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YALE

FREE SOIL, FREE SPEECH, FREE MEN.

PEOCEEDINGS

DEMOCKATIC REPUBLICAI
STATE CONVENTION,
At Syracuse, July 24, 1856.

THE

ADDRESS AND RESOLUTIONS,.

LIST OF DELEGATES.

ALBANY.
FEINTED BT OEDEE OF THE CONVENTION.
]856.

¦ Price $1.25 per 100; $10 per 1000. Orders to be sent to J. D. Paespns. Albany.

PROCEEDINGS

OP THE

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLICAI
STATE CONVENTION.

In response to a call, signed by a large number of Democrats in
various parts of the state, the Convention assembled at Syracuse on
the 24th of July, 1856.
The Convention met at 11 o'clock, and was called to order by
Platt Potter, Esq., of Schenectady, who nominated BENJAMIN
WELCH, Jr., of Erie, for temporary Chairman. Carried, with
applause. H. H. Van Dyck, of Albany, nominated Mr. Eaton (editor of the
Herkimer Courier) for Secretary. Agreed to.
Hon. Thomas Carroll, of Rensselaer, nominated Mr. CApE, of
Rensselaer, for second Secretary. Agreed to.
J. C. Smith, of Ontario, moved a Committee be appointed to report
peimaneut officers. The motion was adopted.
The Committee consisted of two from each Judicial District, as
follows :
1st Dist. — Messrs. Kennedy and Northrup.
2d " — Messrs. Floyd and Dennison.
3d " — Messrs. Wilder and Pulver.
4th " — Messrs. Cochrane and Chapin.
5th " — Messrs. Hunt and Outwater.
6th " — Messrs. Gregg and Chase.
'7th " — Messrs. James 0. Smith and Godfrey.
8th " — Messrs. Fargo and Bristol.
David Dudley Field, Esq., of New- York, raoved the appointment
of a Committee of two from each judicial district, to prepare Resolu
tions and an Address. Carried.
The Committee was appointed as follows:
Messrs. Field, Robinson, Dennison, Floyd, Van Dyck, Wynckoop,
Churchill, Adaras, Jenkins, Morgan, Campbell, Huson, Barlow, Denin,
Thayer, Davis.
Adjourned to 3 o'clock, P. M.

AFTERNOON SESSION. Syracuse, July 24 — 3 P. M.
The Convention met pursuant to adjournment, Hon. BENJAMIN
WELCH in the chair.
M. I. Townsend, E.sq., of Rensselaer, moved that all Derhocrats
present from any part of the state, who concur in the object of the
Convention, be requested to hand up their names to the Secretary.
Agreed to.
Mr. J C. Smith, of Ontario, from the Committee oij Pennanent
Organization, made the following report, which was unaniraously
agreed to :
Preside'H,t—3km.E& S. WADSWORTH, Livingston.
Vice-Preside-nts — John A. Kennedy, New-York, Robert Dennis
ton, Orange, John T. Hogeboom, Columbia, Henry Churchill,
Fulion, T. Jenkins, Oneida, Ariel S. Thurston, Chemung, Oliver
H. Petrie, Monroe, T. J. Fythwn, Erie.
Secretaries — Charles J. Folger, Ontario, Charles H. Hunger,
Tioga, A. W. Eaton, Herkimer, John B. Carr, Rensselaer, H. D.
Rich, Jefferson.
Messrs. C. Smith and Martin I. Townsend conducted the Presi
dent to the chair.
On taking the Chair, Mr. Wadsworth spoke as follows :
I thank you, gentlemen of the Convention, for the distinguished
honor which you have conferred upon me. The occasion which has
brought us together is one of deep and abiding interest to us and to
those whom we represent, If the result of our deliberations should
separate us from some of the political associates with whom we have
passed the best years of our lives, we cannot weigh too cautiously
every step we take. But, Gentlemen, if in the pursuit of wisdom to
direct our course, we go back to the early days of the Republic — to
the infancy of the great Republican Party — to the days of Jefferson
( a man, let me add, whose memory is not less dear to our hearts, be
cause, if he were living to-day, he would be driven an exile from his
native state, and would not be allowed to emigrate to the vast domain
which he secured for his country west of the Mississippi), if we go
back to those tiraes and drink deep at the fountains of freedom, it will
be our own gross error if we go far astray.
On coming down to a later period — to the times of Silas Wright, of
Michael Hoffman, of Samuel Young — raen who have gone ftom among
us, but were yet of our own time, with whom we^have fought side by
side, who never betrayed us and whora we never deserted — if we
adopt the principles we have so often heard so earnestly expressed
from their own lips — if we stand where they stood — we need have
no fears for the result. Those msn were Democrats because they
believed in Democracy, and not hecause it was the name of a platform
placed under them or over them. They did not look to Washington
for advice, or to Cincinnati for principles. They gathered wisdora
from the honest and sure instincts of the popular mind, and strength
from the popular will. If we follow in their footstejjs, we may safely
abide the verdict of November.

I had the honor, gentlemen, to be a Delegate to the Democratic
Convention which met in this city prior to the election of 1848. We
laid down then and here, as one ofthe foundation stones ofthe Demo
cracy of New-York, opposition to the extension of Slavery.
1 see aroui d me many of the men who were with 'me Delegates to
the Ballimore Convention of that year. I claim that we proved our
selves worthy of the great trust reposed in us by the Radical Demo
cracy of New-York, when we came out of that Convention, rather
than see the principles of our constituents trampled in the dust. ' We
came home and appealed to those who had sent us there. We were
sustained by a hundred and twenty thousand of the Deraocratic electors
of New-York. A few men have since been seduced from us by the
allurements of office and the flatteries of power; but if we stand where
we stood then, on the same eternal principles, I firmly believe that we
shall find the people where we found them then. For one, 1 shall
impatiently, but confidently; await the great verdict of the country
upon the stand I trust we shall take here to-day.
I will not, gentlemen, further detain you, except to ask your friend
ly aid, and if need be your forbearance, in the discharge of the duties
you have imposed upon me.

ADDRESS
Adopted by the Semooratic Bepublicans, assembled at Syraeuse, July 34, 18S6i

David Dudley Field, Esq., of New- York, reported the Address,
and Resolutions as follows !
Fellow Democrats : The time has come for Deraocrats to declare
their independence of those packed conventions which have lately
assuraed to dictate the raeasures and the candidates ofthe Democracy,
That party of glorious memory, which once spoke and acted for
Freedom, has fallen into the hands of office holders and political
adventurers, serving as the tools of a slaveholding oligarchy. For
more than Oen years the measures of the Greneral Government have
been directed raainly to the increase of Slave States. One measure has
followed upon another, each bolder than the last, until we have
violence ruling in the Federal Capitol, and civil war raging in the
Territories. For the consuraraation of each measure, the venal have been
purchased, the timid frightened by threats of disunion, the peace-loving
soothed by proraises of fiitute quietness, and the reluctant and resisting
silenced or overborne bythe clamor and force of party. Eacli success
has led to a new aggression, until at last the weak man now at the
head of the Governraent, stimulated by a Senator frora Illinois, in a
rivalry for a Presidential noraination, and believing that the best means
of reaching it was to secure the entire Southern vote, and the best
means of obtaining that, a new sacrifice to Slavery, attempted to force
through Congress the repeal of an existing law, by which a compromise
had been effected by our fathers more than a third of a century past.
These rival demagogues succeeded in effecting the repeal, though they
lost their reward.
By this act of crime, unparalleled even in our day of political crimes,
one of the fairest regions of our country, and, indeed, of the world,
has been converted into a fleld of battle, where citizens of a coramon
country are fighting with each other for the introduction or exclusion
of human servitude. Such another spectacle the world does not
present. And the end of it is dependent upon the event of a
Presidential election.
To excuse themselves, the authors ofthe measure put forth the plea,
that the people of the Territories had the right to govern themselves,
Ifthis were true, it would not have justified the Kansas-Nebraska act,

for that was a mere abandonment of Congressional interposition in
favor of Presidential interposition, leaving the law-making power to
the people, but reserving the executive and judicial to the President
or his nominees. It was an abdication by Congress of its legislative
functions in favor of the executive.
But the plea was as untrue in fact as it was unworthy in motive.
They who put it forth have already abandoned it. The Senate has
passed a bill proposing to annul some of the most obnoxious acts of
these law-makers; and the authors of the mischief, shrinking from the
consequeuces of their own acts, and forgetting that others will remem
ber their tergiversation, attempt to escape sorae of the condemnation
by undoing a part of the evil.
If the people of the Territories have the right to govern themselves,
they may make their governors and judges as well as their legislators.
If they have not the right. Congress has it ; and if Congress has it, it
must be exercised according to tbe judgment and conscience of the
country. The true question, therefore, is, what legislation on the
subject of Slavery in the Territories do the judgment and conscience
of the country require 1
The present question is, indeed, narrower than that, for it relates
merely to the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. These, the legis
lation of Congress, perfected in 1820 by the votes of the North and
South — chiefly South — solemnly and forever set apart as Free soil.
That dedication of the soil to Liberty, the degeneracy of the present
day has annulled. And the legislation which is now required is that
which is necessary, whatever it may be, to make Kansas Free.
This is demanded alike by every consideration, past, present and
future. If Kansas, which the past made free, is now to be changed
to slave, there must be an end of compromises and of concihatory
legislation ; the faith which prompts one legislature or one generation
to respect the engagements of another must disappear ; and^how long
a government can be carried on without that faith and confidence,
without something more than written constitutions, worked by mere
majorities regardless of everything but their own strength and will,
they who have read history can answer.
If the present struggle is to end, as the Illinois Senator has boasted,
in the subjugation of those who opposed.his mischievous bill, then,
indeed, is the spirit of evil let loose, intimidation and violence are in
the ascendant, the real opinion ofthe country is a thing to be despised,
conscience may be laughed at, and it is of no importance to the Presi
dent or Congress what the people of the North may wish; if the
South can be secured, with the Northern office holders and purchase-
able Members of Congress, any measure may be safely carried and

8
maintained. How such a state of things commends itself to the spirit,
or self-respect of Northern electors, we ask them to answer.
But what shall we say ofthe future ? Kansas lost to Freedom, and'
as a home for the oppressed of all nations; free labor driven across
her borders, and that noble domain of the New -World, broader and
fairer than many a realra of the Old, made, not prosperous and rich
like Wisconsin and Iowa, but half barbarous, like Western Missouri
That, however, is not the worst consequence. The same spirit
which contrived the Kansas conspiracy, already hints that the prohibi
tion of the slave trade is an unjust discrimination against the South.
And why not 1 If Slavery be no evil, or if a Federal legislator may
not legislate on the idea that it is an evil, why should he raake it piracy
to bring a slave into the country? Why not let each raan buy, ac
cording to his own conscience, what he finds to be property, or, which
is the same thing, what he flnds anywhere to be salable ? The same
principle which justifies the Kansas act raust justify the slave trade,
and conderan, as an infringement upon the equal rights of the South,
the'exclusion of the foreign traflfic. That step being taken, and it is
the next if the present succeeds, then Slavery is virtually established
in all our States, for, according to the high Federal, or, as the phrase
is, the National doctrine of sorae of our courts, whatever Congress
authorizes to be imported may be sold, any law of any state to the
contrary notwithstanding.
No, fellow Democrats, our only safety is to stop where we are — to
make Kansas a Free State — to punish the authors of the present
agitation, and in that way, for that is the only way in which it can be
done, put an end to the Slavery agitation.
How is this to be accomplished 1 By rejecting the Cincinnati Con
vention and its nominees — for they are inseparable. That Convention
met while the country, or, at least, all but the Southern part of it,
stood grieved and shocked by the violence and lawlessness in Wash
ington and in Kansas. But not a word of disapprobation did the Con
vention utter. They resolved upon certain truisms which nobody has
ever disputed ; passed a resolution against a Bank of the United
States, as if anybody had dreamed of such a thing for years — a sub
ject just as pertinent to our present circumstances as the Virginia or
Kentucky resolutions ; an(} then gravely resolved that every new
state must form its own institutions, by implication denying both to
Congress and to the Territorial Legislature the right to exclude
Slavery. It raust also be borne in mind, that the author ofthe Kansas
act and the nominees of the Cincinnati Convention have, to this day,
declined to say that the people of the Territories have the right to
exclude Slavery.

9
Who does not know that no Free state has ever yet been admitted
into the Union, into which, as a territory. Slavery was admitted ?
Who does not know that Slavery will go wherever a slaveholder goes,
ifhe is permitted to take it with him ; that Slavery exists in Kentucky,
in a higher latitude thau some counties of Ohio and Indiana, and in
Missouri, several hundred miles further north than the southern limit
of the free State of lUinois ; that it is an institution easily planted in
the infancy of settlements, and most difficult to be eradicated in their
maturity ?
But why not let the people of a territory decide the question for
themselves? say these new professors of "Squatter Sovereignty,"
or at least said so before they introduced fire and sword into Kansas,
to disarm the squatters, in violation of " the right of the people to
bear arms" — to break up their meetings, in violation of their "right
peaceably to assemble and petition for a redress of greviances '' — to
disperse their assemblies, gathered to make their own laws — to burn
their houses, built with many toils and sacrifices in the midst of the
prairies — to hunt their wives and children into the wilderness, their
only refuge from the fury of these guardians of squatters' rights.
Why not let them decide the question for themselves ? If they who
decide were only deciding for themselves, there might be some
plausibility in the question. But they decide for theraselves and for all
future inhabitants of the territory. They who come into a territory ;
after slavery is introduced, have not a free choice in the matter. At
the very least, wait until there is a sufficient population to make a state
before you let slavery come in. Was it ever heard that when a ship's
company is making up for a voyage, the first ten passengers who put
their feet on board may make rules for the ninety who follow — rules
that shall be unalterable until tbe ship shall have been a hundred days
at sea ? And was it any better to provide that the few squatters who
entered Kansas before March, 1855, should make laws which could
not be altered for two years, even though the population should, in the
next year, have increased an hundred fold ?
Then, it is asked, what interest is it to us whether the people of
Kansas have slaves or not I Is it of no interest to the people of this
generation, throughout the oountry, that Virginia is a slave state ? If
she had been free, what would now have been her population, her
wealth, her resources, her rivers white with sails, her ships all over
the globe, her lands cultivated like a garden. If it had fallen to the
lot of any statesman of a past generation to decide whether that Com
monwealth should be free or slave, and he had, for any motive, allowed
it to become slave, how would his memory have been cursed by every
true Virginian of our day ! Who that looks now at Missouri does not

10
see the bitter fruits of that weakness or facility of temper which led a
few Northern men to uiiite with the South in yielding it Up to slavery ?
And hereafter, when We who are now in life are passing into the grave,
will it not be a stain upon our names and a shadow upon our con
sciences, if, having the power lo prevent it, we shall permit. Kansas
to be slave — another marauding Missouri, instead of a peaceful lowa,
or even a Virginia, instead of a New- York or Pennsylvama ?
Mr. Buchanan, the candidate of the Cincinnati Convention, stands
pledged to make tl^e resolutions of that Convention his rule of faith and
practice. If we are to take his own declaration, he is to be rather an
automaton than a'free agent. The Convention which norainated him —
that raotley and noisy crowd which nobody would have allowed to de
cide a matter of business of the sraallest importance for hiraself — ^has
done the thinking of the President for the next four years, if Mr. Bu-
Shanan should happen to be that President. Such a candidate, under
such circumstances, we cannot support.
Shall we, then, throw away our votes? That we cannot do, for two
reasons : one, that we shall thus indirectly contribute to Mr. Buchanan's
election; the other, that there is a choice. Mr. Fremont, who has
been norainated by the Republicans, is an acceptable candidate. His
professions and his antecedents are all democratic, and strongly in his
favor. He is known to be a raan of great capacity, energy, probity
and honor. In his hands the Presidential office will be vigorously
and justly adrainistered. We have, therefore, nominated hira for the
Presidency, and his associate, Mr. Dayton, for the Vice-Presidency ;
and we ask you, Deraocrats of New- York, to ratify this nomination.
We make no attack upon the South. We remember that the
Southern people are our brethren, and brethren we raean them
to continue. But they fehall not interfere with our rights, nor intro
duce their institutions into our states, nor fasten them upon the
territories before those territories are mature enough to be states,
and, as such, to determine their own institutions. We know well
how many noble men and woraen there are in all the South ; and we
believe that raany of them agree with us in respect to the extension
of slavery. It is the Southern politician -and the Northern traitor
who have done the mischief, and whom we wish to restrain.
We make no attack upon state rights. We do not believe in the
right of "the people of one state to interfere with slavery in another.
We no more believe in the right of New- York to unmake a slave in
Georgia than in the right of Georgia to make a slave in New-York.
The laws of New- York and of Georgia must equally determine the
personal relations of all within their respective limits. But believing
that the territories are under the jurisdiction and subject to the legis- -

11
lation of the Union, confident that there can be no peace in any terri
tory bordering on a slave state, but by an act of Congress declaring
the personal relations of its inhabitants, without which civil war is
inevitable ; and believing, moreover, that as is the territory so will the
state be, we are firmly and unalterably opposed to the introduction of
slavery into any territory of the United States!
Such is the disordered state of affairs, under the control of the
General Governraent, as to demand of every citizen the most vigilant
Bcnitiny and the gravest deliberation. Each elector throughout the
United States has an important office to perforra at the coming elec
tion ; and in any neglect to exercise that invaluable right, or any
indifference as to the manner in which it shall be exercised at a crisis
like this, is guilty not only of an ordinary omission of a known duty,
but of gross negligence, approaching criminality.
How has it happened that the sham Legislature of Kansas, elected
by the combined influence of fraud and force, has dared to do any act
bearing even the narae of law? How dared such a body so abuse the
civiligation of this age as to expel somo of its raembers f6r no cause
whatever^ and pass a code of enactments which would disgrace a
council of savages ? Why has the property of the peaceable citizens
of fhat territory heen destroyed, their liberty invaded, and their lives
wantonly sacrificed ? Why the gangs of marauders from the adjoining
tsate pervading this territory? Why the interruption of and abUse
to settlers on their way thither, and the tone of arrogant defiance and
abuse of Atchison, StringfeUow and their associates to the Free State
men of Kansas ? All this has been done under the pledge, express or
implied, of the National Administration, that every measure tending
to the establishment of Slavery there, and the exclusion of Freedom,
should have the hearty cooperation of that Administration. Many
other pledges of this Adrainistration have been broken, but that -pledge
has heen ke-pt to the letter.
Why has Judge Kane held that Slavery so far exists in the Free
States as to allow parties of pleasure and others to invade the Free
states with their retinue of slaves, and there to hold them in the yoke
of servitude ? Surely, it must be to tutor the Free North ihto acquies
cence or subserveiency to the institution of Slavery. Why has the
slave trade sprung up in such alarming strength, and been carried on
by traders residing in the city Of New-York during the past year ? .
Why have Mr. Buchanan and his associates at the Ostend Conference
unblushingly claimed the right in our Government to take Cuba by
force, if it could not be gained by purchase ? Why has the Cincinnati
Convention followed up the Ostend manifesto with the more startling ,
announcement ofthe duty of this Government to exercise a protectorate

12
' over the whole country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico ? , Why have
Douglas, Pierce and Buchanan, in succession, become converts to the
new doctrine that the General Government has no power to control
the territories ?
Why have the arms of the nation been turned to oppress our own
citizens ? Why the subject of slavery agitated by the President, con
trary to his express pledges, and the treasure of the nation poured out
in profusion upon the supporters of tbat institution ?
These are questions which electors will not fail to inquire into and
answer at the ballot box. '
The abusive and indecent epithets made use of by the chief sup
porters of Mr. Buchanan against the friends of Fremont ; their dis
paragement of freedom and encourageraent of slavery ; their abandon
raenl of every democratic principle, and their devotion to the most
odious of all oligarchies, must shake the confidence of the electors in
that party, and raake the parly itself as desperate in its fortunes as it is
corrupt in its means of attaining success.
'' If the spirit of hostihty to our free institutions, manifested by the
.'supporters of Mr. Buchanan, had been as violent during the days of
Washington, Jefferson and Madison as it now is, those patriots would
have been driven from their naiive state for their love of liberty, and
compelled to seek protection where sentiments in unison with their
own were held sacred.
"¦" The attempts of the Buchanan press generally to misrepresent the
true condition of affairs in Kansas ; their desire to make light of the
depredations committed by the national administration party against
life, liberty and property ; the open applause or silent acquiescence of
the sarae party in appeals to brute force, exhibited at the Capitol of
the nation during the present session of Congress ; their efforts to in
duce Congress to pass the bill concocted by Senators Toombs and
Douglas, containing an ingenious but effective guarantee of slavery to
Kansas, though persevered in with that clamorous assurance and dicta
torial air strongly characteristic of gross wrong— must and shall be
thoroughly canvassed and exposed. The people will notfail to stamp
such duplicity with raerited condemnation.
The series of measures terrainating in the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise has proved disastrous to the political prospects of the
originators and promoters of the scheme, and subversive of pubhc tran
quillity. Mr. Buchanan is a fresh recruit to this service. He has sur
rendered his principles to the dictation of others. His aritecedents are
strongly against him. He is not a sound representative of the true
Democracy of the natibn. With his tendency to foreign aggression
and domestic strife and discord, he is eminently fitted, by nature and

13
position, to carry out the policy of President Pierce in all its parts.
The one has introduced civU strife among our people as the most
noticeable feature of his administration-^the other, if elected, seems
hkely to adopt the same feature in his domestic policy, and also to em
bark in foreign wars for the purpose of conquest. This Convention is
prepared to stamp both of these projects with unreserved and unalter
able condemnation.
President Pierce promised the Democracy of the nation an economi
cal administration of the government. In this, also, his pledges have
been broken. No administration has been more prodigal than his.
The time which he should have devoted to retrenchm.ent and reform
has been lavished in fruitless efforts to secure his own re-nomination
and reelection. The dupe of the Cushings and the Davises, his treach-
ety to principle was paid ofi' at Cincinnati with a cheap recompense —
the vote op an insincere and heartless minority. We trust that
the defeat of Mr. Buchanan, in November next, will save him from a
similar fate.
If Mr. Buchanan is elected, Kansas is slave. If Mr. Fremont is
elected, Kansas is free. Thus thinking, we shall labor against the one
and for the other. And we earnestly ask our fellow-Democrats to aid /
us in the work. / -^
¦ /,
¦ ''¦''• C '/,-'<-
RESOLUTIONS. '^
Forasmuch as tbe last Convention of the Democratic party in this
state and the late Convention at Cincinnati have not only kept silence
respecting the public disorders and violence which now unhappily
prevail, but have adopted resolutions on the subject of slavery in the
territories which are at variance with the traditions and the principles
of the democracy, are anarchical in their tendency and immoral in
their results; and forasmuch, also, as the question of slavery exten
sion has been forced by the administration and the Cincinnati Con
vention into one of paramount importance, and is made by politicians
the hinge on which all other questions turn; therefore
Resolved, by the Democrats of New- York here assembled, repre
senting the democracy of the state. That we repudiate these Con
ventions and all their proceedings, and will act as independently of
them as if they had never assembled.
Resolved, That, aa Democrats, we stand on the platform of Jeffer
son and Jackson, Tompkins and Wright — on principles which do not
change with the clamor of packed conventions or schemes of seekers
after nominations, and because the exten.sion of slavery has never
been and cau never be the purpose or result, immediaie or remote, of
true democracy, we hereby declare our uncompromising hosiility to
it, and our firm resolution to resist it by every lawful means, we
will vote for no raan who contributes to it directly or indirectly, and
we will oppose the election of any person who does not oppose it
as we do.

14
Resolved, That because the nominees ofthe (^incinnati Conven
tion are pledged to make the resolutions of that Convention their
guide and rule of conduct, and because their election would prolong
and lend to perpetuate the deplorable misrule of the present adrain
istration, and because the exigencies of the tiraes demand the union of
all who oppose the extension of slavery, and the waiver, for the present,
of other questions of subordinate importance, and because the opinions
of John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton on this subject agre'e
with our own, and there is much in their history and character to com
mend them to our regard, we hereby nominate them for the offices
respectively of President and Vice-President of the United States,
and will use every honorable effort to secure their election, that we
may rescue the Presidential office frora the degradation into which it
has fallen, and the politics of the country frora the corruption which
is fast undermining our best institutions.
I Resolved, That the chief practical question in the Presidential elec
tion is the question of freedora or slavery in Kansas. The election of
Mr. Buchanan would make Kansas a slave slate, and give courage and
strength to the slave element in our national government ; while the
i election of Mr. Fremont will make Kansas a free stale, and reduce
i slavery to what it was in the better days of the republic, and ought
1 ever to have been, a purely state institution, determinable by the
states, each fojr itself, over which the other states have no control, and
for it no responsibility.
Resolved, That as it respects other questions of natiopal or state
policy, though the administration and the Cincinnati Convention have
made thera to be all swallowed up in this one question of slavery
extension, yet we are none the less attached to all deraocratic princi
ples and measures, and none the less ready lo labor for them on all
necessary occasions.
Resolved, That a State Committee of three from each judicial dis
trict be appointed to further the objects of this Convention.

DELEGATES.
Alhany.—lra. Porter., T. B. Wheeler, George W. Luther, J. I. Wei.
ner, John B. Luther, Brace MiUard, H. H. Van Dyck, Luther Tucker.
Chenango,— WiWima G. Welch.
Cayuga.— GeoTgQ Rathbun, J. D. Button, J. H. Seymour, B, B.
Clapp, S. Lockwood, G. O. Rathbun, J. C. Jackson, Ezra Leonard,
Chemung.— A. S. Diven, Wm. M. Gregg, David Decker, D. F.
Pinckney, Ariel S. Thurston.
Columbia.— John T. Hogeboom, Rowland S. Slocum, Henry Pulver,
Hiram W. Dixon.
Cortland. — George B. Jones.
Delaware, — S. F. Miller.

15
Erie.— Benja.mm Welch, .Tr., J. S. Buell, F. P. Stevens, H. P.
Thayer, W. G. Fargo, E. P. Wilhams, F. J. Fithian,'A. G. Williams,
f • 2,'^«^,«"S' Joshua Gillett, George Call, Henry Martin, D. Allge-
waht, E. A. Maynard. j ' 5
Fulton.— RenTj Churchill, A, C. Carson, C. J. Rowland.
Genesee. — John Merrill.
Greene. — P. S. Wynkoop.
Herkimer— Veter H. Warren, Elisha P. Huribut, .Elias Root, T. R.
Brooks, John H. Wooster, A. W. Eaton.
Ji/ewo».-_ Willard Ives, C. B. Hoard, John Winslow, H. D. Rich,
Albert Gurnee, Dexter Haven, Moses Elmer.
Lewis. — Seymour Green.
Livingston. — James S. Wadsworth, Ira Godfrey, E. W. Brown.
Madison. — Thomas Barlow, A. C. Stone, Loring Fowler, Thomas
F. Loomis, V. W. Mason, Albert G Purdy, D. W. C. Roberts, G. R.
Waldron, Geo. Grant, Jno. Knowles, Jr., Geo. E. Downer.
Monroe. — Wra. Shepherd, James Waring, Roswell Hart, O. H-
Palmer, C. Hudson, Jr., D. D. S. Brown, John N. IngersoU.
Montgomery. — H. C. Adams, David Hackney, John S. Crain.
New -York. — Lucius Robinson, David Dudley Field, John A. Ken
nedy, Wm. W. Northrup, John B. Jervis.
Oneida. — Timothy Jenkins, J. H. Munger, Hiram Jenkins, S. R.
Kinney, A. M. Wardwell, R. S. Stewart, Ward Hunt, Justice Childs.
Oraow^a^a.^-F. W. Curtis, James H. Luther, W. J. Sammons,B.
Van Alstine, J. W. Patten, Norman Vrooman, Wra. W, "Tripp, W.
B. Haines, J. P. Hicks, Asa Eastwoods, Isaac MorreU, Charles
McCansy, John Spencer, Thos. Spencer, Thoraas Danforth, Harvey
Edwards, John Eastwood, B. F. Green, L. Y. Avery, Thos. Earl,
R. Billings, E. Clark, Louis Yehling, B. Harbele, John Schuerman,
Gotfried Gensel, R. Griffin, P. Lang, Q,. A. Johnson, Chas. T. Hicks,
H'm. Burton, George Saul, Charles Farney, P. Outwater, Jr., R. Heb
bard, H. A. Dillaze, LeRoy Morgan, A. E. Kinney, H. Reigel, Fred'k
Taylor, C. C. Slocum, James S. Leach, G. N. Kennedy, James M.
Ellis, J. B. Chase, Curtis Moses, W. H. Shankland, A. Rosenfelt, Jos.
Seymour, N. Cobb, G. Bloomer, H. S. Fuller, A. Benedict, J. L. Bagg,
W. R. Strong, E. L. Dawson.
Ontario. — Chester Loomis, Charles J. Folger, James C. Smith, E.
W. Simmons.
Orange. — Robert Denniston.
Orleans. — Noah Davis, Jr., H. J. Sickles, A, T. Castle.
Oswego. — Andrew Van Dyke, G. W. Rathbun, B. Brockway, E. R.
Taylor, E. Skinner, John Keller, S. Curtis, J. W. Pratt, H. W.
Schroepel, O. R. Jaycox.
Rensselaer. — Lyman Wilder, Thos. B. Carroll, H. Patterson, M. L.
Filley, J. G. McMurray, Jno. M. Francis, John Hogan, James O'Cal
lahan, Charles Hayes, Wm. S. Earl, George W. Churchih, E.N.
Masters, Joseph B. Carr, M. J. Townsend, Aurelius Bradt.
St. Lawrence. — D. M. Chapin.
Schu^yl&r. — J. H. Chapman.
Schenectady. — Clark B. Cochrane, Platt Potter.

16
Smeca. — Addison T. Knox, Hugh Montgomery, R. Parks.
Steuben. — Oliver A. Allen, John D. Collier, Alonzo Graves, S. T.
Hoyt, Samuel L. Alley, Robert Campbell, Albert C. Morgan.
Suffolk.— SohTa G. Floyd.
Sullivan, — John P. Jones, Charles H. Van Wyck.
Tioga.— 'El. G. Gibson, C. A. Munger, G. O. Chase.
Tompkins. — John H. Selkreg.
Wayne. — John Adams, A. Mclntyre, S. B. Jordon, F. H. Purdy,
S. S. Poppin, E. T. Grant, Wm. Edwards, Lyman H. Sherwood, D.
H. Devoe, Robert Ennis, Harlo Hyde, W. P. Nottingham.
'Wyoming. — Williara Bristol, Jr.
STATE COMMITTEE.
James S. Wadsworth, of Livingston.
\st District. — David Dudley Field, Jonathan J. Coddington, James
H. Titus.
2d District. — Robert Denniston, John G. Floyd, Philip S. Crook,
Zd District. — John T. Hogeboom, Ira Porter, John A. Millard.
Ath District. — Platt Potter, John F. Sherrill, D. M. Chapin.
5th District. — Elisha P. Hurlbut, Ward Hunt, Seymour Gre6n.
Uh District.— W. M. Greig, Johu H. Selkreg, W. G. Welch.
tth District. — Robert Campbell, Ira Godfrey, Henry R. Selden.
8<A Distript. — Martin Grover, F. P. Stevens, H. J. Sickles.