen- of different colours, not unlike the tury, preserved in the Bodleian modern Scottish plaid. Library (Laud, 610). We cannot, 1 Scholia. Colgan has frequently therefore, be very far from the truth quoted these Scholia or Annotations if we attribute this valuable and on the ' Martyrology of Aengus,' most curious collection of legends under the title of Aengusius Auctus, to a compiler who flourished in the and he attributes their composition nth or beginning of the 12th cen to Cathald or Charles Maguire, who tury, but who evidently drew his died a.d. 1498. Colgan, Tr. Th., materials from much more antient pp. 608, 623, et al. passim ; Actt. SS. sources. p. 57. It is probable that Maguire 2 Liamhan. Or Dun Liamhna,' may have been the transcriber of a now Dunlavan, a town in the introd.] of Bishop Condlaed. 25 of Leinster.' x He adds : — ' This Condlaed was Brigid's principal artist, and the reason why he was killed by dogs was, that he had set out for Rome2, in opposition to Brigid's command ; wherefore Brigid prayed that he might come to a sudden death on the way, and this was ful filled.' 3 We may hope, for the sake of St. Brigid's Christianity, that this latter part .of the story is not exactly true. But whether the remainder of the legend be founded on fact or not, it shews very clearly that, in the times of the Scholiast, it was taken for granted that the bishop in Kildare was subject to St. Brigid or her successor, and liable to the most extreme punishment from the Almighty Himself for disobeying her commands. There is nothing, however, at all improbable in the anecdote, setting aside the implied miracle. Condlaed, as we have already learned, had previously visited the continent of Europe, and brought from thence certain ecclesiastical vestments for use on the higher festivals, so that his desire to visit Rome was not unnatural ; and he may have intended there to procure a new county of Wicklow, and a prebend a.m. 3619, although of different in St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin. branches of that family. This place was antiently one of the 2 Rome. This tends to prove that forts or residences of the kings of by Leatha, in the passage just quoted Leinster. from St. Brogan's metrical Life of 1 Leinster. Here follows the Brigid, Latium in Italy, not Letavia, genealogy of Condlaed, which we or Brittany, is intended. omit, as unnecessary for our present 3 Fulfilled. See the Martyrol. of purpose. It may be observed, how- Aengus (3 Maii), and the Scholia ever, that Brigid and her bishop in the Leabhar Breac, a MS. in the were both of the race of Ugaine Library of the Royal Irish Aca- Mor (Hugonius magnus as O'Fla- demy, Dublin, which is the copy of herty calls him), king of Ireland the Scholia here always quoted. 26 Condlead St. Brigid's Artist. [™fc| set of pontifical vestments for the more solemn celebration of Divine service. But this design the stern severity ofhis patroness discountenanced: and if he was ' eaten by wolves ' on his journey, such an event would inevitably be attributed to his having disobeyed the commands or wishes of St. Brigid. condlaed i 4. It will also be observed that, in the fore- chiefafdtt! goulg legend, Condlaed is said to have been ' Brigid's principal artist.' x The word denotes an artificer in gold, silver, and other metals, and we know that the antient Irish ecclesiastics of the highest rank did not consider it beneath their dignity to work as artificers in the manufacture of shrines, reliquaries, bells, pastoral staffs, croziers, covers for sacred books, and other ornaments of the Church and its ministers. The ecclesiastics of that period seem to have been in fact the only artists ; and several beautiful specimens2 of their work are still preserved, chiefly belonging to the century or two centuries before the English in vasion of Ireland ; for almost all the older monu ments of this kind, especially if formed of the precious metals, appear to have been destroyed or melted by the Danes. ' Condlaed' s artistic skill and tastes, therefore, may have formed a strong motive with him for 1 Artist. Compare the curious Conla. (Tr. Thaum,p. 405.) But he list of St. Patrick's household, Four is not to be confounded with Cond- Masters a.d. 448, in which he is laed of Kildare. given two artists. O'Donnell, in 2 Specimens. See Petrie, Round his Life of S. Columba, lib. i., c. Towers, p. 201. Trans. R. Irish 99, mentions a famous artist named Acad., vol. xx. introd.] Multiplication of Bishops. 2"] wishing to visit Rome, even in opposition to the commands of St. Brigid. 15. From the fofegoing facts and anecdotes, The great , , ... . r number of no doubt can remain in the mind ot any unpre- independent judiced reader, that the normal state of episcopacy the antient in Ireland was as we have described, non-diocesan, church. each bishop acting independently, without any archiepiscopal jurisdiction, and either entirely independent or subject only to the abbat of his monastery, or in the spirit of clanship to his chieftain. The consequence of this system was neces sarily a great multiplication1 of bishops. There was no restraint upon their being consecrated. Every man of eminence for piety or learning was advanced to the order of a bishop, as a sort of degree, or mark of distinction. Many of these lived as solitaries or in monasteries. Many of them established schools for the practice of the religious life, and the cultivation of sacred learn ing, having no diocese, or fixed episcopal duties ; and many2 of them, influenced by missionary zeal, went forth to the Continent, to Great Britain, or to other then heathen lands, to preach the gospel of Christ to the Gentiles. 1 Multiplication. That there was secration of bishops for villages, or a tendency to multiply bishops in places where there were no towns. early times on the continent of Eu- 2 Many. Of these Mabillon rope and in the East, as well as in says, ' Fatendum est tamen ejusmodi Ireland, is evident from the many episcopos plurimum Ecclesiae turn canons of Councils made to restrict Gallicanae, turn Germanicse pro- the practice. One of the earliest fuisse : tametsi nonnulli (ut fit) per enactments of this kind is that of speciem Evangelii prasdicandi, et no- the Council of Laodicea, circ. a.d. mine et officio abusi suntsuo.7 Actt. 372, can. 16, prohibiting the con- SS. O. S. B.,iii.,Praf., p. xiii., n. 34. 28 Great Number of Bishops [introd. It is, therefore, an undoubted fact, that the number of bishops in Ireland was very great in early times, in proportion to the population, as well as absolutely ; although we are not bound to believe that St. Patrick1 consecrated 'with his own hand ' three hundred and fifty bishops, founded seven hundred churches, and ordained five thousand priests. These figures, however, shew very curiously the ideas of the authors of such a legend, as to the number of bishops and priests which they deemed necessary for seven hundred churches. Neither are we bound to believe that when St. Columba went from his monastery of Hi, in 590, to attend the synod of Drumcheatt, near Dun- given, in the county of Derry, he was attended2 by twenty bishops, two score priests, fifty deacons, and thirty students preparing for holy orders. But these numbers could scarcely have been in vented, if they had not seemed to the writer who invented them probable, or such as would have been deemed probable by others, in the times for 1 St. Patrick. Nennius, c. 5. nan's Transl, at a.d. 493, p. 157. Jocelin. Vit. Patricii, c. 185, ap. Dr. Petrie has published, from the Colgan, Tr. Thaum. p. 106. The Irish MS. called the Leabhar breac, author of the Tripartite Life, lib. an antient poem attributed to Aile- iii., u. 97, makes the number 370 ran, or Eleran, who died a.d. 664, bishops, 5000 priests ; innumerable at a very advanced age, in which clerks of the inferior orders (' cleri- Patrick is said to have consecrated eorum inferioris ordinis numerum 350 bishops, 300 priests, and 700 sine numero'), and 700 places of churches. Hist, and Antiq. of Tara worship of all kinds, — ' sacras aedes, Hill, p. 100 (Trans. Roy. Irish sedes episcopales, monasteria, eccle- Academy, vol. xviii.). See also sias, sacella, promiscue connume- Ussher, Britt. Eccl. Antt , c. xvii. rando,fundavit septingenta.' Colgan, (Works, vol. vi., p. 518). ib., p. 167. The Four Masters make s Attended. See the antient the number 700 churches, 700 poem quoted by Dr. Reeves Eccl. bishops, and 3000 priests ; O'Dono- Antiq. of Demon and Connor, p. 132. introd.] in the early Irish Church. 2g which he wrote. No person would now venture to assert that an abbat, himself only a priest, was attended, as a part of his retinue, by twenty bishops, forty priests, and fifty deacons. 16. Mochta1, abbat of Lughmagh, or Louth, Themonas- is said to have been a disciple of St. Patrick. s't. Mo'chu He was by birth a Briton, who had travelled to Ireland. The Irish martyrologies, and some other authorities, call him a bishop. But he is not so styled by Adamnan, nor by the biogra phers of St. Patrick ; and the Martyrology of Christ's Church Cathedral, Dublin, speaks of him as a 'confessor'2 only. Be this, however, as It may, a curious poem 3 in the Irish language, which is still preserved, tells us ' that such was the wealth of St. Mochta' s monastery, that he was able to support there, without requiring them to work for their livelihood, engaged alto gether in the pursuit of learning, three hundred priests, and one hundred bishops, with sixty, or, according to another reading, eighty singers ; and that these numbers constituted the ordinary mo nastic ' family,' or household of the monastery. 1 Mochta. See Reeve's Adamnan, longer extant, in which he thus de- p. 6. Colgan, Actt. SS. ad 24 scribes himself, ' Maucteus peccator, Mart. presbyter, Patricii discipulus, &c.' 2 Confessor. ' Et in Hybernia Colgan, Actt. SS. p. 735. Ussher, Sancti Mocthei Confessoris.' Obits Primord, (Works, vi., p. 416.) and Martyr, of Chr. Church (19 3 Poem. The antient poem al- Aug.), p. 147. In the list of St. luded to occurs in the additions to Patrick's household, given , in the the Martyrology of Aengus ; (see Tripartite Life (iii., c. 98, Triad. Obits and Mart, of Chr. Church, Thaum., p. 167), and by the Four loc. cit.), and is quoted in the Mart. Masters (a.d. 448), Mochta is of Donegal (at 19 Aug.) ; also called the presbyter, or Archi-pres- by the Four Masters at a.d. 534 byter of Patrick. There was also (p. 178); and by Colgan, Actt. SS. an epistle attributed to him, but no p. 734. SO The Monastic Society [INTR0D- It has been suggested1, indeed, that these figures may represent only the total number of bishops, priests, and singers who had emanated from the monastery, or had received their edu cation there during the long life of St. Mochta, who is believed to have reached the age of more than a century.2 But the antient poem in which the statement occurs gives these numbers to prove that the monastery was not poor, inas much as it sustained so many ecclesiastics, de voted to learning only, as the family or house hold of the abbat, without requiring them to work for their bread. The original words, as they have been printed by Colgan himself3, with a literal translation, are as follow : — ' Nir bo bochta muinnter Mochta, Lughmaigh lis ; Tri ced sagart, um ced nespog, maille fris, Tri fichit seanoir salmach, a theglach rioghda remend ; Gan ar, gan buain, gan tioradh, gan gniomhradh, acht madh legend. ' Not poor was the family of Mochta, of Louth's fort ! Three hundred priests, and an hundred bishops along with him, Threescore singing elders 4, composed his royal noble 6 house hold. 1 Suggested. Colgan, Actt. SS. the lines, which mention the ioo p. 731, note 8, says, ' Nonnullis forte bishops and 300 priests. nimis excessivus hie numerus 100 2 A century. Even Colgan rejects episcoporum et 300 presbyterorum, the fable that Mochta lived 300 exunascholaprodeuntium,videripos- years. Loc. cit., p. 734. set ; sed si rem penitius considerent, 3 Himself. One or two obvious non est hie ambigendi locus; ex ve- typographical errors in Colgan's tustissimi dierum magistri discipulis, text have been corrected 5 as dochta successive ejus celeberrimam scho- for bochta, &c. lam frequentantibus, facile tantus 4 Elders. Instead of Seanoir, numerus exurgere posset.' It is ' elders,' the Scholiast on Aengus remarkable that the Martyrology reads Searclann, ' youths,' which is of Donegal, as well as the Four better. Masters, in quoting this poem, omit 5 Noble. Or magnificent, so Colgan introd.] oj St. Mochta of Louth. 31 They ploughed not, they reaped not, they dried not corn, they laboured not, save at learning only.' It is quite clear, therefore, that the author1 of these lines intended to represent the monastic ' family ' or household of St. Mochta as ordi narily consisting of an hundred bishops, three hundred priests, and sixty singing men, living together, engaged in ecclesiastical studies only. And therefore such numbers must have appeared to him, and to those for whom he wrote, if in some degree exaggerated for the honour of the saint, to have been at least within the limits of possibility. It was not deemed absolutely absurd that an hundred bishops2 should be found living together in the household of a famous monastery. 17. There is abundant evidence, indeed, to Groups of show that two or more contemporary bishops pora'r™" frequently lived together, during the early period ^j^. renders the word remend here. But gusto regno, in quo nee quadraginta we may perhaps translate it more hodie reperiuntur ?' He answers, by correctly 'enumeration,' — thus, asserting that Ireland was then more ' composed his household — a royal rich and prosperous than now : full enumeration.' of towns and cities, where every 1 Author. Colgan's copy of the town, every village, every great Scholiast on Aengus loc. cit., p. 734, monastery had its proper bishop. attributed this poem to St. Colum- ' Respondeo, Regnum illud eo asvo cille. But in the Dublin MS. it is longe florentius extitisse, longe plu- anonymous. ribus civitatibus, oppidis, vicis et 2 An hundred bishops. This great divitiis abundasse ; et singula paene number of bishops, which created no oppida, monasteria celebriora, et difficulty to the author of the legend, aliquando vicos, proprios habuisse or to the Scholiast of Aengus, who episcopos, ut liquido constat legenti has preserved it, was a serious puzzle acta nostrorum sanctorum, et prse- to Colgan. Notwithstanding his sertim S. Patricii,' etc. This, how- attempt to solve it by spreading the ever, is an admission that there were hundred bishops over a century, bishops without sees, and that the 100 another difficulty remained. In his bishops of Louth were contem- mind a bishop necessarily implied an porary ; for otherwise, if we scatter episcopal see ; and hence he asks, them through 100 years and among (ubi supra, p. 731), 'Sed ubi, in- even 40 sees, the difficulty will cease quis, tot sedes episcopales in an- to exist. monastery. 32 Groups of seven Bishops [union, gether in 0f wnich we speak, in the same town, church, the same ± _ -»•¦ church or or monastery. The antient Calendars, or Mar- mnnasfprv. "" 1*1 tyrologies, for example, frequently assign to the same day the festivals of such bishops. The number is almost always seven, which may perhaps be connected with the fact that seven churches are found together in many parts of Ireland. Thus the Martyrology of Donegal mentions the following groups of seven bishops, at the respective days here given : — fan. 15. The seven bishops of Drom-arbelaigh, who are said to have been brothers, sons of Finn, or Fincrittan. May 28. The seven bishops of Teach-na-ccomarce, in Tirconnell, near Lough Foyle. July 21. The seven bishops of Tamhnach Buadha1, said to have been also the sons of one father. Aug. 23. The seven bishops of Aelmhagh, at Domhnach mor. Oct. 3. The seven bishops of Cluan Cua, or Cluan Caa, said to have been brothers, the sons of one father. Nov. 1 . The seven bishops of Cill-tidil. But this list is completely eclipsed by the v 141 groups of seven bishops of various churches and places in Ireland, who are invoked in the Irish Litany2, attributed to Aengus Cele De, or the Culdee, and probably composed in the ninth century. 1 Tamhnach Buadha. Or Tam- authenticity. See especially Actt. SS., nach Buithe, as in the Litany of p. 535, note 11; and Ward, Vit. Aengus. S. Rumoldi, p. 206. The original 2 Litany. This curious work has is preserved in the Leabhar Breac, never been printed. It has been fre- fol. 11, a., and in a fragment of quently quoted and referred to by the Book of Leinster, now in the Colgan, who makes no doubt of its College of St. Isidore, at Rome. introd.] living in the same place. 33 It is to be remarked also that some places in Ireland still retain the names given them from the number of bishops, who formerly lived there together : as, Tulach na nespoic, the hill of the bishops ; Rath na nespoic, the fort of the bishops ; Disert na nespoic, the desert or retreat of the bishops ; Domhnach na nespoic, the church of the bishops, &c. That these were considered to have been con temporaries is evident, not only from their being grouped together in the Irish Calendar for religious commemoration on the same day, but also from some ofthe groups beingdescribed as the sons ofthe same father. It may be said, indeed, that even if this were so, it is not necessary to suppose them to have lived together in the same place. All that is implied in the notices of them that have been quoted is, that they were buried in the same burial-place, and their memories especially ho noured on the same day, and in the same church. But in every instance these groups of bishops are said tb have been of, not in, their respective churches ; and when burial only is intended, this latter form of expression is always employed. 18. There is, however, an anecdote on record The seven relative to one of these groups of bishops, which cL°in-0 puts it beyond all doubt that they at least were emam- contemporaries, and living together, not buried together, in the same church. The story occurs in the curious life of St. Forannan, which Colgan1 has translated from 1 Colgan. Actt. SS. p. 336 sq. D 34 The seven Bishops of Clonown. [»™»>. the original Irish, and published at Feb. 15^- Forannan is represented as having been a relative*:- and disciple of St. Columba; and Colgan has remarked, that the author must' have compiled his work from ancient and trustworthy materials,*?' because he appears to have himself lived after the year 1300 ; and although he mentions by name a great number of persons and places, he has not fallen into a single anachronism or in consistency.1 Forannan is said to have accompanied St. Columba to the synod of Drumcheatt, of which we have already spoken.2 Immediately after the , . business of the synod was concluded, our author tells us that Columba proceeded to the barony of Carbery, county of Sligo, for the purpose of founding a church at Drumcliffe. He stopped at Easdara, now Ballysadare, where he was met by a large concourse of ecclesiastics, male and female, of all ranks. Our author professes to enumerate only those who were descended from ' Cumaine, daughter of Dalbronach, and sister of Brogsech, the mother of St. Brigid. He men tions on the whole, about thirty bishops and saints, including females. Among the names which are given at length, but which it is not to our present purpose to quote, we find mention of 'the seven bishops of Cluain-He- main,' or Cluain-emain, now Clonown3, near 1 Inconsistency. Colgan, /. c., p. 3 Clonown. See O'Donovan,^ ' 338, note 1. Many, p. 79. Four Masters, A.D. 2 Spoken. Sect. 1 5, supra. 1089. introd.] Why seven Bishops lived together. 35 Athlone on the Shannon. It is evident, there fore, that these bishops must have been regarded as living, and living together, when they are represented as having attended to do honour to Columcille on this occasion. The genealogy of the saints in the Book of Lecan represents them as brethren, the sons of the same mother ; and they are invoked as the seven bishops of Cluain- emain1, in the Litany of Aengus. The fact that Aengus was able to enumerate Theesta- no less than 141 places in Ireland where there 0fle™n were, or had been, seven contemporary bishops, Various '" seems to indicate the existence of an institution, ?la«s>an ' institution founded upon the mystical seven of the Apoca- pfhthehIrish lypse. The institution itself continued, perhaps, for a short time only ; and its object and practical operation are now forgotten. The circumstance that many, if not all, these groups of seven bishops were brothers or near relatives, added no doubt to the mystery, in the eyes of a clannish people, and in a church whose institutions were all so deeply tinged with the spirit of clanship and hereditary succession. We can only now conjecture that the places in its probable which seven bishops had established themselves uSe!ctan were intended to be centres of instruction and de- 1 Cluain-emain. Colgan, who forced and unnatural. If Colgan is greatly puzzled by this story, could have brought himself to ac- suggeststhat they were called bishops knowledge the non-diocesan epi- of Cluain-emain, not because they scopacy of the early Irish Church, were bishops of that see, but because he would have had no more difficulty they were afterwards buried there, or in understanding how seven bishops because they had been monks there might live together, than in under- before they were bishops, loc. cit., p. standing how seven priests might 339, note 28. But this is exceedingly live together. D 2 36 The Missionary character [introd. The mis sionary posi tion of the early Irish Church ex plains some seeming ir regularities. votion to the surrounding tribes ; that the offices of the Church were there celebrated with peculiar pomp and solemnity, kept up, in all probability, without intermission, day and night1; hence the people flocked to these centres of religion, certain to find there at all times the teaching, the conso lation, and the aids to devotion, which were best adapted to their wants and circumstances. Such an institution must be viewed in con nection with the missionary duties of the Church at that period. It was an institution temporary in its nature, but well adapted to a wild and imaginative people, fond of mystery and sym bolism, easily attracted by external pomp and ceremony. 19. The Irish Church, it should be remembered, was planted in a heathen land, and for some cen turies continued to be surrounded on all sides by a very gross form of heathenism, derived partly from the aboriginal superstitions and idolatry of the people, and partly, at least in later times, from the pagan rites and doctrines of the Danes or Norse men, who had established themselves in the coun try. The consecration of bishops without sees was therefore a matter of necessity ; nor was it irregular that bishops should be so consecrated, whose duties were essentially missionary ; the abundance of the harvest led very naturally to a 1 Day and night. St. Bernard tells us_ that St. Columbanus established this, as he did other Irish customs, in his monastery of Luxeuil : ' ita ut ne momentum quidem diei ac noctis vacaret a laudibus,' Vit. S. Malachice, c. 6. But this enactment is not to be found in the Rule of St. Colum banus as we now have it. introd.] of the early Church of Ireland. 37 readiness which later ages have thought laxity, in the multiplication of labourers, and every one who was deemed qualified by his piety or learning to spread Christianity among the savage Picts, or heathen Saxons of Great Britain, was, as a natural consequence, deemed qualified to receive episcopal consecration. At home the Church was struggling against a lawless and savage Paganism, in the midst of which neither life nor property was secure ; and against a state of society in which a Christian life was impossible, except in a community exclusively Christian. Hence the monastic character impressed upon Irish Christianity from its first introduction into the island. A ccenobitic association (not al ways rigidly confined to one sex), seemed the natural and almost the only means of mu tual protection. Such societies were therefore formed in many places, and became centres of civilisation, schools of learning, examples of Christian piety, charity, and devotion. But these establishments were necessarily isolated, and often distant from each other. They were, therefore, compelled to provide, each within itself, the means of obtaining for their inmates all the rites of the Church, those which could be administered by priests, and those of which the proper minister was a bishop only. Hence, the monastic bishop of the Scotic religious houses. The abbat, or superior, may have been a pres byter only, or a layman, or, as in the case of St. Brigid, and her dependent abbesses, even a 38 The Bishops of the Clans. [i«tw>d. woman. But a bishop was always connected with the society, although without diocese or jurisdiction, and bound like other inmates of the monastery to render an absolute obedience to his monastic superior. TheBishops Afterwards, when one of the petty kings or cians! chieftains embraced Christianity, he provided a bishop, sometimes more than one bishop, and other clergy, for the benefit of his clan. The district which owed allegiance to the chieftain, and was inhabited by his followers, became the proper field of labour to his bishops and clergy, and this was the first approach made to a diocesan or territorial jurisdiction in the Church of Ireland.1 Thus, the bishoprick of Cill-mhic- Duach (now Kilmacduagh), is the antient terri tory inhabited by the clan of the Ui-Fiachrach Aidhne ; the diocese of Enach-Duin (Anna- down), was co-extensive with Iar-Connaught, ;jj or West Connaught, the seigniory of the O'Fla- hertys2; the diocese of Cill-Finnabrach (now Kilfenora), was the tribe-land of the Corca- Modruaidh, or Corcomroe ; the present diocese of Ossory very nearly represents the antient ter ritory of the Ossraighe ; and Corca-Laidhe, the country of the O'Driscolls, or the Dairinne, is identical with the diocese of Ros-Ailithre, or Ross, now united to the see of Cork. _ ' Ireland. On the early episcopal by Mr. Hardiman, for the Irish divisions of Ireland, see Reeves, Archaeological Society, p. ±. He Eccl. Hist, of Down and Connor, pp. says ' Its Cathedrall (for every Irish Il6_~Ii7- > seigniory had its own, whose diocess 2 The O 'Flaherty's. See Rod. runned with the seigniory's bounds) O'Flaherty's West Connaught, edited was Enagh-dun,' &c. their conse quences. introd.] Emigration of Irish Bishops. 39 20. At the close of the eighth century1 parties The Danish of Icelandic, Danish, and other Norse adventurers irXnd"and appeared for the first time on the coasts of Ireland. The churches and monasteries had then amassed some wealth, and were supposed to have amassed much more wealth than they really possessed. The plunder of these establishments, therefore, was the first object ofthe pirates. Many of them were burned to the ground. A great number of bishops arid priests were consequently thrown upon the world, without a home and without their ordinary duties. Many of these emigrated in search of employment to England, and to the continent. Ignorant of diocesan or metropo- litical jurisdiction at home, they had no idea that they were violating all ecclesiastical order, when they exercised their functions, without any reference to the local bishops, abroad. They had left Ireland without letters commendatory to foreign bishops ; they brought with them no cer tificate of orders, no evidence to prove that they had themselves been canonically consecrated or ordained. They administered the Sacraments, consecrated churches, conferred Holy Orders and Confirmation, and heard confessions, wherever they went, without any regard to parochial or diocesan regulations, or the decrees of Councils ; and it is to be feared that some of them, forced by their necessities, may have given good grounds for the accusation of simony that was fre quently made against them. 1 Eighth century. The Irish Annals give a.d. 795 as the exact date. 40 Canons made in the gth Century [introd. Severe laws against the Episcopivagi from Ireland. Council of Chalons-sur- Saone, 8i3. 2 1 . A knowledge of the peculiar position of episcopacy in Ireland at this period, throws great light upon the conduct of these wandering1 ec clesiastics, and explains the reason of the severe laws that were passed by some Synods and Coun cils in England, and on the continent against, them. For example, a provincial council of bishops and abbats, held under Charlemagne, at Chalons- sur-Saone, in 813, declares the orders conferred by these Scotic bishops to be null and void2, 1 Wandering. That there were also bishops without dioceses on the continent, at this period, who were not Irish, is evident from Can. 14, of the Concilium Vermeriense, as it is called, a synod held under King Pepin, a.d. 752 or 753, in the royal mansion of Vermerie, dio- cess of Soissons. ' Ut ab episcopis ambulantibus per patrias ordinatio presbyterorum non fiat : si autem boni sunt illi presbyteri, iterum con- secrentur.' Richard, in his Analyse des Conciles, shocked at this recog nition of a reiteration of Orders, suggests, ' On ne croyoit pas sans doute que ces eveques ambulans eussent recu l'ordination episco- pale, et qu'ils fussent veritablement eveques.' But the title of this canon is ' Ut ab episcopis vagis presbyteri non ordinentur.' If they were not really bishops, that would have been a better reason for declaring their ordinations void, than their being episcopi ambulantes or vagi. But this ' Council,' which seems rather to have been a sort of local Parlia ment, at which secular lords were present, promulgated very unsound principles as to the dissolution of marriage ; and we need not, there fore, wonder if it was also ignorant of the law of the Church against repeating ordination ; Concil. Ver meriense, c. xiv. (Hardouin, Concil., torn, iii., 1992). The Council of all the bishops of Gaul, assembled by King Pepin,July 11,755, athis royal palace of Verneuil, on the Oise, de creed that all wandering bishops who had no dioceses (episcopi vaganles, qui parochias non habent), should be incapable of exercising any function without permission of the bishop of the diocese, on pain of suspension from their office ; and that all clerks or laics who take part with such bishops be excommunicated. The reason alleged for this severity is 'nee scimus ordinationem eorum qualiter fuit.' Concil. Vernense {seu Vernorense), u. xiii. (Hardouin, ib. 1997.) It is not said, however, that these episcopi nagantes were Irish ; and as the date of this council is prior to the Danish invasion of Ire land, the probability is that there were other wandering bishops, and other bishops without sees, against whom these enactments were made, besides the Irish, and before the Irish began to visit the continent. 2 Void. See Concil. Cabilonens. II., can. 43. ' Sunt in quibusdam locis Scoti, qui se dicunt episcopos esse, et multos negligentes, absque licen- tia dominorum suorum, sive magi- strorum, presbyteros et diaconos or- dinant : quorum ordinationem, quia plerumque in Simoniacam incidit haeresim, et multis erroribus sub- introd.] against Bishops without Dioceses. 41 expressing a doubt as to the validity of their episcopacy, and accusing them of simoniacally admitting unfit persons and serfs to the orders of priest and deacon, without license or permis sion from the lords and masters of the persons so ordained.1 The title of the canon which pronounces this sentence is, ' On the nullity of the ordinations conferred by the Scoti, who call themselves bishops.' In England, a synod was convened under council of Cenwulf or Kenulph, King of the Mercians, and ^tythe' Wulfred, Archbishop of Canterbury, which met at Cealcythe2, on the 37th of July, 816. By the fifth canon of this assembly, no person of Scotic race, ' de genere Scotorum,'3 is permitted in any diocese to exercise the sacred ministry ; and it is declared unlawful for the clergy to receive any assistance from these Scotic eccle siastics, either in baptisms or in the celebration of the mass, or in administering the Eucharist jacet, modis omnibus irritam fieri de- was in 1098 that Eadgar assumed bere omnesuno consensu decrevimus.' the title of Kingof Scotland, or Scotia. Hardouin, Concil., torn, iv., 1039. But Ireland still continued to retain 1 Ordained. There were severe the name to a much later period. laws against the ordination of a See Fleming, Collectanea Sacra, p. slave or freedman without his mas- 284. Therefore we must always ter's consent. See Bingham, Antiq., understand Ireland when we meet book iv., ch. 4, s. 2 ; and Gratiani with the words Scotia or Scoti in Decretum, part 1., Dist. liv. any author who flourished before 2 Cealcythe. It is not ascertained the twelfth century. In later wri- where this place was; Chalk (in ters, when Ireland is intended, it is Kent), Chelsea, and Chulcheth frequently distinguished as Scotia 9dQ. bishop without a see, as Sozomen e Sozomen, lib. vi., c. 33. Tovtovq says, and afterwards made bishop of Si Kal Boo-koAc diriKaXovv, tvaynos Edessa, and so Valesius suggests. r;/£ roiaurjjc ijuXoaoi/tiae dplavng. introd.] not deemed irregular. 47 pasture, each taking a sickle, they spread them selves over the mountains, eating whatever herbs they could find. ' Such,' says our author, ' was the nature of their philosophy ;n and yet this singular society had their peculiar bishop. 23. The case of bishops without sees, conse- Missionary crated as missionaries to the heathen, need not without be here mentioned ; for that is a custom which still exists, and has never been deemed irregular. Thus St. Swidbert, one of the twelve mis sionaries who accompanied St. Willibrord to Friesland a.d. boo, was a bishop without a see.2 And the case was the same with St. Winfrid (a.d. 7l$)> better known by his foreign name of Boniface.3 St. Amand, as his prose biographer informs us, was consecrated a bishop (without a see) for the office of preaching, according to the custom of the time,'4 that is to say, of the seventh century ; and Milo5, the author of his Metrical Life, expresses this still more explicitly : — ' Nee sedem propriam suscepit pontificalem, Sed veluti Paulus populus aggressit Eoos, Sic iste occiduas partes transmissus adivit, Gentibus et sparsis sparsit pia verba salutis.' On the whole, it is impossible to doubt that bishops without sees existed both in the east and in the west in very early times, and were not 1 Philosophy. Koi oi pip ILSt ifi- i Time. ' In officium prasdicandi \0061povv. So-zom. ibid. ordinatur episcopus, sicut mos illius 2 See. ' Nulli sedi addictus.' temporis exigebat.' — Vit. S. Amandi, Mabillon, Annal. O. S. B., lib. xix., per Phil. Harmeng., c. ii., n. 20. 11. 66, torn, ii., p. 32. (Bolland. Actt. SS. ad 6 Feb., p. s Boniface. Ibid., lib. xx., n. 56, 861, D.) p. 68. '"Milo. Ibid., p. 878, D. 48 The Monastic Bishops [introd, deemed uncanonical or irregular. Ecclesiastical writers have been unwilling to acknowledge this, and have endeavoured as much as possible to conceal the fact. But further research, especially among the unpublished records of Christian antiquity, would doubtless prove the existence of bishops without diocesan jurisdiction, perhaps from the very beginning of Christianity, to an extent much greater than is generally supposed. In Ireland this custom continued and prevailed to a later period than elsewhere. For Ireland was never included1 within the bounds of the Roman empire, and consequently did not receive the decrees of the eastern and western Councils summoned under the authority of the emperors, in which bishops without sees were discouraged or prohibited, and the metropolitical and diocesan, jurisdiction finally established. These considerations, when impartially re viewed, go far to explain the seeming irregu larities of which the early church in Ireland was accused, and which, no doubt, were real irregu larities, when judged by the standard to which ecclesiastics living in and since the twelfth cen tury have been accustomed to appeal. Monastic 2±. There are traces also in several places out bishops r -T 1 Included. The ancient Romans to the Kingof England. See O'Cal- never invaded Ireland. The Chris- laghan's Macaria: Excidium (edited tian Emperors scarcely knew of its for the Irish Archaeological Society,) existence. Pope Adrian, in the 12th note 62, p. 242, sq. William of New- century, first claimed ownership, on bury (quoted by the Abbe Mac the authority of the pretended do- Geoghegan, Hist, de VIrlande, torn. nation of Constantine, because it was i., p. 440), says of Ireland ' Nun- an island, and gave Ireland as a bribe quam externa; subjacuit ditioni.' INTROD. J not peculiar to Ireland. 49 of Ireland of the existence of monastic bishops similar to those whom Bede regarded as peculiar to the Scotic Church, living in the monasteries, and restrained in the exercise of their episcopal functions by their vow of obedience to their abbat. In the synod of Hereford, held under Arch bishop Theodore in 673, the canons of which are preserved by Bede1 himself, it is enacted ' that bishops who were monks should not go about from place to place, or from monastery to monastery, unless sent by their abbat ; but should continue in the same obedience which they had promised at their conversion.' In some respects, no doubt, these bishops were in a different position from the old monastic living under the rule of an abbat, in England, and on the continent. The Synod of Hereford, 673. The monk- bishop of the 1 Bede. Hist. Eccl., lib. iv. c. 5. ' Ut episcopi monachi non migrent de loco ad locum, hoc est, de mo- nasterio ad monasterium, nisi per demissionem proprii abbatis ; sed in ea permaneant obedientia, quam tempore suae conversionis promise- runt.' This is the reading of Spel- man, Concil., torn. i. p. 153 ; and of Hardouin, Concil., torn. iii. 1016. But Smith and other editors of Bede, with many MSS., read < Ut ipsi monachi non migrent,' &c. This" reading, however, although modern controversies have led to its very general adoption, seems to destroy the whole force and meaning of the canon. Why 'ipsi monachi' ? Smith, in his note on this passage, says ' Mira fuit hie Editorum ignorantia dicam vel oscitantia ? qui legerunt episcopi, unde absurdissimam dederint eruditis controversiam, ac si in hac etiam ecclesia, sicut in Hiiense tradi- tur, episcopi abbatibus obedientiam debeant.' But why is it so veiy ab surd to suppose that the discipline which existed at Hi might also have been found elsewhere ? Is it not more absurd to suppose a formal canon made to prohibit 'monks themselves' from migrating to other monasteries, without the leave of their abbats, and enacting that they must continue in the same obedience which they had promised when they be came monks ? But read ' episcopi monachi ' and this is explained. Nothing could be more natural than that a monk who had been raised to the episcopal order should believe himself thereby relieved from monastic obedience, and at liberty, in his episcopal character, to visit other monasteries without the leave of his abbat. The above remark of Dr. Smith is a curious instance ofthe prejudice which has led learned men to ignore, if not to suppress, the various allusions to the monastic bishop to be met with in antient documents. 50 Anglo-Saxon Monastic Bishops. [introd. Angio- bishops of the Irish Church, because the monas- Saxons not A , exactly teries to which they belonged were, in most the monas- places, under the jurisdiction of diocesan bishops. of betnd. But the very canon we have quoted proves the existence of bishops, who were also monks, and the necessity that was felt for a stringent enact ment to confine them within their monasteries, to check the possibility of their interfering with the diocesan bishops, and to bind them to con tinue under the same strict obedience to their abbats which they had promised when they took upon them the monastic vows. Such bishops may probably have felt that the obligations of their episcopacy required them to visit other places in the exercise of their peculiar functions, and so loosened the tie of obedience to their monastic superior ; but the object of the Church at that time evidently was to strengthen the diocesan jurisdiction of the secular bishops. It was therefore enacted that the monk-bishop should return to his monastic obedience, confine himself to his monastery, and abandon all attempts to exercise his episcopal functions, except so far as he was commanded or permitted to do so by his abbat and the bishop of the diocese. The monk-bishop of the Anglo- Saxon monasteries was not there ex officio. He was not chosen as in the Scotic or Irish monas-' teries, to minister as a bishop to the inmates of the house. His services, in fact, were not needed, because there existed a regular diocesan epi scopacy outside and around the monastery. He introd.] Monastic Bishops on the Continent 51 was either a bishop, who had for some reason been deposed from his see, or who had volun tarily abandoned the duties of his episcopal office for the sake of ascetic retirement and devotion. So far, then, the cases are not strictly parallel ; and the canon of Hereford is evidence only of the desire of the Latin party, under the guidance of Theodorus of Canterbury, to check all ten dency to assimilation with the Scotic usages. 25. But on the continent of Europe we find Themonas- some remarkable cases more nearly parallel with on the con- the Irish custom, and indicating the existence of Europ'e! an antient discipline which continued in full force in Ireland long after it had been suppressed elsewhere. The abbey of St. Denis near Paris appears to The abbey have preserved the custom of having a bishop of nearPari"s' its own from a very early period. The following anecdote occurs in a curious tract1, ' On the virtues and miracles of Macarius the Areopagite, Dionysius, and his companions,' written by a monk of St. Denis, whose name is unknown, but who appears to have flourished in the reign of Charles the Bald ; the middle of the ninth century. ' About the same time,'2 says 1 Tract. ' De virtutibus et mi- aggressus esset, furcillse qua id sata- raculis Macarii Areopagitae, Dio- gebat sinistra ejus manus adhaesit nysii sociorumque ejus,' published tam valide, ut nullus digitorum sal- by Mabillon, Acta SS. Ord. S. Bene- tem emoveri aliquo posset conamine. died, torn. iv. p. 311, sq. Cerneres miserum opus quod coeperat 2 Time. ' Eodem fere tempore dissimulare avidius velle, idque divi- quidam incola vici, qui beatorum nam non sinere ultionem. Postera martyrum veneratione magnifice in- die accessit ad Heribertum Epis- signis habetur, post horam nonam copum (moris quippe ei fuit ecclesias Dominici diei annonam excutere au- aliquamdiu episcopos habere) ; eique sus est. Inde purgare earn cum peccata sua confessus est. Jubet 53 The Monastic Bishops [introd. this writer, meaning the time of King Pepin (who died in 768), ' a certain inhabitant of the town which was held in such great veneration! on account of the blessed martyrs, was so irrev erent as to shake out his corn after the ninth hour of the Lord's day. And afterwards when he attempted to cleanse it, his left hand stuck so strongly to the fork with which he endeavoured to do so, that he was unable, do what he would, to extricate his fingers. The next day he went to Bishop Heribert (for it was the custom of that church for some time to have bishops) and con fessed his sins to him.' The story goes on to say that the bishop summoned the brethren, to pray for the man in the crypt of St. Denis, and his hand was set free by the intercession of the saint. The neighbours were seized with great fear, and many were deterred from attempting similar": labours on the Lord's day. In this story it is incidentally stated, that it was for some time (aliquamdiu) the custom of the Church of St. Denis to have bishops of its own ; and the language seems also to imply that this custom had ceased1 to exist at the time when this author wrote, for otherwise he would Episcopusfurcillamutrinquepraecidi, note on the passage : 'Hine patet, evocatisque fratribus ut pro eo Domi- nonnullis monasteriis a jure corn- num precarentur obtinet . Sic una muni exemtis proprios fuisse Epis- cryptam Beati Dionysii ingredientes, copos.' And in another place he pro eo cum fratres devote orarent, says, ' Ex his porro anonymi verbis sanctorum meritis sparsis digitis re- intelligimus, jam ipsius tempore de- soluta manus amissum plene recipit siisse morem ilium habendi episcopum officium.' — Mabillon, ibid. p. 313. loci proprium, ut verba auctoris ex- 1 Had ceased. This remark is pendenti conspicuum fiet.' Prafat. made by Mabillon, who says in his in torn. iii. p. 14. introd.] of the Abbey of St. Denis. 53 not perhaps have used the past tense ' moris quippe ei fuit ecclesias aliquamdiu episcopos habere.' But the abbey appears to have had a bishop of its own from a very early period, if not from its original foundation. Pope Stephen, in J$J, the year of his death, gave a charter to the celebrated Abbat St. Fulrad, sanctioning the election of a bishop by the abbat or brethren of St. Denis, and defining the bishop's duty to be to take the pastoral care of all religious houses founded by St. Fulrad, in connection with the parent monastery of St. Denis, and to preach and teach therein : exempting him from the in terference of any diocesan bishops, and placing him under the immediate jurisdiction of the Holy See. This charter has been published in a mutilated form in the editions of the Councils, omitting all that related to the monastic bishop, a fact which seems to shew a desire of suppressing1 or keeping out of view the supposed irregularity of a bishop without a diocese, who was subject to the abbat of his monastery. But Mabillon found the original in the archives of St. Denis, 1 Suppressing. So Mabillon plainly scopus ibidem laudatus. Verum hac intimates : ' Haec clausula de pro- de re disputent alii quantum lubet ; prio episcopo,' (he says,) ' quae in historica facta notare nobis incum- editis conciliorum libris deest,inveni- bit, non jus eorum asserere.' — An- tur in veterrimis scriptis exemplari- nal. Bened., lib. xxiii. n. 26. But it bus nonnullis, habetque auctorita- is only fair to the editors of the tem a. libro primo miraculorum S . Councils to say, that the mutilation Dionysii, ubi legitur morem ejus ali- appears to have taken place in the quamdiu fuisse ecclesiae episcopum MSS. from which they copied. habere, qualis fuit Heribertus epi- 54 The Monastic Bishops [introd. and has printed it in full in his life of St. Fulrad.1 The charter contains internal evidence of the antiquity of the custom of a special monastic bishop in this monastery. It recites2 that Lan- deric or Landri, Bishop of Paris, with the appro bation of his canons and suffragans, and at the request of Clovis II. , son of Dagobert, had con sented to exempt from his own jurisdiction and that of his successors the abbey of St. Denis, and all the clergy of whatsoever order who served within its precincts. St. Landri (for he was afterwards regarded as a saint) became Bishop of Paris about a.d. 650 and Clovis died in 656. Therefore the abbey must have had its monastic bishop a full century before the charter of Pope Stephen, and evidently also long before the ex emption granted by St. Landri. charter of And this appears further from a subsequent a-d."^.'' charter3 of Pope Hadrian I., dated a.d. 786, in which he confirms the privilege conceded by his predecessor Stephen, in these words : ' Where- 1 St. Fulrad. Acta SS. O. S. B., ababbate velafratribusinmonasterio torn. iv. p. 305. vestro electus, et a fratribus nostris 2 Recites. ' Et quoniam ad preces episcopis de ilia regione consecratus, Chludovii, filii Dagoberti regis, ilia vestra monasteria a vobis edifi- dominus Landericus Parisiacae urbis cata provideat, et vice nostri nomi- episcopus, a sua et omnium succes- nis ubi et ubi fuerint regat, et pra- sorum potestate deinceps, cum con- dicationi tam in ipso vestro monas- silio suorum canonicorum et fratrum terio quam in sibi subjacentibus suorum co-episcoporum regionis il- deserviat.' — Acta SS. 0. S. B., ibid. lius, coenobium vestrum et omnes ad 3 Charter. This letter is addressed eum servientes clericos quorumcum- to Maginarius, Abbat of St. Denis, que ordinum in procinctu vestri mon- the immediate successor of St. Fulrad. asterii absolvit ; nos etiam idem, et After reciting the former grant of Pope habere vobis episcopum per singulare Stephen, it proceeds : ' Quapropter privilegium concedimus, qui de vobis auctoritate beati Petri Apostolorum ' introd.] of the Abbey of St. Denis. $£ fore relying on the authority of the blessed Peter, Prince of the Apostles, we enact and declare in the aforesaid venerable monastery, that it be altogether lawful to have a bishop there, as from antient times and up to this present there hath been ; by whose preaching the people, who come daily with devout intentions from various coun tries to the sacred precincts of the monastery of the said martyr of Christ, may be rendered worthy to receive the salvation of their souls.' These words plainly declare that the privilege of electing a bishop1 of their own was not for the first time conferred upon the abbat and monks of St. Denis by Pope Stephen, but must have existed long before. The words ' from antient times and up to this present,' (apriscis temporibus et usque hactenus,^ could scarcely have been used in reference to the short perio'd which had elapsed since the date of Pope Stephen's death. Here, then, in the great French abbey of St. Denis we find an exact parallel with the Irish or Scotic usage, which so greatly startled the principis fulti, in jam dicto vene- bishops of St. Denis, besides Heri- rabili monasterio statuentes promul- bert, the bishop mentioned by the gamus, ut penitus liceat ibidem author of the tract on the miracles of habere episcopum, sicut a priscis the abbey, viz. ; Turnoald, who is temporibus, et usque hactenus fuit ; styled ' bishop and warden of the per cujus praedicationem populus, church of St. Denis' (episcopus et qui a diversis regionibus devota custos basilicae S. Dionysii), in a mente quotidie ad sancta ejusdem charter of King Chilperic (a.d. martyris Christi monasterii limina 716 — 720) : and Gotofredus episco- convenerit, remedium consequi mer- pus, whose name occurs in a list of eatur animarum.' Hardouin, Concil. the monks of St. Denis, published III., 2021 d. This document has by D'Achery (Spicil. III., p. 333, been given without mutilation in fol. edit.), at the end of a letter of the collections of Councils. agreement between the abbeys of S. 1 Bishop. Mabillon has found the Denis and of Rheims in 838. Acta names of two of these monastic SS. O. S. B., torn. iv. p. 306. 56' Monastic Bishops [introd. venerable Bede: the only difference being this, that the antient custom of a bishop, resident in the monastery, was kept up at St. Denis, after the establishment of an external diocesan episcopacy, which rendered it necessary to pro cure an express recognition from the Pope, in order to protect the monastic bishop from the interference and jealousy of the diocesan and his suffragans ; and also, no doubt, to enable the Court of Rome without difficulty to suppress the monastic bishop whenever it was found con venient to do so. The Abbey 26. Nor was this a solitary instance. The of St. Mar- . . J tin,atTours. same custom existed in the celebrated monastery of St. Martin, at Tours ; and a confirmation1 of the privilege was obtained from Pope Hadrian I., expressed in nearly the same words as those already quoted from the charter granted by the same pontiff to the abbey of St. Denis. The usage was retained longer at St. Martin's than at St. Denis. At St. Martin's the jealousy of the diocesan bishops, and especially the refusal of the canons to receive with proper respect the Papal legates, caused Pope Urban II.2 to abolish 1 Confirmation. This document nimirum ad pontificatum usque Ur- is printed by Papirius Masson, in bani II., qui Turonos ad limina S. his book De Pontift cibus Romanise Martini profectus, sublato proprio. and more correctly by Rad. Mons- episcopo,Martinianam basilicamjus;- mere, in his Defensio jurium eccle- sit Romano specialiter adhavere ponti- sia S. Martini, Cap. ii., quoted by fici, anno Dominica Incarnationis, Mabillon, Pref ad torn. iii. Acta MXCVL, ad componendas scilicet SS. O. S. B., p. xiii. querelas episcoporum Gallicanorum, Urban II. ' Viguit aliquamdiu praecipue vero Legatorum ecclesia in utroque monasterio usus proprio- Romanas, quos Martiniani canones rum episcoporum ; diutius quidem debito cum honore suscipere recu- in Martiniano quam in Dionysiano, sabant.' — Mabillon, ibid. Thedocu- introd.] at Tours and Laubes. ^J the monastic bishop, in the year 1096, and to annex the Church of St. Martin specially to the Roman Pontiff. In the abbey of St. Denis, as we have seen, the custom appears to have been abandoned in the beginning of the ninth1 cen tury. As in Ireland, the bishop was sometimes also The abbat abbat. This was the case with Wicterbus, Bishop aTsho™." and Abbat of St. Martin's of Tours, who died2 a.d. y$6. At his death, however, the two offices were divided. Andegarius, or Audegarius3, suc ceeded him as bishop, and Wlfard, or Gulfard, as abbat. 2J. The monastery of Lobes, or Laubes, in Bel- Theabbey gium, seems also to have been one of those in which the monastic bishop and abbat-bishop existed for some time. Ursmar, its first abbat, who died a.d. 713, was a bishop ; as also Theodul- fus, fourth abbat ; Franco, twelfth abbat ; and Stephen, thirteenth abbat. It is not quite cer tain that these last were strictly confined to the ments are given by Monsniere ; loc. Nicetius, Paternus ; to whom Ma- cit., cap. iii. ; and see the Epistola billon adds, Wicterbus and Andega- ad Clerum Turonensem, Hardouin, rius; Cent.ix. Benignus, Desiderius, Concil., torn. vi. 1642, in which Wichardus ; Cent, x, Maximus, the words quoted by Mabillon occur : Julianus. Besides Philippus and ' Denique quoniam in quibusdam Lucianus, whose date is uncertain. — suae ecclesiae privilegiis proprium eis Mabillon, ibid. p. 14. habere episcopum concessum est, ejus 2 Died. Annal. Masciacens. ap. vice nos Romano eos sancimus spe- Labbxum Bibl. Nova?, torn, ii., p. cialiter adhaerere Pontifici, et gra- 736, quoted by Mabillon, Annal. vioreseorumcausasexejuspendereju- Benedict, lib. xxiii. n. 23. dicio.' And the samewords nearly are s Audegarius. He is said to have repeated in the next epistle, Ad Canon- been of English descent, his father, icos S. Martini Turonensis,'' ib., 1643. Betto, having been a merchant at 1 Ninth. See above p. 52. Mons- Marseilles. He died 15 Kal. Feb. niere has found the names of ten 790. — Annal. Masciascens. ap. Lab- bishops of the monastery of St. baum, loc. cit., and Mabillon, Acta Martin ; viz. Cent. viii. Amaraldus, SS. 0. S. B., Prof, ad torn. iii. p. 14. 58 The Monastic Bishops [introd* \ monastery. But the case of Ursmar seems to have been peculiar, from the difficulty it occa sioned after a lapse of nearly 300 years to one of his successors, Fulcuin, nineteenth abbat, by whom a history of the abbey1 was compiled/; This writer tells us that he had often searched into the question how Ursmar came to be a bishop. The fact itself was attested by all the antient records of the abbey, but without any mention of the place or time of his consecration, nor by whom he was consecrated ; and the older monks gave different explanations2 of the circum stance : some saying that Ursmar was ordained a bishop that he might preach with more effect to the neighbouring barbarians ; and others that it belonged to the dignity of the place, that is of the abbey itself, as being of royal foundation, and in the neighbourhood of the royal palace, that it should be committed only to the charge of a bishop, and accordingly (our author says) many of Ursmar' s successors were of episcopal dignity. This latter opinion seems to have been nearer the truth, although not exactly true. Ermin, 1 Abbey. The work of Fulcuin quod factum deS. Amando legimus. (ob. 99o),is entitled ' Gestaabbatum Quibusdam dignitatem hanc loco Lobiensium,' and is published by tribuentibus ; quod videlicet locus D'Achery, Spicil., torn. ii. p. 730. Regius, Regia. munificentia construc- 2 Explanations. Fulcuin, Gestt. c. tus, Regio, ut dictum est, palatio . 3 (D'Achery, I. <.., p. 732) ; ' Varia contiguus, scilicet Liptinis, nulli de hoc est seniorum nostrorum re- committeretur, nisi prius ordinatus latio, dicentib us quibusdam, quod esset episcopus 5 quam dignitatem prsedicandi gratia, ut competebat et in plerisque successorum ejus tunc rudimentis novellae fidei, ad durasse, in subsequentibus dicemus.' compescendos superfluos ritus gentis See also Mabillon, Acta SS. 0. S. barbaricae episcopus fuerit ordinatus; B., torn. iii. p. 241. introd.] of the Abbey of Laubes. $g the immediate successor of Ursmar, does not ap pear to have been a bishop ; but it is remarkable that there were in Ermin's time bishops in the monastery, who, we are expressly told, took a part in the government of the house. ' They were,' says Fulcuin1, ' co-operators or successors, governors of the place, and co-abbats ' with Er- min. Our author names these co-abbats ; and it is curious that one of them was Irish, and is placed first on the list : ' The holy Abel, a Scot by race ; the holy Wlgis, a bishop, and the Lord Amulguin, also a bishop.' The fact that there was in the abbey a co- Irish eccie- abbat, in high authority, who was a Scot (that nectedwitb is, an Irishman), is worthy of note, as proving ro™ign that the Irish Church was not deemed irre- abbeys' gular at that time in the monasteries of Europe, and that the Scots were not then rejected or excommunicated in consequence of any peculiar national usages. Whether Abel, the Scot, as he is afterwards2 called by our author, was a bishop at the time when he was in office under Ermin, 1 Fulcuin. Gestt. Abb. Lobiens., which he speaks, whether it meant c. 5 (D'Achery, i£.,p. 731) : 'Ha- that when Ermin was absent on buit etiam [Erminus] et co-ope- spiritual duties, the three whom he ratores sive successores ejusdem loci names took the office of abbat in gubernatores, et co-abbates, sanctum succession, or exercised it in con- utique Abel, Scottum genere, et junction. A knowledge of the Irish sanctum Wlgisum episcopum, et customs would have explained at once Dominum Amulguinum a?que epis- the position of these bishops. copum ; qui utrum sibi vicissim sue- 2 Afterwards. Fulcuin, c. 7 : cesserint,an saficto Ermino spirituali- 'Nos collatis undecunque numeris, bus occupato rebus locum in com- hunc eundem Abelet nostrum fuisse, mune tractaverint, nihil certi reliquit et Scottum, et episcopum, facile ra- antiquitas.' From these words it is tione probavimus.' Cf. Mabil- evident that our author was doubtful lon, Acta SS. 0. S. B., torn. iii. as to the nature of the co-abbacy of p. 531 sq. 60 The Monastic Bishops [introd. in the monastery, is not certain ; but Fulcuin tells us that he was afterwards bishop of Rheims, where he remained, however, only for a short time, and then returned to monastic life. saitzburgh. 28. The city of Saltzburgh, antiently called Juvavia1, appears to have also had some connec tion with Irish ecclesiastics in the eighth century. Its great Benedictine monastery, dedicated to St. Peter, was founded by St. Rudbert, or Rupert2, who died 718. With this monastery Rudbert connected an episcopal see, of which he was himself the first bishop, having been, before he devoted himself to missionary labour, bishop of Worms. It does not appear certain that he was a monk ; but for many years after his death the abbat of his monastery was either bishop, or the superior of the bishop, after the Irish custom. This appears from the list of the successors to St Rudbert, which is annexed to the most antient form of his life, published by Canisius, and re printed by Mabillon.3 In this list, although they are all called ' successors of St. Rudbert,' yet three of them are termed abbats only, and not bishops. The list4 is as follows : — 1 Jwvavia. So called from the spelling as that now so common river Juvar or Uvar ; the name of under the form of Robert. the river was afterwards changed to 3 Mabillon. Canisius, Antiq. Lect,, Saltz or Saltza, from which the town torn. ii. Mabillon, Acta SS.O.S, takes its present name. — Mabillon, B., torn. iii. p. 325. Canisius (torn. Acta SS. O. S. B., torn. iii. p. 328, vi.) has edited three other Lives, n. 9. and a fifth is printed by the Bol- 2 Rupert. He is also called Hord- landists at the 27th of March. These bert, Ruodbert, Rodbert, &c. There are all founded upon that first-men- is scarcely any medieval name which tioned. occurs under so many varieties of 4 List. Mabillon, /. <.., p. 331. introd.J of the Abbey of Saltzburgh. 6 1 I. Vitalis, bishop, immediate successor of St. Rudbert. 2. Anzologus, abbat. 3. Savolus, abbat. 4. Ezzius, abbat. 5. Flobargisus, bishop. 6. Joannes, bishop. 7. Virgilius, abbat, and afterwards Bishop of Saltzburgh. Mabillon1 was of opinion that the three names set down in this list as abbats only, ought not to be counted among the successors of St. Rudbert, and he cites an antient poetical account of the bishops, by an author of the ninth or beginning of the tenth century, in which these names are omitted. Mabillon's difficulty was occasioned by his hav ing overlooked the fact, that the monastic usages, afterwards deemed peculiar to Ireland, were at that time common enough in several European monasteries. Anzologus, Savolus, and Ezzius were abbats only, and not bishops ; but never theless, if Irish customs were observed in the monastery, they would have been also reckoned as successors of St. Rudbert ; the abbat was St. Rudbert' s successor whether he was also a bishop or not ; and the bishops who were not abbats were, in some degree at least, subject to the jurisdiction of the abbat. This supposition will account for their introduction into the list of St. Rudbert's successors, and will account also for the omission of their names by the author of the poetical catalogue ofthe bishops, whose object did not require him to notice those successors of St. Rudbert who were abbats only. 1 Mabillon. Annal. Ord. S. Bened., torn, ii. p. 51. 62 Irish Ecclesiastics [introd. Irish de- 29. It is also worthy of notice (as shewing quTntfy6" that there was then no such great discrepancy in fore?gndfor ^ usages in question between the Irish and ecclesiastics, continental monasteries), that the foreign authors of monastic biographies seem anxious rather than otherwise to claim an Irish descent for their heroes, and often make that claim where there are no real grounds for it. For example, in the case before us, one ofthe biographies of St. Rudbert, published by Cani sius 1, expressly asserts that saint to have been ' of the royal family of the Franks, and of the dukes of Scotia,' quoting for this statement the ' antient history' which Mabillon supposes to be the antient Life by him reprinted. But in that Life no mention of the dukes of Scotia is to be found, and consequently Mabillon rejects the words as an interpolation.2 It is quite as pro bable, however, that they may have been omitted by some transcribers of the antient Life, puzzled to understand how Rudbert could have been sprung both from the royal family of France and also from the chieftains of Ireland ; and this is indeed a statement not very easily explained. Our author, however, goes on to say that Rudbert was baptized in Ireland by St. Patrick, and received there his ecclesiastical education; after which, with his brother Trudbert and his 1 Canisius. Ant. Lectt., torn. vi. sius, by Colgan, Actt. SS. Hibemia, p. 1107, c. i. 'Ex regali prosapia p. 756. Francorum, ducumque Scoriae origi- 2 Interpolation. Acta SS. O. S. B., nem duxisse antiqua tradit historia.' ubi supra, p. 326. This Life is also printed, from Cani- introd.] not accused of Irregularity. 63 sister or niece Erentrudis, or Erndruda1, he went abroad and devoted himself to the conversion of the heathen. But this part of the story is mani festly untenable ; for the year 497 is the latest date which can be assigned to the death of St. Patrick ; whereas St. Rudbert (according to Mabillon) lived to 718. He would, therefore, have been more than two hundred years old at the time of his death2, if he had been baptized in Ireland by St. Patrick. Still this very legend, incredible as it is, could scarcely have been in vented, if the connection with Ireland3, which it attributes to St. Rudbert, had not been re garded as adding, rather than otherwise, to his saintly -reputation. Vitalis, the immediate successor of Rudbert, is also said to have been an Irishman4; but it is not to our present purpose to discuss the question whether he was or not. It is enough to remark 1 Erndruda* These names are porum Salisbergensium,' Salisb., not Irish, although Rudbert, as Col- 1692, fol., lib. 1. c. ii., where he gan suggests, may possibly be a discusses the question of the place continental form of the Irish Rob- of St. Rudbert's birth, and decides hartach or Ropartach, the name against Ireland with some hesitation ; which is now Rafferty and Robert. for he adds, ' Illud facile crediderim, Actt. SS. Hib.,p. 761, note 2. in majoribus Ruperti maritatam 2 Death. Colgan (ibid., note 6) esse regum Francorum, ducumque attempts to solve this difficulty by Scotia?, id est Hiberniae, nobilitatem ; suggesting that the St. Patrick here ipsum proinde tam ex regali pro- intended, was not the great St. Pa- sapia Francorum, quam ducali Hi- trick, but a Patrick junior, nephew bernorum originem duxisse, ut anti- of the Apostle, who is said to have qua tradit historia,' p. 80. Colgan, written a life of his uncle. But this in his account of St. Alto (9 Feb.), is mere trifling. — See Lanigan, vol. mentions several other Irishmen, or iii., p. 163, and Andr. Brunneri, reputed Irishmen, who were con- Annal. Boiorum, lib. v. c. 1 (Colgan nected with the monasteries of Ba- ib., p. 764.). varia, at the same period. — Actt. SS., 3 Ireland. See also Dom Joseph pp. 301 — 2. Mezger's ' Historia Salisbergensis, seu 4 Irishman. His life is published Vitas Episcoporum et Archiepisco- by Canisius, Ant. Lectt., torn. vi. an Irish- 64 Virgil of Saltzburgh. [introd. that, however that question be decided, the fact that an Irish descent was claimed, although groundlessly, for two of their antient worthies, clearly shews that the monks of Saltzburgh were without any prejudices against Irish episcopacy, or monachism, and did not regard the Irish Church as meriting any censure for the existence of peculiar or irregular usages. virgii, 30. One of the Saltzburgh abbats, Virgil, the saiteburgh, last in fhe foregoing list, was indeed an Irishman by birth ; another proof that the Church of Ire land was, at that time, under no ban for irregu larity. His history, which illustrates our subject in many ways, will require to be somewhat more fully, dwelt upon. The Four Masters1 in their 'Annals of Ireland,' at their year 784 (which is really a.d. 789), tell us that he had been abbat2 of Achadh-bo, now Aghaboe, in the Queen's County, and that he died in Germany in the thirtieth year of his episcopacy. They give him also the title of ' the Geometer,' evidently because he was one of the earliest Christian writers by whom was pro- and Colgan intended to have given abbat of Achadh-bo, died in Ger- it at Oct. 20, but did not live to do many, in the 30th year of his epi- so. — Actt. SS. Hib., p. 769. All that scopacy.' According to Mabillon, is known of him has been collected he was consecrated 17 Kal. Jun., by the Bollandists, in the volume 756 or 757, and died 4 Kal. Dec., recently published (1853) at Oct. 780, not 789, as the Irish annals 20. And the question of his Irish have it. See Dr. O'Conor's account descent is there discussed and decided of him, in his notes to the Annals in the negative, p. 931, E. I believe of Ulster. — Rer. Hib. Scriptt., torn. rightly. iv. p. 172 sq. 1 Four Masters. ' Fergel an geo- 2 Abbat. The Ann. Ult. give his meter abb Achaidh boo decc, san obit at 788 (=789) as ' Fergill, Germainne, san 30 bliadhain na abbat of Achadh-bo,' without men- eapscopoidO ' Fergel, the geometer, tioning his having emigrated to the introd.] a Native of Ireland., 05 pounded the theory of the sphericity of the earth and the existence of the antipodes, a speculation which very nearly acquired for its author the reputation of being a heretic.1 His Irish name was Fergil, or Fergal. He appears to have become abbat of St. Hisirish Peter's monastery, in Saltzburg, soon after his Dobda. arrival on the continent, and having continued in that office for two years, during which time, we are told, ' he concealed2 his own orders,' he was consecrated bishop on the death of his pre decessor John. His biographer, however, adds that he had brought with him from Ireland a bishop, named Dobda, to perform episcopal func tions ; and we find the same statement in the list of the successors of St. Rudbert, already quoted, namely, that he brought with him from Ireland ' a bishop ofhis own,' proprium episcopum s, continent, and hence Dr. Lanigan Saltzburgh, we cannot be quite cer- (Eccl. Hist. vol. iii. pp. 202 — 206) tain that this is his pedigree : never- supposes the abbat of Aghaboe and theless he is therein styled 'Fergil the bishop of Saltzburgh to have 1 Dergaine,' which looks like an error been two different persons, fixing the of transcription for ' Fergil do death of the former at 789, and of Germaine,' or Virgil of Germany, the latter at 78 5, which is also the date and if this were certain, it would assigned by Mabillon, Annales, torn. settle the question. ii. p. 274. It is possible that the * Heretic. See Dr. O'Conor's Four Masters may have been mis- Rerum Hibern. Scriptores, loc. cit. taken ; but whether Virgil of Saltz- 2 Concealed. ' Vir itaque Domini, burgh had been originally abbat of dissimulata ordinatione, ferme duo- Aghaboe or not, is unimportant to rum annorum spatiis, habuit secum our argument. The genealogies of episcopum comitantem de patria, the saints, preserved in the antient nomine Dobda, ad persolvendum Irish records, give the pedigree of episcopaleofficium.' — Mabillon,.A-r« a Fergil, or Virgilius, from Laogaire SS., torn. iv. p. 280. Mezger, in (sonofNiall of the Nine Hostages), his Hist. Salisb., makes no mention who was king of Ireland in the times of Bishop Dobda, or of Virgil's of St. Patrick. But although the concealment of his orders. number of generations would agree 3 Proprium episcopum. 'Venit vir very well with the date of Virgil of quidam sapiens et bonus doctor de 66 Virgil brought with him [introd. which is the usual designation of the mo nastic bishop. In this latter authority the bishop is named Dordagreus, or according to another reading, Dobdagrecus. This is evidently the Irish Dubh-da-crioch, a name very common x in Ireland in the eighth and ninth centuries. The words of the biographer, that Virgil for two years concealed his orders, have been under stood2 as if they signified that he had been a bishop before he left Ireland, and wishing to conceal that fact, brought with him another bishop to perform episcopal duties ; but this cannot be so. For our author, immediately after the words referred to, goes on to say that at the instance ofthe people, and by the persuasion of the bishops of the province, he consented to receive the episcopal unction, and was consecrated3 a bishop on the 1 3th of June, 766 or j6j. The Hibernia insula, nomine Virgilius, Dubda, as the life of Virgil (apud ad praedictum regem [Pippinum] in Mabillon) has it, he may have re- Francia loco vocato Kansiaco [i.e., ceived the subsequent appellation of Cressy-].1 .... ' Qui dissimulata Dubh-da-crioch, after his emigration ordinatione ferme duorum anno- to the continent. rum spatio, habuit secum proprium 2 Understood. Ussher quotes episcopum comitantem de patria, Hundius, in whose catalogue of the nomine Dordagreum [al. Dobdagre- bishops of Saltzburgh, Virgil is said cum] ad persolvendum episcopale to have brought with him a Greek officium.' — Mabillon, Acta SS., torn. bishop, named Dobdan. ' Dissimu- iii. p. 331. lata consecratione, pene duorum an- 1 Very common. Thus the Four norum spatio, pontificem secum Masters give the obits of Dubh-da- habuit proprium Dobdan nomine crioch, Lord of Fotharta,'A.D. 733 ; Graecum, qui ipsum secutus erat ex of Dubh-da-crioch, son of Dubh- patria.' This Greek bishop puzzled da-inber, 718 ; of Dubh-da-crioch, Ussher ; Sy Hog. Ep. 16. (Works, sonof Laidhgnen, 777 ; of Dubh-da- iv. p. 462.) But Dobdan Graecus crioch, son of Maeltuile, abbat of is an evident corruption of Dubh-da- Cill-achaidh, 821. The name sig- crioch. nifies 'Dubh of the two countries,' 3 Consecrated. ' Postea ad instan- and may have been given to Virgil's tiam populi, necnon assidua coepisco: bishop from his havingsettled abroad. porum suorum exhortatione inductus, If his original name was Dobda, or ab ipsis unctionem episcopalem sus- introd. J to Saltzburgh an Irish Bishop. 67 meaning, therefore, most probably is that he con cealed his own orders, namely, his priesthood1 ; and if for this purpose he brought with him from Ireland the bishop Dobda, or Dobdagrecus, it fol lows that there was nothing uncommon at that time on the continent of Europe in an abbat having ' a bishop of his own ; ' nor any pre judice at Saltzburg against an Irish monastic bishop. 31. Even in Italy, we find examples of a Monastic custom similar to that which prevailed in Ire- ject to their land. The bishop of Aquino was subject, we itaiya'ndin are told, to the abbat of Cassino.2 And again, in the East, in the monastery of Mount Sinai, as we learn from the chronicle of Ademar 3, monk cipere consensit, ordinatusque est a provincialibus praesulibus anno na- tivitatis Domini, 766 [«/. 767] 17 Kal. Julii.'— Mabillon. Acta SS. torn. iv. p. 280. It will be seen that Hundius, as quoted by Ussher (loc. cit.), entirely misrepresents this passage ; making Virgil to have concealed his consecration after he had become bishop of Saltzburgh ; which is absurd. The original author says, ' dissimulata ordinatione,'' not consecratione , as Hundius has it. Fleury understands the words to signify that he remained for two years without consecration, after his nomination to the see of Saltzburgh, causing his Irish bishop Dobda to discharge his episcopal functions (Hist. Eccles., Lia\aiueiQ (as he calls it), was given more diffusely thus : — ' Note, that the first order was most holy [sanctissimus] ; the second holy of holies [sanctus sanctorum] ; the third holy [sanctus]. The first glows like the sun in the heat of brilliancy [in fervor -e claritatis, ca- lescit ; perhaps we should read chari- tatis.] The second is pale as the moon [sicut luna pallescif]. The third shines like Aurora [sicut au rora splendescit] . These three orders St. Patrick understood, taught by an oracle from above, when in that prophetic vision he saw all Ireland filled with a flarne of fire ; then he saw the mountains only burning, and afterwards lights [lucernas] burning in the valleys.' This alludes to the vision seen by St. Patrick, as recorded by Jocelin, Vit. Patr., c. 175 (Colgan. Triad. Thaum., p. 103). 90 Thefirst Order of Saints [intoodi as the ' Catalogue ') the saints of the Irish Church are divided into three classes or orders. The first, who were the founders of the churches, are expressly said to have been all bishops ; the second and third orders were for the most part priests, although some few of them were bishops. The first order, who continued for about a cen tury1 after the coming of St. Patrick, took him for their leader or model, and followed his insti tutions. ' They rejected not,' we are told, 'the services and society of women,' or, according to another reading, ' they excluded not laymen and women from their churches.' But the second class, of whom St. Finnian of Clonard and St. Columba of Hy may be regarded as the types, ' refused the services of women, and sepa rated them from their monasteries.' The third class dwelt in desert places, as solitaries or her mits, refusing to have any private property; living on the alms of the faithful, and despising all earthly things. If this statement be worthy of credit, it would seem that the more rigid monastic system was in troduced by the second order of saints, and not by those who adopted the discipline of St. Patrick. It is not, however, to be inferred that the first order of saints had no monasteries : but only that their ministry was not exclusively restricted to the monasteries, and that they did not rigidly. reject the services of women2 in their monas- 1 Century. To the latter end of " Women. See the curious story the reign of King Tuathal Maol- told by Jocelyn, c. 102, of Lupitl, garbh, a.d. 533—544. the sister of St. Patrick, living in introd.] following St. Patrick as their Teacher. 91 teries. It is remarkable that this is spoken of as an evidence of their superior holiness — ' quia super petram, Christum, fundati, ventum tenta- tionis non timebant.' 43. Dr. Lanigan explains the rule made by Exclusion the second order of saints, for a more rigid ex- from" elusion of women from the monasteries, by tell ing us that some such regulation became ' neces sary, after the monasteries or colleges became crowded with young students.'1 It is quite true of women serv ing in the monasteries. the same house with her nephew, St. Mel : ' Ut ejus verbo et exemplo proficere posset in exercitio Divini obsequii. Evoluto vero aliquanto tempore, cum sanctus sacerdos juxta morem media nocte surgefet ad con- fitendum Domino, sancta ilia fe- mina solebat se ad soporandum collocare, pellibusque cooperire, in sancti praesulis lecto.' Triad. Thaum., p. 89. The Tripartite Life, speaking of the scandal which arose on this occasion, attributes the ma licious story altogether to the fact of the bishop and his aunt residing in the same house ; taking no notice of the other cause assigned for it. ' Ha- bitabant ambo in una domo, quod fuitsinistraesuspicionisfundamentumpraecipuum vel unicum.' Lib. ii., c. 29. Tr. Thaum., p. 133. Students. Lanigan ii., p. 20. Comp. the curious story of St. Mu- gint (Book of Hymns,p. 97), which seems to show that some such rule was advisable. There is a legend told in the Scholia to the Dublin copy of the Martyrology of Aengus, which scarcely bears translation. It relates to St. Scuthin, said to have been a disciple of St. David of Menevia, a contemporary of the Columbas, Brendans, and Kierans, and there fore belonging to the second order of saints, although his name is not mentioned in any of our copies of the catalogue. Colgan slurs the legend over in general terms, which however clearly show that he was acquainted with it. Actt. SS. pp. 9, 10. The practice was a very an tient one, and is censured by St. Cyprian. (See Mosheim, De rebus Christianor. ante Constant, p.1 598.) We may perhaps venture to give an abridgment of the legend, under the protection of a dead language : ' Scuthinus, ut praelium sibi majus fiat, duas pulcherrimas virgines, lecti sui participes omnibus noctibus fecit. De qua re quaestio fuit,et venit Bren- danus ad inquirendum utrum contra legespudicitiae aliquid committeretur. Scuthinus ait, Hac nocte lectuli mei Brendanus periculum faciat. Consentiens Brendanus lectum as- cendit. Virgines in lectum sese Bren- dano introducunt. Ille autem tali contubernio inflammatus, dormire non potuit.' His companions scoff at him, advising him to cast himself into a tub of water, which they ad mit Scuthin was often compelled to do. Brendan retired, admitting that Scuthin had attained a higher degree of sanctity than he ; but he seems to have been satisfied by the mere testimony of the parties them selves that there was no violation of morality in the matter ; and Scuthin (as Colgan tells us) had by these means acquired such angelic and ethereal purity, that his body be came spiritualized, and he was able to walk on the surface of the sea without sinking. The existence of 92 Differences in Discipline between [introd. that the monasteries of the second order of saints were also colleges, in which young men were trained for the ecclesiastical and missionary life. But the regulation in question seems to have had in view something more. The comparison insti tuted in the Catalogue between the first order of saints, who ' feared not the blast of temptation,' and the second order, who it seems did fear the danger, implies evidently that the regulation had reference to the ' saints ' themselves. And it is on this account apparently that the first order are described as like the sun, and most holy; the second, like the moon, and holy in an inferior degree only. This language does not give us the idea that the safety of the ' young students ' was the sole object ofthe regulation in question. Taking the words strictly, ' abnegabant mu lierum administrationem,' ' they rejected the ministrations of women,' we may perhaps infer that the prohibition at first extended only to the employment of women as servants, or attendants, in permanent connection with the monasteries; and that the greater strictness which excluded women1 from the monastic churches, and forbad this dangerous practice, if it were * Women. See some examples of at all common, would be a better this strictness in Ussher, Primord., reason for the rule 'abnegabant lira- p. 942, sq. (Works, vi. p. 510). The lierum administrationem ' than that story told of St. Enda or Enna of given by Lanigan. Perhaps the differ- Aran, that he refused to see his ence between the two orders of saints sister, S. Fanche, andher companions, mayhave been in reality this; that the when she visited him in his foreign first order admitted this singular test, monastery to induce him to return ' ventum tentationis non timentes,' to Ireland, has evidently been and the second order prohibited it ; dressed up in the ideas prevalent Scuthin alone having been ambitious at the period when his biography enough to aim at rivalling in this was written. He erected a tent for respect the ' Ordo sanctissimus.' her ' in solo monasterii,' and cover- introd.] thefirst and second Orders of Saints. 93 a monk so much as to look upon the face or form of even his nearest female relative, was the growth of a later time. 43. St. Patrick and his followers, the first Thefirst order of saints, in their efforts to evangelise the pioyed'th'e country, adopted the plan of consecrating and wshopZ^ sending forth a great number of bishops, without fixed sees, some of whom became the founders of monasteries ; some obtained land and other privileges from the chieftains or petty kings, and built towns or cities, the germ of future episcopal sees and dioceses ; others again were content to exercise their ministry in monasteries, subject to the jurisdiction ofthe abbats. The second order, on the contrary, employed The second for the most part the ministry of priests only, ofp^te.' Their plan was to establish monastic schools or colleges for the dissemination of ecclesiastical learning, and for the instruction of students in what they regarded as catholic and orthodox faith. And it will be observed, that throughout the whole of this Catalogue there is not the smallest allusion to diocesan or archiepiscopal jurisdiction. Not a word is said of a primacy in Armagh, or of any peculiar authority vested in the successors of St. Patrick, except this, that the first order, having their one Head, Christ, followed Patrick as their leader or guide : retained, in the cele bration of their Mass, the Liturgy introduced ing his own face also with a veil, so conversed together. — Fit. S. Endei that neither could see the other, they (Colgan. Actt. SS. 21 Mart.). 94 The early Primacy of Armagh. [introd. by him ; adopted the same tonsure and the same Easter which he had taught; and were so far united in discipline, that what one of their churches excommunicated, all excommunicated. Nature of In such a system, which it is plain did not recogn™dCy include all Ireland, in the age of our author, the bythTfifs't recognised successors of Patrick would naturally s^nte. °f exercise a moral influence, amounting to a prac tical jurisdiction over the churches so united together. In any disputed question the successor of Patrick would naturally be the interpreter of his institutions, and the referee as to the real meaning of the traditions received from him. Those whose principle it was to follow Patrick, under Christ the one Head, as their guide or teacher, would necessarily, after the death of Patrick, look up to his legitimate successor as his representative, the depository of his doctrine/ and therefore practically their guide, as Patrick was. But this did not amount to a primatial jurisdiction in the see of St. Patrick as such, in the modern sense of the term. The excommu nication pronounced by the Church of Armagh was indeed obeyed and submitted to by the first order of saints ; but Armagh was equally bound to obey the excommunication pronounced by any other church of the confederacy. There was no special jurisdiction in Armagh. The rule of this first order of saints was simply this, that what one of their churches excommuni cated, whether that church was Armagh or any other, all were bound to excommunicate. introd.] The second Order of Saints. g$ The second order of saints do not appear to The second have had any connection with Armagh, or the nectedwith institutions of St. Patrick. They acknowledged andX* our Lord as their ' one Head ;' they had one w^l ° tonsure from ear to ear, similar to that which Patrick had introduced. They had one Easter, the fourteenth moon after the equinox. In these respects they agreed with the Patrician saints ; but they celebrated different masses, and had different monastic rules. They had received a Mass, or Liturgy, from David, the celebrated bishop of Menevia, now called from him St. David's, another (for that seems to be the mean ing) from Gilla or Gildas, and another from Docus, the Britons.1 This order was therefore connected not with Armagh, but with Menevia and the Church of Wales. This order was also connected with the Columban Church of North Britain, Cumberland, Northumberland, and Durham. From this order proceeded that great stream2 of Irish missionaries, who went forth to evangelise Europe, at the end of the sixth, and during some following centuries. From them the Venerable Bede must have derived his information respecting the Scotic or Irish Churches. From them must have been obtained all the information respecting Ireland which is to be found in the writings of continental authors. 1 Britons. See what Dr. Lanigan cum grege philosophorum ad littora has said on the history of these three nostra migrantem ? ' — Epist. ad. Welsh saints. Eccl. Hist, i., p. 469 Carol. Calvum. ap. Duchesne, Hist. sq. ii., p. 19, note (59). Fr. ii., p. 471. We have seen that 2 Stream. ' Quid Hiberniam me- the word philosopher was often em- morem (says Heric of Auxerre) con- ployed to signify a monk. See above, tempto pelagi discrimine pene totam p. 46. Patrick. 96 Silence of Bede and other Writers [introd, silence of 44. And it is remarkable that in the writings the conti- of Bede we find no mention of St. Patrick or of missionaries Armagh. He speaks only of Columba, and the Sy'rf &" presbyters or bishops of the second order of saints. Adamnan also, the biographer of Co lumba, although he once incidentally mentions St. Patrick1, is silent as to Armagh. The con tinental missionaries of the sixth and following centuries seem to have carried with them to Europe no traditions of Armagh or of Patrick. This remarkable silence has appeared to some unaccountable, and even inconsistent with the existence of St. Patrick.2 But the explanation of it is obvious ; the Irish saints of the second order were connected with the British Church, and not with the Church of St. Patrick. They were disposed to emigration, and their religious zeal carried them to the Picts of North Britain, and to the barbarous nations of the continent of Europe, to win souls to Christ. There was no reason why they should say anything to their converts about Armagh, or the successors of St. Patrick. They were in all probability more anxious to connect the churches and monasteries which they had founded on the continent with Rome and the successors of St. Peter, from whom more effectual support might be obtained. But that they did not altogether ignore St. Patrick, 1 St. Patrick. ' Nam quidam put very strongly in some valuable proselytus _ Brito, homo sanctus, papers, entitled Palladius restitutus, sancti Patricii discipulus, Maucteus by the late Hon. A. Herbert ; pub- nomine,' &c. — Adamnan. Praf. 2 lished (without his name) in the (ed. Reeves, p. 6). Brit. Magazine, vol. xxv. (1844). 2 St. Patrick. The argument is introd.] as to the History of Patrick. 97 is evident from the great collection of canons, from which D'Achery1 has published extracts, in which Patrick and the synods said to have been held by him in Ireland are frequently re ferred to. This collection has been preserved in continental libraries only, and was evidently com piled in one of the continental monasteries con nected with Ireland. A note at the end of the MS. states that the compiler, or perhaps only the transcriber, was a cleric named Arbedoc, who had the assistance or permission of the abbat Haelhucar. These names, if they have been correctly transcribed, do not seem to be Irish. But this only strengthens the argument that the Irish missionaries did not abstain from all mention of St Patrick, in their efforts to instruct their European converts. 45. The saints of the third order were her- The saints mits and solitaries. They were isolated from order.6 each other, and seem to have lived without any direct recognition of episcopal or abbatial au thority. They had different monastic rules ; different liturgies ; different tonsures ; different, Easters. It is not said from whence they de rived their liturgies ; neither is it said, as it is said of the two other orders, that they recog nised Christ as their ' one Head.' This omission 1 D^Achery. Spicil. torn. i. p. St. Germain. He does not, however, 491, j-y. D'Achery was of opinion tell us the age of these MSS. See that this collection was made before Ceillier, Hist, des Auteurs Eccles. the eighth century. He had two MSS. torn. xvi. p. 574. We have seen of it ; one from which he mainly also that in the continental lives of copied, belonging to the Abbey of St. Rupert or Rudpert, and others, Corbey, the other to the Library of St. Patrick is not ignored. H the second order. of Clonard. 98 Second Order of Saints. [introd.- may have been accidental, and of no signifi cance ; but it cannot be without significance that they are not said to have followed the teaching of St. Patrick. History of 46. The two saints, Finnen, or Finnian (viz. La£ of Finnian of Cluain-Eraird, now Clonard, County of Meath ; and Finnian, or Finnbarr of Magh Bile, now Moville, on the banks of Lough Foyle, County of Donegal), are given in the catalogue as the first in the list of saints of the second order. st Finnian The former, St. Finnian of Clonard, was the master of a celebrated school, which is said to have produced three thousand disciples. Thus the hymn ad laudes, in the Office of St. Finnian, printed at Paris, 1620, and reprinted by Colgan1, says, — ' Trium virorum millium Sorte fit Doctor humilis ; Verbi his fudit fluvium Ut fons emanans rivulis.' And although we may reasonably doubt the au thenticity of so large a number, it is certain that the school of Clonard was the alma mater of many eminent ecclesiastics. In the Martyrology of Donegal2, and by the Four Masters3, this St. Finnian is called ' Tutor (oidhe, or foster-father), of the saints of Ireland.' The Latin author of his life tells us particularly that the celebrated saints who were called the twelve apostles of 1 Colgan. Actt. SS. Hib. p. 401. (= 549), at which year they tell us 2 Donegal. At Dec. 12. that he died. 3 Four Masters. At a.d. 548 INTROD.] St. Finnian of Clonard. 99 Ireland, together with many others1, were of his disciples. We read also2 that, after having been initi ated in ecclesiastical learning by St. Fortchern of Trim (if this be not an anachronism), and afterwards by St. Caiman, of Dair-inis, an island in the bay of Wexford, Finnian passed over to Kill-muine, or Menevia3, afterwards called St. David's and became the associate or disciple of the three eminent saints, David, Cathmael, and Gildas. Cathmael was the original baptismal name of the Welsh Saint Cadoc4, or Cattwg, as we learn His early education. 1 Others. Colgan has enumerated 3 2 eminent saints who were educated in his school. — Actt. SS. p. 405. App. c. 3. See also Reeves Adam nan, p. 195, note b. The twelve apostles of Ireland were the follow ing : 1 . Ciaran, or Kieran, bishop and abbat of Saighir, (now Seir- Kieran, King's Co.). 2. Ciaran or Kieran, abbat of Clomnacnois. 3 . Columcille of Hy. 4. Brendan, bishop and abbat of Clonfert. 5. Brendan, bishop and abbat of Birr (now Parsonstown, King's Co.). 6. Columba, abbat of Tirdaglas. 7. Molaise or Laisre, abbat of Dam- hinis, now Devenish-island, in Loch Erne. 8. Cainnech, abbat of A- chadh-bo, Queen's Co. 9. Ruadan,or Rodan, abbat of Lorrha, Co. Tip- perary. 10. Mobi Clairenech, or the flat-faced, abbat of Glasnaoid- hen (now Glasnevin, near Dublin). 11. Senell, abbat of Cluain-inis in Loch Erne ; and 12. Nannath, or Nennith, abbat and bishop of Inis- muige-samh, now Inis-mac-Saint, in Loch Erne. 2 Also. Vit. S. Finniani, c. 4. Colgan, Actt. SS., p. 393. 3 Menevia. In Welsh Hen-meneu, translated Vetus rubus. Muine, in Irish, and meneu, in Welsh, signify a bramble bush. 4 St. Cadoc. Vita S. Cadoci, ed. W. J. Rees, ' Lives of Cambro- British Saints,' pp. 25 — 27. This legend represents the name as given by Divine command. A voice came at night to the saint's father, pre dicting that a holy hermit would arrive on the following day to bap tize the child, ' nomenque ejus Cat- mail vocabitur.' A fountain springs up miraculously, and in its water the child is baptized by the hermit, who is said to have been an Irish man, by name- Meuthi ; ' Postquam autem beatus Meuthi, cum solum saltantem conspexit, alacriori gau dens animo maturius eundem in ipso sacro fonte baptizavit, atque pro precepto angelico nomen ei Cath- mail imposuit.' The Irish hermit here called Meuthi, is evidently the same who in other authorities is termed Tathai, and Thaddeus ; Col gan, Actt. SS. p. 158, c. 2. The Life of S. Tatheus, published by W. J. Rees, 'Lives of Cambro- British Saints,'p. 255, expressly iden tifies him with the tutor of Cadoc. Ussher places the school of Tathai at the year 469 (Ind. Chr. and h 2 ioo St. Finnian of Clonard. [introd. from his life ; there cannot, therefore, be a doubt that the three Welsh preceptors of St. Finnian were the same as the three, David, Gildas, and Docus1, (or Cadocus), from whom the Irish saints of the second order are said in the cata logue to have received their masses or liturgies.2 His piigri- When about to leave his Welsh associates, St. Rome 'pre- Finnian, we are told, resolved upon a pilgrimage irJvngd. to Rome, but was warned by an angel to proceed rather to his own country, where God would receive his intention as equivalent to the pilgri mage he had meditated, and grant him the same merits as if he had visited Rome. And accord ingly he set out for Ireland, ' to gather together there,' as his Latin biographer3 tells us, ' a people acceptable to the Lord.' In another Life, extant in manuscript, in the Works, vol. v. p. u6), quotingthe Life was privatelyprinted (ioo copies authority of John of Timnuth. only) by the Marquis of Ormonde, 1 Docus. The Annals of Ulster, from a MS. preserved in the Bur- at the year 473, mention the death gundian Library, Brussels, collated of Doccus, a British bishop and ab- with another in Abp. Marsh's Li- bat : ' Quies Docci episcopi sancti brary, Dublin. Britonum abbatis.' But this can 3 Biographer. ' Ut ibi populum Deo scarcely be the Docus from whom acceptabilem acquireret.' Vit. S. Fin- the second order of saints derived niani, c. xi. — xi. Colgan, Actt. SS. their Mass ; for the second order are p. 394. The Latin Life, published expressly said to have nourished from by Colgan, consists of two parts. the close of the reign of Tuathal The first is evidently older than the Maelgarbh (ob. 544), to that of other, and ends with the words, Aodh, son of Ainmire (ob. 599). ' Hsec de primo libro vitae ejus ex- 2 Liturgies. It is remarkable that cerpta sunt,' shewing that it is only St. Cannech or Canice of Kilkenny an extract from a larger work. is said to have been educated by St The second part consists entirely of Doc or Docus, in Wales. ' Perrexit legends of miracles, and was written trans mare in Britanniam, ad virum after the Catalogue of the Three sapientemetreligiosissimum,Doc[«/. Orders of Saints, which it quotes. Docum], legitque apud ilium sedule, It begins ' Igitur Finnianus opti- et bonos mores didicit, et erat valde mus sanctorum secundi ordinis, ab- humilis et obediens.' Vit. S. Can- bas, volens multiplicare cultum Dei nechi, p. 3 (Dubl, 1853). This altissimi, &c.' introd.] The Faith corrupted in his Time. i o I Irish language, the same story is told more briefly, but with a particular circumstance of some interest, which is omitted in the Latin. After relating the miraculous defeat of an invading party of Saxons1 (St. Finnian with a stroke of his baculus or pastoral staff having caused a mountain to fall upon them), the Irish author2 proceeds : ' After this, a desire seized Finnian to go to Rome, when he had completed his educa tion. But an angel of God came to him, and said unto him, " What would be given to thee at Rome," says he, " shall be given to thee here. Arise, and renew sound doctrine and faith in Ireland after Patrick." ' This must mean the doctrine and faith which The Faith had become corrupted since St. Patrick's time. 2^,-, It is so understood in the office of St. Finnian, time' reprinted3 by Colgan, where we read that ' when he was meditating a pilgrimage to Rome, he was persuaded by an angel to return to Ireland, to restore the faith which had fallen into neglect after the death of St. Patrick.' We shall see 1 Saxons. The story is told in the 1620, under the editorship of Thomas Latin Life, c. 8. Colgan, loc. cit. Messingham. The following are the 2 Irish Author. There is a good passages above alluded to : — In ido copy of the Irish Life in the Book Nocturno. Lect. vi. ' Tandem Ro of Lismore, a MS. in the possession mammeditantiinHiberniamreditum of the Duke of Devonshire. The Angelus Domini suasit, ad fidem Latin author, as printed by Colgan, post B. Patricii obitum neglectam although he evidently made use of restaurandam, &c.' Finnian is also the Irish, of which he frequently evidently alluded to as a reformer adopts the order and often the very in the ' Hymnus in utrisque ves- expressions, omits all allusion to the peris.' cOruption of the faith in Ireland, ' Refulsit sol justirije, since St. Patrick's time. Suae P«us fuit sub nubilo. 3 Reprinted. Colgart, Actt. SS. Cleri contubernia p. 40 1 . This Office, with the Offices Reformantur divinitus,' &c. of Patrick, Columcille, Brigid, &c, — Colg. ib., p. 400. was originaly printed at Paris in io2 St. Finnian ofMoville [introd. reason presently to accept this as the real mean ing of our author. Finnian of 47- The second of the two saints Finnian Maghwie. mentioneci m the Catalogue among the saints of the second order, is believed to have been St. Fin nian, or Finnbarr, of Maghbile. Colgan has main tained the identity of this ecclesiastic with the Frigidian or Fridian, who was bishop of Lucca, in Tuscany, in the sixth century. There cannot be a doubt that the traditions of the church of Lucca support this conclusion ; and Colgan has printed two lives, one taken from the Office of St. Fridian, as used in the church of Lucca, the other from a MS. preserved in the Carthusian abbey at Cologne. Both these are, in fact, lives of St. Finnian of Maghbile, with an addition which makes him, after the completion of his labours in Ireland, to have become Bishop of Lucca in Italy. But we are not now concerned with this question.1 The second of the two lives mentioned above states that Finnian, or Fridian, having made a pilgrimage to Rome, to visit the tombs of the Apostles, remained there three months, having been honourably received by Pope Pelagius.2 In that time, being of an 1 Question. See Book of Hymns who virtually denied him their alle- of the Irish Church, p. 98, sq. giance, it is probable that our author Lanigan, vol. ii. p. 27. It seems meant Pelagius II., whose times, impossible to reconcile the chrono- however, 578 — 590, do not syn- logy with the opinion that Fridian chronize with the early part of St. of Lucca and Finnian of Maghbile Finnian's life. Tighernach, and the are identical. Annals of Ulster, give the death of 2 Pelagius. The first Pelagius Finnian at 588 or 589. This entry died 560. But as he was always in is found in both Annals, in these bad odour with the western bishops, words, -* Quies Uinniani episcopi and even with the bishops of Italy, nepotis Fiatach.' Dr. O'Conorwas introd.] brought the Gospels to Ireland. 103 ardent mind, ' ut erat ardentis ingenii,' he com mitted to memory the ecclesiastical and apo stolical customs. He then returned to his own country, having received the pontifical benedic tion, carrying with him certain relics given him by the Pope, and the Decrees, which in his bio grapher's time were still called ' the Canons1 of St. Fridian.' He brought with him also the Gospels, which that country (says our author) had not yet fully received ; to which [meaning apparently the particular copy] God gave such great virtue, that if any one swore falsely by them, he was punished with death or madness in the same year.2 It is curious that the native legends, also, speak said to have of St. Finnian as having ^rj;? brought the Gospels Ae' Golds' to Ireland. toIreland- unable to read the contractions of to the punishment of a Clerk whowas the original, and has printed the guilty of theft. We must not, how- name Uinniani in Tighernach Mani, ever, be too sure that the book alluded and in Ann. Ult. Umaniain : (Rer. to in the Life of St. Fridian, under Hib. Script, ii. p. 154; iv. p. 28). the name of St. Fridian's Canon or But Uinnian, is the same as Finnian, Canons, was a collection of canons and it is evident that Finnian of in the present signification of the Maghbile is intended, for he was of word. For the name of a Canon the Dal Fiatach, or descendants of was sometimes given to a copy of the Fiatach Finn, King of Ireland. See Gospels, or to the New Testament. Book of Hymns, loc. cit. The Book of Armagh, which contains 1 Canons. In the great collection several ecclesiastical writings,together of Irish Canons, transcribed by with the whole of the New Testa- ' Arbedoc clericus, Haelchuchar ment, is very commonly called ' The [ ? Maelchuchar] Abbate dispen- Canon of Patrick.' sante,' from which D'Achery has 2 Year. Colgan, Actt. SS. p. 638, published some extracts, we find one cap. 3 : ' Evangelia quoque, quae (lib. 28,0.7) attributed XaVinniayus, terra ilia nondum plene susceperat, an evident mistake for Vinnianus, i.e. quibus nimirum Deus tantam virtu- Finnianus. D'Achery, Spicil. I. p. tem concessit, quod si quis per ea 497. It is greatly to be regretted juraverit [perhaps we should read that the learned Benedictine did not perjuraverif], morte vel amentia in publish this Collection of Canons eodem anno divina ultione mulcte- without abridgement. The single tur.' canon attributed to Finnian, relates 104 In what Sense Finnian of Moville [introd- The stanza in which he is described in the Metrical Calendar of Aengus, the Culdee, is very obscure1, and puzzles our best Irish scholars. But the Gloss in the Dublin MS. of it explains the words to mean that he brought over the sea, or from foreign parts, the Gospel : ' quod est lex nova,' adding, in the Irish2 language, ' that it was he who first brought the Gospel to Ireland.' This passage has greatly perplexed our his torians. The Martyrology of Cashel3 explains it to mean 'the law of Moses and the Gospel.' The Brussels copy4 of the Calendar of Aengus omits the gloss above quoted, but gives in its stead the following note : ' It was Finnian of Maghbile that first brought the law of Moses into Ireland, if this be true [si verum] : or it is to the Gospel is given the name of the Law, for it was he who brought into Ireland, as they say, the whole Gospel in one volume, if indeed this also be true [si verum hoc ipsum].' A more recent hand adds, as a gloss on the word Gospel,, 1 Obscure. Felire of Aeng. at Actt. SS. p. 643, col. I.: ' Finnianus 10th Sept. ' Ciii dergoir co nglaine, Fionn [id. est albus] de Magbile; Co riacht tar sal side.' Mr. Curry ipse est qui primo legem Moysaicam translates this ' Body of red gold with [id est Vetus Testamentum] et totum purity, which reached across the sea Evangelium in Hiberniam portavit.' hither.' The Gloss explains ' purity' So that Colgan would get over the to signify the Gospel. Colgan has difficulty by making the word Gospel paraphrased the lines thus {Actt. SS. to signify the whole canon of the Old p. 643) : and New Testament, which Finnian ' Roma aureus et prsefulgidus, was the first to bring into Ireland. Qui contulit libros legis ultra The words within brackets contain mare.' the interpretation suggested by Col- But this is remote indeed from the gan. original. * Brussels Copy. Mr. Curry's 2 Irish. ' Arise thuc soscela in transcript, p. 287 (Orig. MS. p. 29). Erinn artus.' ' For it was he who Both notes occur in the MS. of Aen- first brought the Gospel to Erinn.' gus preserved at St. Isidore's, in 3 Cashel. As quoted by Colgan, Rome. introd.] first brought the Gospels to Ireland. 105 ' correctum la Cirine,' ' corrected by St. Jerome,' which suggests another mode of meeting the difficulty. Finnian was not the first to bring the Gospel to Ireland, but the first to bring to Ireland St. Jerome's translation of the Gospel.1 48. The author of the Life of Finnian preserved stFinnian's in the Cologne MS., in the passage already quoted, GoTpehceie- seems to mix together two stories : one, that the iSh Irish had never fully received the Gospel until legends- St. Finnian brought it to them ; the other, that what he brought over from Rome was a parti cular copy of the Gospels, possessed of miraculous virtues. That Finnian was the owner of a remarkable Anecdote of copy of the Gospels, of which he was particularly DunflLk" ° careful, appears incidentally from an anecdote related in the Life of St. Fintan2, of Dunflesk. It appears thatFintan once asked St. Finnian for a loan ofhis volume ofthe Gospels, that he might read it, but his request was peremptorily refused. Fintan was at that time a pupil of St. Comgall, of Bangor, and complained to his master, who told him to be faithful3, and that perhaps he should soon have that very copy ofthe Gospels. The next night Maghbile was plundered by pirates, who, with other spoils, carried off the precious volume. St. Fintan was praying under a large tree on the sea shore, near to the place where the pirates had 1 Gospel. It will be observed also 2 Fintan. Colgan, Actt. SS. at that this Scholiast shews a desire to 3 Jan., c. 5 (p. n). discredit the whole story, by adding 3 Faithful. ' Si fidelis fueris for- ' Si verum' and ' si verum hoc ip- sitan in primo [meaning perhaps at sum.' the hour of Prime] illud ipsum evan gelium habebis.' — Ibid. 106 Legends of St. Finnian s Gospels, [introd. landed, and he heard them, when preparing for their departure, consulting about plundering St. Comgall's abbey also ; but lo, a sudden storm arose, the tree was blown down upon the ships, which were all destroyed, and the pirates drowned. But their spoil, with the book ofthe Gospels, was found upon the shore, and thus St. Fintan obtained his desire. st. cokm- The well-known story of St. Columba's script of transcript of the book of the Gospels, which he Gospels/ had borrowed from St. Finnian, is another ex ample of the jealousy with which Finnian guarded his rights to the exclusive possession of the sacred volume. Columba worked night and day to make a copy of the book for his own use with out the knowledge of its owner. Finnian claimed the transcript as his property, because it was made surreptitiously, and because the original was his ; and the case was brought before the Supreme Court of Diarmait, King of Ireland, who decided against Columba1, with the curious rann, or oracular saying, that, as the cow is the owner of her calf, so the book is the owner of any transcript made from it. These legends are quoted, not that we would attach any importance to them as true stories, but because they shew that St. Finnian was popularly believed to be, in some peculiar sense, 1 Columba. See Colgan, Actt. Columba's time, but there is no evi- SS., p. 644, sq. Reeves, Adamnan, dence that it was the MS. to which p. 248. Four Masters, 555. The the legend relates. The box re- box called the Cathach (Reeves ubi ceived the name of Cathach, or battle supra) now contains a Psalter. This book, because it was carried in battle. MS. may possibly be as old as St. Reeves, ib. pp. 249, 250, 319. introd.] Second Order of Saints Reformers. 107 the possessor of the Gospels, or of some remark able copy of the Gospels. It is evident that when such tales were told, books must have been rare and highly valued in Ireland ; and it is prob able that, in some parts of the country at least, St. Finnian's Codex, if it was really a copy of the Gospels1, may have been regarded as the first com plete copy that ever was brought into Ireland, and that it was held in extraordinary veneration accordingly. 49. But the legends give us also this im- Areform- portant information, that both the Finnians were religion in believed to have returned to Ireland after their object of e foreign education, for the purpose of effecting ordeTof d a reformation in the decaying faith and morals Samts' of the country. In other words, the second order of saints represented by the two Finnians, were a ,body of missionaries and reformers, whose object it was to undermine the paganism which still prevailed in Ireland, as well as to correct the errors which had crept into the faith and practice of professing Christians since the death of St. Patrick. And that there was such a period of declension, Evidence there is abundant evidence. Anmchad, or Ani- mosus, author of the Life of St. Brigid, must have flourished in the tenth century.2 He was probably the Anmchad, bishop of Kildare, whose 1 Gospels. There is no doubt that See Reeves, Adamnan, p. 325, note. the word Evangelium was used with The saints of the second order are considerable laxity; and it is not im- said to have had different Missals. possible that the Gospel, brought 2 Century. ' Post annum 823 et into Ireland for the first time by ante 1097,' is the decision of Colgan St. Finnian,may have been a Missal. Tr. Thaum., p. 564, note 4. declensionof faith. 108 St. Brigid's Prophecy. [introd. death is recorded by the Four Masters a.d. 980, or more correctly 981. At all events, he must have lived after the age of the second order of saints, and therefore after the period of apostasy, or partial apostasy, which they laboured to correct. And he has taken care to put into the mouth of St. Brigid, in conjunction with St. Patrick, a prophecy of that apostasy. He tells the story thus •} St. Brigid's ' She had gone with St. Patrick to the North of Ireland. prophecy of One day St. Patrick was preaching to the people of the coun try ; but Brigid fell asleep during the sermon. Whan St. Patrick was done preaching, he said to her, " Holy virgin, why didst thou sleep at the word of God ? " Brigid fell on her knees and asked pardon, saying, " Spare me, Father ; spare me, holy Lord ; for during that time I saw a dream." The holy pontiff said to her, " Tell it us, my daughter." The holy vir gin said, " I, thy handmaid, saw four ploughs ploughing the whole of Ireland ; and sowers were sowing seed ; and straight way the seed sprang up, and began to ripen : and rivers of new milk filled the furrows. And those sowers were clad in white . garments. After this I saw other ploughs, and they that ploughed were black ; and they upturned the good crop, and cut it with their ploughshares, and sowed tares ; and muddy waters filled the furrows." ' And the bishop said unto the virgin, " O, blessed virgin, thou hast seen a true and wondrous vision. This is the inter pretation of it. We are the good ploughers, for we open the hearts of men with the four ploughs of the Gospels ; and we sow the word of God ; and from us flow rivers of the milk of Christian faith. But at the end ofthe world 2 there shall come 1 Thus. Vita (quarta) S. Brigidse, that it has here the former signifi- cap. 27, Ap. Colgan, ibid., p. 553. cation. 'Non pas,' he says, 'a la 2 World. ' In fine seculi.' Per- fin du monde, mais a la fin du siecle haps this may signify ' at the end of meme ou il [S. Patrice] avait ap- a century;' but the other is the porte l'Evangile a l'lrlande.' — more general meaning of the phrase. Histoire Legendaire de l'lrlande, p. M. L. Tachet de Barneval maintains 1 26. A similar prophecy is attributed introd.J Testimony of the Abbess Hildegardis. 109 evil teachers, conspiring with evil men, who shall overturn our doctrine, and seduce almost all men." ' Then those who were there with St. Patrick and St. Brigid blessed God.' 50. The testimony of the abbess Hildegardis Testimony may also be cited, although she lived near to the °%2SaL e close ofthe twelfth century.1 Nevertheless she is a witness to the tradition being prevalent in her times, that the Irish Church of the sixth and seventh centuries was troubled with serious evils. In her Life of St. Disibod, or Disen, abbat of Disemberg, in the diocese of Mayence, she thus speaks of the state of Ireland about the year 620, when her hero was living as a bishop in that his native country.2 ' At the time when the holy man was thus governing his Corruption people with words and examples, a huge schism, and great °f the Irish scandals prevailed in all that country (i. e. Ireland). Some the times of rejected the Old and New Testament, and denied Christ ; St- Disibod. " others embraced heresies ; very many went over to Judaism ; some relapsed into Paganism ; some desired to live, not as becomes men, but like beasts, in a base manner ; others, in fine, although, from outward decency, they observed some ap pearance of morality, in reality cared for nothing good. To these gross errors, to this Babylonish confusion, Disibod op posed himself with manly and unbroken courage, bearing patiently many calumnies and injuries, and desiring rather to lose his life, than connive at such vile and nefarious doings. But when he had for some years patiently endured these evils, not without bodily danger, and nevertheless was unable to eradicate them, he was at length wearied out, and, with many tears, poured forth this prayer to the Lord : " Almighty God, to St. Patrick, which we shall have 2 Country. Vita S. Disibodi, occasion to notice elsewhere. cap 6, ap. Surium (8 Julii), torn. 1 Century. She died 17 Sept., iv. p. 141. Corruption ofthe Irish Church [introd. / . 'comest to judge the quick and the dead, and to search out /deeds of men, what use am I, wearing myself out in this ,iation, which not only cannot endure thy righteousness, but is ''also tearing itself to pieces with rabid bites." Disibod, for this reason, made up his mind to quit Ireland, and to go forth as a missionary to other lands. He had been a bishop for some years in his own country ; and in Disemberg, the monastery he afterwards founded abroad, he was an episcopus regionarius, an abbat-bishop without jurisdiction out of his abbey. The foregoing statement, however, is most pro bably exaggerated. It is not possible to believe that any great number of the Irish people in the seventh century could have gone over to Juda ism1 ; but these words are a curious commentary on the whole passage, and enable us to estimate the value of such language. In the middle of the twelfth century, controversies and public discus sions between Christians and learned Jews were very common on the Continent of Europe ; and Hildegardis, wishing to describe the most schis matical state of things in Ireland which she could conceive, may very naturally have adopted the ideas and language of her own time and country, and assumed that a large number of the Irish people became converts to Judaism. This mistake, however, ought, not to invalidate her testimony 1 Judaism. The original words tia his diebus in Christianos nimiS are : ' Plerisque ad Judaismum se invaluit.' — Vit. S. David, cap. n: conferentibus.' There is also men- Colgan. Actt. SS. p. 428. But this tion of a Jewish heresy in the Life perhaps only proves that the authot of St. David, of Menevia : ' Judae- ^ of St. David's life lived at the same orum (inquit) et Haereticorum mali- time as Hildegardis. introd.] in the sixth and seventh Centuries. 1 1 r to the fact, confirmed as it is by native au thorities, that the Irish Church in the sixth and seventh centuries had in a great degree corrupted the faith. 5 1 . An express and very distinct confirmation of corruption this fact is to be found in the Life of the Gildas1, °n the times from whom the saints of the second order are c Glldas- said to have received a Mass, or Liturgy. Ain- mire, King of Ireland (a.d. 568 — 571), first cousin of the celebrated St. Columkille2, is said to have sent for Gildas, ' promising that he would obey him in all his doctrines, if he would come and restore ecclesiastical order in Ireland, because almost all the inhabitants of that island had abandoned the Catholic faith.' Our author pro ceeds, ' When Gildas heard this, armed with heavenly weapons, he went to Ireland to preach Christ.' He was presented to King Ainmire, who offered him many gifts, and prayed him to remain in the kingdom, ' to restore eccle siastical order in the country, because all, from the highest to the lowest, had lost the Catholic faith.' 1 Gildas. Colgan, Actt. SS. p. question whether or not Gildas Ba- 183, cap. 10. He is commonly called donicus, ' cognomento Sapiens,' was Gildas Badonicus, from the Battle of the same as Albanicus or not. — See Bath, fought at the time of his Caff I. 538, and Lanigan 1. 476, birth, about a.d. 520. It should be 482. Colgan makes a palpable mis- observed that Gildas, in Irish Giolla take about Gildas Albanicus, whom De, ' Servant of God,' was not a. he supposes to have been contem- name but a title ; a sort of eccle- porary with St. Patrick ; and he also siastical degree, given by the schools attributes to him the writings of of Ireland. There were therefore Giolla-Caemain, who lived in the necessarily several who had aright nth Century. to this title, and were distinguished 2 Columkille. See Reeves' Adam- from each other by being called nan ; Geneal. Tables, p. 342, and Sapiens, Badonicus, Albanicus, Sec. Append. A. to this Introd. Tab. II. We are not now concerned with the be credited. 112 Gildas a Reformer in Ireland [introd. His refer- Gildas, we are told, accepted this mission. Ireland. ' He made a circuit of all Ireland, restored the , churches, taught all the clergy to worship the Holy Trinity in the Catholic faith ; healed the people who had been wounded by the bites of heretics; cast far away heretical frauds, with their authors.' How far We are not perhaps bound to accept the Ian- this ststc- x x .*. ment is to guage of this description as in every respect to be relied upon. The Annals and other native records give no countenance to the assertion that almost all the inhabitants of Ireland had abandoned the Catholic faith. Nevertheless we cannot reject it as wholly without foundation. It is supported, directly and indirectly, by the whole history of the period. The coming of Gildas into Ireland is especially commemorated in the Welsh Annals, and the date of his death is entered in the Annals1 of Ireland. It is evident, therefore, that he was regarded as having had some special mission in Ire land ; and we have seen from independent sources that, making allowance for some exaggeration, there is reason to receive as substantially true, the statement made in his life, that the Irish Church was at that time in a state of declension, and that serious errors of some kind had crept in. Colgan, Ussher, and Lanigan2, all very high authorities, deny this statement altogether, which is certainly going too far. Colgan's refutation of it is singularly 1 Annals, a.d. 565, ' Navigatio Tigern. a.d. 569, 'Gildas obiit,' Gildaein Hibernia,' a.d. 570, 'Gil- Ann Ult. a.d. 559, ' Quies Gildais das Britonum sapientissimus obiit,' episcopi,' Ann. Inisf. (Bodl). Annales Cambria, a.d. 570, ' Itea 2 Lanigan. Eccl. Hist. i. p. Culana Credilet Gillas quieverunt,' 488, note (168). introd.] Objections of Colgan and Ussher. 113 weak and inconclusive. He gives us a list1 of coigns ecclesiastics from a.d. 496 to 594, and he argues refect.0 that the Church which, in that hundred years, had produced so many eminent men, cannot fairly be said to have been in a state of decay or apostasy. But he forgets that almost all the saints and doctors he enumerates were the missionaries of the second order, or their disciples, who had laboured to counteract the evil. His argument, therefore, does not prove that the evil did not exist, but only that most active and successful measures were adopted to counteract it. Ussher's argument2 is open to nearly the same Archbishop ... _° • ¦ 1 1 1 1 r Ussher's objection. He convicts, indeed, tne author of argument. the Life of exaggeration. We cannot believe, he reasons, what this author tells us, that Gildas preached not only throughout all Ireland, but also ' through the whole region of the Angli and of foreign nations, instructing them by his example and speech.'3 Why, then, should we believe, on the testimony of such a writer, that Ireland had apostatized, and was re-converted by Gildas to the Catholic faith ? No doubt these are exag gerated statements. And it is quite true that if we had this fact on the sole testimony of the author of this life, we might perhaps be justified in disbelieving it ; but, as we have seen, the fact is attested by independent and native witnesses. Again Ussher says, that, according to the tes- 1 List. Actt. SS. p. 189, note 13. gionem Hibernensium,et Anglorum, 2 Argument. Primordia, p. 907, et exterarum nationum suo instruxit sq. (Works, vol. vi. p. 471.) exemplo et erudivit sermone,' c. 10. 3 Speech. ' Omnem denique re- Colgan, Actt. SS. p. 183. 114 The second Order of Saints [introd. timony of this very biographer, it was in Ireland that Gildas had received the completion of his ecclesiastical education, which had been begun in the school of the Welsh saint Iltutus. After having learnt all that this doctor could teach him, 'he took leave of his master and fellow- scholars, and went over to Ire, that he might learn and investigate the opinions of other doctors in philosophy and sacred literature.'1 Assuming Ire to mean Ireland in this passage, Ussher pro ceeds to show that there were in Ireland celebrated schools of learning. He enumerates the schools of Finnian, at Clonard ; of Brendan, at Ross ; of Ciaran, at Clonmacnois, &c. But he forgot that these were the very saints of the second order who are represented as having received their rule and Mass from this very Gildas. It is not pos sible, therefore, that they could also have been his masters. The inference is, that the author of the Life, when he represented Gildas as having gone to Ire for instruction, was guilty of an ana chronism ; if, indeed, he meant Ireland by Ire ; which perhaps he did, although in no other pas sage of his work does he give the island that unusual name, but always speaks of Hibernia and Hibernienses. Tendency *2. On the other hand we have seen that the to foreign «^ pilgrimage saints of the second order are represented as hav- in the . . r second order ing gone, in the first instance, to Wales and other of saints. b b 1 Literature. ' Valedicens pio sententias, in philosophicis atque Di- Magistrovenerandisquecondiscipulis vinis literis, investigator curiosus en- Iren penexh; ut et aliorum Doctorum quireret,' c. 6. — Colgan, ib. p. 182. introd. J inclined to foreign Pilgrimage. ik countries to look for the ecclesiastical education which the state of Ireland denied them at home. There they received an impulse which gave them a tendency to quit their own country and go forth as missionaries abroad. And many of them, in fact, did go abroad, and became the founders of flourishing churches on the continent of Europe and elsewhere, in which their names are, to this day, held in religious veneration and honour. That efforts were made to counteract this ten dency may be inferred from the legends, one of which has been quoted1, in which angels are represented as promising the same spiritual advan tages to those who labour at home as might have been expected, according to the opinions of the age, from a pilgrimage to Rome. Another curious anecdote from which the Legendof same conclusion may be drawn, is recorded in St MoIua- the antient Latin Life of St. Aedan, or Moed hog2, of Ferns : — ' A certain holy man named Molua came to St. Moedhog, saying, " I wish to go in pilgrimage to Rome." The bishop said to him, " Thou shalt not have my permission." Molua answered, " Verily, if I see not Rome, I shall soon die." Then St. Moedhog took him up with him into his chariot, and they were not seen by their companions until the following 1 Quoted. See p. ioo, supra. the Irish diminutive was Aedh-og ; 2 Moedhog. This alias is puzzling to which if we prefix mo, we have to an English reader. The Irish had Mo-aedh-og, or Moedhog, or as it is two ways of expressing devotion to pronounced Mogue ; the name by a particular saint. The first was by which he is now generally known. using the diminutive of his name. It is a curious circumstance that in The second was by prefixing to his the Diocese of Ferns the peasantry name the pronoun mo, my. Some- who are of English descent call their times, as in the present case, both children Aedan or Edan ; those of were combined. Aedh was this Irish descent call their children bishop's original name : the Latin Mogue to this day. diminutive form of this was Aedanus ; I 2 116 Efforts made to repress [introd, day. And it seemed to St. Molua that they had been at Rome on that night, and that he had there paid his vows at the shrines ofthe Apostles. On the morning of the following day, the saints returned to the city of Ferns. And the aged saint said to the blessed Molua, " Dost thou still wish to go to Rome ? " He answered, " Why should I wish it ? Have I not paid my vows there yesterday and last night ? But I am ashamed to return so soon to my monastery." Straightway the bishop went with him, and sent him forth to his own place, telling that he had been at Rome (perhibens [i. e. Epis copus] eum fuisse Romse). ' The mystery of this affair the Lord alone knoweth ; but we know that this holy man was well acquainted with Rome, as if he had been there a long time.' ' The Molua of which this legend was told was St. Molua of Clonfert- Molua, now Clonfert- mulloe, alias Kyle, in the Queen's County; and it is remarkable that St. Moedhog Was his junior, but is represented in the story as his senior and as exercising authority over him, in virtue ofthe episcopal character, Molua having been a pres byter only. It appears also that before St. Moed hog was consecrated a bishop, Molua had been his confessor.2 The case The Life of St. Cannech, or Canice, of Kil kenny, tells us a story of similar import. When he had completed his education with St. Docus, in Wales, he made up his mind first to visit Rome, and then to return to Ireland, to convert his own people from heathenism to the Lord. 1 Time. Vit. S. Moedoci, cap. 42. transcribed the narrative of a con- Colgan, Actt. SS. p. 213. From temporary. the concluding words of the above 2 Confessor. Vit. S. Moedoci, c.20 extract, Colgan infers that the au- and 54. Moedhog died a.d. 63a) thor of this life was either himself S. Molua a.d. 608 or 609. Ann.Uk, a contemporary of St. Molua, or and Tighern. of Saint Canice. introd.] the Tendency to foreign Pilgrimage. 117 Accordingly, after having been ordained priest, he went to Italy. There, however, he obtained from a certain king a grant of land, and built a monastery ; and forgetting poor Ireland, promised the king to make that place his tomb. But an angel appeared to him and rebuked him, telling him that the place of his resurrection was in Ireland. The saint then, in obedience to the command of the angel, set out for Ireland ; but, to save his promise, left a toe of his right foot to be buried in Italy.1 Many other instances might be quoted2 from the Lives of the Irish Saints of this period ; but to do so at any length would carry us too far from our immediate object. It must suffice to observe that the tendency to foreign travel, and the efforts obviously made to counteract it, are fully ex plained by the alleged existence of social and ecclesiastical disorder at home. In a word, the second order of saints were re formers, and missionaries at home and abroad. 1 Italy. Vita S. Cannechi, fol. 4, bernia,' &c. So also St. Fanchea is 5 (Dubl. 1853) ; Marquis of Or- represented as having gone to visit monde's edit. her brother St. Enda, in his foreign 2 Quoted. There is another in- monastery, for the purpose of per- stance in the Life of St. Comgall of suading him to return to Ireland. Bangor (Fleming. Collect, p. 395, 'Ut talenta sibi a Deo data cum cap. 13). St. Comgall had resolved populo terras suae nativse condivi- to leave Ireland and travel to Britain ; deret.' — Vit. S. Endei, c. 9; ap. but the saints of Ireland persuaded Colgan, Actt. SS. p. 706. To men- him to remain in his own country. tion one instance more ; St. Mo- ' Post haec B. Comgallus totam de- lagga, when in attendance on St. serere Hiberniam, et pro Christo David of Menevia, was commanded peregrinare in Britanniam voluit, et by an angel to return to Ireland ; ibi manere ; sed Deo concedente, ' ab angelo monitus est ut in Hi- precibus et flebili rogatu S. Lugidi berniam revertatur.' — Vit. S. Mo- episcopi, consecratoris sui, et aliorum lagga, c. 16 ; Colgan, ib. p. 147. sanctorum victus, retentus est in Hi- 1 1 8 Nature of the Evils [intrqd. Those who remained at home established mo nastic schools for the instruction of the clergy and people. Those who went abroad were founders of monasteries and bishoprics, ancho rites, scholars, and teachers in schools of learning, pilgrims visiting the holy places of Christianity ; but all were engaged, in different ways, and ac cording to their different tastes and capabilities, • in the same work of propagating amongst the heathen the faith of Christ. Nature of £3. It is to be regretted that we have not then pre- more detailed information as to the exact nature vaentu. ,e ^ t^e allege(i apostasy, or disorganization of the church. j^^ church, -which Gildas was sent for to cor rect. Hildegardis, in the passage just quoted, speaks of it as infidelity ; a disbelief in the Holy Scriptures ; a denial of Christ ; a return to pa ganism ; a corruption of morals and of decency. Druidism. But there is evidence that Druidism and its at tendant superstitionswere in existence in the times ofthe second order of saints, and that a belief in the efficacy of such pagan rites still lingered amongst the people, and was countenanced even by some who made the highest profession of Christianity. Anecdote Adamnan1 tells the following story when coiumba. speaking of St. Columba's wonderful vocal powers, The saint was sitting with a few of the brethren outside of the fortress of King Brude, on the banks of Loch Ness. They began to sing the evening psalms, according to their custom, when some 1 Adamnan. Lib. i. 37 (Reeves, p. 73). introd.] prevalent in the Irish Church. i ig Magi or Druids came around them, and endea voured, apparently by making loud noises, to prevent the sound of their psalmody being heard by the people of the neighbourhood. But Co lumba, with a voice which drowned the outcry of the Druids, began to intone the psalm, Eruc- tavit cor meum verbum bonum, ' My heart is indit ing a good matter.' The sound, says the bio grapher, was like thunder in the air, and struck the king and the people with inexpressible awe. This proves that the national Druidism was Druidical then in hostility to Christianity. But this was tisediTthe in a country and amongst a people still heathen, ^ngofire- and to whom the effects of St. Patrick's preach- land- ing had not penetrated. We find mention, how ever, of Druids and Druidical charms in the court of the King of Ireland at the same period. In the account of the battle of Cuil-dreimhne, Battle of given by the annalist Tighernach, we read that £eimhne. Fraechan, son of Tenius1, who in another autho rity2 is called ' the Druid of King Diarmait,' made ' the Druidical airbhe between the two hosts ;' and that Tuatan, a distant relative3 of St. Co lumba, ' put the Druidical airbhe4, over his head,' whatever that may mean, and was the only man of Columba's side who was slain in the battle. 1 Tenius. ' Mac Teniusan.' Tigh. Lecan. Hist, of Tara Hill, p. 123 a.d. 561 ; and Four Masters a.d. (Trans. R. Irish Acad., vol. xviii.). 555. But Teniusan seems the geni- 3 Relative. His descent is given tive case. In the Dublin copy of as fifth inclusive from Eoghan, son the Ann. Ult. (a.d. 560) he is called of Niall the great. ' Mac Temnah.' "• Airbhe. This word is not ex- 2 Authority. See the account of plained. It has been supposed to this battle first published by Dr. mean an incantation of some sort; Petrie from the Leabhar Buidhe but if so it is not easy to understand 120 Druidism in the Court [introd. st. co- The annalist quotes the poetical prayer which Sai Columba addressed to the Almighty on this occa- occasiT'116 sion, to which the victory of his party is ascribed.1 In this poem, which is apparently of the nature of an incantation, Columba alludes2 to the ma gical arts of his adversaries ; he complains of the mist which encircled the army; he speaks of the enemy as ' the host which went round the earn,' probably because they had marched round some earn of stones as a Druidical cere mony ; and he adds, ' My Druid, — may he be on my side ! Is the Son of God, and Truth with Purity.' st. Finnian-s O'Donnell represents St. Finnian of Maghbile theyopposUe as engaged in prayer on the side of King Diar mait. But Columba's prayers being more power ful, the two saints came to a compromise ; and Finnian, to stop the slaughter of his party, con sented to cease praying, and permit Columba to obtain the victory.3 This story is founded upon a strange idea of God, which indeed pervades many of the bio- how Tuatan could have ' put it over river, which separated the j two his head,' unless we assume that to armies ; ' qui fluvium, utrasque copias have been a figurative mode of say- dividentem, temere trajiceret.' Vit. ing that he disregarded it. Dr. S. Columba, ii. 3 (Colgan. Tr. 'Flh, O'Conor (Rer. Hib. Scriptt., ii. p. p. 409). 142) completely mistakes the mean- 1 Ascribed. 'Victores erant per ing, and translates in airbhe ndruad orationem Coluimcille, dicentis,' &c. ' expulsio Druidarum,' as if the — Tigern. loc. cit. word was inarbhadh. See Dr. O'Do- 2 Alludes. See the transl. of it novan's note : Four Masters, loc. cit. given by Dr. Petrie, Tara Hill, he. O'Donnell, or rather, perhaps his cit. Dr. O'Conor has entirely mis- translator Colgan, suppresses here taken and mistranslated this antient all mention of the Druidical cere- poem. mony, and tells us that Tuatan lost 3 Victory. O'Donnell, Vit. S. Ca irn, life by imprudently crossing the lumba, loc, cit. side. introd.] of Diarmait, King of Ireland. 121 graphies of the Irish saints, as if the interces sion of different individuals, differing in degree of power, had each, although on opposite sides, a sort of necessary influence1 upon the Almighty. If Finnian were on the side of Diarmait, and the other particulars of the story were true, he was directly sanctioning the Druidical practices of the king ; nevertheless his prayers are repre sented as having to a certain extent prevailed. There is also other evidence that such prac tices were tolerated at the court of Diar mait. After that king had given his cele brated decision against Columba, in the matter of St. Finnian's book, a story2 which has been already alluded to, he endeavoured to prevent Columba from joining his own clan in the North of Ireland. Columba, however, escaped from the royal palace of Tara, and took his 1 Influence. A very extraordinary the house. St. Rodan hearing this, story is told in the Life of St. Fin- ordered the servant to bring up a nian of Clonard, for which even vessel full of water from the well. Colgan thought it necessary to He signed the water with the sign apologize, in which two saints, by of the cross, and it was instantly making the sign of the cross, re- converted into the same nutritious versed each the miracle wrought by and wondrous fluid which had dis- the other. St. Ruadan or Rodan tilled from the tree. When set be- of Lorrha, had a tree called Tylia, fore the guests, however, St. Finnian in his cell, from which dropped a signed it with the sign of the cross, wonderful fluid, upon which his and it again became mere water. monks lived. St. Finnian, of Clo- The contest ended by St. Rodan nard, at the instance of the saints of consenting to allow his monks to Ireland, as having been their master, live as the other monks of Ireland went to St. Rodan, to ask him to did : ' ut similem cum aliis vivendi permit his monks to live as the other modum haberet.' — Vita Finniani monks of Ireland did; 'utcommunem (23 Feb.). Colgan. Actt. SS. p. vitam cum aliis haberet.' When St. 395,0.25. Finnian arrived at Lorrha, he made 2 Story. See above, p. 106, and the sign of the cross upon the mira- Reeves, Adamnan, p. 247, note b, culous tree, and its virtue was imme- where the history ofthe causes which diately destroyed. There was there- led to the battle is fully given. fore nothing for the usual dinner of 122 Existence of Druidism in Ireland [introd. st co- way alone across the mountains, sending his lumbas J .^ . - . ... Lorka, or followers by another road. During his solitary protecting . ,..,.. j 1 Hymn. journey he is said to have composed a poem , which is still extant, and, if not genuine, is undoubtedly of great antiquity. In this pro duction he expresses his conviction that his life is in the hands of God, that King Diarmait cannot touch him if God has predetermined his deliverance ; and he concludes by an evident allusion to the influence of pagan superstitions in the court of Tara ; declaring that he put no trust in any such vanities, but depended only on the protection of the true God. His words2 are worth quoting : — ' Our fate depends not on sneezing, Nor on a bird perched on a twig ; Nor on the root of a knotted tree, Nor on the noise of clapping hands. Better is He in whom we trust, The Father, the One, and the Son.' And in another stanza, ' I adore not the voice of birds, Nor sneezing, nor lots in this world ; Nor a boy, nor chance, nor woman : My Druid is Christ, the Son of God, Christ, Son of Mary, the Great Abbat, The Father, the Son, and Holy Ghost,' &c. 1 A poem. This poem has been made in our knowledge of old Irish, printed, with a translation by Dr. and therefore anew translation of the 0'Donovan,in the Miscellany of the stanzas quoted has been here given. Irish Archaeological Society, Dublin, But as this is not the place for any l846- _ philological discussion, the reader Words. Since the poem was pub- must be content with a reference to lished by the Irish Archaeological the Irish Version ofNennius, p. 144, Society, some progress has been note. introd.] in the sixth Century. 123 We have here an enumeration of the prin cipal omens and methods of divination in use amongst the antient pagans, some of them not even yet wholly forgotten. And it is evident that King Diarmait, feeling himself perhaps the weaker party in the contest with his Northern cousins1, had recourse to the spells and incantations of the old religion, notwith standing his profession of Christianity. It appears incidentally that Diarmait was in ill odour with the Church. He was not dis posed to recognize the right of sanctuary, at that time claimed by the ' saints ' of Ireland, and was in this way brought into collision with St. Columba2; as also with St. Ruadan, or Rodan, of Lorrha, in the county of Tipperary. This latter saint is said to have denounced the palace of Tara3, in which Diarmait and his predecessors had always hitherto held their court. And in consequence of this denunciation no subsequent King of Ireland had the courage to make Tara his residence. 54. It is not easy to vindicate the second Thesaintsof order of saints and their disciples from the order"™ charge of attributing to their own hymns, MefiTthe poems, shrines, and reliquaries, as well as to Sms"^ incantations. 1 Cousins. The battle of Cuil- duction, will shew the reader at a dreimhne was in part a contest be- glance the relationship between the tween the Southern Hy Niell, of , clans engaged in this contest. whom Diarmiad was the chief, and \ St. Columba. Four Masters, at the Northern Hy Niell, represented a.d. 555. by the two clans of the Cinel Con- 3 Tara. Petrie On Tara Hill, p. aill and Cinel Eoghan. — See Reeves, 125, sq. Vita S.Rodani, ap. Bol- Adamnan, p. 251. The genealogical land, Actt. SS. 1 5 Apr. tables in the appendix to this Intro- St. Patrick. J 24 Instances of Druidical Powers [introd. their denunciations of wrath and imprecations, the same sort of magical powers which the Druids claimed for their prophecies, charms, and incantations. The hymn attributed to St. Columba, from which we have just quoted some stanzas, is said to have possessed the virtue1 of protecting whoever repeated it on a journey Wicaof from all the dangers of the road. The lorica2 of Gildas — the same Gildas no doubt who was sent for by King Ainmire to reform the Irish Church — is said to have been composed for the express purpose of protecting the person who recites it from the influence of demons. And Loricaof so also the lorica or Irish Hymn of St. Patrick, first published by Dr. Petrie, was believed to have had the power of protecting those who devoutly recited it, from all imminent dangers, whether bodily or spiritual.3 The«ca- The very book, transcribed surreptitiously battie-book from St. Finnian's MS., which formed, in part °umba.C°" at least, the cause of quarrel between Columba and King Diarmait, was supposed to possess magical virtues. It was termed the cathach, 1 prasliator ' or battle-book, and was subsequently enclosed in an ornamented silver case, to which in later times the same powers were ascribed 1 Virtue. Irish Archaeol. Miscell., Celtic Society ; Irish Glosses, p. 136, p. 6. sq. — See also Book of Hymns, p. 33. 2 Lorica. This was the name (in 3 Spiritual. So says the Tripartite Irish Luirech) given to these com- Life of St. Patrick, a composition positions, because they were regard- originally compiled,as Colgan thinks, ed as a breastplate or corslet, to pro- in the 6th century, but in its present tect from spiritual foes. The Lorica interpolated form ofthe 9th or 10th. of Gildas was first published by Mr. Trias Thaum. p. iz6. Petrie, On Stokes, for the Irish Archaeol. and Tara, p. 55. introd. J claimed by the Saints of Ireland. 125 that were no doubt originally believed to be inherent in the book. Its virtue consisted in this : that if it were sent rightwise, that is in a direction from right to left, round the army of the Cinel Conaill (the clan descended from Columba's ancestor Conall Gulban) that army was certain to return victorious from battle. But it must have been carried round the army on the breast of some Coarb, that is successor of some bishop or abbat, who was to the best of his power free from mortal sin.1 £5. There is a very curious story told by consecration O'Donnell in his life of Columba, and also in voluntary an Irish life of that saint. It appears that one buriai^f of Columba's followers, named Odhran, a Bri- 0dhran- ton by birth as Adamnan tells us, consented to a voluntary death, in order that he might de liver the island of Hy from Druidical influences by being the first of the Christians to be there interred. The story seems at first sight to inti mate that Odhran or Oran was buried alive. This, however, is not expressly said ; but only that he gave up the ghost, immediately after having expressed his willingness to die for the good of the community.2 Adamnan' s narrative 1 Sin. See the passage quoted from the Life of St. Enna or Endeus of Keating's History by Dr. Reeves, the Aran islands. Enna succeeded Adamnan, pp. 249, 250, and note his father as chieftain of his clan ; M, where some other reliquaries are and, at the head of his followers, he mentioned, to which similar powers came to the hermitage of St. Fanche were ascribed. The Cathach, or (who was his sister) singing a song battle crozier, of St. Grellan is of victory over the recent slaughter noticed by Dr. O'Donovan, Tribes of his enemies. The virgin remon- and Customs of Hy Many, p. 81. strated with him on the ungodly 2 Community. Another curious life he was leading ; he answered story of a voluntary death is told in ' Give me to wife that royal girl 1 26 The old Superstitions countenanced [introd. implies that the death was a natural one: 'he mentions no previous consent on Oran's part; but only that Columba in an ecstatic vision saw the soul of the religious Briton carried by angels to heaven ; the angels contending by the way against the powers of evil, meaning no doubt the demons who had hitherto possessed the island. ' I give thanks,' said Columba to one of his monks, who had observed his ecstasy, ' I give thanks to Christ and to this His soldier, because the victorious angels have carried to the joys of our heavenly country the soul of this pilgrim, who was the first of our society to die in this island. But,' he adds, ' reveal not, I pray thee, this sacrament to any one during my life.'1 There was, therefore, even in Adamnan' s account of the matter, a sacrament, or mystery, in the death and burial of Oran, and we have seen how that mystery has been you are educating, and I will do as Endei (24 Mart.), Colgan, Actt. you wish.' St. Fanche, asking some SS. p. 705. delay before she gave answer, went A very similar story is told of St. to the girl, and offered her her choice Patrick and the daughters of King to become the wife of the chieftain, Laoghaire, Jocel. c. 58 : Trip. ii. or else, as she expressed it, ' to love 45. But whatever corruptions of Him whom I love — quem amo velis religion such legends may represent, amare.' The girl answered ' I will we must attribute them, not perhaps love whom thou lovest.' St. Fanche to the saints themselves of whom said, ' Come then with me into my they are told, but to the biographers chamber, and rest there awhile — ut who have recorded them. They ibi parum quiescas.' The girl went, belong therefore in all probability and when she lay down upon the to a period subsequent to that in bed immediately expired : ' in lecto which the second order of saints se ibi ponens expiravit, atque animam nourished. suam Deo sponso, quem optaverat, * My life. Adamnan, lib. iii., dedit.' Enna was then brought in to cap. 6; edit. Reeves, p. 203, and the view the corpse ; and the exhortations authorities there cited, O'Donnell, ii. addressed to him on the occasion by 12 (Triad. Th. p. 411). Irish Nen- St. Fanche, were the means of his nius, Add. Notes, p. xxv. ; Innes, conversion to Christianity. — Vit. S. Civil and Eccl. Hist of Seotlani, p. 192. introd. J to overthrow Paganism. 127 interpreted by O'Donnell and other native biogra phers of Columba. 56. It would seem, therefore, that the Second The ch™- Order of Saints in Ireland were unable to engrafted divest themselves altogether of the old super- °"t-^t stitions of their race and country : they were p^s of content to eradicate the grosser practices of veneratlon- idolatrous worship ; but they took the course adopted by other missionaries of the period, and not without example even in our own day, of engrafting their own faith upon the antient objects of pagan veneration, dedicating to a saint the pillar stone or sacred fountain, and claiming for their own sacred books and reliqua ries the same virtues which the Druids by their incantations pretended to give to rings, and stones, and talismans. St. Patrick indeed, if we may credit the com- St Patrick pilers of his life, overthrew, wherever he found pm^tonts. them, the pillar stones which seem to have formed the principal objects of worship with the pagan Irish. Thus the idol of King Lao ghaire, which stood in Magh Sleacht, a plain in the County of Cavan, with its twelve brazen sub ordinate idols which surrounded it, was destroyed, of course miraculously, by St. Patrick : who simply raised his pastoral staff, called the Bacu- lus Jesu, but without touching the idol, which seems to have been a massive stone pillar. Im mediately, it fell with its head towards Tara, and the surrounding brazen idols were swallowed up by the earth. 138 The Idol called Cromcruach. [introd. cromdubh This idol1, commonly called Crom-cruach, is unday" supposed to have been also termed Crom-dubh, ' the black stooping stone ;' and under this latter appellation to have given rise to the name of Domhnach Crom-duibh, i.e. Cromdubh Sunday or Cromduff Sunday, by which the last Sunday2 in summer, or the Sunday next before All Saints day, is commonly known in Ireland. If this be so, we have an instance of the adaptation of a heathen festival to a Christian observance : for the eve of Samhain, that is, of November ist, the first day of winter, was the festival3 of Cromcruach, the day on which King Tighernmas and his people held the great assembly in honour of the idol, in which he and a large proportion of his subjects were slain. Hence it is probable, that finding it impossible to abolish altogether the observance of the old festival, the ecclesiastics 1 Idol. This idol, in the Tripar- at a.d. 1117) says that the Sunday tite Life, ii. 3 1 , is called Cromcruach, got this name from a chieftain named a word which seems to signify the Crom-dubh, who was converted by bent or stooping mound ; by Jocelin, St. Patrick ; but he gives no au- c. 56, the same idol is called Cean- thority for the existence of any such croithi, which he interprets caput person, and he was probably misled omnium deorum. The third Life, c. by Colgan, who translates the Domh- 46 (Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 25), gives to nach Cromm-duibh of the Four this idol the name of Cennerbhe. It Masters, 'in festo S. Crumdubii.' is probable that this word is wrongly Tr Th., p. 508 (at the year 11 17). transcribed, and that it is really the But there was no such saint, and same as Jocelin's Ceancroithi. Keat- Colgan had no authority for fram ing calls this idol Crom-cruadh, lating Domhnach by festival: he was (Reign of Tighernmas). compelled to do so however when he 2 Sunday. O'Flaherty says that made Crom-dubh a saint, for he was it was the Sunday next before the well aware that Sundays were not Kalends of August ; but this is a dedicated to saints, a fact overlooked mistake for November. He also by Dr. O'Donovan in his note (p. suggests that this Sunday was so 1004) on this passage of the Four called in memory of the destruction Masters. of the idol (Ogyg., p. 199). But 3 Festival. See Four Masters the coincidence of the day with the a.m. 3656, p. 43, and A.D. 1117 j antient pagan festival destroys this Ann. Ult. 117. O'Conor, Rer. Hib. hypothesis. Dr. O'Donovan (F. M. Scriptt., tom.i. Proleg. pt. i. p. xxii. introd.J Idol Stones at Cashel and Clogher. ] 39 attempted to transfer it to the Sunday before, and thus to substitute a Christian solemnity for the pa gan orgies, Even at the present day All-hallows eve is observed in many parts of Ireland with sports,and now unmeaning rites, which are however most pro bably remnants of the antient idolatrous worship. We read also that when St. Patrick visited The Leach- Cashel, the royal residence of the Kings of Mun- (st.Patrick's ster, all the idols of the country fell down before caXi* him, as Dagon before the ark : and then Aengus, King of Munster, was converted to Christianity with his people. But it is remarkable that here also an attempt seems to have been made to con ciliate the old superstitions : for we are told that there was a stone there, at which or near which the king was baptized, which was thenceforth called Leach-Phadruic, or Patrick's stone.1 But to pursue this subject would carry us too Theidoi- far from our present purpose. It must suffice to a0ngher. mention the antient stone dedicated to an idol called Cermand Celstach for Kermand Kelstach2), which in pagan times was covered with plates of gold, and was preserved (doubtless without the gold) inside the porch of the cathedral of Clog her, up to the times of Cathal Maguire, who has recorded the fact, and who died a.d. 1498.3 From this stone the town of Clogher is said to have taken its name, cloch-oir, ' stone of gold.'4 1 Patrick's stone. Jocelin, c. 74; s Died A.D. 1498. See Four Vit. Trip. iii. c. 29. Masters in anno. 2 Kermand Kelstach. This name 4 Stone of gold. This etymology is not explained. Colgan writes it is more than doubtful. Irish autho- Cermand Clestach (perhaps an error rities always write the name Clochar, of the press), Actt. SS., p. 740. not Cloch-oir ; and there were other K 130 The Bardic Order not necessarily [introd. The bards, 57. The bards, or poets, appear to have in- geneTai' '" herited many of the offices, and to have assumed t™^ several of the pretended powers of the antient pagan Druids. Many, if not all of them, in the sixth century, professed Christianity. Dubh- tach1, who is called chief poet of Ireland, in the reign of King Laoghaire, was one of the first of St. Patrick's converts in the court of that monarch. And his conversion was followed by that of Fiac, his disciple, who afterwards became a bishop, and is the reputed author of a hymn2 in praise of St. Patrick, which however bears internal evidence of a somewhat later date. St. Columba, if we may judge from the number of poems ascribed to him, was himself a bard. The Book of Rights3, a composition which is evidently bardic, has been attributed to St. Benin, or Benignus, one of the early successors of St. Patrick in the chair of Armagh. places called Clochar in Ireland,which Aquilonalium idolum, Cermani word signifies ' a stony place,' or, as Clestach nuncupatum.' O'Flaherty others think, an assembly or congre- quotes these words, as from the Scho- gation ; for it is so glossed in the lia of Maguire, Ogyg. p. 197. Brussels MS. of the Felire of Aen- * Dubhtach. Vita 2da. c. 38 gus (Aug. 15). The etymology, (Tr. Th., p. 15) ; Jocelin, c. 44. {ib. however, from Cloch-oir, stone of p. 74); Vita Tripart. i. 61 (ib. p. gold, has the authority of the Ca- 126). Some poems attributed to kndar of Cashel, (Colgan, loc. cit.), him are still extant : Ware, Writers andof the Scholia attributed to Ca- of Ireland by Harris, p. 6; O'Reilly, thai Maguire on the Felire of Aen- Irish Writers(lberao Celtic Society), gus ; these scholia do not exist in the p. xxvi ; Book of Rights, p. 235. Dublin or Brussels copies of the 2 Hymn. See Book of Hymns oj Felire. The quotation given by Col- the Antient Irish Church, p. 287 sq., gan (ib.) is as follows : ' Item op- where the history of Fiac and the pidum Cloch-ar appellari a cloch-oir, authenticity of his poem is discussed. id est Lapide aureo, nempe auro et s Book of Rights.. This book has argento coelato, qui asservatur ad been printed with a translation and dextram ingredientis ecclesiae ; et notes by Dr. O'Donovan (Celtic quem Gentiles auro obtegebant, quia Society, Dublin, 1847). in eo colebant summum partium St. Colman of Dromore. introd.] hostile to Christianity. 131 It is evident, therefore, that the Bardic order some bards was not regarded as essentially hostile to Chris- ^hostik to tianity. Nevertheless, there is evidence that, in christianity- the times of which we speak, some of those called bards or poets had adopted opinions hos tile to the Church ; and that their power and exactions had become intolerable to the whole nation. The following story is told in the life1 of St. Colman, first Bishop of Dromore, a production of perhaps the eleventh century : — ' St. Colman was one day preaching to the people in a wood, Anecdote of when some shamefaced bards came up and impudently begged of him some gift. The man of God said, " I have nothing now to give you," says he, " except the word of God." Then one of them answered, " Keep the word of God for thyself; but give us something else." The saint said, " Thou hast re jected what is better, and foolishly chosen what is worse." Then the bard, tempting the man of God, said, " Cast this great tree down to the earth." The holy man said, " If thou wilt profit in faith, thou shalt see the power of God." Having said so, he knelt for a short time in prayer, and straight way the tree fell to the ground. But the son of unbelief was not changed ; he persevered in his obstinacy, and blaspheming said, " This is not wonderful, for old oak trees fall every day, but if thou canst only set it up again, then I will acknowledge it to be a miracle." Without delay the tree was immediately raised again, by Divine power, as if it had never fallen. ' These bards, hardened in infidelity, like a second Dathan and Abiram, were then swallowed up by the earth. Seeing this, all present bowed their knees before the man of God, and glorified the Lord God in him.' St. Colman flourished about a.d. 500. He 1 Life. Published by the Bol- by Dr. Reeves, Adamnan, p. 80, landists, at 7 June. The original note. See Acta SS. Junii, torn. ii. of the passage here quoted is given p. 27, cap. 2, sect. 10. 133 Some Bards hostile to Christianity, [introd. belonged properly to the first order of saints, and it may be said, that the ' shamefaced bards/ of whose infidelity the legend speaks, may have been some who had never received Christianity; their opinions, therefore, cannot be any evi dence of the apostacy of the Irish Church, or of the dying out of the seed of faith planted by St. Patrick. And this is quite true. But we can scarcely be required to receive the story as an historical event which actually occurred in St. Colman's time. It must be understood rather as representing what the author of the life deemed probable, or likely to have oc curred. We take it, therefore, as evidence that the sentiments put into the mouths of the bards by that author were the sentiments which they were known to have entertained in his own times. In this point of view the anecdote leads to the suspicion that, in the age of the second order of saints, the influence of the bards was some times exerted against Christianity. There were no doubt amongst them many who were Christians, and employed their poetical talents on the side of the Church. But, so far as they aimed at exercising -the power formerly exerted by the Druids, the superstitions of paganism would appear at first sight more favourable to their interests than the pure doc trines of Christianity : and hence it may be con jectured that in the century after St. Patrick they had succeeded in undermining the faith of introd. J Attempts to suppress the Order. 133 many, and that they were themselves as a body arrayed in hostility to the Church. 58. This suggestion, however, it must be ad- Attempts . . - .. , . made to sup- mitted, is not fully borne out by our extant press the records. It is true that in the sixth century order. attempts were made to suppress the order of bards, or to banish them from Ireland. But in the accounts we have of the motives which dictated those attempts no charge of apostacy, infidelity, or heresy, is brought against the order. King Aedh, or Aidus, who reigned from $72 to $gg, son of the King Ainmire, by whom Gildas is said to have been invited into Ireland, was the last sovereign who attempted the extinction or banishment of the bards. This was one of the measures which he proposed to the celebrated Convention of Drumceat1 ; his reasons for pro- convention posing it are given in full by our antient Irish authorities, and a good summary of them will be found in ' Keating's History2 of Ireland,' as also in Colgan's Latin version of ' O'Donnell's Life 3 of St. Columba.' The following is a literal translation of Keating's narrative : — 1 Drumceat. For the exact situ- New York. But this, although ation of this place see Reeves, Adam- creditable, is also faulty ; and it is nan, p. 37, note b. It is remarkable much to be regretted that the trans- that the Four Masters, in their an- lator has made it the vehicle of nals, make no mention of this as- objectionable political opinions. The sembly. original Irish text of Keating re- 2 History. Keating's History is a quires to be collated with good work which has been greatly under- copies, and his authorities to be rated in consequence of the very carefully compared with the original ignorant and absurd translation by MSS., most of which are still aeces- Mr. Dermot O'Connor, in which it sible. The publication of the work has hitherto appeared before the so edited would be a valuable addi- English public. In 1857 a new and tion to Irish historical literature. much better translation, by Mr. 3 Life. Lib. iii. c. *. ap. Colgan, John O'Mahony, was published at Triad. Thaum., p. 430. For the 134 Proposal of King Aedh [introd. Keating's ' It was by Aedh, son of Ainmire, was convoked the con- ?cco"nt °f vention of Drum-ceat, at which were assembled, as we are 1U5 ODICCt told, the nobles and ecclesiastics of Ireland. He had three principal reasons for calling this assembly. The first, with which alone we are now concerned, was to banish the bards out of Ireland, on account of their numbers, and the unreason ableness and exorbitancy of their demands. For the train of attendants upon an Ollamh ' was thirty in number. Fifteen men constituted the train of an Anrot, that is, of the person who was next in learning to the Ollamh. At that time almost a third of the men of Ireland belonged to the Bardic order 2 ; and from Samhain to Belltaine 3 they used to quarter4 themselves on the people of Ireland. But according to Aedh's judgment this was too heavy a burden upon Ireland ; and therefore he under took to banish them out of the whole kingdom. He had also another reason for banishing them, because they had made a demand for the golden brooch that was in his mantle. For this was a notable jewel which every king left after him to the king who was his successor ; and it was in consequence of their demanding this brooch so covetously, that Aedh had resolved to banish them, and actually did expel them to Dalriada of Ulster.' 5 antient MS. authorities on the are supposed to have been derived history of the Convention of Dram- from pagan deities. ceat, see Reeves, Adamnan, p. 79, 4 Quarter. The original word is note c . coinn-mhiodh, from which the Eng- 1 Ollamh. This word, pron. Ol- lish gave the name of Coyne or Coy- lav, is explained a doctor, professor, ney to this species of oppression. teacher of any art. It was the name Harris (Ware's Antiq. p. 77) makes of a sort of Degree, or title given a great mistake in supposing the to a poet of high attainments. See word to be derived from the English O'Curry's Lectures, p. 239 sq. ' coin. It signifies the billeting of 2 Order. The original word is soldiers ; an exaction of food and Fileadacht, bardism ; from filedh, a ' entertainment,' not of coin or bard, poet, antiquary, or genealogist. money. See O'Curry's Lectures, p. -&, and 5 Ulster. Besides his measure append. No. 1. O'Flaherty adopts for the banishment of the bards, philosophus as most nearly equivalent King Aedh brought before the as- to the filedh or fill of the Irish. sembly at Drumceat two other ques- °SyS- P- 2I5- tions, viz.: whether the Dalriadans 3 Belltaine. i.e. from 1 Nov. to 1 of Scotland, as being a colony of May. These were the two great the Dalriadans of Ulster, were not heathen festivals of Ireland, which liable to pay tribute to the king of are not altogether without observance Ireland ; and also whether Scanlan, even to the present day. Samhain chieftain of Ossory, was not liable was the first day of winter; Belltaine to tribute also. The kings of Ul- the first day of summer. The names ster, partly from their sympathy with introd. J to expel the Bards from Ireland. 13$ Our author then goes on to mention some other instances of attempts made to expel the bards, which we need not stop to notice, as the narrative contains nothing to our present pur pose. It will be seen, however, that the account we have quoted makes no accusation against the order of any corruptions of Christianity, although it is almost certain that erroneous opinions were maintained, at least by some of them. The main cause which induced the king to desire their expulsion was a political one — namely, the great numbers of their retainers, their intolerable exactions, and, especially, their claim to the right of billeting themselves and their followers, upon the peasantry and nobles, for the winter half of the year. If there be any truth in the statement that one-third of the whole population of the country was connected with, the Bardic order, the exercise of such a privilege was a burden intolerable indeed. 59- It is clear that the saints of the second The bards order were not in favour of the king's proposal bf&* to banish or suppress the bards. Columcille, "nsdai"J*0'm. and the clergy who were with him, resisted that Promise <->J ' agreed to. proposal at the Convention of Drumceat, and advocated the more moderate measure of limiting their numbers and curtailing their privileges. the Dalriadans, and partly from clined to adjudicate on the Dalriadic their jealousy of the supreme king question, which was decided in favour of Ireland, took part with the bards of Aedh, Columba,ifhis biographers against Aedh ; and St. Columba are to be depended upon, seems to appears to have been against him on have contrived to render this decision all the three questions brought be- practically null. fore the meeting. Although he de- 13^ The Bards protected by St. Columba. [introd. The. compromise that was agreed to was that certain lands should be set apart for the endow ment of the Bardic order. Each king and chieftain was to maintain an ollamh attached to his court, and the ollamhs, out of the lands assigned to them, were to maintain the inferior members of the order, as well as their own special retinue. The ollamhs were bound also to open schools and give instruction in history, antiquities, and all other branches of learning then known in Ireland. This prudent measure relieved the people from the oppressive claim of Coyney, or billeting, and had an obvious tendency to diminish the number of retainers attached to each ollamh.1 It promoted also the views of the clergy, by requiring the ollamhs to open schools, in which no doubt the influence of the ' saints of the' second order ' soon became predominant, and the infidel or heretical teachers of the day were effectually discountenanced. O'Donnell2 de fends the conduct of St. Columba in thus re sisting the destruction of the Bardic order, by Duties of explaining at some length the various duties ordeer!ardlc which they had inherited from the antient Magi, or Druids, of pagan Ireland. They were antiquarians or historians, he says, as well as poets ; it was their duty to record the deeds of the kings, chieftains, and heroes ; to describe their battles and victories ; to register the 1 Ollamh. See Keating, underthe 2 O'Donnell. Vit. Columb*, lib. reign ofAedh,son of Ainmire,in con- iii. cap. 2.; ap. Colgan. Triad. tinuation of the passage just quoted. Thaum. p. 4.30. introd.] Hostility to the Clergy in the Court. 137 genealogies and privileges of noble families, to gether with the bounds and limits of their lands or territories. These were useful and important functions, and although the bards were guilty of promoting great dissensions amongst their re spective clans, by extravagant panegyrics and equally extravagant lampoons, Columba was of opinion that a reformation of the abuse might be obtained without an entire extirpation of the order1, which would have deprived the country of their really useful services as historiographers and instructors. bo. There seems to have been a party hostile Hostility to to the clergy in the very court of King Aedh. L^he"87 His queen2, we are told, instigated her eldest Sng'ledh. son, Conall, to insult Columba and his atten dant clerics. The young man caused some of his followers to fling mud upon the clergy as they entered the assembly of Drumceat. Co lumba, we are told, rang his bells, and solemnly cursed3 the prince, who was thenceforward stricken with fits of idiotcy or insanity4, and 1 Order. Even so late as the 12th strong. O'Donnell says: 'Provocatus century the Anglo-Irish, in their Christi famulus, jussis prius sociis Statutes of Kilkenny, denounced the cuncta sua tintinnabula pariter in di- bards, under the name of ' Rimers.' rum, et imprecationis, et appellati SeeHa.rdim3.n,sStat.ofKilienny,Yi.55, justi Judicis signum, pulsare ; Co- published in vol. 11. of ' Tracts relat- naldum quem jam audierat tantae ing to Ireland' (Irish Archjeol. Soc.) . improbitatis incensorem,maledictione Shakespeare also makes frequent allu- feriit ; et ex tunc regni exspem et sion to the Irish Rhymers. See a paper mentis impotem, qualis mox evasit bytheauthorof this work,in the 'Pro- futurum praedixit.' — Ibid. ceedings of Royal Irish Academy.' 4 Insanity. Hence the bards gave 2 Queen. So says Keating. But Conall the nick-name of Conall O'Donnell attributes the instigation Clugach, or Conall the mad ; and to the king himself. Vit. Columbae, several Bardic fictions were written lib. iii. c. 5. The antient authorities on his insanity. — See Colgan, TV. support Keating. Th., p. 452, col. j., note 5. Book of 3 Cursed. This word is not too Hymns, p. 88 sq. T38 The Amhra Coluimcille. [introd. excluded from the succession -to the crown. His mother also and her waiting maid were transformed into two herons ; condemned to stand for ever, watching for their prey, at the ford of the river near Drumceat. On the other hand, Domhnall, a younger son of King Aedh, then a mere boy, rose up to meet Columba, kissed him with reverence on both cheeks, and resigned to him his own seat. For these marks of respect he received the saint's benediction, who prophesied that he should live to reign over Ireland ; that he should survive all his brothers, never fall into the hands of his enemies, and die in a good old age, of a natural death, in his own house, and on his own bed, surrounded by his relatives and friends.1 This latter blessing very rarely fell to the lot of an Irish king in those days. The Amhra 6" i . In return for the services conferred upon the or°Eie^yon' Bardic order on this occasion by St. Columba, stcoiumba. t^e chief ppet or 0namh of Ireland composed a poem in his praise. This poem is supposed to be the same which is entitled Amhra Coluimcille, ' The Elegy or Panegyric on Colum-cille,' and is still extant. It is in a very antient dialect of the Irish language2, and is in all probability genuine. Its author, Eochaidh Dalian, or the blind, called also Eochaidh Forgaill, and Dalian Forgaill, from his mother Forchell, was descended 1 Friends. Adamnan, lib. i. c.io ; capable of reading it; he calls it a ed. Reeves, pp. 36, 37. work, 'hodie paucis, usque peritis- _ 2 Language. Even in Colgan's simis penetrabile.' — Actt. SS. p. 20+, time there were few Irish scholars note 12. introd.J Virtue of its Recitation. 139 from Colla Uais, monarch of Ireland in the fourth century, and is said to have been uncle 1, or, more probably, first cousin of St. Moedhog of Ferns. He was, therefore, young at the Convention of Drumceat, although recognised as the chief poet, and head of the antiquaries and historians of Ire land. He is honoured as a saint in the Irish calendar on the 29th of January2, a fact which proves that the profession of Bardism was not re garded as necessarily inconsistent with the highest Christian honours. Great virtues were ascribed to the mere reci- virtues con- tation of the Amhra Coluimcille. This super- therepeti- stition appears to have existed even in the times of Adamnan3, who speaks of certain poems in the Scotish language in praise of Columba, and in commemoration of his name, the repetition of which was efficacious to deliver even ungodly murderers from the hands of their enemies. There can scarcely be a doubt that this is spoken of the Amhra Coluimcille. If in the days of Adamnan such a story was be lieved, it seems more.than probable that this kind of superstition was tolerated, if not encouraged, by the saints of the second order ; who may have thought themselves justified in the attempt to avail themselves in this way of the influence of 1 Uncle. See Colgan, ib. note 8. 3 Adamnan. Vit. Columbas, lib. 2 January. Colgan has published i. c. i (Reeves, p. 17). O'Donnell, a life of him on that day, ib. p. 203. who, of course, amplifies all this, His name, however, does not occur understands Adamnan to speak of in the antient metrical calendar of the Amhra Coluimcille in this passage. Aengus ; but only in the more re- — Vit. S. Columbae, iii. c. 67 (Col- cent calendars of Tamlaght, Marian gan, Tr. Th., p. 444). O' Gorman, and Donegal. 140 Poem in honor of St. Finnian. [introd. the bards to undermine the Druids with their own weapons. Hymn in In the Life of St. Finnian1 of Clonard, we praise of St. Finnian. nave the following story : — ' Another time, also, there came a bard 2, named Geman, to St. Finnian, having with him a magnificent poem, in which many of the virtues of the saint were celebrated ; and for this poem he demanded not gold or silver, or any worldly substance, but only fertility of produce in his lands. The worshipper of the Trinity answered him and said, " Sing over water the hymn which thou hast composed, and sprinkle thy lands with that water." When the bard had done this, his land became fertile, even to the present day.' Legends like this savour a good deal of the magical ideas of Paganism ; and it would be easy to quote many other instances of the existence of similar superstition in antient times. It con tinues indeed in Ireland to the present day, and is by no means peculiar to Ireland. We have alluded to it here only to show that the bards of the sixth century, the age of the second order of Irish saints, were not as a body under the ban ofthe Church. 62. The Life of St. David, of Menevia, speaks of Pelagianism3 as a prevalent heresy in his 'time in Britannia. He is represented as having attended a synod at a place called Brevi4, or Brefi, in Cardiganshire, which however appears Pelagianismprevalent in Britain in the age of St David. 1 Finnian. Colgan. Actt. SS. (23 Feb.) p. 395, cap. 5. 2 A bard. ' Carminator nomine Gemanus.' This Gemanus was a Christian, and one of St. Columba's instructors, if he be the same as the Gemmanus mentioned by Adamnan ii. c. 25 (Reeves, p. 137, note d.) 3 Pelagianism. Vit. S. David. cap. 23, ap. Colgan. Actt. SS. (1 Mart.), pp. 428-9. 4 Brevi. So says Giraldus Cam- brensis, Vita S. David. Lect. viii. (ap. H. Wharton. Angliam Sacr. ii. p. 638), and comp. Rees, Welsh- Saints, p. 192, note. introd.] No Pelagianism in Ireland. 14! to have partaken more of the nature of a parlia ment, inasmuch as the kings, princes, and lay nobles of the country, as well as bishops1 and other ecclesiastics, were present. To this synod David preached, and the result was the entire abandonment ofthe heresy, and an unanimous vote of the assembly that David should be archbishop of the province. Being thus clothed with the highest ecclesiastical jurisdiction, he shortly after summoned another synod, in which certain canons were regularly drawn up, and imposed upon all the churches under his obedience by a mandate under his own hand. These synods are dated by Ussher2 a.d. $2g. There is no evidence, however, that Ireland No evidence was at this time infected with Pelagianism, or i°sm \ain-" that Gildas was sent for to oppose that heresy Jferiod! th's in particular. It is true that about a century later, when Tomene, or Tommian, MacRonain was Bishop of Armagh, a letter appears to have Letter ofthe been addressed by him and some other bishops ciergy to and clergy to the Bishop of Rome, on the subject Armagh ° of Easter. The letter itself no longer exists ; A-D- 64a but Bede3 has preserved a fragment of the answer 1 Bishops. The life published by Ibid. p. 432, note 27. This is the Colgan says 118 bishops ; a number veiy peculiarity of the Irish or which, however incredible, Colgan Scotic Church, which he elsewhere endeavours to reconcile with possi- ignores and even denies ; but which bility by the, for him, remarkable forces itself upon us in almost every admission, that in Britain as well as page of our ecclesiastical history. in Ireland there were at that time 2 Ussher. Index Chron. in anno. more bishops than episcopal sees ; 3 Bede. Hist. Eccl. ii. 19. TJs- and he adds, ' Tunc enim non erat sher has also republished the extracts Diocesium districtus ita limitati et given by Bede ; Sylloge Epist. ix. restricti sicut modo, et multi erant (Works iv. p. 427). See also his episcopi titulares, quibus nullae erant Goteschalci et Predestin. controversies dioceses determinatse vel subjectEe.' — Hist. (Works i v. p. . sq.). 142 Letter from the Roman Clergy [introd. to it, which the Roman clergy, in the vacancy of the see, addressed to their Irish brethren. Pope Severinus had shortly before died, and his suc cessor, John, had been elected, but not conse crated. The letter is in the name of Hilary, archdeacon, guardian1 during the vacancy of the holy Apostolic see ; John, the deacon, Bishop of Rome elect, ' in Dei nomine electus ;' John, the primicerius, also a guardian of the see ; and John, ' servus Dei,' i.e., most probably, the repre sentative of the regular or monastic clergy, coun sellor (conciliarius ejusdem sedis). This enables us to date this document exactly ; for Pope Severinus died on the ist August b4o, and his successor, John IV., was consecrated on the 34th December following. The letter was therefore written in the interval. Attributes- In reference to jthe Pelagianism attributed to toth^irish. the Irish in this document, the Roman clergy say2, ' And this also we have learned, that the poison of the Pelagian heresy has of late revived amongst you.' These words seem to imply that this was not the first time that Ireland had been infected with Pelagianism, and also that the Roman clergy had heard of its revival, not from the communication made to the late Pope by Tomene and his associates, but from some other source of information. This inference, however, so far as the use of the word ' revive' is concerned, cannot be abso- 1 Guardian : i.e. apparently guar- 2 Say. ' Et hoc quoque cogno- dian of the temporalities. vimus,quod virus Pelagians hereseos apud vos denuo reviviscit.' — Bede, ib. introd. J to the Irish Bishops and Clergy. 143 lutely relied on. The heresy may have been spoken of as reviving in Ireland, after having been effectually crushed elsewhere, without our being compelled of necessity to conclude that it had ever before existed in Ireland. And the context does not support the conclusion : for the authors of the letter go on to speak of Pelagianism as having been condemned, and for two hundred years suppressed and buried elsewhere ; and they therefore exhort the Irish clergy ' not to permit the ashes of those whose weapons are burned everywhere else to revive amongst them.'1 Still it is evident that the Roman clergy believed the Pelagian heresy to have shown itself again at that time in Ireland. Of this, however, we find, no evidence elsewhere. The evils of the Church of Ireland, spoken of in the documents we have quoted, and especially in the Life of Gildas, are not described as Pelagianism, or any other heresy properly so called, but as a disorganisation of discipline, a dissolution of morals, a partial apos tacy from the faith, a return to the superstitions of paganism. 63. And this view of the subject is supported Irish conci- by the fragments which have come down to us, tion atS-" of the conciliar legislation and canons attributed cdidas.'0 to Gildas during his missionary labours in Ireland. The following are given in the collec tion of Irish canons, already spoken of, from which D'Achery has published extracts2 : — 1 Amongst them. 'Ne quorumarma 2 Extracts. Spicileg. vol. i. p. 493 combusta sunt, apud vos eorum ein- sq. (folio ed.) eres suscitentur.' — Ibid. 1 44 The Canons attributed to Gildas [introd. ' Priests and bishops have a terrible Judge, to whom, and not to us, it appertains to judge them, both in this world and in the next. It is better that we should not judge our fellow bishops and our fellow abbats, as well as our fellow subjects.' — Lib. i. c. i. 15. ' Abstinence from bodily food is useless without charity.' [This canon goes on to censure extravagant abstinence from food : urging that from the heart are the issues of life, and that our first object should be to have a clean heart before God. Extreme asceticism generates spiritual pride, &c] — Lib. xii. c.5. ' Truth has charms for a wise man, no matter from whose mouth it proceeds.' — Lib. xxii. c. 1. c We should fear how we withdraw ourselves from our princes [i.e. from our bishops or abbats] for light faults : for Aaron, when he blamed Moses on account of his Ethiopian wife, was punished in the leprosy of Miriam.' — Lib. xxxvi. c.5. ' Let every one continue in the calling wherein he was called : so that neither a superior (primarius) should change his condition without the assent of his subjects : nor a subject be moved to a higher place without the counsel of his elder.' — Ib. c. 31. ' If a monk has any superabundance of secular goods, it should be accounted luxury and riches ; but what he is com* pelled to have by necessity, and not of self-seeking, that he may not fall through want, should not be considered in him as wrong.' — Lib. xxxviii. c. 5. ' An abbat who is lax ought not to prohibit his monk from seeking a stricter rule.' — lb. c. 6. [Monks flying from a lax to a more perfect discipline, and whose abbat is irreligious or immoral, and unfit to be admitted to the table of the saints, may be received even without the knowledge of their abbat. But those whose abbat is not ex cluded from the table of the saints, ought not to be received. How much more those who come from holy abbats, whose only fault is that they possess cattle, and ride in chariots, either from the custom ofthe country, or because of infirmity.] ' For these things are less injurious, if they are possessed in humility and patience, than labouring at the plough, and driving stakes into the earth with presumption and pride.' ' When the ship is wrecked let him swim who can swim.' — lb. c. 7. introd J not directed against Heresy. 1 45 Lib. i. c. 6 relates to the Tonsure. [It is very obscure, and the text corrupt. For our present purpose it will suffice to mention the subject of it.] Lib. lxiv. c. 8 [professes to be an extract from the Epistles of Gildas. It is entitled ' Of them who think themselves righteous, but are not.'] These canons, it will be seen, relate all to ecclesiastical order and discipline, or to morality, not to heresy. But until the whole of this collection is revised, by a careful collation of the MSS., and published without mutilation, we cannot rely much upon its testimony. D'Achery may have omitted many things that to him seemed of no interest, but which would be most impor tant in reference to the question now before us. So far as they go, however, the canons attributed to Gildas in this document confirm the opinion that heretical doctrines, properly so called, were not the class of errors to which his reforms were directed. Martene1 found another MS. of the Irish canons in Rouen, and has printed some extracts, selecting canons which D'Achery had over looked, or which perhaps were not to be found in his manuscripts. The Rouen MS. appears to have belonged to the monastery of Fiscan, in Normandy, and is supposed by Martene to have been written in the eleventh century. From this codex he has published twenty penitential canons2 attributed to Gildas. They make no 1 Martene. Thesaur. Nov. Anecd., have seen since this sheet was in the torn. iv. p. 1. There is a MS. con- printer's hands), in the Vallicellian taining apparently another copy of Library in Rome. this collection of Canons (which I 2 Canons. Ibid. col. 7. 146 The Second Order of Saints [introd. mention of Pelagianism, or any other heresy ; they are occupied for the most part in defining the duration and manner of the penance to be imposed on gross offenders, and especially eccle siastics ; and if the offences described are to be taken as in any degree an index of the moral state of Ireland at the time, the words of the abbess Hildegardis are fully borne out, that crimes were then common which made men resemble beasts, rather than rational and moral beings. conclusion. On the whole, we may safely conclude from the foregoing authorities that a state of disor ganisation, a relaxation of discipline, and very probably some erroneous if not heretical opinions were prevalent in Ireland in the age when the second order of saints is said to have flourished. And there is reason to suspect that our im perfect information, as to the nature of those opinions, arises mainly from the fact that docu ments have been suppressed, and those that have not been suppressed mutilated, or altered, under the mistaken idea that a concealment of such scandals was necessary, for the glory of God and of His Church, or for the honour of the country. The second 64. That the saints of the second order were saints called believed to have had for their mission the cor- Presbyters. rection of some sort of heretical doctrines, is intimated perhaps by the author of the Cata logue, when he calls them ' the second order of Catholic Presbyters' — Catholicorum Presby- terorum. And that some distinction of this kind was introduced by them, or their followers, in introd.] called ' Catholic Presbyters.' 147 assuming the title of Catholic, appears also from the language used by the biographer of St. Moed hog, when describing the ordination of that pre late as chief bishop to the King of Leinster. After mentioning the offerings and land which King Brandubh gave to St. Moedhog, and the monastery built at Ferns, which became the burial-place of the saint himself as well as of Brandubh and his successors, our author proceeds : ' Then a great city arose there in honour of St. Moedhog, which was called by the same name, viz., Ferns ; and a great synod having been afterwards summoned in the territory of Leinster, King Brandubh, with the laity and clergy, decreed, that the arch bishopric of all the men of Leinster should for ever be in the city and see of St. Moedhog. Then was St. Moedhog consecrated archbishop by many Catholics.'1 We have already mentioned the ' twelve apostles of Ireland,' disciples of St. Finnian of Clonard. It is not quite clear why they were given that name. St. Patrick, the great apostle of Ireland, was not of their number. They were all of the second order of saints. Only one amongst them, viz., St. Columba of Hi, appears, to have gone forth to preach to a heathen land. All the rest seem to have settled in Ireland.2 They were, therefore, apostles to the Irish only 1 Catholics. ' Et tunc Sanctus already made on the use of the- Moedog a multis Catholicis conse- word Archbishop in this passage : cratus est archiepiscopus.' Vit. S. supra, p. 14 sq. Moedoci (31 Jan.), cap. 28 ; Colgan, 2 Ireland. See the list of them Actt. SS., p. 211. See the remarks given above, p. 99, note 1. L 2 148 The Twelve Apostles of Ireland. [introd. And if so, the Irish must have been regarded as having almost relapsed into their original paganism. why so But it is probable that there may have been called another reason for the title. The 'twelve apostles of Ireland ' appear to have formed them selves into a kind of corporation, and to have exercised a sort of jurisdiction or superintendence over the other ecclesiastics or ' saints ' of their times. They were especially jealous of the right of sanctuary which they claimed for their churches. It was in consequence of a violation of this right, that Columba instigated the war with King Diarmait, and that Tara was de nounced 'by St. Ruadan of Lorrha, the twelve apostles of Ireland, and all the other saints of Ireland.'1 Domhnall, King of Ireland in 636, is represented as sending for the twelve apostles, ' in order to bless and consecrate ' the banquet of Dun-na-ngedh, and avert the curse2 pro nounced upon it by Bishop Ere of Slaine. This is indeed an anachronism, as Dr. O'Donovan has shown ; but it may possibly mean that the successors3 of the original twelve, in their re spective Churches, were still regarded as the ' apostles ' of Erinn. At all events, it is an in stance ofthe popular belief in a sort of jurisdiction or supremacy resident in the ' twelve apostles.' 1 Ireland. Banquet of Dun-na- St. Ruadan of Lorrha, which he con- ngedh and battle of Magh Rath, p. 5 sented to give up, on the remon- (Irish Arch. Soc, 1842). strance ofthe saints of Ireland made 2 Curse. Ib. p. 27. through St. Finnian of Clonard, 3 Successors. Ib. Note B. p. 327. may have some connection with this The story of the miraculous tree of subject. See above, p. 121, note 1. introd.] Tenure of Land in Ireland. 1 49 In this case, however, we are told that they were not able to avert the malediction, because the feast had been already tasted, and the penalty already incurred, before they were called upon to undo the evil. 6$. There are some other peculiarities in the Lawsregu- Irish episcopal and monastic system, which appear tenure of to have had their origin in the laws which regulated the tenure of land, and the relation between chieftain and clansman, or vassal, in ancient Ireland. The land granted in fee to St. Patrick, or any other ecclesiastic, by its ori- Rights of ginal owner, conveyed to the clerical society of transferred which it became the endowment, all the rights ecclesiastical of a chieftain or head of a clan ; and these Iandlord- rights, like the rights of the secular chieftains, descended in hereditary succession. The com- arb, or co-arb, that is to say, the heir or suc cessor of the original saint who was the founder ofthe religious society, whether bishop or abbat, became the inheritor of his spiritual and official influence in religious matters. The descend ants in blood, or ' founder's kin,' were inheritors of the temporal rights of property and chieftain ship, although bound to exercise those rights in subjection or subordination to the ecclesiastical co-arb. The curious history1 of the foundation of the Foundation bishopric of Ath-Truim, now Trim, in the bfshtprk of County of Meath, will illustrate this. It is told Trim' 1 History. Lib. Ardmach. fol. 14. original, with a translation, in the This document will be given in the Appendix B. to this Introduction. i£o History of the Foundation [introd. in the antient notes on the Life of St. Patrick, preserved in the Book of Armagh1, a manuscript ofthe ninth century. St. Patrick had landed at the mouth of the Boyne, and proceeded up the country, leaving his nephew and disciple, Lomman, to take care of the boat in which he had sailed, with di rections to wait for him forty days. At the end of that time, his master not having returned, Lomman waited forty days more, and then pro ceeded up the river to a place called Ath-Truim, or ' the ford of Trim.'2 There he presented himself at the house of Fedlimid, or Phelim, son of Laogaire3, King of Ireland, He was hos pitably received, as a matter of course. The next morning Fortchern, the son of Fedlimid, overheard Lomman reciting the Gospel, and was so struck with what he heard, that he embraced Christianity, and was baptised. Lomman, it appears, was a Briton, or Welshman, son of Gollit4; and Fortchern' s mother was of the same country : finding her son with the strangers, she rejoiced when she perceived that they were 1 Armagh. This valuable MS., tive of Drom or Dram, signifies a by the liberality of his Grace the long low hill : dorsum. Lord Primate of Ireland, is now s Laogaire. Pronounced Leary, in the library of Trin. Coll. Dub- was son of Niall of the nine lin. It will shortly be published by hostages, and was King of Ireland, Dr. Reeves, with such notes and according to O'Flaherty's Chrono- illustrations as he alone is capable of logy, a.d. 428 10463. Ogyg., p. compiling. The attempted publi- -429. See Geneal. Tables, Append. cation of a portion of it, many years A. to this Introduction, p. 252. ago, by Sir Wm. Betham, in his 4 Gollit. Perhaps Goliath. Da- ' Irish Antiquarian Researches,' is rerca, sister of St. Patrick, is said to so full of errors as to be quite use- have been his mother. See Colgan's less. conjectures on the name Gollit, Actt. 1 Trim. The word Truim, geni- SS., p. 262, n. 13. introd.] of the Church of Trim. 151 British, and she also became a Christian. She forthwith communicated with her husband Fed limid, whose mother Scothnoe, having been also British, he was able to address Lomman in the Welsh language. The result was that the whole family were converted to Christ, and Fedlimid dedicated to Lomman and Patrick, and to Fort chern, his son, who appears to have become at once an ecclesiastic, all his territory and pos sessions at Trim, together with all his substance, and his clan or progenies. After this Fedlimid crossed the Boyne, and settled in the district called by our author Chin Lagen, or the plain of Leinster. Lomman and Fortchern remained at Trim until St. Patrick returned to them, when they built a church, which was founded, we are told, two and twenty years before the Church of Armagh. 66. It is impossible to doubt that this story Thepatriar- was told with a purpose, and that it was in- ^ chiefub tended to prop up certain pretensions of the "^"j^ Church of Armagh. But it may have been 1fndsuP°n cj ^ the ecclesi- founded in fact : there is nothing impossible in astical suc- 11 ¦ • t r r • 1 • cessors. lt ; and the original form ot it makes no mention of the miracles with which the later biographers of St. Patrick have adorned it. Our present concern with it, however, is only to call at tention to the manner in which Fedlimid is said to have made over his property for the en dowment of the Church, which no doubt was in accordance with the practice of the age in which the author of the legend lived. It will Lomman. i$2 ^he Rights of Chief tainry [introd. be observed that he gave to the ecclesiastics and to his son, as being of their society, not only his lands and their appurtenances, but also his clan or 'progenies,' that is to say, his patriarchal rights, as a chieftain, over his followers. Death of The story goes on to say, that after some years, Lomman, finding his end approaching, set off to visit his brother Broccaide, who was abbat, or bishop of Imleach-Each, in the barony of Cos- tello, County of Mayo. There Lomman died; and in his last moments, calling Fortchern, in sisted upon his undertaking the government of the Church of Trim, as its bishop. To this Fortchern objected. If he became bishop the ec clesiastical and civil chieftainship would be com bined in his person, and he feared lest it should seem as if he was taking back to himself the gift which his father had made to the Church. However, he was compelled to yield to the earnest injunctions of his master, and immediately after set out for Trim. The journey, we are told, oc cupied three days ; and Fortchern, still retaining his scruples, lost no time, after he had reached home, in resigning his office, to which one Cathlaid, a pilgrim, was forthwith appointed. His sue- Our author then proceeds to give us the two- chTeftains fold line of succession which was kept up in this bishofs.38 Church to his own times. And it is remarkable that he calls both lines the progenies or clan of Fedlimid, implying that the bishops, as well as the lay chieftains, were all of the same family. So that Fortchern' s scruple seems to have had introd.] conveyed with the Lands. 1^3 reference to himself, as chieftain by hereditary right, and not to the other branches of the family, who could lay no such claim to the chieftainry. The bishops, who are styled ' ecclesiastica pro genies Fedelmtheo,' the ecclesiastical clan or descendants of Fedlimid, — are then enumerated.1 ' And these,'2 says our author, ' were all bishops and princes (or chieftains) venerating St. Patrick and his successors.' In other words, they be longed to the first order of saints, and gave allegiance to the Church of Armagh ; and we may infer incidentally that this was not then universally done, or else it would not have been here so particularly mentioned in especial praise of these bishops. It will be noticed that Cathlaid, the pilgrim cathiaidthe to whom Fortchern resigned the Church, is not PnBrim- mentioned in the list. From which we may conclude, either that he is to be identified with ' Aedh the great,' whose name immediately fol lows that of Fortchern, or else that he was not a bishop3, but only an abbat, who governed the house as co-arb, Fortchern continuing to reside 1 Enumerated. See the names, 'Episcopum nationeBritannum,' but Append. B, p. 261. without any authority. Actt. SS., p. 2 These. " Hii omnes episcopi 365, col. i. Even Jocelin, whose fuerunt et principes venerantes Sane- words he cites, calls him simply pe- tum Patricium et successores ejus.' regrinus, but adds 'genereBritanno.-' Lib. Ardm., fol. 14. The word />«'«- The Book of Armagh has pere- ceps is frequently applied to a bishop grinus only. His being called a or. abbat in the Collection pf Irish pilgrim, or as Colgan understands canons, published by D'Achery, it, a Briton, militates against identi- and already frequently quoted. fying him with ' Aedh the great,' Spicil. i. p. 495 (ex libr. xviii. c. 6), whom the Irish genealogies repre- p. 499 (ex libr. xxxvi.). sent as the nephew of Fortchern. 3 Bishop. Colgan -calls him See Append. A. Table m., p. 252. 1 54 Evil results of the System. [introd, there, in subjection to the abbat, to perform •episcopal offices. We learn, from another authority1, that Aedh the great and Aedh the less were brothers, and the sons of Fergus, Fortchern's younger brother. Ossan2 was also a descendant of Laoghaire, son ¦of Niall. Of the other names in the list nothing is at present known ; but it is more than pro bable that further research may prove them also to have been of the same family. An eccWias- The lay descendants of Fedlimid, ' plebilis a'sCaiay progenies ejus,' are also given in this document.3 boCtheSof"he There was therefore a twofold line of succession, founders ^e ecclesiastical and the lay progenies, both con nected in blood with the original founder, or donor of the lands ; those of the lay line suc ceeding each other in hereditary descent, from father to son.- Tendency of In Hi, as Dr. Reeves has shown, there this system Til • , >-n • to throw the was no lineal or lay succession, as at I rim, succession" Armagh, and other places, although the early hands^ abbats, with scarcely an exception, were all of a branch of the Tirconnell family.4 But the ten dency of the system was obviously to throw the ecclesiastical succession into the hands of the lay succession, and so to defeat the object of the foun der by transferring the endowment to the laity ; and this is what we find to have actually taken 1 Authority. The Sanctilog. Gen- logical Table of the Abbats of Hi, eal. Book of Lecan. and his valuable remarks, in his ad- 2 Ossan. See Martyrol. of Done- ditional note N, on the constitution gal (at 17 Feb.). of the Irish Monasteries. — Adamnan, 3 Document. See App. B. p. 261. p. 334 sq. * Family. See Dr. Reeves's Genea- introd.] Meaning of the Term Co-arb. 155 place. The successors of St. Comgall at Bangor, the successors of St. Patrick at Armagh, were for many generations lineal descendants of the family from which the original endowment in land had been derived; and especially in the case of Ar magh, there was no small confusion between the temporal and spiritual successions, giving good grounds, as we shall see hereafter, for the com plaint made by St. Bernard, that the spiritual authority and influence had passed into the hands of mere laymen1, although some of them may perhaps have made a sort of compromise, by taking the tonsure, and a minor degree of holy orders. 67. It will be necessary here to explain some terms which will be of frequent occurrence in the following pages. We have already had occasion more than once Explanation to employ the word comharb, ovcomarb, pronounced coma™ '<» nearly as if written co-arb. This word properly Co"arb' signifies co-heir, or inheritor; co-heir or inheri tor of the same lands2 or territory which belonged 1 Laymen. Bernard. Vit. S. Ma- dissyllable in the Irish pronun- lachise, c. 7, and see also what ciation, which is more nearly re- Giraldus Cambrensis has said of the presented by co-arb. Ussher is Abbates laid of Ireland and Wales. quite wrong in his explanation of Itiner. Cambria, ii. 4. the word Corbe. Original of Corbes, 2 Lands. The word is explained &c. — Works xi. p. 430. His notion by Colgan : ' Vox autem Hibernica that Corbe, or Comharba, is a cor- Comhorba,ve\ radicitus Comh-fhorba, ruption of Chorepiscopus, is absurd. a qua desumitur, derivata videtur a The word is used to denote a Comh, id est, con vel simul; ttforba, secular, as well as an ecclesi- id est, terra, ager districtus : ut ex astical, heir or successor. In the vocis origine Comhorbanus idem Brehon Law MS. (H. 3, 18 fol. sit quod conterraneus, ejusdem ter- 10 b., Trin. Coll. Dubl.), we have rae, vel ejusdem districtus.' — Trias. rules laid down for the division Thaum., p. 630. The word is fre- of secular property among the quently written Corbe, by Ussher heirs of chieftains, comarbus cenn. : and others. But it is always a and the word comarba is used 15b In what sense Bishops and Abbats [introd. to the original founder of a church or monastery ; co-heir also of his ecclesiastical or spiritual dig nity, as well as of his temporal rights. Bishops and In the absence of diocesan territorial desig- caiied Co- nations this term was employed in Irish Church founder of history to designate the bishops or abbats who were o/abbeyL the successors or inheritors of the spiritual and temporal privileges of some eminent saint or founder. Thus the co-arb of Patrick was the bishop or abbat of Armagh : the co-arb of Colum- cille was the abbat of Hi : the co-arb of Barre was the bishop or abbat of Cork. But this lan guage has led many readers and writers of Irish history into great mistakes. Patrick had co-arbs at Trim as well as at Armagh : Columcille had co-arbs at Derry, at Durrow, and at Swords, as well as in Hi : and there is nothing in the title itself to show whether the co-arb was a bishop or only a presbyter abbat, or even a lay man : indeed, the successor of Patrick is as often* designated abbat of Armagh as co-arb ; and, on the other hand, the bishop of Rome himself is frequently called co-arb of Peter, and sometimes also abbat of Rome1, showing how completely the abbatial and co-arban authority, implying as throughout to signify secular heirs. Stokes, Irish Glosses, p. 93. The The etymology suggested by Colgan word properly signifies a co-heir, a is wrong. The Celtic arbe, orbe, joint inheritor. The ecclesiastical orpi occurs in the signification of successor of Patrick was joint heir an heir, and is cognate with the or com-arbe with him. German erbe, and Gothic arbja. l Rome. Thus, in the Scholia In the old language the m is never on the Martyrology of Aengus; aspirated : it is com-arbe, com-arba, the gloss on the name of S. Gregory com-arbus; not comh. From the same the Great (19 March) is i. abb, Rome, root comes indarbad (with the ne- 'abbat of Rome.' gative ind), exilium, expulsio. See introd.] were termed Co-arbs. T57 it did in Ireland the rank of a feudal lord of the soil, and chieftain over the inhabitants of the soil, swallowed up, as it were, and obscured the acci dent of a co-existing episcopal or sacerdotal character, in the co-arb, or spiritual chieftain. The foregoing remarks will also explain the use of the term Ard-comarb, or chief co-arb, which we meet with in some passages of the annals1 to denote the co-arb of a saint's principal church : thus the ard-co-arb of Patrick would be his successor in Armagh, not in Trim, or any minor foundation ; the ard-co-arb of Columcille would be the abbat of Hi, not of Durrow, Swords, or Derry. The annals of Ulster, which are written in a curious mixture of Irish and Latin, commonly employ the word hares, and occasionally also princeps2, to translate the Irish term comarba, or co-arb; and it is remarkable that the term princeps is generally used as the title given to the temporal chieftains, who are called principes and capitanei sua nationis : the princes or chiefs of their races or clans3. This is conclusive evidence that the eccle siastical co-arb, or heir of the saint who had ori ginally obtained the grant of land, was regarded 1 Annals. See the references given » Clans. The Irish word Clann by Mr. King, ' Early Hist, of Pri- signifies children, or descendants. maey of Armagh,' p. 16. The tribe being all descended from 2 Princeps. See Dr. O 'Donovan's some common ancestor, the chieftain note, Four Masters, a.d. 752, p. as the representative of that ancestor' 356. In the Ann. Ult., at 742, Af- was regarded as the common Father frica, whom the Four Masters call of the Clann ; and they as his chil- ban-abb, or abbess, is styled Domina- dren. trix of Kildare. 158 Contests hetween Co-arbs. [introd. as entitled to the civil or temporal principality,with all the rights primarily belonging to the princeps or chieftain from whom the grant of land had emanated ; and as the co-arb was elected by the community over whom he presided, and the chief tain, under certain restrictions, by the clan, there was an obvious tendency, as has been already re marked, to throw the spiritual succession into the family who were successors in blood of the founder. Exaction of Hence we find the co-arbs of saints holding tribute by . . . , r , ...... . »° the comarb visitations of the territories belonging to them, for the purpose of exacting taxes and tribute, after the manner of the secular chieftains : and what was still more unclerical, two co-arbs some times made war upon each other, with slaughter on both sides. Thus in the year 763, the annals of Ulster and those of Tighernach and Clonmac- nois tell us, but the fact is suppressed by the Four Masters1, that a battle took place at Arggamain, or Ardgamain, between the family, or monastic society of Clonmacnois, and the family of Durrow, that is to say, between the co-arb of St. Ciaran of Clonmacnois, and the co-arb of St. Columba of Durrow ; who mustered their retainers and fought it out like secular chieftains. The victory was gained by Breasal Mac Murrough and the family of Clonmacnois; two hundred men ofthe family of Durrow having been killed on the other side, with Diarmaid Dubh Mac Donnell, 1 Four Masters. The Four Mas- caused scandal at a time when many ters lived after the Reformation, and were too glad to seize upon the ma- therefore they often suppress facts terials for scandal against the antient of this kind which might have state of the Church. introd.] The 'Family' of a Monastery. i$g and Diglach Mac Duibhliss ; but it is not said whether these were secular chieftains or ecclesias tics connected with the contending monasteries, neither are we told the cause of the quarrel.1 68. The family (in Irish, muinntir) of a The family monastery comprehended, ordinarily, the monks ormonaT' or religious inmates, but sometimes included also tery those who were subject to the jurisdiction of the abbey, or who lived as vassals, serfs, or clansmen, on the territories of the co-arb. In some cases the family included also those who were so con nected with the minor or more recently founded religious houses that were under the rule of the co-arb, or subject to the principal monastery. Thus the abbat of Hi, or co-arb of Columba, in that island, was the common head ofthe monas teries bf Durrow, Kells, Swords, Drumcliff, and other houses in Ireland, founded by Columba, as well as of the parent monastery of Hi ; and the muinntir Coluim-cille, or family of Colum-kille, was composed ofthe congregations, or inmates and dependants of all those monasteries.2 The families, therefore, of such monasteries as Clonmacnois and Durrow might muster a very respectable body of fighting men. In general, however, the family meant only the monks or religious ofthe house.3 1 Quarrel. The words of the plunder between the families of Ulster Annals are these : ' Bellum Cluanmicnois and Darmagh, ubi ce- Arggamain, inter familiam Cluana cidit Diarmait mac Domhnaill.' mac cunois et Dermaighi, ubi cecidit 2 Monasteries. See Reeves, Adam- Diarmait Dubh mac Domhnaill et nan, p. 162, note x. and p. 342. Dighlach mac Duibhliss, et cc. viri 3 House. Thus, when we read in de familia Dermaighi ; Bresal mac the Ann. Ult., a.d. 748, that the Murchadha victor exstetit, cum fa- family of Hi were drowned, ' Di- milia Cluana.' Tighernach records mersio familiae Iae,' we must neces- the same battle at a.d. 764, and sarily understand the inmates of the calls it Cath-argain, ( a battle of monastery of the Island only. Herenachs. i bo Termon Lands — Erenachs. [introd. Termon- The Church lands called Termon-lands, in Ireland, had their name in all probability from the Termini, pillar-stones, or crosses set up to mark their boundaries, within which there was a right of sanctuary, and a freedom from the taxes and tributes of secular chieftains. Never theless their inhabitants paid rent and other taxes to the Church, bishop, or monastery to which the land belonged.1 But this was probably an insti tution of a period much later than the times of which we have been speaking. Erenachs or 6g. TheErenachs, Herenachs, or in the correct Irish orthography Airchinneachs , in the primitive age of the Irish Church before the settlement of dioceses in the twelfth century, were most pro bably the stewards whose duty it was to superin tend the lands and farms, and to collect the rents or other tributes paid by tenants. That Erenach was another name for corbe or co-arb, and that it was a corruption of the word Archidiaconus, or of the word Ethnarch, are opinions which, although countenanced by Ussher and Ware, are wholly untenable. Neither Ussher nor Ware had any knowledge of the Irish language; they were com pelled to depend upon ' poor scholars ' of no great learning or intelligence for everything that they quoted from the annals and other Irish records. In a question of this kind, therefore, their authority is very small. It is probable that the erenach was in every case himself a tenant of land under the 1 Belonged. See Ussher, Origin of Corbes, Herenachs, and Termon-lands, Works xi. p. 421 sq. dioceses. introd.] Duties of the Erenach. \6\ co-arb ; that he held his land in fee,underthe tenure of performing certain duties ; and there is no doubt that the office was hereditary, which would be the natural result of the sort of tenure of which we speak. The duties of the office were to super- His Duties. intend the farmers or tenants of the Church, or monastery, and perhaps also to distribute amongst the poor the alms or hospitality of the co-arb1 and his familia. In the more recent history of the Irish Church, Modification after the establishment of archiepiscopal and after the diocesan jurisdiction, the offices of co-arb and mentof erenach underwent necessarily very considerable modification. The lands and jurisdiction of the co-arb were transferred to the bishop : and the duties of the erenach were dispensed with, or transferred to the rural dean, or archdeacon. This circumstance has been the cause of great confusion to our historians ; even Ussher, Ware, and Lanigan, led away by their preconceived opinions as to the existence of diocesan succes sion from the age of St. Patrick, were unable to realise to themselves the strange state of society indicated by our antient records, and the still more strange state of the Church, when bishops were without dioceses or territorial jurisdiction. Hence it is that these eminent writers took the 1 Co-arb. Colgan (loc. cit.) thus the Primacy of Armagh,' pp. 1 8, 19. describes the duties of the Erenach : A work well worthy of being re- ' Omnium colonorum certi districtus printed in a form more accessible to propositus seu praefectus, suoque general readers, as well as more familiae princeps et caput habebatur.' worthy of the remarkable learning See also Mr. King's ' Memoir In- and research displayed in its pages. troductory to the Early History of M 1 63 Signification of the Name. [introd. modern state of the Church, since the establishment of dioceses, as the model of what they conceived was or ought to have been the state of the Church in the days of Patrick and Columb-kille, and thus they have confounded the antient Corbes with Chorepiscopi, and Erenachs with Archdeacons. The Ere- Even Colgan, influenced by the same preju- archdeacon. dices, fell into the same mistakes. He tells us that the etymology of the word Airchinneach was to him doubtful1; but that if it were a cor ruption of Archidiaconus it would rather have been written Airchidneach. And it is a remark able example of the secret influence of a preju dice over a mind led by the most honest inten tions, that although (as he admits) there is no in stance of the occurrence of the word in this form in any Irish authority2, nevertheless in his Annals of Armagh extracted from the Four Masters, which follow on the same page, Colgan uniformly writes the word Airchidneach, and explains itArchdeacon? Etymology He suggests also two other etymologies; one from the Greek Ethnarch, and the other from the Irish4 ar, super, and ceann, caput. These ^¦Doubtful. Colgan, Tr.Th., p. 293. 1061, 1069, 1103, 1108. In all ' Vox Airchindeach dubiae mihi est which places the Four Masters write originisetetymologicassignificationis. Airchinneach. Waraeus, de Scriptor. Hib. tradit per 4 Irish. The Greek etymology eumArchidiaconumsignificari. Quod is wholly untenable. The antient si verum sit Airchidneach potius Glossary, called Cormac's (recently scribi deberet.' — See also ibid. p. published, Williams and Norgate, 631. London), p. 4, explains ar, by 2 Authority. We find Airchin- uasal, noble ; and suggests also neach and Airchindeach (nn and nd that the first syllable of the word being equivalent in Irish ortho- may be from the Greek apxoc: so graphy) : but never Airchidneach. that Archinnech would signify 3 Archdeacon. See his annals, ' chief, or noble head.' But this is under the years 980, 1015, 1039, mere trifling. Colgan's Irish ety- of the word. introd.] Colgan's description of the Office. 163 both give the signification of a prasfect, a supe rior, propositus: and this signification, he remarks, is more in accordance with the ordinary use of the word, and with the duties which were assigned to the office. Those duties he then explains with great accu racy. 'Whatever1 be the origin of the name,' he says, ' the airchinneach was the head prae- positus, or supreme prefect of the ecclesiastical territory and of the family (or monastic body) inhabiting that territory.' In another place2 he gives the same account of the office at somewhat greater length : — ' The Erenach (in Irish, Air chinneach) signified a person who was appointed to exercise some power or authority over all those who held lands and farms belonging to the Church ; he held therefore a principality amongst such tenants : subject, however, to the bishop in the same way as the comharb was ; with this mology (ar, over, and ceann, a head) bennig, the three principal festivals ; is no doubt the true one, as is evident i. e. Christmas, Easter, and Pente- from the corresponding Welsh Ar- cost. It should also be mentioned bennig, where, as Zeuss has remarked that in Irish the word is sometimes (Gram. Celt. p. 191) the initial of s-peltOirchinnech, Ann.Ult. A.D. 604. the second syllable is aspirated from Airdcennach, a form which occurs p, as the initial of the second syllable in the Dictionaries of O'Brien and in the Irish Airchinnech is aspi- O'Reilly, is certainly incorrect, rated from c. This shows that the although it seems to be in use in first syllable is the preposition ar,o\ Scotland. We have no authority for air, the original form of which was it in Irish. ari or are, and therefore causes as- 1 Whatever. ' Cujuscunque sit piration in the first letter of the fol- originis, usus obtinuit ut eo nomine lowing word. That Airchinneach appelletur Caput, Propositus, vel is not from Archdeacon, is evident supremus Prarfectus territorii Ec- from the secular use of the term, clesiastici, et familise illud inhabi- both in Irish and Welsh, to de- tantis.' And just before ' cum per note a chieftain or leader : and as an earn (vocem) videamus denotari adjective to signify chief or principal. prsefectum familise ecclesiasticum —See Irish Nennius, p. 170, note. praedium vel territorium inhabi- And so in Welsh, Arbennig milwyr, tantis.' — Ibid. a leader of soldiers: y fair Givyl ar- 2 Place. Colgan, Tr. Th., p. 631. m 2 1 64 The Offices of Co-arb and Erenach [introd. amongst other differences, that they alone were called comharbs who presided over the district originally belonging to some celebrated and antient monastery, or at least to some episcopal see ; whereas they were called Airchinneachs who held the chief place in the manner explained over the other tenants of the lands or farms of some Church, whether a monastery or not : and from time immemorial they were mere laymen : so that it is doubtful whether in their origin the dignity or office of airchinneach was annexed to the clerical or monastic state.'1 After repeating what he had said before as to the various pro posed etymologies of the name, he adds, ' They were wont to exercise continual hospitality by some special, and as it were hereditary obligation or inclination ; but this may perhaps have originated in this, that the first persons who held the office of airchinneach were archdeacons of the poor, having the care of hospitality : which care, after the primitive times of the Church, may have passed into the hands of mere laymen.' The offices 70. No doubt Colgan had mainly in view the ofCo-arb '. . .... ° J . and Erenach position which the comharbs or co-arbs and ere- referenceto nachs occupied in relation to the bishops, at the beginning of the eleventh century, when the necessity of diocesan and archiepiscopal jurisdic tion began to be felt. But making allowance for this, his description of the offices of the co-arb and erenach is sufficiently correct. It will be 1 State. How this agrees with was an Archdeacon, Colgan does the opinion that the Airchinneach not explain. introd.] connected tvith the Tenure of Land. 165 seen that both offices had reference to the landed property with which the monastery, or collegiate or cathedral church, was originally endowed. The co-arb inheriting the general rights of chieftainship derived from the donor of the lands ; together with the spiritual authority and influ ence of the first abbat or bishop, who had received the grant, and by whom the ecclesias tical or monastic institutions of the place were first organised. The erenach or airchinneach being himself a tenant, with a delegated juris diction over the other tenants, held lands or farms under the co-arb, with the tenure of dis charging certain duties. And it is evident, as already remarked, that, in some places at least, the office of erenach was hereditary1, a custom however which seems to have been peculiar in a great measure to the North of Ireland. As the antient annals of Tighernach and annals of Ulster give the Latin name of hares to the co-arb, so they usually give the name of princeps2 to the airchinneach. The Four Mas ters, living at a time when these names, with the offices they indicated, were becoming obsolete, and confounded with more modern ecclesiastical titles, their use of these terms cannot be depended 1 Hereditary. See King, ' Early Saran Saobhderg, by whose insti- Hist. ot the Primacy,' p. 19, who gation Brandubh, king of Leinster mentions the names of several fami- was murdered. But the annals of lies in which the office of erenach Tighernach and Ulster call the same was hereditary, all belonging to the individual ' Airchinneach of Sean- counties of Donegal and perry. botha-sen,' i. e. of Temple shambo, 2 Princeps. The Life of St. Co. Wexford. -Vit. S. Moedhog Moedhog gives the name of 'Comes (31 Jan.) c. 37-8. Tigern ad Lagemse' and ' Comes Saranus' to 605, Ult. 604. ' ' ' ibb The Fertighus or CEconomus. [introd. upon. They frequently confound the co-arb and bishop, as well as the abbat and airchinneach. The Fer- 7 1. There is, however, another officer, chiefly dconomus. to be found in the monasteries, who is termed by the older annalists, and also by the Latin biographers ofthe saints, CEconomus.1 The Irish name of this officer was Fertighis, which literally signifies ' House-man,' and denotes a steward, a purveyor, one whose duty it was to look after the domestic or internal affairs of the monastery, to superintend the labour of the monks, and to see that the house was supplied with fuel and all other necessaries. The ceconomus and the abbat are often found in opposition to each other. We have a record in the annals of Ulster (a.d. 782) of an actual battle2 between Cathal, the abbat, and Fianach- tach, or Finatty, the ceconomus of Ferns. And the rule of St. Columbanus3 in one place seems to hint that the abbat and ceconomus had separate jurisdictions, inclining strongly to support the authority of the ceconomus. ' If a monk,' says the rule, 'desires anything which the ceconomus prohibits, although the abbat orders it, he must do penance for five days.' 1 dconomus. Sometimes also called moer inter abbatem et economum, famulus and custos monasterii. — See i. c. Cathal et Fianachtach.' This Reeves, Adamnan, pp.46, n. and 365. is, of course, passed over in silence The equonimus of the Ann. Ult. is by the Four Masters for a reason only a variety of spelling. The already explained. Four Masters frequently call this s St. Columbanus. ' Si quis voluerit officer prior. In general, however, aliquid et prohibet oeconomus et ju- they translate the ceconomus or equo- bet abbas, quinque dies.' — Reg. S. nimus of the Ann. Ult. by fer- Columbani, c. 12 (Fleming, Collect. righis. p. 377)- «- Battle. 'Bellum hi Fernae introd.] Abuse of his Power. i6j The ceconomus, however, sometimes abused his power, and persecuted a youthful saint, to whom he had taken a dislike in consequence of the saint preferring study or devotion to manual labour ; or for some other capricious reason. Thus, in the Life of St. Moedhog of Ferns : st. Moed- The saint was in the monastery of St. David at cuL^'the CEconomus Kill-muine. The ceconomus found him reading ^™™ in his cell, and attacked him angrily, saying, ' Go David's- off, idle fellow, after the other brethren, and fetch faggots from the wood.' This ceconomus, says the biographer, hated the saint without a cause. Moedhog, without a murmur, obeyed the rough command, and went off, leaving his book open out of doors. The ceconomus gave him two unbroken oxen, without yoke or harness, to draw his cart ; this was done from malice. But the oxen became miraculously tame, and drew the cart as if they had been properly harnessed, making a short cut across a deep bog, as if it had been a hard road. On his return, notwithstand ing that it had rained heavily in the interval, St. Moedhog found his book perfectly dry. These miracles opened the eyes of St. David to the malice of his ceconomus, who nevertheless per sisted in his enmity to the disciple. He went so far at length as to plot against St. Moedhog's life. He employed a man to accom pany the saint to the wood, and to kill him as he was stooping to lift the logs. The man raised his axe to slay the holy youth, but was straightway paralysed, and unable to move his ib8 Anecdotes showing the nature [introd. A similar anecdote of St. Finnian of Clonard. And of St. Canice. arms. St. David, hearing this, ran half dressed to the wood, and returned with Moedhog to the monastery. He then called the ceconomus before him, and sharply reproved him. But Moedhog said to David his master, ' Father, chide him not, for God will chide him for us : he shall shortly die, and no man shall know his grave.' And this prophecy, says our author1, was speedily fulfilled. A similar story is told in the Life of St. Finnian of Cluain-iraird, or Clonard ; he was also in St. David's monastery : when the oeco- nomus, for St. David seems to have been unfortu nate in his stewards, commanded Finnian to go immediately to the wood, and bring home timber. St. Finnian remonstrated, saying that he had neither tools for cutting wood, nor means of drawing it, and moreover that he knew not the way. But receiving only another angry and more peremptory command, he obeyed ; and aided by angelic guidance, he returned sooner than the other monks, and with a more ample supply of timber.2 The same story is also told of St. Cannech, or Canice, of Kilkenny. He was a student in Britain or Wales, in the monastery of the wise and religious Doc or Docus. The steward, who is in one place called famulus, and immediately after ozquonomus, took a dislike to the youth for no other reason but because he saw him to be a 'i- Author. Vit. S. Moedoci (31 2 Timber. Vit. S. Finniani, c. 5 ; Jan.) c. n-18; Colgan, Actt. SS., Colgan, Ibid. p. 393. p. 209. introd.] of the Office of CEconomus. 1 69 favourite of the abbat. One day Cannech was sitting reading, when the ceconomus came in and angrily reproved him, saying, ' The whole family (tota familia) is gone across the sea with oxen and waggons to bring home necessary goods, go thou after them.' The saint arose to obey. The steward gave him two untamed oxen (this seems to have been a favourite mode of annoying a young monk), but they immediately became gentle and manageable. When Cannech reached the sea-shore, he found the tide was full, and the strand impassable. But the water miraculously divided itself into two parts, so that St. Cannech passed over dry shod, and returned again the same way with his loaded waggon. The abbat seeing this, feared greatly, praised his obedient disciple, and reproved the ceconomus.1 These stories, which exhibit a singular amount office of r j £ • .• theCEcono- ot sameness and want ot invention, prove never- mus. theless, that the office of the ceconomus, or Fertighis, was to see to the supply of the house with necessaries. It appears also that he wras invested with authority over the monks, to make them labour for the service of the community. He was therefore naturally an unpopular officer. We can scarcely help thinking, that the biogra pher who inserted such a story into his Life of a Saint must at one time have smarted himself under the discipline of some strict ceconomus and sought in this way to reform the whole body of monastic stewards. 1 CEconomus. Vit. S. Cannechi, p. 3 (Dublin, 1853, privately printed by the Marquis of Ormonde). 170 The Maor of Armagh. [introd. TheMaor 72. We find mention, in connection with ot Armagh. the jamijia Qf Armagh, of an officer called maor, who appears to have been the keeper of certain sacred relics, such as the bell, and book, and crozier of Armagh, and who, in later times at least, held lands from the see, under the tenure of producing these relics when re quired. As we shall probably have occasion to speak of this officer elsewhere, it may be enough here to say, that in the Annals of Ulster1, a.d. 938 [al. 929], we have the following notice of one of these stewards : — Tuathal mac Oencain scripa Tuathal, son of Oencan, [sic] et episcopus Doimliac scribe and Bishop of Duleek et Lusca et moer muinnteri and of Lusk, and moer of the Patraicc o sleibh fadhes, heu family of Patrick from the immatura aetate quievit. mountain on the south. Alas! immatura aetate quievit. And again, in the same annals2, a.d. 813 : — Feidlimidh abbas Cillemoin- Feidlimidh, Abbat of Cille- ni et moer bregh o Phatraic, moinni 3, and moer of Bregia, ancorita precipuus, scribaque from Patrick, chief anchorite, optimus, feliciter vitam finivit. and excellent scribe, ended his life happily. From these brief entries we learn that there were maors or keepers for the co-arbs of Patrick in different places, where the family of Armagh had churches or landed property; and that these keepers were, sometimes at least, ecclesiastics of 1 Ulster. The same entry occurs a.d. 809. in the Four Masters, a.d. 927. 3 Cillemoinni. Now Kilmoone, 2 Annals. See also Four Masters, Co. Meath. introd.] Ecclesiastical Tenure of Land. 171 the highest order. Besides their more sacred duties of guarding the precious treasures of the Church, Dr. O'Donovan think§ that they may have also been the collectors of dues, or tribute, payable to the Church or bishop, in the district to which they were appointed. 73. On the whole, it appears that the endow- Rights con- ments in land, which were granted to the antient the eccie- Church by the chieftains who were first con- tenure1 of verted to Christianity, carried with them the temporal rights and principalities originally be longing to the owners of the soil ; and that these rights and principalities were vested, not in bishops as such, but in the co-arbs or ecclesi astical successors of those saints, to whom the grants of land were originally made. It is easy to see, therefore, that in the districts where such lands were so granted, a succession of co-arbs would necessarily be kept up. It did not follow that these co-arbs were always bishops, or even priests ; in the case of Kildare the co-arbs were always females ; and there is an instance on record, although in a different sense, of a female co-arb of St. Patrick at Armagh. But it is evident that the abbat or co-arb, and not the bishop as such, inherited the rights of chieftain ship and property, and was therefore the impor tant personage in the ecclesiastical community. Hence we have in the annals a nearer approach to a correct list of the abbats and co-arbs, than to a correct list of the bishops. The bishop, or bishops, for there were often more than one 1 72 Four antient Lists of the [introd. bishop connected with the monastery, or with what afterwards became the episcopal see, were in subjection to the co-arb abbat, and did not necessarily succeed to each other, according to our modern notions of an episcopal succession. There were frequent breaks1 in the series. The presence of a pilgrim or travelling bishop, who remained for a time in the monastery, would be enough to supply the wants of the community for that time, by giving the episcopal benedic tions ; and it was not until he had left them that the monastic ' family ' would feel it neces sary to provide themselves with another. Difficuityof Considerable difficulty has therefore been cre- tornake^ut ated by the attempt to make out a regular successbn succession of bishops in Armagh and elsewhere. of bishops. 1^ truth \S) that there was no such thing. The names handed down to us as successors of Patrick are many of them called abbats, some are called bishops as well as abbats, some are styled bishops only, and some co-arbs of St. Patrick. But there is nothing in this last title to indicate whether the personage so designated was a bishop, a priest, or a layman. Andent 74. Four antient lists of the co-arbs of St. co^arbs'of Patrick have been preserved. They all bear internal evidence of having been drawn up at the close of the eleventh, or beginning of the twelfth century, when archiepiscopal and diocesan jurisdiction was introduced ; and it is probable 1 Breaks. See Reeves, Eccl. Ant. of Down and Connor, p. 136. introd.] Co-arbs of St. Patrick in Armagh. 1 73 that their authors were influenced by a wish to establish a claim to a regular episcopal succession, at least at Armagh, and thus to escape so far the reproach of irregularity which the Roman party amongst the Norsemen and English of that period had brought against the Irish Church. These lists differ considerably, as might be expected, from each other. They differ also from the list which may be gathered from the Irish Annals. But they are not on that account the less valuable. They are here given exactly as they are found in the original authorities, and it will be observed that they all terminate about the same period ; and are in fact lists of the co- arbs or successors of St. Patrick, abbatial as well as episcopal, who flourished before the establish ment of metropolitical and diocesan jurisdiction in the twelfth century. The first list is that which has been printed by The first Colgan, as from the Psaltair or Psalter of Cashel. the Psalter But there can scarcely be a doubt that the true Richard Psalter of Cashel did not exist in his time, and Butler' that his real authority was the ' Psalter 1 of Mac Richard,' now in the Bodleian Library, a manu script transcribed in 1454, by John O'Clery, who tells us that he copied for Mac Richard Butler all such portions of the old Psaltair of Cashel as were then legible. On the opening of the two pages, fol. 114 b, 1 Psalter. This MS. is marked and miscellaneous documents, as Laud. 610. The word Psalter necessary to an historian or man of was used by the Irish to denote learning as the Psalter is to an eccle- a collection of historical, religious, siastic. 174 First List of the Co-arbs of Patrick [introd. and 115 a, of this MS. are six columns (three on each page), which were intended to exhibit contemporary lists of the Roman emperors, the popes of Rome, the kings of Ireland (these last occupying the third column of fol. 114 b, and the first of fol. 115 a) ; as also the co-arbs of Patrick, and the kings of Cashel, which fill the two remaining columns of this latter page. The title prefixed by Colgan1 to this list of the Armagh prelates, is ' Catalogus Primatum, seu Archiepiscoporum Metropolis Ardmachanas, cum annis quibus sederunt, ex Psalterio Cassel- ensi.' It is needless to say that this title is entirely his own, and -has no authority from the MS., where the list is headed simply Do Comarbaibh Patraic, ' Of the Co-arbs of Patrick.' We shall now give it exactly as it is found in the Bodleian MS., with the numbers which signify the duration of each prelate's incumbency. The only liberty2 taken with the original is that of prefixing a number to each name, for the convenience of reference. 1. Patraic. 6. Cormac . . . . xv. 2. Sechnaill . . . . vi. 7. Dubtach . . . xvi. 3. Senpatraic . . . . x. 8. Ailill .... xiii. 4. Binen x. 9. Ailill x. 5. Jarlaithe . . . xviii. 10. Duach 1 Colgan. Tr. Th , p. 292. names. But he sometimes differs in 2 Liberty. Colgan has Latinized the years assigned to each prelate's the names : but we have preserved incumbency. Thus in No. -j., he the Irish forms exactly as in the ori- has xvi. instead of vi. In No. 22, ginal. It has not been thought worth vii. for viii. No. 31, xiii. for xiiii. while to mark Colgan's deviations No. 40, xxix. for xxxix. These are from the original orthography ofthe probably mere errors of the press. via. xiiii. . iiii. xxii. un. introd.] from the Psalter of Mac Richard. 175 31. Mac Loingse 32. Artri <¦- 33. Eogan Manistrech 34. Forannan 35. Dermait 36. Fethgna 37. Anmere 38. Cathasach 39. Maelcoba 40. Maelbrigde nan 41. Joseph . 42. Maelpatraic . 43. Cathassach. 44. Muiredach 45. Dubdalethe Mac laig . . . 46. Murecan . . 47. Maelmaire . . II. Fiachraig . . 12. Fedilmed . . . . XX- 13- Caerlan . . . . X. 14. Eochaig . i5- Senach . . . 16. Mac Laisre . I7- Tomine XXXV. 18. Segine . xxvii. 19. Flann Febla . . xxvii. 20. Suibne . xv. 21. Congus . . XX. 22. Celepetair . viii. 23- Ferdacrich . . . X. 24. Foennelach . ¦ iii. 25. Dubdalethe . XV. 26. Airechtach . . i. 27. Cudinisc . iiii. 28. Connmach . xiiii. 29. Torbach . i. 30 Nuadu . . iii. MacT or- xxxix. . ix. 1. xx. ix. Cel- xxxiu. . iii. xix. Colgan adds five more prelates to the list, whose names do not occur in the Bodleian MS., viz.- 48. Almagadius . 49. Dubdaletha . 50. Cumascacius . xxx. 51. Moel-isa . . xii. 52. Domnaldus . iii. xxvii. He remarks that the number of years of the incumbency of this last prelate is not given, and therefore he infers1 that the author of the list must have written it during the lifetime of that Domnald, before the year 1105, in which he died, and after the year 1091, in which he suc- 1 Infers. ' Videtur authoris hujus in eo nominat, et cujus tanquam ad- Catalogi scripsisse ante annum 1 1 05, hue viventis annos regiminis non de- quo obiit Domnaldus, quem ultimum terminat.'— Tr. Th., p. 292. 17b Second List ofthe Co-arbs of Patrick, [introd. ceeded to the bishopric. In any case, it is evident that the list (which even in its shortest form is carried down to a.d. 1021, the date of Maelmaire's death) could not have formed a part of the Psalter of Cashel, composed by the king and bishop Cormac Mac Cullenain, who died a.d. 908. It will be observed that the number of years of St. Patrick's episcopacy is not given1, probably because there was some uncertainty as to the beginning of his settling at Armagh, and also be cause the two or perhaps four immediately follow ing him were bishops along with him at Armagh before his death. The years of incumbency are also wanting, after the names of Nos. 10, 14, 15, and ib, probably because the author was not cer tain as to the exact duration of their prelacy. The five names added to the list by Colgan, or. perhaps by his transcriber, for he himself evidently believed them to have been in the original, were probably taken from the second list, of which we shall now speak. second List j £% The second antient list is preserved in the co-arbs Leabhar Breac2, or speckled book of the Mac Egans, a MS. of the latter end of the fourteenth, or beginning of the fifteenth century. 1 Given. The fourth list gives or great book of Dun Doighre, the number of years from the ar- a fort near Athlone, which was the rival of St. Patrick in Ireland to antient residence of the Mac Egans. his death. See p. 1 80, infra. It got the name of Leabhar 2 Leabhar Breac. This MS. is now Breac, or speckled book, from the in the Library of the Royal Irish colour of its binding. See O'Curry's Academy, Dublin. Its proper Irish Lectures, p. 352. name is Leabhar mor Diina Doighre, introd. J from the Speckled Book. + 77 This List1 is headed ' Do Chomarbaib Patraic inso,' i.e. ' Of the Co-arbs of Patrick here ;' it is in the Irish language, with sometimes a few words of Latin ; and besides the years of each prelate's incumbency (omitted in Nos. 3 and 28), it has several curious remarks on the personal history of some of the individuals of the series. It is scarcely necessary to encumber these pages with the original; but the following translation is strictly literal : a few notes are added ; and the liberty has been taken of prefixing, as before, a number to each name, to facilitate reference : — 1. Patrick, cxxmo. etatis sue quievit.2 2. Sechnall, xiii. 3. Benen, son of Sescnen, Patrick's psalm-singer. He was of the Cianachta Glinne Gaimen, of the race of Taidg, son of Cian of Cashel. 4. Hiarlathi, son of Log3, xiiii. 5. CorbmaCj xv. annis. 6. Dubthach, xxiiii. 7. Fiachra, xx. annis. 8. Cairellan, x. annis. 9- 10.11. 12. J3-14. IS-16. 17' 18.19. 20. Eochaid, x. annis. Senach, annis xv. Mac Laisre, xiiii. Tomine, xxxv. annis. Segine, xxvi. annis. Flann Febla, son of Scan- nal ; he was the pupil4 of Berchan, son of Mican : xxvii. annis. Suibne in Sui s, xv. annis. Congus, xx. annis. Cele-Petair, viii. annis. Fer-da-crioch, x. annis. Foendelach, vi. annis. Dubdalethi, xviii. 1 List. Leabhar Breac, fol. 98, b. b. [or by another pagination, fol. 108, b. b.]. This. List was first published (in English) by Mr. King ; Primacy of Armagh, p. 112. 2 Quievit. The Irish annals al ways use this word to express the entering into rest of a saint or eccle siastic. They sometimes also use pausavit, and pausatio. These words are never applied to laymen, however exalted. For this reason, the word ' quievit,' as in some sort technical, has been here retained. = 'Log. In the original, 'Hiar lathi mac Loga,' but Loga seems to be the genitive case. 4 Pupil. The original word Dalta signifies foster-son ; a person brought up, supported, and educated by another. 6 In Sui : i. e. the sasre. N 178 Third List of Co-arbs of Patrick [introd. 21. Oirechtach, i. anno. 22. Cudinisc, iiii. annis. 23. Condmach, xiii. annis. 24. Torbach, uno anno. 25. Nuada, iii. annis. 26. Mac Lonsig, xiii. 27. Artri, duobus annis. 28 . Eogan mainestrech, m buti meic Bronaig.1 29. Forandan, xiiii. annis. 30. Dermait, iiii. annis. 31. Fethgna, xxv. annis. 32. Ainmire, uno anno. 33. Cathussach, iiii. annis. 34. Maelcaba, v. annis. 35 . Maelbrigte mac Domain 2, xxxix annis. 36. Iosep, annis ix. 37. Maelpatraic, anno uno. 38. Cathassach, xx. annis. 39. Muiredach mac Fer- gusa3, ix. annis. 40. Dubdalethi mac Cellaig4, xxxiii. 41. Muirecan, iii. annis. 42. Maelmuire, xiii. annis. 43. Amalgaid, xxix. annis. 44. Dubdalethi, ii. annis. 45. Cummascach, iii. annis. 46. Moelissu, xxvii. annis. 47. Domnall, viii. annis. Third List of the Co- arbs of Patrick. 76. The third List occurs in the Leabhar buidhe Lecain, or ' Yellow Book5 of Lecan,' a MS. written about a.d. 1390, and now preserved in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. This list contains very little more than the names and duration of the incumbencies, but is continued to Gilla, or Gelasius, who died 1 1 74. The same liberty has been taken as before, of prefixing a number to each prelate's name, for the con venience of reference. The years of incum bency are omitted in Nos. 8, 12, 13, 2$, 36, 49, 50, 51, and 58. 1 Bronaig. These words have been left untranslated, because, as Mr. King has justly remarked, there is in them an error of transcription. We should read ' Eoghan maine- strech-buti mac Bronaig ; ' i. e. ' Eoghan [or Owen] of Monaster- boice, son of Bronach.' 2 Mac Domain : i. e. son of Dor- nan. 3 MacFergusa: i.e. son of Fergus. 4 Mac Cellaig : i. e. son of Cel- lach or Kelly : the Irish C is always pronounced as K. 6 Yellow Book. For an account of this MS. see O'Curry's Lectures, p. 190. introd.] from the Yellow Book of Lee an. ijg I. Patraic, xxii. 33- Mac Loingsi, xvii. 2. Sechnall, xiii. 34- Arti, ii. 3- Sen-Patraic, x. 35- Eogan mainistrech, viii. 4~ Benen, x. 36. Forandan. 5- Iarlaithe, xiiii. 37- Dermait, iiii. 6. Patraic, iiii. 38. Fethgna, xxii. 7- Cormac, xii. 39- Ainmire, i. 8, 9, 10. Cormac ' and Dub- 40. Cathusach, vii. tach, xiiii., and Ailill 41. Maelcoba, v. xiii. 42. Maelbrigde, xxix. n. Ailill, x. 43- Iosep. ix. 12. Duach. 44. Maelpatraic, i. I3- Fiachra. 45- Cathusach mac Fergusa, 14. Feidlim, xx. XX. IS- Cairellan, x. 46. Muiredach mac Fergusa, 16. Eochad, xv. ix. 17- Senach, xii. 47- Dubdalethi mac Cellaig, 18. Mac Laisre, xiiii. xxxviii. 19. Tomine, xxxv. 48. Muirecan mac Eathach 2, 20. Segine, xxiiii. xix. 21. Flann Febla, xxiiii. 49. Maelmuire. 22. Suibni, xii. 50. Amalgaid. 23- Congus, xx. Si- Dubdalethi. 24. Celi-Pedair, vii. 52- Cumascach, iii. 25. Ferdacrich. 53- Maelissa, xxvii. 26. Foendelach, x. 54- Domnall, xiiii. 27. Dubdalethi, xviii. 55- Cellach, xxvii. 28. Airechtach, i. 56. Muircertach, iii. 29. Cudinisc, iiii. 57- Maelmuadoc, h. mongair.3 3°- Connmach, xvi. 58. Gilla mac Liac meic Diar- 31- Torbach, i. mada meic Ruaidri.4 32- Nuada, iii. 77. The fourth List is the most antient and va- Fourth List. luable of them all, and has been now for the first 1 Cormac. This is obscure. In the MS. it is written thus: xiiii 7 xiii ' Cormac yDubtach, 7Ailill.' Where the character 7, is the usual Irish contraction for ocus or agus, ' and.' 2 Mac Eathach : i.e. son of Eochadh. 3 h. mongair : i.e. grandson of Mongar, written in full hua Mongair, or 0 Mongair. 4 Ruaidri : i. e. Gilla, son of Liac, son of Diarmait, son of Rory. N 2 180 Fourth List of Co-arbs of Patrick [introd. time published. It is preserved in the Book of Leinster1, compiled or written by Finn Mac Gormain, who was Bishop of Kildare from 1 148 to 1 1 bo. This list, is entitled Comarbada Pa traic, ' The Comarbs of Patrick.' A number has been prefixed to each name, as before. This list gives some curious genealogical and topographical information, which renders it very interesting and important. 1 . Patraic ; Ixiiii. from the coming of Patrick into Erinn to his death. 2. Sechnall, son of Restitut, xiii. 3. Sen-Patraic, ii. 4. Binnen, son of Sescnen, x. 5. Iarlaithe, son of Tren, xiiii., of Cluain-Fiacla.2 6. Cormac, xii. Primus abbas de Chlainn-Chernaigh.3 7. Dubthach, xiii. 8. Ailill, xiii., primus. 1 Both Ailills were of Druim- 9. Ailill, x., secundus. J chad, in Hi Bresail. 10. Duach, xii., of Ui Tuirtri. 11. Fiachra, x., son of Colman, son of Eogan, of Enuch Senmail. 12. Feidilmid, xv., grandson of Faelan of Domnuch- nemaind. 13. Caurlan, iiii., of Domnuch-mic-hu-garba, of the Ui Niallain. 14. Eochaid, son of Diarmait, iii., of Dumnuch-rig-druing. 15. Senach-garb 4, xiii., of Cluain-hu-mic-Gricci, ofthe Ui Niallain [i.e. the smith5 who was in [holy] orders of Cill- mor]. 16. Mac Laisre, xviii. 1 Leinster. A MS. in Trin. Coll. 5 Smith. It is doubtful whether Dublin, H. 2, 18, fol. 21 b. col. 3. the note within brackets was in- See O'Curry's Lectures, p. 186. tended to belong to No. 15 or to 2 Cluain-Fiacla. Now Clonfeacle. No. 16. It is written in the MS. 3 De Chlainn Chernaigh : i. e. of as if it was meant to be a sort of the Clann Cernaigh or Kearney. gloss on No. 16. But this question 4 Senach-garb, or Senach the will be considered elsewhere. rough. introd.] from the Book of Leinster. 181 * 17. Tommine, Ixxxiii. t 18. Segini, xxvii., son of Bresal, of Acudh-Chlaidib. 19. Forannan, i. 20. Fland Febla, xxvi., son of Scanlan, grandson of Fingin. 21. Suibne, xv., son of Crunmael, son of Ronan of the Ui Niallain. 22. Congus Scribnid ', xx. Unde Torad penne Congusa ; i.e. grandson of Dasluaig, son of Ainmire of Cuil-Athgoirt. 23. Cele-Petair, viii., of Druim Chetna in Ui Bresail. 24. Ferdachrich, x. 25. Cudinisc, iiii., son of Concas, grandson of Cathbath, son of Eochad. 26. Dubdalethi, son of Sinach, xviii. 27. Airectach, grandson of Faelan, of the Ui Bresail, i. year. 20. Faennelach, iii., son of Moenach-Mannacta. It was he who was killed by Dubdalethi at Ros-bodba ; unde dicitur: — Faendelach aness, ise a less, Faendelach, from the south, he would Teclaim sluaig ; do well Dubdalethi mac Siniag, do fail To collect an army ; Corigaib atuaid. Dubdalethi, son of Sinach, he is With kings from the north. 29. Condmach, xiii., son of Dubdalethi. This was the son '.n succession to his father, ut prophetavit2 Bec-mac-de. 30. Artri, ii. It was he who suffered martyrdom from O'Niall, and from Suibni, son of Sairnech. 31. Eogan Manistrech, viii. Eogan, son of Anbtech, Comarb of Patrick, and of Finnian, and of Buite, spiritual director of Niall Glundub.3 Here are three Airchinnechs, who took the abbacy by force, who are not commemorated in the Mass ; viz. Fland-roi, son of Cumascach, son of Conchobair, who died in the chariot ; and Gormgal, son of Indnotach. 32. Forannan, xvii., son of Murgel; i.e. Murgel4 was the name ofhis mother 1 Congus Scribnid: i. e. Congus 2 Prophetavit. The meaning is, the Scribe. The words that follow this was the son who succeeded his signify ' Hence [the saying: or hence father, as predicted by the poet and the poem beginning] The fruit of prophet Bec-mac-de. Congus's pen,' alluding to his having 3 Glundub. This is a mistake for been a scribe. Over the word Das- Niall Cailne. luaig is the gloss ' i. mensa,' which 4 Murgel. This last clause is in I am unable to explain. Latin, 'i. Murgel nomen matris ejus.' * 3 1 82 Fourth List of Co-arbs of Patrick, [introd., 33. Dermait, grandgon of Tigernan. It was by him the linen cloth was placed between the spears at the cross of Ardachad1, and the ridge of leeks and parsneps, so that they rotted by the greatness ofhis power. 34. Fechgna, xxii.; i.e. Figlech2, son of Neehtan: of the Clann Eochadh. 35. Ainmere, i. year; grandson of Faelan. He was sove reign of the Niallain, and of the priesthood of Armagh. 36. Maelcoba, v. years, son of Crundmal, of the family of Cill mor. 37. Cathassach, son of Rabartach, iiii., 'grandson of Moinach, 1 of the Clann Suibne. He died in his pilgrimage in the island of3 . . . 38. Maelbrigti, son of Tornan, xxxix., comarb of Patraic and of Colum-cille, of the Clann . . . ; i.e. of the o . . . 39. Joseph, ix., son of Fathach, of the Clann .... -gaeta of the Dalriattai. 40. Maelpatraic, i. year, son of Mailtuile. 41. Cathassach, xx., son of Doligen. 42. Muridach, son of Fergus, ix., of Glinn-arind in Sliabh . . . 43. Dubdalethi, son of Cellah, xxxiii. Deolaid, daughter •; of Mailtuile, son of . . . .of Mis-cain-dega, was the mother of Dubdalethi. 44. Murican, iii., son of Ciaracan, of Both-Domnaig. 45. Maelmaire, xix., son of Eochocan. 46. Amalgaid, xxix. 47. Dubdalethi, xii. 48. Cummascach, iii. 49. Domnall, xiiii. 50. Cellach.4 51. Maelmoedoc, grandson of Morgan 52. Gillamacliac, i.e. Mac-ind-fhirdana.5 53. The bishop Hua Muiredach. 1 Ardachad,aow Ardagh. This marked by dots, Nos. 38, 39, 42. passage is very obscure. and 43. 2 Figlech. This word signifies 4 Cellach. Here the original vigils : meaning that this prelate list stops. The remaining names was called ' Fechgna of the Vi- are added in another hand. gils.' 6 Mac-ind-fhirdana. These words s Island of . . . The MS. is signify ' Son of the poet.' illegible here, and also in the places introd.J Annals of Ecclesiastical Events. 1 83 54. Gilla-chomdad Hua Carain. 55. Tomaltach, son of Aedh, son of Toirdelbach Hui Chon- chobair. The historical and genealogical information given in the foregoing list is of great value to the student of Irish Church history, in which the bishops of Armagh have played so important a part. At present it is only necessary to note, that the years of each prelate's incumbency appear to have been added after the list of names was written ; they are, however, in a hand coeval with the list itself, if not in the original hand. They are written over the lines, at the places where they are inserted above, which will explain the circumstance that they sometimes interrupt the sense. 78. The same MS. (the Book of Leinster) con- Annais of tains a curious list of the kings of Ireland since events, from Christianity, in which are inserted, in the briefest LeLster. form of annals, notices of the principal battles and other events of each king's reign, and, in particular, the deaths of the bishops and abbats of Armagh.1 It will be worth while to ex tract from this list, under each king's reign, the ecclesiastical events which illustrate the subject of this work. The tract is entitled lncipit do fiaithesaib ocus amseraib h-Erenn iar creitim. ' Here begins, Of the reigns and times of Erinn since Christianity.' Some of the entries or events recorded in this 1 Armagh. The dates of the earlier will observe the ancient and more kings will be found in the Appendix simple orthography of the names in A, Table VI. p. 256. The reader the following Annals. * N 4 1 84 Annals of Ecclesiastical Events [introd. document are in Latin. They are here given in that language without translation. The Irish entries are translated into English. LAOEGAIRE, SON OF NIALL. xxx. annos regnum Hibernie post adventum Patricii tenuit. Ardmacha fundata est. Secundinus et senex Patricius quieverunt. AILIOLL MOLT, SON OF DATHI. Quies Benigni sancti episcopi. Quies Iarlathi tertii episcopi. LUGAID, SON OF LAOEGAIRE. Patricii scotorum episcopi, Cormac primus abbas, Quies Ibari episcopi. MURCHERTACH, SON OF ERC. Dubthach abbat of Ardmacha quievit. Dormitatio S. Brigitae. Ailioll abbat of Ardmacha. Quies Colmain McDuach. TUATHAL MAELGARB. Quies Ailbe Imlecha.1 Ailiol 2 [ii.] abbat of Ardmacha. Nem episcopus. Duach abbat of Ardmacha. Ciaran mac-int-saer. Colum mac Crimthaind. Fiachra abbat of Ardmacha. DOMNALL ET FERGUS DUO FILII MEIC ERCA. Quies Brenaind Birr. cccmo* anno astatis suas [dlxxx.3]. 1 Imlecha. The Quies, or rest, which indicates that he was the i. e. death, of Ailbe, of Imleach second of the name. [Emly]. s £)ixxx, xhis number is writ- 2 Ailiol. Over this name is the ten over the line ; it denotes A.D. number ii. (added above in brackets), 580. introd.] from the Book of Leinster. 1 85 BAETAN AND EOCHAID. [No ecclesiastical events are recorded under this reign.] AIMIRE, SON OF SETNA. [No ecclesiastical events recorded.] BAETAN, SON OF NINNIDH. Ite Cluana-Oenu, h. Loigsi. Gillas sapiens quievit. AED, SON OF AINMIRE, Daig son of Cairell quievit. The great convention of Drum-Ceatt. Feidlimid abbat of Ardmacha moritur. Eochu abbat of Ardmacha. Grigorius Papa. David of Cill-muine. Quies Coluim-cille et Baithine. COLMAN RIMID, ET AED SLAINE. Quies Comgaill Benchoir. Fintan of Cluan Eidnech. Quies Cainnig. AED UARIDNACH. Senach abbat of Ardmacha Vel hie Grigorius. MAELCOBA. [No ecclesiastical events recorded.] SUBNE MENN. Mac Lasre abbat of Ardmacha. DOMHNALL, SON OF AED. Mochuta of Rathin quievit. Molasse of Leth-glinn quievit. CELLACH AND CONALL CAEL, SONS OF MAELCOBA. Fursu quievit. BLAITHMAC ET DIARMAIT. Fechin of Fobar, Manchan of Leith, Aineran of In- decna quieverunt. Then was the Buidh Coneill [the yellow pestilence]. Synodus Constantinopolitana. 1 8b Annals of Ecclesiastical Events [introd. SECHNASACH, SON OF BLAITHMAC Navigatio Columbani episcopi cum reliquiis sanctorum to Inis-bo-finn. Prima combustio Airdmacha. FINNACTA FLEDACH. Adomnanus captivos duxit ad Hiberniam. LOINGSECH, SON OF OENGUS. Moling of Luachra. Esuries maxima in Hibernia ut homo hominem co- mederet. CONGAL OF CENN MAGAIR. [No ecclesiastical events recorded.] FERGALL, SON OF MAELDUIN. [No ecclesiastical events.] FOGARTACH, SON OF NIALL. [No ecclesiastical events.] CINAED, SON OF IRGALACH. [No ecclesiastical events.] FLAITHBERTACH, SON OF LONSECH. He died ' at Ardmacha. Subne abbat of Ardmacha moritur. AED ALLAIN, SON OF FERGALL. [No ecclesiastical events.] DOMNALL, SON OF MURCHAD. Quies Fidmuine 2 [i. h. Suanaig], Cucumne. NIALL FROSSACH, SON OF FERGAL. Ferdachrich, abbat of Ardmacha. 1 Died. The Four Masters add, signify that he was the grandson of •having resigned his kingdom for Suanach. The Four Masters call a monastic life,' a.d. 729. him ' Fidhairle Hua Suanaigh,' 2 Fidmuine. The words in brackets A.D. 758. occur as a gloss over the name, and introd. J from the Book of Leinster. .187 DONDCHAD, SON OF DOMNALL. Dubdaleth, abbat of Ardmacha. AED ORDNIDE. Condmach, Torbach, Toictech, Nuado, abbats of Ard macha quieverunt. CONCHOBAR, SON OF DONDCHAD. Eogan Manistrech of Ard-macha. MAELSECHLAINN, SON OF MAELRUANAID. Forannan et Diarmait duoabbates Airdmacha quieverunt. AED FINDLIATH. Fethgna abbat of Ardmacha. FLANN, SON OF MAELSECHLAINN. Ainmeri et Maelcoba abbates Airdmacha quieverunt. Battle of Belach-mugna by the Leinster-men against the Munster-men, in quo cecidit Cormac, son of Culenan, NIALL GLULDUBH. [No ecclesiastical events.] DONDCHAD, SON OF FLANN. Maelbrigte, son of Toman, et Joseph, et Maelpatraic, tres abbates quieverunt. CONGALACH, SON OF MAELMITHIG. [No ecclesiastical events.] DOMNALL, GRANDSON OF NIALL. Muredach abbas Airdmacha moritur. MAELSECHLAINN, SON OF DOMNALL. Dubdaleithe comarb of Patrick. BRIAN, SON OF CENNETIGH. [No ecclesiastical events.] MAELSECHLAINN, SON OF DOMNALL [restored]. Maelmaire, comarb of Patrick. INTERREGNUM OF TWO YEARS. Amalgaid comarb of Patrick. t88 Annals of Ecclesiastical Events, [introd. TAIRDELBACH, GRANDSON OF BRIAN. Dubdalethi, comarb of Patrick. MUIRCHERTACH, GRANDSON OF BRIAN. Maelisu, comarb of Patrick. INTERREGNUM OF SIX YEARS. Cellach comarb of Patrick. Mael-isu, grandson of Ainmire, chief senior [ardsenoir] of Erinn, quievit. Synod of Cenannus [Kells], ubi Johannes Cardinalis praesidens interfuit. Millessimo cmo* lm0' secundo cele- bratum fuit istud nobile concilium. MUIRCHERTACH, SON OF NIALL. Domnall, grandson of Londgan, Archbishop [ardespoc] of Munster, quievit. Synod at Bri-mac-Taidc. RUADRI,1 SON OF TAIRDELBACH, GRANDSON OF CONCHOBAIR. The Saxons came into Erinn ; and Erinn was full of wounds from them. Gilla mac Liac, comarb of Patrick. The Saxons came into Erinn. Erinn was wounded by them. Domhnall, grandson of Brian, King of Tuadmuman [Thomond], quievit. These short Annals, never before published, will be found to fix the dates of several bishops and ecclesiastics of Armagh, and appear to have been written before the use of the Christian era became general in Ireland. Having placed on record these important docu ments, we may now conclude this Introduction by some remarks on the existence of Christianity in Ireland, before the mission of St. Patrick, and on the history of some natives of Ireland who appear 1 Ruadri. This last paragraph is in a hand later than the rest of the MS. introd.] Irish Christians before St. Patrick. 189 to have embraced Christianity independently, or prior to that event. yg. Ireland, unlike Spain, and other countries, origin of makes no claim to the honour of having received -ln Ireland. Christianity from the preaching of one of the original apostles.1 The traditions which have been handed down to us are, in themselves, by no means improbable. They amount to this, that isolated and accidental visits to the island made by Christian men in the third or fourth century, some of them perhaps merchants, some ascetics, or ecclesiastics, had raised up here and there, princi- pallyitwould seem in the south or south-east, some few Christian families, separated from each other, and probably ignorant of each other's existence. Some natives of Ireland also, who had emi- ir;sh grated to the Continent before the coming of before st! St. Patrick, appear to have there become imbued Patrlck- with Christian doctrine, and notwithstanding the great difficulty in that age of intercourse with so inaccessible a land, may have produced some preparatory influence on their friends at home. But the fact that there were Irishmen on the Continent in that early period who were believers in Christ, does not necessarily prove that they had received their Christianity in their native country, or that there was any Christianity in Ireland at the time. From a passage in the writings of St. Jerome, peiagi us or Caelestius. 1 Apostles. The story that St. authority, and probably originated James, the son of Zebedee and in the similitude between Siberia brother of St. John, had preached in and Hibernia. — Lanigan, vol. i. Ireland, is not found in any Irish p. 3. 190 Pelagius or Calestius [introd. said to be of some have inferred that the celebrated heretic Pelagius was of Irish birth ; others suppose that Jerome alluded not to Pelagius, but to Caelestius, the follower of Pelagius. He names neither, and the words are certainly very obscure.1 ' The devil,' he says, ' although silent himself, barks through a huge and corpulent Alpine dog, who can do more mischief with his claws than with his teeth : for2 he is by descent of the Scotic na tion, the next country to the British ; and like an other Cerberus, accordingto the fables of the poets, must be struck down with a spiritual club, that he may be silenced for ever with his master Pluto.'3 The corpu- In another place St. Terome speaks also of a lent Scot . - . censured by Scot, or at least of one in some way connected St. Jerome. . , , „ .... with the bcots, a man corpulent in his person, and so far apparently to be identified with the ' Alpine dog ' of the foregoing passage. This man, who is not named, is described as having written against Jerome's Commentary on the Epistle to the Ephesians, in the spirit of an 1 Obscure. Hieron. Comm. in modern Scotland. But the name of Jerem., lib. iii., Praf. ' Ipseque Scotia, in S. Jerome's time, was mutus latrat per Albinum [al. Al- applied exclusively to Ireland. pinum] canem, grandem et corpu- 2 For. The vis consequentiae here lentum, et qui calcibus magis possit is not very apparent. Enim is, per- ssevire, quam dentibus. Habet enim haps, to be referred to Albinum or progeniem Scoticse gentis,de Britan- Alpinum. norum vicinia : qui juxta fabulas 3 Pluto: Ussher reasons that St. poetarum, instar Cerberi, spirituali Jerome here distinguishes between percutiendus est clava, ut xterno Cerberus and Pluto : meaning by cum suo magistro Plutone silentio the latter Pelagius, who remained conticescat.' It seems plain, from in retirement himself, whilst he pro- the context, that Ipse, in the begin- pagated his opinions by means of ning of this sentence, must refer to Cerberus, i. e. Caelestius his barking diabolus, not to Pelagius. The word disciple. — Britt. Eccl. Antiq., c. 8 Albinum, or Alpinum, is obscure. (Works, v. p. 255). But all this is The former reading is preferred by weak, and hangs on the assumption Vallarsius, and understood by him that ' Ipse mutus latrat' signifies as alluding to Albion or Alba, the Pelagius. introd.] spoken of as a Scot by St. Jerome. 191 ' unlearned calumniator,' as did also his ' pre cursor Grunnius,' by which nickname Ruffinus 1 is supposed to be intended. It is stated also that the same 'calumniator' had objected to the books against Jovinian, that in them virginity was preferred to marriage, marriage to digamy, digamy to polygamy.2 To this latter objection Jerome replies : c But this most stupid fellow, overloaded with the porridge of the Scots, does not recollect that in that very work we had said, I condemn not digamists, nor yet trigamists, nay, not even octogamists, if that could be,'3 &c. The Scotic calumniator therefore must have been either Pelagius or Ceelestius : probably the former, from the allusion to his great stature.4 1 Ruffinus. This is probable, be cause Ruffinus had formerly made the same objection to the Comm. on Ephes., that in it Jerome had tran scribed passages from Origen (see Ultima responsio, commonly cited as lib. iii. contra Ruffinum, cap. ii) : and also because Jerome goes on to say, that he had answered this Grun nius in two books (evidently alluding to the two books contra Ruffinum), in which he had refuted not only what Grunnius had alleged, but also what had since been advanced by the present calumniator. ' Quod non videns precursor ejus Grun nius, olim nisus est carpere. Cui duobus responsi libris, ubi quae iste quasi sua profert, et alio jam calum- niante, purgata sunt.' — Comm. in Jerem. Prolog. 2 Polygamy. The reader will re collect that by digamy and polygamy are here meant, not the marriage with two or more wives all living ; but a marriage with a second or third wife after the death of the former. 3 Could be. ' Ut nuper indoctus calumniator erupit, qui Commen- tarios meos in epistolam Pauli ad Ephesios reprehendendos putat,' &c. . . . ' Nee recordatur stolidissimus et Scotorum pultibus pragravatus, nos in ipso dixisse opere : Non damno digamos, immo nee triga- mos, et si fieri possit, octogamos,'&c. 4 Stature. In another place also, Jerome alludes to the great stature of Pelagius, saying that he had the shoulders of Milo. ' Tu ipse qui Ca- toniana nobis inflaris superbia, et Milonis humeris intumescis,' &c. — Dial. contra Pelagianos i. n. 28. So also Paulus Orosius calls Pelagius « Goliath ; ' Stat etiam immanissimus superbia Goliat, carnali potentia tumidus,omniaperse posse confidens.' — Liber Apologet. contra Pelag. (Bibl. PP. Lugdun. vi. p. 449, c). And again, addressing Pelagius : ' Sed tibi specialis inde portandi operis fortasse fiducia est, quod bal- neis epulisque nutritus, latos humeros gestas robustamque cervicem : prae- ferens etiam in fronte pinguedinem,' &c. —Ibid., p. 457, c. 192 An Irishman distinguished [introd. St. Augustine has called Caslestius a man of acute genius 1, and always speaks of Pelagius as one whom he greatly loved, a man of holy and most Christian life2, it may seem extraordinary therefore that St. Jerome should have intended to speak of either of them in such terms as he has employed. But these are not the only pas sages in his works from which it appears that St. Jerome occasionally suffered himself to be carried away by the heat of controversy. Learned men, however, have generally supposed that Caslestius, not Pelagius, was the opponent to whom St. Jerome applies the opprobrious terms of 'Alpine dog,' 'fattened on Scotic porridge ;' &c. And their reason is this: — Pelagius, as we learn from St. Augustine 3, and others, was called ' the Briton,' to distinguish him from Pelagius of Tarentum, and therefore, it is inferred, was of Welsh4 descent, and not a Scot or Irishman. 1 Acute genius. ' Homine acer- cannot mean Pelagius, because Pe- rimi ingenii.' — Contra duas Epistolas lagius was » Briton. Therefore, Pelagianorum, lib. ii. n. 5. he must mean Caelestius. There- 2 Life. ' Egregie Christianus.' fore, Caslestius was a Scot, i. e. an — De Peccator. meritis et remiss, iii. Irishman. It seemed also some con- n. 6. firmation of this, that the Irish 8 Augustine. ' Pelagium, quem name Cellach, although generally credimus, ut ab illo distingueretur Latinized Celsus, is sometimes made qui Pelagius Tarenti dicitur, Brito- Calestius ; not with any reference to nem cognominatum, quod ut ser- its signification, but simply as a vum Dei dilexeris, novimus.' — Epist. remote imitation of the sound. It 186 (Paulino episcopo), torn. ii. 663, is remarkable that Ware and Harris, ed. Bened. although they could not have been 4 Welsh. This is, in fact, the ignorant of Ussher's opinion, have whole ground of the opinion so omitted Caelestius, as well as Pela- generally received, that Caslestius gius, in their list of Irish writers. was an Irishman. Ussher and others Gennadius, who flourished at the appear to have reasoned thus : St. close of the fifth century, in his Jerome must be understood to speak book, De viris illustr., c. 44, tells us either of Pelagius or Caelestius : he that Caslestius, when a youth in his time. ititfcoD.J as a Theologian in St. Jerome's Time. 193 Possibly, however, in that age the name of Briton in popular use may have included the Scots. Be this however as it may, for the object of Anirish- this work prohibits our enlarging upon such therWa- questions, it must suffice to observe that St. oXr,^™ Jerome, in the foregoing extracts, manifestly asTtheob- speaks of a Scot, or Irishman, who was a j^o^.f' professor of Christianity, and engaged in the controversies of that day. This is unquestion able evidence that there was at least one Irish man, on the continent of Europe, at that early period, who was a Christian. It does not neces sarily follow that he had received the faith in his native country, neither does it affect our argu ment whether we identify him with Caelestius, Pelagius, or anybody else, whose name is known in history. 80. St. Beatus, Biat, or Bie, apostle of Switzer- ss. Beatus land, first bishop of Lausanne, is said to have suet™ slid been a Scot, but on scarcely any evidence except that he was the companion of St. Mansuetus, or monastery, and before he had adopted (Works vi. p. 340) 5 and Dr. Petrie the Pelagian errors, had written argues, that if he wrote letters to some excellent letters to his parents, his parents, the parents must have It is not said that the parents were been able to read them, and, there in Ireland, or that Caelestius was an fore, there was a knowledge of letters Irishman, much less that his monas- in Ireland before the age of St. tery was in Ireland. Nevertheless, Dr. Patrick (Essay on Tara, Trans. R. O'Conor infers, from this mention of Irish Acad, xviii. p. 47). But themonastery,thatthemonasticinsti- none of these inferences follow from tute existed, in Ireland, a whole cen- the premises, even though we admit tury before St. Patrick: (Rer.Hibern. that the parents of Caelestius were Scriptt. 1. Proleg. i., p. lxxviii.). in Ireland, except the last ; and that Ussher concludes that the parents of is valid only on the assumption — Caelestius must have been Christians which, as we have seen, is more (as if he could not have written to than doubtful — that Caelestius was his parents, even though they had of Irish birth, and his parents resi- been Pagans), Primord., c. xvi. dent in Ireland. O to be Irish. 194 St. Mansuy of Toul an Irishman, [introd, Mansuy, first bishop of Toul in Lorraine. They have been both set down as disciples of St. Peter ; and if so, must have flourished in the Apostolic age. Mansuetus is expressly said to have been an Irishman, by his poetical biographer Adso x : — ' Insula Christicolas gestabat Hibernia gentes, Unde genus traxit, et satus inde fuit.' ' Hibernia's soil was rich in Christian grace ; There Mansuy saw the light, there lived his noble race.' But it is impossible to suppose Ireland to have been full of Christians in the first century, and therefore we must conclude that Adso, who died a.d. 994, attributed to the Ireland of the Apostolic age what was true of it in his own. Calmet2, in his ' Dissertation on the Bishops of Toul,' seems to have proved, that St. Mansuy was sent from Rome to Toul about the middle of the fourth century. If he was sent from Rome, this may explain3 the mistake that he was a disciple of St. Peter, for it was a common idiom to say ' sent from St. Peter,' to signify ' sent from Rome.' But however this may be, St. Mansuetus, which may possibly be the trans lation of his Celtic name, was in all proba bility an Irishman, distinguished as an eminent 1 Adso. Quoted by Ussher, Pri- 2 Calmet. Dissert, sur les Evesques mord., p. 750 ; Calmet, Hist. Eccl. de Toul., pref. to vol. i. of the Hist. et Civ. de Lorraine, torn, i., Preuves, Eccl. et Civ. de Lorraine, p. xxvii. p. 86. Mansuetus is said to be 'no- sq. bili Scotorum genere oriundus.' — 3 Explain. This remark has been Actt. Tullensium Episcopor., ap. Mar- made by Dr. Lanigan, Eccl. Hist. tene et Durand. Thes. Nov. iii. p. i. p. 5. 991. introd.J as also Cathald of 1 arentum. 1 95 Christian missionary about a century before St. Patrick. Eliphius, and his brother Eucharius, with their Eliphius and sisters, were also connected with Lorraine, and nourish! are said to have suffered martyrdom at or near Toul, under Julian the Apostate. But we can not place much reliance on the statement that they were the children of a king of Scotia.1 Their names are not Irish. Rupertus Tuitiensis, who flourished in the beginning of the twelfth cen tury, in his Life of Eliphius2, gives us to under stand that they were natives of Toul, and seems to have been wholly ignorant of the story of their Irish descent. Calmet3 makes no allusion to it. Cathaldus of Tarentum, however, has un- cathaidusof doubted claims to be considered an Irishman, an irishman. His biographers, and the traditions of the Church of Tarentum, all agree in the assertion that he was born in Ireland ; and his name is evidently Irish. The antient MS. of his Life4, preserved in the archives of the Church of Tarentum, tells us that he was born just before the death of the emperor Trajan, and Baronius5, in his notes to the Roman Martyrology, dates him accordingly a.d. ibb circiter. The truth, however, slips out in the Life 6 just referred to, where we read that Ca thaldus, before he left Ireland, was a public teacher 1 Scotia. The only authority for where he treats fully of St. Eliphius. this is Peter Merss, or Merssaeus, — Lanigan i. pp. 6-8. who says, ' Eliphius filius regis 4 Life. Published by Colgan, Scotiaed — Quoted by Ussher, Pri- Actt. SS. Hibern. p. 545. mord., p. 784. 5 Baronius. Mart. Rom. ad 10 2 Eliphius. Ap. Surium, 16 Oct., Maii. torn. v. p. 884. 6 The Life : cap. 4 (Colgan, loc. 3 Calmet. Ubi supr. Liv. v., cit., p. 546). 0 z 19b Sedulius probably of Irish birth. [jntrod: in the school of Lismore. But the school of Lismore did not exist in the second century. Its foundation by St. Mochuda, otherwise Carthag, is variously dated by the Irish annalists, between the years1 b3o and 636. It is certain therefore, if Cathald was a scholar or a teacher at Lismore, that he could not have left Ireland much before the middle of the seventh century. He belonged therefore to the second order of Irish Saints, who were wont, as we have seen2, to devote themselves to missionary work abroad. At all events we cannot refer to him with any certainty, as an instance of a Christian Irishman, before the times of St. Patrick. The poet The Christian poet Sedulius has also been claimed as claimed as an Irishman. He flourished in Italy, it is said, about the end of the fourth and be ginning of the fifth century.3 His works were collected by Turcius Rufus Asterius, who was consul in 494 ; from which circumstance, Ussher, Ware, and others conclude that he must have lived to about that year. Be this as it may, it cannot be said that this Sedulius owed his Christianity to the preaching of St. Patrick. There can be no doubt that Trithemius and other authors believed him to have been a native of Ireland ; and his name, in its Irish 1 Years. Ussher, bid. Chron. a.d. 3 Century. Cave gives his floruit 630: Four Mast. 631 : Ann. Clon- 434: Ware (Winters of Ireland, ei.. macnois, 632: Ann. Ult. 635:Tigh. Harris, p. 7), 490: Ussher, Pri- 636. See Colgan, ubi supr. p. 560, mord., p. 777, and Ind. Chron., who refutes unanswerably the early circ. 494. Colgan supposes him to date attributed to S. Cathald. Conf. have been distinguished as a writer Ware, Opusc. S. Patricii, p. 105. before 395, and to have died shortly 2 Seen. Vid. supra, p. 114. sq. before 450. Actt. SS., p. 324. an Irishman. introd.] Irish Christians before St. Patrick. igy form Siudhul, or Siadhal, is of common occur rence.1 From the foregoing examples, without enter- Irish chris- ing into any discussion of some other alleged continent of instances, which are, to say the least, doubtful, befbTst. it is evident that there were Irish Christians on Patrlck- the continent of Europe before the mission of St. Patrick, some of whom had attained to con siderable literary and ecclesiastical eminence. It does not follow, as we have already observed, that these Irishmen had received the faith of the Gospel in their native land before they had emigrated to the continent ; but there is never theless evidence sufficient to show that there were Christians2, isolated indeed, and not formed into canonically disciplined Churches, but still Christians, and even perhaps Christian eccle siastics, in Ireland, before the coming of St. Patrick, 1 Occurrence. It has been doubted a.d. 254, the honour of having whether Sedulius the poet is the renounced idolatry, and states that same as the ' Sedulius Scotus Hiber- he was one of three remarkable in- niensis' who wrote the commentary dividuals who had attained to the on St. Paul's epistles. Some have knowledge of the one true God, in maintained that Sedulius the com- Ireland, before St. Patrick. The mentator did not live until the be- following is a translation of the pas- ginning of the ninth century, and sage alluded to. After speaking of consequently cannot be Sedulius the good government of the country the poet, who certainly flourished under Cormac, the writer adds — ' for in the fifth. But if both were na- Cormac had the faith of the one tives of Ireland, this will not affect true God, according to the law ' our argument. [i. e. apparently the Mosaic law] ; 2 Christians. A very curious ' for he said that he would not adore document, entitled ' Senchas na re- stones or trees, but that he would lee,' or History of Cemeteries, first adore Him who had made them, published by Dr. Petrie, from a MS. and who had power over all the in the Library of the Royal Irish elements : namely, the one power- Academy, collated with another ful God who created the elements : copy in Trinity Coll. Dublin, in Him he would believe. And he claims for Cormac mac Airt, sur- was the third person in Erinn, who named Ulfada, King of Ireland, believed, before the coming of 198 The Story of the Four Bishops [introd. The story of 8 1 . The statement that there were four Munster Munster bishops together with several priests and Christian othe°rPeccie- ascetics in Ireland, before St. Patrick, cannot be siastics, before St. Patrick, apocryphal. received with any degree of credit, although it has been adopted by Colgan1 and countenanced by Ussher.2 Nevertheless the story, for several reasons, must be noticed here. It has no better authority than the legendary lives of the very Saints who are said to have been the predecessors of St. Patrick, and is not supported, but rather refuted, by the Irish Martyrologies and Annals. ' We have it,' says Colgan, ' from the most antient acts of our Saints, written about a thousand years ago and upwards, that there were in various parts of Ireland not only very many believers in Christ, but also many distinguished for sanctity : as Kieran, Ailbe, Declan, and Ibar, bishops ; and also before them, St. Colman, bishop ; St. Dima, the teacher of St. Declan ; St. Corbre, bishop ; St. Mochelloc, St. Bean, St. Patrick. Conchobhar mac Nessa' [King of Ulster, who died a.d. 48], ' to whom Altus had told concern ing the crucifixion of Christ, was the first ; Morann (surnamed Mac Main), son of Cairpre Cinn-Cait, was the second person ; Cormac was the third ; and it is probable that others followed in the same belief.' — Round Towers (Trans. R. Irish Acad., vol. xx. p. 100). The 'Al tus' here mentioned seems to have been the same who is elsewhere called Conall Cearnach. He was an Irish warrior, who happened to be at Jerusalem at the crucifixion of Christ, and returned to his own country full of indignation at the conduct of the Jews. — See O 'Fla herty, Ogyg., p. 283 sq. Cairpre Cinn-Cait (the cat-headed) was the plebeian King of Ireland, a.d. 90, set up after the murder of the nobles by the insurgent peasantry. His son Morann (whose mother's name was Main) became afterwards chief brehon or judge of Ireland, and was celebrated for his legal skill and justice.— Ogyg., p. 300. But these legends cannot be seriously quoted as historical, and they do not appear to ascribe a knowledge of Chris tianity, properly so called, to the in dividuals mentioned, but only a re- nuntiation of idolatry. 1 Colgan. Quinta append, ad Ada S. Patr., c. 15 ; Triad. Thaum., p- 250. 2 Ussher. Primord., c. 16, p. 781, (Works, vi. p. 332). introd.] in Munster before St. Patrick. igg Colman, St. Lactin, St. Mobi, St. Findlug, St. Cuminian, hermits, who flourished in Ireland be fore St. Patrick and St. Palladius.' There is no sufficient evidence, however, that the lives here alluded to by Colgan can be older, in their present form, than the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century1, But certainly they were compiled from authentic documents, as appears from the knowledge they display of the genealogy, family history, and topography of the country ; we are therefore bound to examine the claims of the four bishops who are said in these biographies to have laboured in Ireland before St. Patrick. 83. St. Ciaran, or Kieran2, as his name is gene- st. Kieran rally written, is called by the author of his Life, ' the first born ofthe saints of Ireland.' His father was descended from the chieftains of Ossory ; his mother was of the race of the Corcalaidhe, of which district he was himself a native, having been born in Cliar island, now Cape Clear island, barony of West Carberry, County of Cork. His principal Church, however, was Saighir, now Seir- kieran, a parish in the barony of Ballybritt, King's County. The word Saighir is said to 1 Twelfth century. This is also the marked, the C is always pronounced opinion ofthe Bollandist Papebrock: hard, as K, even before the vowels ' Verum quod bona Colgani venia e and i : and it is now generally ad- dictum sit : non sunt tam antiqua mitted that this was also its antient ilia acta quam credi vult ipse, sed ab pronunciation in Latin. auctoribusfabulosissimisconsarcinata 3 First born. ' Hibernia; sanc- pleraque, nee ulla seculo xii. priora.' torum primogenitus.' — Vit. S. Kier- — App. ad Vit. S. Patr., § i,n. 3(17 ani, c. 1 ; Colgan, Actt. SS., p. Mart., p. 581, c). 458. 2 Kieran. In Irish, as already re- of Saigher. 200 The early Date assigned to [introd. have been the name of a well or fountain1, st. Patrick's probably venerated in Pagan times ; and a pro- prophecy. J ..... . phecy attributed to St. Patrick is cited as having directed St. Ciaran to the place. This prophecy is the foundation of the chronology which as signs the early date to Ciaran's birth. He was thirty years of age, we are told, before he had heard of the Christian religion ; he then went to Rome, where he spent twenty years in eccle siastical studies : having been ordained a bishop, he was returning to Ireland, when he met St, Patrick, who uttered this rann2, or prophetical quatrain : — ' Saighir the cold ! Saighir the cold3 ! Raise a city on its brink. At the end of thirty fair years We shall meet there, I and thou.' Patrick was then on his way to Rome, and had not as yet been consecrated a bishop. If, therefore, we suppose the predicted meeting at Saighir to have occurred immediately, or soon after St. Patrick's arrival in Ireland, a.d. 43%, Ciaran must have left Rome for his native coun try thirty years before ; and being then, as we have seen, fifty years of age, must have been 1 Fountain. It is glossed ' nomen (5 March), translated by Colgan, fontis,' in the antient Scholia on the Actt. SS., p. 471. Calendar pf Aengus, at March 5th : 3 The cold. The Irish word signi- and see Ussher, Works vi. p. 345. fying cold isfuair, which the author 2 Rann. This prophecy is given of the Life of St. Ciaran, published in the Genealogies of Corcalaidhe, by Colgan from the Kilkenny MS., published from the Books of Lecan evidently took for the name of the and Ballimote, by Dr. O'Donovan, fountain: 'adi fontem ... qui Miscell. Celtic Society, p. 20. It oc- vocatur Fuaran,' c. 5 ; Colgan, ib. curs also in the Scholia on Aengus p. 458. introd.] St. Kieran of Seir -kieran untenable. 20\ born about 3$2, or thereabouts.1 Thus Ciaran Kieran was thirty years a bishop in Ireland before St. \ bishop™ Patrick, during which time he converted the ^jst. pVt- chieftains of his mother's family, the Corcalaidhe, rlck' who are therefore spoken of as the first who ' believed in the Cross,' 2 and the first who granted a site for the foundation of a Christian place of worship in Ireland. This was Cill-Chiarain, St. Kieran's Church, on Cape Clear island, the ruins of which are still visible, together with a cross, sculptured on an antient pillar stone, near the strand called Srath-Chiarain, or Kieran's Strand, on the island. Cill-Chiarain, therefore, according to this story, was the first Christian church erected in Ireland. He afterwards established a church or monas- Foundation tery at Saighir, on the confines of the boundary an.er between the northern and southern divisions of Ireland, but on the Munster side. He began by occupying a cell, where he lived, we are told, as a hermit, in the midst of a dense wood, and tamed some of the wild animals of the forest for his amusement; but his fame drew disciples : a monasteryfollowed, and then a city3, to which the name of Saighir (pronounced Seir) was given, from the name of the antient well ; and it afterwards became Seir-kieran, from the name of the saint. But the early date attributed to St. Ciaran is The early date attri 1 Thereabouts. This is the argu- calaidhe, by Dr. O'Donovan (Celtic ment of Ussher, Primord., p. 788 Society's Miscell.), p. 23. (Works vi. 342 sq.), adopted by 3 City. Vit. S. Kierani, c. 6. Colgan, loc. cit., p. 466. Colgan, ib. 2 Cross. See Genealogies of Cor- 202 St. Kieran lived to a.d. 550. [introd. butedtost. inconsistent with several particulars related of Kieran un- ... . i • i 1 tenable. him in the very Lives which assert that early date. He was a contemporary1 of the second St. Ciaran of Clonmac-nois, of St. Brendan of Birr, of St. Brendan of Clonfert, and of St. Ruadan of Lodhra. Nay, he was the disciple of St. Finnian of Clonard, and was accounted one of the twelve apostles of Ireland who were sent forth from that school.2 All these celebrated ecclesiastics belonged to the second order of saints, and died in the middle or latter half of the sixth century.3 It is impos sible, therefore, that Ciaran could have been born in 352, if he was the disciple of St. Finnian, who died just two hundred years afterwards. We are told, indeed, by the author of his Life, that he was far advanced in years4, and a bishop, when he became the disciple of Finnian ; and other difficulties are obviated by the assumption that he lived to be three hundred years5 old. No doubt we must have recourse to some such hypothesis6, if we believe him to have been a 1 Contemporary. Ib. capp. 33, 36. propter humilitatem suam et amorem 2 School. Ib. c. 34 ; Vit. S. Finni- sapientia5.' — Vit. c. 34. Colgan, ib. ani, u. 19 ; Colgan, Actt. SS., p. 395, p. 463. and note 24, p. 398. See above p. 99. 6 Three hundred Years. The 3 Sixth Century. Ciaran of Clon- Mart, of Donegal, p. 65, says 360 macnois died a.d. 549 ; Brendan of years. Birr, a.d. 565 or 571 ; Brendan of 6 Hypothesis. Colgan endeavours Clonfert, 577 ; and Finnian of Clon- to reduce this great age, by showing ard, 552. The date of S. Ruadan's that we need not suppose Ciaran to death is not entered in the Irish have lived beyond the year 540, Annals ; but it must have been when the School of Clonard was after 656, when he cursed Tara. — founded. This brings his age down Petrie on Tara Hill, p. 125. to 192. It may as well be men- i Inyears. ' Cum enim ipse erat tioned, that the genealogy of his senex sapiens et benedictus Pontifex, 'father Luaigre is preserved' in nine dignatusestdiscere sub genu alterius, descents from his ancestor Aengus introd.] History of St. Ailbe of Emly. 203 disciple of St. Finnian in 540, and a bishop in 402. But whether this hypothesis removes all difficulty, is another question. The whole story of his studying at Rome, and his meeting with St. Patrick there, is as apocryphal as the prophecy of the thirty years, on which the chro nology of the legend rests. 83. St. Ailbe was the son of Olcu, son of Nais1, st. Aiibeof a descendant of Rudraighe, or Rory, King of my' Ireland. He was born, as the author2 of his Life tells us, in the territory of Eliach, now called Ely O' Carroll 3, including the baronies of Clonlisk and Ballybritt, in the King's County, in which latter district St. Ciaran erected his monastery and town of Saighir. Ailbe was the illegitimate son of a female slave, whose master, a chieftain of the country, ordered the child to be exposed, and he was left under a rock in the fields. There a man named Lochan, son of Luidir, found the infant, and placed him under the care of some Britons 4 who had settled in the of Ossory, who was expelled from Fergus (King of Ulster in the first his lands, by the Desii, in the reign century), and grandson of Rudraighe, of Cormac Ulfada (a.d. 254-277). King of Ireland, a.m. 3845. — See Colgan, Actt. SS., p. 472, cap. 3. O'Flaherty, Ogyg., p. 274. If this be so, St Ciaran's father 2 Author. ' Ex orientali parte could not have been born much be- regionis Eliach, quae est in Mumenia fore a.d. 500. [read Mumonia] ortus est.' Quoted 1 Nais. Hence the mistake made by Ussher, ubi supra. in some MSS. ofhis Life, where his 3 Ely O'Carroll. See Dr. O'Do- father is called Olcnais, instead of novan's notes, p. lxxxiv. (759) and Olcu mac Nais, combining the two (760) to Topographical Poems (Irish names. — Ussher, Works vi. p. 333. Archa5ol. and Celtic Society), 1862. The territory of Ara, including and Book of Rights (Celtic Society), Ara eliach, in the west of the Co. 1847, p. 78, note i. Limerick, and the barony of Ara i Britons. Could it have been or Duhara, in the N. W. of the from them that the district was called Co. Tipperaiy, were inhabited by Ballybritt ? the descendants of Fertlacht, son of 304 St Ailbe' s sojourn in Rome, [introd. country. The Britons gave him the name of Ailbe, because, says our author, he was found alive1 under the rock. After a few years, a Christian priest visited the place. It is possible that the British colony may have had some Christians among them ; but the biographer of our saint tells us that this priest had been specially sent 2 into Ireland by the Apostolic see, many years before St. Patrick. By this mis sionary the boy was baptized and instructed; and the next thing we hear of him is, that St. Declan3, his future friend and fellow-labourer, met him at Rome, where he remained 'many years ' under the instruction of Hilary, the bishop. The Bollandists * Papebrock and Stilting are of opinion that this was Pope Hilary himself, who presided over the see of Rome from 4b! to 467. But the author of St. Ailbe' s Life, as Ussher remarks, evidently did not think so ; for he represents the bishop Hilary as sending his pupil Ailbe to the Pope °, and recommending his 1 Alive. Ail, is a rock, and beo, his successor in the see of Armagh. living. This etymology is very But they forgot that Sen Patrick doubtful. was not properly successor, in the 2 Sent. ' Missus a sede apostolica modern sense of the word, for ad Hiberniam insulam, muftis annis he died before the great St. Patrick. ante Patricium, ut fidem Christi ibi They also suggest that the priest seminaret.' — Ussher, ib. who had baptized St. Ailbe, having 3 Declan. Ussher, vi. pp. 342, been sent from Rome, can be no 343. other than Palladius. This requires 4 Bollandists. Papebrock, in ap- that we should expunge the ' many pend., c. 1., ad Actt. S. Patricii (Acta years before Patrick,' spoken of by SS., torn. ii. Martii, p. 581). Stil- the biographer. But we may as ting, De vita S. Albei, § 2 (Actt. well also expunge the ' sent from SS., torn. iv. September, p. 28). Rome,' which is quite as apocryphal, The same authors suggest that what and is the only reason for supposing is said of St. Patrick, in (he Acts that Palladius was intended. More- of St. Ailbe, may refer not to the over, Palladius was a bishop. great Patrick, but to Sen Patrick, 5 Pope. ' Misit ilium ad Domi introd.] and return to Ireland. 205 elevation to the episcopacy. Whatever this biographer's opinion on the subject may be worth, he clearly regarded Hilary and the Pope as two distinct persons. St. Ailbe, if he ever was at Rome, could not have been there in the days of Pope .Hilary. Fifty Irishmen, we are told, who were of His fifty course Christians, had followed Ailbe to Rome, pinions.1"" The Pope placed them by themselves in a cell, ' dedit eis Papa cellam seorsum,' and made St. Ailbe their president. After remaining at Rome for a year and fifty days, Ailbe set out for Ireland with his fifty companions, amongst whom were twelve of the name of Colman, twelve called Coemgen, or Kevin, twelve Fintans, together with St. Declan and others. Before settling in Ireland, St. Ailbe preached Hisconti- the Gospel in the apostolic way, ' apostolico sionary more,' to the Gentiles — what Gentiles we are not told. However, a great multitude of them believed, and were baptized. He built a monas tery in their country, and left there certain sons of Goll, ' filios Goill,'1 which may perhaps signify Galli, or Gauls. num Papam ut ab eo ordinaretur nomine, corpus Christi ofFerret,' &c. episcopus.'— Ussher, ubi supra. This must have been Dole, [Dole 1 Filios Goill. Ussher, ubi supra, mor, the great Dole], in Brittany, p. 346. The Bollandist Papebrock of which the Welsh saint, Sampson, (Append, ad Vit. S. Patricii, 17 Mart. son of Caw, was bishop in the sixth p. 581, F.) cites a passage from the century (Rees, Welsh Saints, p.228). Life of St. Ailbe, which, however, It is probable, therefore, that the he does not give in full : ' A Roma ' gentiles' spoken of were in Gaul perrexit in fines gentium, et magna or Brittany. It follows, if this be true, pars gentilium credidit . . . deinde that St. Ailbe's return from Rome venit in civitatem Dolomoir cum cannot be dated much before 524. episcopus illius civitatis Sampson labours. 206 Ailbe lived in the sixth Century, [introd. He then set sail to Ireland in a very bad ship, 'in navi vilissima,' and reached a port in the northern part of the country, where one of his Col mans built a cell or church, which was called Cill-ruadh l, the red church. The author adds that this was in Dal-aradia (Co. of. Down), and that St. Ailbe was a native of the district. But this is evidently a mistake 2, and contradicts what this same biographer had said before, that he was born in Munster. Ailbe then made a circuit of all Ireland, preaching baptism. He converted many, but not all ; for God had reserved for St. Patrick the privilege of converting all the Irish to the faith. st. Aiibe Such is the story. But it is not possible to nourished in .,., . . . . . , the sixth reconcile its chronology with the statement ot the «ntury. j^g^ authentic annals3, that St. Ailbe died in $2,7, or according to another date, 541 . If he had been a bishop so long before the mission of St. Patrick, a.d. 432, as to have converted foreign Gentiles, and made a missionary circuit of Ireland, he must have lived to a very advanced age. of Arfmore 84. ^ w1^ be seen from this narrative, that Ailbe acontempo- an(\ Declan were regarded as contemporaries. Aiibe. They were students in Rome together, and re- 1 Cifl-ruadh. See Reeves, Eccl. — Bolland., Actt. SS. ad. 12 Sept., Antiq. of Down, Connor, &c, p. 245. p. 27, F. 2 Mistake. The cause of the 3 Annals. The Four Masters error is obvious. The people of give the death of St. Ailbe at 541. the country of which Ailbe was a In the Annals of Tighernach, and native are called ' populus Araden- Ulster, and also in the Bodleian sium, hoc est, illius terra quae Ara Annals of Inisfallen, the ' Pausatio' dicitur,' meaning the barony of Ara of St. Ailbe is dated 526 (=527); or Duharra, in the Co. of Tipperary. but the Annals of Ulster give a The biographer confounded this second date, a.d. 541. with Dal-aradia, in the Co. of Down. introd.] History and Date of St. Declan. 207 turned to Ireland together in the same company. Therefore whatever reduction we are compelled to make in the early age assigned to St. Ailbe, must also apply to the history of Declan. Declan was of the tribe of the Desi, or Desii, descended from Fiacha Suidhe, son of Fedlimidh Rechtmar (or the Lawgiver), who was King1 of Ireland from a.d. ib4 to 174. The three sons of Fiacha Suidhe had been banished from their original territory, the barony of Deece, County of Meath, and took possession of the districts in the County of Waterford, still called Decies, after the name2 of their clan. This was about the year 270. St. Declan was born in the country of the Genealogy Munster Desi 3, of which his father Ere is said dan.' to have been a chieftain. His genealogy, as given in the Latin Life, makes Ere fifteenth in descent4 from Fedlimidh Rechtmar, who died a.d. 174. This would bring the birth of Declan 1 King. See O'Flaherty, Ogygia, it is probable that the genealogy has p. 306, who translates his name thus been made too long. For ex- Fedlimius Legifer. ample, Lugadh Niadh is split into 2 Name. See O'Donovan, Book two, and made Luaghiudh, son of of Rights, p. 49, note, and p. 1 84. Niut ; but the genealogy given in the Also O'Flaherty, Ogygia, p. 339. Irish authorities is evidently as much The romantic story of the causes too short as this is too. long : giving1 which led to their expulsion from only seven or eight descents (see Meath is told by Keating, Reign of Colgan, Actt. SS., p. 73, col. 2). Cormac mac Art. The Mart, of Donegal is in error in 3 Desi. His father is called ' Dux tracing Declan to Eochadh Finn, Nandesi,' in the Latin Life of De- son of Fedlimidh Rechtmar, instead clan. — Ussher, Primord., p. 782. But of to Fiacha Suidhe; for if that na is the Irish definite article, and were true he would not be of the nandesi signifies 'the Desi' or Desi, to which tribe his whole history Desii. shows him to have belonged. The 4 Descent. Vit. S. Declani, cap. recurrence of the same names in i. Actt. SS., Bolland. torn. v. Julii, these genealogies is the cause of the p. 594). The copyists have made confusion. sad havoc of the Irish names, and 208 Declan lived in the seventh Century, [introd. to near the middle of the seventh century, which is probably too late. Baptized by His parents were converted to Christianity in of cioyne*." their own country by a certain presbyter named Colman, who afterwards became a bishop. The child was baptized by Colman, who gave him the name of Declan. It is clear that the Colman here intended must have been the celebrated Munster saint, Colman, son of Lenin, founder of the Church of Cloyne, who died a.d. boo1; for otherwise he could scarcely have been named without any patronymic or other title to distinguish him from the great number of Colmans who flourished in that age. Educated by When seven years old, the boy Declan was sent to a holy man who had just returned from abroad to Ireland, which was his native country. This man's name was Dimma, or Dima ; he had established himself in a cell in the neighbourhood, and is described as a religious 2 and wise man, proved in the faith of Christ. Besides Declan, Dimma had another pupil named Carbre, son of Colum, who afterwards became a holy and venerable bishop. This Dimma is believed3 to have been the 1 a.d. 600. This is the date Mart, of Donegal, who says (6 Jan. given by the Four Masters. Ware, p. 7), ' I think this is the Dima who is corrected by Harris, gives 4 Dubh, son of Aongus, &c. I think Nov. 604, which ought to be 24 that he is the Dima to whom De- Nov. 600. — Bishops, p. 573. clan was sent to be educated.' See 2 Religious. ' Qui fuit vir religiosus also Reeves, Eccl. Ant. of Down and et sapiens, atque probatus in Christi Connor, pp. 149, 240, who says that fide.' — Vit. Declani, c. 2, n. 16. the Annals of Ulster erroneously 3 Believed. This opinion is sup- call him Dimmaingert. The error, ported by the high authority of however, is Dr. O'Conor's. The Michael O'Clery, compiler of the true reading of the Ann. of Ulster Dimma. introd.] Consecrated a Bishop for Ireland. 2og Dimma Dubh (Dimma the Black), who was afterwards Bishop of Connor, and died b of doing so suggested itself, than to enact pains 2,34 Penal Enactments of the [introd. and penalties to compel the degenerate English, who had in fact renounced their allegiance to the crown, to return to obedience. The famous statute enacted in the Parliament held at Kil kenny1 in I3b7 had this for its object. It declared alliances with the Irish by marriage, fostering, gossipred &c. to be high treason. It denounced the old Brehon law as ' wicked and damnable,' and enacted that all who followed it should be accounted traitors.2 It is not denied that the statute of Kilkenny contained some good and useful enactments. But its general tendency was to erect a harsh and impassable barrier between the two nations. Penal en- The Irishman dwelling within the English against the pale, who did not adopt the English dress and the English language, was to be punished by confiscation of his land and property, or if he had no land and property, by imprisonment, until he submitted. The English were commanded not to allow an Irishman to graze his cattle upon their lands. It was made penal to present an Irishman to any ecclesiastical benefice; and it was also made penal for any religious house, ' situated amongst the English,' that is to say, within the English pale, ' to receive any Irish man to their profession, but,' it is added, 'they 1 Kilkenny. This statute was referred to. printed (for the first time) by the 2 Traitors. See the extract from Irish Archaeological Society, with Sir John Davis's ' Discoverie of the the very valuable notes of the late causes why Ireland never was sub- James Hardiman. To this work the dued,' quoted by Mr. Hardiman, reader is referred for full information Stat, of Kilkenny, Pref. p. viii. sq. on the period of Irish history here introd.] Statute of Kilkenny. 23$ may receive any Englishman, without taking into consideration whether he be born in England or in Ireland.' Thus it appears that the Irishman was sub jected to these disabilities, and excluded even from the monastic profession, simply because he was of Irish blood ; for it will be observed that the native of Ireland who was of English blood was exempted. Nor was any provision made for the relaxation of this prohibition in the case of an Irishman who had conformed to English usages. His Irish blood was his crime. This clearly appears from the exception (the only exception permitted by the statute), in favour of the native of Ireland who was of English descent. The concluding section of the statute of Kil- sanctioned kenny contains the names of three archbishops Bishops and and five bishops,1 who pledge themselves to ofRome0.urt denounce the spiritual sentence of excommuni cation against all violators of the act. These prelates all owed their promotion to papal pro visions : some of them were consecrated at Avignon, where the papal court was then held ; and it is evident that they must have been 1 Bishops. Stat, of Kilkenny, p. Leighlin ; and John [de Swafham], 119. The names are, Thomas of Cloyne. It is evident from this [Mynot], Archbishop of Dublin ; list that some prelates of Irish sur- Thomas [O'Carroll], of Cashel ; names, and probably therefore of John [O'Grada], of Tuam; Thomas Irish blood, had succeeded in ob- [Le Reve], of Lismore and Water- taining the confidence ofthe Anglo- ford ; Thomas [O'Cormacan], of Irish government. So that we must Killaloe ; William, Bishop of Os- not infer that all who bore Irish sory, who is not, however, included names were necessarily disaffected in the received lists of the prelates to the English rule. of that see; John [Young], of 236 Remonstrance of the Irish Chieftains [introd»: consenting parties to the statute, including the clause which protected the monks of the English pale from the possibility of having their devotions contaminated by the presence of a mere Irish brother. Absence of The absence of the Archbishop of Armagh bishop of and his suffragans from the Kilkenny Parliament may be accounted for by the controversy then at its height between the sees of Dublin and Armagh for precedency. The Archbishop of Armagh at the time was an Englishman, Milo Sweetman, and was nominated to his see by Pope Innocent VI. Most of the other bishops of Ireland were also at that time the nominees of the Court of Rome, and as a matter of course the representatives of its policy. Rome, therefore, must be considered to have been as fully responsible as England for the great political mistake of erecting the unhappy wall of dis tinction between the native Irish, ' the King's Irish rebels,' as they were called, and the Anglo- Norman colonists of the pale. We read of no remonstrance or protest having been ever made against this unjust oppression of the natives by the bishops of that day, whether they were present or not at the convention of Kilkenny. It is evident that they were all in the English interest, and that the English in terest was supported also by the Court of Rome. s^nTof 9l- ^ut the statute of Kilkenny, of which the Irish we are speaking, was only the re-enactment, «3'7- with more stringent penalties, of a series of older introd.] to Pope John XXII. 237 statutes framed in the same spirit. Fifty years be fore, the chieftains and nobles of Ireland, headed by Domhnall O'Neill, styling himself ' King of Ulster, and rightful successor to the throne of all Ireland,' addressed a remonstrance1 to Pope John XXII. against the injustice and outrages of the English colonists. They begin by assert ing the great antiquity and original independence ofthe monarchy of Ireland. They complain that Pope Adrian, acting on the representation, ' false and full of iniquity,' made to him by Henry II. , King of England, and blinded by his own ' Eng lish prejudices,' as being himself an Englishman, had made over to the English monarch the realm of Ireland ; thus bestowing de facto upon a sove reign, who for his murder of St. Thomas of Canterbury ' ought rather have been deprived of his own,' a kingdom which ' de jure the Pope had no right to bestow,' and that this grant was the real source of all the miseries of their country. ' For ever since that time ' (they proceed2 to say), ' when the English, upon occasion of the grant aforesaid, and under the mask of a sort of outward sanctity and religion, made their unprin cipled aggression upon the territories of our realm, they have been endeavouring, with all their might, and with every art which perfidy 1 Remonstrance. It is preserved Domhnall O'Neill died in 1325. in the Scotichronicon of Fordun, See his Genealogy, in Dr. O'Don- edited by Hearne, iii. p. 908 sq. ovan's ' Circuit of Ireland,' p 63 8vo, Oxon.iyzz. Mr. King has pub- (published by the Irish Archjeol. lished an English translation of it Society, 1841). in the supplementary volume to his 2 Proceed. Mr. King's translation Church History of Ireland, p. 1 11 3. is here followed. 238 Remonstrance of the Irish Chieftains [intro». could employ, completely to exterminate and utterly to eradicate our people from the country.' And they add, 'We hold it as an undoubted truth, that in consequence of the aforesaid false suggestion1, and the grant thereupon founded, more than fifty thousand persons of the two nations, from the time when the grant was made to the present date, have perished by the sword, independently of those who have been worn out by famine or destroyed in dungeons.' The condi- The remonstrants then proceed to show that rUn'sBuii " Henry II. and the English sovereigns, his suc cessors, had violated the conditions upon which Ireland was granted to them in the papal bull ; they had not paid to St. Peter, as they were enjoined to do, a penny annually for every house ; they had not enlarged the boundaries of the Irish Church ; on the contrary, they had plundered the endowments of the Cathedral Churches, abolished ecclesiastical privileges of every kind, and imprisoned the Irish bishops and prelates. They had barbarised and depraved the people of Ireland, instead of enlightening and civilising them, as Pope Adrian had intended. The rej monstrants then go on to specify some gross instances of misrule, arbitrary cruelties, and in justice, perpetrated by the English, and permitted, if not encouraged, by their administration of the law. Among these instances of oppression, a pro ' 1 Suggestion. Meaning the sug- Pope as to the barbarous state of gestion made by Henry II. to the Ireland. introd.J to Pope John XXII. 23g minent place is given to the regulation which Exclusion of prohibited the admission of a native Irishman to from the any of the religious houses of the pale ; a regu- ^ofeTsbn. lation which the remonstrants say was made law by the influence of the Anglo-Norman clergy, in ' an iniquitous statute ' enacted at Kilkenny, alluding, not to the statute of Kil kenny of 13b/, already quoted, but to an older statute, which has never been printed, in which the same enactment was contained. They fur ther say, that ' even before this statute, the preaching friars, and the minors, monks and canons, and other English, were in the habit of observing this practice,' — the practice, namely, of refusing to receive any Irish to the monastic pro fession ; ' and yet,' they add, ' the monasteries for monks and canons, from which in modern times the Irish are thus repulsed, were founded, for the most part, by themselves.' The authors of this letter dwell also with Themur- natural and just indignation upon the fact that irishman the murder of an Irishman was not punished as suLeTasin a felony1 by the practice of the English courts "" punish" of justice. They say, ' It is not merely their feIonJ'- lay and secular persons, but even some of the religious among them, who assert the heretical doctrine that it is no more sin to kill an Irish man than to kill a dog, or any other brute 1 Felony. That this was so, is ad- as it was no capital offence to kill mitted by Sir J. Davis in his Dis- them ; and this is manifest by many coverie,kc. 'Lastly' (he says) 'the records.' — Historical Tracts by Sir mere Irish were not only accounted John Davis, p. 88 sq. London 8vo. aliens, but enemies, and altogether 1786. out of the protection of the law ; so 240 The Pope's Reply. [introd. animal;' and they quote some examples (for which the reader must be referred to the letter itself), showing that this doctrine was not only taught, but fully acted upon by the monks and canons of several abbeys, accusing especially of this abominable tenet the members of the Cis tercian and Franciscan orders. Affiance of The chieftains conclude by announcing to with we, the Pope their intention of seeking redress by carrick. force of arms from this intolerable tyranny, in viting to their aid and assistance ' Edward de Bruce, the illustrious Earl of Carrick, brother- German of the most illustrious Lord Robert, by the grace of God King of the Scots, and a descendant of some of the most noble of our own ancestors.' And then, after dilating on the merits of Bruce, and the advantages of the pro posed alliance with him, they make the follow ing request : — ' May it please thee, therefore, most Holy Father, out of a regard for justice and the public peace, mercifully to sanction our proceedings in relation to our said Lord the King ; prohibiting the King of England and our adversaries afore said from farther molestation of us. Or, at least, be graciously pleased to enforce for us from them 'the requirements of justice.' The Pope does not appear to have given any encouragement to the proposed insurrection, or to have communicated directly with the authors of the remonstrance. He took the intermediate course of writing to King Edward II., a letter introd.] Two distinct Churches in Ireland. 241 still extant,1 in which he recommends him for his own sake, and for the sake of religion, to redress the evils complained of, if the statements of the complainants should be found to have any foundation in fact. He transmitted also to the King a copy of the remonstrance of the Irish chieftains, together with a copy of the bull of Pope Adrian IV. The result was what might have been ex pected. The King referred the matter to his Irish Parliament, and the Irish Parliament re turned for answer that the petition of the chief tains could not be granted, without material injury to the King and his government. g2- But this is not the place to enlarge upon Two the history of these transactions. It must suf- churches in fice to make here one or two general remarks, ^^^eS In the first place it will be seen that there were two F Churches in Ireland separated from each other, without any essential difference of discipline or doctrine, at a period long previous to the Re formation. The Church of the English Pale was at first strongly supported by all the power of the Court of Rome. The Church of the native Irish was discountenanced and ignored by Rome, as well as by England. It consisted of the old Irish clergy and inmates of the monas teries, beyond the limits of the English Pale, who had not adopted the English manners or 1 Extant. It has been published Mac Geoghegan, Hist, de Vlrlande, by Peter Lombard, De Regno Hiber- ii. p. 116. nia, Lovan. 1632, p. 260. See also * R tion. 242 The Reformation rejected [introd. language, and who were therefore dealt with as rebels, and compelled to seek for support from the charity or devotion of the people. Many of these took refuge in foreign countries, or connected themselves with foreign emissaries, hostile to England, at home ; but at a subsequent period, wben the Anglo-Irish Church had accepted the Reformation, the ' mere Irish ' clergy were found to have become practically extinct. Their epis copacy had merged into, or become identified with the episcopacy which was recognised by the law. Missionary bishops and priests, therefore, ordained abroad, were sent into Ireland to support the in terests of Rome ; and from them is derived a third Church, in close communion with the See of Rome, which has now assumed the forms and dimensions of a national established religion. Hatred of It will be seen also that the deadly hatred of caused by England and of everything English, which has didf-frences. unfortunately for so many centuries rankled in the native Irish heart, was not at first created by any differences in religion. It originated, and had reached its height, at a time when the only difference in religion was that the Established Church of the English Pale was more thoroughly devoted to Rome, and more completely under Papal, or, as we would now say, ultramontane influence, than the antient clergy and bishops of the aboriginal Irish ever were, or could have been. The Re- It is indeed highly probable that had the formation ° ,.*•"* rejected as Reformation been presented to the Irish people in a Gaelic dress and in the Gaelic language, it would have been accepted without difficulty. introd.] as coming from England. 243 But, unfortunately, the reverse was the case. The Reformation was almost studiously brought into Ireland in ostentatious connection with the Church of the Pale and the English colonists : it was planted on the basis of Puritanism and iconoclastic outrage ; and to this day the in fluence of that unhappy mistake continues to destroy the usefulness and to paralyse the ener gies ofthe Irish clergy. The reformed doctrines were regarded by the oppressed and degraded natives of Ireland as essentially English ; and accordingly they were rejected without exami nation, and spurned with the detestation and abhorrence with which the English, and every thing coming from England, were, as a matter of course, received. When the Court of Rome, therefore, quar relled with the Court of England, and excom municated the sovereigns of England, all its former complicity with England was forgotten. The fact so prominently put forward in the Remonstrance to Pope John XXII., that the English crown laid claim to the sovereignty of Ireland on the authority of a papal bull, was forgotten. The fact that the Anglo-Irish Church had for almost four centuries been supported by Papal power, and the antient clergy, of Irish descent, and of Irish tongue, banished from their livings, and suffered to become extinct by Papal policy, was forgotten also. The fact that the Pope had now become the deadly enemy of England, was enough to turn the scale the other 244 The Penal Laws. [introd. way. The Pope had still great power ; that power was sure to be exerted against the En- I glish. Ireland, therefore, gave herself to the ;! Pope, in the hope that by the influence of the Papal power, and by the aid of those European nations who were hostile to England, the Anglo- Norman colony in Ireland might at length be extirpated, or at least expelled. indirect With all the blessings, therefore, which were eviis'Tfthe the essential concomitants of the Reformation, tionforma" this unfortunate result was an indirect conse quence of it. Ireland was thrown open more completely than it ever was before to the in trigues of foreign adventurers. Spain poured in her emissaries ; begging friars and foreign priests, or native priests educated abroad, went about as preachers of sedition ; the old chieftains, or their successors returned, and stirred up the old spirit of clanship, in the hope of recovering their lands by the expulsion of the English. t The result was insurrection and bloodshed, continued with unrelenting energy through a long series of years ; sometimes in the form of local outbreaks ; sometimes rising to the dignity of civil war, conducted with a fury which justified, if anything could justify, the demolition ofthe castles and other strongholds of the chieftains by Cromwell, the compulsory exile of the mul titudes who were driven by his policy from their native land, and the final confiscations of Wil liam III. LahwSPoefal 93- It was at this latter period that religious introd. J The Legislative Union. 245 distrust unfortunately led to the enactment of cromweii those unhappy penal laws, whose ill consequences wniiamin. have continued to the present day. It is true that the enlightened principles of modern legis lation have done much to check the evil, and to repair the wrong. The legislative union of the three kingdoms ; the full concession of equal rights to all ; the education of the people ; the firm foundation upon which the tenure of land in Ireland, once the source of so much bloodshed, has now been placed — all these things must necessarily in no long time work a cure, which is already far advanced, and of which the gene ration now living will probably witness the completion. It is worthy of remark, however, that the The union Union of Great Britain and Ireland, essential as Britain and it was to the advance of civilization, and the establishment of a right feeling between the two countries, was nevertheless productive also of indirect evil. It induced many of the landlords to follow the Parliament to London, and to leave the management of their estates to their agents or stewards. The consequences which had resulted from the sudden destruction of the chieftains two centuries before, were reproduced in another form. The people were deprived of the guides to whom they had begun to look up, almost as they had looked up of old to their hereditary chieftains. The people had not lost their clannish feelings. It was impossible for them to do without some guides. The leaders * r 3 24b The Legislative Union. [introd. who presented themselves were peculiarly unfitted to become the political guides of the people. They were themselves, for the most part, of the same race as the peasantry. They were natu rally infected with all the old hatred of England, which had become the characteristic of the class to which they belonged. They viewed every thing through the distorted medium of that unfortunate prejudice. The people were taught to regard themselves as still living in a state of war ; the oppressed victims of superior and hos tile force. But this evil also is now greatly diminished. It is quite possible now for an Irish landlord, without any neglect of his parliamentary duties, to spend as much time in his Irish estate as an English landlord spends ordinarily at his pro perty in an English county. The legitimate influence of the nobility and gentry has begun to be felt, and has already in a great measure undermined the trade of political agitation. Let us hope that there may soon be nothing to agitate about ; that all classes may soon learn to forget and to forgive what is past, and to thank God for the great blessings that are present; the equal enjoyment by all subjects of the British Crown, without distinction of race or religion, of the inestimable privileges of the British Con stitution. APPENDIX TO THE INTRODUCTION A Genealogical Tables of Kings and other Personages mentioned in the foregoing Introduction. The eminent Irish Antiquary, Roderick O'Flaherty,1 has endeavoured, with great ingenuity and learning, to reconcile the Irish Bardic traditions and genealogies with the received dates of sacred and profane history. He adopted, indeed, almost all those traditions with implicit faith as true history. No im probability in the narratives created any scruple in his mind ; but for this very reason his pages exhibit a faithful transcript of the historical traditions of Ireland, clothed with the most seemly garments of consistency which they are capable of receiving. Firmly persuaded that the pedigrees of the antient Irish families could be traced to the patriarchal age, O'Flaherty has not hesitated to affix to the names of his kings and chieftains the number which indicated, according to the Bardic genealogies, their distance in generations from our first parent Adam. We are not, however, bound to reject all these traditions. as mere fabrications. The later genealogies, especially, are found to harmonise in so remarkable a manner with each other, and with the history, that it is impossible not to receive them as founded upon truth. The object of the following tables is simply to furnish the 1 O'Flaherty. See his ' Ogygia, seu rerum Hibernicarum Chronologia.' $to. Lond., 1685. 248 Appendix A. [introd. reader with an easy mode of seeing at a glance the relationship assumed to exist amongst the personages mentioned in these pages, and to prevent the necessity of frequently interrupting the narrative by explanatory notices of such relationship. The settlement in Ireland of the Scotic or Gaedhelic colony is assigned by the bards to the year 1000 B.C. It is said to have come from Spain, led by the sons of Golam Miled, i. e. Miles or the Knight. That word having been converted into a proper name, he is usually termed Milesius, and his posterity Milesians. Two of his sons Eber or Heber, and Herimon, having ultimately obtained sovereignty over the rest, divided Ireland between them. Eber took the southern half, and became the ancestor of the great Munster families ; Herimon received the northern half, and from him were descended almost all1 the kings of Ireland, from- the middle of the third century to the virtual overthrow of the Irish monarchy in the eleventh century. This arrangement, however, was partly deranged in later times by internal dissensions. The families and kings of the race of Herimon, descended from Eochaidh Muighmeadhon, through his celebrated son King Niall of the nine hostages, will be found to play the principal part in the history of St. Patrick and his successors, down to the beginning of the eleventh century. The following tables are therefore confined to them. The names of the Kings of Ireland will be followed by the letter K, with the years marking the beginning and the end of their reigns. The names of Saints are printed in Italics, and followed by the day of the month on which they are commemorated in the calendar of the Irish Church, with the years of their deaths. O'Flaherty's generation numbers are prefixed to each name, for the conve nience of reference, and because they show very clearly the parallel lines of the genealogies according to his chronology. 1 Almost all. From the reign the paternal uncle of Golam or of Cormac Ulfhada, a.d. 254., to Milesius, had also descendants from that of Brian Boromha, a.d. 1002, whom some kings were chosen, but there were but three exceptions to the last king of this line was Lugadh this rule, viz. Brian, himself, and MacCon, A.p. 250. There were also Crimthan, a.d. 365, who were both several kings of the posterity of Hir, of the race of Eber, and Coelbad son of Milesius, the last of whom of the race of Hir, a.d. 357. 1th, was Coelbad, above mentioned. INTROD.] Genealogical Tables. 249 TABLE I. General View of the Lines of Kings descended from Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin^ of the Race of Herimon. 1 Eochaidh, Muighmeadhoin, K. 358 — 366. I ' Niall of the Nine Hostages, K. 379 — 405, slain on the banks ofthe Loire. 87 Oilioll, ancestor of the Ui Oiliolla, of Tirerrill, Co. of Sligo. [See p. 222.) 37 Fiachra Foltsnathach, ancestor of the Hy Fiachrach. Four sons an- Four sons an cestors of cestors of Northern Hy Niall Southern Hylijiall (See Table II.) (See Table III.) 1 Dathi, K. 405—428, m Amalgaidh, K. last Pagan K. of Ireland, killed by a thunderbolt at the foot of the Alps. I ' Oilioll Molt. K. 463—483. Last king of this line. of Connaught 407, converted by St. Patrick. Between the Kings Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin and Niall of the Nine Hostages succeeded Crimthan (K. 366 — 379), descended from Oilioll Olum, king of Munster a.d. 237, of the race of Eber. Crimthan was the only king of Ireland of the Munster race, from this period to Brian Boromha, a.d. 1002. (See Table VI.) It will be seen from Table II. , that two lines of Irish Kings, both belonging to the Northern Hy Niall, were connected with the Kings of Scotland : Ere or Erca, daughter of Loain- mor, was successively married to two grandsons of Niall of the Nine Hostages. To mark this relationship, her two sons (Muirchertach, offspring of her first husband, and Sedna of her second), from whom the two lines of Irish Kings were descended, are each styled ' Mac Erca,' son of Ere ; the other sons of the same fathers not being sons of Ere, and therefore not connected with the Kings of Scotland. 250 Appendix A [iNTRODi Sj\3 v a> ** wpq < 5s § oj a IIS S«5 8 .S-SH 2-s^as -s O" uT'13 4-1 v rt ¦r : s | 3- a aMs«r "c tj "- bo u bO - us „ h o S S -a tg t) tg 3- J* I s* to "4* is S I . to w en •fl "> bO 1 88 Carbri, jrsed by St.P (Vit. Trip. ii. 1 rt g3 O 3 -s --so- "SO eo |h >-. g 2 ^ a; 3 -a g a "a J rt ^ ^ c B "a3 fr] U S * if O •g«" 3£ ~ P* rt "H- 2 d S INTROD.] Genealogical Tables. 35 f 2 c 'o *o ^— • c/i » '- s w O J5" „ n T3 q 1 "5 rt HI C ~" 0 t~- rt u-1 s pq S M a *T -*s SJ ...£ - _ e c !>. -0 a p C 1 "rt 00 VO VO 1 J3 -a.2 -Q 1 -C 1 D G vo O VO O w ~p= T3 ti <* c 3 0 - 0 ti M « rt . c O -3 _Q D. rt J3 *£ a ij m O 0) OJ3 «J 3 rt *• c rt B— „; 3 o=a s Hc.5J s js ^ a ¦ *.-s §ffi3 1 » A 25* Appendix A. [introd. TABLE III. Southern Hy Niall. 87 Niall of the Nine Hostages, K. 379— 4°5- 88 Laoghaire, K. 428—463. « Lugaidh, B9 Feidhlimidh K. 48 3—508. | I I 99 Fortchern, °° Fergus II Oct. | 88 Conall Crimthann I 88 Fergus Cearbheoil .1 . 90 Diarmait, K. 544—565- 01 Aedh Slaine, K. 599—605. 1 Fiac ' Maine 91 Atdh mir I 1 Aedh beg 92 Blathmac, 9= Diarmait, K. 658—665. K. 658—665. 93 Sechnasach, K. 665 — 671. TABLE IV- Shewing the Relationship between St. Brigid and St. Columba. 79 Feidhlimidh Rechtmar (or the Law-giver), 1 K. 164 — 174. 1 Con of the Hundred Fights, 1 89 Eochaidh Finn Fothait K. 177 — 212. 1 81 Aongus Meann 81 Art Aonfir, 1 K. 220 — 250. 1 82 Cormac 1 1 82 Cormac Ulfada, 1 83 Cairpre Niadh K. 254—277. | 84 Art Corb 83 Cairbre Liffiocair, ,| K. 279 — 296. 85 Conleach, or Conla 1 1 | 86 Den 84 Fiacha Sraibhtine, 81 Eochaidh Doimhlen 1 K.296 — 327. 1 85 Colla Uais, 87 Bresal I 85 Muredach Tirech, K. 327—331. 88 Demri K-33>— 356. 1 1 80 Dubhtach Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin, 1 K. 358—366. 90 Brigid, Virg. See Tables I. II. t Feb. 523. INTROD.] Genealogical Tables. 233 TABLE V. Shewing the Relationship between the Families of St. Brigid and of her first Bishop Conlaedh. 69 Ugaine Mor (Hugonius Magnus), K. a.m. 3619 — 3649. 81 Cobhtach Coel-breg, K. A.M. 3665 — 3682. [Here follow in the MSS. 22 generations, which O'Flaherty has reduced to 18 (See the longer genealogy in Colgan Tr. Th. p. 447.) to] . . . I 79 Feidhlimidh Rechtmar, K. 164—174, ancestor of St. Brigid. (See Table IV.) 61 Laoghaire Lore, K. a.m. 3649 — 3665. [The MSS. give here 26 generations, re duced by O'Flaherty to 15, to] 76 Cucorb, K. of Leinster, "Niacorb, K.ofL. I 79 Cormac Geltagaoth, K.ofL. I . 70 Fedhlim Fiorurglas, K. of L. 80 Cathair M6r, K. ofL. and I. (See p. 255.) 77 Mesincorb, ancestor of the Dal Mesincorb, and ofthe Kings of Leinster. I 78 Eochaidh Lamderg I 79 Fothad 89 Garchu, 30 Emri 80 Eochaidh Lamdort, ancestor of the I I Hy Garchon. i 81 Setna 1 82 Eochaidh 61 Fothad 1 1 1 82 Fergus Lamderg 81 Natbi, 91 Findchad 1 I who resisted 1 83 Aengus 88 Maine Eiges Palladius 82 Cucongelt 1 (or the Sage) (Vit. Trip. 1 34 Cormac 1 St. Patr. i. 38), 83 Conall 1 84 Etchen of Cluanfota, and afterwards 1 85 Condlaedh, 1 1 Feb. 577, who St, Patrick. 84 Sinill 3 May, 520 ordained St, Columba, Vit. za, cap. 24, 25. 1 St. Brigid's Vit. Trip. i. 42. 85 Ronan 1 88 Cillin 1 87 Marcan, whose future first bishop. eminence was foretold by St. Patrick. Vit. Trip, iii, 17. 354 Appendix A. [introd. These families separated from their common ancestor at a very early period. There is some discrepancy in the number of generations, owing principally to the attempt made by the bards to place the arrival of the Scots or Milesians in the reign of Solomon, son of David. It would not be consistent with our present purpose to discuss this subject, nor will it be necessary to give in detail the long list of obscure names, some of which from their similarity were probably repeated and others omitted by antient transcribers. We have given, in the foregoing Table, the lines of descent in an abbreviated form, with O'Flaherty's dates, and generation numbers. It is evident that the genealogies of Conlaedh and of Etchen in this table must be deficient in some generations. They represent Conlaedh as five generations, or a century and a half older than St. Bridgid ; and Etchen as seven generations, or more than two centuries older than St. Columba, whom he ordained. There cannot, however, be a doubt that, making allowance for the omission of some descents, the genealogies are in the main correct. The Book of Lecan (fol. 95, b) tells us that ' Bishop Conlaedh, of Cill-dara,' was descended from Emri, son of Fothad ; and that ' Bishop Etchen, son of Maine Eiges, of Cluan-Fota-Baedain-Aba,' was descended from Fergus Lamderg, son of another Fothad, but in neither case are the intermediate steps of the descent given. These difficulties seem to have been mainly caused by O'Flaherty's corrections of the MS. authorities. It is impossible, however, that Nathi, son of Garchu, can have been contemporary with Palladius and St. Patrick, if we sup pose him to have lived six generations (at the lowest computa tion, 180 years) before Marcan, who, although in infancy, was also contemporary with St. Patrick. But the Nathi, mentioned in the Lives of St. Patrick, although there called ' Son of Garchu,' may not have been literally his son, but a great-grandson, or some later descendant of the same name. The genealogy of Marcan is taken from the Book of Lecan {fol. 95 b), and is evidently quite consistent with the history. It has been given in the present Table, because there may be occasion hereafter to refer to it. It may be added, in further evidence of error in the gene alogy of St. Etchen, that Brig, or Briga, his mother, is repre- introd.] Genealogical Tables. 255 sented as descended1 from Cathair mbr, monarch of Ireland (who was also of the family of Cucorb, King of Leinster), according to the following pedigree : — 80 Cathair M6r, K. 174 — 177. I 81 Fiac I 82 Bresail Belach I 83 Labradh 81 Enna Cennselach I 85 Crimhthann 89 Cobtach I 87 Brig This makes her three generations younger than her son Etchen, and shows that there must be an omission of at least that num ber of descents in his pedigree. This Brig, after the death of her first husband, Maine-eiges, was married to Ainmire, King of Ireland (Table II., No. 91), and became the mother of his son, Aedh mac Ainmirech. It will be seen that the generation numbers make her four generations older than her second hus band : so that there is probably a defect of some descents in his pedigree also. But it would be foreign to our present pur pose to point out the causes of these errors, or the manner in which they may, with most probability, be corrected. TABLE VI. The Kings of Ireland mentioned in the foregoing Tables, in their Chronological Order. The Kings whose names are marked with an asterisk in the following list belonged to families which did not come within the scope of the preceding Tables, but they are nevertheless inserted in their proper chronological places, in order that the reader may have before him, without any break, a complete list of the Irish Kings to whose reigns there may be some reference in the present volume. 1 Descended. See Colgan's pedigree of Etchen, taken from his copies of the Sanctilog. Genealog. — Actt. SS. p. 306, rotes 3, 4, 5 j and for the pedigree of Briga, note 9, ibid. *R 8 256 Appendix A. '[introd. Began Table and to reign Gen. No. A.D. 164 IV. 79 174 V. 80 177 rv. 80 212 82 220 IV. 81 250 82 253 82 254 IV. 82 277 84 279 rv. 83 297 rv. 84 327 IV. 85 331 IV. 85 357 86 358 I. 86 . 366 87 379 1. 87 405 I. 88 428 III. 88 463 I. 89 483 III. 89 508 5i3 II. 90 533 II. 90 544 III. 90 5«5 II. 91 566 II. 91 II. 92 568 II. 91 57i II. 91 572 II. 92 599 III. 91 II. 92 605 II. 93 612 II. 93 615 II. 92 62S II- 93 642 II. 94 II. 94 654 II. 94 658 III. 92 III. 92 665 III. 93 Names of Kings. Feidhlimidh Rechtmar Cathair M6r Con of the Hundred Fights *Conaire Mac Moghlamha (race of Herimon, Ernai of Munster) Art Aonfir *Lugadh Mac Con (race of Ith) *Fergus Duibhdeadach, i.e. of the Black Teeth (race of Heri. mon Ernai of Ulster, clan Dal-fiatach) Cormac Ulfada *Eochaidh Gonnat Cairbre LifHocair Fiacha Sraibhtine Colla Uais Muredach Tirech *Coelbad (race of Hir, Clan-Rudraighe) Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin *Crimthann, of the race of Eber (see p. 249) Niall of the Nine Hostages Dathi mac Fiachrach Laoghaire mac Neill Oilioll Molt mac Dathi Lugaidh mac Laoghaire InterregnumMuirchertach mac Erca Tuathal Maolgarbh Diarmait mac Fergusa Cearbheoil and Fergus \ SOnS of Mu'rcnertac'1 mac Erca (joint Mugs) Baotan, son of Muirchertach mac Erca, and ) .. . ,. . Eochaidh, son of Domhnall, J l>"" knS!J Ainmire, son of Sedna, son of Fergus Cennfada Baotan mac Ninnedhai Aodh mac Ainmirech Aodh Slaine, and Colman Rimhe. Aodh Uariodhnach Maolcobha, surnamed the Cleric, son of Aodh mac Ainmirech Suibhne Meann Domhnall, son of Aodh mac Ainmirech Conall Caol, j sons of Maolcobha Ooint kinZs) Conall Caol, sole king, after the death of Cellach Blathmac and "1 sons of Aodh Slaine (joint kings). Died in Diarmait, J the great pestilence of 665 Sechnasach, son of Blathmac > (joint kings) INTROD.] Foundation of Trim. 257 B. History of the Foundatidn and Endowment of the Church of Trim, from the Book of Armagh, fol. lb a. b. Incipiunt alia pauca serotinis temporibus inuenta, suisque locis narranda, curiossitate he- redum dilegentiaque sanctitatis qua; in honorem et laudem Domini, atque in amabilem Patricii memoriam, usque in hodiernam diem congregantur. Quando autem Patricius cum sua sancta nauigatione ad Hi berniam peruenit sanctum Lom- manum in hostio Boindeo nauim custodire reliquit xl. diebus et xl. noctibus, ac deinde alium quadragensimum, post oboe- dentiam Patricio mansit ; de- Here begin some few other things discovered at later times, and to be narrated in their pro per places, by the care and holy diligence ofthe heirs [comarbs~\, which are collected to the honour and praise of the Lord, and in loving memory of Pa trick, even to the present day. But when Patrick, with his holy companions in voyage, had arrived in Ireland, he left holy Lomman in the mouth of the Boind ' to guard the ship, forty days and forty nights ; and then he remained another period of forty2, after having 1 Boind. The river Boyne : Boindeo is the Celtic genitive : nom. Boinn, or Boind. It will be observed thatthespellingof the original MSS., as being characteristic of the Irish school, has been carefully preserved ; as in curiossitate, dilegentia, quadra gensimum, Sec. — See Reeves, Adam nan, p. xvi. Pref. The proper names, usually written Loman, Trim, &c, are in this MS. written with the double m, indicating the strong emphasis of the antient Celtic pronuntiation. 2 Period of forty. ' Alium quad ragensimum.' The Tripartite Life strangely takes this to mean that S. Lomman was left to take care of the ships during Lent : but the true meaning is evidently that here given, viz. : that Patrick desired him to remain, 40 days and 40 nights : but he remained another 46 days, and 40 nights. So Jocelin understands it (c. 51). In other words, finding his master did not return at the end of the first 40 days, he waited 40 days more, and then went up the river to Ath-Truimm, or the ford of Trim, where he safely arrived ' under the guidance of the Lord.' Jocelin makes a great miracle of this, and adds, that he ascended the river not only against the stream, but in the face of a strong contrary wind : ' O signum hactenus inaudi- tum et incompertum ! Navis nemine 258 Appendix B. [introd. inde secundum imperium sui magistri in sua naui contrario flumine usque ad uadum Tru- imm in hostio Areis Feidilmedo filii Loiguiri, domino guber- nante, peruenit. Mane autem facto Foirt- chernn filius Fedeilmtheo inve- nit [eum] euanguelium recitan- tem et ammiratus euanguelium et doctrinam eius confestim credidit, et aperto fonte in illo loco a Lommano in Christo babtitzatus est, et mansit cum illo donee mater eius quaerere eum peruenit, et laeta facta est in conspectu eius, quia Brittonissa erat. At ilia simi- gubernante, contra fluvium et ventum ad votum viri Dei velificavit,' &c. This is a good specimen of the man ner in which such writers as Jocelin manufactured miracles from the statements of more antient authors. The original, it will be seen, says nothing of opposing winds, or of the ship sailing without guidance against the stream. There is nothing of the miraculous necessarily implied in the narrative. It is not even ne cessary to suppose the river to have been then more navigable than it is now ; for the light boats of the period might easily have been carried over the shoals and rapids. — Cf. Us sher, Brit. Eccl. Antiq., p. 853 (Works vi., 413). 1 Having obeyed. This seems evi dently themeaning: Ussher, misread ing the contraction in the MS., has, ' propter obedientiam,' which makes no sense. Jocelin (l.c.)adds some non sense about Lomman having remain ed in the hope of martyrdom, which has no foundation in the original. 2 FordofTrimm. 'VadumTruimm' obeyed 1 Patrick : then, accord ing to the command of his master, he arrived, under the guidance of the Lord, against the stream, as far as the ford of Trimm 2, at the door of Aras Feidilmedo 3 [the house of Fei- dilmidh], son of Loigaire. And when it was morning, Foirtchernn, son of Feidilmith, found him reciting the Gospel, and, wondering at the Gospel and his doctrine, straightway believed; and therebeinganopen fountain 4 in that place, he was baptized in Christ by Lomman. And he stayed with him until his mother came to seek him, and she rejoiced at the sight of him, for she was 5 a British wo- is a translation of the Irish name Ath-Truimm (Atk, vadum, a ford), now Trim. See p. 150, note 2. 8 Aras Feidilmedo. ' Aras ' is an old Irish word, signifying a house or dwelling : the genitive Areis in the text was mistaken by Ussher for Areis, which luckily makes no great difference of sense: he has also changed Feidilmedo into Feidilmedi, not perceiving that the former was the Celtic genitive. Another form of the genitive, Fedeilmtheo, occurs in the next line. Feidilmith, or Feidhli- mith, was the son of Loiguire, or Laoghaire, who was King of Ire land, A.D. 428— 463.— O'Flaherty, Ogyg., -p. 4.2.9. See Table III., p. 25*. * Fountain. We might perhaps translate, ' And a fountain having been opened by Lomman, he was baptized,' &c. Jocelin of course makes the opening of the fountain a miracle. 3 For she according to Irish tradition, that Cairbre Righfada2 (or Riada, as his name is pronounced) established the colony of Scots on the north west coast of Albanian Britain, in * connexion with the head-quarters of his clan on the ad jacent shores of the present county of Antrim, in Ireland. Both tribes, as well as the regions they inhabited in both countries, received from his name the appellation of Dal-riada3, ' the 1 Baptism. ' Hie [sc. Eleutherus] 2 Cairbre Righfada, I.e. Carbry of accepit epistolam a Lucio Britanniae the long arm. The surname Righ- rege „ut Christianus efficeretur, per fada is pronounced and often written ejus mandatum.' So says the Liber Riada, the gh and / being both Pontificalis : and see Bede I. 4. Lu- quiescent. He was one or three eius is therefore assigned to the mid- named Cairbre, sons of Conaire Mac die of the second century. There Moghlamha, King of Ireland, A.D. was a chieftain of Glamorganshire 212 — 222. (See App. to Introd. ta- whose native name was Lleurwg, sur- ble VI. p. 256, supra.) Bede calls named Lleufer Mawr, 'the Great this chietain Reuda {Hist. Ec cl. I. 1 .) Luminary,' which titlemay have been See the valuable Dissertation on the latinized Lucius. Rees, Welsh Saints, history of this tribe in Reeves's Eccl. p. 82, sq. Irish version of Nennius, Antiq. of Down and Connor, p. 318, Add. Notes. No. VIII. p. xiii. The sq., and the Genealogical Table of other story of Donald king of Scots, Dalriadic chieftains of both countries, who is represented as having made a showing the descent of the principal similar application to Pope Victor I., Highland families from their Irish or is totally without foundation. There Scotic ancestors, in the same author's never was such a king, nor were there edition of Adamnan 's Life of Columba, any Scots in North Britain, a.d. 202, p. 438. to have a king. The legend is no 3 Dalriada. The Irish word Dal, more than a repetition ofthe fable of as Bede (I. 1 .) has explained it, sig- King Lucius : and appears to have nifies a part, or portion, ' a quo vi no higher authority than Hector delicet duce[sc. Reuda] usque hodie Boece. See Innes, Civil and Eccles. Dalreudini vocantur, nam lingua Hist, of Scotland (Spalding Club), eorum Daal partem significat.' p. 14. chap, i.] The City of Alcluith. 2,67 Tribe, or Tribe-land of Riada.' In Ireland, the territory still retains the name in the corrupted form of The Route, and in Scotland a record of the historical fact may be found in the name of Argyle1, which is properly Airer Gaedhil, or re gion of the Gaedhil — that is to say, of the Irish. The geographical position of this territory, which appears to have included the islands on the coast, is thus described by the venerable Bede : — 'There is a very large gulf of the sea,' he says, * which antiently divided the nation of the Britons from the Picts, and which breaks from the west a long way into the land, where to this day stands the well-fortified city of the Britons, called Alcluith. The Scots, we have mentioned, arriving on the north side of this bay, made themselves a home there : sibi locum patria fecerunt^ The city of Alcluith was the western fortifi- The city cation of the wall, or entrenchment, originally thrown up by Agricola between the Clyde and the Forth, and repaired or restored, with additional forts, in the reign of Antonine. This wall, ditch, or series of fortresses, formed the northern boundary of the Roman power in Britain ; and the district included between it and the wall of Adrian, or Severus, in Northumberland, running from Car- 1 Argyle, called by the Irish Airer is not to be confounded with the Dalriatai, and Airer Gaedhil; the neighbouring region of Dalaraide, district, or territory of the Dalriadans, which has its name from a different or of the Gael. Airiur, or Airer, chieftain. See Reeves's Eccl. Hist. signifies finis, regio, margo. See of Dovun and Connor, p. 334, sq. Reeves's Adamnan, p. 395, note, m. The one is Dal-Riada, the other The district of Dalriada, in Ireland, Dal-Araide. Alcluith. 268 The Diocletian Persecution. [chap. I. British mar tyrs in the Diocletian persecution. lisle to Tynemouth, and still called the Pict's wall, formed the debateable ground so long con tested with the Picts and Scots, until by the vic tories of Theodosius, at the end of the fourth century, it became the fifth Roman province of Britain, under the name of Valentia. In the early part of the fourth century, the British Church contributed to the ranks of the noble army of martyrs1 in the Dioclesian persecution, and soon afterwards, on the resto ration of liberty of conscience under Constan tine, we find bishops established in the chief cities of the Roman provinces. Eborius of York, Resti tutus of London, and Adelfius, pro bably of Caerleon upon Usk2, subscribed the Acts of the Council or Synod of Aries, in 3 14, and it is evident, from many authorities, which may be seen collected by Ussher and Stillingfleet3, that an organised Christian Church existed in the Roman provinces of Britain very early in the century of which we are speaking. 1 Martyrs. St. Alban at Verulam, (22 June). SS. Aaron and Julius at Caerleon upon Usk, with others, (1 July). Bede I. 7. 2 Caerleon upon Usk. The sub scription of this latter prelate is given thus in the printed editions of the Councils : * Adelfius Episcopus de civitate Colonia Londinensium,' for which some would read Colonia Lin- dum, i.e. Lincoln : Lappenberg I. 50. (Thorpe's Transl.) Ussher suggests Colchester, which was Caer Colun, in Nennius : Works, v. 82. 236. But the Irish Nennius gives the name of Caer £o»z#-oper-uisc to Caerleon on Usk, which name may have been easily corrupted into Colonia Londinensium, Colonia being the equivalent of Caer. This conjecture derives some support from the tradition that York, Lon don, and Caerleon on Usk were the original archbishoprics of Britain. Ussher, Antiq. cap. v. Works v. p. 101. Irish Nennius, p. 28. Add. Notes. No. 1 . Stillingfleet is in favour of Caerleon on Usk {Antiq. ch. 2. Works vol. iii. 48), as on that supposition the three Roman provinces were represented at the Synod by these three bishops. Some give to this Synod of Aries the date 326 or 328. Spelman, Con cil. I. 43. 3 Stillingfleet. Ussher, Antiq. capp. vii. viii. {Works, vol. v.) Stil lingfleet, Antiq. ch.iii.(^br^,vol.iii.) chap. i.J Pelagian Heresy in Britain. 2,6g But the withdrawal of the Roman power, at Pelagian the beginning of the fifth century, seems to have Brham."1 prepared the way for many evils. The civilisa tion introduced by the Romans was in a great measure destroyed by the ravages1 of the Picts and Scots, and, before the middle of the century, the Pelagian heresy had made conside rable progress in Christian Britain. St. Ger main, Bishop of Auxerre, was twice sent over to counteract this evil. On the former of these missions, with which alone we are here con cerned, he was attended by St. Lupus, Bishop of Troyes, and other ecclesiastics of inferior rank. Two different, but not, perhaps, inconsistent accounts of this event, both from coeval authori ties, are handed down to us. Constantius of Lyons, the biographer and contemporary2 of St. Germain, tells us that the rapid spread of Pela gianism occasioned a deputation from the British to the Gallican bishops, praying for aid to defend the Catholic faith, and that a numerous synod3, summoned for the purpose, commissioned Germanus and Lupus to undertake the confuta- # tion of the heretics. This mission is usually dated a.d. 42g, the Mission of consulship of Florentius and Dionysius at Rome, and Lupus)" A.D. 429. 1 Ravages. Bede I. c. xi. xii. vii. p. 191, D. 2 Contemporary. Father Peter 3 Synod. ' Eodem tempore ex Bosch, the Bollandist, says : — ' Con- Britanniis directa legatio, Gallicanis stantii labores anno Christi circiter episcopis nuntiavit, Pelagianam per- 473, hoc est quinto tantum aut sexto versitatem in locis suis late populos supra vigesimum ab obitu S. Ger- occupavisse : et quam primum fidei mani, &c. . . . Diu ergo cum Catholicae debere succurri. Ob quam sancto, de quo scribit, ejusque sequa- causam synodus numerosa collecta libus vixisse debuit.' Actt. SS. Julii, est:'&c. Ibid. p. 211, e. 270 Palladius obtained for St. Germain [chap. i. Sanctioned by Pope Celestine. Mission of Palladius to the Scots, a.d, 431. Negotia tion of Pal ladius for St, Germain at Rome. Under that year another contemporary authority, St. Prosper of Aquitaine, in his Chronicle1, without any mention of the intervention of the Gallican bishops, attributes the mission of Ger manus to the Pope Celestinus. ' Agricola, a Pelagian,' he says, ' son of Severianus, a Pelagian bishop, corrupted the churches of Britannia by in sinuation of his doctrine ; but by the instrumen tality [or negotiation] of the deacon Palladius — ad actionem Palladii diaconi — Pope Celestinus sends Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre, in his own stead — vice sua — to displace the heretics and direct the Britons to the Catholic faith.' And in the year next but one following, the same Chronicle tells us that, during the consulship of Bassus and An tiochus, the year in which the general council of Ephesus condemned Nestorius, or a.d. 431, ' Palladius was consecrated by Pope Celestine, and sent to the Scots believing in Christ, as their first bishop, ' Ad Scotos in Christum credentes ordinatur a Papa Celestino Palladius, et primus episcopus mittitur.' We must speak of these passages separately. If Palladius was a disciple of St. Germain, and also a deacon, as is commonly said, of the 1 Chronicle. St. Prosper is sup posed to have been bom a.d. 402, and lived to about 463. Ceillier, xiv. p. 518, sq. There are two editions of the Chronicle of Prosper, one cor rupt and interpolated : published by Pet. Pithou, Paris, 1588, and again by Labbe, Bibl. Nov. MSS. (Paris, J<>57), torn. i. p. 56. This edition of the Chronicle does not contain the passages here quoted, which oc cur only in the edition usually an nexed to the Chronicle of Eusebius continued by St. Jerome ; it will be found in the new edit, of the Lec- tiones Antiqua of Canisius, i. p. 264, in the Bibl. Patrum, Lugd. 1677, torn. viii. and in the works of St. Jerome. From this last reprint of it, it is here quoted ; edit. Vallareii. torn. viii. See Cave, Scriptores, I. p. 347, Oxon. 1740. chap. i.J the Papal Sanction. 271 Church of Rome, it is not impossible1 that, at his instance or suggestion, Pope Celestine, after the two bishops of Auxerre and Troyes had been selected by the Gallican synod, may have given to the senior of them an additional commission to act in his name. Prosper has mentioned St. Germain only, because St. Germain only, as head of the mission, had received this further authority to represent especially the Roman bishop; and Constantius, the biographer of St. Papal sane- Germain, if he was2 acquainted with this fact, Germain's did not perhaps think it of sufficient importance mentioned' to be particularly noticed in his account of the ^^phers. matter. Germain and Lupus were primarily sent by the Gallican bishops. The fact that Germain had received also the sanction of Celes tine, was not, in the fifth century, regarded as a circumstance of such moment as to require special notice. There is, therefore, no actual inconsistency between the two narratives. But here we are met by another difficulty, nor by The venerable Bede3 had certainly the Chronicle of Prosper before him. He states, almost in the words of the Chronicle, that Pelagianism had been introduced into Britain by Agricola, son of the Pelagian bishop, Severianus. He states also, 1 Impossible. This mode of re- anonymous authors of the Acts of conciling the two authorities is sug- St. Lupus. {Actt. SS. ad 29 Junii, gested by Baronius, ad an. 429, n. p. 69, sq.) This silence can only 10, but it does not explain the silence arise from the fact having been un- of Constantius. known, or from its having been 2 If he vjos. Heric of Auxerre deemed of no such consequence as {circ. 880), author of a metrical life to require to be mentioned. of St. Germain, is equally silent about 3 Bede. Hist. Eccl. i. <;. 1 7. Celestine's commission : so are the 272 Evidence in favour of [chap. i. almost in the words of the Chronicle, that Pal ladius was sent by Celestine, Bishop of Rome, to be the first bishop of the Scots who were believers in Christ ; but he says not a word of the statement for which the Chronicle is our only authority, that St. Germain had been constituted by Celestine the legate or representative of the Bishop of Rome. The Roman This statement, therefore, it may be said, was not st! Germain in the copies of Prosper's Chronicle which existed byProsp^ in the time of Bede, and the story of St. Germain elsewhere. navmg gone to Britain, as the representative of Pope Celestine, is an interpolation1 of later times. But, on the other hand, Bede may have had before him the mutilated text of the Chronicle. It does not necessarily follow that the copy cited by Bede must have been the genuine work of Prosper, and that all other texts are corrupt. The fact of the Roman mission of Germanus is otherwise authenticated, however we may agree to explain the silence of Bede, and of the biographers. In another work, whose authen ticity is undoubted, Prosper2 alludes very dis- 1 Interpolation. See what Stilling- that for those who are already con- fleet has said on this subject, Antiq. demned the remedy to be applied is ch. iv. {Works III. p. 117, sq.) not a further judicial enquiry but 2 Prosper. See the book, Contra only repentance, commanded Csles- Collatorem (i.e. against the 13th tius, who demanded a further hear- Collatio of John Cassian), published ing in a matter already settled, to be with the works of St. Augustine, driven from the borders of all Italy. torn. x. part ii. Append, p. 196. (Ed. and with no less zeal- Bened.) The passage referred to is ous care he delivered the Britanmas as follows : ' Wherefore also the from the same disease, when he drove Pontiff Celestine of venerable me- even from that secret place of Ocean mory, to whom the Lord gave many some enemies of Grace, who were gifts of His grace for the protection settling in the soil of their origin j and of the Catholic Church, knowing by ordaining a bishop for the Scots, chap, i.j the Roman Mission of St. Germain. 273 tinctly to something which Pope Celestine had done to extirpate Pelagianism in Britain. He does not tell us so distinctly what that something was. He appears rather to take for granted that the fact to which he alluded was well and generally known. ' Whilst the Pope,' he says, ' laboured to keep the Roman island Catholic, he made also the barbarous island Christian, by or daining a bishop for the Scots.' The book against Cassian in which this allusion Prosper . . . /-iii book against occurs must nave been written after the death cassian. of Celestine, and soon after the consecration of his successor Sixtus1 or Xistus. The allusion is evidently to the mission of St. Germain. The terms in which the deliverance from heresy of the British provinces is spoken of agree very well with the account we have of the proceedings of St. Germain in that mission. But Stillingfleet2 objects that, .if this event had been intended, and if Celestine had made St. Germain his vicar for the suppression of Pelagianism in Britain, the names of such eminent prelates as Germanus and Lupus could scarcely have been omitted by St. Prosper. This argument, however, is cer tainly not strong. The object of Prosper was to show the zeal of the Popes in suppressing the Pelagian heresy. It was not necessary for him to name the instruments employed in the work. whilst he laboured to keep the Ro- presbyterum Sixtum, nunc vero Pon- man island Catholic, made also the tificem, &c.' Loc. cit. Sixtus was barbarous island Christian.' consecrated 7 Aug. 432, and died 1 Sixtus. The author says that 440. St. Augustine wrote, ' Ad beatissi- 2 Stillingfleet. Loc. cit, {Works mum quoque apostolicae sedis tunc III. p. 115.) T 274 Success of St. Germain. [chap.i. The very eminence of Germanus and Lupus would have rather been a reason for suppressing their names, when the object was to give as much credit and prominence as possible to the Pope, who had given his authority to their mission1, and thereby made it his own. But, as we have already said, the words must mean that Celestine did something which had the effect of banishing the propagators of Pelagianism out of the British provinces. What was this some thing ? If Germanus was known or believed to have received any sort of legatine authority from the Roman See, that would be quite enough to justify the words of our author, that Celestine had delivered the Britannian provinces ; and if Celestine did not commission Germanus, we know not what else he did to rescue Britain from the plague of Pelagianism. success of The success of Germanus and his followers, . St. Germain . . in Britain, according to all the extant histories, was rapid and decisive. The favourers of the heresy were unpopular. At a public discussion, although they came with great display of wealth2, attended 1 Mission. Stillingfleet speaks one word of Lupus, or of his con- throughout as if Lupus, as well as nexion with the mission. The same Germanus, had been commissioned oversight is committed by Lappen- by the Pope. One of his arguments, berg, who says, ' the orthodox, taken from the fact that Lupus was through the intervention of Palla- the brother of Vincent of Lerins, is dius, who afterwards became the first built upon this mistake. ' It is very Scottish bishop, prevailed on the unlikely,' he says, that Celestine Pope Celestinus to send hither Ger- ' should pitch upon one of that so- manus, bishop of Auxerre, and Lu- ciety [of Lerins] most suspected for pus, bishop of Troyes, Sec' {Thorpe's semipelagianism, and whose brother Transl. I. 65.) appeared so early and warmly in it.' 2 Wealth. ' Procedunt conspicui {Loc. cit. p. 119.) But who ever said divitiis, veste fulgentes, circumdaU that Celestine 'pitched upon Lupus?' assentatione multorum.' Bedel, The Chronicle of Prosper says not c. 17. chap. i.J His popularity in Britain. 275 by numerous flatterers, they were completely silenced. The people applauded their defeat by shouts, and could scarcely be restrained from violence.1 The popularity of St. Germain was His PoPu- attested by his having soon after been accepted anty" as leader of the British troops, in a celebrated battle against the Saxons2 and Picts. His as- , sumption of such an office may seem inconsistent with the ecclesiastical character of the bishop. But the army was his former profession, and the victory was gained in a manner truly ecclesiastical. The story is told by the contemporary authority of Constantius, and is not in itself improbable. The attendant priests, by intoning Halleluiah in a voice of thunder, taken up by the soldiers, and re-echoed by the surrounding hills, so terrified the barbarous enemy, that the Britons remained masters of the field without a blow.3 All this was done in less than a year, and St. Germain immediately after returned to France. There was, therefore, time for the success of the mission to have been known to Prosper ; so that he may be excused for attributing to Celestine the honour of having made ' the Roman island ' Catholic. Hence the text of the Chronicle, in 1 Violence. ' Populus arbiter vix Hist, of Scotland, p. 49. But Ussher's manus continet, judicium tamen solution seems preferable, for he clamore testatur.' Bede, ibid. shows that occasional inroads were 2 Saxons. As the year 430, which made by the Saxons, before the ar- is usually fixed as the date of the rival of Hengist. Antiquit. c. xi. Halleluiah Victory (See Ussher, In- (Works, v. p. 385), and cf. Lappen- dex Chron.), seems too early for a berg (Thorpe's Transl.) I. 63, note. battle with Saxons, Father Innes 3 A blow. See the account of suggests that Constantius may have this battle, Constantius (lib. i. c. vi. written here Saxons, instead of Scots, 51). Actt. SS. Julii. torn. vii. 213. by a natural mistake. Civ. and Eccl. Bede I. 20. T 2 276 Palladius most probably [chap. 1. No reason to doubt the Roman mission of St.Germain. Palladius not a deacon or archdeaconof Rome. More pro bably St. Germain's deacon. which the Pope is said to have sent Germanus vice sua into Britain, receives confirmation from this indirect allusion to the fact made by the same author in another work, when he was writing with a different object. On the whole, there seems no valid ground for doubting that, in addition to his appointment by the Gallican synod, St. Germain may have been armed with a commission from Rome. There is nothing inconsistent with the ecclesiastical usages of the time in the fact itself, and the authority of Prosper is sufficient to give it credit. The mention of Palladius, as the person by whose intervention the sanction of Rome was obtained, together with his being called a deacon in the Chronicle, seems the only foundation of the opinion that he was a deacon in the Church of Rome. With this hint to begin with, how ever, some modern manufacturers of history have gone farther, and made him an archdeacon1 or deacon to Pope Celestine ; nay, cardinal and apostolic nuncio. But it is nowhere said that Palladius was of Rome, or a deacon of Rome, much less that he was deacon to Pope Celestine. All this is un authorised assumption and fancy. It seems much more natural to interpret the words of Prosper' s Chronicle2 as signifying that Palladius 1 Archdeacon. Ralph of Chester, in his Polychronicon, makes him deacon of Rome ; Probus and Joce lin, in their lives of St. Patrick, call him archdeacon of the Pope ; and Leslie declares him to have been a Cardinal and Nuntio apostolical. See the references in Ussher, Prinarl cap. xvi. (Works vi. 357.) 2 Chronicle. The words ofthe Chronicle are these : ' Agricola Pelagianus, Severiani episcopi Pela- chap. i.J the Deacon of St. Germain. 277 was St. Germain's deacon : ' at the negotiation of the deacon Palladius, Pope Celestine sends Germanus in his own stead.' In this there is nothing unusual, or strange. When Germanus was nominated by the Gallican bishops, he sent his deacon to Rome, to negotiate a further special mission from the apostolical patriarch1 of the imperial city. He most probably felt that, as representative of the Bishop of Rome, his influ ence in a Roman province would be vastly increased, and his deacon was the proper officer, according to the usages of that age2, by whose intervention the negotiation with Rome would naturally have been conducted. Equally without foundation is the supposition that Palladius was influenced, during his negotiations at Rome, by some special zeal for the welfare of Great Britain. That may or may not have been so. He was zealous, no doubt, for the success of his master's mission, and he succeeded in obtaining for his master's mission the recognition of the Roman bishop. This is all that we can legiti mately infer from the brief words of the Chroni cler, ' ad actionem Palladii.' Nevertheless, the supposed interest3, manifested by Palladius in giani filius, ecclesias Britannia? dog- in which the bishops, his correspon- matis sui insinuatione corrupit, sed dents, are all styled Papa. ad actionem Palladii diaconi Papa 2 Age. See Bingham, On the An- CelestinusGermanumAntissiodoren- tient Duties ofthe Deacons, Book ii. sem episcopum vice sua mittit, ut chap. 20. deturbatis hsereticis Britannos ad 3 Interest. Palladius, says Father Catholicam fidem dirigat.' Innes, ' had a particular zeal for the 1 Patriarch. The word Papa was Britons.' Civ. and Eccl. Hist. p. 50. at that time the title of all bishops, This is one of those presumptions and signified simply ' Father !' See which so often bias the minds of the letters of Sfdonius Apollinaris, writers of history : neither Prosper 278 Palladius not a Briton. [chap. I. Not a Briton. the spiritual welfare of the British churches, has given birth to the assertion that he was himself a native1 of the island. The Chronicle makes no mention of the place of his birth, and there is literally no reason for calling him a Briton, except the surmise just mentioned. If we are to determine his birthplace by conjecture, conjecture would seem rather to point towards Gaul, not only from his connection with Ger manus of Auxerre, but also because we find that the Palladian family, at that time, had risen to eminence in the Gallican episcopacy, and pro bably, also, in the legal profession. Simplicius2, nor any other antient writer has told us that Palladius had any particular zeal for the Britons. He may have had a particular zeal against the Pe lagian heresy : but that is all that we can fairly infer, and even that inference perhaps is not perfectly warranted. He successfully nego tiated a certain business at Rome. This is all that Prosper really says. 1 A native. See Innes, Civil and Eccl. Hist, of Scotland, p. 52. Ussher quotes a MS. work of William of Malmesbury, De antiquitate Glaston- iensis ecclesia, in which Palladius is said to have been a Briton. Trithe- mius calls him a Greek, author of the Life of St. Chrysostom, in which he is followed by Bale and others. But for this there is no authority, except the identity of name. For this and some other ¦ still more unfounded opinions, see Ussher, loc. cit. The Lessons of the Breviary of Aberdeen make him an Egyptian. ' Palladius pontifex egregius ex egiptiaca gente illustris [read illustribus~] ortus nata- libus, &c.' Brev.Aberd. {Propr.SS.) ad 6 Julii, fol. xxiv. b. This opinion originated in the assumption that the Palladius of whom we are treating was the author of the Historia Lausiaca, of which there is no probability, nor any evidence; Fordun, Scoti-Chroni- con, torn. i. lib. iii. c. 8, p. 112. (Edit. Goodall, Edinb. 1759.) Tne Bollandist, Father J. B. Solliere, who compiled the Acts of St. Palladius (Actt. SS. Julii, torn. ii. p. 286, sq.) maintains that he was an Italian, as suming that Prosper in the Chronicle had styled him a deacon of the Ro man church : ' Et sane cum syn- chronus nullus de Palladio usquam meminerit, excepto solo Prospero : is vero patriam ejus nullo modo atti- gerit, Romana ecclesia diannum dumtaxat (non archidiaconum, arch- iepiscopum aut cardinalem) asserens, id unum reliquit probabilissime sup- ponendum, non monachum aliquem orientalem, multo minus Britonem, sed clericum Italum fuisse sanctum nostrum Palladium.' Ibid. p. 288. But it is not true that Prosper has called him a deacon of the Roman Church. 2 Simplicius. He was elected to the see of Bourges whilst still a layman. On the vacancy occasioned by the death of his father Eulodius, who was his immediate predecessor, the candidates for the see were so nu- merousand turbulent, that thecitizens chap. j.J Probably a Native of Gaul. 279 who was elected Archbishop of Bourges in 472, ThePaiia- had been married to a lady of this family, the eminent in daughter of Palladius, a former prelate of the same see, who became archbishop, a.d. 377, and seems to have lived beyond 4.5 1 . He was pro bably the Palladius whose name appears in this latter year subscribed to the synodical epistle of the Gallican bishops, addressed to Pope Leo I1, on the question then mooted as to the jurisdic tion of the Churches of Aries and Vienne. Some have made a second archbishop of the name, distinguishing the Palladius of 45 1, who subscribed the synodical epistle, from the Palla- of Bourges deputed the celebrated Sidonius Apollinaris, then but re cently promoted to the see of Arverni (now Clermont in Auvergne), to nominate their Archbishop, binding themselves by oath to acquiesce in his selection. His correspondence with the bishops of the province on this subject is still extant, and also the speech in which he announced to the people of Bourges his choice of Sim plicius, and his reasons for the selec tion. In this discourse he mentions incidentally the wife of Simplicius : ' His wife,' he says, ' descends from the family of the Palladii, who have filled their chairs both of letters and of altars, with the applause of their order. And inasmuch as the person of the matron ' [she was probably pre sent] ' requires that she should pe mentioned in a becoming manner as well as briefly, I would strongly affirm that that woman worthily represents the priesthood of both, whether we regard her birth and education, or her after life when chosen as a wife : ' in other words she was worthy of the priesthood both of her father, who had been Archbishop of Bourges, and of her husband, now chosen to the same dignity. The original words are as follow : ' Uxor illi de Palladiorum stirpe descendit, qui aut literarum, aut altarium cathedras cum sui ordi- nislaudetenuerunt. Sane quia persona matronae verecundam succinctamque sui exigit mentionem, constanter ad- struxerim, respondere illam feminam sacerdotiis utriusque, vel ubi educata crevit, vel ubi electa migravit.' From this it appears that the Palladian family had distinguished itself in the fifth century (Sidonius wrote these words in 472),both in literature and in the church : and possibly the words altarium cathedras may contain an allusion to Palladius the first bishop of the Scots, as well as to Palladius the Archbishop of Bourges : for the authors ofthe Gallia Christiana (vol. ii. p. 7) tell us that there was no other bishop of the name in that age. See the Works of Sidonius Apolli naris, lib. vii. epist. 9. Biblioth. Patrum, Lugdun., 1677, torn. vi. p. mi. 12. 1 Pope Leo I. See the Letter of Pope Leo: Epist. 50 (Opp. ed. Ques- nel, Ludg. 1 700), torn. i. p. 271, and the Epistola Synodica Episcoporum Gallorum, ib. p. 288. 280 Palladius a Gallican Missionary, [chap.i. dius who became archbishop in 377 • But this opinion is not adopted by the authors of the Palladius Gallia Christiana.1 There is another circum- probably of Gaul- stance, also, not the less valuable because it is told incidentally in the lives of St. Patrick, which seems to point to Gaul as the country of Palladius, first bishop of the Scoti. After his death, his disciples, Augustine and Benedict, we are told, went, on their return home, to a place called Ebmoria, or Eboria2, where they made a report of their master's decease. Con jecture has been busy in the attempt to discover the modern name and exact position of this place. All, however, agree that it must have been in France.3 If so, France was probably the country from which Palladius and his com panions came ; and the mission to Ireland, of which he was the head, although sanctioned by the see of Rome, was in reality projected and sent forth by the Gallican Church. sent to the fhe question of the country or birthplace of Ireland. 1 Gallia Christiana. It is advo- ica, or Evreux, the capital of the cated however by Tillemont, Me- people called by Csesar (ib. iii. 17) moires, torn. xvi. pp. 239, 751. Aulerci Eburovices, Eccl. Hist. 1. p. 2 Eboria. This name is written 196, sq. Eborolacum, or Ebrolium, Ebmoria in the Book of Armagh : now Evreuil, in Auverne, is men- Euboria, by Probus : Eboria, by the tioned by Sidonius Apollinaris, lib. authors of the second and fourth iii. epist. 5 Hypatio, (Biblioth. Pa- lives. Colgan has suggested that it trum, vi. p. 1089.) But these are may mean Bologna, assuming Eboria mere conjectures. to be an error of the scribe for Bono- 3 France. The opinion of the nia. But he prefers Liege, which Bollandists, that Eporedia or Fvrea, was in the country of the Eburones in Piedmont, was intended, is un- mentioned by Csesar (Bell. Gall. ii. worthy of notice. See Lanigan, 1. 4. vi. 31), and may have been called p. 197. Eboria must have been some- Eboria or Eburia. Tr. Th., p. n,n. where near the coast from which St. 34, p. 254. Lanigan suggests Ebro- Patrick embarked for Britain. chap. i. J Sent to the Scots of Ireland. 381 Palladius, however, is of minor consequence. A more important enquiry is — who were the Scots to whom he was sent ? This cannot now be doubtful.1 In the age of Prosper, as every body now knows, the inhabitants of Ireland were the only Scoti ; but, even if this were otherwise, the words of Prosper settle the question. ' Pope Celestine,' he says, in a pas sage already quoted, ' whilst he laboured to keep the Roman island Catholic, made the barbarous island Christian.' As the modern Scotland can, with no propriety, be called an island, there cannot be a doubt that Prosper believed Palladius to have been sent to the Scots of Ireland.2 It has been said, that as Palladius was sent to Not to the the Scots, who were already believers in Christ, scots? and as Ireland was not at that time Christian, the North British Scots must have been intended.3 But if we are to receive as history the story of Pope Victor, and the imaginary King Donald, the Albanian Scots had been converted to Christ in the third century ; and just before the times of 1 Doubtful. See Colgan's disser- that Baronius evidently leans to the tation on this subject, Append. V. opinion that Palladius was sent to ad Acta S. Patr. cap. 14. (Tr. Th. North Britain. Annal. a.d. 429 n. p. 245, sq.) Dr. Reeves's Adamnan ; 4. Lanigan, Eccl. Hist, of Ireland. 3 Intended. This, Solliere says, is Innes, Civil and Eccl. Hist, of Scot- the Achillean argument of the mo- land. In fact this question is now dem Scotch writers : ' Hie rei totius decided, and at rest. nodus, is ferme Scotorum Achilles 2 Ireland. Solliere says (speaking est, verum si recte expendatur, ipsis ofthe words of Prosper, just quoted), seque ac Hibernis solvendus : cum ' Insula barbara, ab insula Britannica necdum satis constet per id tempus Romana sejuncta et contradistincta magis credentem fuisse gentem unam non potest non esse Hibernia.' Actt. quam alteram, &c.' Acta SS. Ibid. SS. loc. cit. p. 288, E. It is curious 282 Ireland the only Scotia [chap.i. Palladius, St. Ninian, as we are told by the author of his life, had divided the country into parishes or dioceses.1 If so, how could Palladius have been thefirst bishop ? Did Pope Celestine so entirely forget the labours of his predecessors, Victor and Damasus, as to suppose that he was himself the first to send a bishop to the Scoti? Did he forget that Ninian was a bishop, sent also, as is alleged, from Rome? Or, if he regarded Ninian as sent to the Picts, and not to the Scots, can we believe that the Scots, christianised in the days of Pope Victor, unlike the rest of the Chris tian world, were without bishops2 for upwards of two centuries, until Palladius went over, ' ad Scotos credentes in Christo primus episcopus ? ' This question, once debated with extraordinary in the fifth jieat by the Scotch and Irish writers ofthe 17th century. •/ ' century, may now be discussed more calmly. Whoever reads the works of Bede and Adamnan will not need to be informed that, even in their times, Scotia meant no country but Ireland, and Scoti no people but the inhabitants of Ireland. In the former half of the fifth century, the tribes Ireland the only Scotia 1 Dioceses. Aildredi Vit. S. Nini- ani, c. vi. : ' Ccepit deinde sacer Pon- tifex ordinare Presbyteros, consecrare episcopos, etc. totam terram per cer- tas parochias dividere.' Pinkerton Fit. Ant. Sanctorum, p.n. St. Ni nian is supposed to have died a.d. 430 or 432, the very date of the mission of Palladius. Ussher, Ind, Chron. a.d. 432. 2 Without bishops. This latter al ternative is adopted by Buchanan and many Scotch writers. Fordun, to meet the difficulty, asserts that the antient Scotish church was ministered to by priests and monks only. Abp. Spottiswood's Hist. vol. i. p. 13. (Bannatyne Club, Edinb. 1850). Ussher, Antiqq. c. 16. (Works, vi. p. 354.) And see what Innes has said on this subject, {Civ. and Fed. Hist. p. 59, sq.) in reference to the use made of this supposed absence of bishops, in the Presbyterian con troversy. chap, i.j in the Fifth Century. 283 of Scoti, who had some time before settled in the islands and western coasts of Argyle, were not known or regarded as a people distinct from the Scoti of Ireland. They had no kings1 or chieftains of their own, they had no fixed seats in the country to which they had migrated ; it was impossible that they could have been specially designated by the name of Scoti. The Scots, who appeared in alliance with the Picts in their inroads upon the Roman provinces of Britain, were not exclusively those who had taken up an abode in Argyleshire, but tribes who came direct from Ireland to the assistance of their kinsmen. The name of Scots was natu rally given to all. The distinction between those Scoti who had seized habitations in the islands and wilds of the western coast north of Britain, and those Scoti who had come over as reinforce ments direct from Ireland, was not, perhaps, so much as noticed by the Roman colonists who had to repel their incursions. Thus the poet Claudian2, in one of his panegyrics, speaking of the victory of Theodosius over the Picts and Scots, a.d. 398, represents Thule as warm with Pictish blood, and icy Erinn3, weeping over her heaps of slaughtered Scots : — 1 Kings. The year 502 is the See Reeves's Eccl. Hist. ofDoiun and date assigned by the Irish annals for Connor, p. 319, sq. the settlement of King Fergus mor 2 Claudian. De quarto consulatu mac Eire, and the Dalriadan tribe Honorii. Paneg. v. 82. in North Britain, or rather for his 3 ley Erinn. The Romans believed death there, and the commencement Ireland to be a country of perpetual of the Dynasty founded by him. ice and snow : as ifthey took Hibernia 284 Isolated Christians in Ireland. [chap.i. Incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos flevit glacialis Ierne, Palladius not sent to oppose the Pelagian heresy. Scattered Christians in Ireland. assuming evidently that the Scots all came from Ierne or Erinn, without any allusion to those who had made themselves a home in Britain. There is not the slightest authority for the as sertion, hazarded by some modern Scotch writers1, that Palladius was sent to the Scots to oppose the Pelagian heresy. Not a single antient author has made this statement. And, in fact, it is cer tain that Palladius was not sent to refute Pela gianism, because there was no Pelagianism, either in Alba or in Erinn, in the fifth century, for Palladius to refute. We must, therefore, conclude that the be lieving Scots to whom Palladius was sent were the Scots of Ireland. Although the island was still Pagan, in reference to the large majority of its inhabitants, there is good reason to believe that many scattered individuals, and probably some isolated congregations, were to be found there, at this early period, who were ' believers in Christ ;' and such congregations, or individual to signify wintry. Bede was better informed : — ' Hibernia autem et la- titudine sui status, et salubritate ac serenitate aerum, multum Britannise praestat, ita ut raro ibi nix plusquam triduana remaneat.' Lib. i. c. i. 1 Writers. Buchanan, Rer. Scot. lib. v. Even Archbishop Spot- tiswood has adopted this opinion. Hist. i. p. 12. See Lanigan, Hist. i. p. 47. Ware also was misled by the bold assertions of the Scotch, and attributes to the mission of Palladius the double object of preaching Christianity and subvert ing the Pelagianism, then, as he says, beginning to sprout in Ireland : ¦ — ' A Celestino missus turn ad fidem Christianam propagandam turn ad Pelagianam hseresim, tunc apud Hi- bernos pullulantem, extirpandam.' De Script. Hibern. lib. ii. c. 1. But how could the Pelagian heresy be in Ireland at that time, when the island was Pagan ? and is there a shadow of authority for such a statement ? chap. i.J Palladius the First Bishop. 285 believers, greatly needed the unity1 which a bishop alone could give them. The fable of four bishops and several priests Palladia 1 • - r n T» • 1 ^rst bishop in Ireland; before the preaching of St. Patrick, is of theScoti. indeed the only difficulty in the way of receiving in their plain and obvious meaning the words of Prosper, that Palladius was the first bishop sent to the Irish Scots. Even Ussher was disposed to give credit to that fable2, and suggested that primus episcopus may mean chief or principal bishop. Others have conjectured that Palladius was called ' primus episcopus,' because he was the first bishop sent by Celestine, St. Patrick being the second3; and others again would cut the knot by maintaining that the word primus is an erroneous reading, omitted4 in some copies of the Chronicle. But the reader whose mind is unbiassed by went to theories of an antient church in Scotland, and of ante-Patrician bishops in Ireland, will have no difficulty in receiving the statement of Prosper in its literal sense, that Palladius was the first bishop sent from Rome to the scattered be lievers among the Scots ; and that the Scots to whom he was sent were the inhabitants of Ire land is evident, not only for the reasons already stated, but also from the historical fact that it was to Ireland he went. Let us examine the 1 Unity. See above Introd. sect. 3 Second. Innes, Civ. and Eccl. 87, p. 221. Hist. p. 54. 2 Fable. See Introd. sect. 8 1 — 85, 4 Omitted. Ussher's Antiquitt. c. p. 198, sq. supra. xvi. (Works vi. p. 354). 286 Irish Traditions of Palladius. [chap. He landed in the county of Wicklow. traditions which he has left behind him in the two countries. The Irish authorities tell us that, having received his mission from Pope Celestine, he went at once to Ireland, and landed in the region of the Hy Garchon, that is to say, in the country inhabited by the descendants of Garchu1, a chief tain whose genealogy is known. The particular district is called by the scholiast on Fiacc's Hymn, Fortuatha Laighen, or the ' Stranger Tribes2 of Leinster,' a region which seems to have included the celebrated valley of Glendaloch3, extending probably to the sea. A scholiast4 on the Mar tyrology of Aengus informs us that the territory of Hy Garchon, or Ui Garchon, was in the Fotharta of Leinster, which some have inter- 1 Garchu. The genitive of Gar chu is Garchon. Hy or Ui Garchon signifies descendants of Garchu. His genealogy is given in the Ap pend, to the Introd. Table V.p. 253, supra. 2 Stranger Tribes. The Scholia on Fiacc's Hymn, (original Irish, in the MS. at St. Isidore's Convent, Rome) has ifortuathib Laighen, which Col gan renders, ' in extremis Lageniae finibus,' or ' the lower districts of Leinster.' Tr Th. p. 5 : ' Venit ergo Palladius in Hiberniam : et appulit in regione de Hi Garrchon in ex tremis Lageniae finibus, &c.' But the word Fortuatha certainly means ' Stranger tribes ' not belonging to the race or clan of the chieftain. There were Fortuatha in Munster, (Book of Rights, p. 78, with Dr. O'Donovan's note) in Aileach, Co. of Derry (ib. p. 120.) in Ulidia (ib. p. 172.) 3 Glendaloch. A life of St. Coemhgen, or Kevin, quoted by Ussher, Primord. p. 956 (Works, vi. P- Sz5)> speaking of Glendaloch, says, ' ipsaque civitas est in oriente Laginensium in regione qua dicitur Fortuatha.' Who the ' stranger tribes' were who gave name to this district is doubtful. The O'Tooles were driven from their original seats in Kildare, and settled in this region of the Co. of Wicklow, in the 12th, or beginning of the 13th century. But the name of Fortuatha Laighen was given to the district long before that time. See Dr. O'Donovan's note. B. of Rights, pp. 207, 210. Topograph. Poems, pp. xlvii. (367)1 lv. (450). 4 Scholiast. The Scholia on the Felire of Aengus, at August 18th, tell us that St. Ernin, son of Cre- sine,wasof Rathnoi,!» uib Garchon i Fotkartaibh Laighen, ' in Ui Gar chon in the Fotharta of Leinster.' And the same words occur in the gloss on the name of St. Ernin in the Calendar of Marian O'Gorman, (18 Aug). See Reeves, Adamnan, p. 25, note i. chap. i.J Antient Narratives of his Acts. 287 preted to signify the barony of Forth1 in the county of Wexford. But as the same authority speaks of the Church of Rathnoi, now Rathnew, near the town of Wicklow, as situated in Hy Garchon, and in the Fotharta of Leinster, it is evident that the same district must be intended by both names. We may, therefore, conjecture that it received the former name, Fortuatha, or ' stranger tribes,' from the Fotharta, or family of Eochadh Finn Fothart2, who settled there, having been driven from their original seat near Tara, county of Meath, about the middle of the third century. It is well known that this tribe gave name to several districts, still from them called Forths3, in different parts of the south-east of Ireland. Palladius, therefore, according to the Irish tradition preserved in these authorities, must have landed on some part of the strand where the town of Wicklow now stands, and then proceeded into the interior of the country. Of his subsequent history some antient narra- Antient tives are extant, the source of all that is to be ofhis ve found on the subject, in the Lives of St. Patrick, history"."1' the Historia of Nennius, and other records. These we must now examine. 1. The first of them occurs in the Life of St. First Document. 1 Forth. See Lanigan, Eccl. Hist. See Introd. Append. Table IV. p. i. p. 40. 252, super. •i Eochadh Finn Fothart. He was 3 Forths. See O'Flaherty, Ogyg. son of Felimidh the Lawgiver, King p. 324, 325. O'Donovan, Book of of Ireland, a.d. 164 — 174, and bro- Rights, p. 221, n. ther of Con of the Hundred Fights. 288 Authorities for the History [chap.i. Patrick, written, as there is reason to think, not later than a.d. 700, and preserved in the Book of Armagh, a MS. of the early part of the 9th century. The words of this author1 are as follows : — ' Palladius was ordained and sent to convert this island, lying under wintry cold, but God hindered him, for no man can receive anything from earth unless it be given him from heaven ; for neither did those fierce and savage men receive his doctrine readily, nor did he himself wish to spend time in a land not his own, but he returned to him who sent him. On his return hence, however, after his first passage of the sea, having commenced his land journey, he died in the territories of the Britons. ' Therefore, when the death of Palladius in the Britains was heard of (for the disciples of Palladius, viz. Augustinus and Benedictus and the rest, on their return, brought the news of it to Ebmoria), then Patrick and those who were with him,' &c. The very words of this narrative are appro priated by the author of the Second Life of St. Patrick in Colgan's Collection, and also by Probus, author of the Fifth Life, with no material altera tion except that they changed ' territories of the Britons ' into ' territories of the Picts.'2 1 Author. Maccuthenius, as Us- mihesfacilereciperantdoctrinamejus, sher erroneously calls him (see p. neque et ipse voluit transegere tem- 3 14 «.) The original is as follows : pus in terra non sua, sed reversusad ' Certe enim erat quod Palladius eum qui misit ilium. Revertente archidiaconus Papae Celestini urbis vero eo hine et primo mari transito Romse episcopi qui tunc tenebat cceptoque teirarum itenere Britonum sedem apostolicam quadragensimus finibus vita factus' [read functus]. quintus a Sancto Petro apostolo B. of Armagh, fol. 2, a, a. For ille Palladius ordinatus et missus the age of the Book of Armagh fuerat ad hanc insolam sub brumali see Dean Graves's valuable paper m rigore[? frigore] possitam converten- the Proceedings of the Royal Irish dam. Sed prohibuit ilium [Deus ?], Academy, iii. 316. The evidence , quia nemo potest accipere quicquam goes to show that this curious MS de terra nisi datum ei fuerit de cselo. was transcribed a.d. 807. Nam neque hii feri et immites ho- 2 Picts. The Vita Secunda says chap. i.J of Palladius. 389 11. Equal in antiquity to this is the following second • 1 • r »rv 1 ' i D°cument- passage in the Annotations or 1 irecnan, on the Annotations Life of St. Patrick, also preserved1 in the Book of Armagh. From this we learn the remarkable fact that Palladius was called by another name, Patrick : — ' Palladius the bishop is first sent, who by another name was called Patricius, who suffered martyrdom among the Scots, as antient saints relate. Then Patricius the Second is sent by the angel of God, named Victor, and by Pope Celestine. In whom all Hibernia believed, and who baptised almost the whole of it.' By the Scots in this passage, it is needless to say, the Irish Scots must be intended. in. Another antient version of the story, Third which contains some additional particulars, occurs schXstV in the Scholia on Fiacc's Hymn, published by Colgan as the First Life in his collection of the Biographies bf St. Patrick. The original Irish of these Scholia is preserved in the copy of the Book of Hymns now in the convent of St. Isidore at Rome, a MS. of the nth or 12th century; but the author of the Scholia flourished, no doubt, at an earlier period. After recording the arrival of Palladius in 'in Pictavorum (meaning Pictorum) est apud Scottos, ut tradunt sancti finibus defunctus est,' cap. 23. (Tr. antiqui. Deinde Patricius secundus Th. p. 13.) Probus (lib. i. c. 24) ab anguelo Dei Victor nomine, et a says ' Cumque aggressus Palladius Celestino Papa mittitur. Cui Hiber- mare transmeasset, et ad fines Pic to- nia tota credidit, qui earn pene totam r«»zpervenisset,ibidemvitadecessit.' babtizavit.' Lib. Armach. fol. 16, Tr. Th. p. 48. a. u. Tirechan flourished about the 1 Preserved. The original words close of the 7th century : as he was are ' Paladius episcopus primo mit- a disciple of St. Ultan, who died titur, qui Patricius alio nomine according to the annals of Tigher- apjjellabatur, qui martyrium passus nach, a.d. 657. Colgan,3V.T/4.p.2i7. U Fiacc. 290 Narrative by the Scholiast [chap. i. the country of the Hy Garchon, in the words to which we have already referred1, this author says : — ' He [PalladiusJ founded there some churches, viz., Teach- na-Roman, or the House of the Romans, Killfine, and others. Nevertheless, he was not well received by the people, but was forced to go round the coast of Ireland towards the north, until driven by a great tempest he reached the extreme part of Modhaidh towards the south, where he founded the church of Fordun, and Pledi is his name there.' Discrepan- These accounts are certainly at variance with cies of these J accounts, each other, and give rise to the suspicion that the truth has been tampered with. In one version of the story Palladius is represented as having gone to the country of the Britons, on his way back to Pope Celestine, and as having there died. We are not told what part of the country of the Britons he had reached, or in what particular place he died. Nothing is said of a storm.2, or of his 1 Referred. See note 2, p. 286. of the headland now called Kinnaird Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 5, col. 1. The Head, the N.E. coast of Aberdeen- words are : ' Non fuit bene ab illis shire. Cenn airthir signifies ' East- exceptus, sed coactus circuire oras em head.' Hiberniae versus aquilonem, donee 2 Storm. Nennius (cap. 55, Mon. tandem tempestate magna pulsus, Hist. Brit. v. 7 1 ) mentions the storm, venerit ad extremam partem Modh- although his account agrees in other aidh versus austrum; ubi fundavit respects even verbally with document ecclesiam Fordun ; et Pledi est nomen No. 1 :' Missus est Palladius episcopus ejus ibi.' It is much to be regretted primitus a Ccelestino Papa Romano that the original Irish of this passage ad Scottos in Christum convertendos, in the MS. at St. Isidore's in Rome, qui prohibitus est a Deo per quasdam is now almost illegible. It seems, tempestates, quia nemo potest quic- however, to have contained a more quam accipere in terra nisi de crelo particular account ofthe course sailed datum illi fuerit. Et profectus est ille than Colgan's version has preserved. Palladius de Hibernia, pervenitquead After mentioning the great storm, Britanniam, et ibi defunctus est in the words co roact co cend airter terra Pictorum.' The land of the descertack are visible : ' So that he Picts therefore was regarded by this reached Cenn airthir southwards.' author as a part of Britannia. The It does not appear what place was Irish version of Nennius (p. 106) intended, but Cenn-airthir may pos- has only these words, ' Pledius was sibly have been the antient name driven from Erin and went and chap. i.J on the Hymn of St. Fiacc. 2g I having been driven from his course. The story implies that he crossed the sea in the usual way, and met with no disaster, until he had com menced his land journey. If his object had been to go by the shortest route to Rome, he would naturally have sailed from the shores of Wicklow to the opposite coast of Wales. It is probable, however, that such a route may have at that period been dangerous or impracticable, and that in travelling to Rome it was necessary to make for the Roman provinces in North Britain. Subsequent writers, although evidently building on this antient biography in the Book of Armagh, make Palladius to have gone much more north ward, and to have died in the region of the Picts. They appear to have so interpreted the antient narrative, although that narrative speaks of the territory of the Britons only, not of the Picts. It did not occur to them to explain why Palla dius had travelled so far north if his object had been merely to return to Pope Celestine who had sent him. The other story, however, as given by Fiacc's Scholiast, meets this difficulty. On leaving Hy Garchon in Wicklow, Palladius sailed northwards along the coast of Ireland, but was driven by a great storm still further north, towards the Orkneys, perhaps through Pentland Firth, and was unable to land, or, at least, effected no permanent served God in Fordun, in Maimed event and the mission of St. Patrick No mention is made of his death, by Pope Celestine. nor of any connexion between that U 2 2g2 Discrepancies in the [chap. i. landing, until he had got down to the shores of Kincardineshire. However extraordinary, this was certainly not impossible. The light boats or coracles of that age were frequently driven to considerable distances. It will be observed that in this version of the story nothing is said of an intention on the part of Palladius to return to Rome in despair. He is represented as having been still intent upon prosecuting the object of his mission. He sailed along the coast of Ireland with that object in view, and when he found himself driven from Ireland to the region of the Picts, he lost no time in establishing a Christian Church amongst that people. The narrative of Tirechan (No. II.) entirely ignores the voyage of Palladius to the Britons or Picts, and represents him as having suffered mar tyrdom amongst the Scoti, the people to whom he was sent in Ireland. No mention is made of his companions, or of churches founded by him, in either of the two earlier versions of his story. The existence of these churches is recorded for the first time in the document No. III. pre served by the Scholiast1 on Fiacc's hymn ; but it is remarkable that Probus, the author of the fifth Life in Colgan's collection, although he can scarcely have been ignorant of the tradition, makes no mention of the churches of Hy Gar- 1 Scholiast. The age of this himself before the nth century. See Scholiast is a subject of controversy, the Irish Book of Hymns (publ. He seems to have collected legends by the Irish Archseol. and Celtic of different dates, and to have lived Soc), p. 299, sq. chap. i.J History of Palladius. 2g3 chon, or of Fordun. This looks as if he had deliberately rejected that part of the legend.1 iv. The author of the ' Vita Secunda,' after Fourth r - Document, quoting, as we have seen, the narrative of the vita se- . - n i t~\ cunda. Book of Armagh, which we have called Document No. I., goes on to transcribe into his work another account of the acts of Palladius, in which the churches are mentioned as then actually existing and well known. This account differs in many respects from the former versions of the story, and may, therefore, be regarded as an independent au thority. Colgan's opinion that the author of the second Life flourished in the middle of the sixth century, is founded on an argument2 singularly weak and inconclusive. But we shall, probably, not err very much, if we assume that author to have written about a.d. 900. His information was probably derived from some now lost acts of Palladius, of still higher antiquity ; and the nar rative alluded to, which we may call Document No. IV., is probably not later than the eighth 1 Legend. The author of the ubi est episcopus Loarne, &c.' cap. Vita Tertia has also omitted the 31, ' where bishop Loarne is.' But story of the churches, and follows this phrase signifies that Loarne essentially the narrative No. I, Con- was buried there, and therefore proves eluding by the statement ' Sed ille that Loarne was then dead : the very mortuus est in regione Britonum.' reverse of the conclusion which Col- cap. 26. Tr. Th. p. 23. gan derives from it. The same ar- 2 An argument. The argument gument would prove this author to is that this author speaks of Loarne, have been contemporary with the bishop of Brettan, now Bright, near companions of Palladius, for he says, Downpatrick, as being alive when speaking of the Church of Domh- he wrote. Loarne was a disciple nach Arda, * in which are the holy of St. Patrick, and could not men of the family of Palladius, Syl- have lived beyond the middle of the vester, and Salonius.' Abundant 6th century. Therefore the words instances of this way of speaking are ' Sed hodie civitatula est quaedi- may be found in the Martyrology of citur Inreathan, [read in Breathan] Donegal and other authorities. 294 Testimony of the Author of the [chap. i. century. It stands isolated in our author's work; being inconsistent in some respects with the account which immediately precedes it, and having no connection with what follows. The words are these : — ' For ' the most blessed Pope Caelestine ordained bishop an archdeacon of the Roman Church, named Palladius, and sent him into the island of Hibernia, after having committed to him the relics of the blessed Peter and Paul, and other saints, and having also given him the volumes ofthe Old and New Testa ments. Palladius, entering the land of the Scots2, arrived at the territory of the men of Leinster, where Nathi Mac Garr- chon3 was chief, who was opposed to him. Others, however, whom the divine mercy had disposed towards the worship of God, having been baptised in the name of the sacred Trinity, the blessed Palladius built three churches in the same district. One, which is called Cellfine, in which even to the present day, he left his books which he had received from St. Caslestine, and the box of Relics of the blessed Peter and Paul and other saints, and the tablets on which he used to write, which in Scotish are called from his name Pall-ere [or Pallad-ere\ that is, the Burden of Palladius, and are held in veneration. Another, viz., Tech na Roman [the House of the RomansJ ; and the third Domnach ardec [or Domnach Aracha\ in which are [buried] the holy men of the family4 of Palladius, 1 For. ' Nam beatissimus Papa, 2 Scots. It will be observed that &c.' Colgan, Tr. Th. page 13. Vit. what is here called 'terram Scotorum,' Secunda, cap. 24.. The nam in was just before termed ' Hiberniam this passage has no connexion with insulam.' what precedes ; the words immedi- 3 Nathi Mac Garrchon. It has al- ately preceding record the death of ready been observed (see p. 254), Palladius : ' in Pictavorum finibus that the Mac is here used to signify defunctus est ;' then follows, ' nam a more remote descendant than Son beatissimus papa . . . Palladium in the literal sense of the word. See episcopum ordinavit.' Nothing can the genealogy of Garchu, ancestor show more clearly that our author of the tribe or clan Hy Garchon, transcribed this document from some in the Appendix to the Introduction, antient source, and inserted it with- Table V. out considering its connection with + Family, i.e. of his attendants— the preceding matter in his narra- the clergy who accompanied him j tive. - See above, Introd. p. 159. chap. i.J second Life of St. Patrick. 395 Sylvester and Salonius, who are honoured there. After a short time, Palladius died in the plain of Girgin, in a place which is called Forddun. But others say that he was crowned with martyrdom there.' l The new facts recorded in this narrative are New facts that the Pope, on giving Palladius his commission, the Fourth presented him with certain relics of Peter, Paul, and other saints, together with copies of the Old and New Testaments ; that Nathi, chief of the Hy Garchon, who is not mentioned in the former accounts, opposed him on his landing in Wicklow; that, nevertheless, he baptised several of the in habitants, and built or founded three churches ; in one of these, Cell-fine2, he deposited the relics, together with the copies of the Old and New Testaments, given him by the Pope, and the tablets on which he was wont to write. In another of these churches, called Domhnach Arda5, his companions, Silvester and Solinus, were buried, and their memory afterwards held in honour. No mention is made of the cause of his leaving Ireland, nor 0/ the adventures which carried him to North Britain. But it is said that he died in 1 There. The origin of this that it is for Fin-tech, i.e. .^Edes Fine, opinion seems to have been derived or house of the tribe. If so the from the words of Tirechan, ' qui word Ecclesia would be redundant, martyrium passus est apud ScottosO Tr. Th. p. 4.9, note 17. It is now And if the writer interpreted this unknown. word to mean the Albanian Scots, 3 Domhnach Arda. Variously he must have lived at a later period written Domhnach Ardec, D. Arda- than that which we have assigned cha, D. Airte. The name D. Arda to him. signifies Church ofthe high place. D. 2 Cell-fine. This name seems to Ardacha, Church of the high field. signify ' Church of the tribe ' or The other forms are probably mere ' people.' In the Vita Quarta, attri- errors of transcriptidh. This church buted to St. Aileran, it is called is supposed to be the same as the Ecclesia Finte : this is most probably present Donard, in the County of a mistake., although Colgan says Wicklow, near Dunlavin. 2g6 Narrative given in the [chap.i, Campo Girgin, or Magh-Girgin1, the country of the Picts, at a place called Fordun. It is not said that he built a church there, and the fact that he suffered martyrdom there is stated to have been the opinion of some only. Fifth v. The Fourth Life in Colgan's collection is vitajjuaita. attributed by him to St. Aileran or Eleran, without any apparent reason, except that St. Aileran was reputed to have written a Life of St. Patrick, and that the Fourth Life, in Colgan's judgment, was compiled about the middle of the seventh century, when St. Aileran2 was alive. Therefore, this Fourth Life is by St. Aileran. However, it is certainly antient, and cannot well be referred to a period much later than the close of the eighth or begin ning of the ninth century. The traditions it has preserved of the history of Palladius may be quoted as a fifth antient document. After men tioning the consecration of Palladius, and his mission to Ireland by Pope Celestine, this author3 proceeds : — ' Therefore when Palladius arrived there in the territory of 1 Magh-Girgin. The antient Girgin, 'the plain of Girgin,' Moerne, name of the Mernis or Mearnes Mairne, and Modaidh, were probably (old spelling Moerne) . The story all names for the region of the Picts, of the Picts who emigrated from now Kincardineshire, in which the Ireland after receiving their wives church of Fordoun stood. In this dis- from the Milesians, (Book of Lecan, trict was settled in later times an Irish fol. 141 a.) nanjes Magh-Cirgin tribe, called the Eoghanacht of Magh as the district of North Britain Girgin, from their ancestor Eoghan in which they settled. Irish Nen- mor, son of Oilioll Oluim. O'Fla- nius, p. lxxi. Fordun is said to be herty, Ogyg. p. 328. * in Maimed (Ibid. p. 106). The 2 St. Aileran. His death is recorded Scholiast on Fiacc says that Fordun in the Irish Annals, 29 Dec. 664. was 'in the extreme part of Modhaidh 3 This author. Cap. 28. Colgan, towards the south,' so that Magh Tr. Th. p. 38. chap, i.] fourth Life of St. Patrick. 2g7 the Lagenians1, he began to preach the word of God. But, inasmuch as Almighty God had not predestined the Hibernian people to be brought by him from the error of heathenism to the faith of the Holy and Undivided Trinity, he remained there only a few days. Nevertheless, a few did believe through him. And in the same district he founded three churches — in eodem pago tres ecclesias constituit — one which is called Ecclesia Finte, in which, even to the present day, are preserved his books, which he had received from Celestine, and a box with the relics of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul and other saints ; and the tablets on which he used to write, which are called from his name in Scottish, Pallad-ir, i.e., the burden of Palla dius, and are held in great veneration. Another church was built by the disciples of Palladius, and is called the House of the Romans, Domus Romanorum. The third is the church which is called Dominica Arda, in which are [buriedj holy men of the companions of Palladius, viz., Silvester and Solinus, whose relics after some time were carried to the island of Boethin, and are there held in merited honour. But St. Palladius seeing that he could not do much good there, wishing to return to Rome, migrated to the Lord in the region of the Picts. Others, however, say that he was crowned with martyrdom in Hibernia.' The writer of this account has added to the Additional information given us in the other documents ["the1 Fifth that the sojourn of Palladius in Ireland was only ' for a few days ;'2 that the church called ' House of the Romans ' was built by the disciples of Palladius, not by Palladius himself; and that the relics of his companions Sylvester and Solinus, after having remained for some time at Domhnach Arda, were translated to Inis-Boethin, or the island of St. Boethin, and were there venerated in the time of the writer. • This place was situated within the townland inis-Boe- of Inishboheen, or Inishboyne, to which it has thin'where- 1 Lagenians. Lageniensium, the 2 Days. ' Paucis ibi diebus per- men of Leinster. mansit.' 2g8 North British Traditions [chap. i. given its name, in the parish of Dunganstown, barony of Arklow, county of Wicklow. It was burned, according to the Annals of Ulster1, in the year 774 : and there is no record of the relics having escaped. Our author therefore most probably wrote before the church was burnt, if the relics were there in his time. Boethin, the saint from whom the church took its name, is supposed to have flourished about the close of the sixth2 and beginning of the seventh century. The exact date of his obit has not been preserved in the Irish Annals. The martyrdom of Palladius by the Irish, which Tirechan had recorded as a certain fact, is mentioned by this author as the opinion of some only. He says nothing of the storm, or of the foundation of a church among the Picts ; and attributes the abandonment of the mission to Palladius having despaired of success. But if ' in a few days ' Palladius had succeeded in bap tising some of the natives, as well as laying the foundation of three churches, and was neverthe less dissatisfied with the results of his mission, his expectations of success must have been sanguine indeed. scotch The Scotch or North British traditions re- aboot Pai- specting Palladius are comparatively modern and ladius. 1 Annals of UBter : or a.d. 770, daughter of Ronan son of Colman, according to the Four Masters. King of Leinster. Ronan's death is 2 Sixth. So says Colgan, Tr. Th. variouslydated intheannals6io,6i(), p. 1 8, note 33. His Festival occurs 623, and 624. Boethin may there* (22 May) in the most antient Irish fore have lived to near the close of calendar, the Felire of Aengus. His the seventh century. mother is said to have been the chap. i.J of Palladius, unauthentic. 299 unauthentic. They can scarcely be traced to a higher authority than the Scotichronicon of John of Fordun1, who flourished in the fourteenth cen tury. The Breviary of Aberdeen, printed at Edin burgh 1509 and 1 5 10, contains the oldest known calendar which marks the 6th of July as the festi val of St. Palladius; it is there given as a lesser2 fes tival, although he is styled ' Apostle of the Scots.' His relics (or supposed relics) were disinterred at . Fordun, and placed in a silver shrine3, by William Schewes, Archbishop of St. Andrews, so late as 1 494, where they continued to be venerated until the Reformation.4 In the Lessons for his Day given in the Breviary of Aberdeen, Palladius is said to have been an Egyptian by birth, and to have died not at Fordun, but ' at Langforgund 5 in the Mearnes.' This is a remarkable proof how vague the traditions of Scotland were respecting Palladius, even so late as the begin ning of the sixteenth century. The traditions followed by Archbishop Schewes, which fixed Fordun as the death place of the saint, were ignored in the neighbouring diocese of Aberdeen, 1 John of Fordun. See Innes, Civ. rank, who dwelt near that place. & Eccl. Hist, of Scotland, p. 59. The people of the country, ob- 2 Lesser. ' Palladii episcopi et serving the decay which followed in confessorisapostoliScotoram,minus.' that family not many years after, as- Brev. Aberd. (Prop. SS.) Prid. non. cribed the same to the violation of Julii. This Breviary has been Palladius's grave.' Hist, of the Church beautifully reprinted, London, 1854. of Scotland, i. p. 13. (Bannatyne 3 Shrine. Hector Boece, Scot. Club), 1850. Hist. vii. fol. 128 b. (quoted by Us- 6 Langforgund. Brev. Aberd. sher, Antiq. c. xv., Works, vi. p. (Prop. SS. Pars ASst.) Lect. vi. fol. 2U-) . xxv. b. ' Tandem beatus Palladius, 4 Reformation. Archbishop Spot- variis per eundem miraculis Divini- tiswode tells us that the silver shrine tus ostensis, annorum plenus apud ' was taken up at the demolishing of Langforgund in Mernis in pace the churches, by a gentleman of good requiescit beata.' ' 300 His Acts in Ireland ignored. [chap, i, and not without evidence of carelessness or mis take ; for it happens that Langforgund is a parish not in the Mearnes, but in the east of Perthshire, in Gowry, a little to the west of Dundee, on the north of the Firth of Tay, in another diocese and at a considerable distance from Fordun. Kscrepan- The Scotch traditions make no mention of cies between .. r ^ the Irish the visit of Palladius to Ireland, or of the sup- traditions, posed connection of his mission with that of St. Patrick. They represent him also as having laboured among the Picts for many years1 after the establishment of his church at Fordun. Whereas the Irish writers are unanimous that his life, after his consecration, was short, and that he died before Pope Celestine, who had time after receiving the news of his death to nominate his successor. But Palladius was con secrated, as Prosper expressly states, in the con sulship of Bassus and Antiochus, or a.d. 431, and Pope Celestine died in July 432. It was impossible, therefore, that he could have lived at Fordun more than a few months or weeks, so that the traditions of the two countries are here directly contradictory and opposite. The caien- It is to be observed, also, that the Calendar dar and , Lessons of prefixed to the Breviary of Aberdeen is at variance deen Bre- with the Lessons given in the same Breviary for IncT * " the festival of Palladius. In the Calendar, Palla dius is called 'Apostolus Scotorum,' implying that by him the Scots were converted to Christianity. 1 Many years. Abp. Spottiswode rity: but he has not a word of Ireland: says 23, I know not on what autho- ubi supra. chap. i. J Companions of Palladius. 30 1 This ignores the story of the conversion of Scot land under Pope Victor in 203. But this story is nevertheless adopted1 in the Lessons, where the statement of John of Fordun is repeated that before the coming of Palladius the Scots had received the faith in the time of Pope Victor, and since that time had had priests and monks only (not bishops) as teachers of doctrine and ministers of the sacraments amongst them. The Irish authorities have preserved the names com- c /* •¦ • /*•¦/"* l iii panions of of tour missionaries of interior rank who had ac- panadius companied Palladius from Rome. Sylvester and Srdmsto Solinus are said to have been left behind in Ire- tradltl0n- land, and their relics, as we have seen, continued to be honoured there for centuries. Augustinus and Benedictus, with others whose names are not given, are represented as having followed Palla dius into Britain, but upon his death they re turned to their homes, and are said to have brought the news of that event not to Rome, but to Ebmoria, or Eboria2, to St. Patrick. The Scotch traditions state that Palladius His converts brought with him several companions3 from ^scSd! Rome, but name none. They mention, however, 1 Adopted. Lectio iv.fol.24b.' Ante testimonio sequitur carmen ; Christi quorum adventum Scotorum gens transactis tribus annis atque ducentis praefata, per Marcum et Dionisium Scocia catholicam cepit inire fidem viros religiosos Christi, in magnam Roma Victore primo Papa residente, partem habebant fidem, Romano pre- Principe Severo martyr et occubuit.' sidente imperio Victore hujus nominis 2 Eboria. See above p. 280, note 2. primo, qui pro Christi nomine durum 3 Companions. ' Secumque accep- subiit martyrium, habentes fidei doc- tis monachis nonnullis aliisque plu- tores et sacramentorum ministros ribus viris vite approbatissimis, &c. presbiteros et monachos, primitive Br ev. Aberd. (Propr. SS.) Lect. iii. ecclesie solummodo sequentes ritum (Pars jEstiv.) fol. xxiv. b. et consuetudinem, de cujus historii 3°2 The Life of Palladius [chap. ] two of his disciples or converts, Servanus and Tervanus, or Ternanus, both natives of Scotland. Servanus was converted in mature life, consecrated by Palladius, and sent as a bishop to the Orkneys.1 He is said to have been the tutor of the celebrated Kentigern2, or St. Mungo. Ternanus was bap tised by "Palladius in infancy, and afterwards by the same Palladius consecrated archbishop3 of the Picts. If this be true, the Life of Palladius after he had settled among the British Picts 1 Orkneys. Fordun, and the Les sons of the Breviary of Aberdeen, represent Servanus as having been consecrated to assist Palladius in his episcopal duties : ' Et quia tante genti mysteria pastoralia solus impendere non sufficiebat, beatum Servanum, ut in vinea Domini secum operaretur doctrina ecclesiastica sufficienter im- butum, et per eundem in episcopum ordinatum, in omni Scotorum gente suum constituit suffroganeum.' Brev.t Aberd. (Propr. SS. i Jul.) Pars AZstiv'. p. xvi. b. No mention is made of the Orkneys. His mission there rests on the authority of modern writers, Jo hannes Major, Polydore Vergil, and Hector Boetius. In fact, Servanus or St. Serf, belongs to the century after Palladius. Ussher, Primnrd. p. 672, sq. (Works vi. 212, sq.) Lanigan, Eccl. Hist. ii. 167. On the 12th June, S. Ternanus or Tervanus is commemo rated in the Scotch Calendar : and it is curious that the name of Torannan occurs at the same day, in the Irish Calendar. The Mart, of Donegal, p. 167, supposes this Torannan to have been an Irishman and Abbot of Ban gor in Ireland. But theScholiast on the Mart, of Aengus gives two opinions about him, one of which oddly enough identifies him with Palladius : In the text he is called ' Torannan, the far famed voyager,' and the Scholiast adds ' viz. Palladius, who was sent from the successor (Comarb) of Peter to Erinn before Patrick fo preach to them. He was not received in Erinn, whereupon he went into Albain ; et sepultus est in Liconio. Or Torannan is the same as Motho- ren of Tulach Foirtgern in Ui Felmedhu and of Drumcliabh in Cairpri.' Whatever may be thought of the claims of Servanus and Ter nanus to be deemed disciples of Pal ladius, it is evident that the legend which speaks of one as bishop ' in omni Scotorum gente,' and of the other as bishop of the Picts, must have been invented before episcopal sees were established in Scotland. The Lessons in the Aberdeen Bre viary on 1 2 June, represent St. Ter- nan as having visited Pope Gregory in Rome, who gave him a Bell. See also the Registrum Episcopates Aber- don. published bythe Spalding Club. Append, to Pref. No. 1, p. lxxxvi. note. St. Gregory the Great died a.d. 602. St. Irchard, a disciple of St. Ternan, is commemorated 10 Kal. Sept. (or 20 Aug.) 1 and ac cording to the Lessons in the Brew. Aberd., he was consecrated by St. Gregory, and sent back to Kincar dineshire his native country. 2 Kentigern. See Vita Kentigertii, cap. 4. (Pinkerton, p. 206.) 3 Archbishop. So says Hector Boetius, ' Tervanum, quem infan- tem lustrico laverat fonte Pictorum archiepiscopum constituit.' Scot. chap. i.J shortened by Irish Tradition. 303 requires a much longer duration than either the Irish or Scotch writers have assigned to it. It seems probable that the Irish biographers of The short St. Patrick felt themselves compelled to shorten iadi°s the life of Palladius in order to make room for witTr!^"' the new commission to succeed him, which they hlstory' assume to have been given to St. Patrick by Pope Celestine. This is the great difficulty in the history of both missionaries. It is not possi ble that Palladius could have effected all that he is said to have effected in Ireland ' in a few days.' It is even less possible that he could have effected all that he is said to have effected amongst the Picts, if there was time to make known his death and to have his successor appointed at Rome, within a year1 from his consecration. There is reason to believe, therefore, that national vanity and national prejudice have corrupted this part of the history. Facts which were true of Palladius only have been transferred to St. Patrick, and the acts or legends of both saints mingled to gether in utter confusion. The martyrdom of Palladius in Ireland, as recorded by Tirechan, would diminish the difficulty. But it would leave no room for his ministry in Scotland, and it is rendered suspicious by that writer's anxiety to quote for it the authority of ' antient saints,' who are anonymous. Subsequent biographers repeat the story as a doubtful opinion, or transfer the Hist. lib. i. fol. 128 b. (Quoted by his Ecclesiastical History of Ireland Ussher, Works, vi. p. 212). (vol. 1. p. 201) has put this difficulty 1 Within a year. Dr. Lanigan in very strongly. 304 The Churches in Wicklow. [chap.i. guilt of the martyrdom to the Scots or Picts of North Britain. It was probably with a view to meet the objection from the shortness of the time that some writers have attributed the foundation of the churches in Wicklow to the disciples of Pal ladius rather than to Palladius himself. But this part of his history presents less difficulty, and is more easily reconciled with the short time al lotted to his ministry in Ireland, than the account of his actions in Scotland. He was sent to the Irish Scoti, who were already believers in Christ. Although the pagan natives of the country re jected him, these Christian Scoti would necessarily receive him with joy. It would take no great length of time to form them into regular churches. The material fabrics were probably of wood;1 and he left behind him experienced clergy to complete and perpetuate the ecclesias tical organisation of the congregations. The later collections of biographical legends could scarcely have named these churches if they had not continued to exist in their times, and if popular tradition had not attributed their founda tion to the mission of Palladius. 1 Wood. So the Four Masters ex- speaking of the Church built by St. pressly tell us, a.d. 430. Joceline Aidan in Lindisfarne, says that it makes the same statement, cap. 25. was ' more Scotorum, non delapide, Tr. Th., p. 70. Wooden churches sed de robore secto,' iii. 25. But we were usual in Ireland down to the must not infer that there were no beginning of the twelfth century. St. stone churches in Ireland, for the re- Malachy's design of building a stone mains of many of very great anti- ¦ oratory at Bangor was resisted as a quity are still extant. See Life of St. novelty ; ' Scoti sumus non Galli,' Malachy, by Rev. J. O'Hanlon, p. were the words used by his opponent, 146 sq. as St. Bernard tells us. And Bede, chap, i.j Palladius called also Patrick. 305 The fact recorded by Tirechan, that Palladius Palladia . . . r . called also was also called Patrick, is of great importance. Patrick. It may have been the cause of much of the con fusion. There is no difficulty or improbability in the fact itself. Palladius may have been the name of his family, and Patricius his baptismal name1, or a title given him from his rank. It is remarkable, however, that on the sixteenth of March, the day before the Irish St. Patrick's day, we have in the Roman Martyrology the name of a Patrick, bishop, who was commemorated at Ar- verni, or Clermont, the very country to which, commemo- as we have seen, there is reason to think Palla- ciermont. dius belonged. The words are, ' Arvernis depo- sitio S. Patricii episcopi.' It is not said that he was bishop of Auvergne, but only that his depo- sitio, that is to say, his death, was on that day commemorated there. Baronius, therefore, need not have expressed surprise2 at being unable to find his name among the bishops of Clermont. If he was the Palladius or Patricius who was first bishop of the Scots, and whose family was in high reputation in Auvergne, there is no difficulty in supposing that his depositio may have been re corded in the Calendar of Clermont. If this be so, it is probable that Palladius died coincidenceof his day with that of 1 Name. Patricius was a name in ' assumed the illustrious name of Pa- St Patrick. common use at that time, as also Pa- tricius, which, by the conversion of tricia for a female. We are not under Ireland, has been communicated to a the necessity of supposing it to be a whole nation.' title indicating Patrician rank. Gib- 2 Surprise. ' Miratus sum hunc bon (Decline and Fall, viii. p. 300, non recenseri in tabulis Democharis ed. Milman and Smith) says, 'The inter episcopos Arvernenses.' Not.ad meanest subjects of the Roman em- Martyrol. Rom. in loco. pire' [at the close ofthe 5th century] 3o5 Great Number of Patricks [chap. i. Great number of Patricks a cause of confusion. on the 16th of March, and by a curious coinci dence the 17th of March was afterwards dedi cated to the memory of the more celebrated St. Patrick. To this coincidence there may be allusion in the following lines which occur in the Hymn of St. Fiacc : — Intan conhualai Patraic adella in Patraic naile Ismalle connubcabsat dochum n-Isu meicc Maire. which may be thus translated, When Patrick died l he went to the other Patrick, And both ascended together to Jesus, Son of Mary. In other words, Patrick after his death went in the Calendar to the day next after the festival of the other Patrick ; the other Patrick met him, on the day after his own festival, and both ascended together to heaven.2 The great number of Patricks who are men tioned in this period of Irish history is a source 1 Died. Lit. ' was wailed for.' 2 To heaven. A curious anecdote, which may illustrate this, is told in the Life of St. Gertrude, abbess of Nivelles in Brabant, who died on Sunday 1 8 March (the day after St. Patrick's day), a.d. 658. Feeling her end approaching she sent a friar to an Irish monk named Ultan, who was then at the neighbouring mon astery of Fossae. ' Go,' she said, ' to the pilgrim Ultan, and say to him, The Virgin Gertrude hath sent me to ask thee on what day she shall de part this life, for she says that she feareth greatly, although at the same time she rejoiceth.' The friar deli vered the message, and Ultan an swered, 'This is the 16th ofthe Kalends of April : and to-morrow, during the solemnities of Mass, that handmaiden of God and virgin of Christ, Gertrude, shall depart from the body. Tell her to fear not, nor be troubled at her decease, for bles sed Patrick the bishop, with the elect angels of God, are ready to receive her with great glory.' Actt. SS, tri. S. Bened. torn. ii. p. 447. Here the idea seems to have been that Patrick, on the morning after his Festival, came down with the angels to ac company the soul of St. Gertrude to heaven. In Fiacc's Hymn Patrick's soul is represented as going to the other Patrick, or Palladius, who had come to meet him, on the day after his festival, and both ascended to gether to heaven. The Ultan men tioned in this story is not St. Ultan of Ardbraccan (see p. 212), but another Ultan (whose festival is May 1), brother of SS. Faolan and Fursa. See Calendar of Donegal, p. n7- chap, i.] in Irish Church History. 307 of much embarrassment. The author of the Tripartite Life tells the following childish story1 : ' Once upon a time, when St. Patrick was in the Tyrrhene [Mediterranean ?] Sea, he came to a place in which there were three other Patricks. They were in a solitary cave, between a mountain and the sea, and he asked their permission to remain with them. They answered that they would not permit this unless he would consent to draw water from an adjacent foun tain, for there was in that place a beast which did much injury to men. Patrick, however, consented, and went to the fountain ; and the beast seeing him, gave signs of joy, by his gestures, and became to him quite tame and gentle. After this Patrick drew the water, and brought it home with blessing,' &c. Colgan2 suggests that one of these Patricks may have been Patrick of Auvergne, and another, Patrick of Nola3, whose feast is on the 17th of March. But it is absurd to treat such a fable as history. It can only prove, if indeed it proves so much, that the nameof Patrick was then common; and this certainly seems to have been the case. There is said to have been a Patrick junior, a sup posed nephew of the great saint, to whom Colgan attributes the authorship of the Life which he has placed second in his collection. And there was also an older Patrick, called Sen-Patrick, or Senior Patrick, of whom we shall say more presently. Henry of Saltrey, in his History4 of the cele- paiiadms brated Purgatory5 of St. Patrick in Lough Derg, ^Z^Lf Patrick to a 1 Story. Septima vita, lib. i. c. 34, * History. Published by Colgan, hte P"lod' Colgan, Tr. Th., p. 122. ib. p. 274. 2 Colgan. Ibid. p. 171, not. 16. 6 Purgatory. It should be borne 3 Patrick of Nola. Mentioned in in mind that this 'Purgatory' had the Catal. SS. Italiae of Ferrarius. nothing to do with the Purgatory of But Ughelli supposes him to be the a future life, a mistake into which Irish St. Patrick. Bolland, Actt. SS. Harris seems to have fallen, Bishops, Martii, torn. ii. p. 506. p. 25. It was a cave or series ot X 2 308 Palladius known as a Patrick. [chap. i. attributes that institution to ' the Great Patrick the second from the first' — Magnus Sanctus Patricius qui a primo est secundus — the first being evidently the Patrick who is more gene rally known by the name of Palladius. The story of the Purgatory was not invented until the beginning of the twelfth century. This allusion to the first Patrick is therefore evidence that the memory of the Palladian Patrick was preserved under that name to a late period ; and another opinion, mentioned in the Polychronicon1 of Ralph of Chester, which attributes the institu tion of the Purgatory to an abbot Patrick, who lived about 850, and who quitted Ireland ' be cause he was unable to convert the Irish,' is apparently a transfer of a part of the story of Palladius Patricius to a different Patricius of a much later age. The Acts of 1^ appears then that Palladius continued to be Palladius r ± _ transferred known in Ireland by the name of Patrick to St. Pa- J trick. until about the period of the English inva sion. It was natural that some confusion should arise from this circumstance, and it will assist very materially to clear up the difficulties and contradictions in the early history of Patrick the Apostle, if we can disentangle2 from the story caves, in which living pilgrims were sage, however, is of great importance, made to do penance, to atone for the as tending to show that the acts of at sins of their previous life. least two distinguished preachers in 1 Polychronicon. Quoted by Us- Ireland may have been blended to sher's Primord. p. 896. gether, and thus furnishing asuffl- 2 Disentangle. This observation cient explanation of the apparent has been made by Dr. Petrie : having chronological and other contradic- quoted a passage from the book of tions in which the lives of our Saint Lecan, this author says, < The pas- abound.' Essay on Tara Hill. (Trans. chap, i.] Prosper knew of but one Bishop. 309 of his early life, those particulars which belong in reality to the Palladian Patrick. The words of Prosper that Pope Celestine Prosper made ' the barbarous island Christian,' by nomi- nothing of nating a bishop for the Scots, have sometimes Patrick." been interpreted as a too sanguine anticipation of the success of Palladius. But their meaning is probably no more than this, that by the formal nomination of a bishop for them, the Scoti credentes in Christo were recognised as a Chris tian nation. Be this, however, as it may, it seems evident that Prosper can have had no knowledge of more than one bishop sent by Celestine to the Scots. If he had known of the second Patricius, the fact would have greatly strengthened his argument, and could scarcely have been omitted by him ; and if Pope Celes tine, immediately before his death, had consecrated a second bishop for Ireland, it is almost impos sible that Prosper could have been ignorant of it. R.Irish Acad, vol.xviii.p. 88). The from a perusal of the Book of Ar- same view has also been ably deve- magh, that the acts of two different loped by the late Hon. A. Herbert, missionaries were, as he states, 'so in an Essay called Palladius Restitu- jumbled together as to render it im- tus, published in the Brit. Mag. 1844. possible to separate them.' But his This very learned and acute writer, learning was defective, and he drew however, was strongly prejudiced the singular conclusion that one of against the history of St. Patrick, these missionaries lived at a much which he believed to be a forgery of earlier period than that usually as- the Columban age. He had never signed to St. Patrick, and that the seen Dr. Reeves's edition of Adam- other was Palladius, who was iden- nan, which was not published until tical with the Patrick who is now after his death, and he was ignorant venerated as the apostle of Ireland. also (as he admits) of the writings Mr. Herbert has ably exposed the of Dr. Lanigan. The Irish unpub- absurdity of this theory in his ' Ani- lished authorities were of course madversions upon the Bethamian St. wholly unknown to him. Sir Wm. Patrick.' British Magazine, xxiv". Betham (Irish Antiq. Researches, p. (1843), p. 597. 266) appears to have also inferred 310 The Roman Mission ignored [chap. i. But his words are express, ' ordinato Scotis epis copo,' by the ordination of a bishop for the Scots, the barbarous island was made Christian. Why did he not say by ordaining two bishops, for the Scots, if he had known that two had been ordained ? The suspicion theretore arises that the Roman mission1 of the second Patrick, and most probably also his continental travels and his connexion with St. Germain of Auxerre, are facts in his biography which belong in reality to the history of Palladius. The Roman This suspicion is strongly confirmed by other st. Patrick considerations. The autobiography, first pub- tioneTinhis lished by Sir James Ware, under the name of confession. , The Confession of Patrick,' contains not a word of a mission from Pope Celestine. Of this curious tract we shall have occasion to speak more at length presently. It must suffice to observe here, that one object of the writer was to defend himself from the charge of presumption in having undertaken such a work as the con version of the Irish, rude and unlearned as he was. Had he received a regular commission from the see of Rome, that fact alone would have been an unanswerable reply. But he makes no mention of Pope Celestine, or or Rome, and rests his defence altogether on the Divine call which he believed himself to have received for the work. He fully admits his 1 Roman mission. Tillemont, ' et je croy que sur cela seul il est speaking of the short period between impossible de croire que S. Patrice a the mission of Palladius and the este ordonne par S. Celestin.' Me- death of Pope Celestine, observes : moires, Hist. Eccl. torn. xvi. p. 7*4- chap, i.] in the Writings of St. Patrick. 3 1 1 want of education, his rudeness, and ignorance of languages. He says1 : — 'Wherefore, I thought of writing long ago, but hesitated until now, for I was afraid of falling upon the language of men [i. e. I was afraid of attempting to write in the language of the civilized world], because I have not read like others who have been well imbued with sacred learning, and have never changed their studies from infancy, but have added more and more to perfection ; for my speech and language has been changed to another tongue.' It is not possible that an ecclesiastic, who had Nor his been regularly educated in the schools of St. Ger- tkaiEd^ca- main and St. Martin, could have thus spoken of continent. himself, and nevertheless it is thus that he speaks of himself throughout the whole of the 'Confession.' The same remark may be made also on ' the Epistle to Coroticus,' or ' to the Christian Sub jects of Coroticus,' as some copies2 call it. It makes no allusion to a mission from Rome, or to the foreign education of the author. He speaks of himself throughout as unlearned, ' indoctus,' and alludes to his want of skill or knowledge ' imperitia mea.' The rude Latinity3 of this tract, as well as ofthe Confessio, is confirmatory of 1 Says. ' Quapropter ollim cogit- title of ' Epistola ad Christianos avi scribere, sed et usque nunc hessi- Corotici tyranni subditos.' (Actt. SS. tavi : timui enim ne incederem in 1 7 March) : by Dr. Villanueva, from linguam hominum : quia non dedici, the Bollandists, ' S. Patricii Synodi sicut caeteri, qui optime itaque jure et opuscula, p. 240, and by Di. et sacras literas utroque pari modo O'Conor, Rer. Hib. Scriptt. i., Pro- jure conbiberunt, et sermones eo- leg. i. 117, from the Cotton MS. rum ex infantia nunquam motarunt, 3 Rude Latinity. Bollandus sug- &c.' Lib. Ardmach. fol. 22, b. a. gests that St. Patrick, by his long 2 Copies. It was first published residence among the barbarian Irish, by Sir James Ware, from the Cotton may have lost the purity of the Latin MS. {Opusc. S. Patr. p. 24), under tongue, which he had learned in his the title of S. Patricii ad Coroticum youth. Comm.prcev. ad Vit. S. Patr. epistola:' then by the Bollandists, sect. 3. from a MS. at Treves, under the also silent. 3 1 2 The Hymns of Sechnall and Fiacc [chap, i; the author's defective education, and a collateral evidence of the authenticity of both. Whether genuine or not, these documents were written before the Roman mission from Pope Celestine, and the connexion with St. Germain had been transferred from the acts of Palladius to the second Patrick. The Hymn The Hymn of St. Sechnall, or Secundinus, in sechnaii is praise of St. Patrick, is supposed to have been written during his lifetime1, and contains nothing which can be deemed very inconsistent with that opinion. The author is said to have been the disciple of Patrick, his nephew, the son of his sister, and his successor, or rather a contem poraneous bishop with him, in the see of Armagh. But this hymn, although its object was to celebrate the praises of St. Patrick, makes no mention of his mission from Rome, or of his ecclesiastical education on the continent. His apostleship and call to teach barbarous nations is expressly derived from God Himself, without any mention of a commission from Pope Celes tine. He is described2 as ' constant in the fear of God, immoveable in faith, one upon whom as a second Peter the Church is built, who obtained from God the apostleship of the Church, to the injury of which Church the gates of hell prevail not. The Lord chose him to teach barbarous nations, and to fish with the nets of doctrine,' &c. 1 Lifetime. See Book of Hymns qf Archaeolog. and Celtic Soc.) p. 41- the Irish Church, (publ. by the Irish 2 Described. Ibid. p. 12. chap, i.] ignore the Roman Mission. 313 ' Constans in Dei timore et fide immobilis Super quem aedificatur ut Petrus ecclesia, Cujusque apostolatum a Deo sortitus est, In cujus portae adversus ' inferni non praevalent. Dominus ilium elegit ut doceret barbaros Nationes, ut piscaret per doctrinse retia,' &c. It is very unlikely that St. Patrick's mission from the see of Rome would have been omitted in this description of his apostleship, if it had been known to the writer. The Hymn of St. Fiacc is purely biographical. Th| Hymn The author, who was bishop of Sletty,2 is said to is silent as .... . r t-» • 1 t0 a Miss'on have been a disciple and contemporary of Patrick, from Rome. But it is impossible for many reasons to attribute to the Hymn so high an antiquity. It contains an allusion to the desolation of Tara,3 and con sequently must have been written after the mid dle of the sixth century. The object of the writer was to record the principal events of St. Patrick's life. Nevertheless there occurs in this work no allusion to the Roman mission of St. Patrick. He is said to have undertaken the con version ofthe Irish, in consequence ofthe admoni tion of an angel, and of a vision in which he seemed to himself to hear the voices of the youths of Ire land from the wood of Fochlut4, like the man of Macedonia5 in the history of St. Paul, calling upon him to come and help them. There is not a word of a commission from Pope Celestine. 1 Adversus. This word must spoken by the Spirit of Prophecy. here be taken as a substantive in the Triad. Thaum. p. 4. accusative plural. 4 Fochlut. In the district of Hy 2 Sletty. See above, Introd. p. 14. Fiachrach, county of Mayo. See Irish Book of Hymns, p. 287. O'Donovan, Tribes and Customs of 3 Tara. Colgan meets this difS- Hy Fiachrach, p. 463 n. culty by supposing St. Fiacc to have 5 Macedonia. Acts xvi. 9. 3^4 Silence as to the [chap. But men tions his ec clesiastical educationunder St Germain. The Life of St. Patrick in the Book of Armagh ignores the Roman This Hymn, however, contains an express statement1 that Patrick had studied ' the canons' under St. Germain, and alludes distinctly to his travels across all the Alps, his living, with St.- Germain, ' in the south of Italy,' and his sojourn among the islands of the Torrian, or Tyrrene sea, meaning perhaps the Mediterranean. It is evident, therefore, that this part of the history of Palladius had begun to be transferred to the second Patricius in the interval between the publication of the for mer works, and the composition of St. Fiacc's Hymn. But it is a fact of great significance that in none ofthe extant writings, possessing the smallest claim to be considered contemporary with St, Patrick, is his mission from Rome so much as alluded to ; whilst the writings attributed to Patrick himself equally ignore his ecclesiastical education under St. Germain, and represent him as lamenting his rudeness, his rusticity, and his ignorance of the learned languages. The antient Life2 preserved in the Book of 1 Express statement. Colgan, Tr. Th., p. i. ' He went across all Alps, beyond the sea, happy was the jour ney. He remained with Germain, southwards in the south of Leatha. He dwelt in the isles of the Torrian Sea, as I record : He read the Canons with Germain, as histories relate.' Here Leatha probably means La tium or Italy, not Letavia or Armo- rica ; if so the author has fallen into the geographical error of placing the see of St. Germain in Italy. There can be but little doubt that these facts, for which the author quotes ' histories,' are a part of the lost or suppressed history of Palladius. 2 The antient life. Dr. Petrie is of opinion, following Ussher, that the summary of chapters of the Life of Patrick, fol. 20 a, of the Book of Armagh, belongs to the first book of this antient life, having been mis placed by the error of the transcriber, If so, the following note, which occurs at the end of this summary, makes known to us the name pf the com piler of this antient collection of traditions. 'Haec pauca de Sancti Patricii peritia et virtutibus Muircfa Maccumachtheni,aykt3.t\teA\iXi0^yt tiensis civitatis episcopo, conscripsit. Aedh, bishop of Sletty, is probably the anchorite who died 698 (FourM.), so that Maccuthenius, as Ussher erro neously calls him, must have written chap. i.J Roman Mission of St. Patrick. 315 Armagh unfortunately wants the first leaf. We cannot, therefore, say with absolute certainty that it did not contain a notice of St. Patrick's mis sion from Celestine. But the story told in what still remains of this venerable record is scarcely consistent with such a notice. It represents Patrick as having seen an angelic vision, in which the same angel who had frequently before ap peared to him, when he was a captive in Ireland, was again seen by him. The angel announced that the time was come when he was to go forth to fish1 with evangelic net, amid the fierce and barbarous nations whom God had sent him to teach ; and that the sons and daughters of the wood of Fochlut were calling for him to come and save them. He was then apparently in France2, with St. Germain, and immediately set out ' to the work for which he was before pre- about the close ofthe seventh century, m. The complaints of Maccumach- and of course collected legends of a theni, as to the great uncertainty of mucholderdate. The summary of St. the facts of St. Patrick's life, quoted Patrick's life, which is ascribed to by Dr. Petrie, are worthy of consi- him, does not altogether agree with deration,, and will be noticed here- the Life with which the book of after. Armagh begins, but the conjecture x To fish. In this expression we that Maccumachtheni was the com- recognise the lines just quoted from piler of that life, is nevertheless the Hymn of St. Sechnall, which the probably true ; and it is quite clear author of this Life must therefore that the summary distinctly ignores have had before him. : — ' uisitauit the Roman mission of St. Patrick. It [angelus] dicens ei addesse tempus states that St. Patrick desired to visit ut ueniret et aeuanguelico rete natio- the Apostolic see and there to learn nes feras et barbaras ad quas docen- wisdom,butthatmeetingwithSt.Ger- das misserat ilium Deus ut piscaret ; main in Gaul, he went no further, ibique ei dictum est in uissione uo- Two of the headings of consecutive cant te filii et filias silvae Foclite, etc' sections are as follow: — 'De etate Lib. Ardm. fol. 2. a. a. ejus quando iens videre sedem apos- 2 In France. So Probus (i. 21, 22) tolicam voluit discere sapientiam. — understands the antient life, adopt- De inventione sancti Germani in ing its words, although not with- Galliis, et ideo non exivit ultra.' out interpolations. Colgan, Tr. Th. See Petrie On Tara Hill, pp. 109 — P-4-8. dp-* 'J; 3 1 6 The Gallican Mission [chap. i. pared, namely, the work of the Gospel.' St. Germain sent with him an aged priest named Segetius1, to be a witness and companion of his labours, because Germain had not yet raised Patrick to the Pontifical order, inasmuch as2 it was certain that Palladius had been already or dained and sent by Pope Celestine to convert the Irish. He is not Here it is not said that Germanus sent Patrick been sent to to Celestine, although this is what the later cXstine. biographers3 have made this passage say. On the contrary, the narrative expressly asserts that Patrick went forth to the work ' for which he had been prepared,' not being at the time a bishop ; and that Segetius, an aged presbyter, was sent with him by St. Germain as his com panion and adviser in his mission. In short, he commis- ls represented to have received his commission as sionedbyst. a missi0nary priest from St. Germain, and he had Germain. J SO ' actually set out for the scene of his future labours when the news of the death of Palladius reached him. Augustine- and Benedict, the disciples of 1 Segetius. The name is written Patrick had not been previously Segestius, Segitius, Segerus, Serge- consecrated a bishop, and Probus* eius. Heric of Auxerre, (Miracula (i. 24) paraphrases it thus, 'Necdum S. Germani, c. 2) says, ' ineptumque tamen vir Domini Patricius ad pon- ducens [Germanus] robustissimum tificalem gradum fuerat promotus: agricolam in Dominicae segetis tor- quod ideo nimirum distulerat, quia pere cultura ad S. Caelestinum . . . sciebat quod Palladius, &c.' Tr.fi,, per Segetium presbyterum suum eum p. 48 . Compare this with the ori- direxit.' Bolland. Actt. SS. Julii ginal, ' Quia nee adhuc a sancto vii. p. 259 B. This play upon the domino Germano in pontificali gradu word proves that Heric read Segetius. ordinatus est ; certe enim erat quod 2 Inasmuch as. Here follows the Palladius, &c.' Book of Armagh, passage already quoted above, p. 288, fol. 2, a. a. and here we see the force of the word 3 Later biographers. See Vit. Trip. enim, with which that passage be- i. c. 35. (Tr. Th., p. 122). gins. It gives the reason why chap. i.J and Consecration of St. Patrick. 317 Palladius, on their return home, met Patrick at Ebmoria, and communicated to him the news of their master's death. Patrick1 then, with those who were with him, went a little out of their way — ' declinaverunt iter ' — to a wondrous man, and chief bishop, Amathorex (or, as he is called in the same paragraph, Mathorex), who dwelt in a neighbouring place, and there Patrick was con secrated a bishop. His companions Auxilius, Iserninus, and some others of inferior rank, were ordained the same day. There is here no mention of Pope Celestine, st. Patrick £ . • r -p. . . consecrated or ot a mission trom Rome ; nor is there any byAmato- difficulty in the story, considered as the genuine "canbuhop. history of Patrick, and not of Palladius, except for the name of his consecrator. The Scholiast on Fiacc's Hymn says expressly that Amatorex was bishop of Auxerre, confounding him most proba bly with St. Amator, the predecessor of St. Ger main in that see. But Amator2 of Auxerre died a.d. 418, and therefore could not have been the consecrator of St. Patrick, in 431, or 4.32. The bishop Amatorex is not spoken of as re- 1 Patrick. ' Patricius, et qui cum tion rex, or rix, has sadly puzzled eo erant, declinauerunt iter ad quen- transcribers. Thus the Tripartite dam mirabilem hominem summum Life tells us that Patrick was conse- aepiscopum Amathorege nomine, in crated by Pope Celestine in presence propinquo loco habitantem ; ibique of S. Germain and Amatus King of Sanctus Patricius, sciens quae euen- the Romans, (i. 39) : and Nennius tura erant, ibi episcopalem gradum mixes up the two statements, that St. ab Mathorege sancto episcopo acce- Germain sent Patrick with Segetius to pit. Etiam Auxilius, Iserninusque Amatheus the King ; ' ad Amatheum et caeteri inferioris gradus eodem die Regem in propinquo habitantem,' quo sanctus Patricius ordinati sunt.' and also that he was consecrated a Lib. Ardmack. fol. 2. a. b. bishop ' by Matheus the King, and by 2 Amator. See Colgan, Tr. Th., a holy bishop,' cap. 55. p. 9. not. 34. The Gaulic termina- 3 1 8 St. Patrick's alleged [chap. t. siding in his see, but as dwelling, probably as an accidental sojourner, in a place near Ebmoria, wherever that was ; and the language implies that Patrick was consecrated by a single bishop only. It was not unusual at that time that a bishop should be without a see, and the incursions of the Goths, with other political troubles of the day, may sufficiently account, even without reference to any such custom, for a bishop being found in retirement or concealment in an obscure village. The story, therefore, is not discredited by our being unable satisfactorily to identify the bishop Mathorex or Amathorex1 with any Gal lican bishop whose name is now known in his tory. said to have The Scholiast on Fiacc's Hymn tells us that arrnm- " accom paniedst. St. Patrick accompanied St. Germain to Great Germain _ . . . i t-» i • 1 to Britain. Britain in 429 to suppress the Pelagian heresy. If this have any real foundation in fact2 it is more likely to have been true of Palladius than of the second Patrick. It would be natural that Ger main should have taken with him3 his archdea con, who had so recently procured at Rome the Papal authority for the British mission. This, 1 Amathorex. Lanigan suggests (a writer of the ninth century), in his Amandusof Bordeaux, vol. i. p. 200, prose life, or Miracula S. Germain, but this is only conjecture. Our speaks of one Michomeris who had lists of the Gallican bishops of the followed Germain from Ireland, ' qui time are so imperfect that we can sanctum virum (Germanum sc), de neither wonder at the difficulty nor Hibernia fuerat prosecutus.' These expect very easily to remove it. words have been made to intimate * In fact. See Tr. Th., p. 5, note that St. Germain had been in Ireland, 10 K. And see Colgan's remarks, but without probability ; see the Bol- ib. p. 96, not. 24. Comp. Lanigan, landist father Bosch, Comm.prcev.a i. 180. S. German, num. 74, (Actt. SS, 3 With him. Heric of Auxerre torn. vii. p. 200) Heric, Miracule, chap, i.] Connexion with St. Germain. 3^9 however, is certain, that the chronology of St. st. Patrick's . . r 1 • i • ¦ • 1 1 thirty years' Germain s life is plainly inconsistent with the studyimpos- statement, that St. Patrick continued studying theology under that prelate's superintendence for a period of thirty years.1 Although origin ally intended for the law, and having received a legal education at Rome, St. Germain was an officer in the army up to the very day on which he was ordained.2 It was therefore im possible that Patrick could have been his disciple prior to that event, which took place in 418, the year of St. Amator's death. num. 7 (p. 256 ibid.), and the re marks of Papebroch, at April 30, p. 776. 1 Thirty years. See Colgan's ela borate note on this difficulty, Tr. Th. p. 30, not. 18. He supposes that Patrick went first to St. Germain, in the south of Italy, Germain being then a secular man. This he says was a.d. 395, when St. Patrick was twenty-three years of age, and St. Germain was studying law at Rome. St. Gemrain may have then assisted him in his studies, as St. Fiacc inti mates : num. 5. In 398 or 399, Pa trick went to St. Martin of Tours, with whom he remained four years, Or to about 402 or 403 ; he then went to Rome, where he met St. Kieran of Seir-Kieran (see above p. 200,) exactly thirty years before his mission to Ireland by Pope Celestine. In 404 he went to the Hermits with the naked feet — spent with them eight years (Probus, 1. 15). This brings us to 412, in which year he went to the island of the Tyrrhene Sea, where he had the adventure with the beast, the guardian of the fountain, there he remained nine years, (ib. i. 1 6), or rather seven (A7f. Trip. i.e. 34). St. Germain was then Bishop, and St. Patrick continued with him from thenceforth to the time when Celes tine sent him to Ireland. So that the thirty years of Patrick's study ing with Germain is to be counted from a.d. 395 or thereabouts, al though some nineteen or twenty years of that time were spent with St. Martin, and in the islands of the Mediterranean, and not with St. Germain. It is evident from this how insuperable are the difficulties of any attempt to reconcile the interpo lated lives with the facts of history. Colgan assumes throughout that St. Martin died in 402 or 403, Ussher, Ind. Chron. gives 401 as the date of St. Martin's death. Others say 412. But 397, which is most generally received, would be wholly inconsistent with the story of St. Patrick's spending four years under his instruction. Mem. delrevoux, a.d. 1795, p. 1238, 1269. 2 Ordained. The circumstances of his ordination are curious, and prove that in the Gallican church of the fifth century there were viola tions of ecclesiastical rules quite as great as those which have been ob jected to the primitive church of Ireland. ' II n'y a rien de plus sur- prennant,' says Tillemont, ' que cette vocation de S. Germain, ni qui pa- roisse plus contraire aux regies de 32o The Roman Mission [chap. His con nexion with St. Ger main trans ferred to him from Palladius. We infer that the whole story of Patrick's con nexion with St. Germain and mission from Celes tine should be regarded as a fragment of the lost history of Palladius, transferred to the second and more celebrated Patrick, by those who undertook to interpolate the authentic records of his Life. The object of these interpolaters was evidently to exalt their hero. They could not rest satisfied with the simple and humble position in which his own writings, his Confession, and his Letter to Coroticus, had placed him. They could not concede to Palladius the honour of a direct mis sion from Rome, without claiming for Patrick a similar honour ; they could not be content that their own Patrick should be regarded as an un learned, a rude, and uneducated man, even though I'Eglise.' Hist. Eccl. torn. xv. p. io. In his early life Germain had been greatly addicted to the pleasures of the chase, and was in the habit of hanging his trophies on an antient tree, which was probably in some way connected with the still remain ing paganism of the country. St. Amator remonstrated in vain, and at length, in the absence of Germain, had the tree cut down and burned. Germain on his return home was furious ;ferocem is the term employed by Constantius. He went so far as to threaten the bishop's life, although he was then himself by profession a Christian. But the long-sighted Amator discerned in him the seeds of future eminence, and resolved to secure for the Church the services of so great a man. Finding his own end approaching, he saw, or thought he saw, a vision in which Germain was divinely pointed out as his successor in the see of Auxerre. Germain was then an officer of the state in some military capacity. It is difficult to avoid the suspicion that he may have been privy to Amator's design. The bishop, however, when his measures were taken, assembled the people in the Cathedral. Ger main was there under arms, and pro bably with some of his soldiers. The bishop called upon all to lay aside their arms, in reverence for the sacred services of the place : and ordered the ostiarii to close the doors of the church. He then, surrounded by a band of ecclesiastics and nobles, laid violent hands on Germain, and cal ling upon the name ofthe Lord, gave him the clerical tonsure and habit: ' glomerata. secum turba clericorum atque nobilium, injiciens manus Ger- manum apprehendit : et invocato nomine Domini, caesariem ejus capiti detrahens, habitu religionis, rejectis secularibus ornamentis, cum promo- tionis honore induit.' Constant. Vttn S. Germani, lib. i. c. i. {Actt. SS. Junii. vii. p. 203. A.) chap, i.] true only of Palladius. 321 he had so described himself. The biography of Palladius, ' alio nomine Patricius,' supplied them with the means of effecting their object, and gave to the interpolated story the appearance of antient support. It will be desirable to make the reader ac quainted with some of the versions of the history which have been given by these interpolaters : — The Scholiast1 on Fiacc's Hymn, for example, story of the who is probably one of the oldest of them, tells mi^on us that ' when St. Patrick had received the an- °s toladtrby gelic vision, calling him to go to Ireland, he schoUast. applied to St. Germain for advice. St. Germain said to him, " Go to the successor of St. Peter, namely, Celestine, that he may ordain thee, for this office belongs to him." Patrick, therefore, went to him ; but Celestine gave him no honor, because he had already sent Palladius to Ireland.' After this repulse, Patrick, says our author, went away to the islands of the Mediterranean Sea, received the Staff of Jesus in one of those islands, and returned again to St. Germain, who sent him a second time to the Pope, accompanied by the presbyter Segetius. Celestine, by this time, had heard of the death of Palladius, and no longer made any difficulty in complying with the request of St. Germain. Patrick was therefore consecrated2 in presence of Pope Celes tine, and of Theodosius the emperor, by Ama torex, bishop of Auxerre. Celestine lived only a 1 Scholiast. Colgan, Tr. Th., p. 2 Consecrated. ' Tunc ordinatus est c, not. 1 3 ». Patricius in eonspectu Cselestini et Y 322 Great Discrepancies in the [chap. i. week after the ordination of Patrick, who arrived in Ireland the first year of Pope Sixtus, after having received also the sanction of that pontiff, together with some relics of Peter and Paul, and many books. In these last words it would seem that a clause has been taken from the acts of Palladius, and it is obvious also that the antient narrative is the foundation of this story, interpolated so far as was necessary to make way for the Roman mission of St. Patrick. The interpolator, how ever, did not perceive how impossible it was that all these transactions could have taken place in the short time allotted to them, to say nothing of the other chronological difficulties1 of his narrative. Discrepan- The discrepancies of the later Lives in the ciesofthe . ... later biogra- endeavour to introduce the Roman mission into the original story are still more instructive. Narrative of One biographer2 tells us that after spending Tertia.1 four years with St. Martin at Tours, and nine in an island called Tamerensis, to which Martin sent him, Patrick wished to visit Rome, as being the head of all churches. St. Germain approved Theodosii Junioris, Regis mundi. for piety and devotion is evidently Amatorex Autissiodorensis episcopus the reason why he is made to have est qui eum ordinavit. Et Caelestinus been present ' on this occasion, al- non vixit nisi una septimana post- though there is no probability that quam ordinatus est Patricius, ut he was ever at Rome. If Amatorex ferunt. Sixtus vero ei successit, was bishop of Auxerre at this time, in cujus primo anno Patricius venit during the lifetime of St. Germain, ad Hiberniam : et ipse perhumaniter as this author's narrative implies, tractavit Patricium, et dedit ipsi par- were there two coexisting bishops tern reliquiarum Petri et Pauli et there, or of what see was Germain libros multos.' Ibid. n. 14 0. bishop ? 1 Difficulties. The character of 2 One biographer. Vita Tertia, the Eastern emperor Theodosius II. cap. 22 — 27. Tr. Th., p. 22—3. chap. i. ] Accounts of the Roman Mission. 323 of this, and sent with him Segetius, as a wit ness, ' ut testem haberet idoneum.' Patrick on his way to Rome met with a hermit, ' dwelling in a certain place,' who gave him the Staff of Jesus. Then Patrick went out of his way, ' declinavit iter,' to a certain wonderful man, a chief bishop, named Amator, from whom he received the degree of a bishop. He then went to Rome, and was well received by Celestine. There he heard the voice of an angel, commanding him to go to Ireland. He refused, saying, ' I will not go until I salute the Lord.' The angel took him to Mount Arnon, on a rock in the Tyrrhene Sea1, in a city called Capua. There Patrick saluted the Lord, like Moses. Mean while, the news of the death of Palladius arrived, and Celestine commanded Patrick to go to Ire land. Another version2 of the story is this: Patrick Narrative of receives the angelic vision whilst with Germain, Quarta!* who sends him forth, with Segetius, not having as yet consecrated him a bishop, in consequence of the previous mission of Palladius. But upon the news of this missionary's death, St. Germain sends Patrick to Rome for the apostolic licence. Patrick sails through the Tyrrhene Sea, receives the Staff of Jesus ' from a certain youth in a certain island who had given a lodging to Christ.' 1 Tyrrhene Sea. The author gives words signify ' on the sea of Letha ' the name of this sea first in Irish and or Latium. Ibid. p. 23, cap. 2 ; ' then in Latin, ' Armuir Lethe, supra 2 Another version. Vita Quarta petram maris Tyrreni.' The Irish c. 27, sq. Ibid. p. 38. ' Y 2 324 Narratives of St. Patrick's [chap. i. Patrick spake with the Lord on the mount, who commanded him to go to Ireland. He then goes to Rome, is well received by Pope Celestine, who gives him the relics of saints and sends him to Ireland. Nothing is said in this narrative of his ordination ; but the author, after stating that Patrick, on receiving the apostolic licence, set out for Ireland, inserts into his history, out of its regular order, the story told in the Book of Armagh, that Augustine and Benedict met him in Euboria, told him of the death of Palladius ; and Patrick then went out of his way to the holy and venerable bishop named Amatorex, by whom he was consecrated. Here we have the strongest evidence of inter polation. The writer had before him two diffe rent and inconsistent documents, which he incorporated into his narrative, without per ceiving their inconsistency. The version The story as told by Probus1 is still or the storv J J of the story more given by complicated. After spending four years with St. Martin, who gave him the clerical tonsure, an angel commanded Patrick to pass some time with ' the people of God,' that is, as our author explains it, with the hermits and solitaries who were barefoot — ' eremitas et solitarios nudis pedibus.' Patrick remained with these hermits eight years. The angel appeared to him again, and commanded him to go to some islanders, who dwelt in an island ' between the mountains and the sea.' Here he remained nine years, and 1 Probus. Lib. i. c. 14 sq. Ibid. p. 48. chap, i.] Travels on the Continent. 325 here occurred his adventure with the beast which guarded the fountain.1 The angel now appeared the third time and said to him, ' Go to St. Senior, a bishop, who is in Mount Hermon, on the south side of the ocean, and his city is fortified with seven walls.' Here Patrick was ordained priest, and here he heard the voice of the children2 in Ireland, calling him to come and save them. The angel commanded him to go to Ireland. Patrick refused, saying, ' I cannot go, because bad men dwell there.' The angel said, ' Go.' Patrick said, ' I cannot, unless I see the Lord.' Patrick then went forth with nine men, and saw the Lord. The Lord said unto him, ' Come unto my right hand.' Patrick went to the Lord's right hand. The Lord said unto him, ' Go thou to Ireland, and preach therein the word of eternal life.' Patrick answered, ' I ask of Thee three petitions — that the men of Ireland be rich in gold and silver — -that I may be their patron — and that after this life I may sit on Thy right hand in heaven.' The Lord said to him, ' Patrick, thou shalt have what thou hast asked, and, moreover, whosoever shall com memorate3 thee by day or by night, shall not 1 Fountain. See this story quoted recitation of the Hymn of Patrick, from the Tripartite Life, p. 307, as Colgan observes. Ibid. p. 62, supra. not. 20. Comp. Petrie, Tara Hill, 2 Children. Here the miracle is p. 56. Book of Hymns, p. 22 33. magnified in the true spirit of legen- The great quantity of gold and sil- dary exaggeration : the children cried ver ornaments found in Ireland out from their mothers' womb. 'Au- numerous specimens of which may divit in visione voces puerorum de be seen in the Museum of the Royal sinu et de ventre matrum, &c.' Irish Academy, may perhaps explain 3 Commemorate. Alluding to the St. Patrick's first petition. 326 The Story told by Probus. [chap.i. perish everlastingly.' Patrick then went to Ire land, but the inhabitants refused to listen to him. He, therefore, poured forth this prayer, ' 0 Lord Jesu Christ, who didst guide my path through the Gauls and Italy unto these islands, lead me, I beseech Thee, to the Holy See of the Roman Church, that I may thence receive authority to preach thy word with faithfulness, and that the people of the Hiberni may by me be made Christians.' He then set out for Rome, and on his way spent some time with St. Ger main, in all obedience, charity, and chastity. The angel now again admonished him that the time was come when he should return to Ire land, to convert the fierce and barbarous inhabi tants to the faith of Christ. He therefore set forth, and Germain sent with him Segetius, the presbyter. Patrick1 had not yet been promoted to the episcopal order, because Palladius had been sent to convert the Irish. But when the death of Palladius was communicated to him by Augustine and Benedict at Euboria, Patrick and his companions went out of their way to ' a man of wondrous sanctity, a chief bishop, named Amator, dwelling in a neighbouring place,' and by him St. Patrick was consecrated a bishop. Then the venerable prelate, Patrick, quickly got on board a ship, and proceeded to Britain, from whence with all speed, after a prosperous journey, 1 Patrick. This part of the story have had the life given in the Book is told by our author in the very words of Armagh before him, and therefore of the Book of Armagh, with some must have deliberately interpolated little paraphrase. The author must the more antient story. chap. i.J The Account given by J oceline. 327 ' he reached our sea in the name of the Holy Trinity. ' This narrative is curiously lame, and is fol lowed by two different and contradictory state ments : first, that he went to Rome and returned with the apostolic benediction ; secondly, that he was on his way to Rome when he heard of the death of Palladius, and that then he received consecration from Amator, in some part of Gaul, but did not actually reach Rome. It is also very remarkable that this differs from all other versions of the story, in making St. Patrick to have commenced his ministry in Ireland, without the sanction of the Holy See, whilst still a presbyter. A ray of truth has here broken out through clouds of fable, and no greater proof can be desired that the Roman mission was a modern addition to the facts of history. The story told by Joceline represents St. The story Patrick, after his second captivity in Ireland, as joceib^ at home with his parents, that is to say, in Bri tain. There the angel appeared to him, and there he heard the children of the Irish, from their mothers' wombs, calling to him to come and save them. Notwithstanding the opposition1 of his father and mother, who, according to this author, were still alive (another story represents them to have been murdered when he was taken Opposition. • Utroque parente into the mouth of the angel ' ut renitente.' That the author sup- patriam parentesque deserens'Gal posed him to be in Great Britain is liam peteret, &c.' Sexta Vita c 21 evident from the words which he puts 22. Tr. Th. p 69 ' ' 328 Patrick's continental Adventures [chap. i. captive some years before), Patrick placed himself under the tuition of St. Germain, and afterwards under that of St. Martin. But St. Martin was commanded by an angel to go to the island Ta- marensis1, and Patrick returned to St. Germain, with whom he remained some days. St. Martin, who in a former account is said to have given St. Patrick the clerical tonsure only, is here repre sented as having given him the monastic habit and rules. Patrick was tempted to break his rule by a strong desire for flesh meat, but miraculously overcame the temptation, and the flesh was con verted into fish. He then resolved to visit Rome. St. Germain approved of his doing so and ap pointed Segetius to accompany him. On his way he stopped at an island in the Tyrrhene Sea, where he found a certain solitary, who gave him the Staff of Jesus. In the same island he found also some apparently young men, with others in decrepit old age : upon enquiry he was told that those who had retained their youth and vigour were the fathers of the seemingly older men. They had been in the habit of receiving in hos pitality every traveller who passed that way. One night a pilgrim came with a staff in his hand. He was received as usual with all kind ness. In the morning he announced himself to be Jesus Christ, and left behind him the Staff, 1 Tamarensis. The story told in that St. Martin himself went there, the Vita Tertia is that Patrick went leaving Patrick to return to St. Ger- to the insula Tamarensis at the com- main. mand of St. Martin. Here we read chap. i.J as described by Joceline. 329 desiring that it should be safely preserved, and delivered to a certain pilgrim named Patrick1, who after a long time should come there. After this Christ ascended into heaven. But the good people of the island continued in the enjoyment of youth : whilst their sons, who had not merited the favour of such a miracle, grew old like other men. Patrick then went to Rome, where he was consecrated a bishop by Celestine himself, and sent into Ireland to succeed Palladius. Here it will be seen that our author cuts Discrepancy away, without mercy, all that he found in the recounts. " older narratives about the bishop Amatorex, and the consecration of Patrick before the Emperor Theodosius. He felt, doubtless, that many diffi culties were obviated by making Pope Celestine perform the ceremony himself. He adds that after Patrick had been thus consecrated a bishop, the angel appeared to him, and commanded him to set out at once for Ireland. Patrick objected, until he could first behold and salute the Lord. The angel therefore transported him to Mount Morion, near to the Tyrrhene Sea, by the city of Capua, where, like Moses, he saw the Lord. In the story as told by Probus, it was here that Patrick was ordained priest, before he went forth the first time, without a commission from Rome, to Ireland. 1 Patrick. The author of this ri- Jesus, which was long preserved at diculous story forgot to reconcile it Armagh and Dublin, and was nub with the antient Irish tradition that licly burned at the Reformation Patrick did not receive that name see Obits and Martyrol of Chri,t-\ until he was commissioned by Celes- Church, Introd. p viii so tine. For the history of the Staff of 4' 33° His continental Adventures [chap. i. The story as The Tripartite Life, as it is translated by Col- given in the s ' _ J Tripartite gan, tells the story thus1: Patrick was amongst his relations after his third captivity. They urged him strongly to give up all further mis sionary labours : but whenever he fell asleep, he saw Ireland in vision, and heard the voices of the youths in the wood Fochlut, calling upon him to go and help them. He resolved, however, first to visit Rome. He therefore passed the Iccian Sea2 to France, and crossing the Alps to the south of Italy, he found there3 St. Germain, with whom he read the ecclesiastical canons, like Paul at the feet of Gamaliel. After this4 he went to Tours to St. Martin to receive the monastic tonsure. Having overcome his tempta tion to eat flesh, which was miraculously con verted into fish, he went to the island Arelaten- sis, where he pursued his ecclesiastical education under St. Germain. He was thirty years old when he came to St.- Germain, and continued thirty years under instruction with him. When he was sixty5 years of age the angel Victor appeared to him and commanded him to go to Ireland : Patrick immediately resolved to visit Rome, to obtain the apostolic authority for his mission. Germain approved of this, and sent 1 Thus. Vita Septima, seu Tri- and St. Germain continued in the partita, i. c. 30 sq. secular state until 418. So that this 2 Iccian Sea, i.e. the English chan- author's chronology is here as much nel ; see Irish Nennius, p. 31. at fault as his geography. 3 Found there. This is the same 4 Sixty. Here the MS. of the geographical error as to the situation original Irish in the British Museum of Auxerre which occurs also in recommences after a gap of some Fiacc's hymn, see p. 314, note '. pages. 4 After this. St. Martin died 412, chap. i.J as told in tbe Tripartite Life. 33 1 with him Segetius, who was his own vicar in spirituals. Patrick then with nine companions embarked to cross the Tyrrhene Sea, and landed on an island, in which he found what seemed a new house. In it was a young married couple and a decrepit old woman unable to walk, who went about on all fours. The young man, who was the master of the house, on being asked, said that this aged woman was his daughter's grand-daughter, and that her mother, still more feeble and decrepit, was alive : that Christ under the form1 of a pilgrim had visited them, very many years before, with a staff in His hand, and had left the staff, as in the former story. St. Patrick refused to receive the staff until it was given to him by the Lord Jesus Himself. Having remained three days in the island with these remarkable people, he went to a mountain in the neighbourhood, called Hermon, in which our Lord appeared to him and commanded him to prepare himself for the conversion of Ireland, giving him2 the Staff of Jesus. On his arrival at Rome, Pope Celestine received him with favour, and, when the death of Palladius was announced, committed to him the 1 Under the form. Here it would being more closely investigated. The seem that Colgan has endeavoured aged people here are women ; in the to lessen the absurdities of the ori- story as told by Joceline they are men. ginal ; for the Irish text says that our 2 Giving him. The Irish text Lord had visited them during His so- here adds the three petitions of St. journ amongst men, so that they had Patrick, as given before from Joceline. retained their youth for 400 years. These Colgan, in his translation, has It was scarcely worth while to com- suppressed. But he had given them mit this little piece of dishonesty, before in the Vita Sexta : what pur- The discrepancies in these legends pose therefore was served by theil are curious : and possibly worthy of suppression here ? 332 The original Story interpolated, [chap, i. conversion of the Irish, which he knew had been promised to St. Patrick by an angelic oracle. Then Pope Celestine himself, in presence of St. Germain, and of Amatus King of the Romans, consecrated him bishop, and gave him the name of Patricius. Auxilius, Iserninus, and some others of his companions, were consecrated1 at the same time. Three bodies of Psalmodists sang praises to God on this occasion : the heavenly choir ; the choir of the Romans ; and the voice of the Irish children of the wood Fochlut, who sang, ' Hibernienses omnes rogamus te S. Patrici, ut venias, et ambules inter nos, et liberes nos.' Theoriginai On comparing these narratives no unprejudiced narrative in- . i o ^ I J terpoiated. mind can doubt that the writers of these collec tions allowed themselves the utmost licence in dealing with their authorities. The original narrative of the Book of Armagh was interpolated to impose upon an uncritical and credulous people the fables of the ecclesiastical education of St. Patrick under St. Germain, his monastic tonsure under St. Martin, and his mission from Pope Celestine. No antient or trustworthy authority has countenanced these statements, in reference to the second Patrick. Palladius Patri cius was undoubtedly commissioned by Pop'e Celestine. Palladius was undoubtedly closely connected with St. Germain. But we have no evidence that the same things were true of 1 Consecrated. ' Consecrati sunt.' stand by this word episcopal const- But we are not necessarily to under- cration. chap. i.J Dr. Lanigan s Version of it. 333 Patrick the Apostle of Ireland. The great dis crepancies in the several versions of the story prove it to be legend and not history. Modern writers, prejudiced in favour of the legend, in order to prop up what they wished to retain of the story, have been compelled to interpolate the original narrative like the old legendary biogra phers. No man could be more thoroughly honest, or more perfectly ready to express his honest convictions, than Dr. Lanigan. But he Modem ;n- was pledged by his education and prejudices to ofthe uphold the Roman mission1, and with it the ; ecclesiastical education of St. Patrick. He has therefore maintained that Patrick was sent to Rome by St. Germain, not for the purpose of being consecrated a bishop for the Scoti, but to obtain authority to accompany, in an inferior capacity, the mission to Ireland of which Palla dius was the chief. He asserts without hesita tion, notwithstanding the contrary assertion of Fiacc's Scholiast, ' there can be no doubt ' that bearing the recommendation of so great a saint as Germain, Patrick ' must have been ' well re ceived2 at Rome. Accordingly he adds with as much confidence as if he himself was an original ; ' Roman mission. It is a pity that dius. The fact that missionaries were this question should ever have been sent out with the sanction of Rome, no in any way connected with the con- more proves the modern Papal claim trpversies between the Churches of to universal supremacy than the fact England and Rome. So far as those of a bishop being now sent to the in- :ontroversies are concerned, we are no terior of Africa with the sanction of more affected by the Roman mission Canterbury, wouldprovetheuniversal jf St. Patrick, (if the fact could be supremacy of the Primate of England. proved) than we are by the Roman 2 Well received. Lanigan, Eccl. mission of St. Germain or of Palla- Hist, i., p. 184. 334 Modern Legend. [chap.i. witness of the fact, that Patrick was ' appointed principal assistant to Palladius : a situation which, although it entitled him to be raised to the episcopacy in case of the death of Palla dius, was not equivalent to episcopal institution.' He says again, ' I have no doubt1 that the Pope's intention was that in case of the demise of Palla dius St. Patrick should succeed him.' All this, however, we should bear in mind, is mere fiction, without the slightest support from any antient authority. The fiction indeed is better adapted to sustain the ordeal of modern criticism, and is in itself perhaps more probable, than the stories which antient credulity was content to swallow, But it is as purely fiction, and in reality as truly legend, as the silly tales we have just quoted from more antient interpolaters. The difficul ties which have given birth to these fictions, modern as well as antient, have been created altogether by the attempt to maintain, without any evidence from original documents, that Patrick had received a complete ecclesiastical education in the best schools of the Gallican church, and that he was regularly commissioned by the Roman Pontiff to take the place of Palladius as bishop of the Scots in Ireland. How much The historical fact is probably no more than of the story .,».-,., _ /..l is historical, this, that Patrick (if this be not a fragment ot tne be true. history of Palladius) was at Auxerre, when he be lieved himself to have seen a vision, calling upon 1 No doubt. Ibid. p. 192. chap. i. ] Fragments of Antient Geography. 335 him to preach the Word of God to the Irish : he set out immediately, attended by the experienced presbyter Segetius, whom St. Ger main (if that be true) had appointed to ac company him : and it is possible that he may have received episcopal consecration from some Gallican bishop named Matorex or Amatorex, before he set sail for Great Britain. If these be the facts it must follow that he was a mis sionary to Ireland, not from Rome, but from St. Germain and the Church of Gaul. One authority identifies his consecrator with the celebrated Amator of Auxerre. But if it were so, we must suppose St. Patrick to have been consecrated a bishop whilst his supposed tutor St. Germain was still a layman, and to have begun his labours in Ireland before Palladius, fourteen years at least before the date1 usually assigned to his mission. It can scarcely be doubted, however, that some Fragments of the legends which have been interpolated into geography. this more simple story, preserve curious frag ments of forgotten geography, which lead to the suspicion of their possible authenticity. They belong in all probability to the first or Palladian Patrick, and are remnants of his lost or sup pressed acts. His connexion with St. Germain is an historical fact. He may have been 1 Date. This is on the supposi- trick had been in Ireland as a mic tion that Amator died and was sue- sionary before Palladius. This may ceeded in the see of Auxerre by be a fragment of truth, especially as Germain in 418. Probus, as we have it has been worked into the narrative seen, preserves a tradition that Pa- with much clumsiness. Hermon. 336 Ordination of Patrick. [chap. i. ordained1, not indeed consecrated a bishop, but ordained perhaps deacon, by Amator or Amatorex of Auxerre : and we first read of him as the deacon Palladius. He may have been originally a dis ciple of St. Martin, and may have gone at the advice of his master to the island of Lerins2, in the Mediterranean Sea, where St. Honorat had then recently founded a celebrated religious society. But this is mere conjecture. story of st. With respect to the story of Patrick having Mount been ordained priest, by a bishop St. Senior, near Mount Hermon, who dwelt in a city fortified with seven walls, this is most probably another fragment of the life of Palladius. Colgan3 suggests that the real name of this prelate was Senator, not Senior, and that he may have been the Senator, a friend of St. Germain, who dwelt in Italy, and who is mentioned by Constantius.4 Constantius indeed calls him ' a presbyter ' only ; but that title was often indifferently given to bishops and priests. Palladius may have received 1 Ordained. Amator of Auxerre Delta at the mouth of the Rhone s died 1 May, 418, according to the which was antiently Caprensis, or best authorities. Capraria. Tr. Th. p, 30, not. 19, 2 Lerins. This island, or rather, 20. The Bollandists (ad 17 Mart. group of two islands, is not far from p. 528), have suggested Lerins, with the coast opposite Cannes. One of much greater probability. It is cu- the islands is now called St. Mar- rious that St. Lupus, who accompa- guerite, the other St. Honorat. The nied Germanus to Britain, spent names Aralenensis, Arelanensis, Ta- some time in the monastic society of marensis, are all probably corruptions Lerins, about a.d. 417. Actt. SS., of Lerinensis. The name Tamarensis Julii vii. p. 62. B. 72. F. presents the greatest difficulty, but s Colgan. Tr. Th., p. 62, not. mayhavebeentaken from the name of 17. Cap de Camerat, a headland in the i Constantius. Vit. S. German, ii. neighbourhood. Colgan, (following cap. 1 . n. 6. (Actt. SS., Julii vii. p. Ussher, Ind. Chron. a.d. 409,) sug- 217 b.) Lanigan suggests that Senior gests that Tamarensis may be intended may not be a proper name, but only for Camargue, a name given to the an assertion of the bishop's age. chap. i.J Mount Hermon or Arnon. 337 priest's orders from this prelate preparatory to his being consecrated at Rome first bishop of the Scots. Mount Hermon, Arnon, Morion, as it is variously called, is described as being on ' the south side of the ocean,' ' ar muir Letha,' i.e. on the sea of Letha, ' on a rock in the Tyrrhene sea,' ' in the city of Capua,' and ' near the city of Capua.' It is not easy to guess1 what place is intended by these descriptions. Capua is not on the sea, and cannot be recognized as being ' on the south side of the ocean,' even though we should understand by the ocean the Mediter ranean sea. It is impossible that Mount Arnon or Hermon can have been at the same time ' on a rock in the Tyrrene sea ' and also ' in the city of Capua,' as the author of Vita Tertia tells us it was. The description of it as a city surrounded by seven walls, and its being on the south side of the ocean, has led Dr. Lanigan to conjecture that the celebrated Mount St. Michael?, in the bay of Cancale near Avranches, may be intended. 1 Guess. Colgan would read Caieta places Mount Hermon near the island for Capua, and the Mount, or Arx, where Patrick met the married couple Orlond, for Mount Hermon. Tr. Th. endowed with perpetual youth, and p. 31, note 25, 26. The author of where he received 'the Staff of Vita Tertia seems to have com- Jesus.' bined three not very reconcileable 2 Mount St. Michael. Lanigan, Eccl. descriptions of the place when he Hist. i. p. 166. The Celtic deriva- describes it first in Irish ar muir Letha, tion of the word Hermon, from her then as ' supra petram maris Tyr- great, and maen rock, adopted by reni ; ' and lastly as ' in civitate quae Lanigan from Bullet, is untenable. vocatur Capua.' Letha, for Letavia, Autbert, Bishop of Avranches, in frequently signifies Armorica, but is 708, built on this isolated rock sometimes used for Latium. On the the Church of St. Michael, which whole there is here confusion ap- afterwards became the famous Bene- parently inextricable, owing most dictine Abbey ; see Mabillon, Actt. probably to antient errors of trans- SS., O.S.B. Secul. iii. part i. 75 j cription. The Irish Tripartite life also Annal. ii. 19. 338 The Acts of Palladius [chap. I. Story of St, Patrick': landing in Ireland. Identical with the adventures ascribed to Palladius. It seems difficult to avoid suspecting, from the contradictory accounts given of the geographical position of the place, that two different stories may have been mixed together : one relating to the ordination of Palladius near Capua; the other to the ordination of Patrick ' on the south side of the ocean,' ar muir Letha, on the sea of Armorica.1 One or two other anecdotes, which we may suspect to have been taken from the lost acts of Palladius, may be here noticed for the reader's consideration. St. Patrick, on his arrival in Ireland, after having been consecrated a bishop, landed, we are told, at Inbher Dea2, the mouth of a river in the county of Wicklow, in the district of Hy Garr- chon ; he was repulsed by the chieftain Nathi Hua Garrchon, and compelled to return to his ships, after which he sailed northwards. This story is in almost every particular identical with the adventures which, as we have already seen, the Irish traditions attribute to Palladius. It 1 Armorica. It must be admitted that this description applies very well to Mount St. Michael ; but we have no record of that place having ever borne a name resembling Hermon, Arnon, or Morion. The natives called it Tumba, from its resemblance to a Roman tomb : and it is usually known by the name of St. Michael in monte Tumba. It is called also S. Michael in periculo maris, from the dangerof crossing to it at an unfavour able state of the tide. See Mabillon, Actt. SS., ubi supr. 76. ' Hie locus Tumba vocitatur ab incolis.' 2 Inbher Dea. Keating (in the reign of Laoghaire) writes this Inbher Degaid, the Inver (river's mouth) of Degad, which seems to be a man's name ; see Colgan, Tr. Th. p. 109, note 29. The other authorities all read Inbher Deae or Dea, and Ostium Deae, Dee, Dea, or Deac. It is the an tient name given to the mouth of the Vartry river, on the stranrl near the town of Wicklow. The Danes seem to have made a settlement there in 835. (See O'Donovan, FourMasters, at a.d. 835 and 430). It may have been a better harbour for ships in antient times than it is at present. chap. i.J attributed to St. Patrick. 33g is not reasonable to suppose that both missionaries should have done exactly the same things ; that both should land at the same place, both be driven off by the same chieftain, and both turn to the north of the island ; with this difference only, that Palladius is driven (according to some accounts), by a storm, round the northern coast of Scot land to the region of the Picts ; and Patrick lands safely in Dal-aradia, where his ministry is at once successful. It can scarcely be doubted that the foregoing account belongs to Palladius, and not to Patrick, who, we may readily believe, went at once to Ulster, to visit the place with which, as we shall see, he was formerly ac quainted, and where he probably expected to be well received. This conjecture is confirmed by observing the Fragmen- fragmentary nature of the early lives of St. ture ofthe Patrick. They are made up from passages culled out of more antient biographies. These passages are often inserted out of their chrono logical order, and not unfrequently we find in the same author two or more different, some times inconsistent, accounts of the same event. We have eight1 antient records of the Life of Analysis of St. Patrick. Of these, four make no mention of given ofthe the landing-place of Palladius in Leinster, and place"! st. not one of them particularises Inbher Dea as the Patnck' port at which he landed, although, all say in 1 Eight, i.e. eight more important may hope soon to see published, by records, viz., the seven lives pub- Dr. Reeves. There are also some lished by Colgan, and the collection Lives, in the Irish language, of which in the Book of Armagh, which we we need not here speak. Z 2 34° Patch-work Composition [chap. i. general terms, that he landed in Hy Garrchon, in the territory of the Leinster men, or in the pro vince of Leinster. Inbher Dea is first-named when mention is made of the landing of St. Patrick ; but, two of the Lives1, in speaking of Patrick's landing-place, say that it was " the port of the same river, Dea.,' meaning evidently the same at which Palladius had landed, although no mention of this port or river had occurred in the previous portion of their narratives. This is a clear proof that Inbher Dea had been mentioned as the landing-place of Palladius, in the docu ments copied by these writers, and was omitted by them or their transcribers, perhaps to avoid making both missionaries land at the same place. Keating2 is the only writer who expressly states that Palladius landed at Inbher Dea, or Inbher Degaid, as he calls it : and it is remarkable that he is entirely silent as to the landing place of St. Patrick. Patch-work The second Life, in Colgan's Collection, taken ofthe from a MS. in the monastery of St. Hubert in Ardennes, is evidently old, and has transcribed considerable passages from the Life in the Book of Armagh.3 It affords a remarkable evidence of the patch-work manner of compilation adopted 1 The Lives. Viz. : the Vita Se- now lost. cunda in itsfirst account of the land- 3 Book of Armagh. The fact that ing of Patrick, c. 2 5 ; and the Tripar- this writer had the Book of Armagh tke, i. c. 41. This latter authority before him is a sufficient refutation probably copied the earlier life with- of Colgan's too easy credulity in out consideration. supposing him to be ' Patrick junior, 2 Keating. He is too modern to or one of St. Patrick's disciples.1 be himself of any authority ; but he He cannot have lived earlier than may have copied antient documents the eighth century. second Life. chap. i.J of the extant Lives of St. Patrick. 341 in these biographies, by putting together different narratives of the same event. Thus, this writer gives us first (c. 23) from the Book of Armagh, with only some verbal alterations, the account of Palladius already quoted1, in which no mention is made even of the county or district in which that missionary landed in Ireland. Then follows (c. 24) another account2 in which Palladius is said to have arrived in the district of the Lagenians, where Nathi Mac Garrchon opposed him. We have also (c. 25) an account ofthe arrival of St. Patrick 'at the mouth oi the same river, i.e. Deae '3 as he calls it (although, as already remarked, no such river had been mentioned before) where he was opposed by ' the same unrighteous chief tain, Nathi, who had before resisted Palladius.' This is evidently out of its place, for it is imme diately followed (c. 26) by the story4 from the Book of Armagh, of Patrick having heard in Euboria of the death of Palladius, and of his having gone out of his way to be consecrated by Amatorex. Then follows (c. 27), also from the Book of Armagh, the story of the Druids of King Laoghaire, at Tara, predicting the coming of Patrick, and the overthrow of idolatry ; and then (c. 28), we have the account, taken again from the Book of Armagh, of the arrival of Patrick in the country of the Lagenians, at Ostium Dea, 1 Quoted. See above p. 288. Do- 3 Deae. This may possibly be a cument 1. Vita Secunda, c. 23. Tr. typographical error for Deae ; unless Th. p. 13. Deae be the Celtic genitive. 2 Account. Given above, p. 294, 4 Story. See p. 288, Document 1. Document iv. 342 Confusion as to the Landing-places [chap. i. his resolution not to remain there, and his sailing to the north of Ireland. The It is also worthy of note that the Scholiast on FUcVteiis011 Fiacc's hymn records the landing in Wicklow, ofVaiiadius fhe repulse by the natives, and the journey only- towards the north, as the story of Palladius only. He says not a word of the place at which Patrick landed. But, on the other hand, the Book of Ar magh, Probus, and Joceline, have transferred the substance of these adventures to Patrick, without any notice of the landing-place of Palladius. The author of the third Life has also attributed the same adventures to Patrick, and says only of Palladius (c. 26), that the inhabitants of the island rejected him — ' habitatores hujus insulae non receperunt ejus doctrinam.' We can scarcely desire a more conclusive proof that the legend originally belonged to Palladius, and was trans ferred to St. Patrick. Additional That part of this story which describes St. m'the""* Patrick as having been also rejected by the same people who had rejected Palladius is embellished in the later Lives by additional particulars which are instructive. The third Life (c. 38), fol lowed by Joceline and the Tripartite, tells us, that when Patrick arrived at Inbher Dea, he begged a supply of fish from the inhabitants, but was. rudely refused ; whereupon he cursed the river, which, although formerly abounding with fish, immediately became barren. He then (c. 29) disembarked at a place which this writer later Lives. chap, i.] of Palladius and St. Patrick. 34.3 calls Anat-cailtrin, and Joceline1 Aonach Taillten; there again the people repulsed him violently, ' cum magna vi repulerunt eum ; ' immediately the sea covered their land, which became a useless swamp for ever. Thus, according to the authors of these legends, the first visit of this messenger of the Gospel of peace to the future scene of his labours was marked by acts of im placable and permanent vengeance on the rude and ignorant inhabitants. Probus is the only biographer who has assigned a different a different reason and a different date to the Probus. rejection of St. Patrick by the men of Wicklow. According to this author2, as we have already seen, Patrick went originally to Ireland as a priest, and commenced his labours there without any commission from Rome. Attributing his want of success to this defect, he resolved to abandon his work, and seek for authority from the Holy See : on his return, after having obtained epis copal consecration, he lands in the region of the Cuolenni3, in Wicklow, but reflecting that it was his duty to attempt first the conversion of his old master Milchu, with whom he had 1 Joceline. Aonach Taillten, now 3 Cuolenni. Not Evoleni, as in Telltown, in the county of Meath, Probus, which is an error of trans- is a very long way from the sea, and cription, although it is followed by , cannot be the place intended. Ussher Ussher. The territory of Cualann thought that some place on the shore was coextensive with the present near Bray was meant. See Colgan, barony of Rathdown, in the north of Tr. Th.,p. 31, n. 29. The story ofthe the county of Wicklow. See O'Don- inundation of Anat-cailtrin is omit- ovan, Book of Rights, p. 1 3 n. The ted in the Tripartite Life. Anat- name remains in that of Glencullen, cailtrin is not now known under a valley near Bray. The old name that name. of the ' Sugar Loaf Mountain, in 2 Author. Lib. i. c. 19. See above, the same district, was Sliabh-Cua- p. 325, sq. lann. 344 Sinell, son of Finncadh, [chap. i. been in servitude in Dal-aradia, he sails to the north. No mention is made of his having received any repulse from the natives of Wick low; and it is worth noting, that this explanation of his motives for sailing northward is given in the Book of Armagh, whose words Probus has borrowed, and by all those biographers1 who have suppressed the story of his rejection in Wicklow. These discrepancies are an additional confirmation of the suspicion that all this account of the landing in Wicklow belongs to Palladius, rather than to Patrick. sineii and To this we may add another circumstance which Dichu both . J . . ,__ said to be gives rise to the same suspicion. The author of converts of the second Life, in that account of St. Patrick's Ireland.1" landing at Inbher Dea (cap. 25), which he has not taken from the Book of Armagh, tells us that not withstanding the resistance of the ungodly Nathi, another chieftain of the same family, Sinell son of Finncadh, believed, and was the first native2 of Ireland baptised by St. Patrick. The very same author, however, in another passage3 tells us that Dichu, a chieftain of the Dal-fiatach, dwelling near Sabhall, now Saul, in the county of Down, was the first who believed from St. Patrick's preaching : ' primus Scotorum4 per Patricium 1 Biographers. See Vita Secunda, tion of the statement that Dichu was c. 28, (which is, however, the Book the first convert, is taken from the of Armagh.) Vit. \ta. c. 31. Book of Armagh. 2 First native. ' Primus ex gente * Primus Scotorum. Probus, (lib.i.c Scotorum baptisatus est.' The same 28.) makes the same statement. ' Cre- statement is repeated by the Tripar- didit ergo homo ille primus omnium tite Life, Part i. c. 42. insulanorum, cum omni domo et 3 Passage. See Vit. zda. cap. 29. familiasua.' Tr.Th.,p. 53, (wrongly The whole passage, with the excep- numbered 49.) chap. i.J probably converted by Palladius. 345 confessus est.' These statements are directly contradictory. But we read that notwithstand ing the short sojourn made by Palladius in Lein ster, some of the natives were baptised by him : : possibly, therefore, the foregoing contradiction may be reconciled by supposing Sinell to have sineii per- been the first fruits of the teaching not of Patrick Vefted°by but of Palladius. Sinell was of the race of the kings of Leinster, of the clan Hy Garrchon : his genealogy is known2: he was a cousin of the Nathi Ua Garrchon who resisted Palladius, and there is nothing inconsistent with the Chronology in supposing him to have been converted to Christianity by ;that bishop. 1 Baptised by him. See above p. 294, Document iv. 2 Known. See Geneal. Table V. No. 84, p. 253 supra. Colgan has confounded this chieftain with St. Shfchell of Cill-achaidh-droma-foda (nowKilleigh, King's County), who was surnamed Senex, or theelder, and die&A.D.$4S.(Tr.Th.,-p. i8,note 34. Four Masters, p. 187). Our author calls Sinell ' son of Findchad,' al though he was in reality great grand son of Findchad. Thisisverycommon with Irish writers, and is a source of confusion in our history. It means only thathewas of the immediate de scendants of Findchad in the direct line, and of the family called Mac Findchadha. In thelist of St. Patrick's household, (Four Masters, a.d. 44a) Sinell is said to have been Patrick's bell-ringer : and in another authority, quoted by Dr. O'Donovan in his note (ibid. ) he is called St. Patrick's Ostiarius, or Doorkeeper. But this list is not antient, nor of any authority, and the name of Sinell or Sinchell occurs so frequently in Irish history, that no inference can be drawn from the document. The insertion of the name in the list was probably sug gested by the very story we are con sidering. This renders unnecessary the. violent explanations of the diffi culty suggested by Colgan, that Sinell was Patrick's first convert in Ireland absolutely, and Dichu his first convert in Ulster ; or that Dichu was the first who became a monk. ' Quae sic sunt intelli gentia, quod Dichu sit primus in Ultonia, Sinellus vero primus abso lute conversus in Hibernia.' Tr.Th. p. 18, n. 35. z 5 CHAPTER II. St. Pa- trick'sCon- fession. The History and Acts of St. Patrick Apostle op Ireland, and Founder of the see of Armagh. His Writings. His early History as gathered from his Writings. Date of his Mission. HE Confession1 of St. Patrick has been already spoken of. It is older than any of the extant biographies of the Saint, for they almost all quote and adopt its words ; a copy of it was trans cribed at the end of the 8th or very early in the 9th century into the collection called the Book of Armagh. This copy professes to have been taken from the autograph of St. Patrick, for that seems to be the meaning of the colophon, ' Thus 1 Confession. This work was first printed by Sir James Wa.re(S. Patricio ascripta Opuscula, Lond. 1656), from four MSS., viz. the Book of Armagh, a MS. in the Cottonian Library, and two in the library of Salisbury Ca thedral, which are now in the Bodleian. The Bollandists printed it in 1668, from a MS. of the Abbey of St. Vaast, at Noialle, Actt. SS., Mart. torn. iii. p. 533). Dr. O'Conor reprinted it from the Cotton MS. in 18 14, (Rer. Hibern. Scriptt. torn. i. Proleg. I. p. cvii.) Sir Wm. Betham gave very inaccurately the text of the Book of Armagh, with a most faulty English version, in his Irish Antiq. Researches, part ii. Dubl. 1827. Dr.Villanueva reprinted it from the text of the Bollandists with various readings and notes, Opusc. S. Patricii, p. 184, Dublin, 1835 : and a new edition of it may soon be expected in the forthcoming publication of the Book of Armagh by Dr. Reeves. A well executed English translation appeared, Dub lin, 1853, by Rev. Thomas Olden: and an inaccurate one by an excellent Roman Catholic clergyman, Dublin, 1859. The confession of St. Patrick was unknown to Colgan, whose Trias Thaumaturga was printed in 1647, nine years before the publication of Ware's Opuscula S. Patricii; at least he knew it only from Ussher's quotations, which are taken from the Book of Armagh. chap, h.] Authenticity of the Confession. 347 far the volume which Patrick wrote with his own hand.' — Hue usque volumen quod Patricius manu conscripsit sua. It was certainly transcribed from a MS. which even in the year 800 was beginning to become obscure, and of whose obscurities the transcriber more than once complains. It possesses, therefore, no mean external evidence of authenticity. Although this Tract is not free from supersti- its claim to tion, it contains none of the ridiculous miracles deity. which the later biographers of St. Patrick de lighted to record, and which are to be found in abundance even in the more antient collec tions preserved in the Book of Armagh. It is altogether such an account of himself as a missionary of that age, circumstanced as St. Patrick was, might be expected to compose. Its Latinity is rude and archaic ; it quotes the ante-Hieronymian Vulgate ; and contains nothing inconsistent with the century in which it pro fesses to have been written. If it be a forgery it is not easy to imagine with what purpose it could have been forged.1 The copy of the Confession in the Book of The Armagh is much shorter than the copies found copy oSf the in later MSS., and the suspicion arises that the tract may have been interpolated after the date 1 Forged. The genuineness of quorum judicio ' to use the words of this work and of the Epistola ad Dr. O'Conor, ' absque validissimis Coroticum, is admitted by Ussher, in contrarium argumentis, temerarii Ware, Cave, Spelman, Tillemont, esset, et prorsus insani discedere.' Mabillon, D'Achery, Martene, Du Rer. Hib. Scriptt. Vol. i. Proleg. i. Cange, Bollandus, Dupin, O'Conor, p. cv. Lanigan, Villanueva, and others, ' a 348 The Armagh Copy. [chap. n. of the original or autograph copy from which that in the Book of Armagh was transcribed. This is a circumstance of some importance. If we are to regard the passages not found in the Book of Armagh as interpolations, it is evident that we cannot draw from them the same inferences as if they were the undoubted words of the author. Nevertheless these interpolations, as we may call them for convenience' sake, are of a high antiquity. They are written in the same rude dialect of Latin, and exhibit internal evi dence of having proceeded from the same pen as the rest of the work. The difficulty is to explain why they are omitted in the Armagh copy, which professes to have been transcribed from the author's autograph. It is possible that they may have formed the substance of a second part, which copyists took upon themselves to incor porate with the first. If it be maintained that the scribe of the Book of Armagh has designedly abridged1 his original, he must have done so either because it contained passages which he was unable to read, or because he had other copies of the work in which the omitted paragraphs were to him plain and 1 Abridged. Dean Graves is of was' difficult or obscure, are also of opinion that the Armagh copy is an frequent occurrence in the margin. abridgment, and avowedly an abridg- The Book of Armagh is full of ment, of the original work. There Greek letters ; which renders the occur in the margin in several above explanation of the x. the more places, the letter z, (meaning as he probable. In some places also we thinks, the initial of the Greek word find et cetera, or et reliqua, as if the Sjj7-tl7-t,) and in other places the writer left out portions of the narra- letter d, for deest. The words incer- tive which were well-known, or of tus liber, signifying that the original which he had other copies. chap, u.] The Epistle about Coroticus. 3\g obvious. The omitted passages, however, are of considerable length, and if put together would probably very nearly equal in bulk the whole text of the Confession as it appears in the Book of Armagh. Until further examination of the extant MSS. has thrown more light on the sub ject, it would be rash to reject altogether the evidence of these interpolations. The Epistle to Coroticus does not occur in The Epistle the Book of Armagh. Perhaps it was not found cus. in the autograph book of St. Patrick from which the Confession was transcribed into that Codex. Its Latinity is apparently of the same age, and from the same pen, as the Confessio. It quotes the old Latin version of the Bible, and there seems no internal evidence against the supposi tion that Patrick may have been its author. Nevertheless, the learned Casimir Oudin1 oudin's opposes strongly the authenticity of these docu ments. His main objection is the rude and barbarous Latinity, which in his opinion was affected to impose on uncritical and simple readers. He adds that it is difficult to believe the Roman pontiffs ' so stupid ' as to send forth missionaries to instruct others who were them selves barbarous and incapable of writing pure ¦ 1 Oudin. DeScriptoribus Eccl. torn, apertarum narium viris, imponeret. i. col. 1 1 67. 'Verum quisquis opus- Quis enim credat ita stupidos fuisse cula ista attente legerit, et ad stylum Romanos Pontifices, ut ad praedicati- seculi v. apertum et purum ex plurimis onem Evangelii promovendam, viros scriptoribus turn Gallis turn Italis, indoctos seculo Ecclesiae quinto, ac attenta mente respexerit : statim bar- latinitate barbaros mitterent ? Jam si bariem hanc agnoscet consulto, ab Patricius homo eruditus ac seculo v. eo qui ista supposuit, excogitatam clarus, quis credat scripsisse stylo esse, quo simplicioribus ac minus semilatino ac barbaro ?' objections. 350 Oudin s Objections. [chap. n. Latin. ' Who can believe,' he says, ' if Patrick was a man of learning and celebrity in the fifth century, that he could have written in a half Latin and barbarous style ? ' But this is one of the strongest arguments in favour of the authenticity of these writings. The Patrick of the Confessio and of the Epistle about Coroticus does not so much as pretend to any learning, and says not a word of having been commissioned by the Bishop of Rome. He makes no claim to primacy or archiepiscopal jurisdiction in Ireland. He says nothing of Armagh, or any other episcopal see in that country. He calls himself in general terms a bishop in Ireland, deriving his commission directly from God himself ; — ' Hiberione consti- , tutus episcopus, certissime reor, a Deo accepi quod sum.'1 oudin's May we not, therefore, retort the argument? argument • ° retorted. It is impossible to conceive with what purpose these Tracts could have been forged or attributed to Patrick, and a barbarous style of language pur posely assumed, if that missionary was believed to have been a man of learning and celebrity, sent with a commission from Rome to exercise archi episcopal jurisdiction in Ireland. It must at least be admitted that if they are forgeries they were forged before these things came to be asserted or popularly believed of the great St. Patrick. 1 Quod sum. Or according to Certissime reor a Deo accepi qnod another reading, 'Hiberione consti- sum.' Epist. ad Coroticum. Opusc. tutum episcopum me esse fateor. Villanueva, p 240. chap. n.J These Tracts the Basis of the Lives. 35 1 Assuming, then, the genuineness of these These writings, we shall proceed to gather from theabasisrof them such particulars as they may be found trick's to contain of the life, opinions, and actions of lves' St. Patrick ; noticing, whenever it may seem necessary, the additional information supplied by the Lives and other later authorities. This, at least, is certain, that the biographical outline of the acts of St. Patrick, given in these documents, has been made the basis of all the Lives now extant. That outline is as it were the skeleton which the biographers have clothed with miracle and legend. Both these works are written in the style of Epistles, and were antiently known by that name. The Confession is frequently cited in the Lives as ' from the Book of Epistles of Patrick.' In some MSS. the Confessio is entitled1 Episto- larum Liber I., and the Letter about Coroticus, or to the subjects of Coroticus, Epistolarum Liber II. The author was advanced in life and had Both laboured for some years in Ireland when he whenL wrote these Tracts. The Confession is a defence ™nsCed~-m of himself against some undefined and not very llfe< clearly stated charges of presumption in under- 1 Entitled. So in the Cotton MS. third Life, cap. 4, ' in libro episcopi,' according to Dr. O'Conor. Rer. Hib. and cap. n, 'in libris suarum Epis- Scriptt. loc. cit. p. cxvii. The Con- tolarum.' The Tripartite, lib. i. c. » fessio, in Colgan's Vita 4ta, cap. i 19, ' ex libro Epistolarum ipsius.' and4,is cited 'ex libris Epistolarum:' The Book of Armagh contains the cap. 16, 'ex libro quem de vita et con- Confession only, but speaks in the versatione sua ipse composuit.' The plural, as if the scribe had intended second Life, cap. 4, quotes the Con- to give more: ' Incipiunt Libri [ fession, ' ex libro episcopi,' and Sancti Patricii Episcopi.' cap. 11, d ition in his 366 Patrick's Condition in Captivity, [chap.h. is therefore suspicious. It is also quite true that there is great confusion as to the names of these sisters1 and of their sons. No doubt their history is full of fable and all sorts of blunders. But Dr. Petrie's discovery shews that we ought to use great caution in dogmatically rejecting as fable all that we find even in the midst of the most silly legend. The facts are doubtless over laid with childish stories : but let us beware lest, if we cast out the rubbish without sifting, we should cast out also precious stones which have long lain concealed in the mass. / Of his condition and adventures during his captivity, captivity in Ireland St. Patrick gives us an in teresting account in the Confessio : premising that he did so for the sake of making known God's grace and everlasting consolation2, to spread the knowledge of God's Name ; as well as to leave it on record after his death to his might have said this even though his or following century. Lanigan, i. sisters had afterwards followed him 127. to Ireland. ' Numquid sine Deo, vel 2 Consolation. This is one of those secundum carnem Hiberionem veni ? passages which the scribe of the B. Quis me compulit ? Alligatus sum of Armagh has marked as obscure spiritu ut non videam aliquem de in the original MS., writing in the cognatione mea.' Villanueva, p. margin the words ' Incertus liber.' 243 . The allusion is evidently to The text is ' In mensura itaque fidei Gen. xii. 1. Trinitatis oportet distinguere sine 1 Sisters. The confusion is pro- reprehensione periculi notum facere bably greatly increased by the loose donum Dei et consolationem aster- use of the word Siur, or sister, by nam sine timore fiducialiter Dei no- Irish writers. It is applied to nieces, men ubique expandere, ut etiam post cousins, and often to sisters in reli- obitum meum ex a Gallias [read gion. Errors of transcription of extra Gallias] relinquere fratribus, proper names abound in all Irish et filiis meis quos in Domino bapti- MSS., and add to the confusion, zavi.' Fol. 23, u a. Ware reads, But it is clearfrom the dates assigned ' post obitum meum Gallicis relin- to their deaths, that some of those quere fratribus;' the Bollandists omit who are said to have been sisters of the word Gallicis, but otherwise fol- St. Patrick belonged to the sixth low Ware. chap, ii.] His Return to his native Country. 367 brethren out of Gaul, and to his sons whom he had baptised in the Lord. He was employed when he came to Hiberio, as he always calls Ireland, in tending cattle daily ; but was every day frequent in prayer1: thus, he says, the love and fear of God and faith increased so much, and the spirit of prayer so grew upon him, that often in a single day he would say an hundred prayers2, and in the night almost as many, so that he fre quently arose to prayer in the woods and moun tains before daylight, in snow and frost and rain : ' and I felt no evil,' he adds, ' nor was there any laziness [pigritia) in me, because, as I now see,*1" the Spirit was burning within me.' One night, as he tells us, he heard in a dream His escape a voice saying to him, ' Thy fasting is well : thou ti^and shalt soon return to thy country.' He waited ^"native some time, and again had a dream, in which the country- same voice told him that the ship was ready, but was distant two hundred miles.3 Although he had never been to the place, and knew nothing of the inhabitants, he fled from his master, with whom he had been in slavery for six years4; ' and 1 Prayer. This is a clear proof be meant, he must have travelled that when he said, ' Deum verum from Dal-aradia to the S.W. coast of ignorabam,' he is not to be under- Ireland. But the number is probably stood too literally. Tillemont's re- exaggerated by errors of transcrip- mark is just : ' non qu'il ne fust tion. Lanigan, on the strength of Chretien, comme cela paroist assez this passage, makes our saint travel par la suite, mais parcequ'il n'avoit from Dal-aradia to Bantry bay. Eccl. pas encore cette foi animee de la Hist. i. p. 146, note (42). The charite qu'il l'eust du avoir, &c.' Scholiast on Fiacc (n. 9) makes the Mem. Eccl. xvi. p. 456. distance ' 60 miles, or as others say, 2 Prayers. Or collects ; orationes. a hundred,' shewing that the MSS. 3 Two hundred miles. In the B. even then had various readings. of Armagh ' cc. milia passus.' If 4 Six years. There is nothing the ordinary miles of five to a league here of the nonsense that it was the 368 His Reception by the Sailors. [chap. n. I went,' he adds, ' in the power of the Lord, who directed my way for good1, and I feared nothing until I arrived at that ship.' The captain of the ship, however, roughly refused him a passage, and Patrick was about to return to the hut2 where he dwelt, first offering up a prayer, as was his wont. His prayer was not finished, when one of the sailors called to him, saying, ' Come back quickly, for these men call thee.' He re turned, and they said to him, ' Come, for we receive thee in faith, make friends with us how thou wilt : ' meaning, perhaps, that they were willing to receive him without passage money, in the faith that in some other way he might find the means of remunerating them. What follows is very obscure3, but seems to signify that he was surprised to hear them speak of faith, seeing they custom of the pagan natives of the turned to the cabin where he had country to manumit their slaves, at been received as a guest by some the end of six years, after the man- peasant in the neighbourhood of the ner of the Jubilee of the Jews. See port. above, p. 360. n. 2. 3 Obscure. The Book of Armagh 1 For good. ' Dirigebat ad bonum.' reads, ' Et in ilia die itaque reppuli Ware and B. of Armagh. The Bol- sugere mammellas eorum propter ti- landists read, ' Veni ad Benum,' morem Dei. Sed verumtamen ab which they suppose to mean the illis speravi venire in fidem Jesu Boyne. But the other reading is Christi quia Gentes erant, et ob hoc preferable. The Boyne is always obtinui cum illis. ' Fol. 23, a. b. Boindus. The Scholiast on Fiacc Ware reads, ' Et in ilia die repuli makes the mouth of the Boyne the fugere, propter timorem Dei. Verun- place where Patrick embarked, Tr. tamen speravi ab illis, ut mihi dice- Th., p. 4. n. 9. rent, Veni in fide Jesu Christi, quia 2 Hut. ' Ad tuguriolum ubi hos- gentes erant,' p. 7. The Bollandists pitabam :' ' to the hut where I used have ' Et in ilia die debui surgere in to dwell ' — in other words, he was navem eorum propter Deum. Verun- about to return to his master ; so tamen [the editor adds non] speravi Tillemont understands it, perhaps ab illis ut mihi dicerent, Veni in fide rightly, ' ainsi il retourna en priant Christi, quia. Gentiles erant. Et hoc a sa cabane, au hazard d'estre mal- obtinui cum illis, et protinus navi- traite de son maistre,' ubi supra, p. gavimus.' Villan. p. 191. 457. Or it might mean that he re- chap, n.] His Travels in the Desert. 36g were Pagans, but went with them the more readily in consequence of their having used that word, hoping that they might come over to the faith of Jesus Christ. They were three days at sea, and afterwards twenty-eight days wandering in a desert1, until their provisions ran short. No doubt, Patrick had been speaking to them of the power of God, of the efficacy of prayer, and of trust in God's Providence. The leader of the party therefore said to him, ' What sayest thou, Christian ? Thy God is great and all powerful. Why then canst thou not pray to Him for us ? for we perish with hunger, and we can find here no inhabi tants.' Patrick answered, ' Turn ye in faith to my Lord God, to whom nothing is impossible, and He will send you food, and ye shall be satis fied, for He has abundance everywhere.' And so it was, for a herd of swine soon after appeared, many of which they killed. Patrick and his 1 Desert. Lanigan argues that three days' voyage carried our saint to three days would be about the time the north of Scotland, accounts for the usually taken for sailing from Bantry existence of a waste there by the ra- Bay to some port on the coast of vages of the Picts and Scots. Mem. Armoric Britain : and appeals to Eccles. xvi. p. 457. The lesson in the the lessons of a Breviary printed at Rheims Breviary alludes to the story Rheims in 1612 (reprinted by Col- ofSt. Kienan told by the Scholiast on gan, Tr. Th., p. 194), where it is Fiacc, Tr. Th., p. 4, n. 9. When said that Patrick was sold by a cer- Patrick had fled from his master he tain Irishman, to merchants of Gaul, came to the south bank of the Boyne ; who carried him to Treguier ; ' ad there a man named Kienan seized Trecorensem minoris Britanniae civ- him and sold him to some sailors ; itatem.' But such an authority is but repenting of this deed, he soon too modern to be of any value. The after procured his liberation. At a existence in Britanny of a waste subsequent period Kienan was bap- which took twenty-seven days to tized by Patrick, and founded the cross, is accounted for by the ravages church or monastery of Daimhliac- of the Franks and Saxons on the Kienain, now Duleek, in the county coasts of Armorica. Eccl. Hist. i. 150, of Meath. See Mart, of Donegal, at '52- Tillemont, who thinks that the 24 Nov. B B 37° Suggested Explanation of [chap. n. companions were relieved from their hunger, and remained in that place for two nights. 'After this,' he says, ' they gave great thanks to God, and I was honoured in their eyes.' They found also some wild honey, and gave Patrick a portion of it, but because one of them had said, ' This is an offering ; thank God,'1 Patrick would not taste of it, fearing lest it had been offered to an idol. His night- The same night an event occurred which, he mare and ° the invoca- says, he could never forget, ' cujus memor ero tionofElias. J . . b J, quamdiu fuero in hoc corpore. He had a night-mare, which he believed to be a temptation of Satan. He felt as if a great stone had fallen upon him ; he was unable to move a limb : and he says, ' how it came into my mind to call out Helias I know not, but at that moment I saw the sun rising in the heavens, and whilst I cried out Helias ! Helias ! with all my might, lo, the brightness of the sun fell upon me and straight way removed all the weight. And I am per suaded that I was relieved by Christ my Lord, and that His Spirit then cried out for me. And I trust it may be so in the day of my trouble, for the Lord saith in the Gospel2, " It is not ye that speak, but the Spirit of your Father which speaketh in you." It is strange that this curious anecdote should 1 Thank God. ' Et unus ex illis gods, and therefore would not eat of dixit, Immolatitium est, Deo gratias.' the honey, i Cor. viii. 10 — 28, and B. of Armagh, fol. 23, b. a. Patrick cf. 1 Sam. xiv. 26. probably thought that this Gentile 2 Gospel. St. Matt, x. 20. must have meant one of his own chap. ii.] his Invocation of Elias. 371 have been taken as a proof that St. Patrick prac- Not an in- ... . c • 1 t r 1 " vocation of tised the invocation or saints. It this was an saints. invocation of a saint, and if it was the custom of the time to invoke saints, and more particularly to invoke Helias as a saint, why did St. Patrick say, ' I know not how it came into my mind to call upon Helias ? ' Do not these words very clearly prove that to invoke saints, or at least to invoke Helias, was a somewhat unusual thing in St. Patrick's time ? It has been suggested, from the allusion to the sun, which immediately follows the mention of Helias, that it was not Helias the prophet, whom Patrick invoked, but Helios, the Sun2 ; and this would certainly account for his saying, ' I know not how it came into my mind to do so;' but the still greater difficulty will remain, how a Christian could have invoked the Sun. The true reading of this passage is probably Ei;)not not Elias, or Helias, or the Sun, but Eli, ' my fading. God;' which the copyists, not being able to understand, made Helias. We have an instance of the use of this Hebrew Name of God, shewing that it was not unknown to the Irish, in the Hymn Invocation of saints. Dr. Lani- and was never invoked as a saint. gan was weak enough to say, ' This The festival of Elias on Mount will, I believe, be admitted to be a Carmel, which occurs in the present sufficient proof, that St. Patrick con- Roman Breviary (July 20), cannot sidered the invocation of saints as be older than the 14th or 15th cen- commendable and salutary,' i. p. tury : although in the Greek church '55. So far from being a sufficient it probably dates from the 10th cen- proof, this is no proof at all; if tury. See Baillet, Vies des Saints, "atrick called upon Elias, he speaks torn. i. p. 179, sq. Paris, 1739. of it as an unusual thing. Elias is re- 2 The Sun. King's Church His- garded by the Church as still living, tory of Ireland, vol. i. p. 48. B B 2 372 Eli, the true Reading. [chap. n. of St. Hilary in praise of Christ, which has been published by Muratori from the Irish Anti- p honary of Bangor, and which occurs also in the Irish Book of Hymns.1 The lines are these : — ' Tu Dei de corde Verbum, Tu Via, Tu Veritas, Jesse Virga Tu vocaris, Te Leonem legimus, Dextra Patris, Mons, et Agnus, Angularis Tu lapis, Sponsus idem, el, Columba, Flamma, Pastor, Janua.' These verses contain an enumeration of the Titles of Christ : the Word in the Bosom of the Father, the Way, the Truth, the Rod of Jesse, the Lion of Judah, the Right Hand of the Father, the Mount, the Lamb, the Corner Stone, the Bridegroom, El, the Dove, the Flame, the Pastor, the Door. It is therefore not improbable that Patrick may have known the word El as a name of God2 or of Christ, and in his distress may have cried out Eli, Eli. His knowledge of the Gospels3 would of itself have made him ac quainted with the exclamation ' Eli, Eli,' with out supposing him to have had any oriental learning ; especially as we find that the name was applied to Christ, in the antient Hymn just quoted.4 1 Book of Hymns. See ' Hymnus 2 Name of God. Comp. the Hymn S. Hilarii in Laudem Christi,' Book of Hildebert, Bishop of Le Mans, of Hymns, p. 152, and note ; where (12th century), published by Ussher, El is shown to be the true reading. De Symbolis, (Works, vii. p. 339) Muratori reads vel. This hymn is It begins attributed to St. Hilary of Poictiers, Alpha et a, magne Deus, and therefore probably came from Eli, Eli, Deus meus, &c. the Gallican church. But it is not 3 Gospels. St. Matt, xxvii. 46. St. published in the Benedictine Ed. of Mark xv. 34. St. Hilary's works. < Sooted. If we reject this expla- Ireland. chap, ii.] St. Patrick's Master in Dalaradia. 373 In confirmation of this conjecture it is remark able that both in the second and third Lives x Patrick is represented as having cried out Eli, not Elias. It is true the biographers, and even Colgan, evidently understood the word to signify Elias, overlooking its real meaning as an invoca tion of God, sanctioned by our Lord Himself in the Gospel. But the text of the Confessio from which they copied must have had Eli, not Elias. I Patrick in the Confessio speaks but once of st. Pa- the master whom he served in his captivity. ' I master i took to flight,' he says, ' and left the man with whom I had been for six years.'2 He does not name ' the man,' nor mention his rank or situa tion in life. But these omissions are amply sup plied by later writers. His name, we are told, nation, and adhere to the reading The Irish writer apparently under- which makes Patrick call upon the stood Eli to mean Elias, and so prophet Elias, we may suppose him to Colgan translates it. Tr. Th., p. 17, have done so influenced by the antient n. 22. The third Life (c. 17), says belief ofthe Church, that Elias was ' Turn Patricius vocavit Eli, in ad- to come literally, in person, accord- jutorium suum trina voce ; venitque ing to the prophecy of Malachi, and Eli et liberavit eum.' It is pro- restore all things, before the great bable, therefore, that the MSS. of and terrible Day of the second coming the Confession, which these writers of the Lord. He may therefore, with had before them, read Eli, and this prophecy in mind, have called they interpreted it Helias, falling out, as he says, without knowing into a very natural mistake. Pro- why, Helias, Helias. And his men- bus says nothing of the invo- tion of the sun immediately after- cation of Helias, but tells us that wards may have had reference to the Patrick when he awoke signed him- prophecy of the Sun of Righteous- self with the sign of the cross, ness, which occurs in the same chapter and then called three times upon of Malachi, just before the prediction Christ the true Sun. — ' Et cum trina of the coming of Elias. (Mai. iv. 5, voce Christum Solem verum invo- 6, and ver. 2.) casset, statim ortus est ei Sol, &c.' 1 Lives. In the second Life the Lib. i. u. 8. (Tr. Th., p. 51.) words are retained in the Irish Ian- 2 Six years. ' Conversus sum in guage, c. 20, ' ro guidh Eli dia in- fugam, et intermissi hominem cum darput uadh.' ' He prayed Eli to [quo] fueram vi. annis.' Ware, "pel it [i.e. the stone] from him.' Opusc. S. Patricii. p. 6. 374 His Escape from Milchu. [chap. n. was Miliuc, Michul or Milchu1 : his tribe or family2 was the Dal-Buain, clan or descendants of Buan of Dalaradia ; the Scholiast on Fiacc tells us that he was ' King of North Dalaradia and that v he dwelt in Arcuil,' a valley in the north of Da laradia near Mount Mis, now Slemish. This is now called the valley of the Braid, from the river Braighde or Braid3 which flows through it, and the spot where St. Patrick had the dream or vision, which induced him to fly from his master, is marked by the ruins of an antient church called Sciric or Skiric Arcaile, now Skerry4, on a basaltic hill, where, according to the tradition mentioned by Fiacc, the angel Victor appeared to St. Patrick and left the impression of his feet. The later biographers represent Milchu as a savage tyrant, deeply rooted in Paganism, and Tirechan calls him a magus5, or Druid. But there is nothing of all this in the Confessio.N His second a Patrick at the time when he escaped from captivity i- apocryphal. Milchu was twenty-two years of age ; for he 1 Milchu. The Hymn of Fiacc, (st.4) calls Patrick ' gniadMilchon,' slave of Milchu. The Scholiast, on the word Milchon, says ' Genitivum est hie. Michul m° hui Buain ri tuaiscirt Dalaraide.' The transla tion of this is : — ' Milchon is here the genitive. Michul MacHy Buain, was king of North Dalaradia.' S. Isidore MS. (Rome). 2 Family. ' Dal-Buanica familia,' says Colgan, ' olim in Ultonia Cele bris, licet hodie ignota et extincta.' From this tribe descended the cele brated St. Maccarthen of Clogher, and many other saints. Actt. SS. p. 74°) *q- 3 Braid. See Reeves, Eccl. Ant. of Doivn and Connor, p. 83, 345. 4 Skerry. Schol. on Fiacc, quoted by Reeves, ib. Vit. Trip. i. 22. The word Sciric signifies rocky. It is worthy of note, that St. Patrick, in the Confession, speaks only of a dream. The apparition of an angel is the embellishment of later writers. The allusion to this tradition seems fatal to the claim of Fiacc's poem to antiquity. 5 Magus. Ussher, Primord. p. 829. (Works, vi. p. 387.) Probus, (i. 22) calls him ' quendam gentilem immitem regem.' Jocelin, 'regulus paganissimus,' c. 13. chap, n.] His second Captivity. 3^5 tells us that he was sixteen when he was taken captive, and spent six years in slavery. He remained with the sailors, who had given him a , passage after his escape from Milchu, sixty days or two months. Probus and others have under stood this of a second captivity : and there is certainly some obscurity1 in the MSS. Patrick very probably regarded his sojourn with the sailors as a second captivity — that in Ireland with Milchu being the first. The Book of Armagh seems to say that of the sixty days twenty-eight were passed in the desert, and ten after the drove of swine had supplied them with food. Perhaps the remainder of his time with them was spent under compulsion, and so was a real captivity : ' On that sixtieth night ' (he says) ' the Lord delivered me from their hands. And even on our road He provided us with food and fire, and dry weather (siccitatem), until on the tenth2 day we arrived at men ' [i.e. at human habitations] : ' having travelled, as I have said, above eight and twenty days through a desert ; and the very night when we arrived at men, we had no more food.' 1 Obscurity. The Book of 348, note 1. The summary of St. Armagh, as its text stands, is Patrick's acts, by Muirchu Maccu- here corrupt and unintelligible. machtheni,evidently took for granted ' Multos adhuc capturam dedi ea that the captivity of sixty days was nocte prima itaque mansi cum illis : a second captivity : and so it was if responsum autem divinum audivi the captivity under Miliuc in Ireland duobus autem mensibus eris cum was the first. Two of the headings illis, quod ita factum est.' But the of chapters in the summary of Mac- text printed by the Bollandists has cumachtheni, (Book of Armagh, fol. evidently introduced violent alter- 20, b.) are as follows : ' De navigio ations to mend this confusion, first ejus cum gentibus, et vexatione dis- by transposing the passage mentioned erti, cibo sibi gentilibus divinitus above ; and then by reading ' Et delato ;' and ' De secunda captura iterum post annos [non] multos ad- quam senis decies diebus ab inimicis hue in capturam decidi : nocte vero pertulerat.' prima, mansi cum illis. Responsum 2 Tenth. Ware, (p. 9,) and the autem, &c.' This is one of the pas- Bollandists read fourteenth. (Villa- sages marked by z in the margin of nueva, p. 193.) the Book of Armagh. See above p. 376 His Return to his Parents. [chap.h. This passage has been transposed and placed before the mention of the sixty days in the copy of the Confessio printed by the Bollandists. But if we adhere to the text of the Book of Armagh, as we now have it, there is no mention of a second captivity1 except in the sense that has been explained : the meaning seems to be that he was sixty days altogether in the hands of / the mariners with whom he had sailed from Ireland. His return He proceeds to tell us that ' after a few years ' to his r . . J . family. he was with his parents in the Britanniae ; ' post paucos annos in Britanniis eram cum parentibus meis.' But we are not obliged to understand the word parents of his father and mother ; there is therefore no necessary contra diction between this passage and the legend that his father and mother had been killed long before. Still we must remember that the murder of his father and mother is not recorded in the Confession, and that the Scholiast2 on Fiacc mentions his father as having been wounded only, not killed, and says nothing of his mother. 1 Second captivity. Still less of a and sojourn in the islands of the third, which rests altogether on the Tyrrhene sea. Even Lanigan admits authority of Probus, and of which ' it is exceedingly difficult, and I be- Ussher says, ' non parum mihi sus- lieve impossible, to arrange correctly pecta est.' Works, vi. p-. 390. Of either as to chronological order or the other stories here interpolated by topographical accuracy, the succeed- Probus, of Patrick having converted ing transactions of his life, until near the mariners and their countrymen, the time of his mission,' i. p. 161. and of his travels on the continent The reasonof the difficulty is obvious. of Europe, there is not a word in Almost all those transactions are the Confession. It is evident that groundless fictions, or facts transferred the chronology of the Confession from the acts of Palladius to Patrick. leaves no time for his four years with 2 Scholiast. The passage is quoted St. Martin, forty with St. Germain, above p. 361. chap, ii.] His Divine Call to convert the Irish. 377 His parents, he tells us, received him as a son, and earnestly besought1 him not to expose him self to fresh dangers, but to remain with them for the rest of his life. Patrick, however, felt constrained to devote Hiscaiito himself to the conversion of the Irish, amongst i°uh" whom he had spent so many years of his youth, and whose language he had doubtless acquired. He says nothing of Palladius. He says nothing of Rome, or of having been commissioned by Pope Celestine. He attributes his Irish apostle- ' ship altogether to an inward call, which he regarded as a Divine command. He tells us that he had a dream, which he thus describes : — 'And there,' he says [namely in the Britanniae, with his ,1 ,%. parents] ' in the dead of night 2, I saw a man 3 coming to me as if from Hiberio, whose name was Victoricus, bearing innu merable epistles. And he gave me one of them, and I read the beginning of it, which contained the words, ' The voice of the Irish,' Vox Hiberionacum. And whilst I was repeating the beginning of the epistle, I imagined that I heard in my mind (in mente), the voice of those who were near the wood of Foclut, which is near the Western Sea. And thus they cried : 'We pray thee, holy youth, to come, and henceforth walk amongst us.' And I was greatly pricked in heart, and could read no more ; and so I awoke. Thanks be to God, that after very many years the Lord granted unto them the blessing for which they cried : (praestitit illis Dominus secundum clamorem illorum).' 1 Besought. ' Qui me ut filium sus- Ware, p. 9. 'In visu de nocte,' ciperunt(rzV)etexnderogaveruntme, Villanueva, p. 194. ut vel modo ego, post tantas tribula- 3 A man. Not an angel, as the tiones quas ego pertuli, nusquam ab Lives all have it. The name of Vic- illis discederem.' Book of Armagh, tor, given by the legend writers to fol. 23, b. b. St. Patrick's guardian angel, has a Dead of night. ' In sinu noctis,' evidently been derived from this Book of Armagh. ' In visu nocte,' passage. 378 His second Vision. [chap. h. ' Again on another night, I know not, God knoweth, whether it was within me or near me, I heard distinctly words which I could not understand, except that at the end of what was said, there was uttered, c He who gave His Life for thee, is He who speaketh in thee.' And so I awoke rejoicing. And again I saw in myself one praying, and I was as it were within my body, and I heard him, that is to say, upon my inner man, and he prayed there mightily with groanings. And meanwhile I was in a trance (stupebam), and marvelled, and thought who it could be who thus prayed within me. But at the end of the prayer, he became so changed (efficiatus est) that he seemed to be a bishop.1 And so I awoke, and recollected the apostle's words, The Spirit helpeth the infirmity of our prayer. For we know not what to pray for as we ought, but the Spirit Himself maketh intercession for us, with groanings that cannot be uttered, which cannot be expressed in words. And again 2, The Lord our advocate intercedeth for us.' ! There is nothing in all this which is not quite consistent with the feelings of an enthusiastic mind, filled with the holy ambition of convert ing to Christ the barbarous nation amongst whom he had been in captivity. There is no incredible or absurd miracle. He believed, no doubt, that his call was supernatural, and that he had seen visions and dreamt dreams. But other well-meaning and excellent men, in all ages of the Church, have in like manner imagined themselves to have had visions of this kind, and to have been the recipients of imme diate revelations. Another He then goes on to describe another vision, Vision. 1 A bishop. ' Sed ad postremum Ghost. The contractions eps. and orationis, sic efficiatus est ut sit sps. were easily confounded in the episcopus.' Book rf Armagh. Ware MSS. and the Bollandists read, perhaps 2 Again. The texts alluded to rightly, ' Sic effatus est ut sit are Heb. viii. 26, and perhaps 1 John Spiritus,' that He was the Holy ii. 1. chap. ii.] His Intention opposed. 3jg which decided him to persevere in his intention of going to Ireland ; he says : ' I saw in a vision of the night, there was a writing1 oppo site to my face without honour. And then I heard an answer unto me : We have seen unfortunately the face of one designa ted without a name. He did not say, thou hast unfortunately seen, but, we have unfortunately seen ; as if He had included Himself, as He said, He that toucheth you toucheth the apple of mine eye [Zech. ii. 8.]. Therefore I give thanks to Him who hath comforted me in all things and did not hinder me from the journey I had resolved upon, nor from my labour which I had dedicated to my Lord Christ. But on the contrary, I felt no small power from Him, and my faith was proved before God and men. Wherefore, I boldly say, my conscience reproves me not here nor hereafter.' This seems to allude to the circumstance that his design of returning to Ireland was opposed by his relatives, and that he was compelled to go ' without honour ' and ' without a name.' But the voice, which he regarded as a Divine oracle, having used the plural number, Patrick, for the reason stated, considered the vision as an appro bation of his design, and immediately devoted himself to the missionary life. The obscurities of the passage are mainly due to errors of tran scription in the manuscripts. We have already remarked that Patrick must The con- have written the Confession towards the close of written at his life, and after he had seen much fruit from hisevtf°seof his labours. The following passages from the 1 Writing. It is difficult to under- sum dicentem [sic] mihi, male audi- stand or translate this. The original vimus [Ware and Bolland. read vi- words are, ' Vidi in visu noctis scrip- dimus~\ faciem designati nudato no- turn erat contra faciem meam sine mine, &c. Book of Armagh, fol. 24, honore. Et inter haec audivi respon- a.a. Ware, p. n. 380 Success of his Mission. [chap.h. Armagh text of the work will enable the reader to judge for himself: — ' I am greatly a debtor to God, who hath vouchsafed me such great grace, that many people by my means should be born again to God : and that clergy should be ordained every where for them, for the people who had lately come to the faith ; for the Lord hath taken them from the ends of the earth, as He had promised of old by His prophets : ' The Gentiles shall come unto Thee from the ends of the earth, and shall say, Surely our fathers have inherited lies, vanity, and there is no profit in them.' [Jer. xvi. 19]. And again, 'I have given thee as a light to the Gentiles that thou mayest be for salvation, even unto the end of the earth.' [Is. xlix. 6.] And there I desire to wait for the promise of Him who never faileth : as He promiseth in the Gospel, ' They shall come from the East and from the West, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob ' [Matt. viii. 1 1] : as we believe that be lievers shall come from the whole world.' Again he says : — ' Whence comes it that in Hiberio, those who never had any knowledge of God, and up to the present time worshipped only idols and abominations [idula et inmunda) : how are they lately become the people of the Lord, and are called the sons of God ? The sons of Scots 1 and daughters of chieftains (regulorum) appear now as monks and virgins of Christ.' This passage2 is one of the most remarkable evidences of the antiquity of the Tract. It must have been written when the very name of 1 Scots. The Book of Armagh speaking of the whole nation. It reads Sanctorum, (fol. 24, b. a.) ; but may be added, that he speaks of the the context favours the reading Scot- ' filii Scottorum and filiae regulorum,' torum. ' Sanctorum ' is an evident as belonging to the nobility or higher mistake. This passage, it has been ranks of the people : and in fact the said, proves that all the inhabitants kings and chieftains were almost all of Ireland were not at that time of the Scotic or Milesian race. called Scots, (Lanigan, vol. i. p. 2 This passage. See Ware, p. 16. 235) because the author elsewhere Book of Armagh, fol 24, b.a. uses the term Hiberionaces, when chap. n.J Conclusion of the Confession. 381 Scots, and of reguli, or chieftains, was almost synonymous with pagans. It must have been written after Patrick had made many converts, and after the monastic life had been established by him in Ireland. But it is immediately fol lowed by a passage in which the author is made to say, ' Especially one blessed Scottish lady, una benedicta Scotta, of noble birth and of great beauty, who was adult, and whom I baptised.' We know not who the lady here alluded to was.1 She came, however, we are told, of her own accord to Patrick and his followers, saying that she had received a message from God, commanding her to remain a virgin of Christ, that she might be nearer to God. Others also had done the same, even at the cost of enduring persecution from their parents or relations. But nothing of all this is to be found in the Book of Armagh. Patrick concludes the Confession thus : — 'But I pray those who believe and fear God, whosoever may condescend to look into or receive this writing (scripturam) which Patrick the sinner, although unlearned, wrote in Hiberio, 1 Was. See Dr. Villanueva's note, has also been suggested. She was (20) p. 234. It is very probable at least a ' nobilis Scotta,' being that the mention of this noble lady the daughter of Eochaidh, prince in the Confessio is the foundation of the Oirghialla, who lived near of what we read in the Lives, about Clogher. But neither of these saints St. Cethuberis, Cechtumbria, Cecta- is mentioned in the Irish gene- maria, or Ethembria, (for she is vari- alogies. The name of Cinne occurs ously described by all these names), in the later calendars at Feb. i, but who, as Jocelin (c. 79), tells us, was the Martyrol. of Tallaght has ' Cinni ' the first of all the Irish virgins to sacerdotis,'insteadof Cinne 'virginis,' receive the veil from St. Patrick.' on that day. Colgan has collected Her name, in whatever form we take all that the Lives ofSt. Patrick say of it> is not Irish. S. Cinne or Kinnia her, at Feb. 1. Actt. SS. p. 234. 382 Tillemont' s Judgment. [chap. II. Tillemont' s judgment on the Confession, if I have done or established any little thing according to God's will, that no man ever say that my ignorance did it, but think ye and let it be verily believed that it was the gift of God.' ' Tillemont knew the Confessio only from the copy printed by the Bollandists : he was not aware of the shorter form of its text which is preserved in the Book of Armagh, and therefore could pass no judgment on the authenticity of what we have called the interpolated passages. But his judgment upon the work as he had it, in its more complete form, is just, and may be here quoted. ' It was written,' he says 2, ' to give glory to God for the great grace which the author had received, and to assure the people of his mission, whom he addressed, that it was indeed God Himself who had sent him to preach to them the Gospel ; to strengthen their faith, and to make known to all the world that the desire of preaching the Gospel, and of having a part in its promises, was the sole motive which had induced him to go to Ireland. He had long intended to write, but had always deferred 1 Gift of God. The text is so cor rupt that some licence has been taken in the attempt to translate it. The words are ' Sed precor credentibus et timentibus Deum, quicumque digna- tus fuerit inspicere vel recipere hanc scripturam quam Patricius peccator, indoctus scilicet, Hiberione conscrip- sit, ut nemo umquam dicat quod mea ignorantia, si aliquid pusillum egi vel demonstraverim secundum [Dei placitum], sed arbitramini et ve- rissime credatur quod donum Dei fuisset. Et hasc est Confessio mea antequam moriar.' Book of Armagh, fol,24b.a. The words within brackets are added by Ware, and occur also in the Bollandist copy. Opposite to the word ' secundum,' where there is a manifest defect, occurs the letter z in the margin of the B. of Armagh, which as we have already mentioned; marks always something which the scribe found to be difficult or obscure in the original. See p. 348, note. By ' mea ignorantia,' he means himself. It is the same sort of phrase as ' hu- militas mea,' ' pusillitas mea,' &c. 2 He says. Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. (S. Patrice), xvi. p. 463. (Art. vi.) chap, ii.] The Epistle on Coroticus. 383 doing so, fearing lest what he wrote should be ill received amongst men, because he had not learned to write well, and what he had learned of Latin was still further corrupted by intermixture with the Irish language.1 It must be admitted that the Latin of this Tract is very bad, insomuch that there are many places where it is difficult to make out the sense, even after every allowance for the mistakes of trans cribers. But on the whole this work is full of good sense, and even of intellect and fire, and, what is better, it is full of piety. The saint exhibits throughout the greatest humility, with out, however, lowering the dignity of his ministry. He had also a great desire of martyr dom, even though his body were destined to be eaten2 by birds and beasts. In a word, we see in the Tract much of the character of St. Paul. The author was undoubtedly well read in the Scriptures.' In the Epistle on the outrages of Coroticus, TheEpistie Patrick claims and exercises the highest spiritual ticus.°'° function of the episcopal office by cutting off an unworthy member from the communion of the Church. His first remonstrance with the robber chieftain was treated with contempt ; and the deputation of clergy who brought it to Coroticus 1 Irish language. This is the in- lata est in linguam alienam,' may terpretation which the Bollandists possibly bear that meaning. See have put upon the passage here re- above, p. 311. ferred to. St. Patrick says nothing 2 Eaten. The passage referred to ofthe Irish language, but the words occurs sect. 23, (Villanueva, p. 208) ; ' Nam sermo et lingua nostra trans- but it is not in the Book of Armagh. 384 The Epistle on Coroticus. [chap. n. was dismissed with ridicule and insult.1 Patrick therefore wrote ' with his own hand ' 2 the Epistle, which we still possess, to be given and sent to the soldiers of Coroticus : — ' Soldiers ' (he says), ' whom I no longer call my fellow citizens, or citizems of the Roman saints, but fellow citizens of the devils, in consequence of their evil deeds ; who live in death, after the hostile rite of the barbarians ; associates of the Scots and Apostate Picts ; desirous of glutting themselves with the blood of innocent Christians, multitudes of whom I have begotten in God and confirmed in Christ.' This remarkable passage must have been written whilst the alliance between the Picts and still pagan Scots of Argyleshire and Ireland was in existence : and it is remarkable that the Picts are spoken of as apostate, implying that they had been at least once nominally Christian.3 After enlarging on the enormity of the crimes of Coroticus, and denouncing in the language of Holy Scripture the judgments of God against him and his followers, the Epistle concludes thus : — ' Thus shall sinners and the ungodly perish from the face of the Lord ; but the righteous in great joy shall feast with Christ, and shall judge the heathen, and rule over ungodly kings for ever and ever. Amen. ' I testify before God and His holy angels, that it shall be so as my ignorance4 has said ; these are not my words, but the 1 Insult. See above, p. 352. This confirmation of the tradition that the ' first epistle,' as he expressly calls it, Picts were partially converted to no longer exists. Christianity by the labours of SS. 2 Onvn hand. ' Et manu mea Ninian and Palladius before the time scripsi atque condidi verba ista, &c.' of Patrick. Villanueva, p. 241. _ 1 Ignorance, or unskilfulness,'mea 3 Christian. This is an undesigned imperitia,' meaning, ' I myself This chap. n.J Tillemont' s Judgment. 385 words of God, of Apostles, of Prophets, who never lie, which I have translated into Latin : they who believe shall be saved, but whoso believeth not shall be damned. God hath spoken. I therefore earnestly request of everyone, whosoever as a willing servant of God may become the bearer of this Letter, that it be not withheld from any one, but rather that it be read before all the people1, and in the presence of Coroticus himself. May God inspire them to return to a better mind towards Him, that even though late, they may repent of their impious deeds. They have been murderers of the brethren of the Lord : but let them repent, and set free the baptised captive women whom they have heretofore carried off; so shall God count them worthy of life, and they shall be made whole here and for ever. Peace 2 to the Father, to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost. Amen.' ' Such,' says Tillemont3, ' is the account we TMemont's have of St. Patrick in the original pieces which bear his name, and to which we believe the most entire faith may be given. He speaks always in his Confession as in charge of the whole Church of Ireland ; he styles himself Bishop of Ireland4 in his Epistle about Coroticus. This may give some ground for supposing that he was then the only bishop there, and that if he established other bishops there, it was not until afterwards. In fact, he speaks in his Confession5 is an instance of the same manner of gular doxology : perhaps the author speaking which has been mentioned meant gloria ; or else we must take above, p. 382, n. '. it as a prayer that Coroticus on his 1 People. As this letter is expressly repentance may have the peace of said to have been originally written God. in Latin, we may infer that the peo- 3 Tillemont. Mem. Eccl. xvi. p. pie to whom it was to be read must 465. have understood Latin. The follow- 4 Of Ireland. Or rather, ' in Ire- ers of Coroticus were therefore Ro- land.' Hiberione constitutus epis- man citizens of the provinces of copus. Britannia, the colonists, or descen- 6 Confession. ' An quando ordi- uantsof the colonists, who had settled navit ubique Dominus clericos per there under the Roman rule. modicitatem meam, &c.' Sect. 22. ! fence. ' Pax Patri, et Filio, et Villanueva, p. 206. This passage is Spiritui Sancto.' This seems a sin- not in the B. of Armagh. C C 386 The Confession inconsistent with [chap. n. of the clerics whom he had ordained, but not of bishops. Nevertheless, he may have included bishops under the name of clerics : and indeed the existence of bishops who ruled under him would not hinder his being the principal bishop, and in some sense bishop of this whole Church.' In the Epistle against Coroticus, says the same author1, ' we see his tender love of his people : and his grief for the Christians who had been slain, whilst at the same time he rejoices that they shall reign with the Prophets, the Apostles, and the Martyrs.' The passage2 alluded to occurs in immediate continuation of a para graph already quoted : — ' Thanks be to God, O ye believers and baptised, ye have gone from this world to paradise. I behold you — you have begun to migrate to where there shall be no night, nor sorrow, nor death any more : but ye shall exult like calves let loose3, and ye shall trample on the ungodly, and they shall be as ashes under your feet. Therefore shall ye reign with apostles and prophets and martyrs ; and ye shall receive everlasting king doms, as He testifieth saying, They shall come from the east and from the west, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven. Without are dogs, and sorcerers, and murderers, and liars, and perjurers, their portion is in the lake of eternal fire.' The con- ^- We have already more than once spoken of condkbie6 the silence ofthe Confession on the two subjects mission6 of St. Patrick's mission from Rome, and his fromRome. ecciesiasticai education in the schools of St. Germain and St. Martin on the Continent of 1 Author. Ibid. p. 463. s Let loose. ' Exultabitis sicut vi- 2 Passage. Villanueva, sect. 9, tuli resoluti.' Ware reads ' Sicut vi- p. 245. See above, p. 359. tuli ex vinculis resoluti.' Opusc p.29. chap, ii.] the Roman Mission of Patrick. 387 Europe. It is impossible to believe that a writer, whose object it was to defend himself against those who questioned his qualifications and authority, could have failed to have urged these Unanswerable arguments, if he had indeed re ceived any such education, or was the bearer of any such commission from the chief Bishop of the Latin Church. And this argument is valid even though the Confession be rejected as a forgery. For the author of the forgery, writing in the name of Patricius, evidently wrote without any design to prop up the Roman mission or the continental education of St. Patrick. Assuming, however, the genuineness of the Confession, its testimony is undoubtedly incon sistent with the commission from Celestine ; and this of itself may sufficiently account for the circumstance that there now remain to us only a few scattered copies1 of it, notwithstanding that its authenticity was admitted by the bio graphers of St. Patrick, who have quoted it as his, and, as we have already remarked, made it the basis of their histories of him. When the story of his mission from Rome became an essential part of his history, this authentic account of his life, which did not countenance that, story, and which contained no extravagant miracles, fell at once into oblivion or disrepute ; the Lives, full of wondrous tales and exciting legends, cast it into the shade, Scattered copies. This circum- against the Confession, by Mr. Her- stance has been urged as an argument bert, Brit. Mag. xxiv. p. 608. C C 2 388 Theology ofthe Confession. [chap. h. although it was universally received as the genu ine composition of St. Patrick, and a copy of it, believed to be his autograph, preserved at Armagh to the beginning of the ninth century. It should be borne in mind also, that this Treatise and the Epistle on Coroticus are not merely silent on the subjects alluded to, but give an opposite testimony. The author speaks of himself in express terms in both these tracts as rude and unlearned ; he rests the authority of his Mission altogether on dreams and visions : in fact, on an immediate revelation which he believed himself to have received, and which conveyed to him a direct commission, similar to that of the Apostles, from the Almighty Himself. theCcone°f ^ remains now to say a few words on the fession. doctrine put forth in the Confession. For this it will suffice to quote a sort of creed or statement of the Author's faith which we find near the be ginning of the Tract. It is not expressed in the technical language of a formal creed or symbol. He aimed evidently at employing as much as possible the language of Holy Scripture : for the Confessio was addressed to his converts, whom he had instructed in the letter of the Scriptures, and upon whose ears the words of Holy Writ fell with an authority from which there was no appeal. Tile c"ed This Creed, as we may call it for convenience' of St. Pa- _ _ # * trick. sake, is contained in the following passage, which occurs in continuation of the paragraph already chap, ii.] St. Patrick's Creed. 389 quoted, where we have the account of his capture at Bonavem Tabernias.1 ' Wherefore I am not able, nor would it be right to be silent on such great benefits and such great grace which [God] hath vouchsafed unto me in the land of my captivity : for this is our recompense2 [to Him] that after we have been corrected and brought to know God, we should exalt and confess His wondrous works before every nation which is under the whole heaven : that there is none other God, nor ever was, nor shall be hereafter, except God the Father unbegotten, without beginning, from whom is all beginning, upholding all things (as we have said) ; and His Son Jesus Christ, whom we acknowledge to have been always with the Father, before the beginning of the world, spiritually with the Father, in an ineffable manner begotten, before all beginning ; and by Him were made things visible and invisible ; and being made man, and, having overcome death, He was re ceived into heaven unto the Father. And [the Father] hath given unto Him all power, above every name, of things in heaven and things in earth and things under the earth, that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord and God. Whom we believe, and we look for His coming, who is soon about to be the Judge of quick and dead, who will render unto every man according to his works, and hath poured into us abundantly the gift of the Holy Ghost, and the pledge of immortality (pignus immortalitatis), who maketh the faithful and obedient to become the sons of God the Father, and joint heirs with Christ3, Whom we confess and worship (quem confitemur et adoramus) one God in the Trinity of the sacred Name. For He Himself hath said by the Prophet4, Call upon Me in the day of thy tribulation and I will deliver thee, and thou shalt magnify Me. And again He saith5, It is, honourable to reveal and to confess the works of God.' 1 Tabernia. See above, p. 362. His benefits. Olden's Translation, Book of Armagh, fol. 22, a. b. p. 44. 2 Recompense. ' Hsc est retributio 3 With Christ. 'Coheredes Christie nostra,' i.e. the only recompense we Omitted in the Bollandist copy. can render to Him: the only way in 4 Prophet. Jer. xxix. 13. which we can make any return for 5 He saith. Tobit, xii. 7. 3go ¦ Antiquity of this Creed. [chap. h. its ami- This confession of faith is certainly not Homo- ousian1 ; neither can we absolutely conclude that its author had seen the Creed of Nicaea. It omits so much which might have been expected from a theologian of the fifth century, that it is scarcely fair perhaps to regard it as a creed. It makes no mention of the resurrection of the body, nor of our Lord's descent into hell. It does not even mention our Lord's burial, which is supposed to include and contain the article of the descent into hell in those antient creeds where that article is wanting. It seems evidently to have been written before the Mace donian controversy. There is no allusion to Pelagianism or to any of the great heresies of the day. It contains, however, as far as it goes, a statement of St. Patrick's doctrine. He attributes the creation of all things to the Son. He teaches his disciples that the second Person of the Trinity poureth into us abundantly the Gift of the Holy Ghost, ' the pledge of immortality.'2 It is the Holy Ghost who maketh us sons of God the Father and joint heirs3 with Christ : it is the Holy Ghost whom we worship with the Father and the Son, One God, in the Trinity of the sacred Name, or 1 Homoousian. After the words batensi desiderari contextus indicat,' * visible and invisible,' the Bollandist p. 534, note d. But if such liberties editor inserts ' qui Filium Sibi con- are taken with the sources of history, substantialem genuit,' but for this he no sound conclusions can be de- admits that he had no authority from duced. the MS. he professes to follow. He 2 Immortality. Alluding no doubt merely observes that these or similar to Eph. i. 14. Comp. 2 Cor. i. 22. words are required by the context : v. 5. 'Haec aut similia verba in MS. Atre- 3 Joint heirs. Rom. viii. 17. chap, h.] Date of the Author. 391 perhaps the meaning may be, under the sacred Name of Trinity. x There is but little in the two Tracts we have Date of st. been considering to lead us to any decisive con- Mission.s elusion as to the date of the author, or the precise year when he commenced his missionary labours amongst the Irish. The Epistle about Coroticus must have been As inferred written whilst the Franks were still pagan, and Epistieabout therefore before the adoption of a nominal Chris tianity by Clovis and his subjects in 496. St. Patrick reasons with Coroticus that it was the custom of Roman and Gallican Christians to raise large sums of money for the redemption of baptised captives from the Franks and other Pagans ; whereas, he says, Coroticus, although professing Christianity, slew or sold to heathen nations his Christian captives ; handing over the members of Christ to the abominations of the heathen. 2 When this was written, Patrick had been many years a bishop in Ireland. The messenger sent by him to Coroticus to demand the restoration of the captives was a venerable priest, whom he had himself, as he tells us, instructed from infancy, 'quem ego ex infantia docui.' He says also that he had begotten in God and confirmed in Christ 1 Trinity. The synod of Alexan- sanctos idoneos ad Francos, et caeteras aria, a.d. 317, is said to have first gentes cum tot mil. solidorum ad re used the term Trinity, in its strict dimendos captivos baptizatos. Tu theological signification. See Suicer, toties interficis, et vendis illos genti Thesattr. in voce Tpiag. exterae ignoranti Deum, quasi in lu- 2 The heathen. The words are panar tradis membra Christi.' Ware, 1 Consuetudo Romanorum et Gallo- p. 28. mm Christianorum, mittunt viros 3g2 Probable Date of [chap. h. innumerable Christians in Ireland. The letter was therefore written near the close of his minis try. If he had brought up from infancy one who was then a priest and fit to be put at the head of a delicate mission, we cannot assign less than 30 &r 40 years to his previous episcopal labours in Ireland. Therefore, taking some year be tween 480 and 490 as the approximate date of the Epistle, we may assume a.d. 440 to 450, or at latest 460, as the limits within which must be found the year of the consecration of St. Patrick and ofhis arrival as a missionary in Ireland.1 As deduced The Confession, as we have it in the Book of from the . , . . . confession. Armagh, contains nothing to aid us in this enquiry. But one of the passages, found in the other copies, informs us, that a fault, which he had committed at the age of 15, was brought forward, and objected to him by his friends, 30 years afterwards, with a view to prevent his being consecrated a bishop, and to obstruct his design of devoting himself to the Irish mission. If this be true, he must have been 45 years of age at his consecration; and a.d. 3g5 to 415 will be the limits of the date of his birth.2 In another passage, which is also one of those omitted in the Armagh copy, he is made to say that he began his ministry among the Irish whilst as yet a young man.3 This, if we can credit Probus4, 1 In Ireland. This is the reason- above. ing of Tillemont. Mem. Eccl. S. Pa- s Young man. ' Vos scitis et trice, note, iii. p. 783. Deus qualiter apud vos conveTsatus 2 Birth ; i.e. assuming 440 to 460, sum ajuventutemea.' Ware,j>. 18. as the extremes within which we must ''¦Probus. Lib. i. c. 19. Tr.Th. place the date ofhis consecration, as p. 52. See above, p. 326. man Mis sion. chap. n.J Patrick's arrival in Ireland. 3g3 was whilst he was still only a priest, and conse quently before he was forty-five years old. The Irish annals, with singular unanimity, The dates , , - . . . , given in the give a.d. 433 as the date or his consecration and irishAnnais arrival as a bishop in Ireland. But this date is on\heURoe- in fact the story of his being commissioned by Pope Celestine, and with that story must fall to the ground. The year 433 is the year of the death of Pope Celestine ; the latest year in which a com mission from Celestine could have been received by St. Patrick. He was then, we are told, sixty years of age ; he laboured in Ireland sixty years more, and died, ' after the similitude of Moses,' at the age of 120. He was therefore born a.d. 372 and died a.d. 492, or 493. These are the dates adopted by Archbishop Ussher. But the very mention of the similitude to Moses1, and the division of Patrick's life into four equal periods of thirty2 years, are enough to render these dates very suspicious. The annals, whose authority was paramount with Ussher, all take for granted the Roman mis sion of St. Patrick, and are therefore compelled to make a.d. 432 the date of his consecration. 1 Moses. Nennius, c. 60, (Havniae, 446). See also Reeves, Adamnan, 1758, p. ior). Ussher, Primord., p. p. 6, note™. The four periods of 887. (Works, vi. 450). Patrick's life are thirty years in 2 Thirty. The periods of sixty servitude in Ireland and study on and thirty pervade Irish Hagiogra- the continent ; thirty in his journey- phy. We have seen above, p. 200, ings and studies in the islands of the that Patrick being then thirty years Tyrrhene sea ; thirty in missionary of age, met St. Kieran at Rome, and labours in Ireland; and thirty in predicted that they should meet again, monastic retirement. Ussher ib. p. after thirty years, in Ireland. He 449. The story that he lived to predicted also that St. Brigid should the age of 120 is as old as the collec- survive him thirty years. Ussher, tions in the Book of Armagh. Primord., p. 883. (Works, vi. p. 394 Traces of an older Chronology [chap, h. Traces of Jjut there are traces, in other extant records, of an older _ .... chronology a different chronology and of an earlier tradition. The Irish version of Nennius1 says expressly in the Irish that when Palladius was sent to Ireland, Patrick version of „ . . . . Nennius; was a captive with Milmc or Milchu in Dal aradia. If this, be true, since he was two or three and twenty when he escaped from captivity, and assuming that his escape could not have been later than the mission of Palladius, Patrick, must have been born not later than 410. This coin cides with the period already determined by a comparison of the Epistle and the Confession; but is entirely at variance with the received chronology of his Life. inthesyn- The curious Tract2 in the Irish language, chronisms ° ° ofthe quoted by Ussher and O Flaherty, ' On the Syn chronisms of the Kings and provincial Kings of Ireland and Scotland,' tells us that the battle of Ocha, in which King Oilioll Molt was slain, hap pened exactly forty-three years3 after the coming of Patrick to Ireland, meaning of course his coming as a missionary. This would make Patrick's arrival about eight years after the death of Celestine, and is consequently inconsistent with the story of the Roman mission. For the battle of Ocha, according to the Annals of Ulster, was 1 Nennius. Irish Nennius, p. 107. are, ' iii. bliadhan ar .xl. 6 thanic Pa- 2 Tract. Book of Lecan, fol. 23, traic i nErinn co cath Ocha hi tor- a, a. Ussher says of this work, ' Qui cair Ailioll Molt.' O'Flaherty says lingua Hibernica turn monarcharum that the writer is in error, and that et provincialium Hiberniae principum we ought to read fifty-one yeare. turn Albania? regum synchronismos But this is only saying that we must delineavit, non novitius author, &c.' adhere to the story of Patrick's mis- Works, vi. 145. O'Flaherty, Ogyg., sion from Pope Celestine. Ocha was p. 427- a place in the Co. of Meath, near 3 Forty-three years. The words Tara hill. chap, n.] of St. Patrick' s Life. 3g5 fought a.d. 483 or 483, and therefore counting 43 years back, a.d. 439 or 440 would be the date of Patrick's coming. It is remarkable that this is the same date which we have deduced independently from the Epistle on Coroticus. Again, in the Annotations of Tirechan1 pre- inTirecha served in the Book of Armagh, we have the following chronological note : — 'From the Passion of Christ to the death of Patrick are in all 436 years. But Loiguire reigned two or five years after the death of Patrick. And the total duration of his reign was, as we think, 36 years.' Here the death of Patrick is dated 436 from the Passion, or 469 from the Nativity of Christ. And it is said that Loiguire, or Laoghaire, reigned either two or five years after Patrick's death, that is to a.d. 471 or 474. If, therefore, Laoghaire reigned 36 years, as Tirechan says he believed, he must have begun to reign, according to Tirechan, a.d. 435 or 438, both which dates are inconsis tent with the Roman mission ; especially if it be true that Patrick arrived in Ireland in the fourth year of King Laoghaire. On that hypothesis the date of his coming will be 439 or 443, a result curiously in accordance with the foregoing con clusions derived from very different data. 1 Tirechan. B. of Armagh, fol, whether the numeral letters were ii. 9. a.b. 'A passione autem Christi or u. But the date which he assigns colleguntur anni xcccxxxui. usque to the death of Patrick is inconsistent ad mortem Patricii. Duobus autem with the history of Patrick the apos- vel u. annis regnavit Loiguire post tie : and approaches more nearly to mortem Patricii. Omnis autem regni the date at which the death of Sen- Jlius tempus .xxxui. ut putamus.' Patrick is recorded in the annals. This passage is a curious undesigned This, however, does not affect the proof that Tirechan copiedfrom early calculation of the beginning of King documents in which it was uncertain Laoghaire's reign. 39<5 Antient opinions on the [chap. n. in the poem ofGilla- Caemhain : in the ' Chrono logy of the Kings.' The valuable Chronological Poem, by Gilla- Caemhain1, an Irish bard and historian of the eleventh century, supplies abundant evidence of the existence of a chronology inconsistent with the mission from Celestine ; but to exa mine or state this evidence would occupy too much space here. It must suffice to mention that this writer counts 162 years from the advent of St. Patrick to the death of Pope Gregory2 the Great. Gregory the Great, as- is well known, died March 12, 604; therefore the advent of Patrick, according to Gilla- Caemhain, must be dated 4.42. Once more, there is a very curious tract pre served in the Book of Lecan3, entitled ' On the Kingdom of Ireland and the Chronology of its Kings from the reign of Laoghaire son of Niall 1 Gilla Caemhain. The work here alluded to has been published by Dr. O'Conor, in the original Irish, with a Latin version. Rer. Hib. Scriptt. i. Proleg. ii. p. xxxi. sq. The author died 1074. Gilla or Gildas, which signifies servant, was often prefixed, as in this case, to the names of saints, to form a Christian name. See 0'Donovan,Topogr.Poems, Introd. p. 55. 2 Pope Gregory. The particular numbers are, from the advent to the death of Patrick 58 ; from that event to the death of Brigid 30 ; from that to the death of King Tuathal Maol- garbh 21 ; to the death of King Diarmait Mac Carroll 20 ; and to the death of Pope Gregory 3 3 ; in all 162. Dr. O'Conor in his notes la bours hard to correct the numbers given in the text of this poem, in order to reconcile its Chronology with the story of the mission from Pope Celestine. But he forgot that although the numbers are almost al ways written in the MSS. of the poem in numeral letters, they must have been read in words, and these words must be consistent with the metre and prosody of the lines in which they occur. Dr. O'Conor's corrections will not always stand this test ; and the conclusion is inevitable, even after making due allowance for errors of transcription, that the chronology of Gilla-Caemhain, be it right or wrong, does not square with the Roman mission. 3 Book of Lecan. Fol. 306, a. 'Do flathis Ereand, ocus dia naimsearaib narig,6 flaithius Loegaire mec Neill, co haimsir Ruaidri mec Thairrdeal- baig hi Conchobuir.' This is an enlarged copy of the older form of the same Tract in the Book of Leinster, mentioned p. 183, from which the annals of ecclesiastical events, printed p. 184 sq., were extracted. chap, ii.] Date of Patrick's arrival. 3gy to the time of Roderick son of Torlough O'Conor.' This tract tells us that Laoghaire reigned thirty years, and his successor Oilioll Molt, twenty. But this latter chieftain, as we have seen, was killed at the battle of Ocha in 482, or 483; therefore 432 or 433 must have been the first year of King Laoghaire Mac Neill, according to this authority. And if Patrick arrived in Ireland in the fourth year of Laog haire, the date of his coming will be 436 or 437, four or five years after the death of Pope Celestine. To meet this difficulty O'Flaherty asserts that o'Fiaher- Laoghaire reigned in reality thirty-five years, nation. counted as thirty only in the series of Christian kings, because during the first five years of his reign he was a pagan. Therefore, the fourth year of his reign was 432, the year in which Patrick received Pope Celestine's commission. The authority upon which O'Flaherty relies for this statement is the following passage, with which the tract just referred to begins. We shall give ( it in the original mixture of Irish and Latin, "with a literal translation : — 1 ' Ro goh tra Laegairi mac Now Laegairi, son of Niall Neill noigiallaigh rigi tricha of the nine hostages, held the annis. kingdom thirty years. Regnum Hiberniae post ad- He retained the kingdom of ventum Patricii tenuit. Ireland after the coming of Patrick. i, Ardmacha fundata est. Armagh was founded. ff Secundinus (i. Sechnall) et Secundinus (i.e. Sechnall) senex Patricius in pace dormi- and Old Patrick slept in erunt.' peace. 3g8 The older Chronology ignores [chap. h. Dates of King Here it will be observed that the length of King uoghaire-s Laoghaire's reign is first stated in Irish to have been thirty years ; and then in Latin he is said to have reigned after the coming of Patrick, but the number of years is not given. This suggests a suspicion that the figures marking this latter number may have been suppressed, and that this antient document has been tampered with. O'Flaherty1 quotes it most unfairly ; he says : — ' Thirty years are usually assigned to him [i.e. to Laoghaire], but those thirty years are to be counted from the time when he embraced Christianity, as in the Book of Lecan is thus ex plained in Latin : Triginta annis regnum Hibernia post adven- tum Patricii tenuit.' But these words are not to be found in Latin in the Book of Lecan ; the Book of Lecan does not say that Laoghaire reigned thirty years after the coming of Patrick ; but only that Laoghaire * reigned after the coming of Patrick.' The thirty years are mentioned in the Irish, not in the Latin words of this document, and were certainly meant to include the whole duration2 1 O'Flaherty. His words are, p. 184, supra) seems to support Ogyg. p. 429, ' Huic triginta annos O'Flaherty's view. It states appa- plerique tribuunt ; illi vero triginta rently that Laoghaire reigned thirty accipiendi sunt, ex quo Jesu Christi years after the coming of Patrick. familias nomen dedit, ut in codice But the meaning is nevertheless, that Lecano ita Latine explicatur, Tri- thirty years were the entire duration ginta annis, &c.' of his reign, and that he continued to 2 Whole duration. It is curious reign after the advent of Patrick, the that Dr. Petrie, although he quotes number of years being omitted. This both the Irish and Latin words of the would place the advent of Patrick in Book of Lecan, omits inadvertently the first year of King Laoghaire : and the two words ' Regnum Hiberniae,' such is the testimony of the annals in the Latin part of the quotation, of Ulster, in which the death of and thus continues the confusion. On Laoghaire is dated 462,orthirtyyears Tara Hill, p. 87. The copy of this after432,thedeath of Pope Celestine. Tract in the Book of Leinster, (see chap, n ] the Papal Mission. 3gg of Laoghaire's reign, not merely the portion of it which followed his supposed conversion to Christianity. But enough has been said to establish the fact The older . , Chronology that a Chronology existed before the period of inconasten the Irish Annalists x which was entirely incon- Roman sistent with the story of a mission from Pope Celestine, and which placed the arrival of St. Patrick from eight to ten years after the death of that Pontiff. This older Chronology is confirmed by the evidence of the Confession andof the Epistle about Coroticus ; evidence the more important because it was undesigned, being derived, not from any express statement of a date, but from a comparison of passages written evidently with out the most remote intention of fixing the year or century in which the author flourished. We may now proceed to consider the particu lars recorded of St. Patrick's missionary labours in Ireland, and his success in converting to Chris tianity the rude and barbarous tribes whom he found in the country. K 1 Irish Annalists. Tighernach, the earliest of them, died in 1088. 400 CHAPTER III. The Missionary Labours of St. Patrick in Ireland. His interview with King Laoghaire. His Irish Hymn. His Adventures in Connaught. Fes tival of his Baptism. Story of King Laoghaire 's Daughters. Foundation of Armagh. His sup posed Revision of the Pagan Laws. His Canons. His Death. Legendsinserted into the Acts of St. Patrick with a special purpose. T would be inconsistent with the pur pose of these pages to record minutely all the adventures and acts attributed to St. Patrick by his biographers. Many of those adventures were evidently invented to pay a compliment to certain tribes or clans by ascribing the conversion of their ancestors to the preaching of St. Patrick. Others were intended to claim for certain churches or monasteries the honour of having been by him founded : and others, again, were framed with the object of supporting the pretensions of the see of Armagh to the possession of lands or jurisdiction in various parts of Ireland. Such stories, however, although we cannot regard them as history, frequently possess an interest of another kind. They are precious records of antient topography ; they illustrate^ the manners and customs of the times when chap. m.J Obscurity of St. Patrick's Acts. 401 they were invented, and often preserve curious information as to the origin of Church property or jurisdiction, and the laws regulating the tenure of land. We have already pointed out some of the diffi culties with which the attempt to make Patrick a regularly educated missionary from Rome has encumbered the chronology of his life. Those difficulties have been greatly increased by the introduction of the legends to which we have alluded ; and it is now, perhaps, impossible to separate completely the true from the fictitious in his history. Muirchu Maccumachtheni, one of the earliest The com plaint of Maccu machtheni. authors whose collection of the Acts of St. Patrick Maccu- has come down to us, admits in strong and some what inflated language the hopeless obscurity ofthe materials he undertook to arrange. His Preface or Dedication is addressed to Aedh, or Aidus, anchorite and bishop of Sletty in the 7th century, at whose suggestion, as he tells us, he compiled the work.1 This Preface, written in a 1 The 9- (.Tr. Th., p. 4, b.) These is not impossible that in the age of stories, however, all show that the Tirechan, the group of islands, now biographers considered it necessary the Skerries, may have been called for the honor of the saint, that he from them. A romantic tale is ex- should not be represented as a mere tant, being an account of their runavjay slave. voyage into the Atlantic Ocean. 1 Maccuchor. In the MS. Mac- Professor O'Curry has given an ab- cuchor, more correctly Maccu Chor, stract of it in his Lectures, p. 289, ' the islands of the sons or descen- sq. A place in Munster, called dants of Corr.' The Ui-Chorra, Aill mic Cuirr, « Cliff of the Son sons of Conall Dearg Ua Chorra, of Corr,' is mentioned as one of the were three noted adventurers, who seats of the King of Cashel. Book flourished about the middle of the of Rights, p. 89, 91. 1 chap, hi.] Inis Patrick. 405 have provided himself with so large a staff of attendants. The statement, however, is worth noting from the mention of the Gauls1 who accompanied him ; which tends to confirm the opinion, already expressed2, that Patrick had his mission from the Gallican Church. The islands3 forming the Skerries' group are Landed at low and sandy, easily accessible to light boats or trick. small ships : and offering convenient landing- places. In Patrick's time they were probably uninhabited; and may have been the islands which Tirechan calls 'insulaeMaccuChor.' Inis Patrick, in its very name, still affords evidence favourable to the tradition that it was visited by St. Patrick. It is possible that he may have sought a tem porary refuge there, as offering a harbour safer than the coast, if only from the very fact that it was uninhabited. His object probably was to ob tain provisions, of which all the legends represent His want of L- i 1 • -ttt 1 1 provisions. mm to nave been in want. We have seen that on his arrival at Inbher Dea, the mouth of the river Vartry, he begged fish4, and was refused ; whereupon the river was smitten ' with the bolt of his malediction :'5 as the author of the Tri- 1 Gauls. ' Venit vero Patricius the other Lives in Colgan's collec- cumGallis ad insolas Mac cuchor et tion mention only Inis Patrick. insola orientali (sic) quae dicitur i Fish. See above, p. 342. insola Patricii.' Book of Armagh, 5 Malediction. 'Jaculo maledic- fol. 9, a.b. Muirchu had called this tionis flumen illud feriit.' Vit. Irip., island 'anterior insola,' with the same i. 41 (p. 123). The Irish text tells meaning. See Reeves, Adamnan. this story of Inbher Domnann, which Glossary, in v. ' Anterior.' is now Malahide. See Reeves' Ad- 2 Expressed. See p. 335, supra. amnan, p. 31, note d: Colgan, Actt. 3 Islands. The Second and Third SS. p. 304, note 17. Lives say nothing of these islands : 406 His arrival in Ulidia. [chap. III. Curses the Nanny Water. Sails to Dal aradia. partite life expresses it. At Inis Patrick, the same authority tells us, he was in great distress1 for food, and sent a party to Inbher n-Ainge (the mouth of the Nanny water), to seek fish, but without success, That river also was punished with the curse of unproductiveness. Let us hope that these examples of vengeance, so com mon in his story, represent only the mind of the ecclesiastics of a later age, and that his biographers knew not what spirit he was of. The antient Life in the Book of Armagh goes on to say that Patrick sailed from the island, leaving on his left Bregia and the territory of the Conalnei2, or descendants of Conall Cearnach ; passing by Ulidia3, the present County of Down, until he arrived at a strait called Brene, and landed at the mouth of a river Slain4, at the 1 Distress. ' Ubi cum fame nimi- um laborabat, et nulla adesset via, qua refici posset, misit aliquos ex sociis ad ostias fluminis de Inbher Ainge, pro piscibus ibi quserendis,' &c. Vit. Trip. i. 44 (p. 124). The river Nanny, as it is now called, flows through the midst of the antient territory of Cianachta-Bregh, and forms the boundary between the Baronies of Upper and Lower Du- leck, Co. of Meath. The mouth of the Nanny is distant about nine statute miles from St. Patrick's island. 2 Conalnei. Seep. 361, note. This district was inhabited by the tribe of Conaille Muirtheimhne, a branch of the Clanna Rudhraighe (Clann- Rury), descended from Conall Cear nach, who was 6th in descent from Rudhraighe, or Rury, King of Ire land, and is fabled to have witnessed our Lord's Crucifixion at Jerusalem. See above, p. 1 98, »., and O'Flaherty, Ogyg. pp. 278, 283. for an account of the district inhabited by his de scendants, see Dr. O'Donovan's valuable notes, Book of Rights, pp. 21, 166. — Bregia, (by Irish writers usually called Magh Bregh, or the Plain of Bregh,) is a district in cluding the counties of Meath, West- meath, and thenorthern half of Dub lin, with part of Louth. Ibid.,y.u,n. 3 Ulidia. See Reeves, Eccl. Antiq. of Dovjn and Connor, p. 352. 4 Slain. ' Ad extremum fretum quod est Brene se inmissit, et discen- derunt in terram ad hostium Slain ille et qui cum eo erant in navi,' &c. Book of Armagh, fol. 2. b. b. The ' Fretum Brene ' is the ' Bali- bren ' of the Taxation of 1306, now Ballintogher, ' Town of the Cause way.' Reeves' Down and Connor, p. 40. The Slain is a small river, now called Slany, between the townlands of Ringbane and Ballintogher, about two miles from Sabhal or Saul. See chap, in.] Conversion of Dichu. 407 S.W. extremity of Strangford Lough ; here he hid his boat, and proceeded with his companions to explore the country. They had not gone far when they met a swine- conversion , y_ . ° . . . J . . of Dichu. herd. Supposing them to be pirates or robbers, the swineherd ran away and called his master, whose name was Dichu. Dichu was a chieftain of high birth, one of the family of the Dal- Fiatach, descended in a direct line from Fiatach Finn1, who was King of Ireland a.d. 116. Hearing that pirates had landed on his territories he came out sword in hand to oppose the in vaders ; but struck with the venerable appearance of St. Patrick, he received him with kindness, took him to his house, listened to his preaching, and finally became a believer in Christ — ' the first2 of the Scots,' say more than one of the Lives, who confessed the faith under Patrick's ministry. Patrick remained for a few days only with his Patrick .. ..... -... . visits his old new convert, being still desirous of visiting the master scene of his captivity and attempting the con version of his former master Milchu. Leaving his boat with Dichu he set out with his com panions on foot to the territories of the Cruitheni or Picts3 of Dalaradia, and reached Sliabh Mis, a valuable paper (privately printed) * Fiatach Finn. See O'Flaherty, by Mr. J. W. Hanna of Down- Ogyg., pp. 142 — 301. Patrick, entitled, ' An Inquiry into 2 First. See above, p. 344. the true landing-place of St. Patrick 3 Picts. They were the descen- in Ulster.' And compare what is dants of Conall Ceamach, of whom said of the fountain Slan, in Fiacc's we have already spoken. His first Hymn, Tr. Th., p. 2, and page 5, wife Lonnchad was the daughter of note 19. Eochaidh Echbeoil of the Picts of Milchu. 40 8 Death of Milchu. [chap. in. now called Slemish, a basaltic hill of remarkable shape, at the extremity of that district, the scene of his supposed visions and angelic apparitions during his captivity. Here he stood to view the woods where he had so long tended the herds of Milchu, but was astonished at beholding the house of his old master in flames. The legend states that Milchu, instigated by the devil, had set fire to his house and all his substance, casting himself also voluntarily into the fire, lest he should be compelled to submit to the authority and jurisdiction ofhis former slave.1 Hede- As a punishment for this singular mode of "a°mu"ofhe shewing his obstinate infidelity, the family of Mikhu. Milchu were denounced by St. Patrick. He predicted that none of the sons of Milchu should sit as a king on the throne of his kingdom, and that his seed should be slaves for ever.2 The faith Patrick .then retraced his steps to Magh-inis, Leraie."1 the antient name of the district, now the barony of Lecale3, where Dichu resided. There he Scotland. By her he had Irial generatione in generationem, insuper Glunmor, King of Ulster, whose et semen ejus serviet in sempiter- descendants were therefore called num.' Ib., fol. 3, a.b. Notwith- Pictsor Cruitheni, until they received standing this prediction, we read of the new name of Dal-Aradians, Milchu's son Guasacht, who was a from his descendant Fiacha Araidhe, bishop in the church of Granard King of Ulster, a.d. 240. SeeReeves, (Mart, of Donegal, Z4 Jan), and Down and Connor, p. 334, seq. two' of his daughters, both named 1 Slave. ' Ne servo subjectus fie- Eimer or Emeria, who were in the ret, et ille sibi dominaret, instinctu neighbouring nunnery of Clon- diabuli sponte se igni tradidit, et in Bronaigh. Vit. Trip., i. c. 20, ii. c. domu in qua prius habitaverat, rex, 30. 136. congregato ad se omni instrumento 3 Lecale. Magh-inis signifies the substantia? suae incensus est.' — Book island-plain, the district being very of Armagh, fol. 3, a.a. nearly surrounded by the sea. Le- 2 For ever. ' Nemo de filiis ejus cale, properly Leth-Cathail, signifies sedebit rex super sedem regni ejus a the portion or district of Cathal, a chap, in.] Foundation of Sabhal Patraic. 409 remained for some time — diebus multis — going about in the neighbourhood preaching and teach ing; and there ' the faith began to spread.'1 We are told in the later Lives that Dichu Foundation granted to St. Patrick on this occasion a certain orSaV* tract of land for the foundation of a church, together with a barn or granary, which having been converted into a place of worship, was afterwards known by the name of Sabhal Patraic, 'Patrick's granary,' and became in after times a celebrated monastery. The place still retains the name of Sabhal, or Saul2, and is situated about two miles N.E. from Downpatrick. This story, whi.ch does not occur in the antient Life, is evidently one of those interpola tions, of which we shall have frequent occasion to speak, foisted into the Acts of St. Patrick in later times, for the purpose of doing honour to a monastic establishment.3 But the account given Chieftain who flourished about the value of the presents. It asserts a.d. 700. See Reeves, Down and only that he received nothing from r, p. 201, sq. his converts in return for baptism or 1 Spread. ' Rursum pervenit in holy orders : — ' Forte autem,' he campum Inis ad Dichoin, ibique says, stating it as an objection made mansit diebus multis, et circumiit against him, ' quando baptizavi tot totum campum, et elegit, et amavit, milia hominum, speraverim ab ali- et ccepit fides crescere ibi.' Book of quo illorum vel dimidium scrip- Armagh, ibid. tulse ? Dicite mihi et reddam vobis. 2 Saul. The word Sabhal, pro- Aut quando ordinavit Dominus nounced nearly as its modern name clericos per modicitatem meam et Saul, signifies a barn, and is Latinized ministerium, gratis distribui illis. Si 'Horreum Patricii.' See Reeves' poposci ab aliquo illorum .vel pre- Dinvn and Connor, p. 220, sq. tium calceamenti mei, dicite ; dicite 3 Establishment. Dr. Lanigan (i. adversus me, et reddam vobis.' Ware, p. 215) quotes a passage from the Opusc. p. 19. This is a verydiffer- Confession, in which he says, St. ent thing from making ' a rule ' not Patrick tells us that ' he made it a to accept grants of land for the es- nile not to accept of presents, at least tablishment of Christianity, and the of any considerable value.' But the erection of churches. passage referred to says nothing of 4io The Transverse Church. [char, m, of the donation is worthy of notice. The author of the third Life1 thus describes it : having said that Patrick preached the Word of God to Dichu, he adds : — ' Then Dichu believed in him, the first before all others who did so, and gave him the land on which they were standing. And Dichu asked St. Patrick that the length of the Church should not be turned from west to east, but from north to south, and this request St. Patrick granted. Then Patrick erected in that place the transverse Church, which is called even to the present day Sabhul Patrick.' Orientationof Churches in Ireland. The DruidicalProphecyof St. Patrick. This is evidence that the usual position of churches in Ireland, when this story was re ceived, must have been east and west — a fact which is curiously confirmed by the celebrated prophecy2 of St. Patrick's coming, attributed to the Druids of Ireland. This prophecy, in a very antient dialect of the Irish language, is preserved by the Scholiast on Fiacc's Hymn. It is so characteristic in many 1 Third Life. Cap. 31. The same story is repeated by Joceline, c. 32. The Tripartite Life (i. 47) mentions the donation of land, but says nothing of the transverse posi tion of the church. That part of the story may be no more than a sort of apology to explain why St. Patrick permitted such an anomaly. Ussher quotes this story (Epist. 49, ad Seldenum, now 51, Works, xv. p. 175)> to show that in St. Patrick's time there was no law prescribing the orientation of Churches. The story can scarcely prove anything as to the practice of St. Patrick, or of his age. Bingham infers that St. Patrick's usage was to build churches north and south. Antiq., Book viii. c. 3, sec. 2. The opposite con clusion would, however, be more reasonable. 2 Prophecy. Reeves, Down and Connor, p. 221. This prophecy, is alluded to by Fiacc, in his Hymn, stanza 10 ; and Muirchu, in the Book of Armagh, speaks of it as obscure in his time : ' verba pro linguae idiomo [sic] non tam mani- festa,' although perhaps he only means that they were obscure to those unacquainted with the Irish language, and that they needed tran slation into Latin, fol. 2, b. See also Petrie, On Tara, p. 77, 78. chap., in.] The Druidical Prophecy. 41 1 ways of Irish legend that we shall venture to insert it here : — c Ticfa tailcend Tar muir mure end, A brat tollcend, A crand chromcend, A mias in iarthur a thigi, Frisgerad a muinter uili Amen, Amen.' These lines, it will be observed, are in a rude rhyme, having much of the character of an in cantation. They may be thus rendered : — 'He comes, He comes, with shaven crown,1 from off the storm- toss'd sea, His garment pierced at the neck, with crook-like staff comes he. Far in his house, at its east end, his cups and patens lie, His people answer to his voice, Amen, Amen, they cry. Amen, Amen.' It is clear that no Pagan Druids ever wrote these verses, and it is evident also that they were written when the orientation of churches was the rule, and the altar always in the eastern end of the building. The allusion to the shaven tonsure2, the clerical habit, and the episcopal staff, proves beyond question that this stanza 1 Shaven crown. The word to the modern tonsure, or shav- tailcend is rendered Lasciciput [not ing of the head, not to the more Asciciput, as Dr. Reeves supposed, antient tonsure, which was only a Adamnan, p. 351, ».] in the Book clipping or shortening of the hair. of Armagh, which has greatly Tailcend, is shaven head, from tal, puzzled the biographers. Lascivium, take away, deprive, cut off (French is barber's soap ; written also La- tailler), and cenn, the head. saverjum, Lesavium, French, Sa- 2 Tonsure. See Synod. Toletana. tionette; English, Lather. 'Las- (a.d. 633) can. 41. Isid. Hispal., ciciput' is therefore shaven head, De Off. Eccl., ii. 4.— Greg. Turon., and proves that these lines allude De Gloria Martyrum, i. 28. Easter. 4 1 2 Patrick's Acts in Meath. [chap. m. cannot be older than the beginning of the seventh century. And this may possibly be also the age of the legend of Dichu's ' transverse church.' Dr. Reeves has shewn that Sabhall was a name given also to a church at Armagh, which seems1 to have been in like manner built north and south ; and he infers with much probability that churches possessing this pecu liarity may have been all called S avals or Sauls (i. e. Barns), perhaps to indicate their deviation from ecclesiastical propriety. Patrick To return, however, to St. Patrick. Having goes to , .... . Tara at laid the foundation of Christianity in Dalaradia, he resolved, we are told, to visit the central parts of Ireland, and to preach Christ in the very citadel of its idolatry. Easter was approaching, and he determined to select that festival as the season most fitting for his purpose. Whether it be true, as the writers of his life all tell us, that this was the first Easter celebrated by him in Ireland, is very doubtful. The adventures2 as signed to him and his successful preaching in the North, must have taken some considerable time. After leaving Dichu he sailed, we are told, to Inbher Colptha, the mouth of the 1 Seems. The Armagh church is Ross, brother of Dichu, and of St. called by different authorities Dam- Mochaoi, grandson of Patrick's mas- liag an tSabhaill, ' the Stone Church ter Milchu, by his daughter Bronach. ofthe Savall,' the ' Septentrionalis {SeeMart.Doneg.,i^ June.) Mochaoi ecclesia,' and the ' Sinistralis ecclesia.' became Abbot at Aondruim, or Nen- Reeves, Down and C. p. 220, 221, drum (not Antrim, as Lanigan sup- and Churches of Armagh, p. 15. posed, i. p. 217), now island Mahee, 2 Adventures. Besides those here or Mochaoi. Reeves, Ibid., p. i87,sq. mentioned, the biographers record Patrick was long enough in Lecale to also his meeting with Benen or Be- baptise,instruct,and ordain Mochaoi, nignus ; the conversions of Rus, or who was also called Caolan. chap, hi.] His Arrival at Tara. 413 Eoyne ; and leaving his boats1 there, proceeded on foot to execute his intention. He arrived in the neighbourhood of Tara on Easter eve, during the celebration of some pagan feast or solemnity which happened to coincide with the Christian Easter, and presented himself before the Pagan monarch. This is the story whose .. claims to credibility we must now examine. The hypothesis of the Roman mission of St. Not the Patrick assumes that he arrived in Ireland soon after hise after the death of Pope Celestine. But Celestine irellnd!" died2, on the 58th or 39th of July 432. Let Patrick, therefore, have made all speed, let us reject the stories of his having stopped at Menevia, Cornwall, or anywhere else on the way, he cannot possibly have arrived at Wick low harbour earlier than some time in the month of August. The Easter-day of the follow ing year 433 fell upon the 26th. of March : there remain just seven months for the conver sion of Dalaradia and all the other transactions we have described. It is difficult, therefore, to believe that the Easter- tide, at which Patrick resolved to appear before the court of King *iBoats. Here (according to the Tri- have taken some time. Lomman partite Life, i. c. 55) occurred the remained 80 days at the mouth of transaction of which we have already the Boyne, before he ascended the spoken, which led to the foundation river in search of his master: but ofthe Church of Trim, and the ac- we are not to suppose that his ad- quisition of certain lands, with chief- ventures all took place before the tainry, for the See of Armagh, Easter day at which Patrick is said although Armagh was not founded to have preached to King Laogh- for 22 years after. See above, p. aire. There is no mention made 150, sq. Introd. App. B., p. 257. of Easter in the story. The story was avowedly of late s Died. See Fran. Pagi, Brevia- origin : serotinis temporibus inventa. rium Gestorum Pontiff. Rom. Antv. The events it records, if true, must 1717) vol. i. p. 180. 414 Dr. O'Conor s Theory [chap. m. Laoghaire was the Easter immediately following his arrival in Ireland. Theargu- Dr. O'Conor has maintained with much in- cconor. ' genuity and learning1 that the Feast of Tara was celebrated at the vernal equinox, and that the near coincidence of the Easter of a.d. 433 with that equinox affords a strong confirmation to the date required by the hypothesis of the Roman mission. But the same argument applies with even greater force to the year 441, in which Easter fell on the 23 rd of March ; and this year is not only more in accordance with the probable date of St. Patrick's arrival which we have deduced from his own writings2, but will enable us also to allow without difficulty a year or more for his successful preaching in Dalaradia. The Festi- Dr. O'Conor's theory is built upon two gra- val of Tara . J . r ° not the tuitous and unsupported assumptions, namely — that the Festival of Tara, which coincided with St. Patrick's Easter, was the Druidical Festival of Beltine, and that the Druidical festival of Beltine3 was at that time celebrated, not, as is 1 Learning. Dr. O'Conor's dis- to signify ' lucky fire,' or 'the fire sertations on this subject, Rer. Hib. of the god Bel,' or Baal. The former Scriptt., torn. i. Epist. Nuncupat., p. signification is possible ; the Celtic lxxi. sq. Stowe, Catal., i. p. 32, 33, word Bil, is good, or lucky; tenej contain everything that can be said or tine, fire. The other etymology, in favour of this view. But, as Dr. although more generally received, is Petrie has remarked, Dr. O'Conor's untenable. Petrie, On Tara, p. 84. arguments are ' more ingenious than The Irish Pagans worshipped ¦ the , satisfactory, and his references to heavenly bodies, hills, pillar stones, authorities in support of his conclu- wells, &c. There is no evidence of sions, are such as, on examination, their having had any personal gods, will seldom be found to bear him or any knowledge 01 the Phoenician out in his assertions.' Tara Hill, p. Baal. This very erroneous etymoi 85- logy of the word Beltine is never- 2 Writings. See above, p. 392. sq. theless the source of all the theories 3 Beltine. This word is supposed about the Irish Baal-worship, &c. Beltine. chap, hi.] of Easter not tenable. 415 generally supposed, on the first of May, but at the vernal equinox. Tradition, however, and all our remaining records make the first of May the Beltine of the Pagan Irish ; we have no notice of its having ever been otherwise. The first of May in every part of Ireland, and in all the Gaelic regions of Scotland1, is still called ' La Beltine,' or ' Beltine's Day,' and the Beltine fires are in many places still kept up in both countries. Dr. O'Conor reconciles this fact to his hypothesis by asserting that the original Druidical festival was transferred in Christian times from the vernal equinox to the first of May. The Chris tian clergy, he tells us, being unable wholly to extirpate the Pagan observance, changed the time of its celebration to the first of May, lest it should interfere with the holy season of Lent, and the solemnities of Easter. Of this change, however, there is not the smallest evidence. It would probably have been quite as difficult as the total abolition of the festival. Moreover, it is not said, in any of the Lives of St. Patrick, or any other authority, that the festival celebrated by King Laoghaire was the Beltine. So that the whole of this theory, however ingenious and plausible, falls to the ground.2 On the other hand it is said, in more than one The Feis of of the Lives of St. Patrick, that the festival bmrilT" celebrated by King Laoghaire on this occasion ovem er' 1 Scotland. See Armstrong's 2 Ground. See Introd. Book of Gaelic Diet., voce Bealtuine. Rights, p. xlviii. sq. 41.6 The Feast of Tara in November, [chap. m. was the Feis Temrach1, or Convention of Tara. If so, it was held, according to all the authori ties, on Samhain, the last day of October or first of November. A poem2, attributed to the bard Eochaidh O'Flynn, who died a.d. 984, gives the following account of this festival, which is de scribed as having been of the nature of a Parlia ment or legislative assembly, but partaking also of a religious character : — ' The Feis of Tara, every third year, To preserve Laws and Rules, Was then regularly convened By the illustrious Kings of Erinn. Three days before Samhain, always, Three days after it, it was a goodly custom, &c.' This poem, Dr. Petrie says, is perhaps the most antient authentic record which describes the nature of these meetings. They are there spoken of as triennial, although other authorir ties3 make them septennial ; but this is a question with which we are not now concerned. It is enough for us to remark that whether the 1 Feis Temrach. So say the Keating (ed. Haliday), p. 330. Vita ida, c. 34. Vita ^tia, c. 37. O'Mahony's Transl., p. 232. The the Tripartite, i. u. 50 ; and Joce- original Irish is given by Dr. Petrie, line, c. 40. This latter authority Tara Hill, -p. 31. says that the feast was called Rach ; 3 Authorities. See the Book of but this is no doubt an error either Rights, p. 7, and Dr. O'Donovan's of Joceline himself, or of his copyists. Introduction, loc. cit. Keating at- Feis temrach, was mistaken for Festum tributes the origin of this assembly Rach. The word Feis signifies a to an institution of Ollamh Fodla : feast ; and is translated ccena by afterwards remodelled by Tuathal Tighernach and the Ann. of Ulster; Techtmar, King of Ireland, a.d. Temrach is the genitive case of 130, who took portions from the Temur, Tara. five Provinces of Ireland to form 2 Poem. Quoted by Keating, in the Province of Meath. O'Ma- his account of the reign of Ollamh hony's Keating, p. 298, sq. Petrie, Fodla, who was King of Ireland, On Tara, p. 32, 33. according to O'Flaherty, a.m. 3236. chap. m.J Nature of the Pagan Festival. 417 festival was the Beltine or the Samhain of the Pagan Irish, it never could have coincided with the Christian Easter. It is true that some of the Lives1 speak of this festival as if it were an occasional solemnity only, not of periodical celebration ; and one authority asserts that at this time King Laogh aire was celebrating his own birthday.2 It this be so, the feast may possibly have coin cided with St. Patrick's Easter, but there will result no data from that circumstance to enable us to determine the year. It is, on the whole, more probable that the coincidence ofthe Pagan festival with Easter eve, the opposition between the Paschal fire of St. Patrick and the idolatrous fires of the Druids, together with the other manifestly fabulous stories introduced into the legend, are all circumstances created by the imagination of the biographers, which cannot be dealt with as history.3 It is probable, also, that the interview of St. Patrick's Patrick with King Laoghaire, at the Feis of Tara, at Tara, not if it had any foundation in fact, did not take place year of hi until a period of his missionary labours very much later than that to which it is usually assigned. Keating4 does not record this interview until after his account of Patrick's travels in Munster 1 Lives. So Vita 4ta, ' In illo possession of the Duke of Devon- anno contigit ut quandam idolola- shire. See O'Donovan, Book of tns solemnitatem gentiles celebra- Rights, Introd. p. 1. runt,' c. 40. Probus has nearly 3 History. See Petrie, Tara Hill, the same words, i. c. 34. p. 82. 8 Birthday. This is said in the * Keating. In the reign of unpublished Irish Life, preserved in Laoghaire. O'Mahony's Transla te Book of Lismore, a MS. in the tion, p. 414. E E Mission. 41 8 The Tara Feast not coincident [chap. m. and Connaught, and after the foundation of Armagh. It is, in fact, the last event noticed by him in his Life of King Laoghaire. If this may be taken as evidence of his having formed an opinion so contrary to the received Chronology, and even to what we may presume to have been his own natural prejudices on the subject, he may have been influenced by the following note, which occurs at a.d. 461, in the Annals of Ulster : — ' Laoghaire filius Neill post ' Laoghaire son of Niall after coenam Temro annis vii. et the Feis of Tara lived seven mensibus vii. et diebus vii. years and seven months and vixit.' seven days.' It can scarcely be doubted that by the Codna Temro 1 in this passage the author of these Annals meant the celebrated Feis or Feast of Tara at which St. Patrick appeared before Laoghaire; if so, and if a.d. 463 be the true date of Lao ghaire' s death, the Tara festival must have taken place in the year 455. The story The truth appears to be that the period of Eas- Ltoa " ter was fixed upon by the legendary historians in kgend. order to support their imaginary parallel between Patrick and Moses ; between the delivery of the • Israelites from the power of Pharaoh, and the deli very of the Irish from the Egyptian bondage of Paganism. Muirchu Maccumactheni, in his Life of Patrick, labours everywhere to imitate the style of the Scriptures. His preface, as we have seen, 1 Coena Temro. See Petrie, Tara, mur, or Temair, is Temro, or Tem- p. 82. The genitive case of Te- rach. chap. m.J with Patrick's first Easter. 419 is an imitation of the Preface to St. Luke's Gospel. His account of St. Patrick's dealings with Laoghaire is an imitation partly of the Book of Daniel, and partly ofthe contest between the Magicians of Egypt and Moses. This latter contest took place at the first Passover of the children of Israel ; therefore Patrick's contest with the Druids of Tara ought to take place at the first Christian passover or Easter celebrated by him in Ireland. Muirchu introduces the subject in the following words : — ' Now in those days the Passover (Pascha) drew near, which Passover was the first that was celebrated to God in our Egypt of this island, as it was of old celebrated in Gessen1; and they took counsel where they should celebrate this first Passover amongst the gentiles to whom God had sent him. And after many counsels about this matter were suggested, at length it seemed good to St. Patrick, being divinely inspired, that this great festival of the Lord, which is as it were the head of all festivals, should be celebrated in that very great plain 2 in which the chief Kingdom (Regnum) of these nations was, &c.' Here our author almost gives us notice that he was about to parallel the first Easter of Patrick in Ireland with the first Passover of Moses in the land of Goshen. The story, therefore, that Patrick's interview with King Laoghaire took place at Easter, and at the first Easter celebrated 1 Gessen. So the Latin vulgate mus.' So our author uniformly renders the name, which in the He- , calls the Plain of Bregia. ' Ubi brew, and in our English Bible, is erat regnum maximum nationum Goshen. The Book of Armagh has harum ' — here regnum is evidently mgen esseon, which seems a mistake put for the palace or seat of royal for in Gessen. authority. Book of Armagh, fol. 2 Great plain. ' Campus maxi- 3, a.b. e E 2 420 The Legend of St. Patrick's [chap, m. in Ireland, is clearly legend ; and we need not embarrass ourselves with the Chronological diffi> culties it may create. Patrick The Legend, however, as we find it, is this : Paschai'3 — Having left his ship at Inbher Colptha, the FertJ-fer- mouth of the river Boyne, Patrick travelled with his companions to the great plain of Bregia, and arrived about nightfall at Ferta-fer-Feic1, the place now called Slane, in the County of Meath. There he pitched his tent, and began the solemn devotions of Easter-eve. Our author then pro ceeds, imitating* the Book of Daniel : — ¦ ' Now there happened, in that year, the idolatrous festival, which the Gentiles were wont to observe, with many incantations and magical inventions, and some other super stitions of idolatry ; gathering together the kings, satraps2, dukes, chieftains, and nobles of the people ; summoning also the magicians, enchanters, augurs, with the inventors or teachers of every art and gift unto Laoghaire (as unto King Nabcodonossor of old), to Temoria, which was their Babylon, and on the same night on which St. Patrick was celebrating Easter, they were worshipping and exercising themselves in that Gentile festivity.' It appears that the Pagan festival began by the extinguishing of every fire3 in the country ; and 1 Ferta-fer-Feic, i. c. ' the graves some churches, on Easter-Eve, of of the men of Fiacc' The Book of blessing new fire, ' Benedictio novi Armagh has ' Ferti Virorum Feec, ignis.' In some places the new fire quae ut fabulae ferunt fodorunt [sic] was taken from oil collected from viri,id estservi, Feccol Ferchertni, qui certain lamps ofthe Church; in other fuerat unus e novim magis profetis places it was struck from flint or Bregg,' fol. 3, b, a. See 4 Mast, at crystal (possibly the crystal may a.d. 512, and Dr. O'Donovan's have been used as a burning glass). note k. This custom'* appears to have pre- 2 Satraps. Comp. Dan. iii. 3. vailed principally in the Gallican 3 Extinguishing of 'every fire. This Church. But it was also practised at supposed Pagan rite seems taken Rome: Martene tellsusthat one ofthe from the ceremonies practised in rites there enjoined was that all fires chap, in.] Preaching at Tara. 42 1 there was a practice among them (it is said) 'made known by proclamation'1 to all, that whosoever should on that night kindle a fire, before the king's fire had been kindled on the hill of Tara, ' that soul should be cut off from his people.'2 But Patrick, disregarding this re gulation, lighted his Paschal fire on the hill of Slane; and this being seen from Tara, caused astonishment and indignation. The king de manded who it was that was guilty of such presumption. The magi answered : — ' 0 King 3 live for ever. This fire which we see shall never be extinguished to all eternity, unless we can put it out to-night. Moreover it shall prevail over all the fires of our wonted observ ance ; and he who has kindled it, and the Kingdom he is intro ducing, shall prevail over us all and over thyself, and shall win away from thee all the men of thy kingdom ; ahd all kingdoms shall fall down before it, and it shall fill all things, and shall reign for ever and ever.' This is a manifest imitation of Daniel's expla nation of Nebuchadnezzar's image : — 'In the days of those kingdoms shall the God of Heaven set up a kingdom, which shall never be destroyed, and His kingdom shall not be given over to another people, but it shall break in pieces and destroy all these kingdoms, and itself shall stand for ever.'4 should be extinguished and lighted quidam mos apud illos per edictum again from the newly kindled fire omnibus intimatus, &c.' Book of of the Church : — ' Interim autem Armagh, fol. 3, b, b. Comp. Dan. omnes qui in civitate sunt vel in iii. 4. villis extinguantur ignes, et bene- 2 People. ' Periret anima ejus de dicto igne accendantur.' De Anti- populo suo.' Exod. xii. 15. quis Eccl. Ritibus, torn, iii., lib. iv., 3 0 King. See Dan. iii. 9. c' Hi P- 144, 145. " For ever. Dan. ii. 44 (Vul- Froclamation. 'Erat quoque gate). 42 2 Patrick's contest with the Magi [chap. m. His inter- Our author proceeds, still imitating the Scrip- view with 1 * King ture : — Laoghaire. 1 Now when King Laoghaire heard these things he was greatly troubled, as Herod ' was of old, and all the city of Temoria with him ; and he answered and said, This shall not be so, but we will now go and see the end of the matter, and we will take and kill the men who are doing such wickedness against our Kingdom. c Having therefore yoked nine chariots, according to the tradi tion of their gods, and taking with him those two magi for the contest who were the best of them all, namely, Lucetmael and Lochru, Laoghaire proceeded in the latter part of that night from Tara to Ferti-fer-Fecc, turning the faces of the men and horses to the left, the direction that was most suitable to them.'2 The Druids would not permit the king to enter the enclosure in which Patrick's fires were burning, lest by some magical virtue he should be constrained to adopt the new religion. They counselled that Patrick should be sent for, and that no person should rise up at his coming or pay him any respect, lest those who did so should believe on him. Patrick came, and seeing the chariots and horses he entered the assembly intoning the verse, ' Some put their trust in chariots and some in horses, but we will remem ber the Name of the Lord our God.' One only of the king's attendants disobeyed the injunctions conversion 0f the magi, and rose up from respect, to St. of Ercc filius &/. r ^ Dego. Patrick. This was Ercc filius Dego , afterwards 1 Herod. See St. Matt. ii. 3. Decc ; Dego being the genitive case. 2 Suitable to them. The left hand His genealogy up to Rudraighe, being deemed unlucky. King of Ireland, in eighteen gene- 3 Filius Dego, i.e. Son of Deg, or rations, is preserved. CH ap. in.] of King Laoghaire. 423 a bishop, ' whose relics,' says our author, ' are now venerated in the city which is called Slane.'1 Then follows the contest of Patrick with the contest of magi of King Laoghaire, intended, as we have with'the already said, to imitate the contest of Moses as'- with the magi of Pharaoh. It is unworthy of any attention as history. The magus Lochru begins the contest by blaspheming the Catholic Faith. Patrick fixed his eyes upon him, as Peter upon Simon Magus, and prayed that he might be lifted out and die.2 Immediately Lochru is lifted up into the air, and falling down again his brains are dashed out upon a stone3 in sight of all. The king is furious, and commands his people to seize Patrick. But the saint intones the Psalm, ' Let God arise, let His enemies be scat tered; let them also that hate Him flee before Him.' Immediately a thick darkness falls upon the Pagan hosts, with an earthquake ; they kill each other ; horses and chariots fly over the plain, and at length a few, half dead, escape to the mountain Monduirn. The king and queen remain before Patrick. 1 Slane. ' Cujus nunc reliquiae quique me missisti hue, hie impius adorantur in ilia civitate, quae voca- qui blasfemat nomen tuum elevetur tur Slane.' Book of Armagh, fol. 4, nunc foras, et cito moriatur.' Book of a, b. Probus copies these words, Armagh, ibid. substituting ' venerantur ' for ' ado- 3 A stone. Tirechan tells us that rantur,' lib. i., c. 37. he had himself seen the stone, and 2 Die. ' Hunc autem intuens that it lay in the south-east bound- turvo oculo talia promentem, sane- aries, meaning apparently of the tus Patricius, ut quondam Petrus de Palace of Tara. ' Et est lapis illius Simone, cum quadam potentia et in oris australibus orientalibusque magno clamore confidenter ad Do- usque in presentem diem, et con- minum dixit, Domine qui' omnia spexi ilium oculis meis.' Ibid, fol. potes, et in tua potestate consistunt, 10. a, b. 424 The Easter at Tara. [chap. hi. The queen approaches, and humbly begs the life and pardon of the king. The king forced by fear kneels before the saint ; but intending with treachery to kill him, as they were about to separate, recalls St. Patrick. Patrick had with him eight companions, one of whom was a boy. He knew the king's evil purpose, and as he returned and appeared before the king, he and his com panions suddenly disappeared, and the gentiles saw only eight deer and a fawn going to the wilderness. The king, sad, terrified, and hum- * bled, set out for Tara about daylight with the few of his attendants who had escaped. Patrick The next day was Easter Sunday. It was a Tara'on*' very great feast1 with Laoghaire and his court. Sunday. ^n t^ie midst of their festivity, the doors being shut2, Patrick and five of his companions appeared amongst them. None rose up at his approach except Dubhtach Macculugil, or Maccu Lugair, the king's chief bard, who had with him a certain young bard or poet named Fecc (or Fiacc), afterwards a wondrous bishop, whose relics3, in the time of our author, were venerated at Sletty. Dubhtach was the first who believed in God on that day, and it was counted unto him for righteousness. 1 Feast. ' Festus enim dies maxi- tach, solus ex gentibus in honorem mus apud eos erat.' Ibid., fol. 4. b. b. Sancti Patricii surrexit,et benedixitei 2 Shut. ' Coram omnibus nation- sanctus. Crediditque primus in ilia ibus, hostiis claussis, secundum id die Deo, et repputatum est ei ad quod de Christo legitur.' Ibid. justitiam.' Ibid. The Fecc or Fiacc, 3 Relics. ' Apud quem tunc tem- here mentioned, Bishop of Sletty, is poris ibi erat quidam adoliscens poeta the reputed author of the Hymn in nomine Fecc, qui postea mirabilis praise of St. Patrick, already so often episcopus fuit, cujus reliquiae ado- mentioned. rantur hi Sleibti. Hie, ut d\xi,Dubh- chap, m] Discomfiture of the Magus. 425 The Druid or magus Lucetmael pours poison His contest into Patrick's cup. Patrick blesses the cup, and Druid' e the fluid it contained congeals. He inverts it ; Lucetmael- and the poisonous drops fall out. The wine again becomes fluid and harmless.1 The Druid then by his incantations covers the plain with snow, but admits his inability to remove the enchantment until the same hour on the morrow. Patrick, saying to the Druid, 'Thou canst do evil, but not good,' blesses the plain, and the snow disappears. Again Lucetmael brings on a thick darkness, but is unable to remove it. Patrick prays and blesses the plain. Straightway the darkness vanishes, and the sun shines forth, to the admiration and joy of all the beholders. Some other equally marvellous stories follow, which we need not stop to transcribe. The reader can now judge how much of this narrative deserves to be treated as history. It is reduced apparently, to this single fact, that Patrick, at some period of his missionary labours, appeared in the Court of King Laoghaire, and preached Christ before the courtiers of Temoria. On this occasion Patrick is said to have com- Patrick's posed a Hymn2 in the Irish language, which was Hymn. 1 Harmless. This is copied from analysis by the late eminent Celtic the well-known legend of St. John scholar, Dr. John O'Donovan. Essay and the poisoned cup. on Tara Hill, p. 57. Dr. Petrie 2 Hymn. It is preserved in the says that some portions of this Hymn Irish Book of Hymns, and was first are still remembered by the peasan- published by Dr. Petrie, who has try, and repeated at bed-time, as a added a Latin and English transla- protection from evil. Ibid., p, 69. tion, with a valuable grammatical 436 St- Patrick's Irish Hymn. [chap. m. celebrated for many ages, and probably did not fall into oblivion until after the English invasion. This Hymn is of the nature of what was called a Lorica}, that is to say, a prayer to protect those who devoutly recite it, from bodily and spiritual dangers. It is undoubtedly of great antiquity, although it may now be difficult, if not impos sible, to adduce proof in support of the tradition that St. Patrick was its author.2 The following literal translation of it may be interesting to some readers : — I. I bind to myself3 to-day, The strong power of an invocation4 ofthe Trinity, The faith of the Trinity in Unity, The Creator of the elements. 2. I bind to myself to-day, The power of the Incarnation of Christ, with that of his Baptism, The power of the Crucifixion, with that of his Burial, 1 Lorica. See above, p. 124. before his death. The word is a 2 Author. Itv/asciiledFethFiadha, verb ; ad-dom-riug, i.e. ad-riug, ad- ' the instruction of the deer,' because jungo, with the infixed pronoun it was said to have been sung by St. dom, to me (see Zeuss, Gramm. Patrick when he and his companions Celt., p. 336) ; the verb riug, which were saved from the vengeance of occurs in the forms ad-riug, con- King Laoghaire, by appearing to riug, signifies to join. The true the pagan courtiers as deer escaping analysis of this word was first pointed to the forest. See p. 424, and Petrie, out by Mr. Whitley Stokes^. See ib., p. 56 ; also Festivities of Conan, an article in the Saturday Review, edited by Mr. O'Kearney (Ossian. Sept. 5, 1857, p. 225, where atrans- Soc), p. 190, n. lation of this hymn (from the pen of 3 I bind to myself. The first word that eminent scholar) is given. of this Hymn, 'Atomriug,' was mis- 4 Invocation. Drs. O'Donovan taken by Dr. Petrie and Dr. O'Do- and Petrie translate the original novan, for an obsolete form of the word togairm, invoco : but it is a dative of Temur, Temoria, or Tara, substantive, not a verb : and so also and was by them translated ' at in the next line they render cret'm, Tara.' We cannot now regret credo, whereas it is fides. See this error, as to it we owe the pub- Zeuss, p. 88. They were led into lication of this curious poem in these mistakes by the want of a the Essay on Tara. But it is cer- verb in the sentence, resulting from tainly a mistake, and was acknow- their having translated Atomriug, ledged as such by Dr. O'Donovan ' at Tara.' chap. in.] St. Patrick's Irish Hymn. 427 The power of the Resurrection, with the Ascension, The power of the coming to the Sentence of Judgement. 3, I bind to myself to-day, The power of the love of Seraphim, In the obedience of Angels, In the hope1 of Resurrection unto reward, In the prayers of the noble Fathers, In the predictions of the Prophets, In the preaching of Apostles, In the faith of Confessors, In the purity of Holy Virgins, In the acts of Righteous Men. 4.. I bind to myself to-day, The power of Heaven, The light of the Sun, The whiteness of Snow, The force of Fire, The flashing of Lightning, The velocity of Wind, The depth ofthe Sea, The stability of the Earth, The hardness of Rocks. 5. I bind to myself to-day, The Power of God to guide me2, The Might of God to uphold me, The Wisdom of God to teach me, The Eye of God to watch over me, The Ear of God to hear me, The Word of God to give me speech, The Hand of God to protect me, The Way of God to prevent me, The Shield of God to shelter me, The Host of God to defend me, Against the snares of demons, Against the temptations of vices, 1 Hope. The word frescisin in 2 To guide me. Lit. ' for my Dr. Petrie's text ought to be fires- guidance,' and so on in the follow- dsiu. See Zeuss, p. 268. ing lines, ' for my preservation,' ' for my teaching,' Sec. 438 St. Patrick's Irish Hymn. [chap. m. Against the lusts of nature, Against every man who meditates injury to me, , Whether far or near, With few or with many. 6. I have set around me all these powers, Against every hostile savage power, Directed against my body and my soul, Against the incantations of false prophets, Against the black laws of heathenism, Against the false laws of heresy, Against the deceits of idolatry, Against the spells of women, and smiths, and druids, Against all knowledge which blinds the soul of man. 7. Christ protect me to-day, Against poison, against burning, ¦Against drowning, against wound, That I may receive abundant reward. 8. Christ1 with me, Christ before me, Christ behind me, Christ within me, Christ beneath me, Christ above me, Christ at my right, Christ at my left, Christ in the fort, Christ in the chariot-seat, Christ in the poop.2 9. Christ in the heart of every man who thinks of me, Christ iii the mouth of every man who speaks to me, Christ in every eye that sees me, Christ in every ear that hears me. 10. I bind to myself to-day, The strong power of an invocation of the Trinity, The faith of the Trinity in Unity, The Creator of the Elements. 1 Christ, i. e. ' May Christ be 2 Poop. i. e. Christ when I am with me,' 'May Christ be before in the fort (at home). Christ when me'.' &c- . There is a passage not I am in the chariot-seat (travelling unlike this in Bishop Andrewes's by land); and in the poop (travel- Preces Private, p. 127. (Anglo- ling by water). See Stokes, Irish Catholic Library. Oxford, 1853). Glosses (580), p. 81. CHAP hi.] Its Antiquity. 420 11. Domini est salus,1 Domini est salus, Christi est salus, Salus tua Domine sit semper nobiscum. That this Hymn2 is a composition of great Antiquity antiquity cannot be questioned. It is written in a authenticity very antient dialect of the Irish Celtic. It was Hymn. evidently composed during the existence of Pagan usages in the country. It makes no allusion to Arianism, or any of the heresies preva lent in the continental Church. It notices no doctrine or practice of the Church that is not known to have existed before the fifth century. In its style and diction, although written in a dif ferent language, there is nothing very dissimilar to the Confession and the Letter about Coroticus, and nothing absolutely inconsistent with the opinion that it may be by the same author. Add to this, as Dr. Petrie observes, that in the seventh century, when Tirechan composed his annotations, it was certainly believed to be the composition of St. Patrick. That author tells us that in his time there were four honours paid to St. Patrick in all monasteries and churches throughout the whole of Ireland. The first of these was that the festival of St. Patrick in 1 Salus. This stanza is in Latin retains the error of translating Atom- in the original Hymn. riug, ' at Tara.' But it preserves in 2 Hymn. An admirable poetical a wonderful manner the tone and translation of this hymn, by the late spirit of the original. It has been talented but unfortunate James Cia- reprinted in a volume of Mangan's rence Mangan, appeared some years collected ' Poems, with Biographical ago in Duffy's Magazine. It is Introduction, by John Mitchell.' founded on Dr, Petrie's version, and New York, 1859, p. 413. 43° Internal evidence of the Hymn. [chap. m. The four spring, ' sollempnitas dormitationis ejus,' was st. Patrick, honoured, for three days and three nights, with all good cheer (except flesh1 meat), as if Patrick was himself alive at the door. Secondly, that there was a proper Preface for him in the Mass. The third and fourth are thus stated: — ' iii. Ymnum ejus per totum tempus cantare. iiii. Canticum ejus Scotticum semper canere, >2 ' To sing his Hymn for the whole time,' and ' to sing his Scotic Hymn always.' ' His Hymn ' here mentioned is undoubtedly the Latin Hymn by Sechnall or Secundinus, and ' his Irish or Scotic Hymn ' is that of which we have just given a translation. The former was sung during the whole time of his festival, the latter always, or at all times. internal Internal evidence is in favour of the anti- 0f authen- quity and authenticity of this composition. tiaty. The prayer which it contains for protection against ' women3, smiths, and Druids,' together with the invocation of the power of the sky, the sun, fire, lightning, wind, and other created things, proves that notwithstanding the un doubted piety and fervent Christian faith of the author, he had not yet fully shaken off all Pagan 1 Except flesh. Because the 17th 68. Irish Book of Hymns, p. 50. of March falls within the limits of 3 Women. See above, p. 122. The Lent. As there were other feasts of magical powers supposed to belong St. Patrick, our author distinguishes to aged women and blacksmiths are the 1 7th of March by calling it the well known. A belief in them con- ' Solempnitas dormitationis ejus in tinues to prevail in some parts of medio veris.' Ireland and Scotland to the present 2 Canere. See Book of Armagh, day. Petrie, On Tara, p. 69. fol. 16, a. a. Petrie, On Tara, p. chap, hi.] Not considered heterodox. 43 1 prejudices. But this class of superstitions lin gered longer than any other in men's minds, and was with greater difficulty eradicated. Dr. Petrie suggests that, on this account, the Hymn may have been formerly regarded as of doubtful orthodoxy, and therefore, he says, no allusion to it occurs in the later Lives of St. Patrick. Colgan, he adds, notices it only in his list of St. Patrick's writings. But it is doubtful whether the authors of the later Lives had ever heard of it. From its language it was inaccessible to Joceline. The author of the Tripartite Life speaks of it very distinctly. ' Then,' he says1, ' St. Patrick com posed in the vernacular language that Hymn which is commonly called Fedh Fiadha, and by others the Ldrica of Patrick : and it is held in great esteem by the Irish ever since ; for it is believed, and proved by long experience, to pre serve from imminent dangers both of soul and body those who devoutly recite it.' These words show no distrust in the orthodoxy of the Hymn, and were evidently written when it was well known, and the recitation of it still generally practised with faith in its efficacy. A belief in the magical power of witches, blacksmiths, and Druids would scarcely have been deemed incon sistent with orthodoxy in the age when the Lives were written, and not even perhaps in the time of Colgan.2 1 He says. Quoted by Petrie, On found in the Irish Book of Hymns, Tara, p. 55. now in the library of St. Isidore's s Colgan. It is more than pro- Convent, at Rome, which was the table that Colgan had never seen copy that Colgan used. the text of this hymn ; for it is not O^ 432 Laoghaire' s hypocritical Conversion, [chap. m. The Hymn We may not, therefore, err very much in exhibits ,J ' J . the real taking this Hymn as a fair representation of St. of'st.061 Patrick's faith and teaching. Whether it was teaching, actually written by him or not, it was certainly composed at a period not very distant from his times, with a view to represent and put forth his sentiments. It exhibits in a much more probable and favourable, light the character of the missionary from whom Ireland received the faith, than that in which he is made to appear in the Legendary Lives. In them he stands before us as a great magician, bringing down judgements from heaven, causing sudden destruc tion to fall upon his enemies, terrifying, not per suading ; a magus more powerful than the magi of the Pagan king. But in the Hymn, notwith standing some tincture of superstition, we find the pure and undoubted truths of Christianity, a firm faith in the protecting providence and power of God ; and Christ made all and in all. The con- King Laoghaire, we are told, was influenced version of .. King by carnal fear and not by conviction in his sub- not sincere, mission to the new doctrines. Patrick, if we credit the biographers, had caused the death of both his most eminent Magi. The Druid Lochru was miraculously lifted up into the air, and his brains dashed out upon a stone. Lucet mael, the other magus, having submitted to an ordeal by fire, was defeated and consumed.1 No 1 Consumed. The story is this : — wood : the boy Binen, who hadfol- . A hut was constructed partly of lowed St. Patrick, was placed in the green partly of dry wood : the magus part made of dry wood. The boy was placed in the part made of green had on the magical garment of the chap, hi.] He is cursed by St. Patrick. 433 wonder that the king should have been greatly enraged, and should have rushed upon Patrick with intent to kill him. ' But God,' says the old biographer Muirchu, Patrick in the Book of Armagh, Laoghaire. ' but God hindered him, at the prayer of Patrick ; for at Patrick's word, the wrath of God fell upon his head, and the King feared greatly, and his heart was troubled, and all the city with him. Therefore, calling together the elders and his whole senate, King Laoghaire said unto them, ' It is better for me to believe than to die.' They then took counsel, and at the advice of his people, he believed on that day, and turned to the Lord, the everlasting God ; and many others believed there. And Saint Patrick said unto the King, ' Because thou didst resist my teaching and hast been a stumbling-block unto me, although the days of thine own reign may be prolonged , none of thy seed shall be King for ever.' Then Saint Patrick according to the command of the Lord Jesus, teaching the gentiles, and baptising them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, went forth from Temoria, and preached, the Lord working with him and confirming the word with signs following.' ' The prediction that none of Laoghaire' s des- The ?re- cendants .should sit upon his throne was not fuifi?ied"° verified. His son Lugaidh was King of Ireland for five and twenty years. The Tripartite Life2 endeavours to account for this failure by adding to the story, that an exception was made in favour Druid : Lucetmael was clothed in est, non tetigit eum ignis neque con- trie garment (casula) of St. Patrick. tristatus est,' &c, although the gar- The hut was then set on fire, but ment of the magus, in which he was 'the result was, 'orante Patricio,' clothed, was utterly consumed. Book that the magus, in the green wood of Armagh, fol. 5, b. a. fol. 10. a.a. chamber, was burnt to death, the ' Following. Ibid. f81. 5, b.b. Here casula of Patrick remaining un- we have an imitation of St. Mark, touched by the fire ; and the boy xvi. 20. Binen came forth uninjured, 'secun- 2 Tripartite Life. Lib. i.e. 67. Tr. dum quod de tribus pueris dictum Th., p. 128. F F 434 St. Patrick's Interview with [chap.ih. of Lugaidh, then in his mother's womb : the Queen, his mother, having begged on her knees an exemption from the malediction for the un born babe. Patrick replied that the malediction should not hurt him, provided by his own - de merits he did not bring upon himself a further and special curse. But this is a mode of meeting the difficulty which can scarcely be deemed satisfactory. It is not mentioned in the other Lives, not even in the modern one by Joceline. Were the .other biographers ignorant that Lugaidh was the son of King Laoghaire ? Or have they transferred to King Laoghaire a prophecy which was originally spoken of his son Lugaidh ? The story That there has been some tampering with this probably , . tampered part of the story, will be evident from the fol lowing account of St. Patrick's interview with the last-named sovereign. It occurs in a Tract, of which we have already spoken, 'On the Kings of Ireland since Christianity,' preserved in the Book of Lecan1:- — 'It was in the time of Lugaidh that Patrick came into Ireland. And he Went to Temur (Tara) to the place where Lugaidh was, and offered unto him wheat without tillage, and constant milk with cattle during his time, and heaven at the end of his life, and that he should have luck of hounds and horses, and of a queen. But Lugaidh did not consent to this, and because he did not, Patrick cursed him and cursed his queen, namely, Aillinn, daughter of Aengus Mac Nadfraich, King of Munster ; ' so that from that time there is ill luck of queens in Temur, and 1 Book of Lecan. See above, p. with a translation by Dr. Petrie, 396. An extract from this Tract Tara Hill, p. 86. was first printed in the original Irish, with. chap. ni.J Lugaidh, son of Laoghaire. 435 Temur has also been without success in hounds. And Lugaidh son of Laoghaire, died at Achadh Farcha1, in consequence of the curse of the Tailcend, for a flash of lightning struck him dead from heaven for having rejected the Tailcend.' Here it is expressly stated that Patrick came to Patrick's Ireland in the reign of Lugaidh. This is con- wiS™* trary to all the authorities, and would place the Lusaldh- arrival of Patrick after the year 463, when Lugaidh succeeded to the throne. But this is much too late ; and the suspicion arises that we should read ' in the time of Laoghaire,' instead of ' in the time of Lugaidh,' in this passage. Dr. Petrie, indeed, has suggested that there may have been two missionaries both named Patrick, one of whom appeared in the reign of Laoghaire, and the other in that of his son Lugaidh. But if we give any weight to this document, we must take it according to what the author intended ; and it is evident that the author intended to speak only of the great St. Patrick. The Patrick who appeared before Lugaidh is called ' the Tailcend,' or ' Shaven-head,' the well-known name2 of the apostle Patrick ; and there cannot be a doubt that the Patrick whose A denunciation of Laoghaire we have just noticed, was, according to all the authorities in which the transaction is recorded, the apostle St. Patrick also. The truth seems to be that the similarity of a confusion two transactions has led to confusion ; the de- the two nunciation of King Laoghaire became mixed up 1 Achadh Farcha, i.e. 'The Field a.d. 503, and O'Donovan's note. °f Lightning.' See Four Masters, 2 Name. See above, p. 411. F F 2 interviews. 436 Laoghaire and Lugaidh [chap. m. with some particulars taken from the denuncia tion of King Lugaidh, son of Laoghaire. In the shorter and older form of the Tract ' On the Kings of Ireland since Christianity,' preserved in the Book of Leinster1, the only mention of St. Patrick in the reign of Lugaidh is the notice of his death, ' [Quies] Patricii Scotorum episcopi.' We have, therefore, good reason to conclude that the transcriber and interpolater of the same tract in the Book of Lecan made some clerical blunder when he said that Patrick came to Ireland in the reign of Lugaidh.2 Both kings ge t^s however, as it may, it is evident that unbelievers. J both kings, although generally counted among the Christian kings of Ireland, did in fact con tinue to the end of their lives obstinate unbe lievers. It does not appear that Lugaidh ever so much as professed Christianity. His father Laoghaire is represented as having hypocritically submitted to receive baptism from motives of political expediency. But we happen to have very strong and conclusive evidence that he died nevertheless in Paganism. King The claim made by the kings of the Hy Neill Laoghaire J c J died a race to exact from the kings of Leinster an Pagan. 1 Leinster. See above, p. 184. more likely that they regarded it as 2 Lugaidh. Dr. Petrie (Tara, p. a passage corrupted by mistakes of 88) suggests that O'Flaherty and transcription, and therefore unworthy others, who must have been ac- of notice. Such mistakes are of very quainted with this passage in the common occurrence in the Book of Book of Lecan, suppressed all notice Lecan ; and the passage in question of it designedly, from the impossi- might be set right either by reading bility of making it square with the Laoghaire for Lugaidh, as already received history and chronology of suggested, or else by omitting the St. Patrick's life. But it is much words 'to Ireland.' chap, m.] both died in Paganism. 437 annual tribute of cattle, called the Boromean tribute, was a perpetual source of feud and blood shed.1 The year before his death, Laoghaire, in an attempt to enforce this tribute, was taken prisoner at a place called Ath-dara2, a ford on the river Barrow. To obtain his liberty he ' gave the guarantees,' we are told3, ' of the sun, and of the wind, and of the elements, to the men of Leinster, that he would never again come against them.' But the next year, in violation of his engagement, he renewed the war ; ' and the sun and the wind killed him,' say the An- Killed by nalists, ' because he had outraged them,' or and wind. violated the oath made upon them. Perhaps this may not be considered an absolute proof of the King's Paganism. To swear by the sun and wind was apparently no doubt Pagan ism. But is it not also Paganism to represent the sun and wind as taking vengeance for the king's breach of his oath, and visiting him with death for his perjury ? Yet this is the language copied by all the monastic Annalists, and even by the Four Masters, Franciscan friars, writing in the seventeenth century.4 1 Bloodshed. See Four Masters, thus record this event : ' Cath Atho- a.d. 106, and Dr. O'Donovan's dara for Laighaire re Laignibh [the note; Hy Fiachrach, p. 32. battle of Ath-dara was gained over 8 Ath-dara, 'Ford of the oak Laoghaire by the Leinster-men], in tree.' This place is not to be con- quo et ipse captus est, sed tunc founded with another, of the same dimissus est jurans per solem et ven- name, now Adare, in the County of turn se boves eis dimissurum ' [i.e. Limerick. See the more full account that he would remit the tribute]. of this transaction, quoted by Dr. These annals also assign another Petrie from the Leabhar na huidhre, date, a.d. 461, to the battle of Ath- Tara Hill, p. 169. dara, and 462. (s= 463) to the death 3 Told. See Four Masters, at a.d. of Laoghaire. 457- The Annals of Ulster, at 458, i Century. We have here a proof 43§ King Laoghaire buried [chap. m. Laoghaireburied after the customs oftheheathen. But we have stronger and more conclusive evidence. Tirechan, in his ' Annotations,' pre served in the Book of Armagh1, mentions a second visit of Patrick to King Laoghaire in the following words : — ' And he [Patrick] went again to the city of Tara2, to Laogh aire son of Niall, because he had made a covenant with him that he should not be put to death in his reign3; but he could not believe, saying, ' For Niall my father did not permit me to believe, but [commanded] that I should be buried on the ramparts of Tara (in cacuminibus Temro), as men stand up in battle ;' for the gentiles are wont to be buried in their sepulchres armed, with weapons ready, face to face, until the day of Erdathe, as the Magi call it, that is, the Day of Judgment of the Lord. 1 1 the son of Niall [must be buried] after this fashion, as the Son of Dunlaing [was buried] at Maistin, in the plain of Liffey, because ofthe endurance of our hatred.'4 Another version of the same story, first printed by Dr. Petrie, from the antient Irish Manuscript of the remark already made, that this class of superstitions, like the belief in witchcraft, lingered in the Church to a late period, and that an invocation of the sky, the sea, the sun, and wind, such as we find in the Hymn of St. Patrick, would not have been necessarily regarded two centuries ago as inconsistent with orthodoxy. 1 Book of Armagh, fol. 10, a. b. Petrie, On Tara, p. 170. 2 Tara. ' Ad civitatem Temro,' the city of Temur ; Temro being the genitive case : we have also Temrach, another form of the genitive. See above, p. 416 n, 418 n. 3 Reign. Or in his kingdom, ' in regno illius.' 4 Hatred. ' Pro duritate odivi,' i. e. odii : odivum for odium. The Dunlaing (genitive Dunlinge) here mentioned was the King of Leinster, by whom the royal girls were mur dered at the place called Claenferta, at Tara, a.d. 222 (Tigh.) or 241 (4M.). This outrage laid the found ation of the odium spoken of. Pe trie, On Tara, p. 36. O'Flaherty, Ogyg., p. 335. Maistin is the place now called Mullaghmast, antiently a palace or rath of the Kings of Leinster. The concluding clause is obscure. ' Ego filius Neill et filius Dunlinge imMaistin in campo Liphi pro duritate odivi, ut est hoc' Duritas signifies perpetuity, ever- lastingness ; but it might mean, hardness, bitterness. His enemy having been buried in his armour in his royal fortress, Laoghaire felt bound to follow the injunctions of his father, and to be buried at Tara in the same way, to show the implac ability of the feud. This Pagan mode of interment continued to a late period. Eoghan Beul, King of Connaught, ordered himself to be so buried, a.d. 537. O'Donovan, Hy Fiachrach, p. 472. chap, in.] in the Pagan Manner. 430 called the Leabhar na huidhre, gives this com mentary on the foregoing passage of Tirechan, which the author evidently had before him : — 'The body of Laoghaire was brought afterwards from the South1, and interred with his armour of valour2, in the south-east of the outer rampart of the royal Rath of Laoghaire at Tara, with his face turned southwards upon the men of Leinster, as fighting with them, for he was the enemy of the Leinster-men in his lifetime.' There is curious internal evidence of authen ticity in these traditions. It is clear that King Laoghaire never was a real convert to Christian ity; and that the historians who have reckoned him among the Christian kings of Ireland have mistaken or corrupted3 the facts of history. Leaving the court of King Laoghaire, Patrick, Patrick's we are told, went to Aonach4 Tailltenn, now wi'dTcalbri Telltown, in the County of Meath, where there MacNeilL was at the time a great concourse of people, with games and sports of various kinds. There Carbri, or Cairpri, son of Niall, brother of Laoghaire, sought to kill him, and caused his attendants to be beaten in the river Sele, now the Blackwater. Patrick denounced him as ' the enemy of God,' and said to him, ' Thy seed shall serve the seed 1 South. That is from Ath- so far as to maintain, on the autho- dara, which, if it was on the Barrow, rity of the Scholia on Aengus, that must have been south of Tara. Niall, the father of King Laoghaire, 2 Armour of valour. ' Co narm had died a Christian, and was even gaiscuid,' lit. ' With arms of hero- regarded as a saint. But there is ship or championship.' nothing of the kind in the Dublin 3 Corrupted. Colgan (Tr. Th., or Brussels copies of those Scholia. p. i73j col. 2, n. 28) questions the 4 Aonach. This word signifies a story of Laoghaire having been fair, or assembly. It is rendered buried as a heathen. But his rea- Agon regale by Tirechan. Book of sons are singularly weak. He goes Armagh, fol. io, a. b. 44° Conversion of Conall Mac Neill. [chap. m. Anotherunfulfilledprophecy. Conversion of Conall Mac Neill. of thy brethren, and there shall be no king of thy race for ever. Moreover, there shall never here after be large fish in the river Sele.' It is remarkable that we have here also a pro phecy that was not fulfilled. For Tuathal Mael- garb, the grandson of Carbri, was king of Ireland from a.d. 533 to 544. It is difficult to account for such oversights in the inventors of these legends. The author of the Tripartite Life endeavours to explain this by a story too silly to require notice.1 Patrick next met with Conall mac Neill, sur named Gulban2, the youngest brother of King Laoghaire, who received him in his own house with great joy, and was baptised. He gave the site of a church, sixty feet long, for the God of Patrick, measuring it with his own feet. It was after wards called ' the Great Church of Patrick ; ' and Patrick blessed him, saying, ' The seed of thy brethren shall serve thy seed for ever ; and thou must shew kindness to my successors after me for ever, and thy children and children's children to 1 Notice. See Vit. Trip., lib. ii. 6. 2,7. The story is briefly this -. — The mother of King Tuathal, then pregnant, is brought to Patrick ; he raises his hand to bless her, but stops short, perceiving by inspiration that the child in her womb is of the accursed family of Carbri. But in asmuch as he had raised his hand to bless, Tuathal succeeded to the throne, and was the last king of his race. See Colgan, Vit. 3a, note 45, Tr. Th.v. 31. This story is exactly similar to the explanation given of the failure of St. Patrick's prophecy against the posterity of King Laogh aire. See above, p. 433. 2 Gulban. He had this name from the mountain called Binn Gulban, now corruptly Binn Bulbin, in the parish of Drumcliffe, County of Sligo, where he was fostered. Battle of Magh Rath, p. 312 n. From him the antient tribes inhabiting the County of Donegal were called Cinel-Conaill, and Tir-Conaill. He was the ancestor of St. Columba and many saints, as well as of many of the kings of Ireland, down to the eleventh century. CHAP. .in. J Baptism of Ercc. 441 my believing children, must do what is legiti mate for ever.'1 He added, ' If this church be encroached on [diminuatur) , thy reign shall not be long nor durable.' These words are worthy of notice. It appears from them that this prophecy had for its object to support the jurisdiction of the see of Armagh. The legend must have been written at a time when that jurisdiction was called in question, or at least was not universally received in Ireland. We must now pass over all that we find in the churches Lives of St. Patrick of his missionary labours in Bregia. Bregia, and other parts of the territory belonging to the Southern Hy Neill. We have the names of a great number of Churches said to have been founded by him in that district. Many of these, however, are undoubtedly of later date. The bishops said to have been ordained by him, and left in those churches, belong for the most part, to the century, or second century, after his death. The dates2 of their obits recorded in the Irish annals have betrayed the truth. But some of , them may have been real disciples and contem poraries of St. Patrick. The conversion of Ercc mac Dego, who after- Baptism of wards became an eminent bishop of Slane, has been already3 mentioned. Tirechan gives the following account ofhis baptism : — 1 For ever. This passage is ob- fol. io, a.b. scure. ' Et tu misericordiam debes 2 The dates. See Lanigan, vol. facere heredibus meis post me in i. p. 237, sq. Many of them appear seculum, et filii tui et filiorum tuo- to have died at the end of the 6th or rum filiis meis credulis legitimum middle of the 7th century. sempiternum.' Book of Armagh, s Already. See above, p. 422. Ercc. 443 Meeting of St. Patrick [chap. m. 'And he [Patrick] entered into the King's Palace, and they rose not up before him, except one man only, namely, Hercus Sacrilegus.1 And he said unto him, 'Why didst thou alone rise up to me in honour of my God ? ' And Hercus said, £ Why I know not — I see sparks of fire going up from thy lips to my lips.' Then the Saint said unto him, ' Wilt thou receive the Baptism ofthe Lord, which I have with me ? ' He answered, ' I will receive it.' And they came to the fountain Loigles (as it is in the Scotish tongue, with us the Calf of the Cities2;) and when he had opened his book, and had baptised the man Hercus, he heard men behind his back mocking him one to an other, about that matter; for they knew not what he had done. And he- baptised many thousand3 men on that day. And be tween some ofthe baptismal sentences, behold, he overheard two chieftains conversing together behind him ; and one said to the other, *• It is true what thou saidst to me a year ago, that thou wouldst come here at this time. Tell me, I pray thee, thy name, and the name of thy father, and of thy territory, and of thy land, and where thy home is.' And the other answering, said, ' I am [Endeus] son of Amolngid4, son of Fiachra, son of Eochaidh, from the western regions, from the plain of Domnon, and from the Wood of Fochloth.' And when Patrick heard the name of the Wood of Fochloth, he rejoiced greatly, and said unto Endeus, son of Amolngid, ' I also will go with thee, if I be alive, because the Lord said unto me to go.' And Endeus said, ' Thou shalt not go forth with me, lest we be both slain.' And the Saint said, ' On the contrary, thou shalt never reach thine own country alive unless I go with thee, and thou shalt not 1 Sacrilegus. This word is gene- See Petrie, Tara, p. 166. rally used in a bad sense. Dr. Petrie 3 Many thousand. ' Tot milia suggests that it may here mean a hominum.' This seems a quota- lawyer. Tara Hill, p. 167. Ere is tion from the Confession, sect. 22. called a magus, Book of Armagh, Villan. p. 206. Ware, p. 19. fol. 4, a. b. He died, according to * Amolngid. Or Amalgaidh ; Tighernach,A.D.5i 3. Tirechan says, pronounced Awley. From him the ' in qua [ecclesia Cerne] sepultus est barony of Tir-awley, Co. of Mayo, Hercus qui portavit mortalitatem takes its name. See his genealogy, magnam.' Ibid., fol. 10, a. a. This Introd. Table I. p. 249. Magh seems to mean that he died of the Domnon, in Iorrus Domhnann, is great pestilence, which first appeared now the barony of Erris, in the about a.d. 530. N.W. of the Co. of Mayo. See _ * Calf of the Cities. ' Vitulus O'Donovan's Tribes and Customs of civitatum.' Laog, a calf; Les, a Hy Fiachrach,^. 462,^. ForEndeus fort or civitas. This was a well orEnnaandhisdescendants,seep.i5, within the fort or enclosure of Tara. ibid. His name is there spelt Eunda. chap, in] with the Sons of Amalgaidh. 443 have eternal life ; for it was on my account thou earnest hither, like Joseph1 before the children of Israel.' And Endeus said unto Patrick, ' Give baptism unto my son, for he is of tender years ; but I and my brothers cannot believe until we come to our own people, lest they should mock us.' 2 So Conall 3 was baptised ; and Patrick pronounced a blessing upon him, and took him by the hand, and gave him to Cethiac the bishop, and Cethiac and Mucne the brother of Bishop Cethiac, whose relics are in the Great Church of Patrick in the Wood of Fochloth4, brought him up and taught him. Wherefore Cethiac gave over his own island to Conall, and it belongs to his family to the present day, for he was a layman 5 after the death of St. Cethiac' Our author then goes on to tell us that the Patrick r l r a l'n l meets with appearance ot the sons ot Amalgaidh at the court the sons of of King Laoghaire was owing to a dispute about masal their inheritance. Enna is said to have been the eldest son, and six of his brothers6, for what reason we do not know, questioned his right to succeed to the property. They resolved to sub mit the question to the supreme king at Tara, and this was the business which brought them there when Patrick met them. It is evident, 1 Like Joseph. The meaning is, n. For St. Mucne, or Mucna, see 'The providence of God has brought Colgan, Actt. SS. (4 March), p. thee here to meet me, as the same 457. For Cethiach, or Cethech, see providence sent Joseph into Egypt, Mart, of Donegal, at 16 of June. to save the lives of his father and Vii. Trip. ii. 41 ; and Colgan's note, brethren.' Tr. Th., p. 176, n. 81. 2 Mock us. Meaning not ' lest 5 A layman. This is a curious ourown people should mock us,' but, proof that the celibacy of the clergy ' lest the people amongst whom we was the rule of the Irish Church in now are, should mock us,' as they our author's time. did Hercus. 6 Of his brothers. Amalgaidh is 3 Conall: viz. the son of Endeus. said to have had eight sons (of whom 4 Fochloth. ' In sylva Fochlithi.' Endeus or Enna was the eldest) by It will be observed that Fochclithi, his wife Tresi, sister of Aengus or fochlothi, is the genitive of Foch- Mac Nadfraich, King of Munster ; luth. The Great Church, or Domh- and seven sons by another wife, Erca, nach mor of St. Patrick, no longer daughter of Eochaidh, King of exists, but the name is still preserved. Leinster. O'Donovan, Hy Fiach- 0' Donovan, Hy Fiachrach, p. 463, rach, p. 5. 9. 444 Conversion of Enna. [chap. m. therefore, that at this time their father was dead. It is difficult to imagine that any dispute about inheritance could have arisen amongst the sons during their father's lifetime. Tirechan says nothing about Amalgaidh, or of his conversion to Christianity. The meeting of Patrick with Enna and his brethren must therefore have taken place after the year 449, in which year, according to the Four Masters, their father died ; and the story1 that Amalgaidh was the first Christian king of Connaught is a mistake. The decision of Laoghaire, in which Patrick concurred, was this, that the seven sons of Amalgaidh should divide the inheritance equally amongst them, with recognition, however, of Enna's right to the chieftainship. Our author proceeds : — 'And Enna said, c I dedicate (immolo) my son and my portion of the inheritance to the God of Patrick and to Patrick.' For this reason, some say that we are the servants of Patrick to the present day.' These last words are obscure. It does not appear of whom Tirechan speaks when he says ' that we are the servants of Patrick.' Nothing is known of his genealogy or history, except what he tells us himself, that he was the disciple of St. Ultan2 of Ardbraccan. If he was a descendant 1 Story. The Tripartite Life, ii. c. 59, says nothing of the baptism 87, says, ' Eo die septem Amalgadii of Amalgaidh. filios cum ipso rege et duodecim « St. Ultan. Ultan was Bishop of millibus hominum Christo lucrifecit, the Dal-Conchobhar, a tribe of the et in fonte qui Tobur-enadharc nun- O'Connors of Meath, and a branch cupatur omnes baptizavit.' Jocelin, of the Desii of Bregia. See above, chap, ni.] Patrick visits Tirawley. 445 of Enna, and connected by clanship with the district of Tirawley, the foregoing words may mean, that, in consequence of Enna's donation, he and the tribe, or perhaps the monastic family to which he belonged, ought to be under the jurisdiction of Armagh. The passage deserves notice as proving (if this be its meaning) that in the seventh century the jurisdiction of Armagh ex tended only to those districts or churches which had been granted in fee, or were alleged to have been so granted, to St. Patrick or his successors. Tirechan further tells us that Patrick made a He traveIs . to Tirawley. league with the sons of Amalgaidh, for a safe passage to their country. This agreement was sanctioned by the authority of King Laoghaire, and Patrick set out accompanied by a body of laymen and holy bishops. He paid also, says our author1, a sum of money in gold and silver, equal to ' the price of fifteen souls of men, as he him self in his writing declares, ut in scriptione sua ajfirmat, to protect his company from the attacks of bad men, in his passage straight across all Ireland.' There is here an evident reference to the Con fession as the undoubted work of St. Patrick. The passage alluded to is as follows ; after p. 213. He is generally supposed to 1 Our author. ' Et extendit [? ex- have been himself of that family. pendit] Patricius etiam pretium .xu. But the Mart. Donegal (4 Sept.) animarum hominum ' [i. e. perhaps makes him a descendant of Irial, son the price of 1 5 slaves] , ' ut in scrip- of Conall Cearnach. He is always tione sua adfirmat, de argento et auro, called Mac Ua Conchobhair, or Mac ut nullum malorum hominum impe- Ui Conchobhair. See Vit. Trip. i. deret eos in via recta transeuntes c- 69. {Tr. Th. p. 129.) O'Curry's totam Hiberniam.' Book of Armagh , Lectures, App. cvi. p. 607—8. fol. 10, b. b. 44^ His Provision against the [chap. m. indignantly repudiating the charge1 of taking money from his converts, the author adds : — ' Nay, I rather expended money for you as far as I was able 2 ; and I went among vou, and everywhere, for your sakes, in many dangers, even to those extreme 3 regions, beyond which no man was, and whither no man had ever gone to baptise or ordain clergy, or confirm the people, where, by the gift of the Lord, I did all things diligently, and most gladly, for your salva tion. At the same time I gave presents to the Kings, besides the cost of keeping their sons who walked with me, in order that they should not seize me with my companions.4 And on that day (in ilia die) they most eagerly desired to kill me, but the time was not yet come : yet they plundered everything they found with us, and bound me in irons ; but on the four teenth day the Lord delivered me from their power : and what ever was ours was restored to us, through God, and by the help of the close friends whom we had before provided. But you know how much I expended upon those who were judges5 throughout all the districts which I used more frequently to visit. And I think I paid them the price of not less than fifteen men, that so you might enjoy me, and that I may always enjoy you in the Lord. I do not repent of it, yea, it is not enough for me. I still spend , and will spend more. The Lord is mighty to give me more hereafter, that I may spend myself for your souls.6 (2 Cor. xii. 15.)' 1 Charge. See above, p. 409, n. says he was. Perhaps ' in ilia die ' 2 As far as I was able. So I may mean no more than ' one day,' venture to translate ' ut me cape- as Mr. Olden renders it. ret.' The Bollandist text reads 5 Judges. ' Qui j udicabant.' The 'caperent,' which makes no sense. Bollandist copy reads, 'indigebant,' 3 Extreme. ' Usque ad exteras which spoils the argument. partes, ubi nemo ultra erat.' An- 6 For your souls. Ware, Opusc, other reading is 'extremas partes.' p. 19, 20. Villan., sect. 22, 23. The 4 Companions. I have paraphrased foregoing passage is not in the Book this passage according to what seems of Armagh : but, as it is so plainly the meaning, 'Intereapraemiadabam referred to by Tirechan, it must regibus propter [praeter, Boll.] quod have been in his copy of the Con- dabam mercedem filiis ipsorum qui fession in the seventh century, when mecum ambulabant, et nihil [al. the original autograph was in exist- non] comprehenderunt me [et nihi- ence. We must, therefore, be cauti- lominuscomprehenderuntme,£o//.], ous in rejecting the evidence of what cum comitibus meis.' Read, 'Ut I have for convenience-sake called non comprehenderent me.' It does ' the interpolations,' that is the pas- not appear on what day he was sages not in the Book of Armagh. plundered, and put in chains as he CHAP. .in.] Dangers of the Journey. 447 It is highly probable that by the extreme or His danger . . .... in travel- distant regions mentioned in this passage, to nngtoCon- which no Christian missionary had penetrated, the western coasts of Connaught were intended ; and we may well believe that the journey across the island to those wild and uncivilized tribes was fraught with danger of no ordinary kind. The Tripartite Life records many imminent dangers escaped by St. Patrick during his journey westward, caused by the malice of the Druids, and by the disappointment of the brethren of Enna, who had lost their cause in the court of King Laoghaire. In crossing the Shannon, he discovered the antient altar with the glass chalices, of which we have already1 spoken. This story assumes that Christianity had pene trated into the eastern borders of Connaught before St. Patrick. But it may, nevertheless, have been true that no missionary had ever before reached the distant region around Croach- aigli2, or the territories of Iorrus, Tir-Fhiachrach, and Tir-Amalgaidh, which it was his purpose now to visit. Having crossed the river Moy, he entered this He arrives last-named district, and made his way to the FochiuT'0 wood of Fochlut, of which he had dreamt many years before, and which had clung ever since to his imagination. There, Tirechan tells us, two 1 Already. See above, p. 222. Co. of Mayo. Iorrus is now Erris. 2 Croach-aigli. ' Hill of the Tir-Fhiachrach, and Tir-Amalgaidh, Eagle,' now Croagh Patrick, or are the baronies of Tireragh and Patrick's Rick, in the S.W. of the Tirawley. 44°" He preaches to the Clan [chap. m. virgins1 met him, to whom he gave the veil, and whom he established in a place over the wood Fochlut. More recent legend-makers say that these were the children whose voices were heard in Italy, and, according to one authority2, by Pope Celestine himself, calling out of their mothers' wombs to Patrick to come and baptise them. Their names were Crebrea and Lassair ; they were the daughters of a chieftain named Gleran, son of Cumin. Their relics were preserved at the church of Kil-fhorclann3, on the west ern banks of the Moy, about a mile west of Crosspatrick . He preaches Patrick then went to the place of assembly of Amalgaidh. the clan Amalgaidh, which was called Forrach4' meic n Amalgaidh , near the wood of Fochlut, and not far from the present town of Killala. Here, according to the Tripartite Life 5, he found a great 1 Two virgins. ' Et ecce ii. filiae 4 Forrach. This word signifies a venierunt ad Patricium et acciperunt piece of ground in which the meet- pallium de manu ejus &c.' Book of ings or assemblies of a clan were held. Armagh, fol. 14, b. b. Forrach meic nAmalgaidh is the 2 Authority. Namely, the Scho- assembly-ground of the tribe Mac- liast on Fiacc, Tr. Th., p. 5 ; and Amalgaidh. Tirechan spells the see also Vit. Trip. ii. c. 86. Jocel. word Forrgea. Dr. O'Donovan has c. 38. The names of these virgins shown that this place is in the present do not occur in the Irish Calendars, parish ofBallisakeery,nearthe mouth nor in the Sanctilegium Genealogi- of the Moy, between Ballina and cum. In some forms of the Legend Killala. The name still survives in they are called pueri and infantuli. the townland of Farragh, within that See above, p. 313, 327. ¦ parish ; and there are two hills (he 3 Kil-fhorclann. So we learn from says) in the neighbourhood whose the Scholia on Fiacc's Hymn, and names indicate that they were an- the Tripartite Life. Dr. O'Dono- tiently places of assembly; viz., van has ascertained the site of this Mullach Fharraidh (Hilltop of the church, of which no ruins now exist. assembly), and Cnoc-a-tionol (Hill of See his Correspondence from Mayo the meeting). Correspondence, Mayo, (June '2, 1838), Ordnance MSS. (Ordnance MSS.) 17 May, 1838, Royal Irish Acad., p. 235. Hy Fia- p. 59. Hy Fiachrach, p. 467. chrach, p. 467. 6 Tripartite Life. Lib. ii. c. 87. chap, in.] Baptises large Numbers. 449 assemblage of the people, with their chieftains. He stood up and addressed the multitude. ' He penetrated the hearts of all,' says our author, ' and led them to embrace cordially the Christian faith and doctrine.' The seven sons of Amal gaidh, with the king himself1 and twelve thou sand men, were baptised.2 They were baptised in a well called Tobur-en-adarc? And St. Patrick left with them as their pastor St. Manchen4, sur named the Master, a man of great sanctity, well versed in Holy Scripture. There is mention also of a great baptism5 of Festival of some thousands at Tara, at the baptism of Ere of Patrick. mac Dego ; and St. Patrick, in his writings, speaks more than once of having baptised large numbers of men. It was evidently believed that his preaching was followed on more than one occasion by the simultaneous conversion of great multitudes. This may have given occasion to the institution of the festival which we find in the Irish Calendars of the ninth and tenth 1 The king himself. Not the dratam,' because there was no wood father of the seven sons, who, as we (sylva) near. Book of Armagh, fol. have seen, must have been dead, but \<±,b.b. The earthen churches of that as Colgan suggests, the new chief- age were, therefore, most probably tain, namely, Enna, who had sue- round. ceeded to his father's rights. Tr. 3 Tobur-en-adarc. ' The well of 1h., p. 180, a. 138. one horn,' so called, as the Irish 2 Baptised. Tirechan, although Tripartite Life tells us, from a horn- he mentions the visit of St. Patrick like hill in the vicinity. The more to Foirrgea filiorum Amolngid, says correct spelling would be Tobur- nothing of the great baptism there. oen-adharca. He tells us that Patrick went there 4 St. Manchen. If this was the ' ad dividendum inter filios Amoln- Manchen who lived to 652, he could gid,' to divide their inheritance not have been a contemporary of St. among them; and that he built Patrick. See Colgan, Tr. Th., p. 11 1, there a square church of earth, n. 67. Ussher, Works, vi. 426. 'aeclesiam terrenam de humo qua- 5 Baptism. See above, p. 442. G G 450 Festival of Patrick's Baptism. [chap. m. centuries on the 5th of April. The Calendar1 of Aengus on that day has the lines, Baithes Patraic primda Attranned ineri. The Baptism of noble Patrick Was ignited2 in Erinn. and the Martyrology of Tamlacht interprets this, ' Baptisma Patricii venit in Hiberniam.' It is evident, therefore, that this festival was not the day on which Patrick was himself bap tised, but the day on which ' his baptism,' that is to say, his ministry as a missionary, was found to be preeminently successful. The Scholiast on the Calendar of Aengus says that it was the day on which Sinell3, his first convert, was baptised. But it is much more probable that it was in tended to commemorate the simultaneous bap tism of large numbers of men of which he him self speaks in the Confession.4 1 Calendar. See also Martyrol. year 493, and it was observed that of Donegal, at 5th April. in that year the 1 7th of March fell on 2 Ignited. Or reading Adroined, Wednesday. This fact seems to have ' was performed.' given birth to the story that Patrick 3 Sinell. See above, p. 344. was born and baptised and died on the 4 Confession. See Lanigan, Eccl. same day of the week — 'Triceadaine Hist. i. 233 : a tradition quoted by Patraic, a gen, a bathais, a bas ' — Ussher from the Book of Sligo, which is literally, ' The three Wed- states that Patrick's 'birth, baptism, nesdays of Patrick, his birth, his and death took place on a Wednes- baptism, his death.' See Ussher, day.' From this Lanigan has en- Works, vi. p. 444. A similar legend deavoured to prop up the year 433 is told of S. Columba, that he was as the year of the first Easter in born, baptised, and died on Whit- Ireland, because on that year the 5th Sunday. Reeves, Adamnan, p. 311. April fell on Wednesday. But the So also St. Brigid was born, veiled, Wednesday tradition has nothing to and died on Wednesday, Tr. Th., do with the festival of the jth of p. 619, which is given in another April ; and Ussher has rightly in- form, Book of Lecan, fol. 45, a.b. terpreted it. It was the general It would be ridiculous to treat such opinion, founded perhaps on antient fables as history. tradition, that Patrick died in the chap, ni.] Daughters of King Laoghaire. 45 1 The following curious anecdote is recorded by story of Tirechan, and repeated with more or less varia- Laoghahe's tion in the Lives. It is generally told as having aug te's' taken place before the events just noticed ; whilst Patrick was still in Connaught. Whether true or false, it is worthy of being quoted as a specimen of what was believed to have been his manner of teaching. It appears that King Laoghaire had two daughters, named Ethne the fair, and Fedelm the ruddy. He had sent them, for what reason is not explained, to his relatives in Connaught, and placed them under the care of two Druids or magi, named Mael and Caplit. Patrick was at Crochan, or Cruachan1, the royal cemetery of the kings of Ireland of the race of Herimon, and a very antient residence of the kings of Connaught, in the county of Roscommon. There was a well or fountain called Clebach, on the side of the fort, looking towards the east. There Patrick and his attendants assembled one morning at sunrise. He selected, perhaps, the place and hour with the hope of conciliating some Pagan superstitions. Tirechan says that the virgins found Patrick at the well with a synod of bishops, 1 Cruachan. Now Rath-croghan, Queen of Connaught. O'Flaherty, nearBelanagare. Antiently, Oenach Ogyg. p. 267, sq. Rath Croghan was Cruachan. See the Tract called an antient fort of the Gamanradii, a 'History of Cemeteries,' publ. by Dr. tribe of the Fir-bolg, or Belgae. It Petrie, Round Towers, p. 100, 104. was called, originally, Drum-na- The correct orthography of this ndruad [Mount of the Druids], and name is Crochan, so called from Tulach Aichne, which may signify Crochan Crobderg [the red hand], ' Hill of Pleaders,' but the meaning wife of Eochaid Feilioc (King of oi Aichne is uncertain. SeeDr.O'Do- Ireland, a.m. 3922), and mother of novan's valuable account of this place, the celebrated Medbh, or Maud, Four Mast., a.d. 1223, not. r. G G 2 452 Patrick's Instruction [chap. m. senodum sanctorum episcoporum ; but it is probable that by this word our author means only an assembly or company, not a synod properly so called. It will be better, however, to tell the story in the exact words of that antient historian1, translated as closely as possible : — Then St. Patrick came to the well (ad fontem) which is called Clebach, on the sides of Crochan towards the east ; and before sunrise they [i.e. Patrick and his followers] sat down near the well. And lo ! the two daughters of King Laoghaire, Ethne the fair (alba), and Fedelm the ruddy (rufd), came early to the well, to wash2, after the manner of women, and they found near the well a synod of holy Bishops with Patrick. And they knew not whence they were, or in what form, or from what people, or from what country ; but they supposed them to be Duine Sidhe3 (viros Sidhe), or gods of the earth, or a phantasm. And the virgins said unto them, 'Where are ye ? and whence come ye ? ' And Patrick said unto them, ' It were better for you to confess to our true God, than to enquire concerning our race.' The first virgin said 4, < Who is God ? ' And where is God ? ' And of what [nature] is God ? ' And where is His dwelling-place ? ' Has your God sons and daughters, gold and silver ? * Is He everliving ? 1 Historian. Book of Armagh, by the Irish to the fairies, men of fol. 12, a.a. the hills; the word Sidhe, or Siodha, 2 To wash. 'More mulierum signifies the habitations supposed ad lavandum mane uenierunt.' to belong to these aerial beings in Whether this means to wash them- the hollows of the hills and moun- selves, or to wash their clothes, the tains. Ogyg. ib. It is doubtful reader must decide. O'Flaherty re- whether the word is cognate with marks that this passage shows the the Latin sedes, or from a Celtic simplicity of antient manners. The root, side, a blast, a wind. King's daughters go down to wash 4 Said. The following singular at a well in the open air, and at break catechism is written in the Book of of day. Ogyg. p. 200. Armagh, in lines, as here repre- 3 Duine Sidhe. ' The men of sented. This page is nearly obliter- Sidhe,' or phantoms, the name given ated in the original MS. chap. iii. J to the Daughters of Laoghaire. 453 ' Is He beautiful ? < Did many foster His Son ? ' Are His daughters dear l and beauteous to men of the world ? ' Is He in heaven or in earth I ' In the sea ? ' In rivers ? ' In mountainous places ? ' In valleys ? 'Declare unto us the knowledge of Him. ' How shall He be seen ? ' How is He to be loved ? ' How is He to be found ? ' Is it in youth ? ' Is it in old age, that He is to be found ? ' But St. Patrick, full of the Holy Ghost, answered and said, 'Our God is the God of all men. ' The God of heaven and earth, of the sea and rivers. ' The God of the sun, the moon, and all stars. ' The God of the high mountains, and of the lowly vallies. 'The God who is above heaven, and in heaven, and under heaven. ' He hath a habitation in the heaven 2 and the earth and the sea, and all that are therein. ' He inspireth all things. ' He quickeneth all things. ' He is over all things. ' He sustaineth all things. ' He giveth light to the light ofthe sun. ' Lumen noctis et notitias valat.3 ' And He hath made springs in a dry ground, ' And dry islands in the sea, ' And hath appointed the stars to serve the greater lights. 1 Dear. ' Carse et pulchrae sunt £ Lumen . noctis splendore suo per- hominibus mundi.' O'Flaherty lustrat.' The other Lives all evade reads, or rather interprets, ' Clarae the difficulty. The Irish Tripartite et pulchriores hominibus mundi.' quotes the whole of this dialogue in Ogyg. p. 201. the original Latin or Tirechan, but 2 Heaven. ' Habet habitaculum shortens this clause into ' solis lumen erga ccelum et terram, et mare, et illuminat et lumen lunae,' and Col- omnia quae sunt in eis.' gan makes it ' Ab ipso mundi lumi- 3 Valat. This line I know not how naria sol et luna suum lumen parti te translate. Probus (i. 14) reads, cipant.' Tr. Th., p. 135. 454 Patrick's Instruction ' [chap. m. ' He hath a Son co-eternal and co-equal (consimilem) with Himself. ' The Son is not younger than the Father, £ Nor is the Father older than the Son, ' And the Holy Ghost breatheth in them (infiat in eis). ' The Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost are not divided (non separantur). ' But I desire to unite you to the Heavenly King, inasmuch as you are the daughters of an earthly King — to believe.' ' And the virgins said, as with one mouth and one heart — ' Teach us most diligently how we may believe in the Heavenly King. Show us how we may see Him face to face, and whatsoever thou shalt say unto us, we will do.' And Patrick said, ' Believe ye that by baptism ye put off the sin of your father and your mother ? ' — They answered, ' We believe.' ' Believe ye in repentance after sin ? ' — ' We believe.' ' Believe ye in life after death ? Believe ye the resurrection at the Day of Judgment ? ' — ' We believe.' ' Believe ye the Unity of the Church ? ' — ' We believe.' And they were baptised ; and a white garment put upon their heads. And they asked to see the face of Christ. And the Saint said unto them, ' Ye cannot see the face of Christ, except ye taste of death, and except ye receive the Sacrifice.' And they answered, ' Give us the Sacrifice, that we may behold the Son our Spouse.' And they received the Eucharist of God, and they slept in death (dormierunt in morte). And they were laid out on one bed, covered with garments : and [their friends] made great lamentation and weeping for them. And the Magus Caplit, who had fostered one of them, came and wept, and Patrick preached unto him, and he believed, and the hairs of his head were taken off. And his brother Mael came and said, ' My brother hath be lieved in Patrick, but it shall not be so [with me] ; yea, I shall bring him back to Paganism, and to Milthous.' 2 1 Believe. '"Credere,' which per- of any deity of the Pagan Irish haps ought to be credite. called Milthous. Could the meaning 2 Milthous. ' Sed revertam eum be, ' I will bring back Patrick to in gentilitatem, et ad Milthoum.' Paganism, and to his former master This mention of Milthous is omitted Milchu.' Or perhaps, by Milthous, in all the Lives. There is no record he means Mael, i.e. himself. chap, in.] to the Daughters of Laoghaire. 455 And he spake harsh words to Patrick, and Patrick spake to him and preached to him, and converted him to the repentance of God : and the hairs of his head were taken off — that is, the magical rule ' [which] was seen on his head, as is said, air bacc It was of him was spoken that most celebrated of all Scotic proverbs, ' Calvus2 is become like Caplit.' And they believed in God. And the days of mourning (ululationis) for the king's daughters were accomplished, and they buried them near the well Clebach ; and they made a circular ditch, like to a Ferta* ; because so the Scotic people and gentiles were used to do ; but with us it is called Reliquia*, that is, the remains ofthe virgins. And this Ferta was granted [immolata est) with the bones of the holy virgins to Patrick and to his heirs (heredibus) after him for ever. And he made a Church of earth in that place. This remarkable story bears internal evidence Authen- -... .. . *.11 . . ticity of the of high antiquity ; it was evidently written when story. Paganism was not yet extinct in the country. It represents Patrick as consenting to follow the 1 Rule. ' Et ablati sunt capilli quse prius in capite ejus videbatur.' capitis illius i.e. norma magica in ii. 16. Tr. Th., p. 58. capite videbatur, air bacc ut dicitur 2 Calvus. The name of the Druid gknna.' ' The fashion or rule of Mael signifies Calvus, or the bald. the magicians was seen on his head.' Our author gives the proverb thus, This seems to allude to a sort of ' Similis est Calvus contra Caplit,' tonsure worn by the Druids or magi, where contra signifies, in comparison although the Tripartite Life (ii. 46) with, one set against the other. explains it that both Caplit and There must be some allusion to the Mael on this occasion received the shaven heads of the converted magi:. monastic tonsure. This cannot pos- the proverb seems applicable to any- sibly be so. The Irish words air thing strange or unexpected. bacc giunna signify ' as a band [or 3 Ferta. We have had an in- hond] of hell (Gehenna),' meaning stance ofthe use of this word in the that the Druidical tonsure was a antient name of Slane. See p. 420, symbol of damnation. It seems quite supra. It is employed in Irish to clear that the author intended to signify a sepulchral mound of clay, say, not that these magi had received covered with grass. See Petrie, Round any form of Christian tonsure, but Towers,v.io6. Ferta denotes almost that their hair was cut off to remove always a Pagan cemetery, as the all remains of their Pagan or Drui- above passage clearly intimates. dical tonsure. Probus is the only Reeves, Churches of Armagh, p. 49. one of the biographers who does i Reliqui*-. In Irish, Relec. See not suppress this : he says, ' Tunc Dr. Petrie's account of the Relec na jubente S. Patricio ablati sunt capilli righ, or Cemetery of the Kings at capitis ejus, id est, norma magica, Cruachan. Round Towers, p. 104-7. 456 Their voluntary Death [chap. m. custom of the pagan Scots, in the form of the tomb erected over the remains of the royal virgins. It speaks of the Druidical tonsure, without any allusion to the existence of a similar custom amongst Christians. The articles of the Creed which it recites are those alone which are to be found in symbols of the very highest antiquity.1 But the most singular part of the foregoing story is its conclusion, in which the virgins, after their baptism, are represented as having consented to undergo a voluntary death, in order that they might see the face of Christ. Patrick is repre sented as approving of their design, and, indeed, as having suggested it. He administered to them the holy Eucharist, as their viaticum ; and then, we are told, ' they slept in death,' but by what means death was procured we are not informed. Contains no A learned writer2 has appealed to this transac- esoteric . . doctiine. tion to show that the early Irish Church — not perhaps St. Patrick himself, but the ' order ' of 1 Antiquity. O'Flaherty infers Lanigan's note (i. 227), although (see Ogyg. p. 200), from the ques- infected with some ofthe fictions of tions put to St. Patrick by the Vallancey, contains, on the whole, a king's daughters, that the deities correct view of this subject.. See of the Pagan Irish were topical, above, p. 127, sq. genii or aerial beings, supposed to 2 Writer. See a paper believed to inhabit the mountains, plains, rivers, be by my late lamented friend the lakes, and fountains ; and we know Hon. A. Herbert, ' On the Peculiari- that the visible objects of their wor- ties of Culdeism,' in the British Ma- ship, besides the heavenly bodies, gazine, vol. xxvi. p. 8. This author were not idols properly so called, knew the Book of Armagh only from but pillar-stones, remarkable hills, Sir Wm. Betham's faulty edition of wells, and other natural objects. The it. He makes a great deal ofthe Irish had no knowledge of the DU phrase ' Eucharistia dormientium in gentium, Saturn, Jupiter, Apollo, morte,' which is one of Sir William's Mars, &c, or of the female deities, innumerable blunders, and does not Juno, Venus, Minerva, &c, under occur in the original. any Celtic names or designations. chap, in.] not a taking the Veil. 457 ecclesiastics that followed him — had esoteric as well as exoteric doctrines, and that one of their secret doctrines was the efficacy of human sacrifices ; the certainty of salvation to those who submitted to a voluntary death. In the present case, however, there is no attempt at secrecy or concealment. The story is told in the plainest and most un equivocal terms. It is repeated by the later biographers, who do not seem to be conscious of any reason for disguise. Nor can the difficulty be removed by the suggestion of Dr. Lanigan, that the death of the royal virgins, immediately after receiving the holy Eucharist, was not their natural, but their spiritual death ; no more being intended than that they had taken the veil, and so had become dead to the world.1 But they are not said to have taken the veil, and we are expressly told that they were laid out and waked ; that lamentation was made for them ; that they were buried ; a tomb of a particular form erected over their remains, and a church built at their tomb. The original author certainly intended to say that their death was a real and literal death. Neither, is there in this story the smallest No disguise attempt at disguise.2 There is no appearance of inthestory- 1 World. Lanigan, i. p. 241. put upon their heads,' but this was ' The mistake originated,' he says, evidently the white garment of bap- ' in their having received the veil, as tism worn by neophytes in the it is mentioned they did.' But al- antient church, for eight days after though the Tripartite Life (ii. 44) baptism. Selvaggii Antiqq. 1. iii. 5, says this, the reader will observe § 2 (torn. v. p. 74). The custom is that there is not a word of their alluded to by Patrick himself as hay- having received the veil, in the ori- ing been practised by him. See p. ginal .narrative. We are told, in- 352, supra. deed, that after their baptism, ' a 2 Disguise. The only one of the white garment, Candida vestis, was biographers'who attempts to soften 458 Instances of Legends [chap. m. its being regarded as containing a secret doctrine, which was to be revealed to the initiated only. The writer seems quite unconscious that there was anything in the legend to be ashamed of. The daughters of King Laoghaire, having em braced the Christian faith, desired to behold the face of their Saviour. Being informed that so long as they were in the flesh this could not be, they earnestly desired to depart and to be with Christ ; and accordingly, by a special miracle, or grace of God, they were removed into the imme diate presence of the Lord, after having received the holy Eucharist of His Body and His Blood. This is the story. And there are abundant in stances of similar legends, to which the explana tion of a figurative death is inapplicable. Many We have already had occasion to notice the similar t J legends. account given of the virgin who preferred death, as the spouse of Christ, rather than become the earthly spouse of St. Enna1, then a worldly and ungodly chieftain. We have quoted also the legend of St. Oran2 of Hi, who devoted himself to a voluntary death for the good of his brethren. In neither of these examples, however, is there any mention of the Eucharist. The following down the objectionable part of the gins however desired again to die, story, is the author of the Fourth rather than endure the miseries of Life, who makes St. Patrick say, this life : and so they died again. ' Nisi mortem paululum gustaveri- Cap. 57, Tr. Th. p. 42. The Tri- tis, et sacrosancta mysteria acci- partite insinuates an apology for piatis, faciem Christi videre non Patrick's recommending their death, eritis dignse.' He then gives the ' Vir sanctus divinorum conscius de- same account of their death as the cretorum.' ii. c. 45, Ib. p. 136. other Lives, but adds that St. Patrick x St. Enna. See above, p. 125. raised them from the dead ; the vir- 2 St. Oran. Ibid. chap, in.] inculcating voluntary Death. 459 anecdote occurs in the life of St. Patrick, and may be cited as a case more in point : — Dichu of Saul, the first convert made by St. Patrick's preaching in Dal-aradia, had a brother named Ross, or Rus, the son of the same father, Trichim. This man was of an advanced age, but entirely story of devoted to worldly things. Notwithstanding the Trichim. example of his brother Dichu, he vehemently resisted St. Patrick. The saint reasoned with him on the folly of trusting to this world only, when all his senses had failed, and his limbs were tottering to the grave. Patrick promised, if he would believe, to restore him to youth. This argument prevailed. Ross consented willingly; and, on Patrick's prayer, became forthwith a strong and handsome young man. His repentance, however, was sincere, and his faith exemplary. Patrick seeing this, and fearing for him, as Joce line tells us, the danger of his again encountering the temptations of the world, proposed to him this alternative : — ' The choice is given thee,' he said, ' either to live again for a long time in this life, or now to go to heaven.' Ross answered, ' I choose now to depart to eternal life.' Then straightway1, having received the Sacrifice, he departed unto the Lord. 1 Straightway. This story is and Connor, p. 35. Mart.ofDone- told by two of the Lives only : the gal, at April 7. Many similar Vita tertia, cap. 33, and Joceline, who anecdotes may be found in the Lives amplifies a little, cap. 34, 35. Ross of the Second Order of Saints. It Mac Trichim is commemorated at must suffice here to quote some in- Down, or Dundalethglaiss. He is stances from the life of one of them, said to have been at a place called St. Brendan, the navigator, who Brittan, now Bright, in the county died a.d. 576 or 577. On one of Down, when Patrick met him. occasion, he and his companions Vit. Trip, i. 52. See Reeves, Down found a mermaid lying dead from a 46"o Moral Instruction [chap. III. We are not concerned with the miraculous embellishments of these legends ; nor indeed with the question whether or not the stories themselves severe wound. The saint restored her to life, baptised her, and then asked her who she was. ' I am of the inhabitants of the sea,' said she, ' i.e. of the people who implore and pray for the resurrection.' Brendan asked her what was her wish, whe ther she would go to heaven at once, or return to her fatherland. The girl answered, in a language which none but Brendan understood, and said, ' To heaven,' said she, ' for I hear the voices of the angels praising the Almighty Lord.' After the girl had received the Body of Christ and His Blood, she died without anxiety. Again, Brendan had amongst his crew some carpenters, a smith, and a Crossan, or Cross-bearer. (See Irish Nennius, p. 182, n.) They arrived at a high and beautiful island, the shores of which were covered with ' sea cats.' St. Brendan informed his followers that the furious animals were come to devour them. He then said to the Cross-bearer, ' Arise, and take the Body of Christ and His Blood, and go then to eternal life, for I hear the choir ofthe angels calling thee to them.' He liked this, and said, ' O Lord, what good have I done, that I am to be brought at once to heaven ! ' Now, after the Crossan had taken the Body of Christ and His Blood, he leaped out at once into the sea with great joy, so that the sea cats devoured him, all except a small portion of his bones, which were buried by his companions, ' and his name is written in the Martyr ology, for he was a famous martyr.' [His martyrdom appears to have con sisted in his having devoted himself to death to save his companions.] The smith was then seized with a sudden disease, and was at the point of death. Brendan said to him, * What wonder, go to the heavenly kingdom, as thou art in search of a country, or if thou desirest to be in this world longer, I will pray to God for thee and thou shalt re cover health.' The smith answer ed, ' I hear the voice of the Lord calling me.' And after taking the Body of Christ and His Blood, he went to heaven. They still sailed westward, and discovered a small but beautiful island, with much excellent fish left behind by the tide in the inlets and bays. As they sailed round the island they saw a stone church upon it, and an old man praying there, who warned them to fly, as there was a huge sea cat on the island as large as an ox, which would destroy them. They took to their ship, and the sea cat swam after them. Bren dan prayed, when another sea monster rose up, and fought with the cat. Both were drowned, and never heard of afterwards. Brendan and his peo ple returned to the island. The old man received them with joy. 'I am one of the men of Erinn,' said he, ' and we set out twelve men of us, on our pilgrimage, and brought that monster sea cat with us, when he was a young kitten, and we were very fond of him ; he afterwards grew to a great size, but never did us any harm ; and eleven of my companions have died, and I am here waiting for thee to give me the Body of Christ, and afterwards to go to heaven.' The old man then pointed out to them the land of which they were in search, i.e. the Land of Pro mise ; and having received the Body of Christ and His Blood, he went to heaven ; and he was buried in that place along with his brethren, with great honour and veneration, with psalms and hymns, in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. The foregoing tales are translated from an Irish Life of St. Brendan. chap, m.] intended by such Legends. 46 1 had any foundation in fact. The teaching they represent may have been the teaching of St. Patrick, although we cannot absolutely infer that it was so. The legendary biographies, in which we find such tales, were all composed at a much later time, and in all probability received much colouring from the opinions and superstitions of their authors. It is important, however, to observe, that not even in the latest of these com positions was any attempt made to disguise the facts, or to treat the voluntary death which the legends seem to recommend as an occult doc trine. Nothing can be more unfair than to repre- Human sent that doctrine as equivalent to the doc- not taught trine of human sacrifice1, said to have been held legends; by some heretical sects. The Irish stories had for their object no more than to set forth the superior glories of a future life ; the blessedness of being delivered from the burden of the flesh, and the miseries of this sinful world ; that 'to depart and to be with Christ is far better.' This object was, no doubt, clumsily effected by superstitious and incredible tales ; but such tales fitted the taste, and were eagerly, perhaps profit ably, received by the credulity of the age for whose edification they were invented. In some of them death is represented as a miraculous 1 Sacrifice. Nevertheless it is upon xxvi. p. 7. We may hereafter have the strength of these stories that the an opportunity of explaining what learned author we have already re- the Culdees really were, and how ferred to says, ' The most remark- strangely mistaken this writer was able incident to Culdeism is the idea respecting them. of human sacrifice.' Brit. Magaz. 462 Not a Recommendation [chap.ih. gift, sent from above in answer to the prayer or to the earnest desire of the saint. In other cases, from the stupidity or ignorance of the legend- maker, the saint is represented as having com mitted something like suicide ; devoting himself to death for the good of others, and by his own act voluntarily encountering death. But the idea of human sacrifice does not, even in this case, enter into the story. The victim devotes himself to save his brethren from some great and imminent peril. St. Oran of Hi may have been influenced by the superstitious opinion that until a Christian interment took place in that island, the power of the demons1, who were its former possessors, could not be entirely overcome. The Crossan2 among the followers of St. Brendan may have been persuaded that the 'wild cats' ofthe island, satisfied with one victim, would leave his master and companions unmolested. But these stories, superstitious as they are, and tinged perhaps with a Paganism not yet extinct, do not inculcate the merit or benefit of human sacrifice. ner Still less do they resemble the Endura3, or religious 1 Demons. Pennant mentions a ibid.), ' We have a memorable in- tradition current among the peasan- stance of it [the doctrine of human try, that Oran's tomb was opened ; sacrifice] in the Endura of Paulician that he was found alive, and uttered Manichees of Languedoc. By that the most fearful blasphemies, so that rule, the candidates for Albigensian it became necessary to cover him up salvation, when dangerously ill, were again. This story seems to imply required to accelerate their death by that not only his body, but his soul, abstaining from food, and were even became the prey of the demons. But sanctioned in stillfurtheraccelerating there is no antient authority for it. it by bleeding.' Let the reader judge It is a fable of modern demonology. whether there is anything of this See Irish Nennius, p. xxiv. xxv. kind so much as hinted at in the 2 Crossan. See note, p. 460. Irish legends. For the Endura of 3 Endura. See Du Cange, in the Albigenses, see Maitland, Facts voce. Mr. Herbert says (Brit. Mag. and Documents, p. 235, sq. suicide. chap, in.] of religious Suicide. 463 religious suicide of the Albigensian heretics, to which a learned writer has compared them. There suicide, properly so called, by a slow and painful death, was the essential idea. A voluntary abstaining from all food, accompanied sometimes by bleeding, and hot baths to aid the effects of the bleeding. In this lingering and gradual extinction of life consisted apparently the merit of the sacrifice ; whereas the prominent idea in the Irish stories was a death, as speedy as possible after having received the holy Viaticum, not with any notion of a human sacrifice, but lest sin should be committed to neutralize the purifying effects of the blessed Sacrament, and hinder the admission of the believer into the immediate presence of Christ. We undoubtedly recognise also in these legends Legend of . . 1 1 r 1 ° . St. Aedh a desire to recommend and enforce the necessity Mac Brie of receiving the holy Eucharist as a viaticum before death. Some of the stories have this alone for their object, as in the case ofthe Mermaid resuscitated by St. Brendan.1 A similar anecdote is told of St.Aedh Mac Brie2: — ' A rich friend, a native of Munster, and a great benefactor to the Church, had sent for St. Aedh in his last illness, but died before Aedh could reach him. St. Aedh sent his deacon (ministrum suum) with all speed, commanding him to say in the ear of the dead man, " Shall I go to thee, or wilt thou come to me ? " Immediately the dead man arose, and crossing himself, 1 St. Brendan. See above, p. 460, a. air, now Killare, in Westmeath, 2 Aedh Mac Brie. He was a de- and died a.d. 588. Colgan gives scendant of Fiacc, son of Niall ofthe his Life at 28 Feb., but he is corn- Nine Hostages. See .Table III. p. memorated in the Mart, of Donegal 2Sh supra. He was Bishop at Cill- at 10 Nov. 464 St. Patrick's Charioteer. [chap. III. went to St. Aedh, who said to him, " Wilt thou continue in this life, or go now to heaven ? " He preferred the latter alter native : received the Communion of the Lord from the hand of Aedh, and then slept in peace.' * Story of Oran the charioteer. This story can have had no other object than to inculcate the necessity of receiving the holy Viaticum before death. The story of Odhran, or Oran, St. Patrick's charioteer2, can scarcely be said to belong to this class of legends. The only moral it inculcates is the devotion of a faithful servant to his master. St. Patrick had overturned the great pillar stone, worshipped by the Irish, in the plain of Magh Sleacht3, co. of Cavan. Berraidhe4, a chieftain of 1 Inpeace. Abridged from Colgan, Actt. SS. p. 419, c. 10. Some similar stories may be briefly noticed here. Eochaidh, son of Crimthann Leith, fifth in descent from Colla-da-Crioch, died in infidelity, but requested that Patrick should be sent for before his body was interred ; Patrick came and raised him from the dead. Eoch aidh declared to the people what he had seen of the pains of the damned and the blessedness of the righteous. The choice was given him to live and reign for 15 years more on earth, or at once to go to heaven. Eochaidh declared that he regarded all the de lights of the world as naught, and as smoke that soon passes away, when compared with the joys of eternity. He was therefore baptised, and immediately 'rested in the Lord.' Vit. Trip. iii. c. 8. Again, Eoghan, grandson of Muredach Meith, son of Imchad, son of Colla-da-crioch, requested St. Patrick to resuscitate his grandfather, who had died in Paganism some years before. The saint consented, Muredach was re stored to life, instructed in the mys teries of the faith, baptised, and then 'being again delivered from the burden of the flesh, dismissed to eternal life.' Ibid. c. 11. Thirdly, Mumessa, or Munessa, daughter of a British king, although not yet baptised, was inspired with an in tense desire of seeing God ; her parents brought her to St. Patrick, she was instructed, and baptised, and forthwith died. Vit. 4ta. c. 78. joce lin (c. 159) adds, that she had re ceived the Viaticum immediately after her baptism. 2 Charioteer. See O'Donovan's Four Masters, a.d. 448, p. 138. Odhran, or Oran, was a common name in Ireland ; there is therefore no ground to represent the story of St. Oran of Hi as an imitation of this legend. See Brit. Magazine, xxvi. p. 11. 3 Magh Sleacht. See above, p. 127. * Berraidhe. He was descended from Ros Failghe (Ros ofthe rings), eldest son of Cathair M6r, King of Ireland, a.d. 174. From this Ros Failghe, the Ui Failghe, or Offaly, took their name. See O'Fla herty, Ogyg. p. 310. Colgan, Actt. chap, m.] Patrick revisits Ulster, Meath, &c. 465 the Ui Failghe, or Offaly, in Leinster, resolved to take vengeance for this deed, by putting Patrick to death. His resolution came to the ears of Oran, who soon after, when they were to pass near the fortress of this chieftain, pretended fatigue, and easily induced Patrick to resign his place in the chariot.1 The stratagem succeeded. Berraidhe cast his javelin at Oran, supposing him to be St. Patrick, and Oran died, with the satisfaction of having saved his master's life by the sacrifice of his own. Let us resume the narrative of St. Patrick's st. Patrick missionary progress. After his labours in Con- Ulster, ~ naught, where he is said to have spent seven years2, he is represented to have revisited Ulster. There he erected a great number of churches, in which he left priests and bishops in the districts of Tirconnell (now the county of Donegal), Dalrieda, and Dalaradia. He then visited Meath ; and entering Leinster, is said Meath, to have baptised at Naas, at that time the Naas, residence of the Leinster kings, Illann and Aillill, sons of Dunlaing, king of Leinster, who both afterwards succeeded to the throne3 of their father. In the county of Wicklow, he Wicklow. sought hospitality from Driuccriu, then chief tain of the Hy Garchon, who was married to a ss- P- 370. For an account of the 2 Seven years. Vit. Trip. ii. 108. district originally belonging to this Tirechan, Book of Armagh, fol. 15, tribe,see O'Donovan', Book of Rights, a. b. p. 216, n. 3 Throne. The Four Masters tells 1 Chariot. The chariot it seems us" that Illann died in 506, and Aillill was capable of holding but one in 526. person. H H 466 Consecration of Fiacc. [chap. HI. Visits Magh Life. Consecra tion of Fiacc. daughter of king Laoghaire. Knowing his father- in-law's hostility to Patrick, Driuccriu refused him the usual courtesy1 due to a traveller ; but Patrick was compensated by the cordial reception he received from Cillin, or .Killin, a chieftain of another branch of the same family, whose infant son2 Marcan was blessed by the saint, and his future eminence foretold. Patrick next visited Magh Life, the plain from which the river Liffey takes its name3, where he founded some churches ; and proceeding into the district called Iarthar Life, or western Liffey, he entered the territory of the tribe called Laeghis, or Leix4, now the Queen's County. There, it is said, he again met with Dubhtach Maccu Lugil, or Lughair, the great bard or poet, whom he had converted5 to Christianity some years before, at the court of king Laoghaire; and on this occasion, Dubhtach's disciple Fiacc was made bishop of Sletty, with jurisdiction (as we are told) over all Leinster. 1 Courtesy. ' Postulanti denegavit charitatis officia.' Trip. iii. 17. This is an incidental proof that Laoghaire was not believed to have been sincere in his profession of Christianity. 2 Infant son. ' Adhuc lactans in ter ulnas ministrantis tunc ancillae.' Trip. ibid. See above, Table V. No. 87, p. 253. 3 Name. See above, Introd. p. 11, not. 2. 4 Leix. For the history and boun daries of this tribe, see O'Donovan, Book of Rights, p. 216, n. In this account of the acts of St. Patrick in Leinster, no mention is made of Dublin. This is a proof that these legends are older than the eleventh century, when Dublin came to be an ecclesiastical town. Joceline, who wrote in the 12th century, tells us (c. 71) that St. Patrick came to Dublin, ' a noble city :' but he be trays the anachronism by adding that it was then inhabited by the Northmen, who were unknown in Ireland before the year 795. He forgot also that a little before (c. 69) he had represented St. Patrick as predicting the future eminence of Dublin in these words, ' Pagus iste, nunc exiguus, eximius erit.' 5 Converted. See above, p. 424. Vit. Trip. iii. 21. Tr. Th. p. 152. chap, in.] Patrick visits Ossory and Munster. 467 From Leinster, as the author of the Tripar- Blessing on tite Life informs us, Patrick entered Ossory, Ss°ry" and blessed1 the whole district, predicting that from it should proceed many eminent men, both in the ecclesiastical and secular life, and that the country should never be subjected to the yoke of strangers so long as the tribes of Ossory continued in obedience to him and to his successors. This seems to show that, in the times of this author, the jurisdiction of Armagh was not universally acknowledged ; and we know that the right of visitation in Ossory was claimed by the successors of Columbkille in the seventh century.2 We next3 find Patrick in Munster; and as he Patrick in \ had spent seven years in Connaught, so we are told he spent seven years also in Munster. He went at once to Cashel, the seat of the kings. As he approached, the idols all fell before him, like Dagon before the Ark. The king of Mun ster, Aengus, son of Natfraich, came out to meet him, and conducted him into the palace with the highest reverence and honour. Aengus4 was at 1 Blessed. ' Totam postea terram journ of St. Patrick in Munster, et gentem Ossoriorum benedixit, after the foundation of Armagh. pradicens quod ex ea tam in Christi, See his Index Chron. a.d. 445, 448, quam in seculi militia, multi clari 449. He dates the foundation of prodituri essent duces ; et quod ex- Clogher two years before that of terorum jugo vel potentia non essent Armagh, i.e. 443, or fifty years be- opprimendi, quamdiu in suo, suo- fore St. Patrick's death ; however, rumque successorum obsequiis essent Joceline (c.143), as well as the Tri- permansuri.' Vit. Trip. iii. 27. partite (iii. c. 3), tell us that at the " Century. See Reeves, Adamn. foundation of Clogher, Patrick was p. 39, note d. so feeble with age, 'senio confectum,' 8 Next. The exact chronological that he used to be carried on the . order of these events is very unsettled. shoulders of his disciple St. Mac- Ussher places the consecration of carthenn. Fiacc, the baptism of the sons of * Aengus. King Aengus was Dunlaing, and the seven years' so- killed a.d. 489, by Illann, son of H H 2 468 Baptism of King Aengus. [chap. m. once baptised, but a singular accident took place at the ceremony. Patrick, without perceiving it, allowed the lower end of his crosier, which was sharp and pointed, to pierce the king's foot. Aengus, imagining that this was a necessary part of the baptismal ceremony, endured the torture without allowing himself to utter the slightest expression of pain. It was not until the baptism was over that the fact was discovered. All this bears evident marks of fiction. No mention of Cashel, or of Patrick's journey to Munster, is to be found in the Book of Armagh. Emly, not Cashel, was at first proposed as the archiepiscopal see of Munster1; nor is there any notice of Cashel in the Irish annals, as a place of ecclesiastical importance, until the middle ofthe ninth, or beginning of the tenth century. The 'Irish Life'2 of St. Patrick, supposed to be the original of Colgan's ' Tripartite,' or 'Vita Sep- tima,' betrays the origin of the Munster legend, when it tells us that Patrick on this occasion had enacted, — ' And no man shall be king of Cashel until the comarb [or successor] of Patrick has confirmed him, and consecrated him to his office.'3 Foundation The foundation of Armagh is the next event of Armagh. Dunlaing, king of North Leinster, 2 Irish Life. Still unpublished, MS. at the battle of Cell-Osnada, or Bodleian. Rawlinson, 505. There Cenn Losnado, now Kellistown, is another copy among the Egerton county of Carlow. See Four Mas- MSS.,No. 93, Brit. Museum. ters, in anno, and O'Donovan's note. 3 Office. ' Ni ri Caisel coro nordne Illann had not long before been bap- comarba Patrice, agus cotarda grad, tised by St. Patrick. See p. 465. fair.' This passage is not to be found 1 Munster. Introd. sect. 85, 86, in Colgan's Latin version, Vit. Trip. p. 214, sq. iii. 1. 30, p. 155. chap, hi.] Foundation of Armagh. 469 which can be regarded as historical1 in the life of St. Patrick ; and here again we are met by the chronological difficulties created by the story of his Roman mission. The Annals of Ulster give the date a.d. 444 [=445], with the parallel date 1 194, or according to another reading 1197, from the foundation of Rome.2 This record, thus doubly dated, occurs in these annals in connection with two other notices, which seem to show that Armagh was founded in the earlier part of St. Patrick's career, when the success of his mission was ascertained, and his fame established. These notices are as follows: — WA.D. 441. Patrick the bishop is approved (probatus eit) in the Catholic faith.' 1 Historical. There may perhaps be one or two exceptions. The Tri partite Life (iii. c. 66, Tr. Th. p. 162) mentions a hill called Ard- Patrick at the east of the town of Louth, where St. Patrick was minded at first to settle. But an angel brought him ' an epistle,' in which he found a ' commonitorium ' or com mandment of God, to go to Armagh. He left behind him at Ard-Patrick his disciple Mochta, a Briton, who afterwardsbuilt the celebrated church and monastery of Lughmagh, now Louth., See above, p. 29, sq. The Lives also tell us (see p. 467 a.) that the church of Clogher was founded before Armagh, and at a time when St. Patrick had become enfeebled by age ; if so the founda tion of Clogher, as well as of Ar magh, must be assigned to a much later date than Ussher has chosen. Clogher was a place of antient idola- fry,celebratedforapillar-stonewhichhad been an object of worship. (See above, p. 129.) St. Aedh MacCar- thenn was left there as bishop, and to him Patrick gave the copy of the Gospels, some fragments of which still remain, preserved in the shrine called Domnach-airgid, now in the Museum ofthe Royal Irish Academy. See Vit. Trip. iii. c. 3, Petrie's Essay, Trans. R. I. Acad. vol. xviii. O'Curry's Lec tures, p. 322, sq. The history of St. MacCarthenn of Clogher will be found in Colgan, Actt. SS. (24Mart.) p. 737. It is difficult to say how far these transactions can be regarded as historical. They are not mentioned in the Book of Armagh, 2 Rome. The numeral letters em ployed in the MSS. render it difficult to distinguish uii. from iiii. The Dublin MS. of these annals seem to read 11 97. Ussher quotes the words of the Ulster Annals thus : ' a.d. 444, Ardmacha fundata est ; ab urbe eondita usque ad hanc civita- tem fundatam 1 1 94 anni sunt,' and he adds, ' Et quidem a Roma condi ccepta, usque ad annum aera Chris tianas 445 (ei enim respondet annus 444 in annalibus illis notatus), juxta Poiybii rationes, anni 11 94 revera effluxerunt.' Antiqq. c. 17. Works, vi. p. 414. 470 Date of the Foundation of Armagh, [chap. m. ' a.d. 443. Patrick the bishop in the zeal of faith (ardore fidei), is flourishing in our Province.' ' Date of the We have here a manifest remnant of the ofArmagn. old chronology of which we have already said so much. Armagh was founded after Patrick had been proved in the faith (a.d. 442), and after his 'flourishing' in Ulster, a.d. 444 (for we must add one year to the dates in these annals) that is to say, about a.d. 445. It is evident that the story of the foundation of Trim, twenty-two, or according to another reading, twenty-five years before the foundation of Armagh, is ignored by this author. That story, although contained in the Book of Armagh, is confessedly of later origin ; meaning, of course, later, not as com pared with the annals, but in reference to the other collections in the Book of Armagh, trans cribed in the eighth century. It is therefore, nevertheless, a legend of some antiquity. The Book of Armagh must have been known to the compiler of the Ulster Annals, who was himself a canon of the cathedral in the fifteenth century; therefore the suspicion arises that he has deliber ately rejected the Trim legend.2 1 Province. Dr. O'Conor reads island these Annals are often called ' in nostra Hibernia ; ' Rerum Hib. Annales Senatenses. See O'Dono: Scriptt. iv. p. 2. And this may be van (Four Mast.), at 1498. Harris, the meaning, but it is more pro- Ware's Writers, p. 90. O'Curry's bable that our author intended the Lectures, p. 85. On the use of the district around Armagh. The An- word Provincia, in older writers, see nais of Ulster were compiled by Ca- Reeves, Adamnan, Glossar. in voce, thai Maguire, anative of Fermanagh, p. 451 ; but from the pen of Maguire canon of Armagh and Dean of in the 1 5th century the word could Clogher, who died 1498. They scarcely have meant anything but were written in the island of Senait the district round Armagh. MacMaghnusa (now Belle-isle), in 2 Legend. See the Trim legend, the Upper Lough Erne. From this p. 260, above. The Four Masters, chap, m.] The three Collas. 4-71 The district around Armagh, in the middle of Thecon- the fifth century, was occupied by the Oirgialla1, orld.0 tribes descended from Cairell, Muredach, and Aedh, the three sons of Eochaidh Doimhlen, who are better known by the names of Colla Uais, or Colla the noble; Colla da crioch, or Colla of the two countries2; and Colla Meann, the illustrious. These chieftains were the nephews3 of Fiacha The three Sraibhtine, king of Ireland, a.d. 2g7, but they rebelled against their uncle, and slew him at the battle of Dubhcomar4; after which Colla Uais, the eldest of the three brothers, usurped the throne. He enjoyed the sovereignty for four years, and Destruction was then expelled by Muredach Tirech, son of ° the late king Fiacha, who compelled him to take refuge, with his brothers, in Alba, the modern Scotland. Before the end of a year, however, the Collas made a treaty with their cousin Muredach, and came over to his assistance against the king of Ulster. A decisive battle was fought a.d. 332, assuming 432 as the date of the 2 Two countries. So called from foundation of Trim (according to his connection with Scotland. the exigencies of the Roman Mis- 3 Nephews. See Genealog. Table sion), and adding 25, give 457 as IV. p. 252, supra : where the rela- the date of the foundation of Ar- tionship between these tribes and the magh. great clans of the O'Neill family is 1 Oirgialla. This district is called shown. by the English, Oriel and Uriel. It 4 Dubhcomar. This is said to have included the counties of Armagh, been the name of a Druid of King Louth, Monaghan, and Fermanagh. Fiacha, who was slain in the battle. The origin of the name is not evi- Ogyg. p. 359; Tighernach, a.d. dent : for the etymology, or, gold, 322. But the word Comar signifies and giall, hostage (because their the confluence of two rivers, and Dr. hostages were fettered with golden O'Donovan conjectures, that Dubh- chains), seems palpably fabulous. comar is the antient name of the O'Donovan, Book of Rights, p. 140, confluence of the river Dubh, or 141, n. Topogr. Poems, 0. xix. (103), Blackwater, and the Boyne. Four (104). Masters, a.d. 322, n. 473 Legend of the Donation [chap. m. Donationof Armagh to St. Patrick. Legend as told in the Book of Armagh. in the barony of Farney, county of Monaghan, in which the king of Ulster was slain. His royal residence Emania, now Navan Fort, near Armagh, was taken and utterly destroyed. Colla Meann, one of the victorious chieftains, perished in the battle ; and the country of the vanquished was divided between the two surviving brothers. The original owners were forced to content themselves with a corner of their former territory.1 At the times of which we speak, some tribes, the de scendants of Colla da Crioch, appear to have been settled in the region of Oirghialla2, and especially in the district round Emania and Armagh. It was from a chieftain of this race, named Daire, that St. Patrick is said to have obtained the site of Armagh, together with the rights of chieftainship, which descended to his successors, and contributed to the subsequent ecclesiastical importance of the place. The legend is told in the antient Life, by Muirchu Maccu-mach- theni, preserved in the Book of Armagh.3 The following is a literal translation of the story : — ' There was a certain rich and honourable man in the regions ofthe Orientals4, whose name was Daire. Him St. Patrick 1 Territory. The vanquished tribes were of the clanna Rudhraighe, or descendants of Rury Mor, ofthe race of Hir, son of Milesius. See p. 248. After the destruction of Emania, they retired to the district NW. of the Righe or Newry river, and Loch Neagh. Four Masters, a.d. 331. O'Donovan, Book of Rights, p. 36, »., p. 156, n. Reeves, Down and Con nor, App. II. p. 352. 2 Oirghialla. It is difficult to fix at any given time the exact position of these tribes, their possessions varied so much, owing to their in ternal dissensions. 3 Armagh. Fol. 6, b. a. See the original of this passage in Reeves's Churches of Armagh, p. 45. 4 Orientals. ' In regionibus ori- entalium.' This district was Oir- thear, or Orior, the eastern part of Oirghialla, from Oirthear or Air- thear, eastern. Reeves, Ibid. p. 46. chap, in.] of Armagh, by Daire. 473 desired to give unto him a place for the exercise of religion (ad exercendam religionem). And the rich man said unto the saint, " What place askest thou ? " " I ask," said the saint, " that thou give me that height of land which is called Dorsum Salicis, and there I will build a place." But he would not give that high land to the saint ; he gave him however another place in lower land, where now is Ferta martyrum, near Ardd-Machts. And there St. Patrick dwelt with his followers (cum. suis). 'Now after some time the knight1 of Daire came, leading his horse Miraculum2 to feed in the grassy place of the Chris tians ; and such letting-loose of the horse into his place offended Patrick ; and he said, " Daire has acted foolishly in sending brute animals to disturb the small holy place3 which he gave to God." But the knight heeded not, like as a deaf man ; and as a dumb man that openeth not his mouth, spake nothing ; but leaving his horse there for that night he went his way. ' On the next day however, in the morning, the knight coming to see his horse, found him already dead ; and returning home sad, he said to his master, " Lo, that Christian hath slain thy horse, for the disturbing of his place hath offended him." And Daire said, " He also shall be slain ; go now and kill him." But as they were going forth, sooner than it can be told death fell upon Daire (dictu citius mors inruit super Daire). Then his wife said, " This is because of the Christian ; let some one go quickly and let his blessings be brought unto us and thou shalt recover : and let them who went forth to kill him be stopped and recalled." ' So two men went forth to the Christian, and concealing what had happened, said unto him, " Lo, Daire is sick : let something be carried unto him from thee, if peradventure he maybe healed." But St. Patrick, knowing the things that had happened, said, " Yea." And he blessed water, and gave it unto them, saying, " Go, sprinkle your horse with this water, and take him with you." And they did so, and the horse revived, and they took 1 Knight. ' Eques,' i.e. perhaps drous horse, is doubtful. The Lives his equerry, horseman, or groom. understand it in the latter sense. The MS. has 'eques Doiri Dairi,' 3 Small holy place. 'Parvum'isin but the repetition of the name is the margin ofthe MS. : but whether probably a mistake. it is intended as an addition to be in- 2 Miraculum. Whether this was serted in the text, or as a substitute for the name of the horse, or whether it ' sanctum,' is uncertain. The former should be rendered a fine or won- view is adopted in the translation. 474 The Donation of Armagh. [chap. m. him with' them. And Daire was healed, when sprinkled with the holy water. ' Then Daire came after these things to honour St. Patrick, bringing with him a wonderful brazen cauldron, from beyond seas, (eneum mirabilem transmarinum) which held three firkins. And Daire said unto the saint, " Lo, this cauldron is thine." And St. Patrick said, " Gratzacham." 1 Then Daire returned to his own home and said, " The man is a fool, for he said nothing good for a wonderful cauldron of three firkins, except Gratzacham." Then Daire added and said to his servants, " Go and bring us back our cauldron." They went and said unto Patrick, " We must take away the cauldron." Nevertheless this time also Saint Patrick said, " Gratzacham, take it." So they took it. Then Daire asked his people, saying, " What said the Christian when ye took away the cauldron ? " But they answered, " He said Gratzacham again." Daire answered and said, " Gratzacham when I give, Gratzacham when I take away. His saying is so good that with those • Gratzachams his cauldron shall be brought back to him." And Daire himself went this time and brought back the cauldron to Patrick, saying to him, " Thy cauldron shall remain with thee ; for thou art a steady and imperturbable man ; moreover also that portion of land which thou didst desire before, I now give thee as fully as I have it, and dwell thou there." And this is the city which is now named Ardd-machae. And St. Patrick and Daire both went forth, to view the wonderful and well-pleasing gift of the oblation ; and they went up to that height of land, and they found there a roe, with her little fawn, which was lying in the place where the altar of the Northern Church in Ardd-machae now is ; and the companions of Patrick wished to catch the fawn and kill it. But the saint would not, nor did he permit it : nay, he himself took up the fawn, carrying it on his shoulders, and the roe, like a very pet lamb, followed him, until he had laid down the fawn in another field, situated at the north side of Ardd-machae, where to this day, as the learned say, some signs of the miracle (signa quadam virtutis) still remain.' Authenti- This legend, notwithstanding some admixture iCegend.the of fable, bears internal evidence of authenticity. 1 Gratzacham. A corruption of Reeves, Anc. Churches of Armagh, the Latin ' Gratias ago ' or ' agam.' p. 50. chap. in. J The Ardd-Machce. 475 It was certainly written before the idea had arisen of making Armagh an archiepiscopal or primatial see, with metropolitical jurisdiction over all Ireland. Patrick is represented as asking from the chieftain Daire a place for the exercise or practice of religion only. Nothing is said of an episcopal see or diocese, much less of a primacy. All that was demanded was a place or site for such buildings as might suffice for the residence of a religious society. The reli gious life, and the worship of God, were all that St. Patrick had in view. The chieftain refused to give the higher ground The high j, called Druim Sailech, Dorsum Salicis, ' the Ridge fefused. or Hill of the Sallow,' or Willow Tree. The elevated ground, in which this Dorsum stands, was called Ardd - Mache, rendered Altitudo Machae, and Altimachas1 in the Book of Armagh. .The word signifies height, or high ground of Macha. Whether Macha was a territorial name, or, as is generally supposed, the name of an antient queen, we need not stop to discuss. Daire probably doubted the prudence of com mitting to a party of strangers a position of such military importance, on which he probably had his own abode ; he therefore proposed to give a site for the religious establishment of the new _ 1 Altimachte. Sometimes also called word Ardmagh to signify 'High simply Macha ; which gives some plain.' He was misled by the An- countenance to the opinion that glicized spelling, and supposed the Macha was the name of the district. second syllable to be the Celtic word For the story of Queen Macha, see Magh, a plain. If that had been Keating, a.m. 3559 (p. 24;, O'Ma- so, the word would have been Angli- hony's Translation) ; O'Flaherty, cized Ardmoy. See Reeves, Churches Ogyg. p. 258. Ussher supposed the of Armagh, p. 41. 476 The Ferta Martyrum. [chap. hi. The Ferte Martyrum. Dimensions of the buildingsthere. comers on lower ground. The place was called in our author's time Ferta Martyrum, ' the graves of relics ' ; but had probably the name of Ferta, 'graves,' before its consecration to Christianity. The Irish Tripartite Life puts into Daire's mouth this answer to Patrick's request for the high ground — ' I will not give that to thee, but I will give thee a place for thy church {do reclesd) in the strong rath below where the Da Ferta [the two graves] are.' We may, therefore, infer that Da Ferta was the antient name1 of the place. ' The two graves ' were in a rath, or circular fort, in accordance with the Pagan custom ; and St. Patrick appears to have kept up the sepulchral character of the place, for the Tripartite Irish Life speaks of the church erected by him there as a Relig, or Recles, the term always applied to a sepulchral church, and of which ' Ferta; Mar tyrum ' is the Latin equivalent.2 The same authority preserves a curious account of the nature and dimensions of the buildings erected by St. Patrick in the Fertas, the first ecclesiastical establishment founded by him at Armagh. Colgan's Latin version3 of the Tri^ partite Life applies this account to the churches 1 Antient Name. Dr. Reeves, in his ' Ancient Churches of Ar magh,' has abundantly proved this. The word martair, in Irish, al though evidently the Latin martyr, was used to signify the relics of any saints, whether martyrs or not. See Reeves, Adamnan, p. 314, not. m. Joceline (c. 161) supposed the word Ferta to sig nify miracles; in which error, as Reeves shews, he is followed by Ussher and others. 2 Equivalent. See Reeves, Adam nan, p. 283. Glossary in v. Reliquiae, p. 452. Churches of Armagh, p. 8. 3 Latin version. Lib. iii. c. 79, Tr. Th., p. 164. chap. in] The Buildings erected there. 477 afterwards built on the high ground; but the Irish original speaks only of the Fertae : — ' The way in which Patrick made the Ferta,' it says, ' was this: seven score feet1 in the Less, [or Fort], and seven and twenty feet in the Tigh mor [or Great House] ; and seventeen feet in the Cuile [or Kitchen] ; and seven feet in the Aregal [or Oratory]. And it was thus the houses of the Congbail [the Churches] were built always.' There can be no doubt that this passage is of great antiquity, and that it relates to the Ferta, not to the churches or religious edifices afterwards erected. The terms that are employed in describ ing the buildings are some of them obsolete, and would be unintelligible to our best Celtic scholars, but for the explanations of them preserved in antient glossaries. The small dimensions also as signed to the buildings, and the remark that the houses of the churches2 were always such, are striking evidence that the writer must have lived before the age when larger edifices were required. The arrangement described consisted of a 'Less' ,3 that is to say, an earthen circular fort or 1 Feet. The word is Traig, plur. of the authenticity of this tradi- Traiged, a foot, a footprint. See tion. Colgan renders this passage, Zeuss, Gram. Celt. p. 6. ' Et ha; sacra ades omnes juxta has 1 Houses of the churches. In the mensuras sunt postea erectae.' (Tr. original dom na congbala, 'Domus Th., p. 164.) But this does not ecclesiarum.' The word Congbal is express the real meaning of the Irish : explained eclais, ' ecclesia,' in an which signifies not that these partiou- antient Glossary (H. 3 . 1 8, p. 524) in lar buildings were afterwards erected the Library of Trin. Coll. Dublin. according to the dimensions given, but The root seems to signify enclosure, that all similar ecclesiastical build- bringingtogether,congregatio,eKKXij- ings were constructed on the same "ia. The etymology suggested by scale — do gres — for ever afterwards. Dr. Reeves, Adamnan, p. 268, n., ¦ 3 Less. This word, now written and Cotton's Visit, p. 79, is certainly Lios, is found in topographical names untenable. The use of this antient both in Ireland and Scotland, such Celtic word is remarkable evidence asLismore,Lisnagarvy,Listowel,&c. 478 Conversion of Daire. [chap. III. Conversionof Daire, chieftainof the Hy Niallain. enclosure, for the protection of the whole settle ment: a 'Great House' for the residence of the ecclesiastics: the Cuile (Culina) or Kitchen, which was probably also the Refectory: and the Aregal, a word which has greatly puzzled our philologists, but which is probably the medieval Latin Oraculum1, used in the sense of an oratory or place of worship. As one dimension only is given, these structures were probably circular. No remains of the buildings at the Fertas Martyrum are now to be found. In the fifteenth century, the place had become a nunnery, and so continued to the period of the Reformation, when it was suppressed under the name of Temple-fertagh. Dr. Reeves has recently deter mined2 its exact site in the present 'Scotch Street,' at a spot from which a fine view of the hill upon which the cathedral now stands can be obtained. After some time the holy living, the patience, devotion and piety of St. Patrick and his com panions, made an impression upon the chieftain Daire. We may reject, if we please, the marvel lous part of the story ; but the story itself, notwithstanding the incredible particulars intro duced into it, may nevertheless have had some It signifies an earthen fort or ram part, generally surrounded with a loss. The radical idea seems enclo sure, protection. In the Scotch Gaelic it signifies a garden ; in Welsh it is llys, a hall or court. See Stokes, Irish Glosses (580), p. 81. 1 Oraculum. See Petrie, Round Towers (Trans. R. I. Acad. p. 349), and the authorities collected by Du Cange in voce. Colgan translates this word Argyrotheca, deriving it apparently from airget, silver. But this is quite untenable. The word is sometimes used to signify a cell or chamber of any sort. Four Masters, a.d. 1592, page 1922. Reeves, Cot ton's Visit, p. 80, n. 2 Determined. See Reeves, Anc. Churches of Armagh, p. 5, sq. chap, in.] He gives the Ardd-Macha. 479 foundation in fact. It is consistent with antient manners; and the surprise caused by St. Patrick's gratzacham, which seemed so strange to Celtic ears, has an appearance of truth. Be this, however, as it may, Daire at length consented to give the Hill which Patrick had originally asked for. He gave it with all the rights1 of chieftainry which he himself possessed; and 'they went forth to gether,' we are told, 'both Patrick and Daire, to view the wonderful and well-pleasing gift of this oblation,' mirabile oblationis et beneplacitum munus. It is not, however, said in the older authority, that on this occasion a church was built by St. Patrick on the high place ; but only that there, in the time ofthe writer, was theLess2, fort, or civitas, called Ardd-machae, and that within this fort there was a northern church, sinistralis ecclesia, which may mean either a church in the northern3 part of the fort, or a church lying north and south, not east and west, as was usual. The name of Ardd- machae appears to have been given to the fort or circular enclosure, made for the protection of the buildings erected within it. The Tripartite Life, however, tells us expressly Foundation that on this occasion Patrick founded on the ontheHiii. Druim, Dorsum, or Hill, a church4 ' in the place 1 All the rights. ' Quantum speaking of the church : but after- habeo.' wards, where he tells us that Patrick ! Less. This word is often trans- carried the fawn to a field at the lated civitas. The name of the north of Armagh, his words are ' ad fountain at Tara called Loig-les is aquilonalem partem Airdd-mache.' rendered by Tirechan ' vitulus civi- 4 A church. The Irish original tatum.' See above, p. 442. expresses this in Latin, ' et fundavit s Northern. It is curious that our in eo loco ecclesiam cui nomen est author here uses the term sinistralis, Ardd-Machai.' Colgan's Latin, as Sabhall. 480 The Church on the Ardd-macha. [chap. m. which was called Ardd-mactue ; ' that Daire, with his wife, and the chieftains of Orior, accompanied Patrick to the hill, to mark out the site of the new foundation ; and that they dis covered a roe and her fawn, lying 'where the Sabhall is at the present day' — that is, of course, at the time of the author. In the older narrative, the roe and fawn are said to have been found on the spot afterwards occupied by the altar of the The ' sinistralis,' or northern church. The northern church or church was, therefore, within the rath or fort, and is thus identified with the Sabhall1, or barn church. St. Patrick carried the fawn on his shoulders, and was followed by the roe to a field {saltus) on the north side of Armagh, where he laid down the fawn, and where miraculous appear ances were said to have remained. For these, however, our author does not vouch ; but reports their continuance on the authority of others.2 This place is called by the Tripartite Life ' a Hill,' and named Tulach-na-leice , or ' Hill of the stones.' Such is the most antient account that has come down to us of the foundation of Armagh. It has evidently embodied authentic traditions3; and, we have already observed, transfers dicunt.' Book of Armagh, fol. 7, to this foundation the description a. b. Fawns and deer are frequently given in the Irish of the buildings mentioned in the Lives of Irish at the Ferta. The other particulars Saints ; for some examples, see Irish are to be found without any essen- Nennius, p. 183, n. tial difference in both copies. 3 Traditions. The Tripartite Life, 1 Sabhall. This favours the opi- both in the original Irish and in Col- nion that it was called Sinistralis gan's Latin, gives the genealogy of from its position, north and south. Daire, from whom St. Patrick re- See above, p. 412, and Reeves, Anc. ceived Armagh. He is represented Churches of Armagh, p. 12. as descended in the seventh genera- 2 Others. ' Ubi usque hodie signa tion from Colla-da-crioch, son of quaedam virtutis esse manentia periti Eochaidh Doimhlen. (See Table IV. chap. in. J Patrick's visit to Rome. 48 1 although mingled with many evident fables, bears undoubted evidence of high antiquity. The story told in the Tripartite and some ofthe st. Patrick's / other Lives, that St. Patrick, immediately1 after Rome. the foundation of Armagh, went to Rome, and brought from thence a large collection of relics, is unworthy of any attention. It proves, how ever, the unscrupulous manner in which the lives were interpolated to prop up later super stitions. St. Patrick, we are told, was not long at Rome on this occasion, when he contrived 'by a pious fraud2 or theft, whilst the keepers of the sacred places were asleep and unconscious,' to carry off a great quantity of relics of apostles and martyrs, a towel stained with our Saviour's blood, and some of the hair of His blessed Mother. It is added that this ' pious theft' p. 252, supra.) He is called Daire at Armagh, is in the seventh gener- Dearg (or the Red), and was son of ation from Colla-da-Crioch, and Finchadh, s. of Eoghan, s. of Niall- therefore ought to have been con- an, s. of Fiacc, s. of Fiachra Cassan, temporary with Daire. But he died s. of Colla-da-Crioch. At the con- a.d. 704. This requires upwards quest of Emania in 332, Colla was of 50 years to a generation. On the probably of mature age, and his son other hand, if Daire's oblation of may have been born. The birth of Armagh is dated 445, as in the An- Daire, even after making this allow- nais of Ulster, we can only allow 18 ance, cannot therefore be referred to years to a generation. The gene- a much earlier date than 482, and if alogy of Flann Febla is undoubtedly he was 20 years of age when he met too short : that of Daire is probably St. Patrick, Armagh could not have too long. been founded before 500. Here 1 Immediately. Ussher dates the again we have a chronology much journey to Rome, a.d. 462, seven- too late for the received history. teen years after the foundation of The genealogy of Daire is not found Armagh, departing in this from the in the Book of Lecan, nor in the authority of all the writers who have collections of MacFirbis. O'Flaherty made any mention of St. Patrick's gives it (probably from the Tripar- supposed visit to Rome. tite Life) without noticing the diffi- 2 Fraud. ' Nee diu Romi sub- culty. Ogyg. p. 364. Comp. Reeves, stitit dum pio astu furtove, sacrorum Churches of Armagh, p. 47. We locorum custodibus nescientibus et cannot, however, depend upon these dormientibus, sed summo.ut creditor, genealogies. Flann Febla, or Flann of connivente Pontifice, &c.' Vit. Trip. the Foyle, one of Patrick's successors iii. 82 (Tr. Th. p. 164). 1 1 483 His pious Theft. [chap. hi. was believed to have been committed with the connivance of the Pope himself; and the writer exclaims in rapture1, ' O wondrous deed ! O rare theft of a vast treasure of holy things, committed without sacrilege, the plunder of the most holy place in the world!' Nothing, however, is said, even by this author, of an archiepiscopal jurisdic tion. His authorities were probably compiled before that claim had been thought of ; otherwise we may be sure he would have had no more scruple in making the Pope do all that was necessary, than Joceline had, who tells us2 that the supreme Pon tiff, embracing Patrick, declared him to be the Apostle of Ireland, invested him with the pallium, made him his legate, and confirmed by the autho rity of the Holy See whatever he had done in Ireland. st. Patrick's Tradition ascribes to St. Patrick, or to the the0rpag°an influence of St. Patrick, the important work of laws. reforming the antient Druidical or Pagan laws of 1 Rapture. ' O mirum facinus, in his mother's womb, and returned rarumque ingentis thesauri ex loco to Ireland accompanied by thirty mundi sacratissimo rapti sacrarum- foreign bishops. It is1 strange that que rerum furtum, sine sacrilegio Ussher should have given weight to commissum.' Ibid. For the history such fables. He assumes the truth of the relics of Armagh, see Book of of the legend that Patrick, on his Hymns, p. 44, sq. way to Ireland with Pope Celestine's 2 Tells us. ' Imprimis ergo ilium, commission in 432, visited the Vallis ut Hiberniae Apostolum amplexans, Rosina, or Menevia, and predicted ac pronuncians, pallio decoravit, il- that David would be born thirty lique vices suas committens, atque years afterwards. Colgan, Actt. SS. legatum suum constituens, qua;cum- p. 425. Therefore David was born que in Hibernia gesserat, constitue- in 462, and therefore in that year, rat, disposuerat, authoritatis suae David being in his mother's womb, munimine confirmavit.' Jocel. c. Patrick was returning from Rome, 166 (Tr. Th., p. 101). We are in- and predicted the future eminenceof formed also by Joceline, that Patrick, the unborn infant, according to Jo- on his way back from Rome, tra- celine, c. 147. See Lanigan's con- veiled through Britain, founded and futation of these stories ; Eccl. Hist. i. restored churches, predicted the p. 319, sq. future eminence of St. David, then chap, in.] Reform of the Pagan Laws. 483 Ireland. When king Laoghaire and his nobles TheSen- had professed Christianity, so runs the story, a council of nine was formed, to examine the laws ofthe kingdom, and render them consistent with the principles of the Gospel. This council con sisted of three kings, three saints or bishops, and three bards or historians. Their names1 have been recorded ; and the work said to have been compiled by them is still extant. It bears the title of Senchus Mor, or 'Great Antiquity.' It has been also called Cain Patraic, or ' Patrick's Lawr,' and Noi-fis2, ' Knowledge of Nine.' So we are expressly told in the antient Prefatory descriptions of this work, first published by Dr. Petrie, from two MSS. in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. These descriptions, as well as the work itself, establish the fact that it is a body of antient laws, ' modified,' as Dr. Petrie3 concludes, ' at some period subsequent to the 1 Names. An antient rann or qua- xxi. p. ci. sq.) The three bards were nain, preserved in Cormac's Glos- Ros, Dubhtach mac Ui Lugair, and sary, and quoted by the Four Mas- Fergus. See Petrie, On Tara Hill, ters, a.d. 438, gives the names as p. 69, sq. The biographers of St. follows : — the three kings, Laog- Patrick, with the exception of Joce- haire [King of Ireland], Core line, make no mention of the Senchus [King of Munster], Daire [King Mor, and Dr. Lanigan says, ' What of Oriel]. Core was the grand- has become of the Seanchus more is father of Aonghus mac Natfraich, uncertain,' i. p. 371. He was not the first Christian King of Munster. aware that it was still extant. Keat- He must have died in paganism, be- ing gives an erroneous account of it. fore the time of Patrick. This is He had evidently never seen it, and therefore a palpable anachronism. imagined it to be a collection of Daire is supposed to have been the historical traditions, not a Code chieftain from whom Patrick re- of Laws. See O'Mahony's Transl. ceived the grant of Armagh. The p. 410, sq. three saints were Patrick, Benen 2 Noi-fis. From Noi, ' nine ;' fis, (who was only a child at the Feis of ' knowledge ;' less correctly written Tara), and Cairnech ; he may have No-es, by dropping the/. See Cor- been Cairnech of Cornwall, who was mac's Glossary by Stokes (Williams contemporary with St. Patrick, not and Norgate, 1862), p. 31. Petrie, the Irish Cairnech, who lived to a.d. On Tara, p. 71. 53°. (See Irish Nennius, Append. No. 3 Dr. Petrie. Ibid. The name ot I I 2 484 The Senchus Mor. [chap. III. St Patrick's Synods. introduction of Christianity, to agree with Chris tian doctrines.' It is not impossible that such a work may have been begun in the times of St. Patrick, but the Senchus Mor, in its present form, cannot be of so remote an age. It has at least received large interpolations, many of them clearly fabulous ; portions of it, how ever, are of great antiquity, and the remainder, making allowance for comparatively modern alte rations, introduced by ignorant or fraudulent transcribers, can scarcely be regarded as of later date than the ninth or tenth century.1 Of the other works2 attributed to St. Patrick, Senchus Mor, ' Antiquitas Magna,' misled Colgan, who describes this work as ' Unum grande opus de Hibernise antiquitatibus et sanctioni- bus legalibus.' Tr. Th., p. 214. Colgan's authority seems to have led Lanigan, O'Conor, and others, into similar mistakes. These errors were first corrected by Dr. Petrie. See also O'Donovan's notes, Four Masters, a.d. 438. 1 Century. This curious book is now in the press, and the first volume will shortly be published by the Irish Brehon Law Commissioners. See O'Curry's Lectures, p. 16. The unexpected death of Mr. O'Curry, which followed so soon after that of his colleague, Dr. O'Donovan, has greatly retarded the appearance of this work, and will also necessarily diminish its value, as it must now ap pear without the advantage of their editorial superintendence. 2 Other works. These will be found in the Opuscula S. Patricii of Ware ard Villanueva, but they are certainly not by St. Patrick. The tracts De tribus Habitaculis and De duodecim abusionibus Seculi, are in a style of Latinity so far superior to that of the Confessio, and Letter about Coroticus, that it is impossible they could be by the same author. They quote the Hieronymian Vul gate, and they contain no historical or any other allusion to connect their author with Ireland. They have been both attributed to St. Augus tine, and the latter of them also to St. Cyprian. The Three Habitations described in the former tract are this present world, heaven, and hell. There is not a word of purgatory ; nevertheless Casimir Oudin says, ' Attributum hunc Patricio ab Hi- bernis librum arbitratus sum quod illic de Purgatorio agatur, atque ita cum Purgatorio Patriciano apud Hi- bernos celeberrimo convenire opinati sunt.' De Scriptt. torn. i. 11 68. It is evident from these words that this learned writer had never taken the trouble to read the tract De tribus Habitflculis ; and also that he was ignorant of the real meaning of St. Patrick's Purgatory in Ireland, which was in no sense of the word a Habitaculum. It was written before the Purgatorium Patricianum was heard of. There is no evidence that it was ever attributed to St. Patrick by the Irish. The Charta S. Pa tricii, de antiquitate Avalonica, is a CHAP. III.] St. Patrick's Synods. 485 the most celebrated are the Synods, or ecclesias tical Canons, published under his name, in the great Collections of the Councils.1 It is scarcely possible, however, to receive these Canons as really his, although some of them were certainly written during the predominance of Paganism in the country ; but others bear internal evidence of a much later date. The Synod said to have been held ' by Patrick, synod of . . . . . Patrick Auxilius, and Isernmus,' has better claims to anti- Auxilius, quity than the rest. If genuine, it must have been nbus!" held before the year 459 [= a.d. 460] ; because the annals of Ulster record the death of Auxi lius in that year, and the death of Iserninus in palpable forgery, intended to prop up the fable of St. Patrick's con nexion with Glastonbury, and be traying the modern origin of that legend. See Lanigan, i. p. 328. There are tracts, poems, &c, in the Irish language, attributed to St. Patrick in various MSS. ; but none of them have any appearance of au thenticity, with the exception of the curious Hymn of which a translation has been given, p. 426, supra. 1 Councils. See also Spelman, Wil kins, Ware, and Villanueva. Joce line tells us that Patrick composed a great volume of Canons, called Canoin Phadruig, ' the Canons of Patrick,' c. 185. Tr. Th., p. 106. By this great volume, however, it is most probable that the Senchus mor is intended. Its Irish title was not Canoin, Canons, or ecclesiastical rules, but Cain Patraic, ' the law of Patrick.' This word properly sig nifies a tax or tribute ; and denoted such laws as had reference to the im position of taxes or tributes. A law for exempting the clergy from military service, which appears to have been enacted about the beginning of the 8th century, was enforced by the in fluence of the successors of Patrick at Armagh, under the name of ' the Cain or law of Patrick.' See Petrie, On Tara, p. 172, 173. The Cain of Adamnan, at an earlier period, aimed at exempting women from military service. Reeves, Adamnan, p. 179. But the name was also given to cer tain tributes, collected by the see of Armagh, and by the monastic socie ties. Thus Caencomhrac mac Mael- uidhir, monastic bishop and abbot of Derry, is styled Maor cana Ad- amnain, steward (or procurator) of Adamnan's tribute. Colgan renders this phrase ' Conservator canonum,' mistaking Cana, the gen. singular of Cain, for the gen. plur. of Canon. See above, p. 170, 171, and Reeves, Adamnan, p. 393, n. We may, there- fof e, pardon Joceline for confounding these words. The word Canon was sometimes used to signify the Canon of the Old and New Testaments, or parts of it. Thus the Book of Ar magh was often called Canon of Patrick, becaused it belonged to Armagh, and contained a copy of the New Testament. Reeves, ibid., p. 359, and see above, p. 103. 486 Probable Date of the Synod [chap. m. 468 [= a.d. 469]. Secundinus, Auxilius, and Iserninus, according to the same annals, came as bishops1, to assist St. Patrick, (that is to say, they probably accompanied him to Ireland) in 439 [== a.d. 440]. Secundinus is not named as having assisted in the Synod. It may have been held after 447 [= a.d. 448], the year of that bishop's death. But a different cause can be assigned for the omission of his name. Auxilius and Iser ninus, but not Secundinus, are said to have been ordained, along with St. Patrick, for the Irish mission ; perhaps, as Colgan suggests, they were then ordained priests2, and afterwards conse crated bishops by St. Patrick himself. For this reason, therefore, Auxilius and Iserninus were represented as sitting in synod with Patrick. The history of Secundinus being more purely Irish, may possibly have been unknown to the compiler of this collection of Canons. its sixth The following Canon3, the sixth of this Synod, is evidence of a very rude state of society. It seems to have been enacted before the celibacy of the clergy was enforced in Ireland, but after the adoption of the Roman tonsure : — * What cleric soever, from an ostiarius to a priest, who shall be seen without a tunic, or who does not cover his nakedness, 1 As bishops. The words are 'mit- tene, adds femorali] visus fuerit, tuntur et episcopi ipsi in auxilium atque turpitudinem ventris et nudi- Patricii.' We are not told by whom tatem non tegat : et si non more they were sent. Romano capilli ejus tonsi sint, et 2 Priests. See above, p. 317, n., uxor ejus si non velato capite ambu- and Colgan's note, 39, 40. Tr. Th., laverit ; pariter a laicis contempnen- p. 18. tur et ab ecclesia separentur.' See 3 Canon. Villanueva, p. 2, can. vi. Martene's edit, of this Synod, Thes. 'Quicunque clericus, ab ostiario us- Nov. Anecd. torn. 4, col. 5. que ad sacerdotem, sine tunica [Mar- Canon. chap. iii. J of Patrick, Auxilius, and Iserninus. 487 or if his hairs are not tonsured after the Roman manner, or if his wife does not walk with her head veiled, let them ' [/. e. the cleric and his wife] ' be despised by the laity, and also separated from the church.' This allusion to the Roman tonsure clearly Allusion to indicates that the canon was as late as the eighth Tonsur™" century, and probably not earlier than the tenth. Adamnan, in his conversation with the abbat Coelfrid1, whilst he allows to the Irish tonsure the opprobrious name of Simon Magus, defends it, nevertheless, as having been down to that time the 'custom ofhis country,' ex consuetudine patria. Tighernach, in his Annals, gives a.d. 718 as the date of the adoption of the Roman tonsure by the community of Hi. The antient catalogue of the three Orders of Saints tells us that the first and second orders agreed in the same tonsure 'from ear to ear,' which was derived from Patrick, and that ' different tonsures ' were the characteristic of the third order only. It is clearly impossible, therefore, that St. Patrick2 1 Coelfrid. See this abbat's letter p. 505, Con. Hibern. lib. L. c. 6. to Naiton, King of the Picts (dated » St. Patrick. Villanueva main- A.D. 710), in Bede, lib. v. c. 21. The tains the contrary, p. 34, sq., and Irish tonsure consisted in shaving all Ware, Opusc. p. 124, says that the the hair in front of a line drawn over Catalogue was wrong in attributing the top of the head from ear to ear. to the first and second orders the Hence Coelfrid's curious argument tonsure from ear to ear. But the with Adamnan, ' O, holy brother, Catalogue, which concurs with the who believest that thou artadvancing Irish Annals, with Tighernach and to the crown of a life that knoweth Bede, with Adamnan, is surely more no end, why dost thou wear on thy to be relied upon than a collection head, by a custom contrary to thy of canons which Ware himself ad- faith, the figure of a crown which is mits to be interpolated, and whose bounded ? ' i. e. the circular crown date is by no means ascertained. See represents a life without end; the Dr. Lanigan's remarks on this canon, Irish tonsure, where but half the vol. iv. p. 360, sq. Villanueva's head was shaven, was a semi-circle, learned dissertation is far from satis- terminated at the line drawn from factory. It is not clear that he knew ear to ear. Reeves, Adamnan, p. what the Irish tonsure was. xlvii. 350. Cf. D'Achery, Spicil. i. 488 The second Synod [chap, m, could have been the author of a canon1 enforcing the Roman tonsure on all the Irish clergy. Many things in these canons seem to imply a more near approach to diocesan jurisdiction, as well as a more settled state of Christianity in the country, than was possible in the days of St. Patrick. We may not, therefore, be greatly in error if we assign this collection, at least in its present form, to the ninth or tenth century. It is probably Irish, as the enactment against the admission of clergy from Britain2, without letters from their bishops, would seem to prove. And it is possible that this may have been suggested by the similar canons made in England, in the ninth century, to restrain the wandering bishops of the Scoti.3 We have already noticed4 the canon in which offerings made to the bishop are mentioned as ' an antient custom ' — mos anti quus. This could not possibly have been written by St. Patrick ; there could have been no such antient custom in Ireland in the fifth century. The second The other Synod attributed to St. Patrick has st.npltrfck even less pretension to genuineness. Easter, Pentecost, and the Epiphany5 are spoken of as the 1 Canon. Canons 14 and 15 enact tannis ad nos venit sine epistola, etsi a year of penitence only for a Chris- habitet in plebe, non licitum minis- tian who is guilty of murder, forni- trare.' Can. 33. cation, or of consulting an augur 3 Scoti. See p. 40, supra. (haruspicem), and half a year for a 4 Noticed. See above, p. 4, n. Christian guilty of theft. This 5 Epiphany. Can. 19, Ware, p. 36. can scarcely belong to the fifth This seems like an usage of the century. See Tillemont, Mem. Eccl. Greek church, where the Epiphany xvi. p. 786. Canon 16 excom- is by some regarded as commemor- municates the Christian who believes ating the baptism of Christ ; Sel- in a ghost or a witch seen in a mir- vaggii Antiqq. torn. ii. p. 200. Pope ror, 'qui crediderit esse Lamiam in Leo the Great, in his letter xvi., speculo, quae interpretatur Striga.' ad episcopos Siculos, objects to the 2 Britain. ' Clericus qui de Bri- custom of baptising on the Epi- chap, hi.] not by St. Patrick. 489 seasons of baptism. Novatianism is mentioned ; a heresy which is not known to have ever appeared in Ireland. The 7th canon seems to imply that controversy about rebaptising the lapsed had arisen. Second marriages appear to have been allowed, in case of adultery1, by the 26th and 29th of these canons ; and the 27th ren ders necessary the consent of the parent before a virgin could contract matrimony, or enter the religious life. This, as Tillemont2 observes, was not in accordance with the practice usually attri buted to St. Patrick. It is, on the whole, very doubtful whether this Synod be Irish; and it is certain that Patrick could not have been its author. We are now come to the death of St. Patrick, st. Patrick's Upon this subject, as was to h?ve been expected, legend has been busy. An angel in a burning bush predicts his approaching dissolution. A light from heaven indicates the spot in which his remains are to be laid. St. Brigid, moved by divine inspiration, embroiders with her own hands the shroud in which his corpse is to be wrapped. For a space of twelve days, or according to some authorities for an entire year3, the sun stood still phany, and designates it ' an unrea- malgre leurs peres.' Mem. Eccl. xvi. sonable novelty,' irrationabilem no- p. 787. mitatem. But the Epiphany was a 3 Year. It is a strong presump- solemn day for the administration of tion, against the pretensions of the baptism in the Oriental and African hymn of Fiacc to antiquity, that it churches ; Selvag. Ibid. torn. v. p. has given the legend in this extreme 47, 48. form, ' For an entire year there was 1 Adultery. But this is expressly light, a continued long day.' Tr. prohibited by can. 5 of another so- Th. p. 3. Lanigan suggests that called Patrician collection. Ware, the multitude of lights kept burning p. 40. at the tomb by the clergy, may have 2 Tillemont. ' Paroist contraire a given birth to this legend, i. p. 364 ; S. Patrice, qui recevoit les Vierges but this explanation is insufficient. 490 Death of Patrick. [chap. m. over his tomb, and the district of Magh-inis, in which he was entombed, enjoyed a perpetual day. The clergy of Ireland, assembled at his obsequies, heard the heavenly hosts assisting to sing the requiem. ¦Died at; The historical fact seems to be that St. Patrick Armagh, was at Saul when he felt his end approaching. His first wish was to reach Armagh before his death, that his body might be there interred. But perhaps this clause was inserted into the story in compliment to the Armagh clergy. The interposition of an angel compelled him, in obedience to a divine command, to choose Saul, and not Armagh, as the place ofhis departure ; for as he was setting out for Armagh, intending there to die, his guardian angel, Victor, sent another His four angel to command him to return to Saul. It was petitions. announce(3 to him that the four petitions which he had asked of God were granted to him ; first, that his jurisdiction1 should have its seat in Joceline (c. 193), the Tripartite (iii. magh, fol. 8, a.a. Fiacc renders c. 106), and Probus (ii 34), make this in Ardmacha fil righi. ' In Ard- the duration of the light twelve days macha est regnum.' Str.ii. The only. The author oi Vita 3 tia says Vita 3tia, c. 88, gives it ' Ordina- (c. 90), that the twelve days' light tio gratiae tuae in Ardmacha fiet.' rendered candles unnecessary, 'ne Probus (ii. u. 32) 'ut in tota Hi- lucernae accenderentur juxta corpus ;' bernia fiat a Domino salutis prae- and that the darkness of the remain- statio de meritis tuis.' Jocelin, c. ing nights of the year was but mode- 187, has it, 'in Ardmachiae urbe rate ; ' non erant ibi tenebrae usque quam diligis, [erit] gratiae tibi col- ad finem anni nisi modicae tenebrae,' latae successiva administratio.' The c. 92. The Book of Armagh says Tripartite says, 'in ea Regni Metro- that this wasthe story told by thepeo- polis fixa, supremaque ecclesiae Hi- ple of Ulidia only, ' Et plebs Ulod bernicae administratio, publicaque dixerunt quod usque in finem anni auctoritas consistent' (iii. c. 101). But totius in quo obierat numquam noe- Fiacc has given the true meaning — tium tales tenebrae erant quales antea 'thy kingdom' — ' thy chieftainship.' fuerunt,' fol. 8, a.b. See three other petitions of St. Pa- 1 Jurisdiction. ' Ut in Ardd-ma- trick, D'Achery, Spicil. i. p. 506, chae fiat ordinatio tua.' Book of Ar- Con. Hibern. lib. lxiv. c. 5. the Orior. chap, in.] Contest for his Body. 491 Armagh ; secondly, that whoever, at the hour of death, should sing the hymn composed in his honour, (meaning the hymn by St. Sechnall,) should have Patrick as the judge1 of his repent ance ; thirdly, that the descendants of Dichu2 should receive mercy and not perish ; fourthly, that Patrick, as the apostle of Ireland, should be the judge of all the Irish in the last day, accord ing to the promise made to the other apostles — 'ye shall sit upon twelve thrones, judging the tribes of Israel.' This story bears internal evidence of having contest for been framed with a view to a compromise between between the people of Armagh or Orior, and the Neuund people of Ulidia. We are told that after the death of St. Patrick, a bitter feud arose between the Hy Neill and the people of Orior, for the possession of his remains. Peace was restored by a circumstance which looks not unlike a con trivance of the clergy to prevent bloodshed. Two untamed oxen3 were chosen to carry the , bier of the saint, and it was arranged that the oxen should be allowed to go forth of their own accord, without human guidance, and that in the spot where they stopped, there the sacred remains 1 Judge. The meaning of this time when it was no longer neces- doubtless is that Patrick would be a sary to conciliate the family of more lenient or indulgent judge than Dichu. And so also Probus (ii c. the Almighty. 32) for' nepotes Dichon,' substitutes 8 Dichu. ' Ut nepotes Dichon, qui ' qui tuam memoriam benigne cele- te benigne susciperunt, misericor- braverint.' diam mereantur, et non pereant.' s Oxen. This story, like many of Book, of Armagh, ibid. It is remark- the better sort of legends in the Lives able that Fiacc, although he enume- of the Saints, is an imitation of the rates the other petitions (St. 25, 26) Scriptures. See 1 Sam. vi. 7, sq. omits this. He lived, therefore, at a I 492 Contest for the Body of Patrick, [chap. m. should be interred. They rested at Dun-da-leth- glaisse, the site of the present cathedral of Down, a place which had been previously the fortified residence1 of the chieftains of Ulidia. This fact probably led to the selection of it as an ecclesias tical establishment. But the contention between the two clans was not so easily brought to an end. They met at a place which Muirchu Maccumach- theni, in the Book of Armagh, calls ' a certain strait2 named Collum bovis ; ' there the tide rose so high that the contending parties were forced to separate. They prepared, however, to meet again; but on marching in arms to the field of battle, were happily deceived3 by the appearance of a The con- bier borne by two oxen. Each tribe followed tribes se- the bier, which seemed, by a divine guidance, to tifici. carry the relics of Patrick into its respective ter ritory. The armies separated without bloodshed, under the persuasion that each was the possessor of the coveted treasure. The antient narrative intimates4 that the Orior claimants followed their 1 Residence. The antient earth- 4 Intimates. ' Putantes se duos works, which are extensive, still re- bovesetplaustrum invenire,et corpus main near the Cathedral. This place sanctum rapere aestimabant, et cum was called Aras Celtchair, ' House of corpore et tali prasparatu et armatura, Celtchar,' Rath Celtchair, or Dun Celt- usque ad fluuium Cabcenne pervenie- chair, from Celtchar, or Keltchar, runt, et corpus tunc illis non com^ a warrior who flourished about the paruit.' Book of Armagh, fol. 8, b.a. commencement of the Christian era. The Vita 3tia (c. 91), says that Reeves, Down and Connor, p. 142. the Ulidians followed their waggon 2 Strait. ' Fretum quoddam quod to Down, and the Oriors theirs to Collum bovis vocatur.' Book of Ar- Armagh, both believing themselves magh, fol. 8, b.a. See Reeves, Down to be in possession of the body of and Connor, p. 236. This was pro- the saint. The Vita 4ta says that bably a ford on the narrow inlet of the waggon of the Oriors disappear- Strangford Lough, called Quoile, ed, but that the Ultonians had the which separates Inch parish from real waggon, and buried the remains Saul. of St. Patrick at Down (c. 97). 3 Deceived. ' Felici seducti sunt Probus follows Muirchu, but gives fallacia,' B. of Armagh, fol. 8, b, a. the triumph to the Ultonians, stating parated by an arl chap, in.] St. Patrick buried at Down. 493 bier, and proceeded towards Armagh, until, on reaching the river Cabcenna1, the bier and oxen vanished. Believing the deception to have been The Pos- .. . .. ., . .. . . session of a divine interposition, both parties allowed the the tomb feud to drop, as neither could claim a triumph. Down-' The general opinion, however, was, and it seems patrlc ' to have held its ground undisputed for many years, that Patrick was buried at Down. This opinion is strongly confirmed by the fact that the legend, as above told, is found in the Book of Armagh, which amounts to a concession on the part of Armagh in favour of Down. The Book of Armagh was compiled, as every one who has examined it must see, with the manifest intention of supporting the then growing pretensions of the church of Armagh. It is not easy to con ceive, therefore, that a claim to the possession of the tomb and relics of their founder would have been easily conceded by the Armagh clergy, if public opinion or indisputable facts had not been very strongly in favour of Downpatrick. It is true that Tirechan tells us expressly, as one of the similitudes between Patrick and Moses, and the same thing is repeated by Nennius, that the place of his interment was unknown.2 But this that the waggon of the Oriors expressly (iii. c. 1 08), that this river vanished at the river Caubene (ii. c. was near the city, ' cum tendentes 40). Joceline (c. 195) and the Tri- Ardmacham, civitati appropincfua- partite (iii. c. 108) tell the same rent, plaustrum illud imaginarium story. disparuit.' See also Probus (ii. 40). 1 Cabcenna. This river must have The name Cabcenna, Caucune (i.e. been near Armagh ; Joceline says Cavcune), Caubene, is no longer re- (c. 195), ' Donee pervenirent in con- membered in the district. finio Ardmachanae provinciae, ad 2 Unknown. ' Ubi sunt ossa ejus quendam fluvium Caucune nomina- nemo novit.' Tirechan (Book of Ar- tum.' The Tripartite Life says magh, f->l. 15, b.b.) 'Sepulchrum 494 Date of St. Patrick's Death. [chap. m. is an admission that his sepulchre was certainly not at Armagh, nor even supposed to be there ; and in another place, Tirechan seems to admit the truth of the other tradition when, he tells us, that Columbcille, ' by inspiration1 of the Holy Ghost,' had pointed out the tomb of St. Pa trick at Saul, ' in a church near the sea.' Downpatrick is probably intended. Muirchu Maccumachtheni, however, leaves no doubt upon this point, for he tells us that when a church2 was about to be built at Dun-da-leth-glaisse, or Downpatrick, the workmen coming upon the relics of St. Patrick, were terrified, and compelled to desist, by the flames which issued from the tomb.3 Date of st. The exact date of St. Patrick's death has been Patrick's . death ac- much disputed ; and it is unnecessary here to ussher; discuss "the question at any length. Ussher is strongly in favour of the year 493. The tradi tion that Patrick was born, baptised, and died on Wednesday, and the coincidence that the 17th of March (the day of his death), was Wednes- illius non invenitur, sed in occulto tur corporis tui et cubitus de terra humatus est, nemine sciente.' Nen- super corpus fiat ; quod jussu Dei nius, c. 60, p. 102 (ed. Bertram, factum in novissimis demonstratum Havnia, 1758). est temporibus, quia quando aecles- 1 Inspiration. ' Spiritu sancto in- sia super corpus facta est, fodientes stigante.' Book of Armagh, fol. 15, humum antropi [&v6pomoi\ ignem a b.b., 16, a.a. See also Petrie, On sepulchre inrumpere viderunt, et re- Tara, p. 115. This passage of cedentes flammigeram timuerunt Tirechan is very obscure, and no flammae ignem.' Book of Armagh, doubt also corrupt. See the proposed fol. 8 , b.a. emendation of it by Dr. Reeves, 3 Tomb. The whole subject of the Adamnan, p. 313. burial place of St. Patrick is ably 2 Church. ' Exierunt [bove's}, Dei treated by Dr. Reeves, Down and nuturegente,adDun-leth-glaisse,ubi Connor, p. 223, sq. See also the sepultus est Patricius jet dixit [angue- same author's edition of Adamnan, lus] ei ne reliquiae ex terra reducun- p. 312, sq. chap, in.] Said to have died on Wednesday . 495 day in 493, seemingly confirm Ussher's opinion. But no great importance can be assigned to the Wednesday tradition ; it is not found in any antient authority, and, as we have already sug gested1, it probably originated in the fact that the year 493, in which the 17th of March was Wednesday, had been generally received as the year of Patrick's death. The Bollandists maintain that Patrick died in according 460, aged 83. They assume his mission by Bollandists; Celestine ; and on the authority of Joceline, they assume also that he was then (a.d. 432) 55 years of age. They assert, with Baronius and Petau, that instead of 120 or 132, as some have it, we should' read 82s as the total duration of his life; and therefore they infer that he lived to the beginning of the 28th year after his arrival in Ireland, and died 17th March, 460. To this Dr. Lanigan objects that in 460 the according 17th of March fell on Thursday, and not on ° amgan' Wednesday. He proposes, therefore, to follow the authority of the Bodleian MS. of the annals of Inisfallen3, where we are told that St. Patrick died in the year 432 from the Passion of our Lord, a date which corresponds to 465 of the 1 Suggested. See above, p. 450. n. O'Conor, Rer. Hib. Scriptt. ii. part. s Read 82. That is to say, the 2, p. 4. The chronology of these numerals cxxxii. are to be read annals, however, is not to be lxxxii. This maybe what Lanigan depended upon; they tell us here means when he says that the Bol- that St. Patrick died in the same landists 'guessed at a.d. 460 ' (vol. i. year as St. Mac Cuillinn of Lusk. P. 463, note 131); but although This was 496, according to the A n- founded on very arbitrary assump- nais of Tighernach and Ulster, the tions their opinion was more than a year in which Pope Gelasius I. died, guess. and in which there was an eclipse of 3 Inisfallen. See Lanigan, i. 362. the sun. 496 Tradition of the Scoti. [chap. m. common era of the Nativity. This allows 33 years for his missionary life in Ireland, supposing him to have come in a.d. 432, and (what to Lanigan was a strong confirmation) the 17th of March, in the year so determined, fell on Wed nesday. But if we adopt this date, it will follow that Patrick died in the reign of Oilioll Molt, eighteen years before Lugaidh, son of Laoghaire, succeeded to the throne ; and we must therefore reject all that we find in our antient records of his inter view with the latter monarch. according The Annals of Ulster tell us that the Scoti1 to the Annals of supposed the year 49 1 to have been the date of St. Patrick's death ; and in the next year, 492, the same annals again record the death of St. Patrick in these words : ' Patricius archipostulus Scotorum quievit2.' We are, therefore, justified in drawing the inference that this was the date assigned to the death of St. Patrick in the antient traditions of the country : the scripta Scotorum of which Nennius so often speaks. The tradition seems to have varied between the years 491 and 492 ; a difference of little importance. It should be observed, however, that these years correspond3 1 Scoti. The words are, 'Dicunt nais, viz., 491, Kal. Jan. feria 4; Scoiti hie Patricium archiepiscopum and 492, Kal. Jan. feria 6. That is defunctum.' to say, the ist of Jan. 491 (= a.d. 2 Quievit. They add, to square 492) was on Wednesday, and the ist this with the Roman mission, 'c0.xx0. of Jan. 492 (= a.d. 493) on Fri- anno aetatis sue : lx. a quo venit day ; the former year being bissex- ad Hiberniam anno ad baptizandos tile. The first date in the Annals Scotos.' of Ulster, is ' Anno ab incarnatione 3 Correspond. This appears from Domini .cccc°.xxx°.i°.' the Sunday letters given in the An- chap, hi.] The most probable Date. 497 to 492 and 493 of the common era, the dates in the early portion of the annals of Ulster being counted from the Incarnation, and being, there fore, one year before the common era of the Na tivity of our Lord. On the whole, it seems most probable that The true TT 1 * 1 « • • /• * • date most Ussher s decision in favour of a.d. 493 is correct, probably It accords with the later date which the evi- A-D-493- dence of the epistle about Coroticus and of the Confession appears to assign1 to the arrival of St. Patrick in Ireland. It is undoubtedly the testimony of the Irish annals, derived from antient national traditions. The principal objec tion2 to this date is the supposition of a regular succession of bishops, in the modern sense of the word, at Armagh ; with the assumption that Secundinus, Benignus, and Jarlath could not have been the successors of St. Patrick if they had died before him. But this is no real objection, and is founded on ignorance of the antient eccle siastical customs of Ireland. Another objection, that the year 493 is based upon the fable of the four periods of thirty years in Patrick's life, and upon the similitudes to Moses, is more apparent than real. St. Patrick may have died in 493, with out having reached the age of 1 20, and without having spent sixty years in his Irish mission. It was not, therefore, the year 493, as the date of his death, which required the help of the Mosaic similitudes ; but that date having been fixed by 1 To assign. See above, p. 391. 2 Objection. See this objection s1- stated by Lanigan, i. p. 355, sq. .K K 498 Review of St. Patrick's Mission, [chap. m. the tradition of the Scoti, the attempt to make the year ofhis mission 432 was the real cause of the legends referred to, and of the confusion which exists in the chronology of his life. st. Patrick In reviewing: the history of St. Patrick's mis- firstad- . & J dressed sionary labours, we are struck by the fact that he the chief- appears to have always addressed himself in the first instance to the kings or chieftains. In Da laradia, where his earliest church was founded, the site was obtained from the chieftain of the country, Dichu. At Tara he attacked Paganism in its head quarters, and succeeded in obtaining from King Laoghaire a reluctant toleration of his ministry, and an outward profession, at least, of Christianity. In Connaught he addressed him self to the chieftains of Tirawley, and preached to the people at the great assembly of the tribe. In Munster, if that part of his story be true, his first convert was King Aengus himself, whom he baptised at Cashel, the seat of the kings. In Ar magh he obtained the favour of Daire, chieftain of the Airtheara or Orior, and received from him the ' civitas ' which afterwards became the eccle siastical metropolis of Ireland. This policy This policy may have been pursued by St. founded on _, . C t r • r 1 his know- .Patrick as much trom necessity as from a know- ?Jpie°. e ledge of the character and habits of the people. The chieftain once secured, the clan, as a matter of course, were disposed to follow in his steps. To attempt the conversion of the clan, in opposition to the will of the chieftain, would probably have been to rush upon inevitable death, or at the least chap, hi.] Cause of his rapid Success. 499 to risk a violent expulsion from the district. The people may not have adopted the outward profession of Christianity, which was all perhaps that in the first instance they adopted, from any clear or intellectual appreciation of its superiority to their former religion ; but to obtain from the people even an outward profession of Christianity was an important step to ultimate success. It secured toleration at least for Christian institu tions. It enabled Patrick to plant in every tribe his churches, schools, and monasteries. He was permitted without opposition to establish among the half Pagan inhabitants of the country . societies of holy men, whose devotion, usefulness, and piety soon produced an effect upon the most barbarous and savage hearts. This was the secret of the rapid success attri- cause of buted to St. Patrick's preaching in Ireland. The rapyc s J, chieftains were at first the real converts. The success- baptism of the chieftain was immediately followed by the adhesion of the clan. The clansmen pressed eagerly round the missionary who had baptised the chief, anxious to receive that myste rious initiation into the new faith to which their chieftain and father had submitted. The requirements preparatory to baptism do not seem to have been very rigorous ; and it is, therefore, by no means improbable, that in Tirawley, and other remote districts where the spirit of clanship was strong, Patrick, as he tells us himself he did, may have baptised some thousands of men. K. K 2 500 Remains of Paganism tolerated, [chap. m. His tolera tion of the Pagan su perstitions. In this policy, also, we may perceive the cause of that spirit of toleration which he seems to have shewn towards the old superstitions. Con scious that he had gained only the outward adherence of the adult members of the clan, he was compelled to use great caution in his attempts to overthrow the antient monuments and usages of Paganism. It was only in some rare instances that he ventured upon the destruc tion of an idol, or the removal of a pillar-stone. Sometimes he contented himself with inscribing1 upon such stones the sacred names or symbols of Christianity. The very festivals of the Irish were respected, and converted into Christian solemni- • ties or holidays. The Beltine and the Samhain of our Pagan forefathers are still observed in the popular sports of May-day and All -hallow-e'en. ' Nothing is clearer,' says Dr. O'Donovan2, 'than that Patrick engrafted Christianity on the Pagan superstitions with so much skill that he won the people over to the Christian religion before they understood the exact difference between the two systems of belief ; and much of this half Pagan, half Christian religion will be found not only in the Irish stories of the middle ages, but in the superstitions of the peasantry to the present day.' 1 Inscribing. A curious instance of this is recorded in the Tripar tite Life (ii. c. 52). He was in the Co. of Galway, near Lough Hacket, and there he found three pillar- stones, ' quae gentilitas ibi in memo riam aliquorum facinorum vel gen- tilitium rituum posuit.' On these Patrick inscribed the name of Christ in three different languages : on one iesus, on another soter, on the third salvator. See O'Flaherty, °gyg- P- 374- 2 Dr. O'Donovan. Four Mas ters, a.d. 432, note ', p. 131 ; and see above, p. 128. of Saint vi chap, m.] St. Patrick's Success overrated. 501 But the extent of St. Patrick's success, as well The success as the rapidity of his conquests, has been greatly Patrick , overrated by our popular historians. ' While, in other countries,' says Mr. Moore1, ' the introduc tion of Christianity has been the slow work of time, has been resisted by either government or people, and seldom effected without a lavish effusion of blood ; in Ireland, on the contrary, by the influence of one humble but zealous mis sionary, and with little previous preparation of the soil by other hands, Christianity burst forth, at the first ray of apostolic light, and with the sudden ripeness of a northern summer, at once covered the whole land. Kings and princes, when not themselves among the ranks of the converted, saw their sons and daughters joining in the train without a murmur. Chiefs, at variance in all else, agreed in meeting beneath the Christian banner ; and the proud Druid and Bard laid their superstitions meekly at the foot of the cross ; nor, by a singular disposition of Providence, unexampled indeed in the whole his tory of the Church, was there a single drop of blood shed, on account of religion, through the entire course of this mild Christian revolution, by which, in the space of a few years, all Ireland was brought tranquilly under the influence of the Gospel.' Unhappily, a deeper insight into the facts of 1 Mr. Moore. History of Ireland, que nulle autre nation dans toute la i. p. 203, and see also the Abbe chretiennete ne recut les nouvelles MacGeoghegan, Hist. d'Irlande, i. du royaume de Dieu, et la foi de p. 262. ' On peut dire avec verite, Jesus Christ, avec tant de joie.' 502 Opposition to St. Patrick. [chap. m. His mission Irish history effaces much of this pleasing picture. not without J x _ . danger to It is not true that no blood was shed, lt is not hirfoi- a" true that all Ireland was brought tranquilly under the influence ofthe Gospel. St. Patrick's life was often attempted, and often in danger. On one occasion his charioteer was slain in mistake for himself. When going into Connaught, he took the precaution of providing himself with an escort, and narrowly escaped the efforts of the Druids to destroy him. His ecclesiastical estab lishments were surrounded by fortifications1, for the protection of the inmates ; and many of the most celebrated of them, as Armagh, Cashel, Downpatrick, Clogher, and others, were built in situations possessing natural advantages for de fence, or near the already fortified habitations of Many tribes the antient chieftains. There were many dis- rejected his , . teaching, tricts and tribes of Ireland where the teaching of St. Patrick was rejected.2 The Hi Garchon are particularly mentioned as having resisted both Palladius and Patrick ; and the biographers of the saint would, no doubt, have recorded many similar instances, had it been their object to chronicle the failures instead of the triumphs of their hero. The catalogue3 of the three orders 1 Fortifications. See above, p. milites Hibernias quod odio habent 478. paruchiam Patricii, quia substraxe- 2 Rejected. Tirechan speaks of runt ab eo quod ipsius erat ; timent- many chieftains of Ireland in his que quoniam si quaereret heres Pa- time (the middle of the seventh tricii paruchiam illius, potest pene century), who refused to submit to totam insolam sibi reddere in paru • the jurisdiction of Armagh, lest the chiam quam Deus dedit illi.' Book whole island should become subject of Armagh, fol. n, a.b. to the successors of St. Patrick : 'quia s Catalogue. See above, Introd. video dissertores, et archiclocos et sect. 41, sq. chap, m.] Ecclesiastical Clanship. 503 of Irish saints, and many passages in the Book of Armagh, afford undoubted proofs that all Ireland did not submit to Patrick's influence ; and the partial apostacy which took place during the two centuries following his death, is a convincing evidence that the Christianity he had planted did not strike its roots as deeply as has been popu larly supposed. An adhesion to Christianity, which was in a great measure only the attach ment of a clan to its chieftain, and in which Pagan usages, under a Christian name, were of necessity tolerated, could not, in the nature of things, be very lasting. Many of the foundations of St. Patrick appear Ecciesias- to have had the effect of counteracting this evil, ^p matne "^ by creating a sort of spiritual clanship, well cal- Stations. culated to attract a clannish people, and capable of maintaining itself against the power of the secular chieftains. But this was perhaps an acci dental result only : it was certainly not the primary design of these institutions. St. Patrick had a much higher object in view. He seems to have been deeply imbued with faith in the interces sory powers of the Church. He established throughout the land temples and oratories for the perpetual worship of God. He founded societies of priests and bishops, whose first duty it was ' to make constant supplications, prayers, inter cessions, and giving of thanks for all men, for kings and for all that are in authority;' per suaded, in accordance with the true spirit of antient Christianity, that the intercessions of 5°4 Peculiarities of the Societies [chap. m. Thereligious societiesfounded by St. Patrick did not exclude women. The lands granted for the founda tion of churches often con veyed the rights of chieftainship. the faithful, in their daily sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, were efficacious, as St. Paul's words imply, for the salvation of mankind, and for bringing to the knowledge of the truth those upon whom appeals to reason, and arguments addressed to the intellect, would have been pro bably a waste of words. The religious societies thus established did not always exclude from their benefits the weaker sex, and were not, perhaps, in the modern sense of the word, strictly speaking, monasteries. At Armagh it is recorded1 that a sister or relative of St. Patrick, called by some authorities Lupait, with Ercnat, daughter of the chieftain Daire, and Cruimtheris, daughter of a king of Britain, were appointed to discharge the duty of making, washing, and repairing the sacred vestments2 of the Church. Besides these, there were seven daughters of ' a king of the Lombards,' in con nection with the society, and others, perhaps, whose names the biographers have not preserved. The lands given by the piety of St. Patrick's converts, for the foundation of these establish ments, often conveyed the rights of chieftainship?, and so secured the allegiance of the clan. When this was the case, many of the causes obstructive to Christianity were removed, and the people were with less difficulty weaned from their 1 Recorded. See Vit. Trip._ iii. c. 72 — 76. 2 Vestments. Colgan, Actt. SS. in Vit. S. Ergnata, p. 41. These three ladies are mentioned in the poetical list of St. Patrick's household, as his druinecha, or embroiderers ; Four Mast. a.d. 448, p. 139. 3 Chieftainship. See above, Introd. p. 152, sq. chap, in.] established by St. Patrick. 505 antient superstitions, and brought the more fully under the influence of the Gospel. But in some places the lay succession continued, and in time swallowed up1, or became identified with the ecclesiastical authority. In every case, however, it is evident that the spirit of clanship2 was engrafted upon the institutions of the Church. This, in the earlier ages of Christianity in Ireland, tended to protect the monastic societies from outrage and plunder, as well as to spread causes of their influence amongst the people. This was ^0enea^dn" also the real cause of the great extension3 of the ^ptnj?rity "?~ monastic life in Ireland. The state of society monastic life in rendered it practically impossible to maintain the Ireland. Christian life, except under some monastic rule. The will of the chieftain was law. The clansman was liable at any time to be called upon to serve upon some wild foray, in a quarrel or feud with which he had personally no concern. The do mestic ties were unknown, or little respected. No man could call his life or property, his wife or children, his own ; and yet, such is the inconsist ency of human nature, the people clung to their chieftains and to their clan with a fidelity and an affection which continue to the present day. Hence the spirit of clanship readily transferred it self to the monastery. The abbat was sometimes also chieftain, or a near relative of the chieftain, 1 Swallowed up. See a valuable said on this subject, Introd. p. 226. paper by Dr. Reeves, in the Pro- 3 Extension. ' L'Irlande a vu p ceedings of the Royal Irish Aca- presq' aussi-tot des moines que des demy, vol. vi. p. 447. Chretiens.' MacGeogkegan, Hist. 2 Clanship. See what has been dlrlande, i. p. 275. 506 Natives made Bishops. [chap. m. and the welfare or progress ofthe monastic society was identified with the prosperity of the clan. Natives of St. Patrick seems, in a large majority of in- Ireland ' ¦ r 1 madepriests stances, to have placed natives ot the country as by st. F priests and bishops over the ecclesiastical or monastic societies which were founded by him. This may, at first sight, seem difficult to under stand. It is not possible (miracle apart) that a lawless chieftain, baptised in adult life, could be at once converted into a devoted priest or a saintly bishop, without any previous preparation or instruction. But it is a prominent feature in St. Patrick's history, that he was at all times accompanied by a body of men under training for the priesthood. The biographers, it is true, sometimes represent him as ordaining a con vert, or even consecrating him a bishop, imme diately after his baptism ; but we are not to interpret such statements too literally. Some time must be understood to have intervened between the baptism of an Irish convert and his ordination. A machinery for his education is spoken of as at hand. The churches and ecclesiastical or colle giate bodies established by St. Patrick throughout the country, must have had considerable educa tional influences. Every such society, as it was formed, became a school for the education of the clergy. The daily offices of devotion trained the inmates to the correct observance of the ritual of the Church, and prepared them to be come the heads, as priests or bishops, of similar establishments. St. Patrick. chap, in.] The Abgitoria. 50 7 It is recorded also that Patrick, on several The , , 7 . . 1 . Abgitoria occasions, taught the abgitorium , that is to say, written by the alphabet, to such of his converts as were destined for holy orders ; this is sometimes expressed by saying that he wrote for them ' the elements,' scripsit elementa — by which phrase the alphabet seems also to have been intended. But it may be said, we are not compelled to understand the instruction so designated as confined to the mere alphabet in the literal sense of the word. To teach letters is a phrase which is still in use, to denote education gene rally. The elements of learning may have been included, when we read that Patrick taught the alphabet ; and so the biographers seem to have understood the words. The Tripartite Life, following the Book of Armagh, tells us, that when St. Patrick was in Ciarraidhe-Locha- nArnedha, now the barony of Costello, county of Mayo, he found Ernasc and his son Loarn sitting under a tree : — 'with whom he remained, together with his twelve com panions, for a week, and they received from him the doctrine of salvation with attentive ear and mind. In the meanwhile he instructed Loarn, for whom he wrote the alphabet, in the rudi ments of learning and piety.' 2 This Loarn, or Locharnach, as he is called in the Book of Armagh, was afterwards made abbat 1 Abgitorium. This word is a cor- 2 Piety. ' Loarnum interea, cui et tuption of Abecedarium, in Irish alphabetum scripsit, in litterarum et Aibgitir, or more correctly Abcitir, pietatis instruendo rudimentis.' Vit. the ABC, or alphabet. See Du Trip. ii. c. 57. ' Scripsit illi eli- Cange, in w. Abgatorium and Abe- menta,' B. of Armagh, fol. 13, a.b. torium. 508 Preparation for Holy Orders. [chap. m. of a church which Patrick founded in that place. He was, therefore, evidently designed for the ecclesiastical life when St. Patrick taught him the alphabet with the rudiments of learning. The And we may remark, that in every case where Abgitoria . . i /• t» ¦ i 1 • • 7 • always mention is made of Patrick having written abgi- preparatTon toria, or alphabets, for his converts, it is clearly order's?* implied that this was done as a preparation for holy orders. Thus Tirechan, in the Book of Armagh, prefaces his list of the clergy ordained by St. Patrick, in the following words. Having mentioned that Patrick had consecrated three hundred and fifty bishops in Ireland, he adds r1 — ' of presbyters we cannot count the number, because he used to baptise men daily, and to read letters and abgatorits with them, and of some he made bishops and presbyters, because they had received baptism in mature age.' In another place, the same author records the consecration of Senach as bishop at Achad-Fobh- air2, and tells us that Patrick wrote for his son Oengus an abgitorium, on the day on which his father Senach was ordained.3 The only other place in which the abgitorium 1 Adds. ' De praespiteris non possi- alphabetopraescriptolitterarumfund- mus ordinare, quia babtitzavit coti- amenta coepit docere, eodem die quo die homines et illis litteras legebat et ipse S. Senachus episcopus ordinatus abgatorias, et de aliis episcopos ac est.' Vit. Trip. ii. c. 72. Itiscuri- presbyteros faciebat quia in etate ous that Nennius, c. 60, represents baptismum acciperunt sobria.' Book Patrick to have written 365 abgito- of Armagh, fol. 9, b.a. ria, or abietoria, as most copies read; 2 Achad-Fobhair. Now Agha- and to have consecrated also 365 gower, Co. of Mayo. See O'Do- churches and 365 bishops. It will novan, Hy Fiachrach, p. 150, 151. be remembered that the ceremony of 3 Ordained. ' Cui scripsit Patri- writing the Greek and Roman al- cius abgitorium in die qua ordina- phabets on the floor was one of the tus erat Senachus.' Book of Armagh, ancient rites used in the consecration fol. 1 3, b.a. ' Quem S. Patricius of churches. chap, in.] Abgitoria mistaken for Swords. 509 is mentioned, is a passage, which is somewhat obscure, but its obscurity does not affect our present argument. St. Patrick was somewhere near the banks of the river Erne, between the cataract of Easroe and the sea. He had there baptised a man and his infant son ; and wrote for him, that is for the father, an abgitorium, and blessed him with the blessing of a bishop.1 Another curious passage renders it probable The that the word abgitorium, although evidently a mistaken corrupt form of abecedarium, and in its primary for swords- sense an alphabet, may have ultimately come to signify not an alphabet properly so called, but a waxed tablet prepared for writing, such as was used by the antient schoolmasters for teaching their scholars the elements of learning. St. Patrick, with eight or nine companions, ' having tablets in their hands, written after the manner of Moses,'2 was seen by the pagan inhabitants of the country, who mistook the tablets for swords, 1 Bishop. ' Et scripsit illi abgito- [Patricium], cum viris viii. aut ix. rium et benedixit eum benedictione cum tabulis in manibus scriptis episcopi.' Book of Armagh, fol. 15, more Moysaico, exclamaverunt gen- a.b. There are three passages (be- tiles super illos ut sanctos occiderent, sides that quoted p. 507 n.) in the et dixerunt gladios in manibus habent Book of Armagh in which the ad occidendos homines, videntur phrase ' elementa scripsit ' is employ- lignei in die apud illos, sed ferreos ed, in connection with preparation gladios aestimamus ad effundendum for holy orders ; ' et alteram eccle- sanguinem.' Book of Armagh, fol. siam Immruig Thuaithe [fundavit], 9, a.a. The Tablets were there - et scripsit elimenta Cerpano,' fol. fore long and narrow. It seems 10, b.a. ' Et elegit unum filium difficult to suppose that tablets in- ex ipsis cui nomen erat Mace Ercae, tended for writing should have been et scripsit elementa et benedixit really mistaken for swords ; but eum benedictione patris.' Fol. 14, there must have been some remote b.b. « Et benedixit filium, qui est resemblance to the short swords of Mace Rime episcopus, et scripse- the antient Irish, to render the pie- runt elementa illi, Sec' Fol. 1 5, a a. tended mistake plausible. 2 Of Moses. ' Et viderunt ilium 5 1 o The Irish had an Alphabet [chap. hi. exclaiming that although seemingly of wood, they were really of iron, and were intended to shed blood. Such a mistake could only have been a pretence to excuse an intended outrage ; but ' a merciful man,' vir misericors, who was amongst them, named Hercaith, opposed the violent designs of the mob. He and his son Feradach believed, and were baptised. He dedi cated his son to Patrick, immolavit filium Patricio. Patrick changed the young man's name to Sachell, or Sacellus, and wrote for him a copy of the book of Psalms, which the writer who records this legend says he had seen.1 a know- We cannot give much weight to the argument2 alphabetic that Patrick was the first to bring alphabetic firs'tteught characters into the country, and that the Irish to the ins before hjs time had no knowledge of any sort of writing, because he is said to have written alpha bets for his converts. If this had been so, it is scarcely possible to doubt that the Irish would have boasted of having learned letters from St. Patrick. The vanity of having known the alpha bet before his time, would scarcely have been allowed to deprive him of the glory of having made known to Ireland the foundation of all learning, along with the still greater blessings of the Christian faith. But there does not occur a 1 Seen. ' Et scripsit illi librum decayed. See p. 469, n. supra, and Psalmorum, quem vidi.' Book of Petrie's Essay on the Domhnach- Armagh, fol. 9, a.a. A copy of the airgid, Trans. Royal Irish Acad. Gospels, said to have been brought vol. xviii. Antiq. p. 14, sq. into Ireland by St. Patrick, is still 2 Argument. See Bolland. Actt. preserved in the library of the Royal SS. ad 17 Mart. p. 517. Irish Academy, although greatly Patrick. chap, hi.] before St. Patrick. 511 single hint in Irish tradition to shew that the knowledge of the alphabet was believed to have been communicated by St. Patrick. It has been suggested, indeed, by some writers1, that as the Irish had a peculiar alphabet of their own, the abgitorium or alphabet made known to them by St. Patrick was the Roman alphabet. But this is founded on a mistake. The alphabet now called the Irish alphabet, and supposed to be peculiar to the Irish language, is nothing more than the Roman alphabet, which was used over all Europe in the fifth and some following centuries. The probability, therefore, is, that the Roman alphabet, if not taught by St. Patrick, certainly became known in Ireland about his time ; but it does not follow that the Irish were ignorant of written characters before that period. The older alphabet, perhaps, was known only to the bards or Druids, and communicated to the initiated alone. But it is certain that the Gauls, or at least the Druids of Gaul, even in Caesar's time2, had written characters ; and antient Gaulish inscriptions, long anterior to the fifth century, are extant. There is nothing unreason able, therefore, in supposing that the Irish Druids, who from very early times had a close connection 1 Writers. See Harris's Ware, An- ings of the R. I. Acad. vol. iv. tiq. p. 25. MacGeoghegan, Hist. pp. 177, 361. d'Irlande, i. pp. 28, 29. It is now 2 Cesar's time. ' Itaque nonnulli well ascertained that the Ogham [Druides] annos vicenos in disciplina characters are later than the times of permanent, neque fas esse existimant St. Patrick, and derived most pro- ea literis mandare, cum in reliquis bably from the Scandinavian Runes. fere rebus, publicis privatisque rati- See Dr. Graves's papers Proceed- onibus, grecis literis utantur.' De Bello Gall. lib. vi. c. 14. 5 1 2 Pagan Literature of Ireland. [chap. m. with their brethren of Gaul1, may have also had the art of writing. St. Patrick is said to have burnt the idolatrous books2 of the Irish Druids, preparatory to his reformatipn of the pagan laws. This story is probably a fable ; but it proves the tradition or belief of the people that there was a written literature, and an alphabet in pagan times. The truth may lie, as it often does, be tween two extremes. St. Patrick most probably introduced what was then the alphabet of the rest of Europe, which has since, by a strange reverse of fortune, become peculiar to Ireland; he taught it, without reserve, to those whom he destined for holy orders, and encouraged them to make it known to others. It was the alphabet in which he taught them to write copies of the Holy Scriptures, as well as Missals, and other sacred books, required for the service of the church. The art of writing was no longer an occult piece of learning confined to a par ticular class. It became known with the Roman alphabet3 to the Christian converts of St. Patrick, 1 Gaul. Tacitus tells us that in as old as the sixth or seventh cen- the century before Christ the sea- tury. On the front of the stone is ports of Ireland were well known to a cross, within two concentric cir- commercial men. ' Aditus portus- cles, about one half of which is que per commercia et negociatores lost, owing to the upper part of the cogniti.' Agricola. c. 24. stone having been broken. Under 2 Books. See Petrie, Tara, p. 81. this is an ornamental processional 3 Alphabet. There is a curious cross, the shaft of which extends specimen of an Abgitorium carved the whole length of the stone. On on a pillar-stone in the cemetery of the left hand side, are the letters, Kilmalkedar, County of Kerry. dni, which with the cross were no Dr. Petrie has given an accurate doubt intended to be read, ' Crux representation of it in a woodcut, Domini.' Over and around these Round Towers, p. 133. From the letters, in smaller but coeval charac- antiquity of the characters it is pro- ters, is the Roman alphabet, wanting bable that this inscription may be A, owing to the fracture of the chap, hi.] Christianity national in Ireland. 513 and the alphabet, which had been before that time peculiar to the Druids, and was probably of Greek origin, became extinct. To pursue this subject, however, would be a Pagan inconsistent with the purpose of the present irdand,'61'" work. That a pagan literature existed in p^ick.'' Ireland before the coming of St. Patrick, and that some of that literature1 is still preserved, is highly probable. Several fragments of very high antiquity, and having internal evidence of a pagan origin, are to be found among the remains of the Brehon laws. But we are now concerned only with the fact that St. Patrick appears to have taught letters and alphabets, whatever that may imply, with the express purpose of preparing his converts for holy orders. The priests and bishops to whom he left the important duty of continuing his work, were in almost every in stance, as we have already observed, natives of Ireland ; and the monastic or collegiate churches established by him were founded with the double object of providing ecclesiastical education, and of keeping up in the Church the perpetual sup plications, prayers, intercessions, and giving of thanks, which the apostle commanded as a duty, the 'first of all.'2 Hence it was that in Ireland Christianity be- Christianity national in stone just mentioned. The alphabet, written on a cake. Reeves, Adamn. Ireland- including K and Q, is given as far p. 359, note /. as U, after which are some marks ' Literature. See Petrie, on Tara, not very legible, and probably in- p. 38, sq. O'Flaherty, Ogygia, iii. jured, which may have been origi- c. 30, p. 214. nally X, Y, Z. The Irish Life of 2 First of all. 1 Tim. ii. 1. St. Columba represents him as HapaicaXio ouv irpdrov -kcivtuv. having had an Abgitir, or alphabet, L L 514 Character of St. Patrick [chap. m. came at once a national institution. It was not looked upon as coming from foreigners, or as representing the manners and civilisation of a foreign nation. Its priests and bishops, the suc cessors of St. Patrick in his missionary labours, were many of them descendants of the antient kings and chieftains so venerated by a clannish people. The surrounding chieftains and men in authority, who still kept aloof in paganism, were softened by degrees, when they perceived that in all the assemblies of the Christian Church fer vent prayers were offered to God for them. In this point of view the public incense of prayer and ' lifting up of hands ' of the Church in a heathen land, is perhaps the most important engine of missionary success. ' Nothing,' says St. Chrysostom1, ' is so apt to draw men under teaching as to love, and to be loved,' to be prayed for in the spirit of love. Missionary On the whole, the biographers of St. Patrick, st. Patrick, notwithstanding the admixture of much fable, have undoubtedly pourtrayed in his character the features of a great and judicious missionary. He seems to have made himself ' all things,' in accordance with the apostolic injunction, to the rude and barbarous tribes of Ireland. He dealt tenderly with their usages and prejudices. Al though he sometimes felt it necessary to over turn their idols, and on some occasions risked his life, he was guilty of no offensive or unnecessary iconoclasm. A native himself of 1 St. Chrysostom. Horn. VI. in 1 Tim. to QiKhv xai duXitoBat. chap, m] as a Christian Missionary. 515 another country, he adopted the language of the Irish tribes, and conformed to their political institutions. By his judicious management, the Christianity which he founded became self- supporting. It was endowed by the chieftains without any foreign aid. It was supplied with priests and prelates by the people themselves -, and its fruits were soon seen in that wonderful stream of zealous missionaries, the glory of the Irish Church, who went forth in the sixth and seventh centuries, to evangelize the barbarians of central Europe. In a word, the example__and success of St. Patrick have bequeathed to us this lesson, that the great object of the mis sionary bishop should be to establish among the heathen the true and unceasing worship of God's Church, and to supply that Church with a native ministry. L l 2 INDEX A BBATES laici of Ireland and Wales, 155 n. Abel, Abbat and Bishop of Laubes, a Scot by race, 59 Aberdeen, Breviary of, 299 ¦ — its lessons for St. Palladius at vari ance with its Calendar, 300 Abernethy, antient Bishopric of, trans ferred to St. Andrews, 44 n. Abgitoria or Alphabets, meaning of the word, 507 — taught by St. Patrick to candidates for the ecclesiastical life, 508 — may signify tablets for writing, 509 — Patrick wrote 365 alphabets ac cording to Nennius, 508 n. — mistaken for swords, 509 — specimen of, carved on stone, 512 n. — written on a cake for St. Columba, 5'3 »• Achad Fobhair, now Aghagower, co. of Mayo, 508 n. Achad Farcha, 435 Adamnan, Life of Columba, quoted, 6, 7, 118. See Columba. — his Cain, or tribute, 405 n. Adelfius, probably Bishop of Caer leon on Usk, 268 Adrian I. See Hadrian. Adrian IV. claims ownership of Ire land and confers it on Henry II., 48 n. ; his Bull, 231 Aedh, Bishop of Sletty, 401 Aedh Dubh, his ordination and his tory, 8, 9 Aedh the Great, and Aedh the Less, brothers, 154 Aedh, son of Ainmire, King of Ire land, 133 — measures proposed by him to Con vention of Drumceatt, 134K. — a party in his court hostile to the clergy, 137 Aedh, son of Eochaidh Doimhlen, sur named Colla Meann, 471 — slain, 472 Aedh (St.), surnamed Mac Carthenn. See Mac Carthenn Aedh, mac Brie, 463 Aengus, son of Natfraich, King of Munster, his conversion, 129 ; bap tised, 467, 498 — • accident at the baptism, 468 — slain, 467 n. Agapetus I. (Pope), only a Deacon when consecrated Bishop, 87 Aghagower. See Achad Fobhair Agricola, son of Bishop Severianus, introduced Pelagianism into Bri tain, 271 Ailbe (St.), of Emly, his history, 203 — etymology of his name, 204 — met St. Declan at Rome, ib. — his tutor Hilary, not Pope Hilary, ib. — followed to Rome by fifty Irishmen, 205 — converted the filii Goill, ib. — not a native of Dalaradia, 206 — visits St. Deelan, 211 — date ofhis death, 206, 211 — constituted Metropolitan of Mun ster, 218 — Irish stanza on, 219 Ailbe, Presbyter, 222 — date of his death, 225 n. Ailcluaid, 267, 356 Aileran (St.), author of a Life of St. Patrick, 296 Aillil, son of Dunlaing, baptised, 465 Aill mic Cuirr, 404 n. Aillinn, daughter of Aengus Mac Nat fraich, 434 Airbhe, meaning of the word, 1 1 9 n. Airchinneach, 160 — etymology ofthe word, 162 Airer Gaedhil, now Argyle, 267 5i8 Index: Airer Gaedhil, Bede's description of, 267 Airthear. See Oirthear Albigenses, their doctrine of the en dura, 463 Alcluith, 267 Alphabet, not first taught to the Irish by St. Patrick, 510 — known to the Druids of Gaul in Caesar's time, 511 — probably to the Irish Druids, 512 — the present Irish alphabet identical with the Roman, 511 — probably taught by St. Patrick, ib. Altimachae. See Ardd-Macha Amalgaidh, or Amolngaid, 442 n. — his sons, 443 n. Amand (St.), biographer of St. Boni face, 47 Amator or Amatorex, Bishop of Aux erre, 317, 335 — consecrates St. Patrick, 317, 323, 326 Amhra Coluimcille, 138 virtues ascribed to, 139 Amolngaid. See Amalgaidh Anat-cailtrin, 343 Andegarius or Audegarius, Bishop of St. Martin's at Tours, 57 Andrews (St.), antiently Cill-Righmo- naigh, 44 a. Animosus, his Life of St. Brigid, 1 9 n. Anna-down (or Enach-Duin), 38 Annals of ecclesiastical events, from the Book bf Leinster, 183-188 — Irish, dates assigned by them to St. Patrick's mission and death, 393 Anselm (St.), his letter to Muircher- tagh O'Brien, 1, 2 Antioch, Council of (a.d. 341), 45 Aonach, meaning ofthe word, 439 n. Aonach-Tailltenn,nowTelltown,343, 439 Aondruim, or Nendrum, 412 n. Apostles,Twelve, of Ireland, 99a., 147 — why so called, 147, 148 — their influence as a body, 149 — sent for to avert the curse on ban quet of Dun-na-ngedh, 1 48 Aquino, Bishop of, subject to the Abbat of Cassino, 67 Aras, a house, 257 »., 258 n. Aras-Celtchair, 492 n. Archbishop, meaning of the term in antient Irish records, 14-19 Arcuil, now valley of the Braid, 374 Ard-comarb, 157 Ardd-machae, antient name of Ar magh, 475 — signification ofthe word, 475 ».- — Ussher's mistake as to, ib. See Armagh Ardmor, co. of Waterford, 211 Ard-na-gcaorach, 211 Ard-patrick, a hill near Louth, 469 n. Aregal (oraculum), an oratory, 477, 47? Argyle, signification of name, 267 Aries, Synod of, 268 Armagh, date of its foundation, 468, 469 — legend of, 472 sq. — jurisdiction of, not universally re ceived, 502 — See Druim Sailech ; Ardd-macha Armagh, Book of, history of founda tion of Trim, from, 257 — called Canon of Patrick, 485 n. Arnon (Mount), 323, 337 Asciciput, an error, 41 1 n. Asterius, T. Rufus, collected the works of Sedulius, 196 Athanasius (St.), only a deacon when consecrated bishop, 87 Ath-dara, a ford on the Barrow, 437 Ath-Truim, foundation of,i49, ic,osq. Atomriug, meaningof the word, 426 *. Attigni, Synod of, 68 n. Augustine (St.), speaks with respect of Pelagius and Ccelestius, 192 Augustinus, companion of Palladius, 280, 301, 324, 326 Autbert, Bishop of Avranches, 337 Auxilius, ordained with St. Patrick, 3r7> 332.486 T2 AAL, the Phoenician , god, un known to the Irish, 414 a. Baptism of great numbers by St. Patrick, 449 — festival of St. Patrick's, 450 Bards, favoured by the clergy, 130 — their influence against Christianity, 132 — attempts to suppress the order, 132 sq. — reformation of the order at the convention of Drumceatt, 135, 136 Barses, a bishop, 45, 46 Beatus, Biat, or Bie, first bishop of Lausanne, 193 Index. 5*9 Bede (St.), his testimony of the sub jection of bishops to the abbat in Hi, io n. Beg-Eri, now Begery or Begrin Is land, 2l6». Belle-isle in Lough Erne, its antient name, 470 n. Beltaine, or Beltine, festival of, 134 a. when celebrated, 414 still observed, 500 meaning ofthe name, 414 n. Benedict (St.), his rule recognises the monastic bishop, 69 %*>, Benedictus, companion of Palladius, 280, 301, 324, 326 Benin, Benen, or Benignus of Ar magh, 130, 412 n. Bernard (St.), his complaint of irregu larities in the Church of Ireland, 2, 3 — his Life of St. Malachy, 155 a. Berraidhe, chieftain of Offaly, 464 — his descent, ib. n. Betham, Sir W., 309 Biat (St.) or Bie. See Beatus Binn Gulban, or Binn Bulbin, 440 n. Bishops, deference paid to in the Columban monasteries, 6-10 — subject to the abbat in Columban abbeys, 7 sq. — subject to the abbess in Kildare, 13. 14 — multiplication of in Ireland, 27 — independent in Ireland, 27 — number consecrated by St. Patrick, 28 — living together with Mochta of Lputh, 31 — seven living together, 32 ; mean ing ofthe institution, 35 ¦ — seven, of Cluain-emain, or Clo nown, 34, 35 — 141 groups of seven bishops, men tioned by Aengus, 32, 35 — bishops ofthe Clans, 38 — conciliar laws against Scotic bishops, 40 sq. — episcopi vagantes, laws relating to, 40 n. — pseudo bishops pretending to be Irish, 42 n. — without sees (irY.oXn£ovrec), on the Continent of Europe, 45 — monastic bishop at St. Denis, 51 — at St. Martin's Tours, 56 — at Lobes or Laubes in Belgium, 57 Bishops, monastic, not peculiar to Ire land, 48 — bishops in- Ireland before St. Pa trick, 198 ; origin ofthe story, 221 the story unknown to Jocelin, 224 Black water, 439 Boethin (St.), 298 Boethius (Hector), his description of the antient episcopal system of Scotland, 44 n. Bonaght, what, 228 Bonavem Taberniae, 355, 362 Boind, the river Boyne, 257 n., 259, 368 n. — inflexions ofthe word, 257 n. Bollandists, their date of the death of St. Patrick, 495 Boniface. See Winfrid Books, magical virtues of, 105, 124 Boromean tribute, 437 Boscoi, or grazing monks, had a bishop of their own, 46 Boulogne-sur-mer, not the birth place of St. Patrick, 358 Braid, valley of, 374 Braighde, or Braid, river, 374 Brechmigh in Ui Dortain, 260 Bregia, or Magh Bregh, 406 n., 420 — St. Patrick founds churches in, 441 Brehon Law Commiffion, 484 n. Brendan, St., the navigator, 459, 460 Brene, strait of, 406 Brettan. See Brittan Brig, mother of St. Etchen, her de scent from Cathair Mor, 255 — mother of King Aedh son of Ain- mire, 255 Bright. See Brittan Brigid (St.), her monastery of Kil dare, 11 — her choice of a bishop, 1 2 — ordained a bishop by St. Mel, 13 a. — her prophecy of the declension of faith in Ireland, 108 — her relationship to St. Columba, Table IV., 252 — her relationship to her first Bishop Conlaedh, Table V., 253 Britanniae, 356 Britanny, Armoric, 360 Brittan, or Brettan, now Bright, co. of Down, 293 n,, 459 n. Broccaide, abbat or Bishop of Im- leach-Each, 152 520 Index. Broccaide, brother of Lomman, 260 Broccan, brother of Lomman, 260 Brogan (St.) his Life of St. Brigid, 23 Brogsech, mother of St. Brigid, 34 Bruce (Edward), alliance of the Irish with, 240 Buidhe Chonaill, or flava ictericia, 213 a. QABCENNA, river of, 492, «., 4-93- Cabilonense Concilium, 40 a. Cadoc, or Cattwg, his original name Cathmael, 99 Caelestius, the Scot alluded to by St. Jerome, 190 — why supposed to be of Irish birth, 192 a. Caencomhrac mac Mael-uidhir, 485 a. Caerleon, upon Usk, 268 n. Caiman (St.) of Dair-inis, 99 Cain Patraic, or Cain Phadruig, the law of Patrick, 483, 485 a. — meaning of the word Cain, 48 5 a. — Cain Adamnain, ib. Cairbre Righfada, 266 Cairel, son of Eochaidh Doimhlen, surnamed Colla Uais, 471 Cairnech, 483 n. Cairpri. See Carbri and Cairbre Cake, alphabet written on, 513 a. Calpurnius, father of St. Patrick, 353 ' Calvus like Caput,' a Scotic proverb, 445 Campus Girgin, 296 Campus Taberniae, 357. Cannech (St.), or Canice, of Kil kenny, story of, 116 — his adventure with the ceconomus of Docus, 168 Canoin, significations of the word, 485 a. Canoin Phadruigh, not a collection of Canons, 485 a. Canon of Patrick, Book of Armagh so called, 485 a. Canons, rule for consecration by three bishops, 79 sq. — Irish collection of, published by D'Achery, 97, 143, 144; by Mar tene, 145 ; MS. of them in the Val- licellian Library, Rome, 145 a. — attributed to St. Patrick, 484 Caolan. See Mochaoi Caplit, the Druid, 451 — his conversion to Christianity, 454, 455 Carbri, or Cairpri, son of Niall of the nine hostages, 439 Cashel, St. Patrick's visit to, 467 ; fictitious, 468 — not at first proposed as the Archi- episcopal See of Munster, 468 — not of ecclesiastical importance before the 9th centuiy, 468 — King of, confirmed and crowned by the successor of Patrick, 468 — Psalter of, 173 Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland, 88 a., 503 — proves that St. Patrick's jurisdic tion was resisted, 503 Cathach, the book so called, 124 — the battle crozier of St. Grellan, so called, 125 a. Cathair mor, King of Ireland, 464 n. Cathal, abbat of Ferns, 166 Cathaldus of Tarentum, an Irishman, 195 — a teacher in the school of Lismore, 196 — belonged to the second order of saints, ib. Cathlaid, a pilgrim, 152, 261 — probably not a bishop, 153 Cathmael, otherwise Cadoc, or Cattwg, 99 Caubene, river, 493 a. Cealcythe, Synod of, 41 Ceancroithi, name of an idol, 128 a. Cechtumbria (St.), or Cectamaria, 381 a. Celestine, Pope, sends Germanus to Britain and Palladius to Ireland, 270 Cellair. See Killare Cell-fine. See Kill-fine, 294, 295, 297 Cell-Osnada, battle of, 468 a. Cenn-airthir, 290 a. Cennerbhe, name of an idol, 128 a. Cenn-Losnado, 468 n. Celtchar or Keltchar, 492 Cethiac, 443 Cethuberis (St.), 381a. Cerpanus, 509 a. Chalons sur Saone, Council of, 40 Chieftainry, rights of, transferred to the Ecclesiastical Lord, 149 Chieftains, first addressed by St. Pa trick, 498 — loyalty ofthe Irish to, 230 Index. 5*1 Chieftains, Irish, remonstrance of, to Pope John XXII., 236 a. Chorepiscopus, Columba did not seek this order from St. Etchen, 76 — chorepiscopi, probably only pres byters, 76 a. Christianity in Ireland before St. Patrick, 189, 221 — proved by the legend of the altar and glass chalices, 222 — by the mission of Palladius, 225 Chronology of St. Patrick's life, altered to make way for his Roman mission, 399 Church of Ireland, its missionary character, 36 sq. — two Churches in Ireland since the eleventh century, 231, 241 Churches, East and West, in Patrick's time 410 — transverse, 410; sinistralis ecclesia, 411 a. Ciaran, or Kieran (St.), of Saigher, 199 sq. — St. Patrick's prophecy of, 200 ¦ — said to have been 30 years in Ire land before St. Patrick, 201 — founds Seir-Kieran, ib. — one of the Twelve Apostles of Ire land, 202 — belonged to second order of saints, 202 — said to have been 300 years old, ib. Ciarraidhe Locha nArnedha, 507 Cill Achaidh-droma-foda, 345 a. Cill Dumha-gluinn, or Cill Dumi- gluinn, now Kilglin, 260 Cillemoinni, nowKilmoone, co.Meath, 170 a. »Cill Finnabrach (now Kilfenora), 38 Cill-mhic-Duach (now Killmac- duagh), 38 Cill-Righmonaigh, antient name of St. Andrews, 44 a. Cillin or Killin, chieftain of the Hy Garrchu, 466 Cinel Laoghaire, two districts inha bited by, 262 Cinne (St.), 381 a. Clann, meaning ofthe word, 157 Clanna Rudhraighe, or Clanna Rury, 406 a. Clanship, spirit of, pervaded the Church of Ireland, 226 — key to Irish History, 227 — abolition of, under James I., ib. Clanship, evil consequences of its abolition, 228 sq. — ecclesiastical, 503 Claudian, quoted, 283 Clebach, a well at Crochan, 451, 452 Clogher, meaning of the name, 129, 130 a. — its idol stone, Cermand Celstach, 129 — date of foundation of, 467a., 499 a. Cloin Lagen, the plain of Leinster, 151> 259 Clon Bronaigh, Nunnery of, near Granarrl, 408 a. Cluain-emain (now Clonown), seven bishops of, 34 Clugach, meaning ofthe word, 137 a. Cnoc-a-tionol, 448 a. Coarbs of Patrick, antient lists of, 172 sq. See Comar bs Codraige, one of St. Patrick's names, 363n Coelfrid, Abbat, his discussion with Adamnan on the tonsure, 487 — his letter to Naiton, King of the Picts, 487 a. Coinnmeidh, or Coigne. See Coyne Cogitosus, his Life of St. Brigit ; its date, 1 1 a. ; his Irish name, 402 a. Colla' s, the Three, 471 their real names, ib. Collum bovis, 492 Colman (St.) of Dromore, his contest with the bards, 131 Colman, a presbyter, afterwards Bishop, converted the parents of St. Declan, 208 — probably the same as Colman of Cloyne, ib. Colony, Scotic, or Gaedhelic, date of, 248 — came from Spain, ib. Columba (St.), or Columkille, de ference paid by him to a bishop, 7 his attendants to the synod of Drumchett, 28 story of his transcript of St. Finnian's Gospels, 106 legend of his ordination, 70 anecdote of his vocal powers, 118 his escape from the Court of King Diarmait, 121, 122 his poem on the occasion, 122 was himself a bard, 130 522 Index. Columba (St.), the Amhra or elegy on, 138 his family and that of St. Brigid descended from a common ancestor, Table IV., 252 his successors claimed right of visitation in Ossory, 467 Columbanus, established a perpetual service of praise to God at Luxeuil, 36 n. — his rule, 166 Comar, meaning of the word, 47 1 n. Comarbs,meaningoftheword,i55,i56 — held visitations, 158 — battles between, 158. See Coarbs Comgall, of Bangor, persuaded by the Saints of Ireland to remain at home, 117 a. Conaille Muirthemne, 361, 406 n. Conall (son of Aedh, King of Ire land) insults the clergy, 137 — his insanity, ib. — cursed by St. Columba, ib. — why called Clugach, 137 a. Conall Cearnach, of the Clanna Ru dhraighe, 198 a., 406 a. his Pictish wife, 407 a. Conall mac Neill, surnamed Gulban, his conversion, 440 Conalnei, 406 n. Conches, or Conchessa, St. Patrick's mother, 353 Conchubhair, or Connor, a branch of the Desi, of Meath, 213 Condlead, or Conlianus, Bishop of Kildare, 19, 20 — meaning of the name, 20 ; called also Rondchend, ib. ; date of his death, ib. a. — legend of his vestments, 22 — his disobedience to Brigid, 24 ; he was Brigid's artist, 25, 26 — his relationship to St. Brigid, Table v-> 253 Confession of St. Patrick does not mention his Roman mission, 310 editions of, 346 a. its authenticity, 347 a. written at the close of Patrick's life, 3 79 — ¦ — its concluding paragraph, 381 its doctrine, 388 St. Patrick's creed in, 388 its testimony irreconcilable with the Roman Mission and continental education of St. Patrick, 386 Confession of St. Patrick, Tillemont's judgment of, 382 date of St. Patrick's mission deduced from, 392 Armagh copy of, 347 ; appa rently abridged, 348 a. Congbal, a church, 477 a. Consecration of bishops by a single bishop, 74Jy-> 77 Constantius, of Lyons, 269 — his Life of St. Germain, 336 Contest for the body of St. Patrick, 491 Corbe, not a chorepiscopus, 155 a. See Comarb Corca-laidhe, district of, coextensive with the diocese of Ross, 38 Corca-Modruaidh (now Corcomroe), 3« Cormac's Glossary, 483 a. Coroticus, a chieftain of Glamorgan shire, 352 — his genealogy, 352 a. — his crimes, lb. — St. Patrick's epistle on, 311 — 349' 35^, 3^3! editions of, 311 ; makes no mention of Roman mis sion, or foreign education, 311; its date, 384; Tillemont's judgment of, 385 ; date of St. Patrick's mis sion, deduced from, 391 Cosherings, 228 Costello, co. of Mayo, barony of, 507 Coyne, or Coyney (Coinn-mhiodh or Coinnmedh), what, 134 a., 136,228 — not derived from the English word Coza, 134 a. Crebrea, 448 Creed, St. Patrick's, as given in the^ u' Confession, 388 — not homoousian, 390 ' — its antiquity, ib. Croach-aigli, 447 Crochan, or Cruachan, 451 Crochan Crobderg, wife of Eochaid Feilioc, 451 Crom-cruach, or Cromdubh, idol destroyed by St. Patrick, 128 — not the name of a man, 128 n. Cromdubh Sunday, 128 Crossan, a cross-bearer, 460 Cruachan, now Rath-croghan. See Crochan Cruitheni, or Picts of Dalaradia, 407 — why so called, ib. a. Index. 52- Cualann, territory of, 343 a. Cuile, a kitchen, 477, 478 Cuil-dreimhne, battle of, 1 1# Cuircne, district of, 260 a. Cumaine, daughter of Dalbronach, 34 Cuolenni, 343 a., 403 Cyprian (St.), ordination per saltum practised in his day, 8 5 TVACHERY, Spieilegium, 97 a. Irish canons published by, ib. Da- Ferta, 476 Daimhliac Cianain, now Duleek, co. of Meath, 369 a. Daire, chieftain of Hy Niallan, 472 — gives to St. Patrick the site of Armagh, 472 — legend of the donation, 472 sq. — surnamed Dearg, 48 1 a. ; his ge nealogy too long, ib. — his conversion, 478 Dairinne, 38 Dal-araidhe, or Dalaradia, 267 a., 361 n. Dal-Buain, tribe of, in Dalaradia, 374 Dalriada, 266 a. Dalta, meaning of the word, 177 a. Danes, their invasion of Ireland, 39 Darerca, sister of St. Patrick, 150 a., 354 David,- of Menevia, connected with the second order of saints, 95 — his ceconomus, 167, 168 — his eminence predicted by St. Patrick, 48 2 — date of his birth, ib. a. Davis (Sir John), his description of *;• the abolition of the clans, 228 a. Death of St. Patrick, its probable date, 494, 497 — objections to this date, ib. Death, voluntary, of St. Oran of Hy, 125 — of the pupil of St. Fanche, 125, 126 n. — of the daughters of King Laog haire, 126 a. — further instances of, 456 sq. — not an esoteric doctrine, 457 — not figurative, 457 — not the doctrine of human sacri fice, 461 — not a religious suicide, 462 — moral intent of, 460 sq. Declan (St.), a contemporary of St. Ailbe, 206 — his tribe and genealogy, 207 — meets St. Patrick at Rome, 209 — places seven saints in a cell near Lismore, 210 — fails to convert Aengus, King of Cashel, ib. — visits St. David at Menevia, ib. — settles at Ardmor, 211 — survived St. Ailbe, 212 — St. Ultan his disciple, ib. — a pupil of St. Moling, 214 — author of his life, date of, 219 Declension of Faith in Ireland, evi dences of, 107. St. Brigid's pro phecy of, 108 Decurio, office of, 354 a. Deece, barony of, co. of Meath, 207 Deities of the Pagan Irish, topical, 456 Denis ("St.), abbey of, near Paris, 51 — monastic bishops of, 55 a. Desi, or Desii, 207 Diarmait, King, encouraged Druid ism, 119 — 122. In ill odour with the Church, 123 Dichu, chieftain of Dalaradia, first convert of St. Patrick, 344, 407. His descent, 407 Dimma or Dima, tutor of St. Declan, 208 Dimma Dubh, Bishop of Connor, 209 Dioceses, antiently coextensive with the seigniories ofthe clans, 38 Disibod (St.), or Disen, an Irishman, life of, 109. An episcopus regio- narius, no Dobda, or Dobdagrecus, the Irish bishop of Virgil of Saltzburgh, 65, sq. His Iriih name Dubh-da-crioch, 66. Ufiher's difficulty about, ib. a. Domhnall, son of Aedh King of Ireland, blessed by St. Columba, 138 Dominatrix, used to translate ban- abb, or abbess, 157 Domnach-airgid, 469 a., 510 a. Domnach-Arda, or Domnach-Ar- dacha, 293 a., 294, 295 a., 297 Donald, King of Scots, 266 Dorsum salicis. See Druim Sailech Driuccriu, chieftain of the Hy Garr chon, 465 5^4 Index. Druidism of the Irish in the times of the second order of saints, 1 1 8 sq. Druids predict St. Patrick's coming, 410. See Magi Druim-luchra, 211 Druim Sailech, or Dorsum salicis, antient name of Armagh, 475 Drumchett, St. Columba's attendants to synod of, 28 — convention of, 133; Keating's ac count of, 1 34 — situation of, 133 a. Drumcliffe, co. of Sligo, 34 Drum-na-ndruaid, 451 a. Dubh, river, now Blackwater, 471 n. Dubhcomar, battle of, 47 1 — where, 471 a. Dubh-da-crioch, a common name in Ireland, 66 a. Dubhtach Maccu-lugil, or Maccu Lugair, chief bard, 130, 446. His conversion, 424 Dublin, an insignificant hamlet in St. Patrick's time, 466 a. — Joceline's inconsistency as to, ib. Duine Suidhe, 452 Duleek. See Daimhliac-Cianain Dumha-graidh, altar and glass chalices of, 222 Dunlaing, King of Leinster, 438 — baptism ofhis sons, 465 — his feud with the kings of Tara, 438 Dun-da-leth-glaisse, burial-place of St. Patrick, 492 — an antient fort of the chieftains of Ulidia, ib. Dumbarton, 356 Dun-na-ngedh, banquet of, 148 U AD GAR, assumed the title of King of Scotia in 1098, 41 a. Easdara, now Ballysadare, 34 Easroe, cataract of, 509 Easter, St. Patrick's first Easter in Ireland, 412 — not the day of his interview with King Laoghaire, 413, 418 Eber. See Heber Ebmoria, or Eboria, in France, 280, 3I? Eborius, Bishop of York, 268 Ecbatius, or Ochmus, 353 Edessa, monks of, had bishops with out sees, 45 Education of St. Patrick on the con tinent, not mentioned in the Con fession,- 3 ti Eimer, or Eimeria, two daughters of Milchu so called, 408 n. El, a name of God, known to the Irish, 372 Elementa, or alphabetic characters, 5°7 " Elementa scripsit, passages where the phrase occurs iii the Book of Armagh, 507 a., 509 a. Eleran (St.), 296 Eliach, territory of, now Ely O'Car- roll, 203 Elias, St. Patrick's supposed invoca tion of, — festival of, on Mount Carmel (July 20), 371 a. — never invoked as a saint, ib. Eliphius and Eucharius not Irish, 195 Ely O'Carroll, territory of, 203 Emania, residence of the kings of Ulster, destroyed, 472 Enach-Duin (now Anna-down), 38 Endura, 462 Endeus, or Enna, son of Amolngid, 442. Dedicates his son to Patrick, 444 Enda, or Enna (St.), refused to see his sister, 92 a. — his conversion, 125 a. England, Irish hatred of, not -caused by religious differences, 242 Enon, villula, 355 a. Eochaidh, son of Crimthann Leith, 464 a. Eochaidh Dalian, or the Blind, 138 his mother named Forchell, ib. called Eochaidh Forchaill from her name, ib. honoured as a saint, although a bard, 139 Eochaidh Doimhlen, father of the three Collas, 471 Eochaidh Finn Fothart, 287 Eochaidh Muighmeadhoin, King of Ireland, table of kings descended from, 249 Eochaidh Uladh, 214 a. Eoghan Beul, King of Connaught, 438 a. Eoghan, grandson of Muredach Meith, 464 a. Eoghanacht of Magh Girgin, 296 a. Epiphany, a season for baptism, 488 Index. 5^5 Episcopi vagi, or vagantes, 40 a. See Bishops Equonimus. See Oeconomus Ercc mac Dego, Bishop of Slane, 422 ; his baptism, 441 sq. — curses the banquet of Dun-na- ngeth, 148 Erdathe, the Day of Judgment, 438 Erenachs, meaning of the name, 1 60 — not archdeacons, 160 — their duties, 161 — modification of their duties in later times, 161 — Colgan's account of the office; 163 Ernasc, his conversion, 507 Ernin (St.), son of Cresine, of Rath- noi, 286 a. Erris, barony of, 442 n. Etchen (St.), Bishop of Clonfad, or dains St. Columba a priest by mis take instead of bishop, 71 — did not intend to consecrate Co lumba a chorepiscopus, 76 — his diftant relationship to St. Brigid, Table V., 253 Ethembria (St.), 381 a. Ethica Terra, or Tir-itha, now Tiree, 8 a. Ethne, the fair, 451, 452 Eucharius, not Irish, 195 Eulogius, a bishop, 45 pAMILY of a monastery, what, 159. See Muinnter Fanchea (St.) visits her brother Enna to persuade him to return to Ire land, 117 — her exhortations converted St. Enna, 126 a. Fauns found on the site of Armagh Cathedral, 480 — frequent mention of fauns and deer in Irish legends, 480 a. Fecc, see Fiacc Fedelm, the ruddy, 451, 452 Fedh-Fiadha, 426 a. 431 Fedlimid, or Feidilmidh of Trim, son of Laogaire, 150, 258 sq. — his ecclesiastical progenies, 262 — his lay progenies, ib. Feis of Tara, not the Beltine, 414 celebrated in November, 415 three days before and three days after Samhain, 416 — meaning of name, ib. a. Feredach, son of Hercaith, baptised by St. Patrick, 510 — his named changed to Sachell or Sacellus, 510 Fergus mor mac Erca, dynasty founded by him in North Britain, 283 Ferta, or Fertae, 455 — meaning of the word, 476 a. Ferta-fer-Feic, now Slane, 420 — meaning of the name, ib. n. Fertae-martyrum, given to St. Patrick, 473 ; buildings erected at, 476 sq. — its exact site, 478 Fertighis, 166 Fiacc (St.), or Fecc, Bishop of Sletty, 14 sq. — a bard, disciple of Dubhtach Mac- cu-lugil, 130, 424 — consecrated Bishop of Sletty, 466 — his relics preserved at Sletty, 424 — his hymn in praise of St. Patrick, 306, 424 a. — silent on the Roman commission of St. Patrick, 313 — records the foreign education and travels of St. Patrick, 314 Fiacha Araidhe, 361a. Fiacha Sraibhtine, King of Ireland, slain by his nephews, 471 Fiacha Suidhe, son of Feidlimidh Rechtmar, 207 Fianachtach, ceconomus of Ferns, 166 Filedh, Filedheacht, meaning of the words, 1 34 a. Findchan, Abbat of Ardchain in Tiree, 7 Finn mac Gormain, bp. of Kildare, 180 Finnen or Finnian, two saints of the name, 98 Finnian (St.) of Cluain Eraird, now Clonard, 98 — his early education, 99 — prevented by an angel from going to Rome, 100, 101 — the faith corrupted in Ireland in his time, 10 1 — bardic poem to his honour, 140 ¦ — his reward to the bard, 140 — his adventure with the oeconomus of St. David, 168 Finnian (St.), of Maghbile, 102 first brought the Gospels to Ireland, 103 sq. notice of him in the Felire of Aengus, 104 526 Index. Finnian (St.), his copy ofthe Gospel, celebrated in Irish legends, 105, 106, 121 adventure of St. Fintan of Dun- flesk and the Gospel of Finnian, 105 St. Columkille's transcript of Finnian's Gospel, 106 ; decision of King Diarmait on, 121 his wonderful tree, 121a. contest with St. Rodan on, ib. praying contest between him and St. Columba at the battle of Cuildruimhne, 120 Fintan (St.), of Dunflesk, anecdote of, 105 Fire, extinguished at feast of Tara, 420 — ecclesiastical custom of blessing new fire, ib. a. Flann Febla, successor of St. Patrick, his genealogy, 48 1 a. ; too short, ib. Fochloth or Fochlut, wood of, 313, 332, 442, 447 Foirtchernn, son of Feidilmith, 150, 258 sq. — his conversion, 258 — refuses the bishopric of Trim, 261 Forannan (St.) Life of, 3 3 — accompanied St. Columba to Drumchett, 34 Fordun, Church of, 291 Forgnidhe in the district of the Cuirc ne, 260, now Forgney, ib. a. Forrach, meaning of the word, 448 a. Forrach meic nAmalgaidh, 448 Fortification of ecclesiastical estab lishments, 502 Fortuatha Laighen, 286 Fotharta of Leinster, 286-287 Fulcuin, his ' Gesta abbatum Lobien- sium,' 58 a. Fulrad (St.), charter to him from Pope Stephen, sanctioning a monas tic bishop, 53 QAEDHELIC, or Scotic, colony, date of, 248 Gamanradii, 451 Geman, a Christian bard, 140 Genealogy of St. Patrick, 353 a. Genealogical tables, 249 sq. Geography, antient, fragments of, in the Lives of St. Patrick, 335 Germain (St.) of Auxerre, his first mission to Britain, 269, 271. Its success, 274. Accompanied by St. Patrick, 318, — his ordination, 319a. — commissions St. Patrick, 3 1 6, 328 Gertrude (St.), abbess of Nivelles, her death, 306 a. Gessen, for Goshen, 419 a. Gilla-Caemhain, Chronological Poem by, 396 — O'Conor's Latin version of, ib. a. Gilla, or Gildas, connected with Se cond Order of Saints, 95, 99 — corruption of the faith in Ireland in his time, in — why called Badonicus, ib. a. — meaning of the name Gildas or Gilla, ib. — summoned by Ainmire, King of Ireland, to restore the Catholic faith, in — his reformation in Ireland, how far to be credited, 112 — Colgan's and Ussher's arguments against its credibility, 113 — not called to Ireland ' to oppose Pelagianism, 143 — his legislation in Ireland, 143, 144 Girgin, plain of, 296 Glass, chalices of, 222, 223 a. Glastonbury, St. Patrick's connection with, 485 a. Glencullen, 343 a. Gleran, son of Cumin, 448 Gondbaum, mother of St. Patrick, 354 a. Golam-Miles, or Milesius, 248 Gold ornaments found in Ireland, 325 a. Goll, sons of, 205 Gollit, husband of Darerca, 150 a. — father of Lomman, 260 Gospels, copy of, given by St. Patrick to St. Mac Carthenn, 469 a. 510 a. — of St. Finnian, 106 Gratzacham, 474 Graves (Dean), his paper on the Life of St. Patrick, 402 a. — his papers on Ogham writing, 511 n. Gregory the Great, his decision as to consecration by a single bishop, 82 — gave St. Ternan a bell, 302 a. Index. 527 Grellan (St.,) his Cathach, or battle crozier, 125 a. Guasacht, son of Milchu, bishop of Granard, 408 a. Gulban, meaning of the name, 440 a. Gulford, or Wlfard, abbat of St. Martin's, Tours, 57 ¦LI ADRIAN I. (Pope), his charter X X to the Abbey of St. Denis, 54 Hallelujah Victory, 275 Haeres, the Latin equivalent for comarb, 157 Hardiman (James), his ed. of O'Fla herty's West Connaught, 38 a. his ed. of the Statute of Kil kenny, 136 a., 234 a. Hatred of England by the Irish, not from religious differences, 242 Heber, or Eber, son of Milesius, 248 — took the southern half of Ireland, ib. Helias, Patrick's invocation of, 370 — the true reading Eli, 371 Henry of Saltrey, 307 Herbert (Hon. A.) his papers called Palladius restitutus, 96 a. 309 a. Hercaith, baptised by St. Patrick, 510 Hereford, Synod of, a.d. 673, 49 Herenachs. See Erenachs Heribert, Bp. of the Abbey of St. Denis, anecdote of, 5 1 Heric of Auxerre, 271 a. — his Miracula S. Germani, 318 a. Herimon, son of Milesius, 248 — took the northern half of Ireland, ib. — division of Ireland between Heber and Herimon, 248 — almost all the kings of Ireland descended from Herimon, 248 — exceptions, ib. a. Hermon, Mount, 325, 331, 337 Hi, no lay succession in, 154 — genealogical Table of Abbats of, by Dr. Reeves, 1 54 a. Hiberio, the name given by St. Pa trick to Ireland, 358, 362, 367, 377. 380 Hi" Garrchon. See Hy Garrchon Hilary (St.) of Aries, Life of, 223 a. — his hymn in praise of Christ, 372 Hildebert, Bp. of Le Mans, 372 a. Hildegardis, Abbess, her testimony to the declension of faith in Ireland, 109 Honorat (St.), island, 336 Honoratus, bishop of Marseilles, 224 n. Honours of St. Patrick, 429 Hy Garrchon, region of, 286, 290, 338 the tribe of, rejected St. Pa trick's teaching, 502 Hy Neill, Southern, Table III., 252 Northern, Table II. , 250, 251 Hymn. See Fiacc Hymn of St. Patrick in Irish, 425 supposed occasion of, ib. translation of, 426 not connected with Tara, 426 a. translation of, by Mr. W. Stokes, ib. poetical translation of, by J. C. Mangan, 429 n. its antiquity and authenticity, 429 internal evidence, 430 never deemed heterodox, 431 Hymn, in Latin, by Sechnall or Secundinus, in praise of St. Pa trick, 430 Hynneon, 218 JBAR (St.), of the family of Ui Eachach Uladh, 214 — mentioned in Anmchad's Life of St. Brigid, 215 — a disciple of St. Patrick, ib. — date of his death, 216 — his contest with St. Patrick, ib. Iccian Sea, 330 a. Ulan, son of Dunlaing, baptized, 4«5 Imgae, a place in the Cinel Laoghaire Midhe, co. of Meath, 262 Imleach Iubhair, now Emly, 2 1 1 Imluich-each, in Ciarrighe-Connacht, now Emlagh, co. of Mayo, 260 a. Immruig Thuaithe, church of, 509 a. Inbher Dea, or mouth of the Vartry river, 338, 339, 340, 341, 403, 405 Inbher Domnan,now Malahide,405 a. Inbher n Ainge, month of the Nanny water, 406 Inbher Colptha, mouth of the Boyne, 412, 420 528 Index. Inchaguile, island in Loch Corrib, 365 Inis-Boethin, Inis Boheen, or Inis- boyne, 297 Inis-an-ghoill-craibtigh, now Incha guile in Loch Corrib, 365 Inis- Patrick, 404 Inneoin-na-nDesi, 218 a. Intercessory power of the Church, 503 — recognized by St. Patrick in his religious foundations, ib. Interpolations in the history of St. Patrick, 332, 333 Ioceline, his Life of St. Kentigern, 77 »¦ — his Life of St. Patrick, 129 n. et passim Johnson (John) confounds the an tient Scoti with the modern Scotch, 42 a. John IV.,Pope, when consecrated, 142 John XXII. Pope, Remonstrance of Irish chieftains to, 236 sq. — his reply, 240 Iona, an erroneous name, 19 a. See Hi. Iorrus, now Erris, 447 Irchard (St.), disciple of St. Ternan, 302 a. Ire, a name of Ireland, 114 Ireland, called Scotia, 41 n. — ports of, well known to com mercial men, in the age of Tacitus, 512 Irial Glunmor, King of Ulster, 408 a. Iserninus, 486. Ordained with St. Patrick, 317, 332 Isidore (St.), College of, at Rome, 360 a. Judaism, allegation that the Irish had gone over to, no Juvavia, antient name of Saltzburg, 60 Jerome (St.) speaks of a corpulent Scot, 190 Iarthar Life, 466 Iveagh, baronies of, co. of Down, 214. Derivation of the name, ib. a. J^EATINGE (Geoffrey), his his tory of Ireland, 133 a. Kellistown, co. of Carlow, battle of, 468 a. Its antient name, ib. Keltchar. See Celtchar Kenneth, King of Scotland, 44 Kenneth transferred the chief bishopric of the Picts from Abernethy to St. Andrew's, 44 a. Kentigern (St.), alias St. Mungo, 302. Consecrated by a single bishop, 77 Kienan (St.) of Duleek, 369 a. Kieran. See Ciaran Kildare, meaning ofthe name, 21 a. — monastery of, its peculiar con stitution, 1 1 sq. — first bishop of, 19 sq. — bishop of, in what sense called archbishop, 16, 17 — confusion in first bishops of, 2 1 — jurisdiction of abbey of, 18 Kill. See Cill. Killeigh, King's co., 345 a. Kill-muine, or Menevia, afterwards St. David's, 99 Kill-fine, 291 Kill-fhorclann, 448 Killare, or Cellair, co. of Westmeath, 463 a. Kilglin, co. of Meath, its antient name, 260 a. Kilkenny, statutes of, 233, 239 Killin. See Cz7/z'a Kilfenora (Cill Finnabrach), 38 Kilmalkedar, co. of Kerry, pillar- stone of, with abgitorium, 512 a. Kilmacduagh (fee Cill mhic Duach), 39 Kilpatrick, 355 a. Kings of Ireland, list of, from Book of Leinster, 184 — list of, from a.d. 164 to a.d. 665, Table VI., 255 King (Rev. Robert), his ' Primacy of Armagh,' 177 — church history of Ireland, 237 a. Knockmeilidown mountains, antient name of, 218 a. J^AEGHIS, or Leix, territory of the tribe of, 466 ' Lamia in speculo,' belief in de nounced, 488 a. Land, St. Patrick accepted grants of, 409 a. Landeric, or Landri, Bishopof Paris, 54 Lanfranc, Abp., his letter to Torloch O'Brien, 3 a. Langforgund, 299, 300 Lanigan (Dr.), his conjecture as to St. Patrick's birthplace, 358 Index. 5^9 Lanigan (Dr.), his opinion ofthe date of St. Patrick's death, 495, 496 — explanation of the exclusion of women by second order of saints, 91 — on St. David, Gildas, and Docus, 95 — his remark on the Seanchus Mor, 485 a. Laoghaire, King of Ireland, pronun ciation of the name, 1 50 a. — his interview with St. Patrick, 41 7, sq. — an imitation of the Book of Daniel, 41 9 — Patrick's contest with the Druids of, ib. — an imitation of Exodus, ib. — his conversion to Christianity not sincere, 432 — cursed by St. Patrick, 433 — themaledictionnotfulfilledjZ'A. — died a Pagan, 43 6 sq. — Patrick's second visit to, 438 — his burial with Pagan rites, 439 — length ofhis reign, 395, 397 — his daughters, 451 — Patrick's in structions to, 452 — their burial, +5.5. Lasciciput, meaning ofthe word, 41 1 a. Lassair, 448 Laubes, or Lobes, in Belgium, had a monastic bishop, 57 Laws, Pagan, reformed by St. Patrick, 482 sq. Laws, Penal. See Penal Laws Lazarus, Bishop of the Boscoi monks, 46 Leabhar Breac, list of coarbs of Patrick from, 176 — its real name, ib. a. Leabhar buidhe Lecan (Yellow Book of Lecan), 178 — list of coarbs of Patrick in, 178 Leabhar na huidhre, 439 Leatha, twofold signification of the word, 23 a., 25 a. Lecale, barony of, 408 — meaning of the name, ib. n. Lecan, Book of, 390 — Yellow Book of (Leabhar buidhe), 178 Leinster, Book of, 180 — list of coarbs of Patrick in, ib. . — list of kings of Ireland since Chris tianity in, 183 Leo the Great, his opinion on the validity of ordination per saltum, 86 — epistle of Gallican bishops to, 279 Lerins, island of, 336 M Less, a fort, 477 a. — rendered civitas, 479 a. Leteoc, adjective from Letha, Letavia, or Armorica, 361a. Letha, sea of, 337 Lleurwg, surnamed Lleufer Mawr, 266 a. Liamain, or Limania, sister of St. Patrick, 364 — her seven sons ib. a. Light over St. Patrick's tomb, 489 Liguge. See Locociagum Limania. See Liamain Lists of Coarbs of Patrick, 172, sq. Loarn, or Locharnach, son of Ernasc, taught letters by St. Patrick, 507 Loarne, Bishop of Brettan (now Bright), 293 n. Lobes, or Laubes, in Belgium, 57 Locharnach. See Loarn Loch Corrib, island of Inchaquile in, 365 Lochan, son of Luidir, 203 Lochru, magus of King Laoghaire, 422 — his death, 423 — stone of, ib. a. Locociagum (Liguge), first monas tery ofthe Gallican Church, 87 a. Loigles, fountain so called, 442 Loiguire-Breg, 262 Lombard, Peter, 241 a. Lomman (St.), nephew and disciple of St. Patrick, 1 50 — a Briton, ib. — his death, 1 52 — history of, 257 sq. — race of, 260 Lonnchad, daughter of Eochaidh Echbeoil, 407 a. Lorica, what, 426, 431 Lorica, of Gildas, 1 24 — of Patrick, 124, 426 Lough Hacket, 500 a. Louth. See Lughmagh Lucetmael, Druid of King Laoghaire, 422 — pours poison into Patrick's cup,425 — his incantations, and contest with Patrick, ib. — story of his death, 432 a. Lucius, King of Britain, 266 Lugaidh, King of Ireland, 433 — exempted from Patrick's curse, 434 ¦ — confusion about St. Patrick's inter view with him, 435 Lughmagh, now Louth, Monastery of, 469 n. Lugnaed, nephew of St. Patrick, his tomb-stone, 365 M 53° Index. Lunanus, son of the King of the Romans, followed St. Declan to Ireland, 209 Lupait, or Lupita, sister of St. Patrick, 354. 3*1 — curious story of, 90 a. Lupus (St.), of Troyes, 269, 271 Y/TAC-CARTHENN (St.), carried St. Patrick on his shoulders, at the foundation of Clogher, 467 a. 469 a. — Gospels given to him by St. Patrick, 469 a. Mac Ctiillinn (St.), of Lusk, date of his death, 495 a. Mace Ercae, 509 a. Mace Rime, episcopus, 509 a. Mac Geoghegan, Hist, de l'Irlande, 241 a. Macha, probably a district, ib. Macha, Queen, 471; a. Macon, Council of, 45 Mael, the Druid, 451 — his conversion to Christianity, 454 — meaning of his name, 45^ n. Maccuchor, Island of, 405, 406 Magh Bregh, or Bregia, 406 a. Magh Domnon, 442 a. Magh Girgin, 296 Magh-inis, 408 Magh Sleacht, a plain in Cavan, 127, 464 — idol in, 127 Magh-Life, 466 Magi, or Druids of Laoghaire, 422 — their names, ib. — Patrick's contest with, 423 Magical virtues of Hymns, 124, 140 of Books, 105, 106, 124 Magonius, or Maun, a name of St. Patrick, 363 Maguire (Cathal), 470 n. Mahee Island, 412, a. See Mochaoi. Maistin, now Mullaghmast, 438 Maine-eiges, father of St. Etchen, his genealogy, 253 Malachy (St.), stone churches anovelty in his time, 304 a. Manchen (St.), 449 Manis, Bishop, 260 Mansuetus, or Mansuy, Bishop of Toul, an Irishman, 1 94 — not a disciple of St. Peter, ib. Maor, office of, at Armagh, 1 70 Marcan, son of Cillin, his genealogy, 253> 254 — blessed by St. Patrick, 466 Martair, the word signifies relics, 47 6 n. Martin (St.), of Tours, said to have been uncle to St. Patrick, 87 date of his death, 3 1 9 a. Abbey of, at Tours, 56. Mon astic Bishops of, 57 n. Mass, different forms of, used by the three orders of Saints, 8 8 sq. Mathorex, or Amathorex, 317 Maun, or Magonius, a name of St. Patrick, 363 Maud. See Medhb. Medhb, or Maud, Queen of Con naught, 451a. Mel (St.), curious story of scandal , respecting, 91 a. Meuthi (same name as Tathi or Thaddeus), the Irish priest who baptised St. Cadoc, 99 Meyrick (S.R.), History of Cardigan shire, 352 a. Michael (St.), Mount, 337 Michomeris, an Irishman, 318 «. Milchu, Miliuc, or Michul, St. Pa trick's master, 373 — St. Patrick's visit to, 407 — his death, 408 — prediction as to his posterity, ib. — his son and daughters, ib. a. Milo, author of Metrical Life of St. Boniface, 47 Milthous, 454 Mis (Mount), now Slemish, 374 Mission of St. Patrick from Rome, not mentioned by Prosper, 309 nor in the Confession, 309 nor in the Hymn of St. Sech nall, 312 nor in Fiacc's Hymn, 313 recorded by Scholiast on Fiacc's Hymn, 321 Mochaoi (St.), called also Caolan, 412 — conversion of, 412 a. Island Mahee named from him, 412 a. Mochta, Abbat of Lughmagh, or Louth, 29 — numbers composing his household, ib. — antient poem on, 30 — Monastery of Louth founded by, 469 a. Modhaidh, 290 Moedhog, or Mogue (St.), Bishop of Ferns, 14 meaning of the name, 115 Index. 531 • Moedhog, his adventure with the oeconomus of St. David, 167 Mogenog or Mugenog, 260 a. Molagga (St.), commanded by an angel to return to Ireland, 117 Molua (St.), legend of, 114 Monasteries of St. Patrick, founded for intercessory and perpetual de votion, 503 did not always exclude women, 504 chieftainship of the abbats of, causes of their popularity in Ireland, 505 Monastic character of Irish Chris tianity, 87 — not due to St. Patrick, 88 Monduirn, mountain, 423 Moore (Mr.), his description of St. Patrick's success, 501 Morion (Mount), 329, 337 Moses, legendary parallel between him and St. Patrick, 418 Mucne, 443 Mugenog, brother of Lomman, 260 Mugint (St.), story of, 91 a. Muinnter, or family, of a monastery, 159 MuircheartachO'Brien, nominal King of Ireland, * Muirchu Maccumachtene, his life of St. Patrick, 314 a., 401 — preface to, 402— Latin form of his name, 402 a. ignores the Roman mission of Patrick, 315 Muir-nicht, the English channel, 360 a. Mullaghmast. See Maistin. Murder of an Irishman, not felony, 239 Muredach, son of Eochaidh Doimhlen, surnamed Colla-da-crioch, 471 Muredach Tirech, King of Ireland, 471 Mullach Fharraidh, 448 a. Mumessa, or Munessa, 464 a. Mungo (St.). See Kentigern Munis. See Manis Munster, conversion of, by St. Patrick, 467 — fictitious, 468 VTAITON, King of the Picts, Abbat Coelfrid's letter to, 487 Nathi, son of Garrchu, his genealogy, 253 — his being contemporary with Palladius and Patrick how ex plained, 254 — opposes St. Patrick, 338, 341 Navan Fort, near Armagh, 472 Nemthur, birthplace of St. Patrick, 355 *?¦ Nendrum, or Aondruim, 412 a. Nennius, his account of Palladius, 290 a. — Irish version of Nennius, 3 8.394 Newry River, its antient name, 472 a. Niall of the nine hostages, leader of the expedition in which Patrick was captured, 361 Nicaea, first council of, meaning of its Canon IV., 80 sq. Ninian (St.), 282 Noi-fis, 483 Novatianism, 489 QAK, names of places derived from, 21 a. — of Kildare, 21a. O'Brien, Muircheartach, » O'Callaghan (John), his ed. of the Destruction of Cyprus, 231 ». Ocha, battle of, 394 Ochmus, or Ecbatius, 354 O'Clery (John), 173 O'Conor (Dr.), his argument for the coincidence of the feast of Tara with the vernal equinox, 414 his mistake respecting the festi val, ib. Odhran. See Oran O'Donnell, Baldearg, 230 a. O'Donovan (Dr.), his edition of the Battle of Magh Rath, 148 a. his edition of the Circuit of Ireland, 237 a. — ¦ — his edition of the Book of Rights, 130, 207 a. 471 a. his edition of the Topographical poems of O'Dubhagan, 203 a. his edition of the Four Mas ters, 128 a. et passim his Tribes and Customs of Hy Many, 125 a. his Tribes and Customs of Hy Fiachrach, 313a. 442 sq. his description of St. Patrick's teaching, 500 O'Driscolls, country of, 38 532 Index. Oeconomus, his duty in a monastery, 166, 169 — often resisted the abbat, ib. — instance of a battle between Oeco- nomi, ib. — favoured by the rule of St. Colum banus as against the abbat, ib. — sometimes abused his power, 167 — anecdotes of, ib. Oengus, son of Senach, 508 O'Flaherty, family of, 38 O'Flaherty (Roderick), his opinion of the length of King Laoghaire's reign, 397 O'Flynn (Eochaidh), his poem quoted, 416 a. Ogham characters, later than St. Patrick's time, 511 a. O'Hanlon (Rev. J.), his life of St. Malachy, 304 a. Oilioll Molt, slain in the battle of Ocha, 394 Oirghialla, tribe of, 215 — district of, now Oriel, 471 a. ¦ — legendary etymology ofthe name, ib. Oirchinnech, see Airchinneach Oirthear, or Orior, district of, 472 a. • — why so called, ib. O'Kearney (Nicholas), his edition of the Festivities of Conan, 426 a. Ollamh, meaning of the word, 1 34 a. Ollamh Fodla, King of Ireland, 416 a. Ondbahum, mother of St. Patrick, 354 »• Oran, or Odhran, St. Patrick's cha rioteer, 464 Oran (St.) of Hy, his voluntary death, 125 legend of, 462 a. Orders, three, ofthe saints of Ireland, 88 a., sq. — the second order, 98 sq. — the third order of saints, 97 Ordination per saltum, 74, 84 — not peculiar to the Irish Church, — not invalid, 8 5 Oriel. See Oirgialla Orior. See Oirthear Ossory, district of, blessed by St. Patrick, 467 — coextensive with present diocese of Ossory, 38 — right of visitation in, claimed by the successors of St. Columba, 467 O'Tooles, 286 a. Oudin, Casimir, his opinion of the writings of St. Patrick, 349 his mistake about the tract, De Tribus Habitaculis, 534 a. T5AGAN literature of Ireland, 512, 513. See Laws Palladius, first bp. of the Scoti, a. disciple of St. Germain, 270 — not a deacon of Rome, 276 — more probably St. Germain's dea con, ib. — not a Briton, 278 — probably a native of Gaul, 280 — opinions respecting him, ib. a. — his family eminent in Gaul, 279 — sent to the Scots of Ireland, 280, 281, 285 — not sent to oppose Pelagianism, 284 — landed in Wicklow, 286 — account given of him by Muirchu Maccumacthene, 288 — by Tirechan, 289 — by the Scholiast on Fiacc, 289 — by Nennius, 290 n. — in the Vita secunda, 293 — in the Vita quarta, 296 — his martyrdom, 289, 297 — Scotch traditions of him, 298, 300] — his relics placed in a silver shrine, 299 — Lessons for his day in Brev. of Aberdeen, 299 — his short life inconsistent with the Scotch traditions, 303 — probably commemorated at Au vergne, 305 — coincidence of his day with that of St. Patrick, 305 — called also Patrick, 305 — known by the name of Patrick, to the 12th century, 308 — probably accompanied St. Germain to Britain, 318 Palladius, Archbishop of Bourges, 279 Pall-ere, or Pallad-ere, 294 Paparo, Cardinal, 218 Patricius, a name in common use in the 5th century, 305 n. 307 Patrick (St.),notmentioned in Bede's writings, 96 — this silence, how explained, 96 Index. 533 Patrick (St.), overturned pillar-stones, 127 — laboured seven years in Munster, 220 — commissioned by St. Germain, 316, 323 — could not have been a disciple of St. Germain, 319 — story of his connection with St. Germain, transferred from Pal ladius, 320 — commenced his ministry in Ire land as a priest, 326, 327, 343 — story of his landing in Wicklow really belongs to Palladius, 340 sq. — his genealogy, 353 a. — story of his Jewish descent, 362 a. — admits in his confession his want of learning, 353 — his account of his parents and family, 353 — his father a decurio, 354 — his birthplace, 355 — not a native of Ireland, 358 — his family connected with Armo rica, 360 — his own account of his captivity, 362 — his original name Succat, 363 — why called Patrick, 363 — his brothers and sisters, 364 — his condition in his captivity, 366 — his escape and return to his native country, 367 — his passage through a desert, 369 — the herd of swine relieves him from famine, 369 — his invocation of Elias, 370 — true meaning of the passage, 371 — his escape from Milchu, 3 74 — his second captivity, 375 — his return to his parents, 376 — his call to convert the Irish, 377 — his second vision, 379 — obscurity of his acts, 401 — rejection of him by the tribes of Leinster, 403 — his Creed, 388 — date of his mission, 391 — chronology of his life altered to suit the story of his Roman mission, 391 sq. — his sojourn at Inis-Patrick, 404 — his success in Ulidia, 407 — his first convert Dichu, 408 — his first Church, 409 Patrick (St.), visits his old master, Milchu, 408 — Druids prophesy his coming, 41 1 — his preaching in Meath and at Tara, 412 sq. 420 sq. — his visit to Tara not on the first Easter after his coming to Ireland, 413,417*0. — nature of the Pagan festival cele brated at Tara, 414 sq. — his Irish hymn, 425 sq. — his four honours, 429 — curses King Laoghaire, 43 3 — the malediction not fulfilled, 433 — his interview with King Lugaidh, 435 — confusion between Laoghaire and Lugaidh, ib. — his second visit to Laoghaire, 43 8 — his interview with Carbri, son of Niall, 439 — converts Conall Gulban, 440 — his meeting with the sons of Amal gaidh, 442 — visits Tirawley, 445 — his danger on the journey, 447 — discovers the wood Fochlut, 447 — preaches to the clan Amalgaidh, 448 — baptises large numbers, 449 — festival of his ' baptism,' ib. — converts the daughters of King Laoghaire, 451 sq. — revisits Ulster, Meath, Leinster, Wicklow, 465 — consecrates Fiacc, 466 — blesses Ossory, 467 — converts Munster, 467 — baptises Aengus, King of Munster, 468 — founds Armagh, 468 sq. — said to have visited Rome after the foundation of Armagh, 48 1 — his pious theft of the relics, ib. — his reform of the Irish Pagan laws, 482 — his synods, 484 — spurious works, ib, — his death, 489 — died at Saul, 490 — his four petitions, ib. — contest for his body, 49 1 — buried at Downpatrick, 493 — date of his death, 494 sq. — review of the history of his mis sion, 498 534 Index. Patrick (St.), first addressed himself to the chieftains, ib. — cause of his rapid success, 499 — his toleration of Pagan usages, 500 — his success overrated, 501 — his life sometimes in danger, 502 — his ecclesiastical buildings forti fied, ib. — resistance to his preaching and authority, ib. — creates ecclesiastical clanship in the monasteries, 503 — ordains, for the most part, natives of the country, 50 . — his measures for education of the priesthood, 506 — teaches abgitoria or alphabets, 507 — especially to those intended for the ecclesiastical life, 508 — not the first to teach letters to the Irish, 510 — his missionary character, 514 — See Mission. Patrick of Nola, 307 a. Pausavit and Pausatio, meaning of the words, 177 a. Pelagianism, prevalent in England, 140, 271 — not in Ireland, 141 — Gildas, not sent to oppose it, 141 — letter from Tomene of Armagh to the clergy of Rome on, 141 Pelagius, the heretic, of Irish birth, 190 — his great stature, 191 sq. — said to have been a Briton, 192 Pelagius, of Tarentum, 192 Penal laws against the mere Irish, 234, 244 — sanctioned by the bishops and court of Rome, 235 Pennant, his story of St. Oran of Hy, 462 a. Peregrinus, the word signifies a pil grim, 261 a. Periods, two, in Irish church his tory, 1 — four, of thirty years in St. Patrick's life, 393 a. Petitions, four, of St. Patrick, 490 Petrie (Dr.), his discovery of a tomb stone in Loch Corrib, 365 — first published the Irish Hymn of St. Patrick, 42 5 a. — his mistake as to the meaning of the first word ofthe hymn, 426 a. Petrie (Dr.), first published the Sen- chas-na-relec, 197 a. — essay on Tara quoted, 120, 123, 202, et passim — his 'Round Towers' quoted, 198 a. 365, 478 a. 512 a. — his account of the Senchus M6r, 483,484 — essay on the Domnach Airgid, 469 a. 510 a. Philosophers, the word used by So zomen to denote monks, 46 — used as equivalent to the Irish word filedh, 1 34 a. Picts' wall, 268 Picts of Dalaradia, why so called, 407 Pilgrimage, practised by the second order of saints, 114 Pillar-stones inscribed by St. Patrick with the names of Christ, 500 a. — inscribed with abgitorium, at Kil- malkedar, 512 a. — the idol of Magh Sleacht, 127 — the idol Crom cruach, or Crom dubh, 127 — Leach Phadruig, at Cashel, 128 — Cermand Celstach, at Clogher, ib. Plague, yellow, or straw-coloured, 213 Pledi, name of Palladius at Fordun, 291 Policy of St. Patrick in his mission, 498 Potitus, a priest, grandfather of St. Patrick, 353 Primacy, of Armagh, nature of, in early times, 94 Princeps, the word often means a bishop, 153 a. — used to translate comarb, 1 57 — and erenach, 165 Probus, his account of the ordination of St. Patrick, 324 Progenies ecclesiastica and plebilis, meaning of, 153, 154 Prophecy, Druidical, of St. Patrick's coming, 410 — not genuine, 41 1 Proselytus, used to signify a pilgrim, 6 a. Prosper, of Aquitaine, 270 — his chronicle, ib. a. — his book against Cassian, 273 — does not notice a commission to Patrick from Pope Celestine, 309 Proverb, celebrated Scotic, 455 Index. 535 Psalms, Book of, transcribed by St. Patrick, 510 Psalter, meaning of the word in Irish, 173 a. — of Cashel, 173 — of Mac Richard Butler, 173 Purgatory of St. Patrick, Pref. vii. 3°7. 484 »• QUADRIGA, a name of St. Pa- _ trick, 363 Quoile, an inlet of Strangford lough, 492 a. t> ALPH of Chester, Polychronicon "^ of, 308 Rathbresail, synod of, 2 a. Rath-croghan, 451. See Croghan Rathnoi, or Rathnew, 287 Rechtitutus, or Restitutus, 364 Reformation of religion in Ireland, the object of the second order of saints, 107 Reformation in 1 6th century rejected as English, 242 — indirect political evils caused by, 244 Relatives of St. Patrick, whether any of them were with him in Ireland, 365 a. Relec-na-righ, 455 a. Relics, stolen by St. Patrick from Rome, 481 Relig, or Recles, name of a sepulchral church, 476 Reliquiae, 455 Remonstrance of Irish chieftains to Pope John XXII. 236 sq. Restitutus, Bishop of London, 268 Restitutus, or Rechtitutus, a Lom bard, 364 Rees (Rev. Rice), his 'Welsh Saints' quoted, 205 a. 211 a. 352 a. Rees (W. J.), ' Lives of Cambro- British Saints,' 99 a. Reeves (Rev. Dr.), his edition of 'Adamnan,' 6, 8, 19, 106, et passim his ' Ecclesiastical History of Down and Connor,' 77, 172, 208, et passim his 'Antient Churches of Armagh,' 476 a. sq. his ' Archbishop Colton's Visi tation,' 478 n. Riada (the Route), 267 Ricend, sister of Patrick, 354 Righe, river, now Newry, 472 a. Rights, Book of, 130, 471 a. Rome, Irish saints miraculously hin dered from going to, 100, 101, 115, 116 — St. Patrick's theft of relics from, 481 — ¦ date of his supposed visit to, ib. n. Ros-Ailithre, now the see of Ross, 38 Ross, or Rus, son of Trichim, his legend, 459 Route, the, 267 Ructi, brother of St. Patrick, 361 n. Rudbert, or Rupert, founder of the Benedictine abbey of Saltzburgh, 60 — his successors at Saltzburgh, 60, 61 — his supposed Irish descent, 62, 63 Russ, or Ross, mac Trichim, 41 2 a. CABHALL, now Saul, county of Down, 344 — first Church founded by St. Patrick, 409 — meaning of the word, ib. a. — donation of, by Dichu, 410 — request of the donor that the Church should be transverse, 26. — St. Patrick died at, 490 Sabhal, a Church at Armagh so called, 412 — identified with the sinistralis ecclesia, 480 Sacrifice, human, not taught in Irish legends, 461 Saigher, name of a well, 199, 200 Saints, second order of, had faith in charms and incantations, 123 — resisted thebanishment of the bards, 135 — evils prevalent in their time, 146 — why called Catholic Presbyters, 146 — consecrated St. Moedhog, 147 Salonius, or Solinus, companion of Palladius, 295, 297-301 Saltzburgh, its connection with Ire land, 60 sq. Samhain, what, 134 a. — feast of, 41 6 Sannan, brother of St. Patrick, 360 a. Saul. See Sabhal Schewes (Wm.), Archbishop of St. Andrews, 299 Scholiast on Fiacc's Hymn ; his ac count of St. Patrick's mission, 321 S36 Index. Sciric Arcaile, now Skerry, antient Church of, 374 Scot, corpulent, spoken of by St. Jerome, 190 sq. Scothnoe, mother of Feidilmidh, son of Laoghaire, 259 Scotia, Scotland not so called until the twelfth Century, 41 a. — signified Ireland before the twelfth century, 41 a. 282 sq. Scoti, their tradition of the date of St. Patrick's death, 496. See Pal ladius Scotic, or Gaedhelic, colony, date of, 248 Scotland, not called Scotia until the 12th century, 41 a. — its ecclesiastical institutions derived from Ireland, 44 Scotnoe, 151 Scots, Colony of, in North Britain, 266 Scuthin (St.), legend of, 91a. Sechnall, or Secundinus, 364 — his Hymn, 312, 430 — silent on the Roman mission and education of Patrick, 312 — not present at St. Patrick's Synod, 486 Sectmaide, 361 Secundinus. See Sechnall Sedulius, the Poet, an Irishman, 196 Segetius, 316, 323, 326, 328, 335 Sele, River, now Blackwater, 439 Senach, Bishop, at Achad Fobhair, 508 Senait Mac Maghnusa, an island in Loch Erne, 470 a. Senatenses Annales, why so called, ib. enchas na Relic, a History of Ceme teries, 197 a. Senchua, Church of, 222, 225 a. Senchus Mor, its preface, 483 — Dr. Petrie's account of it, 48 3 Colgan's error respecting, ib. Senior (St.), Bishop, 325, 336 Serf (St.), or Servanus, 302 a. Sidhe, or Siodha, meaning ofthe word, . +52. Sidonius Apollinarius, 279 a. Simplicius, Archbishop of Bourges, 278 a. — his wife, 279 a. Sinai (Mount), Monks of, had a Bishop of their own, 68 Sinell, son of Finncadh, first convert of St. Patrick, 344, 345 a. Sinistralis ecclesia, at Armagh, 479, 480 Sisters of St. Patrick, 354 a., 360 Sister, signifies sometimes a more dis tant relation, 366 a. Skerries, 404, 405 Slain, River, running into Strangford Lough, 406 Slane, co. of Meath, antient name of, 420 Slemish. See Sliabh Mis Sletty, or Slebte, 424 Sliabh Gua, or Cua, 218 a. Sliabh Cualann, 343 a. Sliabh Mis, now Slemish, 374, 407, 408 Solinus. See Salonius Staff of Jesus, 323, 328 Stephen (Pope), his charter to St. Fuldrad, sanctioning a monastic bishop, 53 Stokes, Whitley, his translation of the Irish Hymn of St. Patrick, 426 a. his analysis of the first word of the Hymn, ib. his Irish Glosses, 124 a., 156 a. his edition of Cormac's Glos sary, 41 3 a. Stone Churches in Ireland, 304 a. Subjection of Bishops to the Abbat, example of, 8 Succat, St. Patrick's baptismal name, 363 Success of St. Patrick, its cause, 499 over-rated, 501 Sugar-loaf Mountain, antient name of, 343 a. Sui, meaning ofthe word, 177 a. Suicide, religious, recommended by the Albigenses, 463 Suir, a sister, used in Irish to signify a more distant relative, 354a., 366 Sun and wind killed Laoghaire, 437 Swidbert (St.), a Bishop without a see, 47 Sylvester, companion of Palladius, 295, 297, 301 Synchronisms of Kings of Ireland and Scotland, Tract on, 394 Synods attributed to St. Patrick, 484 a. synod of Patrick, Auxilius, and Iserninus, 485 second synod attributed to St. Patrick, 488 'pABERN^E, or Taberniae, tabernacles or tents, 358 not Index. 537 Tables, genealogical, 247 Tacitus, his testimony to the early commerce of Ireland, 512 a. Tailcend, meaning ofthe name, 41 1 a. 435 Teach-na-Roman, 291, 294, 297 Telltown, 439 Temple-Fertagh, 478 Termon-lands, 160 Tertullian, his testimony to the early Christianity of Britain, 265 Tervanus, or Ternanus, 302 Theodosius II. emperor, 322, 329 Thirty years, periods of, pervade Irish hagiography, 393 a. Tigris, sister of St. Patrick, 354, 361 Tillemont rejects the stories of St. Patrick's sisters, 365 — his judgment of the Epistle about Coroticus, 385 — his judgment of the Confession of St. Patrick, 382 Tir-Amalgaidh, now Tirawley, 442 a., 447 Tir-Fhiachrach, now Tireragh, 447 Tir- Oiliolla, 223 a. Tirechan, his chronology of St. Pa trick's life, 395 — his account of the four honours of St. Patrick, 429 ¦ — ¦ his history, 444 — a disciple of St. Ultan of Ard braccan, ib. Tirerrill, 223 a. Toaghie, in the county of Armagh, 215 . Tobur-en-adarc, 449 Toleration, St. Patrick's, 500 Tomene, Bishop qf Armagh, his letter to the clergy of Rome, 141, 142 Tonsure, allusion to in the Druidical prophecy of St. Patrick's coming, +I1 — Druidical tonsure, 455 a., 456 — Roman tonsure alluded to in a canon attributed to St. Patrick, 48 6 — Roman, when adopted by the monks of Hy, 487 — Adamnan's conference with Coel frid, on, 487 — Irish tonsure what, 487 a. Torannan (St.), 302 a. Tordhealbach, meaning of the name, 3 »¦ Tours, Abbey of St. Martin at, 56 Tract on Chronology of the Kings of Ireland in the Book of Lecan, 396 Traig, a foot, 477 n. Transverse position of the Church of Sabhall, 410 Treguier, 369 n. Trim, meaning of word, 1 50 a. — legend of foundation of, 257 — ig nored by the Ulster annals, 470 — See Ath Truim Tuath Eochadha, now Toaghie, co. of Armagh, 215 Tuathal Techtmar, King of Ireland, remodels the institutions of Ollamh Fodla, 416 a. Tuathal Maelgarb, King of Ireland, 440 Tulach Aichne, 451 a. Tulach-na-leicc, near Armagh, 480 Turus, a journey or pilgrimage, 360 a. TJI CENNSELAIGH, district of, 216 a. Ui Chorra, or grandsons of Corr, 404 a. — romantic tale of their voyages, ib. Ui Dortain, or Ui Tortain, 260 a. Ui Dorthini, 260 Ui Eachach Uladh, 214 Ui Oiliolla, country of, 222, 223 a. Ulidia, now the county of Down, 406 Ulster, Annals of, by whom com posed, 470 a. why called Annales Senatenses, 470 a. their dates one year behind the common aera 469 a., 496 a. their date of St. Patrick's death, 496 Ultan (St.) of Ardbraccan, a disciple of St. Declan, 212 — legend of, ib. — — his date, 213 bishop ofthe Dal-Conchubhair, ib., 444 his care of the orphans whose parents died ofthe plague, 213 Union Legislative, of Great Britain and Ireland, 245 — indirect evil produced by, ib. Ursmar, first Abbat and Bishop of Laubes, 57, 58 Uriel, see Oirgialla 538 Index. Ussher, his opinion of the year in which St. Patrick died, 494 VALENTIA, Roman province of, v 268 Vermeriense Concilium, held under King Pepin, 40 a. Vernense, seu Vernorense Concilium, 40 a. Verneuil, synod of, 40 n. Victor, St. Patrick's guardian angel, .377. Victoricus, a man from Hiberio, ap pears in vision to Patrick, 377 Vigilius, Pope, only a deacon when consecrated bishop, 87 Virgil of Saltzburgh, an Irishman, 64 his Irish name Fergil or Fergal, «5 called the " Geometer," 64 propounded the theory of " an tipodes," 65 brought with him Bishop Dobda from Ireland, 65 Vitalis of Saltzburgh, said to have been an Irishman, 63 WEDNESDAY, the day of St. Patrick's birth, baptism, and death, 495, 450 a. — the day of St. Brigid's birth, being veiled, and death, 450 a. Whitsunday, the day of St. Co lumba's birth, baptism, and death, 450 a. Wicterbus, Bishop and Abbat of St. Martin's of Tours, 57 Wilde, Mr., his Introduction to the Census of Ireland, 213 a. Winfrid (St.) or Boniface, a bishop without a see, 47 Wlfard, or Gulfard, Abbat of St. Martin's, 57 Women, exclusion of by second order of saints, 91, 92 — not excluded from St. Patrick's religious societies, 504 Wood, churches of, 304 n. 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The SEARCH after INFALLIBILITY : Remarks on the Testimony of the Fathers to the Roman Dogma of Infallibility. 8vo. Lon don, 1848. 2s. 6d. THREE TREATISES: — On the CHURCH; On the ENDOWING of the CHURCH ; and on ANTICHRIST'S SONG in the CHURCH. By John Wycliffe, D.D. Now first published from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin; with Notes. 12mo. Dublin, 1851. 7s. 6d. The BOOK of HYMNS of the ANTIENT CHURCH of IRELAND. Fasciculus I. containing the Hymn of St. Sechnall in praise of St. Patrick; the Hymn of St. Ultan in Praise of St. Bridgid ; The Hymn of St. Cummain Fota in Praise of the Apostles ; the Hymn of St. Mugint. Edited with Translation and Notes. 4to. Dublin, 1855 (for the Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society.) The MARTYROLOGY of DONEGAL : a Calendar of the Saints of Ireland. By Michael O'Clery, O.S.F., in the Original Irish; translated by John O'Donovan, LL.D. Edited with an Introduction, .by J. H. Todd, D.D. ; and Indexes by W. Reeves, D.D. 8vo. 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Edited from MSS. in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy, and of Trinity College, Dublin, with a Translation and copious Notes, by John O'Donovan, LL.D., M.R.I.A., Barrister-at-Law. A New Edition, 7 vols. 4to. £i 4s. See Prospectus at the end. *** A few copies of the original edition, printed on large paper, can still be had. The Life and Death of the Irish Parliament. Two LECTURES. By the Right Hon. James Whiteside, M.P. New Edition, crown 8vo. cloth, with Portrait of the Author engraved on steel, price 2s. Also a Cheap Edition, sewed, price Is. The History and Antiquities of the Cathedral CHURCH OF ST. CANICE, KILKENNY. By the Rev. James Graves, M.R.I.A., and J. G. A. Prim, Esq. With numerous Litho graphic and Wood Engravings, illustrative of its Sculptures, Elevations, Monuments, and Effigies. 4to. cloth, £1 Is. The Round Towers and Ecclesiastical Architecture OF IRELAND. With upwards of 250 niustrations. By George Petrie, R.H.A. V.P.K.I.A. Second Edition. Royal 8vo. cloth, £18s. The Ancient Music of Ireland. Arranged for the PIANOFORTE. By Edward Bunting. Royal 4to. cloth, gilt, £i lis. 6d. WORKS RELATING TO IRELAND. The Earls of Kildare and their Ancestors; from 1057 to 1773. Addenda. By the Marquis or Kildare. With General Index and Genealogical Tables. 8vo. 1 6s. Historical Memoir of the O'Briens. With Notes, Appendix, and a Genealogical Table of their several Branches, Com piled from the Irish Annalists. By John O'Donoghue, A.M., Barrister-at-Law. 8vo. cloth, 12s. The Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Down, Connor, and DROMORE. By the Rev. W. Reeves, D.D. 4to. cloth, 10s. 6d. Irish Ethnology, Socially and Politically considered. Embracing a general Outline of the Celtic and Saxon Races, with Practical Inferences. By George Ellis, M.B. 3s. 6d. A Grammar of the Irish Language. Published for the use of the Senior Classes in the College of St. Columba. By John O'Donovan, ll.d., Member of the Irish Archaeological Society. 8vo., cloth, 16s. A Primer of the Irish Language, with Copious Read- ING LESSONS ; for the use of the Students in the College of St. Columba. 12mo. cloth, 3s. The Last Earl of Desmond ; an Historical Romance of 1599-1603. 2 vols, post 8vo. cloth, 12s. DUBLIN : HODGES, SMITH & CO. 104, GRAETON-STREET, PUBLISHERS TO THE ONIVEK8ITY CHEAP EDITION, Complete in Seven Volumes, 4to., Price £4 4s. THE ANNALS OF IRELAND BY THE FOUR MASTERS FROM THE EARLIEST HISTORIC PERIOD TO A.D. 1 6 1 6 ; Consisting of THE IRISH TEXT, FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS. and AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION. With Copious Explanatory Notes, and an Index of Names, Places, and Events. BY JOHN O'DONOVAN, LL.D., M.R.I.A. *.* A FEW SETS OF THE ORIGINAL EDITION, „ On Fine Paper, may still be had, price £10 ios. PROSPECTUS OF THE WORK. THERE are few countries in which events of greater interest for the historian have taken place, or in which matters of greater curiosity for the man of general learning have left their traces, than in Ireland. Long after the other Celtic nations had adopted new forms of Roman and feudal civilization, Ireland retained the peculiar institutions and manners of the primitive European family ; and, rude and imper fect as these unquestionably were, in comparison with those of the neighbouring nations, they must be admitted to have exercised a material influence on the progress of events in some of the most stirring periods of modern history. Even to the present day, peculiarities of thought and feeling, originating in the same source, continue in active operation among the mass of the Irish population, with which it is PROSPECTUS OF THE as desirable for the practical statesman or legislator, as for the philoso phic historian, or speculative moralist, to be acquainted. Nevertheless, it still remains a singular but just reproach to the learned in these countries, " that the history of Ireland has yet to be written." It is true, from the time of Camden to the present day, a succession of writers of ability have dealt with the subject, and each appears to have exhausted the materials to which he had access ; but these materials, having been drawn from sources so widely apart, and from authorities of a style and genius so dissimilar, have never been accessible to any individual writer, in the abundance or in the proportion requisite for just and comprehensive views. Until lately, Irish scholars, acquainted with the places of deposit, and competent to the translation of the native Annals, have been careless of consulting, or unable to obtain access to, official records ; while those to whom the sources of official information have been open, either disregarded the aid, or were igno rant of the existence, of the other class of authorities. Hence, the reader of our principal Irish histories finds, on the one hand, a purely English version of events, as in Hollingshed or Cox ; or, on the other, an equally partial Irish story, as in O'Sullivan or Keating. From these discordant authorities later writers have compiled general histories, pos sessing, indeed, the merit of impartiality, but from which the reader of the older standard works collects no new facts, and can, consequently, form no vivid acquaintance with the past than he already possesses. In fact, until the very recent exertions of the Irish Archaeological Society, it might fairly have been said that, since the publication of Sir Richard Cox's " Hibernia Anglicana," there had been no addition made to the materials of mediaeval Irish history, with the single exception of the splendid collection of Irish Annals translated into Latin by Dr. Charles O'Connor, and given to the world by the munificence of the late Duke of Buckingham, under the title of "Rerum Hibernicarum Scriptores Veteres." Of the Annalists, and of the manuscript usually called " The Annals of the Four Masters," from which the present publication is translated and compiled, it seems proper to give a very short acount ; also to touch upon the circumstances attending the execution of the work, which has so permanently associated the names of the O'Clery family with the history of their country. ANNALS OF IRELAND. 5 The O'Clerys, in common with their patrons, lost their castle and estates at the time of the plantation of Ulster ; and their last and great est professional work was executed in the temporary shelter of the monastery of Donegal ; under the auspices of Fergal O'Gara, styled Lord of Coolavin, and at that time one of the members of the Irish Parliament for the county of Sligo, who became their protector on their final dispossession, in a.d. 1632. The family at this time consisted of Teige of the Mountain, otherwise known as Brother Michael, Cucogry, or Peregrine, and Conary. Supported by the liberality of this truly noble patron of his country's literature, and assisted by several other professional historians, of whom Cucogry or Peregrine O'Duigenan, is reckoned as the " fourth Master," the O'Clerys commenced the com pilation of these Annals on the 22nd of January, 1632, and com pleted their task on the 18th of August, 1636. The authorities collated and abstracted into this compilation are enumerated in the testimonium prefixed to the Annals, and given under the hands of the guardian and brotherhood of the monastery ; and the motives wliich led to the undertaking are set forth with equal simplicity and dignity, in the Dedication to O'Gara : — " In every country enlightened by civilization, and confirmed therein, through a succession of ages, it has been customary to record the events produced by time. For sundry reasons, nothing was deemed more profitable or honourable than to peruse and study the works of ancient writers, who gave a faithful account ofthe great men who figured on the stage of life in preceding ages, that posterity might be informed how their forefathers employed their time, how long they continued in power, and how they have finished their days. I, Michael O'Clery, have waited on you, noble Fergal O'Garr, as I was well acquainted with your zeal for the glory of God, and the credit of your country. I perceive the anxiety you suffer from the cloud which at present hangs over our ancient Milesian race ; a state of things which has occasioned the igno rance of many relative to the lives of the holy men, who, in former times, have been the ornaments of our island ; the general ignorance also of our civil history, and of the monarchs, provincial kings, lords, and chieftains, who nourished in this country through a succession of ages; with equal want of knowledge in the synchronism necessary for throwing light on the transactions of each. In your uneasiness on this subject, I have informed you that I entertained hopes of joining to my own labours the assistance of the antiquaries I held most in esteem, for compiling a body of Annals, wherein those mat ters should be digested under their proper heads ; judging that should such a compilation be neglected at present, or consigned to a future time, a risk might be run that the materials for it should never again be brought together. In this idea, I have, at con siderable difficulty, collected the most authentic Annals I could find in my travels through this kingdom. Such as I have obtained are arranged in a continued series ; 6 PROSPECTUS OF THE and I commit them to the world under your name, noble O'Gara, who stood forward in patronising this undertaking ; you it was who set the antiquarians at work ; and most liberally paid them for their labour in arranging and transcribing the documents before them in the convent of Donagall, where the Fathers of that house supplied them with the necessary refreshments. In truth, every benefit derivable from our labours is due to your protection and bounty, O'Fergall, son of Teig, son of Oileall, son of Dermot," &c. — and so concludes by reciting his patron's pedigree up to his great ancestor, Oilioll Olum. The compilation of Annals among the native Irish was usually entrusted to the hereditary historians of particular families, liberally endowed for that purpose. Thus we owe, among others, the Book of Lecan (now deposited in the Library of the Royal Irish Academy in Dublin, and deemed of such value by King James the Second, that he carried it with him in his flight to France) to the liberality of the O'Dowds, by whom the family of the MacFirbises were supported as the hereditary annalists of Hy-Fiachrach ; and thus the O'Clerys, the immediate progenitors of the Four Masters, were, in like manner, the annalists and historians of the sept of O'Donnell. And as the Mac Firbises were supported in sufficient dignity to maintain a castle at Lecan, in Tirerogh, so the O'Clery's, by the bounty of their patrons, were enabled to support an equal rank at their Castle of Kilbarron, the ruins of which are still standing on a rock overhanging the Atlantic, at a little distance north from Ballyshannon. Of the work produced by the Four Masters there appear to have been four transcripts, all of which, in whole or in part, have come down to the present day. The fourth copy, which seems to have been executed for the use of the O'Clery's themselves, and contains the original Dedication and Testimonium, in the proper handwriting of the several parties, is now deposited in the Royal Irish Academy. The copies have been collated, and from them the translation now published has been made, by John O'Donovan, LL.D., who has also added copious Notes, identifying the ancient and modern topography, and otherwise explanatory and illustrative of the text. The distin guished position now occupied by Dr. O'Donovan, in connexion with the Irish Archaslogical Society, and his numerous and important contri butions to Irish history, topography, and antiquities, through other channels, will be sufficient vouchers to those acquainted with the actual ANNALS OF IRELAND. 7 state of literature in Ireland for the faithfulness and correctness of the work. With the translation and notes the original text is given in the Irish character, as in the specimen pages enclosed in this prospectus. To those desirous of forming an acquaintance with the Irish language, as used by learned and accomplished writers, while it was still a national dialect, the work will serve as a text-book which may be referred to with confidence as a standard of grammatical and orthographical purity. The Publishers feel confident that the publication of this great historical work will be hailed with much satisfaction by men of learn ing at home and abroad, who will thereby be put in possession of the actual text of some of the most ancient chronicles of Western Europe, and from which a judgment may be formed not only ofthe social state, but also of the taste and genius of a people so long separated from the other branches of the European family, and who preserved the charac teristics of their Celtic origin so long after the total obliteration of all such vestiges from the institutions and the literature of the surrounding nations. The coming of the various tribes by whom Ireland was first colonized, the introduction of Christianity, and the series of native kings, are all subjects of much curiosity and importance, and have been treated by Dr. O'Donovan with a strict regard to the rules of historic evidence, which cannot but be very acceptable to those who have so often been repelled from the study of Irish antiquities by the unwarranted assump tions of speculative writers. The addition made to our knowledge of ancient topography, in this division of the work, is very large and im portant, as fixing the sites and modern names of almost all the places of earliest note in Ireland. The style of the Annals possesses, with a touching simplicity, a singular distinctness of narration, united with a very high degree of his toric candour. As supplying the deficiencies of printed authorities, the work may justly claim a place in the library of the historical investi gator ; and, as affording a new insight into the habits of thought and feeling of a large section of the most powerful nation in the world, it is not perhaps too much to expect that it should also attract the atten tion of the philosophic legislator and statesman at home, as well as of men of learning generally throughout the republic of letters. The Index will recall to the minds of scholars those great monu- 8 PROSPECTUS OF THE ments of accurate and patient industry which afford the key to such collections as the Anglica Sacra of Wharton, or the Acta Sanctorum of Colgan, since whose time no similar work approaching the present in copiousness or usefulness has been attempted in the United Kingdom. It consists of an Index of Names of Persons, and an Index of Places. The first contains a reference to every proper name mentioned in the text, and to every recurrence of it, and includes upwards of 16,000 headings. The Index of Places affords the additional convenience of having the modern name of each locality printed after the ancient ; and it is no mean guarantee of the Editor's topographical skill that, out of upwards of 6,000 names of places, only about 100 have escaped his powers of identification. These appendages, which are also so arranged as to form a chronological key to the work, will prove invaluable aids in the investigation of local and family histories. Considerable expense and trouble have been incurred in selecting models for the Irish Type, from the best written and most valuable of the early Irish Manuscripts. The Publishers are happy to say that their selection has met with the full approbation of all persons capable of forming a judgment on the subject; and has been adopted by the Royal Irish Academy, and the Irish Archaeological Society. {From the Gentleman's Magazine.) " This great national work, extending to upwards of four thousand pages, and form ing seven large quarto volumes, is the most magnificent contribution to historical litera ture that either Ireland or England has received for many years. It is in itself .1 chronicle of the Irish, written by Irishmen, and of the highest interest for its native annals." ANNALS OF IRELAND. ^_ {From the Quarterly Review.) " In fine, whether we regard the industry and impartiality of the original compilers, the immense learning and extensive researches of the Editor, or the extensive typo graphy ofthe volumes, it must be admitted that these Annals, as edited by Dr. John O'Donovan, from one of the most remarkable works yet produced on the history of any portion of the British Isles. The mass of information which they embody consti tutes a collection of national records, the value of which can never be superseded. To the student desirous of obtaining a correct knowledge of the Hiberno-Celtic race, the work is indispensable : while in it only will the philologer find materials for tracing the progress and various stages of the last remnant of the Indo-European language. Stand ing thus alone, it must maintain a high place among the great literary monuments of the world, so long as the study of history continues to retain the charms which it has ever possessed for men of cultivated and philosophic minds." {From the Dublin Review.) " For our own part, even in a professed critical notice, we can but hope, within the limited space at our disposal, to render a scanty and imperfect measure of justice to a work of such vast extent and of so various and profound erudition. It might appear at first sight, however, that the task of editing a work in which the Editor has had the advantage of more than one authentic copy of the autograph MSS. could not have presented many difficulties, at least difficulties of a serious kind. If any person be dis posed to entertain the idea, we would beg of him to examine almost every single page out of the four thousand one hundred of which the work consists, in order that he may learn what is the true nature and extent of Mr. O'Donovan's editorial labours. Let him see the numberless minute verbal criticisms ; the elaborate topographical anno tations with which each page is loaded ; the historical, genealogical, and biographical notices ; the lucid and ingenious illustrations drawn from the anci nt laws, customs, traditions, and institutions of Ireland ; the parallelisms and discrepancies of the narra tive with that of other annalists, both native and foreign ; the countless authorities which are examined and adjusted ; the errors which are corrected ; the omissions and deficiencies supplied ; in a word, the curious and various learning which is everywhere displayed. Let him remember that the mines from which all those treasures have been drawn are, for the most part, unexplored ; that the materials thus lavishly applied to the illustrations of the text are. in great part manuscripts — manuscripts, too, which Ussher and Ware, even Waddy and Colgan, not to speak of Lynch and Lanigan, had 10 PROSPECTUS OF THE ANNALS OF IRELAND. never seen, or had left unexamined ; many of them in a language which is, to a great extent, obsolete. Let him remember this, and he will understand without difficulty the long and toilsome preparation which has been expended on this admirable work, and will cease to wonder how, commenced in January, 1833, it is only after fifteen or eighteen years of patient study and investigation that it is at last given to the public." {From the Dublin University Magazine.) " It is with extraordinary satisfaction and pleasure we undertake the duty of making our readers acquainted with the great and erudite labours of Mr. O'Donovan. Our satisfaction is of a high and ennobling kind, for it is chiefly on account of the country itself that we feel it. In comparing this work to the points of the coral reef, coming up to light after labours so great and so long hidden, prosecuted in the depths of the sea, and perfected in the midst of elemental conflict, we suggest no exaggerated idea of the patient toil of which the results are thus, at length, beginning to make themselves visible amongst us. Mr. Petrie toiled for twelve years in his Essay on the Ecclesiastica] Architecture and Round Towers of Ireland ; it is eighteen years since Mr. O'Donovan commenced his exposition and translation of the Annals of the Four Masters ; and here, at length, we have his book in seven quarto volumes — in matter, in learned use of it, in method, and in typographical excellence, fit to take its place on any shelf of any European library, beside Camden, Mabillon, or Muratori. The fame of these Annals has been so widely circulated of late years, that we need not do more than commend them, on the one hand, to our scholars and historians, and, on the other, to our young poets, as mines of rich intellectual ore. " In our necessarily compendious notice of the rich and varied contents of Dr. O'Donovan's translation of the " Annals of Ireland, by the Four Masters," we have endeavoured, as far as practicable, to use the language of original and contemporary writers, intentionally eschewing minute criticisms and arid disquisitions. We believe that the true object of history is to exhibit faithful pictures ofthe men of past ages, as they lived and acted, with all their original and characteristic attributes, free from the gloss of specious exaggeration, and unincumbered by those shallow philosophic specula tions, so often delusive. Hence, the peculiar value of the ' Annals of the Four Masters,' in presenting us with unadorned and truthful narratives, related in the very language spoken by the men whose acts they chronicle, unvarnished and unaffected by the contaminating influences of adventitious foreign models." DUBLIN : HODGES, SMITH & CO., 104, GRAFTON STREET, Publishers to the University. In the Press, 8vo. A HISTORY OF THE VICEROYS OF IRELAND, WITH HISTORIC NOTICES OP THE CASTLE OP DUBLIN, And its chief occupants in former times, from authentic original sources of record, including documents hitherto unpublished and unexplored. By J. T. GILBERT, M. R. I. A. Librarian of the Royal Irish Academy ; Hon. Secretary Irish Archseological and Celtic Society ; author, of a " History of the City of Dublin," &o. JAMES DUFFY, WELLINGTON QUAY DUBLIN ; AND PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON Now ready, by the same author, Three Volumes, 8vo. Cloth, with general Index, price 21s. A HISTORY OF THE CITY OF DUBLIN. "The Author has removed from Ireland the national reproach of having no History of its Metropolis. He has produced a work, which has been, and will continue to be, read with interest, and referred to as an authority by all who may in our own time or in future generations, study the history and antiqui ties of the city of Dublin." — Address delivered by tlie President of the Royal Irish Academy, 16tA March, 1862. " We look upon this book as the most important and valuable contribution which has been made for many years to our literature, and we think it entitled to equal rank with any Irish historical work that has ever appeared. Relieved and illustrated with recondite and interesting narratives, it is a history in the widest meaning of the word ; a history that, while we read, calls up before our mental eyes the very forms and features of the men who fought, and wrote and spoke, and suffered in other days ; the mansions and buildings that have long ago crumbled into dust, rise like the enchanted castles at the wave of the magician's wand. The men and things which have long sunk into the past will be recalled to life by every reader of this book, in connection with the stirring recollections of these times and of that city, of which it is so able, so accurate, and so complete a chronicle." — Dublin Review. DUBLIN : J. DUFFY, WELLINGTON QUAY : AND PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, &vo. cloth, price 12s. Gd. A DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF THE ANTIQUITIES IN THE Utomm of % IJiflpI f risfr %mhtm^. VOL I. ARTICLES OF STONE, EARTHEN, VEGETABLE, AND ANIMAL MATERIALS ; AND OE COPPER AND BRONZE. BY W. R. WILDE, VIOE-PKESIDEHT OF THE EOTAI IEISH ACADEMT Ulttstrafcelr kxfy $bt fJttwbKb rab fljixtg-gi* ISmA ^ngrafeings, J Zso, Part II. , price 3s. Gd. ANTIQUITIES OF GOLD, SKitlj Iptrstg ingrafjitrgs. DUBLIN : HODGES, SMITH AND CO. 104, GRAFTON STREET, PUBLISHERS TO THK UNIVERSITY. t Imjr Srr&«ol00kal mto €dtk Society FOR THE PUBLICATION OF THE MATERIALS FOR IRISH HISTORY. MDCCCLXI1I. |)ttsib«it : HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF LEINSTER. ykr-^msibfitfs: THE MOST NOBLE THE MARQUESS OF KILDARE, M.R.I.A. THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DUNRAVEN, M.R.I.A. THE RIGHT HON. LORD TALBOT DE MALAHIDE, M.R.I.A. VERY REV. CHARLES W. RUSSELL, D.D., President of JIayno..tli College. Council : VERY REV. CHARLES GRAVES, D.D., President of the Royal Irish Academy. REV. JAMES GRAVES, A.B., M.R.I.A. W. H. HARDINGE, ESQ., M.R.I.A. SIR THOMAS A. LARCOM, K.C.B., M.R.I.A. JOHN C. O'CALLAGHAN, ESQ. GEORGE PETRIE, LL.D., M.R.I.A. REV. WILLIAM REEVES, D.D., Secretary of the Royal Irish Academy. AQUILLA SMITH, M.D., M.R.I.A. W. R. WILDE, M.D., Vice-President of the Royal Trish Academy. REV. J. H. TODD, D.D., Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. J. T. GILBERT, M.R.I.A., Librarian of the Royal Irish Academy. f rmttrer : THE BANK OF IRELAND. The existing materials for Irish history have hitherto been but to a small extent accessible to the student. The published autho rities have been so much exhausted, and the works compiled from them are so insufficient, that the expectation of any reliable his tory of Ireland has been generally deferred, under the conviction IV Petin.e na Naomh nOrtennach : or Calendar of Native Saints of Ireland, usually styled the Martyrology of Donegal ; compiled by Friar Michael O'Clerigh. Edited, from the original Manuscript in the Library of the Dukes of Burgundy, at Brussels, with Translation, by J. O'Donovan, LL.D., and Notes by J. H. Todd, D.D., and W. Reeves, D.D. In the Press. Libee Hymnorum : The Book of Hymns of the Ancient Church of Ireland ; from the original MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Edited by the Rev. James Hen- thorn Todd, D.D., Senior Fellow of Trinity College. Part II. In the Press. The Antiphonary of Bangor, Co. Down, from the original Manuscript in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. Edited by the Rev. W. Reeves, D.D. In the Press. Works in Progress. I. 'Cam bo Cuail^ne, or the Cattle Spoil of Collon, County Louth ; an ancient Historic Tale, with six minor illustrative narratives. Edited, from Irish MSS. of the eleventh and twelfth centuries in the Libraries of Trinity College, Dublin, and the Royal Irish Academy, with Translation by the late Eugene O'Curky, Esq., M.R.I.A. In the Press. II. Account of the Firbolgs, Tuatha de Danaan, and Danes in Ireland ; by Duald Mac Firbis. The original Irish text, with Translation and Notes. III. A Treatise on the Ogham or Occult Forms of Writing of the Ancient Irish; from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin; with Translation, and Notes, and Preliminary Dissertation, by the Very Rev. Charles Graves, D.D., President of the Royal Irish Academy. IV. The Annals of Tighernach, and Chronicon Scotorum, from MSS. in the Bodleian Library, and that of Trinity College, Dubl n. Edited by the Rev. W. Reeves, D.D. V. The Annals of Ulster. With a Translation and Notes. Edited from a MS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin, collated with the Translation made for Sir James Ware by Dudley or Duald Mac Firbis, a MS. in the British Museum. VI. The Annals of Innisfallen ; from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. The Council will receive Donations or Subscriptions to be applied especially to any of the above Publications. Subscriptions are received by Edward Clibborn, Esq., 19, Dawson-street, Dublin. Persons desirous of becoming Subscribers to the Society are requested to communicate, by letter, with the Hon. Secretaries, at No. 19, Dawson-street, Dublin.