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The U9e of liberty by the Servant of God.

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DELIVERED JULY 4, 1833,

IN THE NORTH MEETING HOUSE, IN GREENFIELD,

Bv A. CHANDLER,

MINISTER OF THE FIRST PARISH.

PUBLISHED BY REQUEST.

GREENFIELD.
PRESS OF THE FRANKLIN FREEMAN.
"7833."'

SERMON.

I. PETER II, 16.
NOT USING YOUR LIBERTY FOR A CLOAK OF MALICIOUSNESS, BUT
AS THE SERVANTS OF GOD.
Liberty is dear to man, and to none more dear than to the ser
vants of God. The proof of this is in all history. It is difficult,
indeed, to conceive how a person can be a servant of God and not
a lover of freedom. That implicit obedience, which the bible en
joins, as due to God alone, necessarily implies the right and obli
gation of every one to study the scriptures for himself, to judge of
their instructions and worship God according to the requirements
of his own conscience. The spirit, which the gospel breathes, and
without which, we can claim no just affinity to Christ, teaches us
to respect these privileges, as the sacred and unalienable right of
others also. This is religious liberty. That state of society,
which secures to its various members the undisturbed enjoyment
of these and other natural privileges is civil liberty. How then
can a person be an enlightened servant of God and not carry in
his own breast the strongest and holiest principles of civil, as well
as religious freedom ? Grateful then must be the return of this
anniversary to every intelligent servant of God. Let our hearts
expand and our joys arise. And while we reverently acknowledge
the giver of all good, let us study to correct our errors, and learn
our duty by a diligent inquiry into some of the various uses and
applications of liberty. The text clearly intimates that liberty is

given not for private monopoly or pleasure, but for use. No ex
plicit rule is indeed given, but certain principles are referred to,
according to which, liberty is to be used " as the servants of God.
The inspired teacher seems to ground his direction upon a well
known maxim of the Wiseman—1' the integrity ofthe upright shall
guide him ;" and to assume that the principles, which govern the
real servant of God, if well understood, will be a sufficient directo
ry in the use of freedom. Our business then, on this occasion, is
very simple and very plain. It is to inquire what use the spirit of
true religion, will lead a person to make of liberty ; and then, from
a view of surrounding circumstances, to judge of our errors or
deficiencies, and learn our present duty.
The principles, which constitute the servant of God, will nat
urally lead him to sincere gratitude for the blessing of freedom.
Liberty is a blessing, so essential, that it seems to be the ground
of all others. From the garden of human happiness you may re
move all the fruit, and crop every flower. Suffer but libeity to
remain, and the garden will thrive' again and clothe itself in re
newed bloom. But take liberty away, you destroy the garden it
self, and where can happiness thrive ? But we, certainly, are un
der obligations of gratitude, not only for the liberty which we enjoy,
but our obligations are greatly increased by the circumstances, in
which it has come to us. The history of our country displays little
less of the special protection and guidance of the Almighty, than
the history of ancient Israel. The greatest difference seems to be
that to them, the guiding hand was revealed in the prophetic vis
ion, while we have a view of only secondary causes. Review the
history of our country. Think on the progress of our fathers,
amidst all the discouragements of a wilderness, and all their perils
from a powerful savage foe. Pause with admiration on the events
of the revolution. Linger with delightful remembrance on the
protection, and with the exception of a short contest,. the tranquili
ty, enjoyed by our country, during the convulsions of Europe,
when society was shaken to its centre, and the nations dashed as
the vessels of a potter. Witness the unexampled growth and pros
perity of our country, now " in the full tide of successful experi
ment," and who can suppress the exclamation, "what has God
wrought ?" What have we rendered unto the " Lord for all his

benefits ?"- I ask not the unbeliever, who considers the affairs of
men abandoned to blind chance. I ask not the scorner, who dis
dains to own the hand, that feeds him. But I ask the man, who
believes in Providence and professes to hold all his enjoyments, as
the gift of a gracious God, what have such rendered to the Lord ?
Shall we seek an answer to the question in the general manner of
celebrating this anniversary ? Have we been accustomed to make
it indeed a day- of grateful praise, rather than of undevout forget-
fulness ? The day, to be sure, has generally been ushered in with
every boisterous demonstration of joy; and with pomp and noise
we have often thronged to the house of God. But if one hour has
been spent in the worship of Jehovah, how often has the next been
devoted to feasting our national vanity with the empty boast of our
greatness, or to whetting al] the keen edged passions of our nature
with the effusions of party declamation; so that, if we have brought
with us the flame of pure and grateful devotion, it has become
extinguished in the smoke of flattery. If we have brought with us
one generous feeling of patriotism, or benevolence, it has become
absorbed in the rancorous spirit of party. Are these the servants
of God,. rendering a suitable acknowledgement for their liberty?
May the time past suffice, in which we have sacrificed to the idol
of party. No more may the servants of God be found, dishonoring
the day, which is associated with all that is dear to us as American
citizens, ani calculated, next to the Holy Sabbath, to draw out our
souls in grateful praise.
The spirit of the gospel will naturally lead a man to use his lib
erty to promote virtue and religion. In this view, liberty has ever
been peculiarly dear to the servants of God; and, to maintain it,
they have been ready to hazard all things else. A lion's den, or a
burning furnace is a fearful thing; but not so fearful, in the view
of the servants of God, as to restrain prayer before him, or give
his honor to an idol. Our fathers acted upon this principle, when,
abandoning, their home, they sought an asylum in this then inhos
pitable country. They desired liberty that they might worship and
serve their God; and train their offspring in his fear. It is true,
that living in age still dark, and emerging, as they had lately done,
from the profounder darkness ofthe Church of Rome, they brought
with them more or less of her superstitions and intolerance. This

is indeed a subject of lamentation— not of wonder. But the prin
ciples of liberty, which they had imbibed, were ofthe strongest and
most enduring kind. Their confidence in that book, which con
tains the only genuine principles of liberty, was sincere and unwa
vering; and while freedom lives, or virtue finds respect on earth,
posterity will admire the pains, which they took, and the sacrifices
they made, to have their children, without exception, instructed in
its principles. They could not foresee all the consequences ofthe
system which they adopted. But that system, under God, has led
to all the happy results which we their children enjoy. They laid
the foundation of a nation in the principles of intelligence, virtue
and religion. Upon these principles society grew, the public mind
expanded, until the nation became trained and matured for precise
ly such a course of action, as resulted in a separation from the
mother country. And where, in the history of man, can be found
a parallel to the American revolution ? A nation, consisting of
thirteen independent states, extended over an immense territory,
without funds, without munitions of war, without a common gov
ernment; yet following the wisest counsels, pursuing steadily the
middle path between the madness of anarchy on the one hand, and
the toils of despotism on the other; sustaining the superiority of
the civil to the military power, adhering, to each other, and pressing
to their object, as with the force of instinct, and by untiring ener
gy, achieving what astonished their own age, and what will be the
admiration of every age to come. Where, in a great nation, was
ever a government so truly parental on the part of rulers, or an
obedience so truly filial on the part of the people ? Do we search
for the cause of this ? We find it in the education of the people —
an education, founded on the Bible. From this pure source, they
had derived an understanding of their own rights, and a due res
pect for the rights of others. Hence, they learned to sacrifice
selfishness at the shrine of public interest, and, while presenting a
determined opposition to foreign oppression, at the same time, to
suppress those passions, which might endanger liberty at home.
Trained in such principles, bribery could not lure, splendid talents
could not dazzle, threats could not daunt, and hunger and cold and
disaster could not dishearten them. While this, their character,
astonished the foreign enemy and confounded all his plans, it over-

awed, at the same time, the domestic tyrant. The demagogue
could find but few materials for his work ; usurpation could find no
platform for its machinery; for tyranny may hope, as well, to con
fine the mountain torrent, or stop the chariot of the whirlwind, as
to prevent the progress of liberty among a people of their princi
ples and intelligence. The infidel may sneer when I say again that
this was owing to the. influence ofthe Bible, acting, directly, upon
the faith and conscience, or remotely, in forming the character of
the people and moulding their habits of thinking. He may sneer,
but you, my brethren, will thank God for putting this lamp of
Heaven into the hands of our fathers, enabling' them by its light to
find their way through darkness, error, superstition,' intolerance,
fanaticism and usurpation, into the fair fields of rational liberty.
To use our " liberty as the servants of God," requires us not to
rest in the enjoyment of what they have achieved, but to improve
upon what they have begun, and " nourish virtue to perfection up."
How far we are doing this let us diligently inquire; 1. as to edu
cation. Here we are happy to find, that, as to general education,
we have made great advances in the course, adopted by our fathers.
Our schools and all seminaries of learning have gone far beyond
theirs; and, probably, are exceeding any thing that they could
anticipate, in so short a period. But there is one branch of know
ledge, in the view of the fathers, the most important of all, which,
as a general thing, seems not to have kept in the jranks of general
improvement, — knowledge of the Bible. I need not remind you,
brethren, that I speak not of those, whose principles lead them to
cast the Bible in the back ground, but of those who profess to
honor it, and consider its authority decisive. Is there not even
among these a neglect, as obvious as it is melancholy? There is,
to be sure, no inconsiderable amount of what may be called secta
rian knowledge. The members of -different communities have
studied the peculiarities of their creed, and become expert in the
practices and common-place arguments of their sect. But take the
Bible as a whole, as the sure word of testimony, as a message of
love and mercy sent to our sinful world, as a directory fully ade
quate to the necessities of man and applicable to all his circum
stances, and how lamentable is our deficiency in knowledge.
Let almost any person sit down to a lesson of twenty verses, cast

off the shackles of system, and ask himself only such plain and
simple questions, as are naturally put to children in a sabbath
school, and he will be astonished at his own deficiency. Had we
used our liberty to the end, for which our fathers sought that we
might use it, to learn and practise the things contained in the holy
scriptures, to what a resplendance of knowledge and strength ot
religious principle, might we as a people have attained. We dep
recate, and justly too, a national religion, a religion established by
law, and men obliged to*pay it tribute, if not homage, however re
pugnant to conscience, or inconsistent with their views of truth.
Of all evils, be this the last to afflict my country. But there is a
sense, in which, of all things, it is most desirable that religion
should become established throughout our country, — in the hearts
and lives of the people; so that all may be subject to its restraints
and moved by its divine impulse. In proportion as this prevails,
freedom rests on a solid foundation; in proportion as it declines,
liberty becomes subjected to capricious circumstance. Science
may strengthen and discipline the understanding, literature may
furnish rich treasures of thought, but religion, alone, can rein am
bition, and lead the passions in the way of peace. It was not the
dauntless courage of the soldier, nor the prompt resources of the
general, that made a Washington. These Arnold had, and in Na
poleon they were consummate. In the character of Washington
there was another ingredient. The dew of gospel truth had fallen
on his heart, and the result was pureness of thought, and an integ
rity of purpose, upon which not a single nation, but a world might
rest secure. This caused him to be " as a stream of many tides
against the foes of his people, but as the gale, which moves the
grass to those, who sought his aid." How desirable then that the
bible should exert its full influence upon every class and in every
department -of society. Would that this influence should annihi
late intemperance, profanity, gaming and every species of vice. —
I would, without regard to denomination, that the precepts of the
bible should bring every one to the sincere and hearty worship of
God. Would that it should throw its influence into every school,
mingle its celestial spirit with the researches of literature, and the
instructions of science. I would that the spirit of the gospel should
preside in every social circle, that it should infuse its benign influ-

ence into the transactions of the men of business, and into the pas
times of the young, every where inspiring that sense of equality,
that feeling of brotherly love, which is the soul of liberty. I
would that the benevolence, which brought the Son of God from
Heaven to die for our sins, should so inspire his followers, of every
name, that they could find no rest so long as there is a slave in
bondage, a family without a bible, a child unprovided with the
means of instruction, or a heathen ignorant of the Savior. I would
that the precepts of God should hold with omnipotent grasp the
conscience of every freeman, that, in giving his suffrage, he may
feel the full weight of obligation to consult his country's good,
without respect to party, patronage, or any self-emolument. I
would that every magistrate, when he expounds the law, that every
jury, m making up their verdict, should remember that " God will
judge the judges too." I would that every legislator, as he delib
erates on public affairs, should remember that " the God of Israel
hath spoken, that the Rock of Israel hath said, he that ruleth over
men must be just, ruling in the fear of God." In a word, that
our rulers should feel it their highest honor to sit as children at
the feet of Jesus, and yield the full weight of their character and
example to promote that pure and practical virtue, which the gos
pel enjoins. In this way " kings"' would become in truth " nurs
ing fathers" to the church. But here let them stop. Let them
not " invade the rights of God, and send their bold decrees abroad,
to bind the conscience in their chains."
Let them worship with their whole heart and strength before the
ark of the Lord of Hosts, but let them not presume to mount it
upon a " cart," or with sacrilegious hand, attempt " to steady" it
when shaken. An establishment like this, O how devoutly to be
wislied! and how is every advance towards it, to be hailed as the
harbinger of that day, when peace and happiness shall bless our
world. And what, my brethren, hinders this, being the actual
state of things in our country ? What but a want of disposition
to use our liberty as the servants of God? Of all people, we pos
sess high vantage ground for cultivating whatever is fair and lovely
in the sight of God, of man. Our liberty gives us this advantage.
Why should not we use it ? Why should not the people of this
society exert themselves to this end? To a solemn consideration

10
of the subject your attention is invited. To this end, your char
ities are asked that we may do something, of the muc hwhich
needs being done, to remove the burden of the slave. Io
this end, I have asked your concurrence and assistance to bring
every child in this society under the instruction of the bible. 1
ask no man to compromise an article of his creed, nor do I offer to
compromise an article of my own. But I do ask all, without dis
tinction, to, use your exertions to promote the knowledge and influ
ence of the bible. Come, yea, come, and persuade others to come
and draw water out of this fountain of salvation. There is anoth
er subject, which it is in place to notice here, — the manner of con
ducting religious controversy. Aright practice, in regard to this,
is certainly worthy to rank among the social virtues, which we
should use our liberty to cultivate. Here also we are happy to find,
that we have made considerable advances upon the ideas of our
fathers. To understand the rights of man, with reference to reli
gion, was not the privilege of their age. They could feel, indeed,
the oppressiveness of laws, requiring conformity, when those laws
were enforced against themselves, but they had not attained to a
knowledge of the general principle, that the Kingdom of Christ is
above, and independent of the kingdoms of this world, and conse
quently all laws respecting it, farther than to preserve the public
peace, are in their own nature oppressive. Religion is a concern,
altogether personal, between the individual and his God; and the
support of its institutions, altogether a matter of principle and con
science. This great principle, the corner stone of religious free
dom, was not understood, or but partially understood, by the first set
tlers. Of course,- their laws were based upon thesame principle with
:the institutions of Europe. Civil and ecclesiastical affairs were in
some degree blended. And the consequence was oppression, more
or less, on the part of the strong, and discontent and complaining
on the part of the weak and neglected, as will always be the case,
until the two institutions are entirely separated. This order of
things, in some of the states, has entirely disappeared^ and re
tains but a shadow, which it is hoped will soon disappear in others.
Religion is thrown back where its Author left it, upon the hearts
and consciences of men; and, disincumbered of human laws, left
to find, or make its way by its own simple majesty. This is cer-

11
tainly a great improvement. But how are we using this liberty?
What attitude do different denominations assume towards each
other? We might hope, since the arena is cleared of temporal
excitements, that those who enter the lists of controversy, would
do it for the love of truth ulone. Since our worldly relations and
interests are no way to be affected by our religious views, it might
be hoped that jealousy would subside, and that men would dispute
with a spirit of liberality and kindness. I wish to be clearly un
derstood here. I am not advocating a liberality, which would
shrink from contending earnestly for the truth, or, which can dis
cover no truths of sufficient importance to contend for. I have no
fellow feeling with the man, who is forward to condemn religious
creeds, as pernicious human inventions, and, with the same breath
perhaps, is puffing his own, with even more ostentation and dog
matism than those, whom he condemns. I have no sympathy with
him, who is clamorous for liberality and moderation, and yet ready
fiercely to condemn and reproach any one, who may feel bound to
oppose his views, as dangerous and subversive of the gospel. Lib
erality and moderation, to such a character,- are terms misapplied.
The proper designation is liberalism, which, like other isms, is far
from wanting its share of bigotry or proscriptiveness. Liberality
and moderation denote virtues, which cannot be exercised towards
those with whom we agree, but those, from whom we differ, and
are indicated, not by giving the hand of fellowship to error, but
by the way and means of opposing it. Upon this ground, I
find no fault with a man for not subscribing to my articles of faith,
for not contributing to my support, or the support of my denomi
nation, for not meeting me at the communion table, for not coming
to the same place of worship, or for not giving me the hand of fel
lowship as a christian. Respecting these, things, it is every man's
right and duty to be his own judge. All I ask is that we may re
member that the kingdom of Christ is not of this world, and that
we may conduct all our intercourse, especially our discussions,
accordingly. I ask that wrath and malice and evil speaking be
laid aside, that we may have no railing, nor reproach, no mis
statement, nor misrepresentation, no slander, either direct or by
insinuation, and no rejoicing in each other's failings. I ask that
in those concerns, which are of common interest, we may work

12
with united effort. And surely there are points where all christians
inay agree, as the suppression of intemperance and vice ot eve y
kind, the improvement of the condition of the colored people, and
{he diffusion of the bible throughout the world. Christ has put
into the hands of his people three weapons, to be used both to
defend his kingdom and extend its influence, These are instruc
tion, example and prayer. These are the only weapons, which
christians can lawfully or successfully use. The cause of error
may flourish by other means, the cause of truth and righteousness
never. Had christians of different denominations considered this,
and adhered strictly to those "weapons," which are "not carnal
but mighty through God," how different had been their relation to
each other and their influence upon society. The world had been
constrained to say, " see how these men love one another." By
what strange principles are their controversies regulated? They
differ as widely as men can differ, and each is strenuous for
his own way. But how candid, how mild, how impartial and dis
interested! how tender of personal character and how zealous to
commend, not themselves, but the truth! Conducted in this way,
even the controversies of christians would bear with a holy aspect
and influence upon the world. Men would see the description
verified, " ye are not of the world, even as I am not of the world."
Are men thus using their liberty? Do not many of the periodicals
and controversial publications, of different denominations, exhibit
too many marks of a strong sectarian spirit? Do we not too often
find a tone of censoriousness, as though the mind of the writer
were less occupied with the argument of his opponents, than intent
on setting their characters in the worst light possible ? Now, in a
religious point of view, how is this to be lamented, as indicating a
great want of that spirit, without which, we cannot be the disci
ples of Christ. In a social point of view, how is it to be lamented
as an omen, threatening to the liberties of our country. I speak
as to christian men, judge ye what I say. Do ye not believe that
as ye weaken the influence of the bible, ye weaken the principles
of liberty? Now what has a stronger tendency to weaken that
influence than a spirit of envy and bitterness among its professed
friends? If those, who profess to love the bible and to be govern
ed by it, so contradict their professions by their practice, as to

13
treat an opponent with misrepresentation and rudeness, what hold
can we expect the precepts of that holy book to take on the con
sciences of others? Surely this is using liberty as a cloak of ma
liciousness, not as servants of God,— is doing just what any lurking
foe to ryour liberties would have you do. I know that you detest
the idea of a union of Church and State. But whence is this evil
to be apprehended? Not from the influence of the bible certainly,
but from a prostration of that influence. And here, by their sec
tarian jealousies and unkind treatment of each other, professing
christians have done much already to prostrate that influence, and
are daily adding to the evil. And what is most strange of all,
those men, who are sacrificing property and time and labor and
convenience to multiply copies of the bible, and diffuse them and
encourage their reading through our land and through the world,
are denounced as a band of knaves, or dupes, instigated by min
isters, or, as our opposers love to style them, " priests," whose
aim is to establish themselves on the ruins of liberty. Beware,
brethren. Remember that if religion has its "priests," so has
infidelity also. If those may have their private ends to subserve,
so may these. Take heed therefore, " stand fast in the liberty,
wherewith Christ has made you free, that ye be not entangled
again in the yoke of bondage." Remember dissension in Rome
made a Csesar. The same in France made a Bonaparte. Take
heed that by your jealousies of each other, and your fears of ima
ginary tyrants, you do not give advantage to some great and saga
cious foe to step forward and by a sweep of policy or power,
appropriate to himself those liberties, of which you are so jealous.
Using your liberty as the servants of God. If we do this, we
shall not be content with doing good upon a small scale, if oppor
tunity presents of acting successfully upon a larger one. This
leads us to inquire how we are to use our liberty for the benefit of
the world at large. — The world at large! What, preach about the
world to a congregation in North Greenfield ? What can we do
for the benefit of the world? Look back, my friends, little more
than two hundred years and see your pilgrim fathers, at a most
inclement season of the year, stepping upon the rock of Plym
outh, and ask what can these do in a situation so dreary and inhos
pitable? The sneering foe and the timid friend give the same

14
answer— nothing. They have gone to certain death; or if not to
death, to the certain disappointment of their hopes.. They trusted
in God and thought otherwise. They plied the axe, and the forests
fell and the fire consumed them. They cast in their seed, and the
rain did nourish it and the wilderness became a " field, which the
Lord hath blessed." The world, my friends, with the exception
of here and there a pleasant lawn and a blooming garden, is to
you what this continent was to the Pilgrims, a dark and fearful
moral wilderness; full of dreary images of death, presenting to
the timid mind ten thousand insurmountable obstacles, but to the
view of faith, a noble field for benevolent exertion. For the for
est must be cleared. Every bog and fen must be drained. Every
dark place, " full of the habitations of cruelty," must be explored
and the tree of liberty every where cultivated. For do ye not
know that the " wilderness and the cities thereof must lift up their
voice?" the " villages that Kedar doth inhabit?" that "the inhab
itants of the rock must sing?" and that "they shall shout from
the tops of the mountains?" The instrument, for effecting this
great change, God has put into your hands and commands you to
use it. The word of God is the axe, which is to fell the forest
and the fire, that is to consume it. " The gospel is the seed of
the kingdom," and the Spirit of the Lord is the rain, that must
nourish it and change the wilderness to a fruitful field. Do you
repeat the question, what can we do? I answer much, and that
in various ways. First directly, by sending the gospel of liberty
to the ends of the earth. Upon this point I design not to dwell,
though most pleasant to do it. Yes, I should delight to exhaust
my feeble powers and pour my whole soul upon a theme, which, if
the scriptures are true, we have reason to believe is exciting an
interest in more worlds than ours. But I would now only observe
that of all the disciples of Christ, christians in America have the
best advantages for propagating the gospel, and with it, the true prin
ciples of liberty. Christians in Europe are in a state of compara
tive bondage. In England, a portion of the established Church
are engaged with a truly noble spirit in this work of mercy. 
But another great portion of them, satisfied, as it would appear,
with the patronage of government, are content to rest in ignoble
estpe. As for the dissenters, when they have paid their tithe to the

15
establishment, they have the additional expense of their own insti
tutions. What a weight must this be upon all benevolent exer
tion. With American christians it is different. In talents and
other resources they fall not behind. Their wealth is great, and
their thrift unequalled. Their commerce is on every ocean, giving
easy access to every nook and corner of the globe. And perfect
liberty has cleared the way for them to concentrate all their vast
resources upon any benevolent object, they may choose. Shall
they use their liberty? Shall they enter into the "field, already
white for the harvest?" 'But I dismiss this topic and ask again,
Since the approved policy of our nation forbids all interference
with foreign governments, and requires us to treat any form of
government, which any nation may adopt, as its legitimate govern
ment, and upon this principle, " to cultivate peace with all nations,
entangling alliances with none;" this being the case, what can
Americans do to favor the progress of liberty among the nations?
Still I answer much.
Much, indirectly, by the force of example. Make your nation
a light and example of all, that is excellent in national char
acter. Let your private and public virtues demonstrate that men
can be free without abusing their liberty. Let your cheerful
acquiescence in the public voice show that freemen need not the
terror of a standing army to prevent anarchy and misrule. Let
the forbearance and kind offices of different religious denomina
tions show that christians can live together, in courtesy and good
neighborhood, though they sit not under the same vine, or fig tree.
Doing this, you will continue to demonstrate the falsehood of the
doctrine, which the aristocracy of Europe so much wish to see
proved true in your example, that a nation cannot long retain vir
tue enough for self-government. Hitherto you have appeared as
a light to the nations, and they have caught, more or less, the
spirit from you. France caught the love of freedom, and we hoped
she had been free. But alas! France forgot that Americans were
prepared for liberty by a long course of education, in which the
bible was the principal text book. She therefore dashed from her
lips the cup of life, and eagerly exhausted the chalice of infidelity.
The poisonous draught turned her brain. She broke her chains
to be sure, but she raved, she ran naked, she grasped the sword

16
and the torch, and poured out blood as water. She shouted liberty!
liberty! but liberty tarried fast and far away, beneath the wings of
her guardian angel, religion. Her eyes grew dim, she reeled,
she fell and tyranny again rivited her chains. Weep, Americans,
weep the fall of liberty in a great nation; and let your example
teach her to correct her fatal mistake. This indeed, from the dif
ferent aspect of her late revolution, we hope she is beginning to
do. The love of liberty is easily imbibed. " To see her is to
love." But the way to be free, is not so quickly learned. Im
prove your privileges, use your liberty as the servants of God,
and you will not only inspire a love of freedom, but will instruct
the world in the science of it. This is what the virtuous and good
of every nation are praying that you may do, and what every ty
rant is dreading, lest you should do. The acquest of a new
crown would not rejoice them more, than to see you, mad with
liberty, rushing into licentiousness, and tumbling, headlong, at the
foot of a. throne. So use your liberty as to evince that it is a
blessing. Hold up this standard and lift it high. The virtuous of
all nations will hail it. And if the tyrant will not throw away his
iron sceptre, public opinion will ere long melt his throne from
under him, and leave " not a wreck behind."
But it is impossible to exhibit in our example all that is desira
ble, unless some foul blots and stains can be wiped from our
national character A few years ago, it would have been unpardon
able not to have dwelt here, with the utmost force, upon the odious
sin of intemperance. This had become so far a national charac
teristic, that foreigners had portrayed it upon our escutcheon, and
were making our beloved country a by-word. But now I hope it
will be unnecessary to enlarge. For I trust that a gracious God,
whose thoughts of mercy towards our country have never ceased,
even when we have thought least of him, has provided for this evil
an effectual remedy, in the reformation which is pervading our
land. What is now most to Be feared, is that the friends of tem
perance, presuming too much on an easy conquest, will slacken
their efforts and suffer the monster to recover from his deadly
wound. Let them keep the shoulder to the wheel and urge for
ward the work, and we may reasonably hope that in a few years,

17
there will be little occasion for the word intemperance, but to
record the folly and wickedness of the past.
There is another evil, which calls for correction, and can find its
proper corrective, only in the public sentiment and taste. This is
the licentiousness of the 'press. Your candor, my hearers, will
make the proper discrimination here, and will not allow [you to sup
pose the following remarks, intended for general application. Nei
ther will you do me the injustice to suppose that I would wish for
a censorship of the press. No ; let it be free as mind itself, and
its range of discussion as extensive as the field of thought. Let
every principle of religion, morality and politics, every thing, in a
word, which is worthy the attention of the public, be subjected to
the fullest discussion. Let the merits of every candidate for
office undergo the strictest scrutiny, and every measure of gov
ernment. The only censorship I would ask is to be found in the
sentiment of the people, and the only restriction to be desired is to
decency and fairness. Upon so much the people have a right to
insist. Upon so much they ought to insist; and they ought to
exact it of every editor and journalist, not by enacting laws against
the liberty of the press, but by that sentiment of self-respect,
which excludes the slanderer and filthy talker from every decent
circle. So much is necessary in order that the press may be what
it ought to be, a conductor of light, a medium of correct informa
tion, without which it is impossible for freemen to conduct dis
creetly, however sincere in their wishes. What would you think
of one, who, having invited you to an entertainment, should treat
you with tainted flesh and muddy water? Would you not think
yourself grossly insulted? Now every editor implicitly invites you
to a moral and intellectual feast. He promises the means of im
proving the taste and morals of your children, and to furnish you
with correct information, that you may know how to use your fran
chise as a freeman ought. What then ought his patrons to think
of him upon finding, as is too often the case, his columns filled
with the low quarrels of rival editors, or polluted with the filthy
ebullitions of party, poured out without mixture against the oppo
site party? No reputation, however fair, no character, however
honorable", no individual, however useful, or devoted to his coun
try his life may have been, exempted, if he happens to fall in the

opposite ranks, from the most unrelenting denunciation; but the
very dregs of invective raked; to find terms of abuse, keen enough
to wound a rival. In proportion as this comes to be the case, the
press ceases to be a guide, and becomes the instrument of accu
mulating darkness. Such abuse of so powerful an engine must
produce an effect, incalculable, and incalculably evil, especially
upon the young. At the very period of life, when the mind ought
to be exercised and trained to the most sober and dispassionate
thought, taught forbearance, kindness and good will, it is filled
with all the boisterous and unholy passions, that party animosity
can inspire. At the time, when our youth ought to be studying
the history of their country, imbibing sentiments of a liberal and
-disinterested policy from the examples of the mighty dead, and
learning the nature and application of the great and holy princi
ples, on which the liberty of our country rests, they are led directly
into the selfish and despicable policy of identifying all the interests
of the nation with the issue of some question, merely sectional, or
with the success of some candidate, whose highest merit may be,
he is the standard bearer of his party. But I have not forgotten
that I was now considering our country in the light of an exam
ple to the world. Such an abuse of the press may be considered
as much an effect as a cause. Not only does it serve to corrupt
the public taste, but it shows a corrupted taste already existing. —
To take up again the comparison I have already used, I will not
ask now, what would you think of a man, who should invite you to
an entertainment and treat you as I have supposed, but what
would others thmk of you, if you should frequently visit his table
and show that you took delight in his unwholesome viands ? What
impression, respecting the morals of our country, is likely to be
made upon the minds of enlightened foreigners, by the character
of many of our periodicals? A German editor, it is said, during
one of our late contests for the election of a President, informed
his readers that the " candidates for the highest office in the gift of
the American people, were the two worst men in the United
States." Does this appear surprising? He was doubtless led
into the mistake, by presuming that the journals, patronised by a
free and intelligent people, were worthy of credit. If then his
.reading was confined to a certain description of our political pub-

19
lications, what other conclusion could he draw? "And what
could our country gain in his esteem, if he was told that many of
the journals, patronised .by this free people were not. worthy to be
believed?" Take either side of the dilemma, what must sober
considerate foreigners think of our boasted liberty, upon seeing it
so grossly abused.
There is another evil, which calls for immediate attention from
every lover of freedom, and at the same time, one, which no lover
of freedom can approach, without something of that strange mis
giving, which we always feel when constrained to speak, or even
think on a subject, the very name of which convicts us of incon
sistency and wrong. You have already understood that I mean
slavery. It is poor consolation to be told here that this evil did
not originate with our people, that it was imposed upon them when
they were subjects of the British crown. The burden of guilt is
that so many years of prosperous liberty should have rolled away,
and the evil, instead of being annihilated, has " grown with our
growth and strengthened with our strength." Alas! that the fifty-
seventh anniversary of the day, on which those men, men of death
less renown, who then represented the people, pledged, in their
behalf, their "lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to
support the principle that "man is born with certain unalienable
rights, among which are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,"
should find in our country two and an half millions of people, up
on whom the curse of slavery is entailed. It would be impossible
in a single discourse, if my talents were adequate, to go fully
into the merits of this great subject, nor before an audience of
your principles and intelligence can this be necessary. But hav
ing been active in requesting your charities to aid the efforts ofthe
Colonization Society, I have thought it duty to introduce the sub
ject, so far as necessary to prevent suspicion of having made an
unreasonable or an untimely demand upon your benevolence. —
With the principles of the Colonization Society, the patronage it
has received from high-minded and patriotic men in every section
of our country, and with the prosperous condition of their colony
in Liberia, you doubtless are acquainted. But perhaps some may
ask, how are the operations of the Colonization Society to affect
the evil of slavery ? I answer, in a direct manner, not at all. The

2U
project of the Society does not touch a slave. Nor does it pro
pose to remove a single free negro, but in concurrence with his
own wishes. , But, acting indirectly, if properly sustained by the
resources of the nation, it is expected to have an effectaal influ
ence. Making a drain to a swamp has no direct influence in
clearing it; yet is an operation absolutely necessary in order that
it may be cleared. So the colonizing of the descendants of the
Africans has no direct effect to abolish slavery. But by thus pro
viding a situation, where the slave can be really, as well as nomin
ally free, you render emancipation, at once, conducive to the hap
piness of the slave and consistent with the safety of our country.
Many of our southern brethren are not behind the age on this sub
ject. They view slavery as we do; and lament it as sincerely.
Numbers have emancipated their slaves. Numbers more are wait
ing only for a fair prospect of making them happy as well as free.
Only provide for the negro a refuge. Furnish a situation, which
may be to the oppressed African what the United States has long
been to the oppressed European. You, or your countrymen have
cruelly expatriated him. Provide for him now a country and a
home, where he may reap the fruits of his labor, and enjoy all the
rights and privileges of the free, and you may leave to the pro
gress of light, humanity and religion to do the rest. This is what
the Colonization Society have begun, and in this good work they
ask your assistance and your prayers. But it is sometimes said,
what is this to New England men? If slavery is an evil, it is one,
which affects the people of the South alone, and let them see to it.
This doctrine cannot bring to its support a single argument, drawn
either from humanity, religion, patriotism, justice, or even an en
lightened selfishness. Humanity rejects the doctrine. For upon
this ground, every slave may die in wretchedness, if our own nice
sensibilities are not affected by the sight of his sufferings, or the
hearing of his moans. Religion rejects the doctrine. For this
teaches us to regard every man as our brother, and every suffering
and oppressed man, as our suffering and oppressed brother; and
requires us to hasten to his relief, under pain of being denied mer
cy at the hand of God. Patriotism rejects it. For is not our
country one? and if one member suffer, ought not every member
to sympathize with it ? This theory of local and sectional inter-

21
ests, as distinct from the interests of the whole, ought to be repro
bated and decried by every American, until it shall find not even a
name in our country. Justice rejects the doctrine. For the guilt
of slavery, flagrant as it is, and aggravated as it is by circumstan
ces, does not attach solely to the people of the slave holding States.
It is the great sin of our nation, rendering our character at once
odious by its enormity, and ridiculous by its contradiction to every
principle, which we profess, to venerate and love. Well then, to
use the language of Mr. Jefferson, may we " tremble for our coun
try," when we " reflect that God is just and that his justice will
not slumber forever." I know that northern men are apt to com
pliment themselves and say, " our hands are clean for we have
made the negroes free." But let us try this assertion by the prin
ciples of eternal justice. The northern States have made the ne
groes free. Yes, truly, so far that they are no longer held as
property and transferred by sale, like our cattle. But, if we
except the name, to which of the privileges of freemen are they
admitted? Is any post of honor or emolument accessible by the
negro? Is he admitted to the courtesies of life upon any thing
like equal terms? We often find him in respectable families; but
is it in any other character than that of a menial ? Do you ever
find him in Co. with the merchant, or the professional gentleman?
Did you ever see a colored lady in a New England parlor, as a
companion of the wife, or an associate of the daughters? If you
converse with him on familiar terms, is it not condescension on
your part ? If his children are at the same school, are not your
children instructed not to descend to too great intimacy? In most
houses of worship, which I have known, if he attend there, yon
der, far inthe distance, is his seat as well defined and as cautiously
avoided by all others, as the court of the gentiles among the Jews.
And as. for admitting him to the dearest of all the charities of life,
an alliance with your family by marriage, nothing would be more
revolting to your feelings.* Now I am not discussing the ques
tion of right in respect to these things. I speak simply of facts.
And these being the facts, can northern men sustain their boast of
liberality to the colored people ? Where law has not proscribed
them, pride and prejudice have done it. If the unhappy negro,
* See Note at the conclusion.

22
sensible of his debasement, seek to raise his character by improv
ing his education, what is his encouragement then? Citizens of
Canterbury, and legislators of Connecticut, can you tell the tale?
Justice rejects the doctrine. For the northern people have had
their full share in the profits of the slave trade. A great propor
tion of the commerce of our country, as you very well know, has
ever been in the hands of northern citizens. Before the abolition
of the slave trade, those merchants, whose principles would suffer
them to engage in it, found the traffic a source of wealth, and the
revenues of the trade have been shared in common by the nation.
Is there another argument? Yes another still. There is a long
outstanding debt due to the negroes. Do you ask how it appears ?
Why, plainly, we have received the profits of their labor,, and
have rendered no equivalent. Look at your wardrobes and your bill
of fare. There is your sugar, your tobacco, your cotton, your rice,
your indigo, your molasses, and, until lately, I must have added, but
now it would be insult to add, your rum. These, almost exclu
sively, are the products of slave labor. Now, if you obtain these
articles a single per cent, cheaper than you otherwise would, it is
because the wages of the poor slave has been kept back. Well,
then let his master pay him. Brethren, let us remember we are
now in the audience chamber of the King of kings, who is conde
scending to reason with us, from his throne of mercy. If you
would not in your own consciences raise up an accuser to accuse
you before him, when he shall sit on his throne of judgment, treat
this matter with candor and without evasion. I say then that we,
the people of the United States, are all implicated in this sin of
extortion. Is not the partaker of stolen property an accomplice
with the thief? If we purchase goods, known to be smuggled,
because we can obtain them cheaper, do we not encourage illicit
trade? If a son of yours were to be kidnapped and carried into
a neighboring state, and there compelled to labor for months, or
years for nothing, if, upon discovering the place of his exile, you
should go with proper authority to release him, would you not
think it right to demand his liberty, not only, but his wages also?
This is precisely the case with the negroes. The Lord has heard
the cry for their distress. And he, who is always the Father of the
oppressed, has appeared in his Providence, and is beginning to

23
demand the wages of his oppressed children; and who is the man,
from whom a portion of it is not due? What reason have we for
thankfulness, that he makes the demand in a way so mild. What
reason of thankfulness, that he does not treat us as he did the
Egyptians of old, when he commanded the Israelites to borrow,
or require of them jewels and raiment, until they had spoiled
them. But, justice out of the question, I have said that an en
lightened selfishness rejects the doctrine. It is well known to you
that in some of the States, the negroes already outnumber the
white population; and the ratio of their increase is so much great
er, that in a Tew years their majority must be overwhelming.
What then? Why, a standing army must be maintained to keep
them in subjection. Let him, who has coolness to do it, sit down
now to his loss and gain, and calculate, which will be most for his
interest, to advance a few cents, or a few dollars now, to provide
for the removal of the danger in a peacable and humane way, or
stand liable to the necessity of paying fifty, or five hundred dollars
to support an army, which if it overawe rebellion, may likewise
overawe our country and prostrate our liberties.
But the evil of a standing army, great as it is and much as it is
to be dreaded, is not the worst that we may apprehend. In regard
to the negroes, the law of nature is operating as it did in regard
to Israel, and as I believe, such is the constitution of righteous
Heaven, it always does in regard to the oppressed. They are
multiplying upon their oppressors, and cannot always be kept
down. A rising must take place; and " Heaven," says Mr. Jef
ferson again, " has not an attribute, that can take sides with us in
such a struggle." What must our fair country witness then? —
From the scenes of St. Domingo my soul revolts, and bids me
forbear description. " May I lie cold before that dreadful day."
But I wish to reason, not declaim. What must the situation of
us, northern men, be at such a time? Precisely the situation of
the friends of free government in England, at the period of the
American revolution,— in a most distressing dilemma. To one
side we are bound by every principle, which from bur cradles, we
have been taught to rever3 and love, to the other by the Constitu
tion, and the ties of kindred blood. So that " victory," on either
side, " must be to us a defeat and carnage a sacrifice." If our

24
countrymen prevail, liberty dies; if the slaves prevail our country
bleeds. What then, shall we stand aloof, and witness the distres
ses of our kindred? It cannot, it must not be.— Arm then the
best of your sons. Call out the flower of your youth. Old sol
diers of the revolution, heroes, who fought at Bunker's Hill, at
Bennington and Saratoga, come, for the last time, "shoulder the
crdtch, and show how fields were won." See an army from New
England, going to suppress rebels at the south, even as Howe
and Burgoyne came to suppress you, rebels, in the north. Their
native hills are far behind. The plains of the south echo to the
warrior's tread. Their banners wave on Potomac's bank, and
near Mount Vernon's sacred shade. Along the horizon do you
see that moving cloud, gloomy and dark, and marked with streaks
of fire? Is it Heaven's kindling wrath, or the fire of gleaming
steel? Ah, you know the sign. That cloud is the rebel host, that
fire is the fire of steel. See you, yonder in their front, that little
mound, half shaded by the willow and the oak? Beneath that
mound, sons of freedom, your Washington lies. See you the tall
figure, that stands, in pensive attitude, upon it? That is their
moody chief, the Washington of the colored race. Read you the
¦expression of his sable countenance? No sign of fear is there;
but, marked in strongest lines, the communion of kindred souls.
He is thinking of Washington. Sons of freedom, rise to your
work of death. Shades of Warren and Montgomery awake, and
inspire once more the warrior's soul. Aid us now genius of our
country, aid us spirit of freedom, — aid us, — aid us. — I forbear, I
cannot, I dare not blaspheme, by invoking the aid of Heaven, to
soak the ashes of Washington in that rebel's blood. Surely, you
will not say that this is romance. What is here, that is not
fairly within the scope of probability? From such a dilemma, it
is the object, the hope, the determination of the Colonization So
ciety to deliver, if possible, our country. Need I ask, will you
aid in the patriotic and benevolent design? Wait not for the
period of desperation. Loose the prisoners, let the oppressed go
free; but think not that duty stops here. Provide in season an
asylum for the slaves, where they can be blessed with liberty, in
struction and the gospel, and a merciful God will favor a work,

25
whice I doubt not has been suggested by his own good Spirit, and
your efforts will succeed.
Thus, my countrymen, I have endeavored to set before you,
imperfectly of course, some of the most prominent things, which
demand your attention, as men, a3 citizens, and, above all, as the
disciples of Christ. Many things call for more zealous encourage
ment, and some need to be suppressed and removed. And now
what is wanting to perfect all that is desirable, and remove all that
is threatening, or offensive, but a disposition to " use your liberty
as the servants of God?" Do this, and your country will rise
among the nations, as the goodly pine among the trees of the for
est. She will be a light to all people, and they will catch the
love of your free institutions, when they shall see you improving
your privileges, to promote " peace on earth and good will among
men." The tree of liberty will strengthen its roots, shoot out its
branches and scatter its fruit, and the nations shall call you blessed.
Even Africa, long oppressed and insulted Africa, shall be blessed
by you in the return of her hanished children, carrying back the
principles of liberty, self-government, and all the rich treasures of
science and the gospeL "Ethiopia shall stretch forth the hand." All
Africa shall receive the word of life. In her, the world shall yet
acknowledge and admire the wisdom of mysterious Heaven, in
bringing light out of darkness, in making that system of oppres
sion, the most cruel and detestable, that the world ever saw, the
means of her freedom, her exaltation and her glory. But, if you
despise your high and holy birthright, and suffer infidelity and vice
to prostrate the influence of the Bible, your liberty, if there be
truth in God, must fall, and if liberty in America fall, tremendous
must be the crash, and appalling the ruin.

NOTE.
This last mentioned prejuidice, being the life of all the others,
indicates the proper place for those to begin their operations, who
would hope to raise the negroes to a condition of equality with
the whites, and still retain them in the country. Destroy this, and
the others die of course. Retain this, and the others will live,
and all hope of eradicating them must prove ultimately vain, and
all efforts abortive. Now I am ignorant whether those, who op
pose colonization on the ground that it is injurious to the colored
people, have fully adopted the principle, and now stand ready,
other things being supposed equal, to intermarry, and encourage
their families to intermarry with the negroes, on the same princi
ples as with the whites. If this be the case, still I should want to
know, for I have supposed the antipathy to be mutual, whether
the colored people have fully made up their minds, and are prepared
to reciprocate the favor. If these be the facts, then, certainly,
those, of whom I am now speaking, are consistent with them
selves; and have only, by argument and example, to persuade the
mass of their countrymen, and the work is accomplished. The
negro in the United States, is in his own country, and at his own
home ; and all motive for wishing to colonize, except the good that
may result to Africa, is removed. But if the case is not so, then
to encourage the negroes with the hope that they can ever attain,
in this country, to the standing in society, to which as men they
are entitled, is to flatter them, certainly to their hurt. Too long,
already, have this much injured people, in addition to all other
wrong, been tantalized with the name of freedom, while, from the
simple circumstance above mentioned, they have been admitted to
scarcely any of its privileges. This aversion, (right or wrong,
natural or acquired, are questions not now under discussion) of the
two races to amalgamation, has appeared so strong, as to lead the
friends of colonization to suppose that their becoming one people
was so completely out of question, as almost to preclude debated
They have therefore turned their eyes to Africa, and have sought
there to provide a country and make a home for the negroes, as
the only way, in which we can discharge the debt, so justly due,
and which must be discharged, if we would expect " Africa to be
tender in the great. day of accounts, and not remember against us
our iniquities, or the iniquities of our fathers." Where then is
ground for collision? Why such opposition from those, who would
emancipate the slaves, but not colonize the free ? Do not the colo-
nizationists go far enough? Do they not reprobate slavery as a

ii
great national sin? Most sincerely. Do they not desire its total
abolition? Most devoutly. Are they not ready to use all lawful
means to hasten abolition? Most cordially. Do they not desire
to raise the character and improve the condition of the negroes?
Most truly; and they have adopted the plan of colonizing, as, in
their judgment, the only effectual means of doing it, to the extent
to be desired. What then is their crime ? Is it that to accom
plish abolition, they will not resort to seditious and insurrectionary
measures? It cannot, surely it cannot be. Is it that they are so
weak, as not to see that the negro can enjoy all the privileges of
freedom and attain to the highest social condition. in_ this country?
Plain facts, cool arguments and proper examples might help them
here, but not hard words. Why then are they denounced, as ene
mies of the colored race ? Why are they accused of wishing to
deprive the negroes of their birth right, and banish them from their
country? Deprive them of their birth right! This, alas, is the
very sin, which, even now, presses with "mountain weight" upon
our country. We have already done this, and, what is worse,
have forced them into a situation, in which they can never regain
that high privilege ; and now we wish to reinstate them in their
birth right, by aiding them, if they desire it, to change their situ
ation. Banish them from their country ! What a charge! — But,
if they wish to seek a better country, where liberty shall be to
them something more than the " whistling of a name," and where
character, and not color shall determine their standing in society,
we stand ready to encourage and assist them. We do this upon
the same principle that we assist our brethren and children to emi
grate to the far west. And when we dismiss them from our shores,
we send them away, accompanied, as in the former case, with our
blessings and our prayers. Are the friends of colonization ene
mies, of course, to the African race? I know not what others,
more discerning, or better informed may think of the matter. But
to me, the spirit, which there are strong measures taken to excite
on this subject, appears like a studied and matured effort of the
great enemy of man; and, like most of his machinations, charged
with more than a single woe. It seems to frown with a three-
told aspect of malignity, threatening, at once, to hinder the im
provement of the free, to protract the sufferings of the slave, and
to kindle to a volcanic flame the jealousy, already existing between
the northern and southern sections of our country.

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