¦P WMmim mm: 'J: i IHIn Os 'tc&e&ek&ff dfae-' eJJTl /rfs~ REN7E oArezzo Citirai tasleUa fietruui li okcquap cmdnHoS OrviettfN Aiterbo^ WX ~—^-' L Civita-Vec cliial*. TBB TIBSE & UTS TRIBUTARIES ( f \ ^Foliffiio r foTodi \\ Terni CCatfttUtvltU MMrfKo rt ' , ijV'Narm 'CV>i> '''J ^« ' (V \ -'iii* OMA I 1 30. 31 THE TIBER AND ITS TRIBUTARIES, THEIR NATURAL HISTORY AND CLASSICAL ASSOCIATIONS. BY STROTHER A. SMITH M.A., it, FELLOW OF ST. CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, CAMHRIDGE. WITH MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS. %ouhtm,> LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO., 1877. PREFACE. The object of this work is to gather under one head everything of interest relating to the Tiber. For this purpose I have collected the facts which are scattered through a variety of works, some of which are out of print, and are fast mouldering away in the few libraries where they are preserved. In the latter alone are to be found the details of the great inun dations of the sixteenth century, those of 1530, 1557, and 1598, an acquaintance with which, as well as with the meteorological conditions which preceded them, is essential to one who would explain their causes, foresee their recurrence, or devise the means of limiting their effects ; for the idea of preventing them altogether I believe to be chimerical. As the Tiber never obtains more than a passing notice in the volumes which treat of the antiquities and churches of Rome, I have been led to con sider that its history and associations are worthy of a more complete description. The subject, indeed, is usually assumed to be devoid of interest; but as the uninformed and unimaginative may travel from Dan to Beersheba, and exclaim that all is barren, while a VI PREFACE. shrewder observer may notice facts which throw light upon history and science, or afford food for thought to the reflecting, so, notwithstanding the indifference with which the Tiber is regarded in general, it - is hoped that some amusement and instruction may be gathered by the inquiring from its natural history and associations. A few years ago an interest was awaked about the Tiber, in consequence of a project lately revived, and which seemed likely to be seriously carried out, of dredging its bed, in order to recover the works of art supposed to have been cast into it in times of insecurity. But it was only as a receptacle for these works of art that any interest was felt about it. Most persons would be content to see it dried up for ever, or diverted altogether from the city, as was suggested in the time of Sixtus V., if they could reach with greater ease the objects which they prize. I have been unable to discover any authority for the story of " Ecce Tiberim," though I had hoped to find it before this work was printed. I should be obliged, therefore, to any of my readers who would enlighten me on this point. The anecdote has been , familiar to me as far back as I can recollect ; yet, ^Ejtrange to say, I have never met with an Englishman who had heard of it before. The story, however, is . well known to the Scotch, who, being as intensely national as the Romans themselves, appear to have been offended by the comparison of the Tiber to the Tay, and to have resented as an insult what was PREFACE. vii intended as a compliment. In the "Fair Maid of Perth" there are four verses alluding to this story which form the motto of one of the chapters ; but, as they are not very complimentary to the Tiber, I refrain from quoting them. To those, however, who know the verses, or have the curiosity to search for them, I may observe, that the comparison is not a fair one, as the Tay at Perth is an estuary, and, therefore, widened by the tide, while there is no tide in the Tiber. The estuary of the Mersey at Liverpool is much wider than any part of the Rhine from Basle to the sea ; yet it would be absurd to speak of the Rhine as puny compared with the Mersey, whose course is short, and whose width is insignificant above the influence of the tide. The authors of most of the books upon Rome appear to consider the works of God as unworthy of mention by the side of those of the great painters and sculptors of Italy. An object in Nature obtains but a cursory notice, while the vulgar errors, with regard to Natural phenomena and their causes, current among the ignorant and superstitious Italians, are adopted without hesitation, and given to the world as if they were undoubted truths. In order, therefore, to supplement these works, I have chosen a subject more suggestive than any other of scientific topics, and, at the same time, associated with many eminent persons and remarkable historical events ; and I have collected everything connected with it which I thought would interest at once the classical scholar and the lover of Nature. A river, also, has the advantage of being more unchangeable than any of Vlll PREFACE. those objects to which Roman artists and archaeologists confine their attention. A time must come when the Coliseum,- by repeated restorations, will be like a knife with a new handle and a new blade, nothing remaining but the form or model of the original building and the memories which will still cling to it. But the Tiber, like other rivers, whatever minor changes it may have undergone since the last geological convulsion, is essentially the same that it was when the Palatine hill was first occupied by the Arcadian adventurer : Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis aevum. INTRODUCTION. It has long been a matter of surprise to me that while so much has been written on the ruins and monuments of Rome, while every fragment of a brick wall has been made the subject of a learned treatise, and its plan and purpose illustrated by diagrams and photographs, the Tiber, the river in which the Romans took such pride, has been passed over in silence or mentioned only in disparaging terms. The author of a late work on Rome and the Campagna remarks in substance that the Tiber is large enough to be mischievous but too small to be useful. The observations of others are nearly in the same strain ; Eustace and the late Lord Broughton (Sir J. Cam Hobhouse) being, as far as I know, the only two writers who have attempted to defend the river against its detractors. Yet the feelings and superstitions of the Romans with regard to the Tiber belong to what may be called the Archaeology of the Roman mind, and the river may be regarded as a ruin in a certain X INTRODUCTION. sense. As a man is said to be ruined who has lost his fortune, and with it his social position, though he remains physically the same being as before ; so the Tiber, which has fallen from its high estate under the Romans, which has lost its crown of palaces and groves, may be- styled a ruin of what it once was, though it has .merely reverted to its former state, when it flowed through primeval solitudes. I will try, therefore, to do for the Roman river, according to my imperfect ability and knowledge, what Canina has done so well for the other ruins of the city, and as the antiquarian has restored on paper the Roman Forum and the Appian way, to restore in imagination a faint image of what the Tiber must once have been, and what, I trust, it will" again become. To many, doubtless, it will seem absurd to write a book upon it. For how, it may be asked, can a single river furnish materials for even the thinnest pamphlet ? To such a question I would reply, that not only is no river in the world so rich in associa tions as the Tiber, but that the river, with its tributaries, presents an epitome of the physical peculiarities which are to be found in all the other rivers of the earth. If Byron has used the bold figure "stumbling o'er recollections,"* I may be allowed to speak of the Tiber as laden with associa tions, as bearing with it to the heart of Rome • "Childe Harold."— Canto iv. 81. INTRODUCTION. xi whatever of historic or poetic interest it has gathered along with their waters from its tributary streams, the Clitumnus, the Velinus, the Anio, and the Nar. Such were the thoughts which crowded on the mind of Goethe's " Werter," when he gazed upon a stream which had traversed some country far away, perhaps, but renowned in history, romance, or song ; and though I cannot enter into all the feelings of that sentimental being, I fully sympathise with this. To me there is something more grand, as well as more suggestive in a broad and rapid river than in the ocean itself. When Columbus beheld the vast volume of water discharged by the Orinoco, driving back for many a league the waves of the sea, and freshening its waters for a hundred miles, there arose before his mind the image of a mighty continent, with all its attendant features, boundless plains traversed by the river in its lower course, trackless forests overshadowing its stream, and tens of hundreds of miles away, ranges of lofty moun tains, whose summits were lost in the clouds, and whose rains and snows fed the sea of waters which rolled tumultuously past his ship. He felt that the great object of his mission was accomplished, that his success was complete, and that not merely Hispaniola and Cuba, large as those islands are, but a fourth quarter had been added to the habitable globe. But in the monotonous ocean, the symbol of unchangeableness, there is nothing to aid the Xli INTRODUCTION. imagination in it's flight beyond the visible horizon ; nothing to indicate whether we are looking on the straits of Dover or upon twenty miles of the broad Atlantic. The Tiber would be but a third or fourth rate tributary of the Orinoco. But if it does not speak to the imagination by its vastness, there is the element of the grand in its inundations, and 'it is interesting from its associations and its natural his tory ; for its lakes, morasses, cascades, and plateaus illustrate on a small scale the physical geography of other rivers, or are illustrated by it ; while " ana stomosis," or the connection of two water systems by the intervention of a third, a phenomenon of rare occurrence, but seen on a grand scale in South America, is observed in miniature proportions in the case of one of its tributaries, the Chiana. There are enquiries, likewise, suggested by "the physical peculiarities of the Tiber and by its inun dations, which may be pursued with advantage, as throwing light upon archaeological or scientific questions ; the extent, for instance, to which sun-dried bricks were used by the Romans, and the degree of rapidity with which the plains, and with them the beds of the rivers which traverse them, are raised by the annual deposit brought down by the streams. Geography is a science of which most, persons, even those otherwise well educated, are not entirely ignorant. They are satisfied, in general, if they are acquainted with the shortest and most convenient route by which INTRODUCTION. xiii they may reach the place to which they are bound, or know whether a town which has been the scene of some great natural convulsion, or some important political movement, as in Belgium or in Spain. Of the natural features and characteristics of countries, called by the name of Physical Geography, they know nothing, and are not ashamed to confess their ignorance. It seems, even, as if many persons had a contempt for Geography, in common with the other sciences of observation, such as Botany and Natural History, as though it required no exertion of the intellectual powers. But, whatever the reason, Geography is a science which ought to become an essential part of a liberal education. Of the Tiber above Rome as little is known as of the river on which Yarkand is situated. I have known persons long resident in Rome who fancied that the Nera, the principal tributary of the Tiber, flowed into the Adriatic, making its way by some unknown chasm through the great chain of the Apennines, and that the Tiber was a smaller river than the Arno, though the former is more than one- third longer than the latter, and contains at least ten times its volume of water. For the single affluent the Anio, which makes no apparent addition to the bulk of the Tiber, discharges into it more water in summer than the Arno can collect in the whole of its course. Mr. Burn, in his work on Rome and the Campagna, which is, doubtless, extremely correct in all that relates to the monuments of antiquity and the works of man, XIV INTRODUCTION. appears to be completely in the dark about the Tiber between Rome and its source. He calls the Chiana its principal tributary, probably because he has more frequently seen the name of the Chiana than that of the Nera, and attributes its inundations to its short and tortuous course ; though what connexion there is between the short and winding course of a river and its floods it is difficult to discover. One might as well account for the riotous excesses of an individual by the shortness of his stature and the crookedness of his shape. Short, moreover, is nothing but a relative term. The Tiber is short indeed, compared with the Mississippi or the Amazon, being about one-fourteenth part of their length; but it seems absurd for an Englishman to talk of the shortness of a river which, even above Rome, exceeds in length the Thames from its source to Gravesend. Mr. Burn and others would say, perhaps, that it was no part of their plan to describe the Tiber, and that the river itself is so insignificant that they may be excused for knowing nothing about it. But, as a man would rather have his existence ignored than be described, from imagination or imperfect information, as only five feet high and distorted in shape, so father Tiber protests against his name being mentioned at all, if it is only to be mentioned in disparaging terms, by those who will not give themselves the trouble of obtaining correct information regarding him. He recalls with indignation the following passage in the diary of a lady traveller: "At the Ponte-Molle we crossed the INTRODUCTION. XV Tiber, a sniall stream."* He thinks the lady must have been dozing when she crossed the bridge, knowing, as he does, and as every person who pretends to describe him ought to know, that the river at the point in question is four hundred feet wide, when lowest, and discharges through the six arches of the bridge more fresh water than the Thames and Severn combined. The commissioners appointed by the Government to consider the best means of preventing or lessening the inundations of the Tiber have just given in their report. They recommend the deepening and widening of the river at certain points, and the removal of the mills, piers of ruined bridges, and other obstructions to the flow of the water; among the rest the picturesque ruin called the Ponte Rotto. By this means they expect to lower the level of the river in time of floods no less than two metres. In this expectation they will, I believe, be disappointed. The removal of these obstructions will facilitate the navigation of the Tiber; but, instead of lowering the level of the floods two metres, it will not, I am persuaded, make the difference of two inches. This I will undertake to shew in its proper place. Without a knowledge of the physical geography of the Tiber above Rome and of its meteorological conditions, it is impossible to say what quantity of water may, under a combination of circumstances, be * Quoted by the late Lord Broughton, then Sir John Cam Hobhouse, in his work on Italy. XVI INTRODUCTION. poured into the valley of the river. Yet neither of these .points appears to have been taken into con sideration by the commissioners. But, surely, it is necessary to estimate the quantity of water which has to be discharged by a pipe, before we can say that the pipe, however free from obstructions, is able to convey it. The works which I have consulted, besides the classical authors, are : i. "Del' Tevere" of M. Andrea Bacci, published in 1576, and containing a full account of the Inundation of 1557. 2. "II Tevere Incatenato" of the Abbate Filippo Maria Bonini, Vicario Generale of Palestrina, published in 1663. 3. "II Tevere Navigabile" of Leone Pascoli, published in 1740. 4. "The Report of the Engineers, Andrea Chiesa and Bernardo Gambarini," who were appointed by Clement XII. to enquire whether there were any means of rendering the Tiber navigable from Ponte Nuovo, six miles below Perugia, to the confluence of the Nera. The Report, which was drawn up after the death of Clement, and dedicated to his successor, Benedict XIV., bears the date 1746. 5. A Work on the Anio and the Inundation of 1826, by an Inhabitant of Tivoli and an Official of the Government. The name of the author I unfortunately forgot to note before I quitted Rome, and the book cannot be found. 6. The elaborate Work of Elisee Reclus, entitled " La Terre," which contains a large mass of information gathered from various sources. 7. "Etudes Sur Les Inondations," par M. F. Valles, Ing6nieur en Chef des Ponts et Chaussees. A Work which treats the subject of Inundations in great detail, and exposes many popular, fallacies. INTRODUCTION. xvii 8. Muratori. "Annali d' Italia." 9. Moroni, "Dizionario d' Erudizione Ecclesiastica." 10. Letters of the Correspondent of the "Times" relating to the Embankment of Rivers. I have also derived some useful hints from a pamphlet by Signore Lanciani on the port of Trajan, and from another published a short time ago by Signore Aubert on the late inundation and the means of preventing similar calamities. Something, also, has been gleaned from Preller's " Rom und der Tiber." Most of the modern writers, however, and Preller among the rest, confine themselves to the Tiber in and below the city of Rome. They treat the river as if it had no antecedents, as if it descended from the clouds, or emerged from the earth immediately before it entered Rome. Their suggestions, therefore, are of little value, and the remedies which they propose are either entirely useless or mere palliatives, as I shall be prepared to shew more fully in the course of this work. CONTENTS. PAGE Preface v Introduction ix Contents xix The Tiber I Description of the Tiber 7 Comments on Gibbon 24 Navigation of the Tiber 27 Water of the Tiber 39 Superstitions connected with the Tiber 44 Angling for Wood in the Tiber 49 Inundations of the Tiber 52 Inundation of 700 u.c 54 Inundations in Modern Times 62 Inundation of 1530 64 Inundation of 1557 70 Pius V. and the Tiber, 66—72 74 Inundation of 1598 77 Inundation of 1870 , 81 Popular Theories regarding the Inundations 93 Causes of the Inundations : Area of Basin 102 RainfaU 104 Permeability of the Soil 105 Number of Tributaries 106 Plans for Preventing Inundations : Widening and Deepening the Bed of the Tiber 108 Diversion of a Portion of its Waters in Proposed Embankment of the Tiber 114 Removal of Obstructions I26 Reservoirs for Retaining the Floods 127 Animals of the Tiber x3° XX LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Birds of the Tiber : The GuUs J32 The Kingfisher *33 The Heron J38 The Bittern J44 Fish of the Tiber: J49 The Lupus I51 The Sturgeon rS3 The Grey Mullet 155 The Eel 157 The Tench IS8 The Shad 160 The Lamprey 1 60 The Otter 162 Searching the Bed of the Tiber for Works of Art 166 Roman Terms for Colour 181 On the Proposed Schemes for Preventing the Inundations of the Tiber 183 CUmate of Rome in Ancient Times 199 Conclusion 216 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Map of the Tiber and its tributaries Frontispiece. Isola St. Bartolomeo et Ponte Rotto, with view of Ponte quarto Capi, Ponte Sisto, and Ponte Rotto 1 The Ponte Moile, as it appeared after the Siege of Rome by the French in 1849 49 Geometrical Figures 109 Fish of the Tiber (coloured) 149 Plate I., Fig. 1. Murasna ofthe Romans. Fig. 2. Common Lamprey. Fig. 3. Mugilis of the Romans — Grey Mullet. Fig. 4. Red MuUet of the Romans. Fig. 5. Common Sturgeon. Plate 11., Fig. 6. Lupus of the Romans 151 Ponte rotto Ponte S-isto ISOLA ST" BARTOLOMEO ET PONTE ROTTO Ponte qualro Capi *rajv,£. CT a 0*nec«/ THE TIBER AND ITS TRIBUTARIES. THE TIBER. The transference of the capital of Italy to Rome, and the late disastrous inundation in 1870, have directed public attention to the river Tiber. Its destructive floods, and their causes, have formed the subject of conversation in every society, and various schemes have been suggested, by which the occurrence of similar visitations may be prevented, or their inconveniences confined within the narrowest possible limits. A navigable river is an advantage, which, in opposition to other considera tions, has often determined the site of a town ; but in the case of the Tiber there are peculiarities which have caused it to be viewed with disfavour by many, and even regarded as a nuisance, and an objection to Rome as the capital of Italy. The sudden and enormous rise of its waters, which within the historic period have attained the height of forty feet above its summer level, and the copious deposits of mud left by the receding flood, which disfigure its banks, and generate un wholesome vapours during the summer heats, are thought by many to outweigh its advantages as a navigable river, and even to leave a balance of mischief to its account. Far different were the feelings with which the Tiber was regarded by the Romans in classical times. Rivers among the & THE TIBER. ancients were objects of religious veneration, and often of religious worship. The most important streams had their own peculiar deities, to whom sacrifices were offered, and whose rites were celebrated at stated periods. These deities were always represented with horns, and of a ccerulean or sea green hue.* Thus Virgil calls the Tiber (viii. 64 & 77) "corniger fiuvius " and " cceruleus amnis,"f in reference to the colour of the god and not of the water. With other rivers poetic legends were associated, as with the Acis and many others, whose names are familiar even to those who have no acquaintance with classical lore. The Tiber, indeed, had no distinctive worship, though its principal tributaries possessed, as we learn from Tacitus, "their own peculiar rites, their altars and their groves;" but the river itself was regarded with a feeling of mingled reverence and affection, which appears incomprehensible to the moderns who gaze upon its muddy stream. If its appearance is so repulsive in the present day, what must it have been when it was the common sewer of millions of human beings. J * Ovid thus describes the change of Acis into a river : Miraque res ! subito media tenus extitit alvo Incinctus juvenis flexis nova cornua cannis; Qui, nisi quod major, quod toto ccerulus ore eat, Acis erat. — Met. xm. 893. t It is strange that Servius should have so far mistaken the meaning of "cceruleus" as to explain it by "deep." Most commentators maintain a discreet silence, evidently referring the word to the colour of the water, but not knowing how to reconcile it with the epithet " flaws " usually applied to the Tiber. Nibby fancies he discovers a faint shade of blue in the water after a spell of dry weather, when the river has deposited all its yellow mud, hke milk, which has been well watered, called in London slang " sky-blue." But, surely, Virgil, who was familiar with the Mincio and the Adda, rivers which with propriety may be called " ccerule," would never have used the term as characteristic of the Tiber. Heyne, of course, sees the meaning of the word. J Many historians have been puzzled to explain how the limited area within the walls of Aurelian — occupied, as great part of it was, by temples, baths, and other public buildings— could have contained the millions that are supposed to have been congregated within the city bounds. Sufficient account has not been taken of the suburbs, which extended to a prodigious distance from the walls. " Exspatiantia tecta," says Pliny the naturalist in (section on the Tiber and Rome) " multas addidere urbes." "The continual extension of the buildings has added many cities to the original THE TIBER. 3 We have no reason to suppose that the Romans under the Empire had any system of intercepting sewers, by which the filth of the city was diverted from the river, and employed in fertilizing the land. The stream, both within and below the town, must have been still more unsightly than it appears to us. Yet no where is the Tiber spoken of in disparaging terms. No Roman humorist would have attempted to provoke a smile at the expense of father Tiber; no Roman Punch would have represented him as crowned with a diadem of drowned animals, or other disgusting objects, to denote the impurity of his waters. Nay, so anxious were they to spare his feelings that, when it was proposed to moderate his inundations by diverting into new channels the streams and lakes by which his waters are swelled, it was looked upon as a crowning objection to the scheme, that "father Tiber would be unwilling to be bereft of his affluent streams, and to flow hereafter with diminished pride."* His defects were glossed over, invested with a poetic interest, or described by terms expressive of qualities that are pleasing to the eye. His colour was euphemised by the word "flavus," which may be translated " auburn ;" for Ganymede, who was stolen away by order of Jupiter on account of his beauty, is called by Horace " flavus Ganymedes "f " auburn-haired Gany mede," so that, whatever was the shade of colour denoted by " flavus," it must have been beautiful to Roman eyes. On the other hand, as far as I can recollect, no epithet expressive of impurity is ever applied to the Tiber. Its flow was described as majestic, and even its inundations were regarded with religious awe as manifestations of the anger of the river god. Thus Pliny the naturalist, in his strange and figurative style, observes that, even in the sudden risings to which the Tiber is subject, we may with more truth discern the seer, the monitor, and the awakener of religious awe, than the stern and pitiless one." — These were the Kennington, Chelsea, Notting Hill, Islington, &c. of Roman times, and all their sewage must have drained into the Tiber. * Tac. Ann. I. 79. t Hor. Car. iv. 4. B 2 4 THE TIBER. tyrant.* Horace, also, in relating the effects of an inundation which destroyed the temple of Vesta, and led the nations, he says, to expect a return of the universal deluge, has no harsher term to apply to the author of so much mischief than " uxorius amnis," "uxorious river," or river overfond of his mythical wife Rhea Sylvia, whose cause he is assumed to be avenging.! In the earlier period of the republic the Romans were acquainted with no river with which they could compare their own ; but even when they were familiar with the majestic streams of the Rhine and Danube, their partiality could suggest no grander standard of comparison than their native Tiber, and "Ecce Tiberim," "Behold the Tiber," was the exclamation of the Roman legions when they first caught sight of the Tay at Perth. While Pliny describes the navigable capabilities of the Tiber, and personifies it as "Mercator placidissimus, "J a "most benignant merchant," who conveyed to Rome the productions of every clime, Virgil enlarges upon the beauty of the river in early days, when its banks were still in a state of nature, fringed with forests, and vocal only with the song of birds, and styles it "amcenus,"|| or " picturesque," and " coelo gratissimus amnis,"§ "river most acceptable to heaven." Later writers are equally enthusiastic in its praise, when it bore a more artificial character, and owed its beauty to the hands of man. Pliny the elder observes : " that all the rivers in the world together were not peopled, or adorned with such a multitude of villas * Plin. in. 9.— Quinimo vates intelligitur potius et monitor, auctu semper religiosus verius quam saevus. The same veneration for the Tiber appears to have existed among the Tuscan nations. For Livy relates that they deferred a war which they con templated with the Romans, in consequence of an inundation of that river which laid waste the property of their leaders : "NiViens bellum religio principum distulisset, quorum agros Tiberis super ripas effusus maxime ruinis villarum vastavit. iv. 49. f Hor. Car. 1. 2. J Plin. in. (9), 54. Teub. || Huic Deus ipse loci fluvio Tiberinus amoeno. Vir. in. 31. § Cceruleus Tybris ccelo gratissimus amnis. Vir. viii. 64. THE TIBER. 5 as the single river Tiber."* Dionysius, surnamed Periegetes, who' lived about 300 years after Christ, and wrote a description of the world in Greek Hexameters, calls it "most regal of rivers ;"t and Claudian, writing a century later, anticipates a time " when the Rhine shall be lined, after the fashion of the Tiber, with mansions pleasing to the eye."J The moderns, who know the Tiber only as a river winding through the desolate Campagna, or skirted by mean and dirty buildings in its passage through the town, may smile at the epithet of regal which the poet bestows .upon it. But the word merely expresses the effect produced upon his imagina tion by the lordly mansions and richly-decorated villas, between which the Tiber flowed, suggesting to his thoughts the power and opulence of regal Rome. At that time the river was but a subordinate feature in the scene, lost, as it were, in the crowd of its accessories, and forming, like the Roman "girl of the period," described by Ovid, "the smallest part of itself."|| It appears from this that the Romans had succeeded in imparting an ornamental character to their river, and render ing its borders an eligible site for country houses. For this purpose they must have removed the mud as soon as the inundations subsided, and paid constant attention to the con dition of the banks ; which then, perhaps, ascended in gentle slopes from the river, or were cut into terraces, and planted with ornamental shrubs. It seems that the Romans had taken their river for better and for worse, and resolved to turn its capabilities, whether for use or ornament, to the best account ; though as Tacitus informs us, they had abandoned all hope of regulating the volume of its waters. We, too, shall fail, I am convinced, in our attempts to prevent its inundations ; but * Pluribus prope solus quam cseteri in omnibus terris amnes accolitur, aspiciturque villis. — Plin. III. (9), 54, Teub. •j* Guju/3/hs tvppitTii? iroTa/jLuiv fla 1598. Copious details of these, illustrating the manners, feelings and political sentiments of the times, are given by writers who lived not long after the age in which they occurred. Several are mentioned by Livy, beginning with the year 214 before Christ. The most destructive appear to have been those which occurred in that year, and in 192 a.c. For we read : "Twice in that year there were great rains, and the Tiber inundated the fields, causing the downfall of many buildings and great loss of life among men and cattle."* "The Tiber inundating the city with more destructive violence than before, overthrew two bridges and many build- * "Aquae magnee bis in eo anno fuerunt, Tiberisque agros inundavit cum magna strage tectorum pecorumque, et hominum pernicie." Lib. xxiv. q A.c. 214. INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 53 ings, especially about the Porta Flumentana. In the fields, which were inundated in every direction, cattle were swept away, and farm houses levelled with the ground."* To this we may add : "There were great rains in that year* and twelve times the Tiber inundated the Campus Martius," [or region extending from the river to the Corso] and the level parts of the city.J * " Tiberis infestiore quam priore impetu illatus urbi, duo pontes, aedificia multa, maxime circa Portam Flumentanam evertit. . . In agris passim inundatis pecua ablata, villarum strages facta est." — Lib. xxxv. 21, A.c. 192. t " Aquae ingentes in eo anno fuerunt. Tiberis duodecies Campum Martium - planaque urbis inundavit." — Lib. xxxvin. 28, A.C 189. INUNDATION OF 700 u.c In the year 700 u.c. there was a great inundation, of which a brief account is given by Cicero in a letter to his brother Quintus: "At Rome, and especially on the Appian way, as far as the temple of Mars, there has been an extraordinary inunda tion. The walk in the pleasure-grounds of Crassipes was swept away, as well as very many gardens and booths [for the sale of merchandise]. The flood rose to a great height, and reached as far as the public swimming bath."* Cicero, instead of giving us further particulars which would have enabled us to identify the position of the Piscina Publica and to estimate the extent of the flood, goes on to moralise on the visitation. He quotes the lines of Homerf in * " Roma5 et maxime Appia ad Martis mira alluvies. Crassipedis ambnlatio ablata, horti, tabemae plurimae ; magna vis aquae usque ad Piscinam publicam." — Cic. Epp. III. 7. t All that is known about the position of the Piscina Publica is that it was somewhere between the Vicus Alexandri and the Circus Maximus, probably nearer to the latter. For Ammianus Marcellinus tells us that the Vatican obelisk on its way from the Vicus Alexandri, where it was landed, to the Circus Maximus, passed near to the Piscina Publica. % I make no apology for transcribing entire this fine passage ; *Qs 8' vita XaiXairi iratra KeXaivh fSidptBe ^dcou "H/iaT1 oTrwpivw, ote XaflpoTaTov x*'£t v8wp Zeus, ote 8n t' avSpEutrt koteo- '53°. '557. and '598- The account of the flood in 555, given by Paulus Diaconus, may be rejected as altogether fabulous. He describes the river as flowing over the walls of Rome, and mentions a dragon, or sea monster of enormous size, which passed through the city and descended to the sea. This monster appears to have availed itself of the opportunity afforded by the flood to pay a flying visit to Rome, and to inspect its curiosities. All the accounts of this age are tinctured with fable, and Paul the Deacon seems to have been of a peculiarly credulous disposition. In November of 589, the year before the Pontificate of Gregory the Great, occurred an inundation which is said by the writers of those times to have consummated the ruin of the city. In the year 725 there was a flood which lasted for seven days, and persons sailed from the Ponte Moile to the steps of St. Peter's in boats of no small size. This was the old St. Peter's. The approach to the new has been considerably raised since that time. In the year 778 an inundation threw down the Flaminian gate, and carried away the wooden portion of the Sublician bridge. The stone piers were removed to make cannon-balls in the fifteenth century. In 1476 the river rose so high that a second deluge, like that of Noah, was anticipated. On this occasion the following verses were composed : Crevit ad hoc signum transcendens limina Tybris Octava Iani, quae memoranda dies. Territa Roma : Noe redeunt jam tempora, dixit, Diluvio atque iterum corruet omne genus. INUNDATIONS IN MODERN TIMES. 63 We come now to three of the most remarkable inundations of modern times, those of 1530, 1557, and 1398. Of these we possess full and authentic details. Printing had been invented ninety years before the first, and the particulars are given by persons who lived at the time, or derived their infor mation from contemporary authorities. The consternation and devastation caused by the first inundation of the three, which rose seven feet higher than that of 1870, may be gathered from the inscription* on the tablet affixed to the walls of the convent of the Minerva : To this point the Tiber rose, and now all Rome would have been overthrown Had not the Virgin brought it speedy aid. * Hue Tiber ascendit, jamque obruta tota fuisset Roma, nisi hue celerem Virgo tulisset opera. INUNDATION OF 1530. The hordes led by the Constable de Bourbon to the sack of Rome had long evacuated the Eternal City, and Clement VII. was recovered from the effects of his six months' imprisonment in the castle of St. Angelo. The position of the contending parties had undergone a change, and brighter prospects appeared to be opening before the Pope. "But his joy was destined soon to be turned into the deepest- sorrow, by reason of a calamity which in the present year burst upon the down trodden city of Rome ; for, while scarcely beginning to breathe after the heaviest misfortunes, it found itself plunged into adversity no less gloomy than before."* " Clement had gone to Ostia for recreation, when lo ! the floodgates of heaven were opened, and there fell during several days a rain so heavy and continuous that all the rivers in those parts, and especially the Tiber, were swollen above measure, and overflowed their banks." So sudden was the rise of the water that many persons were unable to escape, and bridges with the strongest buildings were in a few hours overwhelmed and washed away. All the warehouses, shops, and underground magazines, were invaded by the flood, and countless merchandise and cattle were destroyed. Never before had such losses been caused by the rise of the Tiber, so that the damage was believed to be no less than that which had been sustained at the sack of Rome.f The Pope having gone, as I said, to Ostia, was imprisoned by the waters. The whole country was like a sea, communi cation was cut off, and the supply of provisions began to fail. As it was uncertain how long the inundation might last, Clement decided to return to Rome. In those times the Popes did not * Muratori, Annali d' Italia, Era vulgare. Anno mdxxx. t Muratori, Annali d' Italia. INUNDATION OF 1530. 65 travel in carriages,* nor was the same provision made for their personal security as in the present day. Clement and his suite had no choice but to mount their horses, and pick their way, as best they could, along the flooded roads. With great risk both to himself and the rest of the party, the water, as they rode, being up to the breasts of their horses, the Pope succeeded in reaching the city. Here he found all the bridges either broken down by the force of the current — as was the case with the Ponte Sisto — or covered by the waters, so that he was unable to reach the Vatican, as he desired. The castle of St. Angelo was equally inaccessible, and the palace of the Quirinal was not then in existence,! so tBat he was fain to take refuge at St. Agatha on Monte Cavallo, until the waters should return to their accustomed bed. J Meanwhile, on the day preceding the night when the flood attained its greatest height, the celebrated Benvenuto Cellini was occupied in his studio with a work of art, the great golden button for the Papal cope,§ the most famous, after the chalice, of all his productions. The rush of waters came, and in a short time his house and studio were surrounded, though not to an unfordable depth. For some hours, during which the inundation appears not to have varied much in height, he remained undecided what to do. He had to provide not only for his own safety and the preservation of the work of art, which was now approaching completion, but for the security of the Papal jewels, which had been intrusted to him by Clement VII. to be reset. Towards evening the river began to increase again, and, uncertain how high it might rise • Clement VIII., 1598, was conveyed in a. litter from Ferrara to Bologna. "Giaconius Vitae Pontificum." t The present edifice was begun by Gregory XII. in 1574. X Muratori, Annali d' Italia. § This so-called button is as large as a small plate, and therefore affords plenty of room for artistic devices. Under the Papal government it used to be brought out with the diadem in legal form, at the commencement of the Passover, on Christmas-day, and St. Peter's, when the Pope himself chants mass. — Note to translation of Memoirs of Benvenuto Cellini, by Roscoe. F 66 INUNDATION OF 1 5 30. during the night, he resolved to make his escape. " Making the preservation of my life my first care, and my honour my next,* I put all the jewels," says Cellini, "in my pocket, left my work in gold under the care of my journeymen, and, taking off my shoes and stockings, went out at a back window, and waded through the water, as well as I could, until I reached Monte Cavallo." As the night closed in after the escape of Cellini, and it was apparent to every eye that the Tiber continued to rise, " the City," says Bonini, " was given up for lost ; for the current did not cease to batter and overthrow the best inhabited and most considerable houses in the city; such as was that in the Strada Julia belonging to Guilano Cesi." A large factory was undermined, and fell to the ground, burying all the people and animals it contained, and the church of St. Bartolommeo, in the island of the Tiber, as well as the Palazzo Gaetani, was completely wrecked.f " The silence by which the great expressed their consternation was broken only by the groans and shrill cries of the common people, who implored the succour which none were able to afford; for the city had been so impoverished by the sack three years previously, that it did not possess the ordinary appliances reserved for such emergences, or any means of relieving the poorer classes imprisoned by the waters, and in danger of being drowned, or of perishing by starvation.! The next morning, however, the fears of the people were relieved ; for the river began to subside, and in three or four days had retired within its bed. But, though the waters retired, "the putrid matters left behind in so many under ground places, and the stench which arose therefrom, drew * This seems a strange avowal in one who was so ready to wipe out an insult, real or supposed, with the blood of the offender. Contrast Shakespeare : Mine honour is my life; both grow in one. Take honour from me and my life is done. — Richard II. t Littera? Principum, t. c. Littera ultima. Quoted by Moroni in his Dizionario d' erudizione Ecclesiastica. { Bonini, "H Tavere incatenato." INUNDATION OF 1530. 67 after them a great pestilence, in other words, evil upon evil."* As soon as his workshop was accessible, Benvenuto Cellini returned, and "finished," he says, "my work with the help of God, and by my own industry, so happily, that it was looked upon as the most exquisite performance of the kind that had ever been seen at Rome."f Bonini thus concludes, describing the popular feeling and superstitions of the time : " The outspoken tongues of those days declared that the Tiber had borne in mind the past outrages inflicted on its city, and was enraged at seeing that Charles V. was on his way to the city of Bologna to receive the crown of king of the Romans from that Pontiff whom his armies had kept in the darkness of a dungeon. It fore saw, besides, they said, that the journey of Caesar could not fail to be prejudicial to the liberties of the Italian republics." " Such were the conceits of men justly irritated by the calamities they had endured."! The most extraordinary circumstance connected with this inundation, is the delusion of the writers of the following century with regard to the weather which preceded the inun dation, and the testimony of many of these writers to the absence of rain, and, as far as we can gather, of wind. Muratori, we have seen, speaks of violent rains during several successive days. Bonini, on the other hand, informs us that there was nothing in the state of the weather to lead the Romans to expect a flood. Neither Bonini nor Muratori * Muratori, "Annali d' Italia." t Memoirs of Benvenuto Cellini. — Roscoe's translation. These memoirs give us a very vivid picture of the manners of the time. In the present day an artist is usually a man of peace ; but in those times the meekest men were often driven to fight, and Cellini, fiery in temper and pfone to take offence, was par excellence a fighter in a fighting age. He had " slain his man," received absolution from the Pope for the homicide, and was always ready to commit another. The best trait in his character is his frankness. His vanity is often amusing, though it may seem to be in some measure justified by his talents and success. { The Tiber shpuld have wreaked his fury upon the invading Germans, not upon the innocent victims of the assault. F2 68 INUNDATION OF 1530. quotes contemporary authority; but we may accept the account of Muratori as the more probable of the two, especially as Bonini loves a miracle, and is always disposed to dispense with natural causes.* At the castle of St. Angelo there used to be a slab fixed against a lofty wall marking the height to which the inunda tion of 1530 rose, and bearing this inscription: Memorise Inusitat^e auctus tiberis Amnis ad hoc signum Quo Roma sereno tempore facta est Tota navigabilis viii. Idus Octobris mdxxx. Clemente vii. Pont. Max. Anno vii. Guido Medices arcis Pr^ef. POSUIT.f If "sereno tempore" means merely that the day on which the flood occurred was fine and calm, the circumstances, so far from being miraculous, is what we might expect, and what I have usually observed. When a long spell of wet weather culminates in a great fall of rain, the following day is generally fine and calm, and as the flood occasioned by the rain takes from twenty-four to thirty hours to descend the Tiber to Rome, it will most frequently happen that the day is calm and sunshiny, when the river is at its height. If the words mean that for several days there had been little or no rain at Rome, the fact * In Ranke's History of the Popes there is no mention of this inundation. The pedantic Germans seem to think that History should be confined to war and diplomacy, and that the works of God and the great phenomena of Nature are unworthy of notice, even though the life of the potentate, whose history they are writing, may have been endangered by storm or flood. Livy, Tacitus Dion Cassius and others, had a juster idea of the province of History, and they always have a chapter devoted to storms, floods, and other remarkable phenomena in the Natural World. t Why this slab was removed it is impossible to conjecture. The indif ference of the Romans to everything but Art may, perhaps, have rendered them careless about the preservation of a monument of a great phenomenon of Nature. INUNDATION OF 1 5 30. 69 was wonderful, if it was a fact ; but as there can be no effect without a cause, and miracles are rejected in the present day, we must seek for some other explanation of the phenomenon. The popular notion of the river being dammed up by a sirocco wind is inapplicable in this case ; for none of the writers who describe the flood make any mention of gales, and on the eighth of October there could have been no great accumulation of snow on the Apennines. We should be driven, therefore, to the conclusion, if we adopt the account of Bonini, that for one or more days there had been violent storms among the Apennines. Bonini, indeed, tells us that "no inundations had been observed by which the catastrophe could have been foreseen ; but the unscientific are always inaccurate observers, — for ' how to observe,' is itself a science — and the super stitious prefer to call in the aid of supernatural agencies. Doubtless, a meteorologist would have discerned in the clouds which lowered over the Apennines, and the thunder which growled in the distance, unmistakeable indications of violent tempests which were discharging themselves over the valleys drained by the principal tributaries of the Tiber." INUNDATION OF 1557- "The Tiber, whieh is wont to emulate the glories of dis tinguished men, and itself retains something of the Roman pride, did not fail in the year 1557 and fourteenth of September, to appear not only as the triumphant master, but as the tyrant of Rome." Such are the words in which Bonini introduces a short account of the great inundation of 1557. "Yet may we not rather, he continues, look upon the river as the righteous avenger of so holy a pontiff on his ungrateful people." He then goes on to describe the exertions of Paul IV. to relieve the public distress, how by his voice, and by his example, he animated his subordinates, and made them fly through every region of the City to furnish provisions in abundance to all that were in need.* But the calamities brought upon the City by the war with Spain, in which the Pope had rashly engaged ; the unsparing severity with which he enforced his reforms, and, above all, the restoration of the inquisition with all its cruelties, had so alienated the affections of his subjects, that after his death the people rose, and in their fury mutilated his statue, attacked the inquisition, and ill- treated the officials, and finally tore down every memorial of him, among others, the tablets which he had caused to be affixed in memory of the flood. This inundation is remarkable, not only because it is the highest but one of which we have any measurement, but * Paul IV. may have deserved all the praise which is bestowed upon him for his conduct on this occasion ; but Bononi's account both of men and things must be received with great distrust. He was inclined by his taste and disposition to use high-flown language, and to draw upon his imagination for his facts ; and he was constrained by his official position to make flattering mention of all the Popes in turn. As they pass in review before him in connexion with the inunda tions which occurred in their pontificates, each is dismissed with more or less of praise. Even Alexander VI. is in his eyes an exemplary Pontiff. If he spoke from his heart, the other Popes must have appeared to him like angels of light, INUNDATION OF 1 55 7. 71 because it occurred at a season, September fifteenth, when the snows had disappeared from all but a few isolated peaks of the Apennines; showing how groundless is the popular notion that the floods of the Tiber are caused exclusively by the melting of the snows. Copious details may be found in the work of Bacci, who lived at the time, and who wrote a description of the flood itself, and of the atmospheric conditions by which it was preceded. According to this writer, the spring of 1537 was serene with northerly winds, and the summer dry. But in the month of May a peculiar condition of atmosphere began to prevail. A haze brooded over the landscape, and the air appeared to be loaded with humid and unwholesome vapours. Numbers were attacked with fevers, which either carried them off at once, or left them in a state of prostration which made them easy victims to other complaints. This state of things continued until the middle of September, when the humid vapours appeared to be precipitated in the form of rains of unusual violence, which, commencing in Sicily and the south east of France, extended themselves over the whole of Italy. The rain descended in sheets from the clouds, so that every little rivulet became an impetuous torrent and an agent of destruction. All Ravenna was submerged by the torrent of the Montone, and the castle of la Strada was laid in ruins by a small stream which passes close beside it. But the Arno and the Tiber, being the two largest rivers, rose to the greatest height, and caused the most wide-spread destruction. At Florence it was calculated that, without taking into account the damage done in the environs, the loss sustained within the precincts of the town by the carrying away of bridges, the downfall of houses, and the spoiling of articles of merchandise and food, was equal to the expense of building another City. The Tiber laid waste the country almost from its source, sweeping away bridges and mills, and everything which it encountered in its course, and increasing in height and fury, as each successive tributary discharged its swollen torrent into the surging mass. The Nera poured down a flood which 72 INUNDATION OF 1 55 7. rivalled in volume that of the Tiber itself, and when the two rivers met, the Campagna presented the appearance of a raging sea, which bore down upon Rome and threatened to sweep it bodily away. Luckily it was broad daylight before the river overflowed its banks, and the note of alarm had already been sounded, so that a considerable portion of the moveable property was saved. But the time for removal was short ; the Tiber rushed with great force into the streets, and in the course of a few hours the whole of Rome, with the exception of the hills, was navigable for boats. Nor did the water cease to rise until it had covered the site of the Piazza di Spagna, and washed the spot where now commences the steps of the ascent to the Trinita dei Monti.* "A fearful and a piteous spectacle it was — to use the words of the writer — to behold so great a city submerged as in a sea, and everything floating about in confusion ; articles of clothing, eatables, merchandise, and entire herds of cattle ; without speaking of diverse accidents to individuals, of whom some, caught unexpectedly by the waters, took refuge in trees, others found themselves seated in a wretched little building in the country, in imminent danger of being buried by its downfall, or of perishing by hunger ; while others attempted to save themselves through the windows in boats, or waited for some one to present them with a loaf of bread on the point of a pike. Many also there must have been, of whose fate nothing certain is known, who were buried under ruins, or drowned, or perished in various ways." This inundation was not only the highest recorded, with one exception, but lasted the longest, the City being under water for the space of four days. From the amount of suffering caused by the late flood we may conceive the misery which must have been occasioned among the poorer classes by an inundation which rose as much above the inundation of 1870 as that was above an ordinary flood into the Ripetta. We have seen that Paul used every exertion to lighten the calamity which had fallen • The flight of steps ascending to the Trinita dei Monti was the work of Sixtus V, INUNDATION OF 1 55 7. 73 on the City. But the same facilities which we now possess for relieving distress did not exist in those days, and the Jews of the Ghetto, then as now, the principal sufferers, would probably have received less attention than the rest, even if they were not looked upon as a race accursed of heaven, and deserving of all that they endured. The stones recording the flood, placed by order of the Pope, were destroyed, as I have said, along with his other monuments by the infuriated populace. It is for this reason that the date of 1557 *s omitted in the scale of heights at the corner house in the Via di Ripetta. After some time the Dominican monks of the convent of the Minerva, who naturally cherished the memory of Paul, as a member of their order, and an ardent asserter of their principles, caused the present tablet to be affixed on the outside wall, and inscribed with the following wretched verse : Hue Tiber ascendit Paulus dum Quartus in anno Temo ejus rector maximus orbis erat. To this point the Tiber rose whilst Paul the -fourth In his third year was greatest ruler of the globe. PIUS V. AND THE TIBER, 66—72. In Bonini we meet with the following strange account. During an inundation which occurred in the Pontificate of Pius V. the Pope took an Agnus Dei (a waxen image impressed with the figure of a lamb, and consecrated by the Pope, to be distributed to the faithful) and directed an Archbishop, one of his intimate friends, to cast it into the Tiber, where the swell of the river was greatest. " When this had been done, in a moment the river bowed its head, and with rapid strides abandoned the city, and hastened, like a guilty person, to plunge into the waves of the Tyrrhenian sea." "The man," Bonini adds, "that could subdue the pride of the Tiber was able to accomplish even greater things." This refers to the part which the Pope took against the Turks, and to the victory of Lepanto. The object nearest to the heart of Pius was to humble the pride of the Turks, and secure Christendom against their attacks. By unwearied exertions he succeeded in infusing courage unto the Christian Princes, and formed a league of the Empire, the Venetians, and the States of the Church, to arrest the progress of the Infidels. The efforts of the Pope were crowned with success ; the fleet of the allies, commanded by Don John of Austria, obtained a signal victory over the Turks, and the tide of invasion began from that time to ebb.* The victory of Pius over the Turks * The Turks at that time had expelled the knights of St. John from Rhodes, had defeated and slain the last king of Hungary of the native line, and even laid siege to Vienna. They hung like a cloud over Europe, and though occasionally worsted, they were strong enough in 1683 to besiege Vienna for the second time, on which occasion the city was relieved by John Sobiesky. What a change in the relative strength of the two countries, when Austria, which 193 years ago Was unable to defend herself against Turkey without foreign aid, is now delibera ting in concert with Russia, how she shall dispose of the fragments of that once formidable Empire. PIUS V. AND THE TIBER. 75 is known to every reader of History, but none but the readers of Bonini ever heard of his victory over the Tiber. So foolish a story may seem unworthy of insertion in a serious treatise. But it is given as an illustration of the superstition of the Romans, and of the tendency of the human mind to seek for the explanation of a phenomenon in occult causes, or supernatural agencies, rather than in the uniform action of some known and general law. It also shows the worthlessness of popular testimony either to miracles, or facts in science, where no personal interests are involved, and where nobody has any motive for contradicting a story, how ever absurd it may be. The object of those from whom Bonini received his account was to make out a case for a miracle and to flatter a Pope. On the other hand, it was a matter of indifference to those who were not under the influence of superstition, whether a story which they disbelieved obtained currency or not. If this is true of relations which shock the reason by their absurdity, it is truer still of popular notions in Science and Natural History. An account of a phenomenon in Nature, or of the habits of an animal origin ating in superficial observation, or the love of the marvellous, is accepted by a few who will not give themselves the trouble to investigate its truth, is adopted by others on the credit of the first hearers, and propagated from individual to individual, and from generation to generation, until it becomes an article of popular faith. The universality of the opinion is then appealed to as a presumption of its truth, as if all the individuals who held it, had arrived at the same conclusion by independent observation, or a distinct process of reasoning. In the reign of Sixtus V. no great inundation occurred. But what he saw, coupled with what he had heard, led him to form the design of curbing the insolence of the river, as he had by his stern measures of repression destroyed the banditti that used to infest the states of the church. The following is the language used in regard to Sixtus V. and the Tiber by the author Bonini: "Sixtus V. the most imperturbable of Pontiffs, and the scourge of wicked men and assassins, could 76 PIUS V. AND THE TIBER. not fail to have an opportunity of seeing an inundation of the Tiber, since he was born only for great things, and among others to curb that river, which, like a public bravo, was wont to assassinate the city and Campagna of Rome." Two, though not of the first magnitude, which happened in the last year of his reign, gave him an opportunity of dis playing his benevolence in relieving the distress of the people, and at the same time suggested to him the appointment of a commission to enquire into the causes of these inundations, and to consult upon the means of preventing them, so that in time to come the City should be secure. But death pre vented him from carrying out his designs. The terms in which the Tiber is spoken of in this passage may appear inconsistent with the respectful language which Bonini generally uses in speaking of the river, and which reveals a feeling still lingering in the Roman mind, like that which their forefathers entertained for their native stream. But the matter is regarded from Sixtus' point of view, whose practical mind was devoid equally of poetical sentiment and of reverence for antiquity. One who dismantled the Septi- zonium of Severus, and contemplated the destruction of the tomb of Cecilia Metella, is not likely to have cherished any superstitious feeling for a river, or to have been influenced by any other consideration than the best means of abating a nuisance. INUNDATION OF 1598. Whether Sixtus V. would have been as successful in dealing with the Tiber as with the brigands, is matter for speculation. But eight years after his death, and in the pontificate of Clement VIII., there occurred the greatest inundation of modern times, and equal, perhaps, to any of those which are recorded to have happened in the time of the Romans. For no measure ment was given by the historians who describe them, and we have, therefore, no means of instituting a comparison. The event is thus noticed in the highest of the tablets attached to the building of the Minerva : Anno Dom. mdxcviii. 8, Cal. Jan. Redux recepta Pontrfex Ferraria Non ante tam superbi hujusce Tybridis Insanientes execratur vortices. In the year of our Lord 1598, 25 Dec. The Pontiff returning after the conquest of Ferraria Curses the furious eddies of this our Tiber, Which never before exhibited such pride. Eight hundred persons are said to have been drowned, or to have perished by hunger, on this occasion. The Pons Emilius, which had been rebuilt by Julius III. and Gregory XIII. in place of the ancient structure, which had fallen down in the thirteenth century, was partially swept away. The broken portion, under the name of. the Ponte Rotto, still remains, a picturesque object in a sketch, and an evidence of the force by which the ruin was effected. In the flowery language of Bononi " the woes and devastation of the city by the flood would have caused stones to weep," and an Italian of the time, called Guiseppe Castaglio, wrote a poem in Latin describing the destruction which it wrought. 78 INUNDATION OF 1 5 98. In a preface to this poem addressed to the Cardinal Aldor brandini, Castaglio expresses his conviction that the flood was sent by God as a punishment for the sins of the people, which he proceeds to describe in detail. The Tiber here is no longer personified, represented as endowed with feelings, and acting on its own impulses, but described as an instru ment in the hands of the Deity to accomplish his own purposes. The river, he says, began to overflow its banks on the night of the eighth Cal. Jan., or twenty-fourth of December, increasing slowly that night, and the following morning. It then rose suddenly, and rushed with such violence through the streets, that in many of them people were afraid to trust themselves to the . boats. The river rose to the first storey of the houses, and in many places even higher. On Christmas- day nearly all the people were confined in their houses, and unable to attend divine service, which was performed only in the churches on the hills. On the fifth day the river retired within its bed, leaving the city in such a state that there was scarcely a street in which houses might not be observed in a falling state or propped up with timbers.* The Pons Senatorius, the same as the Pons Emilius, and commonly called in those times Ponte di Santa Maria, was partly carried away, as I have already mentioned ; the bricks in the upper part of the Ponte St. Angelo were displaced, and the shops, which then, as on the old bridges of London and Florence, encumbered the structure, were broken up. * It has been before observed that the wide-spread destruction among Roman buildings, especially farm-houses (agros Tiberis super ripas effusus maxime ruinis villarum vastavit.— Livy, iv. 49.) was owing, probably, to the material (sun-dried bricks) of which they were built, and the flimsiness of their construction. To the same cause was due the frequent collapse of houses in the middle ages. "Houses of poor people in those times were slightly built, of inferior materials, and their foundations laid but a short distance below the earth. They lived either in houses of one storey or on the lowest floor of higher buildings. Hence so many are recorded to have been drowned." — Pamphlet by Sigre. Aubert. INUNDATION OF 1 598. 79 In his poem Castaglio describes the same incidents of the flood, and extols the benevolence of the Pope, and his unwearied exertions to save those who were in danger of drowning, and to supply food and shelter to all. In the inscription on the tablet which I have given, the Pope, is described as cursing the river. I presume that this is a mere form of words, and that no formal imprecation was pro nounced upon it. But Castaglio tells us that the Pope lifted up his eyes to heaven, and prayed to God that he would lay aside his wrath, and ward off destruction from the sacred city. He then stretched forth his hands in the form of a cross, on which the Tiber straightway stayed the violence of his course, and shrunk within his bed. Nam crucis in speciem simul atque extendere dextram In se te Tibris sensit, violenta repressit Agmina continuo, notumque recessit in alveum. This was doubtless when the flood had nearly subsided, and when all the mischief had been done. It was a pity he did not perform the miracle at an earlier stage. The details of the flood of 1660, which scarcely equalled in height that of 1870, may be passed over, as differing in no respect from those which have been recounted. But the observations of Bonini upon the Jews of the Ghetto, and an incident which he relates, will serve to illustrate the feelings entertained by the Christians of the time towards the Jews, and the hatred with which the Jews returned the scorn of the Christians. "That obstinate nation, says the author, derived, however, some benefit from the inundation ; for while it refused to wash in the water of baptism the uncleanness of the soul, it beheld, cleaned away by that of the Tiber, the impurities of its body, and of its rooms, which, owing to the stench and to the filth, were in some places almost unapproachable. Yet the authorities, pitying even this reprobate people, ordered that an opening should be made into the Ghetto on the side of the Signori Cenci, that &c." " It was a fine answer, says the same author, but envenomed with the native arrogance of the people, which was returned by 80 INUNDATION OF 1598. a wretched woman, a Jewess, to an ecclesiastic. She was almost immersed in the water, and the ecclesiastic exhorted her to withdraw herself from the danger with his aid, and to place her life in security from the fragments which were floating about. " No," she replied ; " I have no need of the aid of the Christians, since it suffices the Hebrew to call upon the name of God ; and at all times and in all places He will return an answer to his prayers.'7 The ecclesiastic smiled and left her in the water. INUNDATION OF 1870. The flood of 1870 will complete the series of inundations in modern times; for, if not the highest since 1598, it is the highest of which we have any details. Of this inundation it cannot be said, in the words of Bonini, that "there were no indications by which it might have been foreseen," for none ever gave clearer warning of its approach. A flood into the Ripetta is usually the result of the last great fall of rain, that which closes a long spell of rainy days ; after which the wind generally changes to the north-east, dispersing the rainy clouds, and arresting the melting of the snows on the mountains. But, on this occasion, when the river was three feet deep, the Ripetta had already invaded the lower portions ofthe town, and was still slowly rising, meanwhile, the weather, instead of clearing up, became worse than ever. On the Monday night (December 26) preceding the Wednesday, when the flood was at its height, the rain descended in torrents, accompanied with violent thunder and lightning. One clap was so loud that it shook the houses like an earthquake, and the lightning is said to have struck the Vatican, passing through the roof of the Pope's chapel and destroying a picture at the altar. Now, any one who has studied the phenomena of the weather, and the relation which they bear to . the height of the floods, cannot fail to have remarked that the greatest rise of the river takes place after heavy rains accompanied by thunder and lightning ; either because thunder and lightning indicate rains of abnormal violence in the Apennines, or because a given quantity of rain falls in a shorter time, and, therefore, less of it is lost by percolation and evaporation before it finds its way into the streams. If the war of elements were so great at Rome, it might have been inferred that it would be still more violent 82 INUNDATION OF 1 870. among the mountains, and along the valleys through which the tributaries of the Tiber flow. Yet no warning voice was heard from the Collegio Romano, nor was the note of a,larm sounded from the Capitol ; though at both places meteoro logical observations are made. Nor had any one sufficient intelligence to infer what would be the effect of the addition to the swollen river of such a quantity of rain extending, in all probability, over the whole seven thousand square miles of the basin of the Tiber. The flood, therefore, which followed the rain at an interval of twenty-fonr hours, took everybody by surprise ; the Corso was a river, and the shops of the tradespeople were invaded by the water, and their property damaged or destroyed, before they were well awake. On the twenty-eighth and twenty-ninth the city presented a singular spectacle. The Corso, and the streets which branch from it, instead of noisy carriages, were traversed by boats, rafts, pontoons, and even tubs, which, gliding silently along, conveyed) bread and other provisions, candles and firewood, to the people imprisoned by the waters. As the boats approached, from every storey were lowered buckets, baskets, and towels, tied up at the corners by those who eagerly sought to obtain some small portion of the stores that were being distributed, such as a loaf of bread or a scrap of meat. During the inundation the post-office was closed for nearly sixty hours, and for two nights, the twenty-eighth and twenty- ninth, the city was in darkness, owing to the flooding of the gas-works and the immersion of the pipes. Nothing certain is known about the loss of life, the estimates varying from three to seventeen, and part of those who perished were drowned by the oversetting of a raft. When the inundation had subsided on the thirty-first, and Victor Emmanuel paid his first visit to Rome, nothing could be more dismal than the aspect of the town. A cold rain was falling, the streets, abandoned by the Tiber, were ancle- deep with mud, and strewn with delicate articles irreparably damaged by the flood, while the foot-pavement was encum bered by piles of carpets, silks, velvets, and other costly fabrics INUNDATION OF 1870. 83 soaked with water, and coated with mud, waiting to be carted away, in order that they might be cleaned and sold for what they would fetch. Such was the sight which met the royal procession at every turn. But brighter skies and more prosperous times must long ago have effaced the impression produced on the mind of Victor Emmanuel. The losses of the tradespeople and the sufferings of the poor, doubtless were great ; but they were trifling compared with those which their forefathers had to endure in the inun dations of 1530, 1557, and 1598. Not only was the river from six to seven feet higher during those floods, but the houses appear to have been slightly built, and of materials, like sun-dried bricks, which were liable to melt away in the water. Relief, also, was probably not bestowed on the same [scale, nor with the same impartiality as at the present day. Hence we read of hundreds perishing by starvation or drowning, owing to the undermining and collapse of their houses. Houses now are more substantially built, and relief is better organised, and distributed without regard to race or creed ; so that even the Jews of the Ghetto suffer only a temporary inconvenience during these visitations. It is a singular fact that the three greatest inundations recorded in modern history happened in the sixteenth century, and within the period assigned by the Psalmist to the life of man. The author of the work from which I have extracted the account of the flood of 1557, and who lived in the interval between the second and the third of these inundations, imagined that floods were becoming more frequent than of yore, and appears to have anticipated that they would culminate in some great catastrophe like those which have marked the different geological epochs. A similar delusion seems to have prevailed in every age with regard to the weather, and the phenomena depending upon it. We constantly hear persons advanced in life observing, that the summers, or the winters, are very different from what they remember them to have been in their early days, and that the climate is undergoing a gradual change, sometimes for the better, but oftener for the 62 84 INUNDATION OF 1870. worse. Yet a little reflection, and the analogy of other sciences, ought to teach us that the order of nature is constant ; that the phenomena of the weather depend on laws as fixed as those which regulate the movements of the heavenly bodies ; and that rain, wind and frost must recur again and again in a certain definite order. It is true that in the present state of our knowledge, and with the paucity of observations which we possess, we are unable to determine, even empirically, the period of the cycle, or the interval of time after which the same weather returns in the same order ; but if we deny such a cycle to exist, we must suppose, either that the weather is left to blind chance, or that it is under the more immediate control of the Creator than any other department of nature, so that every fall of rain or gale of wind is a special act of Providence. The approach to regularity which we observe in the general character of the weather which prevails at different seasons contradicts the first supposition, and the second is manifestly absurd. Doubtless, at some unknown period in the history of the world the same atmospheric conditions which produced the floods of 1530, 1557, and 1598, will return, and the Tiber again cover the Piazza di Spagna, and wash the steps of the ascent to the Trinita dei Monti. Perhaps, however, before that time the scheme for excluding the inundations by lofty embankments may be carried out. Whether such a remedy would not be worse than the disease will be considered hereafter. Less irrational, but equally erroneous, is the assumption that, because rivers which overflow their banks raise the level of the adjoining country, their inundations must become less frequent in each successive age, and rise to a smaller height; and consequently, that such floods of the Tiber as are recorded in Roman times, and in the middle ages, can never again be witnessed. Those who hold this opinion do not seem to have enquired what has happened in the case of other rivers whose inundations are periodic, and whose phenomena have, there fore, been observed with greater attention. Were the notion INUNDATION OF 1 870. 85 founded in truth, the Nile would long since have ceased to fertilize the valley and delta of Egypt, and the Ganges to convert the plains of Bengal into an ocean, during the season of the rains. On the contrary, the former river rises to the same height, twenty-three or twenty-four feet, which it did in the time of Herodotus, while the water, according to Sir G. Wilkinson, spreads over a larger area of country. Yet, such is the rise in the land, due to the annual deposit, that in ancient times it was found necessary to abandon many cities, and rebuild them on higher ground; while the deserted sites of others are gradually disappearing beneath the increasing accumulation of soil, and even the colossal statues of the plain of Thebes must ultimately be buried.* Why, notwithstanding this rise in the level of the land, do the inundations still continue, and even extend themselves more widely than before ? The only explanation that can be offered is, that the bottom of the river is raised in the same ratio as the country which it overflows, and thus a fixed relation is maintained between the level of the two. A constant rise of the land contiguous to the banks, without a corresponding rise in the bed of a river, is a case that can scarcely be conceived. Mountain streams which flow over hard strata often scoop out deep channels in the solid rock, because, however slow the process may be, the sides can never fall in, so that the effect is accumulated during countless ages. Thus in the Jura the torrents may often be seen flowing at the bottom of deep ravines, which they have hollowed out in the limestone rock . and in the mountains of Auvergne new channels have been worn by the streams through the basalt which in former ages flowed across and blocked up their course. In this case the bed of the stream is lowered relatively to the surface of the land ; but the converse effect, the raising of the bank relatively to the bed of the stream, can never continue for any length of time, because the bank so raised is continually being undermined, and falling in ; often partially Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians. 86 INUNDATION OF 1870. blocking up the river, and forcing it to seek a new channel, and consequently a new bottom. In fact, the tendency of rivers which flow with a sluggish current through an alluvial district is to raise their own bottoms, to obliterate their banks, and eventually, in many cases, to form shallow lakes or extensive morasses. Many of the morasses so formed have been drained, and the rivers kept within bounds by the labour of man. Firm ground and rich pastures have replaced the marshes of Somersetshire, where Alfred the Great sought refuge from the Danes, and the Val di Chiani with its rich agricultural produce now sustains the life which its miasmata once contributed to shorten; but, if the controlling hand of man were removed, these districts would doubtless revert to their original condition, as the Val di Chiana has done within the historic period. For we have evidence from Livy, xxii. 3, that in the time of the second Punic war, it was a highly cultivated region, which Hannibal, as he traversed it, laid waste with fire and sword, in order to cripple the resources of the Romans. Yet in the age of Dante, it had returned to its condition in primseval times, that of a dreary and pestilential fen ; to become again, through the engineering operations of Fossombroni, the garden of Italy, and as healthy as productive. An illustration on a much larger scale is afforded by the river Euphrates. The Euphrates was to Mesopotamia and Babylonia what the Nile is to Egypt. Its annual inundations were utilised to impart fertility to the land, and innumerable canals intersected the country, which conveyed the redundant waters to every portion of the Soil, whose exuberant fertility excited the admiration of Herodotus.* Yet the river was confined within prescribed limits ; and .when the inundation had subsided, the irrigated fields were left to mature their produce under a burning sun. What is the aspect of the river in the present day ? For more than fifty miles above and * The return was two or three hundred fold ; the leaves of the wheat and barley were four fingers broad ; and the millet attained the dimensions of a small tree. — See Herodotus, Euterpe. INUNDATION OF 1870. 87 below its junction with the Tigris the river forms extensive swamps, penetrating scores of miles into the interior, which taint the air of Bassorah during the summer months, and occupy thousands of square miles of land which might be devoted to tillage. The river, when left to itself and allowed to overflow the plain without control, has simply encroached upon it, and, at the same time, its bed has become so shallow that none except steamers drawing but a few feet of water can accomplish the downward voyage. To return to the Tiber. For two centuries the rise in the level of its bed has been a subject of debate, " et adhuc sub judice lis est," " the case is still before the judge." Conflict ing evidence has been brought forward, and, what is stranger still, opposite conclusions have been drawn from the same facts. The engineers, Gambarini and Chiesa, hold that no appreciable change has taken place since the time of the Romans, and in support of this view they instance the platea, or foundation of the bridge of St. Angelo, which is uncovered when the water is moderately low, and the flooring of the sewers, which, with the exception of the Cloaca Maxima, are still, they say, above the level of the river. Bonini, on the other hand, maintains that nothing but perversity, or the desire of appearing more learned than the rest of the world, would lead any one to dispute the fact of a rise in the bed of the Tiber ; and this rise he considers to amount to twenty-four palms, or about seventeen English feet, which is evidently an exaggerated estimate. He grounds his opinion on the present condition of the Cloaca Maxima, and on the fact that Sixtus IV., when he rebuilt the bridge now called the Ponte Sisto, laid the new foundations on the " pilastri " and " speroni," or piers and cutwaters of the ancient structure ; from which he infers that the bottom of the river at that point must have risen by a height equal to the height of the piers, or, in other words, must have risen so as to bury the piers, or what remained of them. Both of them appeal to the figure of a ship in the isle of St. Bartolomeo, but as their reasoning is based upon an assumption of the height above 88 INUNDATION OF 1870. the water, at which the figure originally stood, it would not be likely to carry conviction to the minds of others. Bunsen adopting the estimate of Tinolle, makes the rise of the bottom from four to five feet. Sigre. Aubert, who has lately written a work upon the Tiber, adduces, among other evidence in support of his belief, that the bottom of the Tiber has risen many feet since the time of the Romans. The moderate depth at which water is met with in sinking for the foundation of a house, is generally a little below, and sometimes actually above, the ancient pavements. He also mentions the fact, that the caves below the Colosseum, in which the wild beasts, intended for the spectacles, were confined, are now filled with water, when the river is in its ordinary state. The water in both cases can only be that of the Tiber, which has been filtered by percolating through the soil, or of springs, whose flow into the river has been arrested by the rise in the level of its surface. But the strongest evidence is that afforded by the Cloaca Maxima. Strabo tells us that the sewers were arched with stones, nicely fitted together, and that the dimensions of some were such that a cart loaded with hay could pass beneath them.* We learn from Pliny that they were traversed by boats in the sdileship of Marcus Agrippa.f and on referring to Dion Cassius we find that, while Agrippa held that office, among other great and useful works, he cleaned out the sewers, and then sailed beneath their arched passages into the Tiber.| Even if the great sedile, and son-in-law of Augustus, were content to bow his head, and the boat were pushed along with the hands, such a feat would be impossible in the present day. It is clear from this, that in the time of Augustus the part of the arch above the surface of the water must have been sufficiently wide and high to admit of the passage of a boat, * Strabo, v. c. 235, 8, Ed. Teub. Meineke. t Plin. xxxvi. 24, 104, Ed. Teub. Jan. X Dio Cassius, xlix. 43, 2, Ed. Dindorf. Teub. INUNDATION OF 1870. 89 and that the arch could not have been built, as has been suggested, when the river was at its lowest, in order that the sewage might be discharged into the Tiber below the surface of the water. Next to the Cloaca Maxima, the Pantheon appears to me to afford the strongest confirmation of a rise in the bed of the river; for it is impossible to conceive that a public building would have been erected on a site which was at the time liable to be flooded by every trifling rise of the Tiber. In these discussions it seems always to be assumed that, if the bottom rises at all, it must rise uniformly, and in every part ; whereas the bridges, and other obstacles which exist in every town, occasion such a variation in the velocity of the current, that a great rise in one place may coexist with an actual lowering of the bed in another. Owing to the removal of London-bridge the scour above it was so much increased, that the foundations of Blackfriars-bridge were undermined, and it was found necessary to take it down and rebuild it. The bed of the river at Ponte St. Angelo may have undergone very little alteration, and yet above and below Ponte Sisto it may have been considerably raised. The rise of the bottom of the Tiber is partly owing to the quantity of rubbish, too heavy to be transported by the current, which is continually thrown into it ; and this would naturally be the greatest in the most populous part of the city. But the rise in the bottom of a river may not only be a fact to be established by evidence, but a necessary consequence of the protrusion of its delta into the sea. As the sea is removed to a greater distance, a line drawn from it to any given spot will make a smaller angle with the horizon, and, consequently, the average inclination of the bottom will be diminished. If the spot is not much raised above the level of the sea, the effect would at length be seen in the decreas ing velocity of the current, and the decreasing velocity of the current would favour the deposit of matter, and thus the bottom would gradually be raised. But, meanwhile, the land on each side will continue to rise from the sediment 90 INUNDATION OF 1 870. left by the river in time of floods ; and this rise, of course will be the greatest in the oldest portions of the alluvial valley and the Delta, where the annual layers are the most numerous. In this way the bottom and the banks are raised pari passu with the extension of the land, and, at the same time, a gradual slope is maintained. Thus, while in Egypt the rise in the level of the land is nine feet at Elephantine, at Memphis, near Cairo, it is seven feet, and in the Delta it continually diminishes as we approach the sea, until at the mouths of the Nile it is imperceptible.* From what has been said about the Euphrates and the Nile, it is evident that, if man pay due attention to the condition of the banks, nature will perform her part by maintaining the proper levels, and that when rivers are neglected, the tendency is rather to raise the bottom relatively to the banks than the banks in relation to the bottom. Thus, while the Euphrates has become in many places an immense morass, there are no instances of rivers flowing at the bottom of little valleys whose sides are formed by their own deposits. To apply this to the Tiber. It is usually calculated that its delta advances at the rate of two metres a year. Sigre. Lanciani says that, as the result of accurate measurements made within the last three years, he has found the annual increase to be 3-s metres at the Fiumicino, and as much as 9-o2S metres at the Ostia mouth. Ostia is now three miles, and the port of Trajan one mile and a half distant from the sea. This extension of the coast may appear insufficient to produce much effect upon the bed of the river. But there are other causes at work. Notwithstanding the rapidity of the Tiber, large sandbanks are deposited during floods within a certain distance of the sides, which are cut through when the river sinks to a lower level; the banks are continually falling in, and the soil is distributed along the bottom by the current. The river in the Campagna frequently changes its course, and the new bed would naturally be higher than the old one. * See Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians. INUNDATION OF 1 870. 91 It appears to be a law of nature, that running water, while it degrades the mountains, should raise the level of the plains, and with it the bottom of the rivers by which they are traversed. There is no reason to believe that the Tiber is an exception to the general law. Certainly, when we observe how much the level of the Campus Martius, and the Roman Forum, has been raised by the accumulation of rubbish, we must, if we hold that the bottom of the Tiber was never lower than at present, rest in the conclusion that ancient Rome was almost always under water. In confirmation of what has been said, it may be added, that rivers, which are embanked, invariably raise their bottoms, so as to necessitate a corresponding raising of the embank ments ; until, in course of time, they flow, like aqueducts, above the level of the adjoining country, and continually threaten some great catastrophe. I have treated the subject of the rise of the bed of the river at great length, not only because it belongs to the natural history of the Tiber, but because it has an important bearing upon the question of its inundations and their remedies. If the bottom and banks of the river maintain on the average a given relation to each Other, we cannot hope that nature will do for us what we cannot do for ourselves, and place Rome at length out of the reach of inundations. The fact, therefore, of this constancy must be taken into account in any scheme for their prevention. I come now to the consideration of the causes of these inundations ; causes so simple and obvious that, if it were not necessary to shew the absurdity of the notions which are current on the subject, I should consider it a waste of time, and an insult to the understanding of the reader, to make a formal statement of them. Inundations of the Tiber never occur except during seasons of heavy and continuous rains ; the height to which the river rises is always proportional to the quantity of rain which falls in the course of a day; and the time when the flood attains its greatest height bears a fixed relation to the hour at which the rain ceases at Rome, 92 INUNDATION OF 1870. the interval varying from twenty-four to thirty hours, according to the state of the river. The natural conclusion, therefore, would be, that the rain and flood stand to each other in the relation of cause and effect.* * Nothing shows the unobservant nature of the Romans more than the fact, that no one to whom I have spoken has noticed, that the floods of the Tiber take from twenty-four to thirty hours to descend the River to Rome ; twenty- four hours when the river is confined within its bed, and thirty when it has overflowed the Campagna. In this case the lake formed by the inundation acts as a regulator, and causes a more gradual rise and subsidence of the flood. In every town on the banks of a river, a given relation is observed between the time at which a flood attains its greatest height, and the cessation of the rain by which it is produced. The floods of the Loire take a definite time to reach Roanne; and Valles informs us, that in 1846 the inundation took sixty hours to descend the river from Roanne to Orleans, and sixty-two in 1856; a difference of only two hours, showing how easily the arrival of these floods may be calculated. The distance by the windings of the stream is under two-hundred miles, so that the velocity of the current of the Loire is only half that of the Tiber. The floods of the Medway take, as I have said, thirty hours to reach Yalding, a distance by the river of only thirty miles. Those of the Thames and the Severn do not arrive at Windsor or Gloucester for two or three days. The average process, therefore, of the inundations of the Tiber far exceeds that of any of these rivers, being at the rate of about seven miles an hour ; which is unusually rapid. The notion, that there is no connexion between the rain and the flood, prevents the Romans from observing the relation which exists between the time of these two phenomena, and the consequence is, that the flood takes them as much by surprise as if it were an earthquake, and always finds them unprepared. Yet every labourer on the banks of the Medway can foresee a flood, and tell within an hour at what time it will reach its greatest height. Why should not the Romans be able to do the same ? POPULAR THEORIES REGARDING THE INUNDATIONS. This explanation, however, is too simple to satisfy the unscientific mind, which delights in gratuitous assumptions and occult causes, the magnitude of which cannot be measured by the senses, and on which, therefore, the imagination can draw to any amount. Bacon observes in his plain language that "men have a natural, though corrupt, love of the lie itself."* Without going the length of Bacon, and affirming that men love falsehood for falsehood's sake, we may assert that few have any love of truth for the sake of truth, and that, when their material interests are not concerned, the majority do not care to investigate and bring it to light. On the contrary, they prefer to leave it in obscurity, because wider scope remains for the play of their fancy. When Tacitus put the " omne ignotum pro magnifico " in the mouth of the Caledonian chieftain, f he shewed his knowledge of human nature, and of the feelings by which most persons are influenced in judging of men and things. This indifference to abstract truth is especially observed in matters of science, where there is no question of material loss or gain ; and opinions have been current since the time of Cicero which a few simple experiments or obser vations, recorded for a single year, would have shewn to have no foundation in truth. J It is in accordance with such a * Bacon's Essays, I. f Taciti Agricola XXX. J Witness the popular belief in the influence of the moon on the weather and in equinoctial gales. All scientific men of note, as Arago, Herschel, Admiral Fitzroy, &c, are agreed that there is no connexion between the changes of the weather and the changes of the moon. The behef in such a connexion is nothing but a relic of the astrological superstition which attributed to that planet an influence over men as well as things ; the 94 POPULAR THEORIES feeling that the damming up of the waters of the Tiber by a Scirocco wind,* and the increase of their volume by the melting of the snows on the Apennines, are the popular modes of accounting for the inundations of the river, while the rain, though it may promote the melting of the snows, is thought to contribute nothing to the mass of water. The latter _ notion I will examine first; for the former, though opposed to every principle of mechanical science, may seem to be borne out by what occurs in a few other rivers. It will be necessary, therefore, to examine it at greater length, and to shew how different are the conditions in the case of the Tiber and of those rivers where floods are actually produced by the action of the wind. As the modern Romans take no account of the rain, so the ancients appear to have ignored the snow. Livy, in his notices of the floods, which occurred in different epochs of the history of Rome, always attributes them to rain. His words are invariably "magnae aquae erant" or "ingentes aquae erant," "there were copious rains" or "there were great rains," and the Tiber overflowed its banks, &c. Tacitus, also, in describing ,memory of which superstition is still preserved in the word "lunatic." Yet the notion will probably hold its ground to the end of time, because nobody has any personal interest in disproving it. The belief in equinoctial gales is as old as the time of Cicero, who alludes to it ; and in the present day these imaginary gales have been assigned by the government as a reason for modifying the original plan for the autumnal manceuvres of the troops. Yet, in the average of years, the fortnight before and the fortnight after the twenty-first September are fine and calm. The greatest storms on record have occurred either in November or nearer to the winter solstice than to the autumnal equinox. We might, therefore, with more propriety talk of solstitial than of equinoctial gales. * This appears to have been a generally accepted theory in the latter end of the sixteenth century. In a Latin poem of the time, written immediately after an inundation, the earth is represented as complaining to the Tiber, that it is despoiled of all its productions and all its beauty by the violence of the latter ; to which the Tiber replies that it is not its fault, but the fault of the south wind, which bars the passage of its water to the sea. At si forte graves aspirat ab Eequore flatus, Egressum nostris impedit Auster aquis. REGARDING THE INUNDATIONS. 95 the inundation in the reign of Tiberius, uses the words " con- tinuis imbribus auctus Tiberis plana urbis stagnaverat." "The Tiber swollen by incessant rains had inundated the level parts of the city." Pliny, the younger, also describes an inundation of the Anio, the same to which we have before referred, which was caused by rains of extraordinary violence, so that great damage was done by the temporary torrents which they produced in places where there were no streams. Neither in these authors nor in Dio Cassius is there any mention of snow as connected with the rising of the river. In this they were nearer to the truth than the moderns ; for though the snow aids somewhat in producing the inundation, and in exceptional cases may contribute largely to it, yet everyone who studies the weather and observes the phenomena of the river must see that it plays but a subordinate part. We have seen that the greatest flood but one recorded in modern history, was produced entirely by rains of unusual violence. On the other hand, there is no instance of any great inundation pro duced by the melting of the snows unaccompanied by heavy rain. In the January of 1871 there was an unusual accumulation of snow on the Apennines ; yet, though melted by a warm Scirocco wind, and accompanied by gentle rains at the com mencement, it only swelled the river to the level of the Ripetta. It will be easy, however, to shew by a simple calculation that, under no conceivable circumstances could the effect of the snow equal that of the rain, and that the great rise of the river on Tuesday night and Wednesday morning, the twenty- seventh and twenty-eighth December, 1870, was due to the heavy rain of Monday night, the twenty-sixth. Fresh fallen and uncompressed snow occupies about fourteen times the space of water.* On the night of Monday, the twenty-sixth, * Dove. Meteorologische Untersuchungen, Berlin, 1839, page 51. It should be observed that the space occupied by snow depends upon the temperature at which it falls, being greatest when the temperature is low and the snow light and feathery, and least when the temperature approaches the freezing point and the snow is ready to melt. But fourteen inches is the mean. Dove's observations agree nearly with my own. 96 POPULAR THEORIES there fell more than an inch and a half of rain. To produce the effect of this depth of rain, a foot and three-quarters of snow extending over the whole basin of the Tiber would be required. But the superficies of the Apennines covered with snow, even when the snow descends as low as two thousand feet above the sea, is not one-fourth of the area of the basin of the Tiber. The depth of snow, therefore, on the Apennines ought to have been seven feet on the level, and the snow ought to have melted in twelve hours, in order to produce the rapid rise of the river which took place on Wednesday, the twenty-eighth. Now, such a depth of snow is unknown on the Alps, below the region of perpetual congelation, except in drifts, and on the Apennines it is inconceivable, especially when a large part of it must have been dissolved by the Scirocco wind of the previous day and night ; and as snow absorbs a large quantity of latent heat in the process of liquefaction, it would have required, even when aided by rain, three or four days to melt. The temperature of the plains never exceeded fifty- five or fifty-six degrees Fahrenheit, and the average temperature at an elevation of between two thousand and six thousand feet, corresponding to that temperature in the plains, would not be more than forty-three degrees Fahrenheit, a temperature at which it is impossible that the melting of the snow could proceed at a rapid rate. Anyone who has observed how long it takes for half-a-foot of snow to melt in the plains, even when a strong south-west wind is blowing, will see how impossible it is that such a depth of snow as would be required to produce the requisite quantity of water could have been dissolved in the mountains in the course of twelve hours. On the other hand, a given quantity of rain may be spread over several days, or may descend in half-an-hour with the violence of a waterspout. Sudden inundations, therefore, where the river comes down with a head of water, must always be due mainly to rain. I now proceed to explain how tides or gales of wind may occasion floods in rivers, whose -volume is not increased by rain or melted snow. When a river widens rapidly as it REGARDING THE INUNDATIONS. 97 approaches the sea, so as to form a funnel-shaped estuary, whose mouth is open to a stormy wind, the tides often rise to a great height, and floods occasioned by them or by storms of wind are of frequent occurrence in the low lying districts along their banks. When the tidal wave enters the mouth of the estuary, its progress is checked in front by the sudden contraction of the banks, and the hinder part retaining its momentum rises over it and adds to its height. The effect is repeated, as the wave advances up the estuary, until the height of the tide in the estuary far exceeds its height in the open sea. Thus the spring tides, which, according to Professor Airy,* rise only eighteen feet at the mouth of the Bristol Channel, reach the height of more than thirty at Swansea and fifty at Chepstow; and in the bay of Fundy, between Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, they attain an elevation of one hundred and twenty feet.f The lower parts of London are often inundated by high tides at the time when it is low water in the German Ocean, the tidal wave by its momentum having, as it were, run up an inclined plane. In like manner, a gale of wind blowing into the mouth of a funnel-shaped bay may heap up the water at the narrow end far above its level in the open sea. In this way are produced the floods which have often devastated St. Petersburg. The stormy west wind blowing up the gulf of Finland drives vast billows into the open mouth, which rise to a great height at the narrow extremity. The waters of the Neva are dammed up, and rising above the quays overflow the city. St. Petersburg, as everyone knows, was originally a morass, but slightly elevated above the • Encyclopedia Metropolitana. t (Land and Sea). — Yet at Green bay, on the north side of the isthmus which separates it from the narrow end of the bay of Fundy, it rises only seven feet. In the same work there is the story of a ship which during the night was deposited by the rising tide of the bay of Fundy on a rock of considerable elevation. We may conceive the astonishment and dismay of the crew at daybreak, when they found themselves suspended high in air, like an aerial vessel. The story does not go on to tell us whether they got afloat again at high water. H 98 POPULAR THEORIES Baltic, and a great part of it is built upon piles. The inun dation, therefore, becomes part of the sea, and great waves roll through the town, and beat upon the houses as on stranded ships. Three great inundations are recorded within the last one hundred years, those of 1726, 1777, and 1824, of which that of 1824 was the most disastrous. A violent west wind raised a barrier of water at the Neva's mouth, and the river rose until it had attained a height of from six to twelve feet in every quarter of the city. Immense waves raised by the hurricane beat with fury into the midst of the town. Entire streets were destroyed, and the miserable cottages of the suburbs were carried away, and their wretched inhabitants either buried under their ruins or engulfed in the Neva. Not only were boats swept into the midst of the town, but at Cronstadt, the port, a ship of a hundred guns was carried into the midst of a square, overthrowing all the buildings in its way. The number of victims was considerable, for there was no rising ground to which they could escape. In one of the barracks the soldiers sought refuge upon the roof. In a short time the waves had shaken the building, so that it fell to pieces, and all these unhappy men disappeared beneath the waters. These scenes of horror were repeated during the small number of hours which the inundation lasted. Happily the wind calmed after three hours, and in a short time the town was free from water.* Nothing like this could ever happen in the case of the Tiber, even if Rome were situated at the apex of the Delta or built on the site of Fiumicino, so as to be more within the influence of the sea. The river is scarcely wider at its mouth than it is for many miles higher up, so that a wave would not increase in height as it ascended the stream; and the wave at starting would not be more than about four feet above the sea level, which was the greatest height observed * Voyage en Russie, par Leon Renouard de Bussiere. Lettre IV. REGARDING THE INUNDATIONS. 99 by Gambarini and Chiesa during the most violent storms* Again, the Tiber, instead of flowing into a funnel-shaped bay like the Neva, has pushed out a tongue of land into the sea, so that all the conditions on which floods produced by gales of wind depend, are here reversed. No force of wind, even if an Oriental cyclone were combined with a West Indian hurricane, could on this shallow coast heap up the water in the manner supposed by the advocates of the Scirocco theory of inundations. Were it possible for such a wall of water to be raised, it would not be confined to the Tiber's mouth, but extend along the whole coast, and flood far into the interior the -low lying country which stretches north and south from eighty to a hundred miles. Yet such an effect has never been observed. The greatest floods, also, rise but little in the Delta of the Tiber, where, according to the theory which I am controverting, they ought to be the greatest. From Ostia to Torre San Michele, and thence to the sea, the rise is trifling. But there are some who say that if the wind does n'ot heap up the waters of the sea, and impel great waves into the mouth of the river, it may, when it blows against the course of the stream, retard by its friction the velocity of the current, and thus gradually raise the level of the water, until, either alone or aided by rain, it causes the river to overflow its banks. Theoretically, one would not expect that the friction of the wind on a nearly smooth and horizontal surface would produce any appreciable effect. But this is a question to be determined by observation and experiment. It is not found that other rivers are flooded, or sensibly raised by winds blowing against the course of their streams, unless their estuaries are of the form which I have described. No inun dations of the Po are produced by easterly, or of the Rhine * Off the Cape of Good Hope waves are sometimes forty feet in height. In our seas, those about England, only ten and, in exceptional cases, eighteen feet (Land and Sea) ; but half this height is depression below the mean level of the sea. H 2 100 POPULAR THEORIES by northerly winds, however violent they may be; and in the case of the Tiber, it is a remarkable fact that the days on which the greatest floods have occurred during the last thirteen years, have either been quite calm or with a light breeze from the north-east. The answer usually given by the advocates of the theory which attributes these floods to wind, when their attention is directed to this fact, is "that a heavy gale may be blowing at the mouth of the Tiber while a dead calm prevails at Rome." This is a purely gratuitous assumption, and so improbable — considering the short distance as a bird would fly, scarcely fifteen miles from Rome to the sea — as not to deserve a serious reply. Gambarini and Chiesa report that the effect of the wind in retarding the current of the river is extremely slight. This they ascertained by comparing the velocity of a piece of wood when the day was calm, and when there was a gale of wind blowing up the stream, and they ridicule the notion that the wind has any considerable effect in causing the rise of the Tiber. To those who are not acquainted with Rome it may appear a waste of time and paper to argue against notions so absurd ; but these opinions are held by many persons well known in the city, both Romans and English residents in Rome, and by diverting the public mind from the true causes of the floods of the Tiber, they prevent any effectual precautions being taken against them. In the time of Bonini and Bacci, or three hundred years ago, it was the fashion to ascribe these inundations to the great quantity of water brought down by the Velino, which, along with the Salto and Turano, drains, as will be seen from the map, a large area of country; and Bacci speculates on the feasibility of diverting it from the Nera, and turning it through a rocky district abounding in caverns and chasms, which he fancied would be able to swallow it up. The same authors ridicule the apprehension which prevailed in those times that the " muro grosso," or great dike of the Chiana, which kept up a head of water in that river, would give way in time of floods, and liberate a mass of water by which Rome REGARDING THE INUNDATIONS. 101 would be submerged. These notions are mentioned along with the popular fallacies of the present day, to shew the tendency of the human mind to look for the cause of a phe nomenon in every direction but that in which it is likely to be found. CAUSES OF THE INUNDATIONS. Having shewn that the popular theories are insufficient to explain the great and sudden risings of the Tiber, I proceed to state the real causes of these floods. The inundations of a river depend : i. On the area and form of its basin. 2. On the rainfall within that basin, and its distribution among the months of the year. 3. On the permeability of the soil traversed by its affluents. 4. On the number of its tributaries, 1, area of basin. If a fall of rain extends over the whole basin of a river, the quantity of water which finds its way into the river and swells its stream, will, casteris paribus, be proportionate to the area of the basin. On the other hand, the larger the basin, the less likely is a fall of rain to be simultaneous over its whole extent. It seldom happens that all the tributaries, even of the Tiber, whose basin has an area of only seven thousand five hundred square miles, are swelled at the same time, and in the same degree, and rarely, if ever, that those of the much larger basin of the Loire, of which the superficies is forty-five thousand square miles, are simultaneously flooded, though the same kind of weather may prevail over the whole centre and south of France. This is truer still of the Danube, which drains an area of more than three hundred thousand square miles. The affluents of the Mississippi and the Amazon, which are equal to rivers of the first magnitude on the continent of Europe, belong to different climates, and different meteoro logical conditions ; so that, while some are in high flood, others are at their lowest level. Hence there are two great risings of the Mississippi in the year, corresponding to the CAUSES OF THE INUNDATIONS. 103 seasons at which each half of its tributaries is flooded; the one in January, the other, which is the highest and the most dreaded by planters, in the month of June.* The great affluents of the Amazon, north of the equator, are flooded when the sun has passed that line and is advancing towards the tropic of Cancer, and the southern affluents during his passage towards the tropic of Capricorn.t Thus an equilibrium is established, and while the main stream has its own inundation during the spring and early summer' when it overspreads the country, sometimes for a hundred miles, at all times it retains its majesty, and rolls towards the Atlantic a vast body of water miles in width. But high as the floods of these great rivers rise, their inun dations can never be relatively as great as those of smaller streams, over the whole of whose basin some great storm of rain may burst at once. Elis6e Reclus gives from Marchegay's " Annales des Ponts et Chauss6es " an account of an extra ordinary inundation of the Ardeche, in which that little river, not greater than a second rate tributary of the Tiber, rose in 1837 at the bridge of Gournier to the height of twenty metres and two-fifths of a metre, or about seventy English feet. On the other hand, the highest recorded flood of the Garonne,J rose only to thirteen metres or forty-two feet and a half, and the greatest height ever attained by the Seine was eighteen metres or thirty-two and a half English feet. The basin of the Tiber, whose superficies exceeds that of the Thames by two thousand square miles, is large in pro portion to the length of the main stream, and owing to the compactness of its form, which approaches in shape to a semi circle, of which the centre is the confluence of the Nera, no one point is so far removed from another as to render it extremely improbable that a great fall of rain should occa sionally extend over the whole of its surface, and swell simultaneously its tributary streams. * Elisee Reclus. t Idem. X Raulin Geographic Girondine, quoted by Eliscc Reclus. 104 CAUSES OF THE INUNDATIONS. 2. RAINFALL. The rainfall within the basin of a river, and its distribution among the months of the year, is the second condition on which the occurrence of floods depends. How much depends upon the distribution of the rain appears from the case of Australia, where frequent droughts, during which the sheep perish by thousands, alternate with floods which are equally destructive to the crops and the cattle. Yet the annual amount of rain, both for Melbourne and Sidney, if uniformly spread over the year, would clothe the fields in perpetual verdure, and maintain a full and perennial flow in the rivers.* The average rainfall for Rome is a little above thirty-one inches, the extremes being forty-three and nineteen inches, neglecting decimals ; and nearly the whole of this quantity falls during the nine months of the year when its effect is the greatest. The average for Florence is given at forty-two inches. If this be correct, the difference must be owing to the greater proximity of Florence to the Apennines. If forty- two inches be the average at the foot of the Apennines, and the extremes bear the same relation to the average as at Rome, we shall have about sixty inches, as the quantity which in exceptional years may fall over the whole region through which the tributaries of the Tiber flow. From the source of the Tiber on the north to that of the Salto on the south, the distance, as a bird would fly, as I have said, is one hundred and forty miles. For this distance all the rain and melted snow from the western slopes of the Apennines must fall within the basin of the Tiber. If to this we add the contributions of the western tributaries, we shall have an explanation of the inundations of the river, as far as they depend upon the depth of rain which falls. But how much of this rain finds its way into the river? This depends upon the permeability or absorbent qualities of * At Melbourne there fell in the year 1870 sixty inches of rain, and in the three months of January, February and March, 1871, sixteen inches. But this must be above the average, which I have not yet had an opportunity of ascertaining. CAUSES OF THE INUNDATIONS. 105 the soil, and upon the number of tributaries which intersect the basin of the river. 3. PERMEABILITY OF THE SOIL. Of all soils the most permeable is pure silicious sand. It not only furnishes no water to the streams which traverse it, but abstracts a portion of their volume, and if the sandy district be extensive, ends by swallowing them up entirely. In this way rivers of considerable size are lost in the sandy deserts of Africa and Central Asia. Next in order of per meability comes the chalk, which is characterised, as everyone may have observed, by extreme dryness. No springs originate in strata of chalk, and no rivulets flow through chalky valleys. All the rain which falls upon the surface percolates through the soil, until it is stopped by some impervious stratum, when it either forms reservoirs in the earth or issues as a spring at a lower level. The same description will apply to the four inferior members of the Oolitic series, which are nearly as absorbent as the chalk. Valles observes that in a district of two thousand square kilometres of such a formation, there was no trace of streams, all the rain which fell disappearing in the earth. In a letter from the engineer Belgrand to the Geological Society of France, it is stated that on the fifteenth and six teenth of October the enormous quantity of 1635 metres, or about six- and a half inches of rain fell in the upper part of the basins both of the Loire and the Seine, rather more in the basin of the Seine than that of the Loire. Yet the Loire, which, in the upper part of its course, flows through the impermeable granite, was swollen to a great height, and caused losses which, according to the Moniteur of third June, 1847, amounted to forty millions of francs. The rise of the Seine, on the other hand, was so trifling that it attracted no notice. The Medway affords another illustration of the connexion between the floods of a river and the nature of the soil through which it flows. The Medway is a river of a short course, but so sluggish that its floods take thirty hours to 106 CAUSES OF THE INUNDATIONS. descend the stream to Yalding, which is distant not more than the same number of miles from its source. Its tribu taries all flow through the Wealden clay and Hastings sand, both impermeable strata. As soon as the clay is saturated in autumn, the rain runs off the surface as if it were paved. Every tenth-of-an-inch of rain produces a rise in the river, and half- an-inch causes a considerable flood. The course of the Tiber and its tributaries is almost entirely through impermeable strata: the Jura limestone in the moun tains, and the clays, sandstones, and tufas of the tertiary and post-tertiary strata. Hence its floods suffer little diminution from the percolation of water through the soil. 4. NUMBER OF TRIBUTARIES. The shrewd old tyrant Tiberius, when he attributed the floods of the Tiber to the multitude of its affluents,* shewed that he understood far more about the matter than any of our modern engineers, who fancy that these inundations are caused by a few petty obstructions in the bed of the stream, as if rivers in a state of nature never overflowed their banks. Pliny enumerates two and forty rivers which flowed into the Tiber below the confluence of the Chiana.f Most of these are mere brooks, and, to avoid confusion, are omitted in the map prefixed to this work, but, if they were represented, the map would present a complete network of streams. It may seem at first as if all the rain which falls in the quadrilateral formed by two great tributaries, the hills in which they rise and the main stream must find its way into the river, with the exception of the part which disappears at once * tov Te nroTapou tov TtjS/ptfios iroXXa T?js ¦jtoXeojs KaTao-%6vTOS, w'ffTt nrXEvaQfivai. . . . eVeo/os 8z 8h vop.iy 8' dp' EXoi\j/ Kptitav SovpiKXvTos riyEpoitEVEV Oi", irXi'ipril irkp iwv, KpaTEpos iraXdprj EiropE^drjlf Teuo-eo-0' Iptiptav, to 8k y' dp(3pooi}j pol ESofyv 'Wiv, t\v SaiovTai paKapE? tisol diiv e6vtes. — IV. 5. The sturgeon led them warrior prince renowned, Although already sated with the feast, Eager to taste it forth I stretched my hand, And seized a portion in my sturdy grasp. Methought it seemed ambrosia, food for gods, Such as immortal gods alone may taste. The sturgeon was brought in first in the procession of dishes. 154 FISH OF THE TIBER. to three hundred pounds, are entangled occasionally in the revolving nets at the Ponte Sisto, which are intended principally for the capture of shad, and called "giornelli," because all day long they never cease to turn. When this takes place, the revolution of the net is arrested by the weight of the fish, which is secured by means of a boat. The larger sturgeons, of which not more than thirty or forty are taken in a year, are, of course, considered great prizes ; but the flesh of the smaller ones, called by the Romans "porchetti," or sucking-pigs, is far more delicate than that of those which attain the dimensions I have stated, while it is sufficiently firm. The sturgeon has always been considered " a dainty dish to set before a king." I have quoted the lines of Martial in which he recommends a sturgeon to be sent to the Palatine, as its only fitting destination ; and in modern times, the sturgeon, when caught in the Thames, within the jurisdiction of the Lord Mayor, is considered a royal fish. The king appears, however, to possess the same claim to the fish when caught anywhere within the British Isles. In the " Times " of the twenty-ninth of May, 1872, there appeared a letter from a fishmonger of King's Lynn, Norfolk, complaining that the superintendent of police and two officers had called at his shop and carried off a sturgeon of fifty or sixty pounds, saying that it ought to have been offered to the Mayor (to be presented, I presume, to the Queen). In the same Journal, of the twenty- first of July, in the same year, appeared the following para graph, headed: "A Royal Fish. — On Friday morning a sturgeon, six feet six inches long, weighing about one hundred and twenty pounds, was caught in the Medway, opposite Chatham dock yard. The Mayor of Rochester sent the fish to the Queen, at Windsor, by the principal water-bailiff of the city, Mr. E. G. Watson." It does not appear whether any compensation was made either to the Lynn fishmonger or to the captor of the sturgeon at Chatham. As the sturgeon in England was considered to belong of right to the king, so one which was taken in the revolving FISH OF THE TIBER. 155 nets at the Ponte Sisto was thought a fitting present for a Pope. It was the year 1848, and Pius IX. was in the height of his popularity. The sturgeon, which was between seven and eight feet in length, was put alive into a large vessel of water, placed upon a frame decorated with green boughs and flowers, and carried in procession by six boatmen dressed in white, and wearing scarlet caps. This happened during the Easter festival, at the time of the Apostolical supper, and a large portion of the sturgeon is said to have been distributed among the men who represented the twelve apostles. The sturgeon belongs to the order of cartilaginous fishes, or those with gristly instead of bony skeletons. It is, there fore, allied to the shark, which, in some parts of its structure, it resembles. As in the shark, the mouth is underneath, while the long snout, where we should expect the mouth to be, is undivided. In other respects nothing can be more different than the two fishes, the mouth of the sturgeon being small, toothless, and protractile, so that it is incapable of feeding on anything but small animals and soft substances. THE GREY MULLET. Though the grey mullet, "mugilis cephalus," is properly a fish of the sea, yet, as it is caught at the mouth of the Tiber, and is mentioned by Juvenal as the instrument of punishment for a certain class of offences,* it will not be out of place to give its history here. The flesh of the grey mullet, which is commonly sold in the markets of Rome, is firm and delicate, and fully equal to that of the " Lupus," or " Spigola ; " yet it does not appear to have been held in the same estimation by the ancient Romans, who gave such enormous sums for the red mullet, a fish nearly allied to the grey. The beauty, however, of the red mullet appears to have been its principal recommendation, for it was often brought in alive at a banquet, in order that * quosdam mo echos et mugilis intrat. — X. 317. 156 FISH OF THE TIBER. the guests might feast their eyes with the changes of colour which it exhibited as it expired. The " Mugilis cephalus," so named from the large size of its head, and called by the Italians cefalo del Mare, is one of the largest of the genus. Specimens are often seen, which are eighteen inches long, and some have been found which measured two feet or more. It attains the weight of ten, twelve, and sometimes, according to Prince Musignano, seventeen pounds. Modern observation has confirmed the accounts which the ancients have given us of the sagacity and extraordinary activity of this fish, which has led fanciful Etymologists to derive the name " mugilis " from " multum agilis," " very active." On calm and moonlight nights they may be seen at Civita Vecchia amusing themselves by leaping out of the water, splash succeeding splash in rapid succession, so that listeners have imagined that persons on shore were throwing stones into the sea. Pliny asserts that they have been known to leap over a ship ; but of what size is not stated. Even under the sun of India the grey mullet retains its peculiarities. For the correspondent of the "Times," who accompanied the Prince of Wales, while sailing in an open boat along the coast south of Bombay, observed a species similar to, or identical with this, continually jumping out of the water. One leapt into the boat, and another would have followed if it had not been arrested by an arm. When many are caught in a net, it is necessary to close it as quickly as possible at the top, otherwise they will all jump over it and escape. The foremost dorsal fin of the mullet is furnished with four rigid spines, which lie flat when the fish is moved in the direction of its head, through an opening a little larger than itself, but which erect themselves when it is attempted to withdraw it. It was thus used by the Romans to lacerate the tenderest parts of the human body, as a punishment for the crime of adultery. FISH OF THE TIBER. 157 THE EEL. The eel is in much higher favour with the people of Rome in the present day than in the time of Juvenal, when, as we have seen, it was banished to the table of the parasite. It is now considered as excellent food by people of every class ; but the eels caught in the Tiber form but a very small part of those which are consumed in the modern city. The main supply comes from the lagunes of Comacchio, near the mouth of the Po, and communicating by a channel with that river. The eels, according to Spallanzani, retreat to the lagunes immediately after their birth, and at the end of five years they return to the Po. At the period of their return the fisher men of the Comacchio form small chambers with reeds, in which they are caught, and in which they collect in such numbers that they may actually be seen above the surface of the water. Pliny* describes them as taken in his time in similar chambers [excipulis], at the point where the river Mincius issues from the lake Benacus, and says that as many as a thousand have been caught in one of these. As soon as the eels are taken out of the water they are cooked, and after being cut into pieces are packed in barrels with a certain proportion of vinegar, and sold in Rome, Naples, and the principal cities of Italy. The larger specimens, distinguished by the name of " capitone," are preserved alive in enclosures, similar to those which have been described, and sent during the month of November and December to Naples and Rome, where they are highly relished by people of every grade, and where, on the day before Christmas, "capitone" forms a standing dish in every Italian family. In the utilization of the eel as an article of food the British may learn a lesson from the Italians. Frank Buckland, in the "Times," twenty-first of September, 1872, expresses his surprise that the Scotch salmon fishermen allowed the eels to pass them during the period of their annual migration (the middle of * Plin. Hist. Nat. ix. 21 (38). 158 FISH OF THE TIBER. September to the end of October) from the lakes and rivers to the sea, without any attempt to catch them. It appears that the Scotch have a prejudice against the eel, and would as soon, Buckland observes, eat a viper or boaconstrictor. But why, he says, should they object to catch and sell them where they are highly relished, as in London and other places. He then goes on to describe his visits to various eating-houses fre quented by the poor, where stewed eels formed the staple dish. He found them, he says, extremely savoury, and, with the sauce, well worth the twopence he paid for his portion. He regrets, therefore, that at a time when there are so many complaints of the deamess of living, so much nutricious food should be thrown away by prejudice or carelessness. THE TENCH. The -tench, " Tinea vulgaris," is a fish that luxuriates in mud, in which it is supposed to bury itself during the winter, for it is rarely caught at that season. The Tiber, therefore, would seem to be a habitat peculiarly suited to its tastes. But, if it loves mud, it loves still water yet more, and is seldom found except in lakes and sluggish streams ; those brought to market at Rome are usually caught in the lake of Visco and others which discharge themselves into the Tiber ; those taken in the river itself being supposed to be swept into it when the streams which issue from the lakes are swelled by rain. The flesh of the tench was held in little repute by the ancient Romans. Ausonius speaks of it as a fish which none but the coarse appetites of the common people could relish. Quis non et virides vulgi solatia Tineas Novit ? Auson. Ausonius lived, indeed, a.d. 410, and the taste in fish may have undergone a great change since the time of Augustus ; but there is no reason to suppose that the tench was a favourite with the Romans at any time. By the modern Romans it is relished as little as by their ancestors. It is FISH OF THE TIBER. 159 thought to have a flavour derived from the mud in which it delights to wallow, and it requires, as the Romans think, to be dressed the very day on which it is caught. In England, also, its flesh is underrated, as Yarrell considers, and he recommends it as one of the most useful fish for stocking ponds. The fish above described are those which are mentioned by the poets or natural historians of Rome ; but some of the species taken in the Tiber in the present day, and used as food by the inhabitants of the city, cannot be identified with any that are noticed by ancient writers. These species are few in number compared to those which are caught in the Thames, some of which appear to have been artificially intro duced. The salmon, being a stranger to the Mediterranean, is, of course, unknown in the rivers which flow into that sea ; the tunny, a fish which never ascends rivers, supplying its place as an article of luxury and trade. The perch and the trout* also are wanting in the Tiber, and even the pike and tench are extremely scarce. When taken in the river, they are supposed to have been washed down by the floods from the small lakes which empty themselves into it and where they are usually caught. The most abundant fish appear to be the barbel and the shad when in season. If to these we add the river lamprey, a species of carp called by the Romans "Regina," a species of dace to which the name of "Squaglio" is given, and two varieties of eel, the list of species will nearly be complete. Of these, the most important or the most interesting from their natural history, are the shad and the lamprey, and a short account of these will be given. * These remarks apply only to the Tiber between the sea and the junction of the Nera, a distance of about eighty-five miles by the windings of the stream. But high up the tributaries of the river, at and above Tivoli and the falls of Terni, and wherever the affluents flow with a clear current over a rocky or pebbly bottom, the angler may find the trout. 160 FISH OF THE TIBER. THE SHAD. The shad, "Clupea alosa" (Italian "Laccia"), is a fish of the family of the herrings, which it resembles in everything )ut size, the usual length being eighteen or nineteen inches and weight four pounds and a half, while some attain the length of two feet and weigh eight pounds. The "Laccia" ascends the Tiber in the early part of the summer, and is caught in large numbers in the revolving nets of which I have spoken. This is the cheapest fish at Rome during the time when it is in season, and its flavour is delicate ; but it r.bounds in small bones, like its congener the herring, which it resembles in taste and in the oiliness and texture of its flesh. THE LAMPREY. The lamprey, though confounded by the moderns with the " Mursena," does not appear to have been mentioned by any of the Latin writers. In the present day it is rarely seen in the markets of Rome, and forms but an inconsiderable part of the food of the people. Its associations, also, are with the death of an English king rather than with classical literature. Yet as one species, the " Petromyzon fluviatilis," is found in the Tiber, a place must be given it in the fauna of that river. The lamprey is worthy of notice, likewise, on account of the peculiarity of its respiratory system. Seven round holes, dis posed in a line on one side of the neck, admit the water, which is expelled through an opening at the top of the head, and issues from it in a little spout. It is thus enabled to breathe while it adheres to stones or other objects with its circular mouth. It is remarkable that neither the perch nor the gudgeon, "Cyprinus Gobio'' or " Gobio fluviatilis," the little fish so plentiful in the fresh waters of England, and so easily caught that the name of gudgeon is applied to a simpleton, who allows himself to be easily entrapped, is found in any of the rivers of central Italy. Of the perch, " Perea fluviatilis," Bona parte, Prince of Canino, observes : " Niun Percha d' acqua dolce si cognosce in questo piccolo angolo della terra che FISH OF THE TIBER. 161 e Roma, ne in tutfa la parte meridionale dello stato" (that is, in the states of the church south of the Apennines, as distinguished from the Romagna). Professor Diorio remarks that owing, perhaps, to the poisoning of the water by the refuse from the gas-works, there appears to be a line of demarcation between the fish of the upper and lower Tiber, which neither is able to cross. It is owing, perhaps, to this and other causes that the "Lupus" no longer ascends the river to the heart of Rome, to prey upon the garbage, which imparted to it the flavour so much admired by the epicures of the time of Horace, and that, even at Ostia, only small specimens, called " Spigoletti," diminutive of " Spigola," are said to be taken at the present day. In addition to those which I have mentioned before, the common carp ("Cyprinus Carpio"), the golden tench ("Tinea Chrysitis"), and the "Tinea Italica" (rare), are occasionally taken. A small fish, also, of which there are three species, the " Laterina Hepsetes," the " Laterina Lacustris," and the " Laterina Sardica," is caught in great abundance, and con sidered a delicacy. It is from an inch to an inch and a half or more in length, and is eaten whole. M THE OTTER. The solitary habits of the otter and its peculiar instincts explain why it is so little known except to -those who go to seek it, and why its existence is often unsuspected in places where it is tolerably abundant. Like the kingfisher, it confines itself to the streams where it was born and reared, and where it has been in the habit of fishing, and rarely crosses from one river to another. Its retreat, also, is concealed in a most ingenious manner. The otter always forms an entrance below the surface of the water and works upwards, hollowing out one or more chambers. The hole for the admission of air is made to open beneath a bush, so that there is no external indication of the presence of the animal. As might have been expected from the unobservant nature of the Romans and the difficulty of discovering the otter's retreat, it is impossible to learn anything certain respecting it from the natives of the town ; and as the cruel amusement of otter-hunting has not yet been introduced into Rome, there is no inducement to ascertain its haunts or to learn whether it exists at all. Even the Professor of Zoology could not say whether otters are found on the Tiber above the city, though he had heard that they were occasionally seen between the city and the sea. In fact, the Tiber between Rome and its source is a terra incognita to the Romans, almost as little explored as the Congo in its upper course, and any information regarding its Natural History must be gleaned from English sportsmen and French savants. Accordingly, we are informed by Bonaparte, Prince of Canino, that the otter is met with in the marshes of Ostia, upon the borders of the Anio, along the banks of the Tiber, and sometimes even within the walls of Rome. THE OTTER. 163 The otter furnishes another instance of the extreme care lessness and ignorance of Pliny in all matters relating to the Natural History of animals. The iw<:pie (or animal dwelling in the water) of Aristotle was a quadruped identical with our otter; the "enhydris" of Pliny (a Latin translation of the Greek) was a species of snake or fish. Pliny, or his informant, had probably seen the head of the swimming otter, and mistook it for that of a snake or fish, just as the head and shoulders of a large seal appearing above the surface of the waves, has given rise to the fable of the sea-serpent. The destructive habits of the otter have, I believe, been greatly exaggerated, owing to the desire which exists among the vulgar herd to seek in the supposed noxious qualities of the animal an excuse for persecuting it. It is said to destroy many fish at a time, devouring only the head and shoulders. This may be the case when the animal is allowed to work its will in a well-stocked fish-pond, but it is absurd to suppose that a hungry otter, which has just caught a fish in a river, would leave the greater part of it untasted and go to hunt a fresh one. Were the instinct of destruction as great as is represented, the vicinity of an otter's hole ought to be a complete charnel-house for fish bones and the remains of fish, and would infallibly betray its whereabouts, but I am not aware that such a sight has ever been observed. The otter when taken young may be tamed, and become as familiar as a dog, though it is said that it can never be taught habits of cleanliness. In the journal of Bishop Heber is the following interesting account of the otter, which has been domesticated in the East. This is a distinct species from our own, and is thought to be the " Lutra Nair" of Cuvier. "We passed," says this benevolent prelate, "to my surprise, a row of no less than nine or ten very large and very beautiful otters, tethered with straw collars and long strings to bamboo stakes on the banks of the Malta Colly (one of the numerous branches which intersect the Delta of the Ganges). Some were swimming about to the full extent of their strings, or lying half in and M2 164 THE OTTER. half out of the water; others were rolling themselves in the sun on the sandy bank, uttering a shrill whistling noise, as if in play. I was told that most of the fishermen in this neighbourhood kept one or more of these animals, which are almost as tame as dogs and of great use in fishing, sometimes driving the shoals into the nets and sometimes bringing out the larger fish with their teeth. I was much pleased and interested with the sight. It has always been a fancy of mine that the poor creatures which we waste and persecute to death, for no other reason than the gratification of our cruelty, might, by reasonable treatment, be made the sources of abundant amusement and advantage to us." The kind-hearted Bishop is one of the few who do not regard with indifference the cruelties practised upon animals in a state of nature, or think it an unmanly weakness to feel for their sufferings. The allusion is, of course, to the cruel and cowardly amusement of otter-hunting, or, as it might with more propriety be called, otter-baiting ; for what is the dif ference in principle between otter-hunting and the baiting of bulls and badgers, now happily proscribed by law. If there be any difference, otter-baiting is the more cruel and cowardly sport of the two, because the otter is placed at a greater disadvantage by the number of its assailants. It has been urged in defence of fox-hunting that it is conducive to health, and that the galloping across country is a good training for cavalry officers in time of war; but what incidental benefits are derived from standing on the banks of a river or walking a short distance along it to see an unfor tunate animal battling against a whole pack of hounds, and, being nearly suffocated by constant diving and lacerated by scores of wounds, succumbing at last to the multitude of its enemies. It might be expected that a naturalist would sympathise with the animals whose habits he has studied, and with many of whom, if of a kindly disposition, he would have formed a sort of friendship ; yet Dr. Bell, in his " History of British Quadrupeds," describes an otter-hunt, and details all its bar- THE OTTER. 165 barities with the unction of one whose life had been devoted to the sports of the field. He writes, not only as if he himself saw nothing wrong in the amusement, but as if it never entered into his head that anyone could object to it on the score of cruelty. Humanity to animals is a virtue of very recent date. There is no trace of it, as a principle, in the ancient writers, though individuals are recorded to have had their pets,* and it is not enforced in the New Testament. Hence a large portion of those belonging to the so-called religious world display little sympathy with the sufferings of animals, and contribute nothing to the society for their protection, as if cruelty to animals, though not forbidden "totidem verbis" by Christ and his dis ciples, any more than slavery or polygamy, were not contrary to the spirit of the Gospel. * Catullus has immortalised the sparrow of Lesbia ; Hortensius, the orator, was so attached to a tame muraena, which fed from his hand, that he is said to have shed tears when it died [Pliny ix. ch. 81 (55) and Macrobius, Saturnalia]; and the Britons, Caesar tells us [de Bel. Gal. v. 12], did not taste the flesh of the hare, the common fowl, or the goose, but kept them for amusement, " animi causa." To Virgil the slaying of a pet stag is fabled to have been the art which first aroused the Latins to take up arms against the Trojans. SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER FOR WORKS OF ART. It may be expected that some notice should be taken of the speculation which some years ago engaged the attention and raised the hopes of the Roman archaeologists, and from which such great results were looked for — the recovery, namely, by dredging, of the works of art which are popularly supposed to be entombed in the mud of the Tiber* On the subject of these treasures, whose existence rests on traditions as apocryphal as the story of the golden candlestick, I have collected, I believe, all that can be said ; but previously I will notice the extraordinary conclusion at which Preller, in his " Rom und der Tiber " arrives : " that experience, and the repeated researches of practical men, have shown that this notion (that the bed of the Tiber contains large treasures of art) is either altogether unfounded or at least greatly ex aggerated. Both these engineers (Fea and Linotte) point out, that the fall of the bed of the river is sufficiently great, the current of the river itself within the city sufficiently strong, to sweep away in course of time every object cast into the stream." In this sentence there is great confusion of ideas. If every object of art has long been swept away, there can be no question of more or less, and no room for exaggeration. But, letting this pass, is it not strange that the engineers, whose authority Preller quotes.f who have the reputation of * With regard to the statues said to have been flung from the castle of St. Angelo on the heads of the besiegers, it has been well observed, that the attack would naturally have been made on the side unprotected by the Tiber, and, consequently, that the statues would not necessarily have found their way into the bed of the river. t Let Fea and Linotte speak for themselves: "il corpo di acqua del Tevere," they say : "siadi tal forza da poter promovere le materie mescolate alle sue acque fino al mare, anche con minor pendenza di quella che ha presentemente." SEARCHING THE TIBER FOR WORKS OF ART. 167 being men of science, should form such an erroneous estimate of the power of running water as to suppose the current of the Tiber capable of transporting statues of marble and of bronze. Valles, the engineer in chief of the Ponts et Chaussees, maintains, on the contrary, that rivers in their course through the plains are incapable of transporting even gravel, and that the gravel which is found in their beds has not been carried from the hills in which they had their source, but is derived from the banks in the immediate neighbourhood.* Now, as the transporting power, cseteris paribus, is proportionate to the surface, which increases as the square, while the weight to be moved is proportionate to the solid content, which increases as the cube, we may see the absurdity of supposing that a river that could not move gravel would have the power to transport masses of stone. Only when the declivity of a river is measured by tens of feet in a mile, has the stream sufficient force to over come the friction of a large body, and set it in motion. Nor is the power of transporting objects lying at the bottom of a river augmented during floods. The increased velocity of a swollen river is due to the hydrostatic pressure of the water above, and extends to a depth equal to the rise of the river. It is no more sensible at the bottom than the motion of the waves beyond a certain depth. f The Tiber, when flooded, deposits * Valles, Etudes sur les Inondations, chap. Force de transport des fleuves. f The following are some of the -superficial and mean velocities of rivers in the plains, as ascertained by experiment. They are extracted from a larger number given by Valles : Velocities of Surface. Mean Velocities. 2-IOO 1-580 1-400 .798 1-450 1-004 2-224 1-518 The corresponding minimum velocities, or those near the bottom, would be 1-060, -196, -558, -812. It appears from this that, when the fall is inconsider able, a great difference may exist between the velocity at the surface and that at the bottom, upon which the transporting power of rivers depends ; though as the declivity increases, the ratio of the bottom to the surface velocity approaches to a ratio of equality, the transporting power is increased, and at the same time a 168 SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER large sand banks, not only in sheltered nooks, but in spots where the banks form a straight line, and sloping from Ihe sides towards the centre of the stream, showing that the bottom is comparatively tranquil. These sand-banks are cut through and swept away when the river sinks and the super ficial velocity reaches them. We may, therefore, assume, that whatever works of art, incapable of much damage from water, were committed to the Tiber have been intrusted to safe keeping, and might remain there to the day of judgment, or at least to the next geological convulsion, for all that the Tiber can do to remove them. This being granted, we will consider the probability of works of art having fallen into the river by accident, or been thrown into it by design, and left there by those who had neither the opportunity nor the inclination to attempt their recovery. Most students of archseology are aware that there is no novelty in the idea of dredging the Tiber in the hope of discovering some statue, or object of antiquarian interest, which chance or design had committed to its depths, and that similar schemes have been broached from time to time in the course of the last two or three hundred years. The President de Brasses, who visited Italy during the Pontificate of Benedict XIV. (174.0), tells, in his letters, the apocryphal story of an offer made by the Jews to excavate and clean out the bed of the Tiber, provided they were allowed to appropriate all the treasures and objects of antiquarian interest which they met with in the course of their operations. The offer was declined, it is said, because it was feared that the stirring up of the mud would create a pestilence in the city. This story is thought by Fea* to have been palmed upon the President by a Roman cicerone ; but whether true or false, body resting on a steeper inclined plane is moved with greater ease. It is evident, therefore, when we consider the slight -declivity of the bed of the Tiber, and the large amount of friction to be overcome, that no conclusion can be drawn from the swiftness of its current in time of floods as to its power of transporting heavy objects resting ou its bed. * Fea Novelle del Te.vcre. — Roma, 1819. FOR WORKS OF ART. 169 it shows that the attention of the Romans of the time was directed to the subject. Nevertheless, either owing to the want of funds, the unfavourable report of the engineers, or the disappointment of the Pope, no attempt was made to carry the design into execution, and after having amused the city for a time, it was dismissed entirely from the thoughts of men. We hear next of the matter in the early part of the present century, when Georgina, Duchess of Devonshire, after trying in vain to procure permission for herself, or a company which she represented, to divert the course of the Tiber, determined to dredge the river at her own expense. She appears, however, to have met with nothing to reward her pains, or to repay any portion of the money sunk in the venture. Shortly before 1819 the dredging of the bed of the Tiber had again become the subject of conversation, and " opinions,^ says Fea, "were revived, which good sense, and a more accurate knowledge of history and topography, had cast into another river, that of Lethe, and it might have been hoped into eternal oblivion." This time, also, nothing appears to have been done, and the project slept for five-and-forty years, when an association was formed for the purpose of carrying out a scheme so often projected and so often abandoned. Mr. Lecky undertook to be the medium of communication with the government, and having procured an interview with Cardinal Antonelli, explained to him that it was proposed to divert the course of the Tiber, and thus to recover with greater ease the objects of art sup posed to be lying in its bed. The same objection was made by Cardinal Antonelli which had been raised against similar propositions in former days — that the stirring up of the mud of the Tiber would breed a pestilence in the city during the heats of summer. The plan was thus nipped in the bud, and nothing more was heard of it until the year 1870. There is a general impression that a new association was formed at that date with the sanction and approval of the Italian govern ment. It appears, however, that the present society is nothing but a resuscitation of the old association, whose members 170 SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER hoped to obtain from the more liberal ministers of Victor Emmanuel the permission which had been refused by the government of the Pope. I am unable to learn whether the society has done anything towards carrying out the object with which it was formed. The "dolce far niente" seems to influence every proceeding of the Italians, whether they act separately or in masses, so that it is impossible to say whether the society has abandoned its design or is merely taking its siesta. The belief that countless works of art are imbedded in the mud of the Tiber appears to be based, partly on the alleged vandalism of Gregory the Great, and partly on the stories of statues and other precious objects cast into the river in order to preserve them from destruction by the enemies of Rome. It is said that Gregory, in order to withdraw from the sight of the pilgrims who resorted to the Eternal City every object of profane curiosity, caused the statues and other sculptures of the Gentiles, as he called them, to be removed from the public edifices and cast into the Tiber. With regard to the objects of art thought to have been consigned to that river as a place of security, the belief rests only on tradition, which itself was, probably, based on a pre sumption of how people were likely to act in times of terror and insecurity; though, as the author of a letter in the "Times," the third of May, 1872, well observes: "when people wish to conceal their property either from foreign invaders or domestic revolutionists, they are more likely to bury it in the earth than to consign it to the depths of a river, whence its subsequent withdrawal may be difficult," or, we may add, im possible.* Fea examines at length the charge against Gregory, and shews the improbability of its truth. The story is found in no contemporary record, and appears to have been propagated * There is a record of one statue, at least, having been thrown into the Tiber though with an object very different from that of which we are speaking. We refer to the statue of Isis, mentioned in a former chapter. — " Superstitions connected with the Tiber." FOR WORKS OF ART. 171 both by friends and by enemies ; by fanatical friends, who admired his religious zeal, and by free-thinking enemies, who thought to satirise his harrow fanaticism and absence of taste. Yet Gregory was of an illustrious senatorial family, and a man of cultivated intellect. It is unlikely, therefore, that he would have been insensible to the beauty of the works of art which he is accused of having consigned to oblivion. Before he became a monk he had been Praetor Urbanus, or Prefect of Rome, to which dignity was attached the office of " Curator of the bed and banks of the Tiber," and, by the terms of that office, he was bound to attend to the channel of the river and to keep it free from every kind of obstruction. There had been a destructive inundation in the November of the year 589, preceding his election, followed by a pestilence, which was attributed by many to the inundation. It is, therefore, highly improbable that by casting such a number of statues into the Tiber he would have impeded the navigation of the river and increased its liability to floods, attended, as they were, by consequences so disastrous to the city. The legend, also, of Gregory's admiration for the monuments of the Forum* of Trajan and for the character of that Emperor, which led him to be the means of releasing his soul from hell.f * This was in perfect preservation in his time, A.D. 590, and there the poets of the day used to meet and recite their verses or those of the standard poets of antiquity. In Venantius Fortunatus, Bishop of Poictiers, a contemporary of Gregory, we have the following lines : Vix modo tam nitido pomposa poemata cultu Audit Trajano Roma verenda Foro. — Car. in. c. 23. We are not informed whether these "pompous" poems were the immortal productions of Homer and Virgil or the forgotten compositions of those that recited them. f The story is told by Paul the Deacon from the Saxon Ecclesiastical Chronicles, where alone it is to be found. " Gregorius cum quadam die per Forum Trajani, quod opere magnifico constat esse extructum, procederet, et insignia misericordiae ejus conspiceret, interque memorabile illud comperiret, videlicet.." &c. — Vita. S. Gregorii, sec. 22. Paul goes on to tell the story of a widow, which appears either to have been suggested to Gregory or recalled to his recollection by a group of figures in the Forum. Trajan, when mounted on horseback and ready to start for the seat of war, is stopped by a widow, who 172 SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER appears to be inconsistent either with the want of taste or with the religious fanaticism attributed to him.* Besides, he could not have taken so decided a step without the permission of the Emperor Maurice, who reigned at Constantinople, of which Rome was then a dependency, and he must have con fronted the indignation of the people, who took a pride in the works of art with which their city was adorned. Of the number of statues existing half-a-century before his time, we have evidence from many sources. Among the manu scripts brought to light by the late Cardinal Mai is one in Syriac, which bears the name of Zacharias, Bishop of Melitene, in Armenia, who lived in the sixth century, and who is surnamed " Rhetor," to distinguish him from Zacharias, Bishop of Mitylene, who lived at the same time, and is generally known by the name of " Scholasticus." The document in question consists of a series of tracts upon miscellaneous subjects, and is followed by another in the same language, which describes the streets, the public buildings, and the works of art of Rome. entreats him to do justice on the murderers of her son. Trajan pleads haste as a reason for declining her request, and promises to hear her case when he returns. "But, suppose you never return," said the widow. On this Trajan dismounted, and, after enquiring into the truth of her story, inflicted due punishment on the guilty. John the Deacon, in relating the same story, prolongs the conversation somewhat, and puts a more cogent argument into the mouth of the widow. "Suppose you never return," says she. "Then my successor will see you righted," replied Trajan. "But is it not better," rejoined the widow, "to perform the good action yourself, and thus gain all the credit both in this world and in the next ?" The argument appeared conclusive to Trajan, and he dis mounted, &c. The sequel of the story is better known : that Gregory was moved to tears by the thought that so good a man should be doomed to eternal torments, and prayed fervently for him. In the evening he fell into a trance, and was informed by a voice from heaven that his prayer had been heard and the soul of Trajan released from hell, but that he must never again presume to intercede for an unbaptized infidel. * The legend, as I have before observed, is found only in the Saxon Chronicles. Gregory was an especial favourite with the Saxons, whom he had been the means of converting to Christianity, and the legend was, perhaps, invented by them for the purpose of doing him honour. FOR WORKS OF ART. 173 Mai, who translates the other tracts into Latin, gives no version of this, assigning as a reason his belief that it was not the production of Zacharias.* In Ampere's "History of the Roman Empire"! the most remarkable passages of this treatise are quoted, but nothing is said about the language in which they were written, nor does Ampere tell us whether he translates directly from the Syriac or copies the translation of another. He is silent, also, upon the doubts of the authen ticity of the tract expressed by Cardinal Mai. Not being a Hebrew scholar myself, I will give from Ampere the passages relating to the works of art, without vouching for the authenticity of the original or the correctness of the translation. According, then, to this author, whose identity with the Bishop of Melitene is matter of dispute, there were in Rome, at the time when he wrote, eighty great statues of gold (that is, statues plated or gilded with gold), sixty-six ivory statues (or statues veneered with ivory) ofthe gods, three thousand seven hundred and eighty-five bronze statues of emperors and other gene rals, twenty-two equestrian statues in bronze and two colossuses. But, if this authority be looked upon as apocryphal and suspicious from its very preciseness, we have testimony more unimpeachable in the writings of Cassiodorus, the secretary of Theodoric, who lived about the same time, and in the city, whose wonders of art he is describing. I refer to his well-known saying that the number of statues in Rome was so large that they seemed almost as numerous as the living population.! • Sequuntur autem ibidem, in miscello scilicet codice, alia quaedam de originibus et asdificiis Romae, quae Syriace quidem edidimus, sed Latine non fecimus, quia Zachariee foetum non existimavimus. — Mai. vol. X. of his works under letter Z. index. I have thought it necessary to enter into these details, because there are many who neglect to give references, or withhold all information regarding the authorities which they quote. f L' Empire Romain a Rome, par J. J. Ampere, torn. n. pp. 407, 408. X " Has (statuas) primum Tusci in Italia invenisse referuntur, quas amplexa posteritas paene parem populum urbi dedit quam natura procreavit." — Cassiodorus, Variorum, Lib. vn., Formula xv. ad Praefectum Urbis de Architecto faciendo. 174 SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER If, then, there is no reason to believe that these statues were cast wholesale into the Tiber by Gregory, or singly by individuals, the question arises in what manner have they dis appeared ? The bronze statues were, doubtless, melted down for the sake of their material. That many were burnt for lime by1 the same modern barbarians, who built their houses with stones taken from the Colosseum, has long been known, but additional light has been thrown upon their fate by recent discoveries. In a lecture delivered in 1869 by Mr. Shakespere Wood, before the British Archaeological Society, some interesting details were given on the subject. Mr. Wood mentioned that since the middle of the last century several of these lime-kilns have been discovered (one by Signor Rosa, in the excavations on the Palatine), with fragments of statues wilfully broken lying around them. He stated, also, that there was historical evidence to shew that the districts likely to prove fruitful in the remains of sculpture were let out to lime-burners, especially at Ostia and at Adrian's Villa. In the latter part of the fifteenth century this destructive process was arrested by the reviving taste for the arts, and "The Etruscans are said to have been the first people who invented these statues, and posterity adopting (a taste for) them has given the city almost as large a population as nature has begotten." In another passage of the same section, Cassiodorus enlarges upon the beauty of these statues: "videbit profecto meliora quam legit, pulchriora quam cogitare potuit, statuas Mas auctorum suorum adhuc signa retinentes . . . . ut quam diu laudabilium personarum opinio superesset tam diu et simili- tudinem vivas substantias imago corporis custodiret. . . .mirabitur formis equinis signa etiam inesse fervoris. Crispatis enim naribus ac rotundis, constrictis membris, auribus remulsis, credet forsitan cursus appetere, cum se metalla noverit non movere." "Assuredly, he will see tilings more excellent than he has read of, more beautiful than he could have conceived ; those statues, namely, still retaining their sculptors' mark.... so that as long as the fame of distinguished persons survived, so long the image of their body might retain the likeness of their living substance he will be astonished at the expression of fire in the figures of horses, and while he beholds them with curled and rounded nostrils, with limbs drawn close together, and with ears thrown back, he will, perhaps, imagine that they are eager for the course, though he is weE aware that metal is incapable of motion." This was written about three-quarters of a century after the pillage of Rome by the Vandals. FOR WORKS OF ART. 175 about the middle of the sixteenth the reaction was complete. Paul IIL, Farnese, even passed a law by which the severest penalties were inflicted on those who threw torsos or fragments of sculptured marble into lime-kilns. The following are the principal arguments by which Fea* supports his conclusion that few works of art are likely to be found in the Tiber in the present day: (i) In laying new foundations for the Ponte Si'stof in 1474, and for the Pons ^Emilius (Ponte Rotto) in 1554 and 1575, nothing of any value was found. (2) In the seventeenth century the bed of the Tiber was examined in every part by antiquarians and engineers, among whom may be mentioned the names of Bacci, Lombardi, Cas- tiglione, Bonini, and Fontana, with the object of removing impediments to the flow of the stream, and suggesting a sure and permanent remedy against the frequent inundations. (3) In the year 1744 the banks and middle of the river were visited and carefully sounded, in all their extension and depth, from Ponte Moile to the Marmorata, by the engineers Gambarini and Chiesa, acting under the directions of Pope Benedict XIV. • On neither of these occasions is there any mention of statues. Nor at any other time is there a well-attested instance of the discovery of a valuable work of art in the Tiber, though stories have been current of divers meeting with statues, which they were afraid to remove without receiving permission from the Pope. J Yet, led by these stories, Montfaucon observes in his " Diarium Italicum :" " In Tiberi non statuas modo et marmora paene infinita latere experimento plurimorum con- spicuum est, sed etiam thesauros, eodem conjectos olim, extare ; • Fea, Novelle del Tevere. f It may be observed that if sculptures or other objects had been wilfully cast into the river, they would, probably, have been thrown either from the bridges or the banks, and have been found in close proximity to one or the other. X Fea, Novelle del Tevere. 176 SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER et numismata omnis generis educi indies narrant bene multi Romanorum."* — Cap. xvi. The tradition of the golden candlestick flung into the Tiber to save it from the enemy may rank with the story of the entertainmentt given by Agostino Chigi to Pope Leo X. The service of plate off which the Pope had con descended to dine was, so goes the story, cast into the Tiber in order that it might never be applied to baser uses. But a net, it is said, was spread to receive it, and the plate was recovered at a convenient opportunity. In like manner, if the - golden candlestick, the property of the Emperor, or, rather, of the State, had been flung into the river, it must have been done officially, and several persons must have been privy to the act. When, therefore, the danger was past, an object so precious would have been removed, either openly or by stealth. * Diarium Italicum a R. P. D. Bernardo di Montfaucon, monacho Bene- dictino. Montfaucon, who visited Rome at the close of the seventeenth century, transcribes from Flaminius Vacca, a Roman sculptor and antiquary, his account of a consul in a sitting position, and holding a roll of paper in his hand, but without a head, which had been found by a diver between the Porta Flaminia (Porte del Popolo) and the Ripetta. It was the work, according to Vacca, of a very skilful artist, and in. his time was on view in the house of one Palombo, a notary, whose house was behind S. Maria in Via. As far as I can leam, this work is no longer in existence. t An account of this entertainment is given by Zanucci (Opere pie di Roma, lib n. cap. 21). Agostino Chigi, according to Zanucci, was the richest merchant that had ever lived or, probably, ever would hve. Neither he nor his agents knew the amount of his wealth. It was on the occasion of his marriage that Chigi feasted the Pope and twelve Cardinals in a temporary building erected in the course of a single night, close to the Famesina palace and on the banks of the Tiber, by an inundation of which it was afterwards swept away. Every delicacy which money could procure was set before the guests, and, as each course was removed, the plate on which it was served was thrown into the Tiber. Zanucci is simple enongh to observe that "it was never seen again," " piu non comparivano," evidently believing that the Tiber, no more than the deep, could be made to give up its treasures. There is no contemporary authority for the story, for Zanucci, Hadrian, Junius, and others, quoted by Bayle in his "Dictionary,'' and by Platner in his "Be schreibung der Stadt Rom," lived in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and "have not," as Bayle complains, " the goodness to tell us in what author they read the account." FOR WORKS OF ART. 177 Other stories are current respecting it, all marked by extreme improbability, or absurdity. It is said that the temple of Peace, in which, according to Josephus, the sacred utensils of the temple of Solomon were deposited, was consumed by fire, and that the candlestick perished in the conflagration. So intense, we are told, was the heat that the metals used in the interior decorations were fused and ran in streams along the streets. There is much improbability in this tale. In the time of the Empire the body of a Roman temple was built exclusively of brick or stone. No woodwork was used for internal decoration or convenience, like the pews of modern churches. It was only in the roof that rafters of timber were employed. Now, if the fire had originated in the roof, it is scarcely possible that the heat could have been as great as is described, or that the candlestick and other treasures of the temple of Solomon could have been melted into an unrecognisable mass. On the other hand, if the fire had broken out in the neighbourhood, it is very unlikely that no efforts would have been made to rescue such interesting historical monuments before the building, in which they had been deposited, was surrounded with an ocean of flame, such as is said to have caused their destruction.* The story of the candlestick falling into the Tiber during the flight of Maxentius is the most absurd of any, for what motive had he for taking it with him when he went forth to encounter the army of Constantine in the immediate vicinity * In the "Times" of July 15, 1872, there is an account of the partial destruction by fire of the church of St. Mary Magdalen, Paddington. The fire originated in the roof of the chancel, where it continued to burn until the roof was entirely destroyed; but, though the blazing rafters fell within the church, the interior sustained but little damage. Even the painted windows were only partially cracked, and the organ was but slightly injured. The escape of the church from total destruction was due partly to the absence of pews and partly to the ascending current of air, which carried upwards a great deal of the heat generated in the roof. It is plain from this that the burning of the roof could never produce heat enough to melt gold and silver in the interior. Even the hangings, if any, or the votive offerings, the only combustible matter we can conceive to have existed in the body of the temple would, from their light nature, have been too quickly consumed to have generated the heat required to produce the effect supposed. N 178 SEARCHING THE BED OF THE TIBER of Rome. If he had been victorious, the candlestick and all other treasures would have been safer at Rome than anywhere else ; and, if vanquished, he knew that they must fall into the power of the victor. As well might a king go forth to some future battle of Dorking, taking with him the regalia from the tower. Some time ago there appeared a letter in the "Times," informing us that we were all in the dark about this interesting monument of antiquity, and that, instead of reposing in the mud of the Tiber, waiting to be brought to light by some enter prising individual or company, it was lying fathoms deep at the bottom of the Mediterranean. The writer of the letter had dipped, it seems, into Procopjus, and lighting upon a page, in which mention is made of a tradition, that a ship had foundered laden with statues and otherv^poils carried off by Genseric from the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, he assumed without warrant that the sacred objects in question formed part of the cargo, and imagined that he had thus accounted for their fate. If he had taken the trouble to read a little further, he would have found that the rcijuf/Xia, as Procopius calls them, of Solomon's temple, after the conquest of the Vandal kingdom, were removed by Belisarius from Carthage to Constantinople, where they figured in his triumph, as they had done in that of Titus, after which it was proposed to preserve them in the capital of the Eastern Empire. But a Jew, says Procopius, having learnt what was intended, procured an audience of one of the intimate friends of the Emperor Justinian, and addressed him in the followed words : " It would be unlucky, I am convinced, to introduce these treasures into the palace of Byzantium, for it is not possible that they should remain with propriety anywhere but in the city where Solomon, the king of the Jews, originally deposited them. It was for this reason that Genseric was enabled to capture the palace of the Romans, and that now the army of the Romans has captured the palace of the Vandals."* * iv Tots Kal rd \ov8aimv KtipriXia jjk avEp 'Ovitjiraaiavov Titos pETa FOR WORKS OF ART. 179 When these words, observes the historian, were reported to the Emperor, he was seized with dread, and sent away every thing in haste to the churches of the Christians at Jerusalem. It will be observed that Procopius does not specify the articles of which the (Cfi/jifXta consisted, so that it is not absolutely certain that the candlestick was among them, but its loss or destruction would, probably, have been noticed. After its removal to Jerusalem all trace of it is lost, yet neither intrinsic improbability nor historic evidence can shake the faith of many in the popular tradition, and the same story is still repeated by modern travellers. " Here, or hereabouts," observes Hawthorne, as he crossed the Ponte Moile, "lies the golden candlestick at the bottom of the Tiber." The story, incredible as it is, was improved upon by the Talmudists, who were unwilling to bfi outdone in absurdity. In order that their sacred candlestick might lie in greater state, and that the world might form a more exalted notion of their riches and their wrongs, they fabled that the Tiber from Rome to Ostia had been paved with bronze, and that the work had been accomplished with the tribute collected from their nation by Augustus and succeeding Emperors.* It would scarcely be more irrational to believe that there may be some foundation for this story than to think that the candlestick may possibly be found in the mud of the river. "Fea thus concludes: "When we consider how many statues have been found under the ruins of the buildings in which Tt)u twv lEpotroXvutov aKwo-iv ii Ptopr}v o-vv ETtpoi? Titrlu ijvEyKEV, Kal dvTu Tujv Tis Iov8aiwv i8wv Kal nrapao-Td SoXopwu dvTa irpoTEpon 6 tuiv ' louSaiuw /SairiAevs E0ETO. Ala TavTa ydp Kal Vt^ipiKos Tat Ptopuiwv BaalXEia eIXe, Kal vuv tu ~Bclu8iXuiv o Puit^uiiov (7T(0«t69. 'I'avTa e-jtiI dvEVE-^QivTa fiaatXEVs ?jKOua*£' eSektete Kal ovp-n-tcvra Kara Ta'xos f's tmji Xpio-riavuiv tb iv 'lEpocroXupots Upd EiTEptyE. — Procop. de bello Vand. n. cap. ix. sec. 2. * This I give on the authority of Bonini and Fea, not being myself acquainted with the writings of the Talmudists. According to Bonini, the Talmudists wrote that, while the Emperors furnished the funds, the work itself, being beyond the power of mortals; was executed by demons. N2 180 SEARCHING THE TIBER FOR WORKS OF ART. they were originally deposited, shewing that they had never been removed ; how many were burnt for lime during the dark ages of Europe ; and how many, notwithstanding, have been disinterred, sufficient to people all the museums of Rome, Italy, and Europe, there seems no reason to imagine that the number remaining undiscovered is so great as is supposed, > or that more would be found in the bed of the Tiber than in any other area of equal extent. ROMAN TERMS FOR COLOUR. Exception has been taken to the translation of " flavus," which signifies, it is contended, not " auburn," but a brownish yellow, the colour of ripened corn. But' it is as impossible to say what particular shade of colour is intended by a given Latin word as to form a clear conception of the musical terms of the Greek ; for neither colour nor sbund admits of descrip tion in words. Our difficulty is increased by the looseness with which such terms as " fulvus," " coeruleus," and " purpureus,"- are employed by the poets. Thus we have in Virgil "fulvum aurum" (JE. vii. 279), " fulvum leonem" (JE. iv. 159), "fulva aquila" (JE. xii. 751-2), and "lumine fulvo" (JE. vii. 26). Between the colour of gold, or flame, and that of an eagle, there is certainly a wide difference. " Coeruleus " may mean any hue from sky-blue to dark green, a light, or sea-green being probably that of the river gods. A sky-blue Acis would have been a repulsive object to Galatea ; a sea, or olive-green, would have been more endurable; but it does not appear that the lovers ever met after the change of Acis into a god. Purpureus is still more vague, and may mean any dark or any bright and dazzling colour, except, perhaps, yellow and green; for we have in Virgil, "mare purpureum" "the dark sea," (G. iv. 373), in imitation of the " aXa 7rop(pvperiv " of Homer, and in Horace "purpureis ales oloribus" (Car. iv. 1. 10). To talk of purple swans may seem to be carrying poetic licence pretty far ; for it is scarcely necessary to observe, that the black swan, found only in Australia, was not merely a " rara avis in terris," but absolutely unknown to the Romans. The truth is, the word " purpureus " came at last to signify nothing but sparkling beauty on the one hand or any dark colour on the other. 182 ROMAN TERMS FOR COLOUR. But of the words which I have mentioned none is more uncertain in its acceptation than " flavus." Riddle and Arnold, in their comprehensive English and Latin Dictionary, translate "auburn" in one place by "flavus," and "yellow" in another by the same word. When the Romans attempt to explain the force of their own terms, they only add to our perplexity. In a discussion upon colours in Aulus Gellius (Noctes Atticse. n. 27), "flavus" is enumerated among the " rufi colores," or " reddish colours," and defined to be a mixture of " white," " green," and " red " : " ex viridi, et rufo, et albo concretus." The only thing certain about " flavus " is, that hair of that colour was considered beautiful by the Romans, like " auburn " in the present day, and that the term was applied by an euphemism to the Tiber, in which yellow predominates, just. as the name of " auburn " might be claimed by a lady, or her admirers, for hair which to others would appear an unmistake- able red. ON THE PROPOSED SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. No subject in Nature possesses a greater interest for man than that of rivers, whether we consider their ornamental character, their commercial utility, or their importance to the cultivation of the soil. Next to the forces by which the strata have been upheaved and the mountain ridges formed, rivers have been the most potent agents in determining the con figuration of the surface of the globe. By the rush of their waters they have scooped out deep ravines, while by their inundations in their lower- course, they have created the wide alluvial plains and clothed the rocky skeleton of a primeval world with a rich deposit of vegetable mould. The prosperity, and even the existence of a people, may depend upon them, for they are the highways of commerce, and, when the rainfall is uncertain or deficient, they supply the means of correcting by irrigation the capriciousness or the parsimony of Nature. Everyone knows that Egypt is dependent on the Nile ; and, to use an illustration on a smaller scale, the historic city of Damascus would perish by drought, and the green oasis in which it is situated would revert to the condition of a sandy waste, if the little river Abana were diverted from its course. Charmed by their beauty, grateful for the benefits which they confer upon mankind, and awed, perhaps, by the power which they exhibit in their angry moods, the ancients attributed to rivers a supernatural character, and paid them a religious worship. Every river had its god, while the smaller springs and fountains, which never failed in summer or overflowed their banks in winter, were supposed to be presided over by divinities of the softer sex. As a consequence of this feeling, the benefits of rivers' were accepted with gratitude, and the havoc which they sometimes commit, was submitted to with 184 ON THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING resignation, as a necessity of Nature or a manifestation of 'the anger of the river god. To divert them from their course or to lessen the volume of their water was thought to be offensive to the deity of the stream, and when, in the reign of Tiberius, it was proposed to turn into new channels the tributaries of the Tiber, in order to lessen the inundations of that river, the crowning objection brought forward against the scheme was, that " Father Tiber would be unwilling to be bereft of his affluent streams, and to flow henceforward with diminished pride." Not a trace of this sentiment remains in the present day, when everything is regarded only in relation to material con siderations. On the contrary, we heap every kind of indignity on our streams. We make them the receptacles for the excreta of man and for the refuse of manufactories, and, in order to secure some imaginary advantage or to avert some local or temporary inconvenience, we mar their beauty by diverting them into new and unpicturesque channels or confining them between artificial mounds. Were the results anticipated from these operations attained, the lover of Nature, and the man of poetical temperament, and literary or scientific tastes, would acquiesce in the change, because the pleasure derived from the beauty of rivers, and from their historical or legendary associations, must give way to material advantages ; but, except in the case of a few mountain torrents and estuaries, I am not aware that any real advantage has been gained by diverting the course of rivers,* and it is certain, that rivers when embanked, become sources of present anxiety and of future danger, greater than any which it is our object to prevent. * This observation does not apply to works like the Bedford Level, This is a straight cut from a point on the lower course of the river Ouse to the sea. The Ouse had been embanked for the purpose of reclaiming land from the sea, and by substituting a straight for a tortuous course, not only was a slight fall gained, but, what was of more importance, the embankment was less liable to be undermined, and, consequently, the expense of keeping it in repair was reduced. But this is no precedent for diverting a river where little fall is to be gained and where no embankments are required, THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 185 The engineers who suggest these alterations for the purpose of preventing inundations may be well acquainted with the mechanical part of their profession, the driving of tunnels and the construction of skew bridges and of viaducts, but they are often as ignorant of the principles of physical geography as they are devoid of taste ; otherwise, they would know that inundations are by no means an unqualified evil, and that they are one* of the means by which the earth has been fertilized, and by which ils fertility will be maintained if man does not interfere to thwart the purposes of Nature. "The true golden sands," says Torricelli, " are the sediment of rivers," and the increased fertility of a small plain overflowed by the Loire in 1846 was said by the government engineers to have more than compensated for the destruction of a few houses, which were sapped and overthrown by the flood. The floods, also, to which all rivers in a state of Nature are liable, are the means by which the relative level of the river and the adjoining country is maintained. If, therefore, we succeed in preventing the inundations of rivers, by widening and deepening their channels or diverting their course, we deprive ourselves of certain compensating advantages ; while, if we attain the same end by means of embankments, we not only interfere with the adjustments of Nature, but create new dangers, which increase year by year, until they culminate in some great disaster. That we shall rarely succeed in our attempts to prevent inundations, and that success would be productive of evils greater than any which we desire to avert, I will try to shew. When a river flows through a mountainous country or elevated plateau, where the descent is measured by tens of feet in a mile, a deeper and straighter channel may be dug and a considerable fall be gained. In this way, in Switzerland, the damage done by inundations has in many cases been prevented or moderated. Again, when a river is embanked * The other is the disintegration of certain rocks, especially those of igneous formation. The fertility of volcanic soils is proverbial. 186 ON THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING" for the purpose of enabling marshes to be cultivated or land to be reclaimed from the sea, a straighter and shorter artificial bed will not only lessen the cost of embankment in the first instance, but also the expense of keeping it in repair. When, also, the bed of a river is narrowed or its channel crossed by a ledge of rocks, the rocks may be blown up and the level of the water be permanently lowered, because no operation of Nature can restore the rocks. In this instance, the bed of the river is determined by the configuration of the surface and the stratification of the rocks,* and man does but aid and accelerate the natural process by which the rocks are slowly worn away. There is no fear, therefore, lest Nature should undo his work. But the case is widely different when a river flows with an inconsiderable descent through an alluvial plain or occupies, like the Tiber, a portion of a wide alluvial valley. Here the bed of the river, like the alluvial plain or valley, is the creation of the river itself. A river, by a sort of instinct, chooses the most convenient course, and when it is free to scoop out its channel in an alluvial soil, the breadth and depth of the river at any point will be suited to its requirements at that point. If, therefore, an artificial addition be made to that breadth and depth, the only result will be that the sides and bottom will be filled with nearly stagnant water, a rapid deposit of mud will take place, and in a short time the work of man will be undone. We may see an illustration of this in the Tiber and other rivers when a portion of the bank falls in. The little bay so created is soon silted up ; and, if the land be valuable, the process may be accelerated by partially enclosing it with stakes. Many engineers reason as if they thought that Nature "had * The Rio Negro, a large tributary of the Amazon, is represented in some maps as flowing at a certain point of its course in a channel no less than nine miles in width; but it is not said whether the river at the point expands into a lake or threads a multitude of islands with numerous and shallow streams. As the substratum here is granite, the latter is probably the case, the river being prevented by the granite from deepening its bed. Lower down, though the soil is alluvial, it is fifteen miles across. THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 187 made a calculation of the largest quantity of water which a river would have to convey, and had adjusted the dimensions of the channel to that quantity, so that, if a river ever over flows its banks, it must be owing to some stricture, as it were, in its bed, which it is the province of engineering science to remove. But the breadth and depth of a river are determined, not by the volume of water in time of floods, but by the average of the quantity which it discharges in the course of a year. Accordingly, in Australia, where long droughts alternate with deluges of rain, the bed of rivers is often ridiculously small compared with the sea of waters which they bring down after heavy rains. The Murray at Echuca (Victoria Colony), after a course of between three and four hundred miles, is no wider in summer than the Tiber at Ihe Ripetta; yet, during great floods, it is sometimes a mile across and forty-five feet deep. What would be the dimensions of an artificial bed sufficient to carry off this body of water without overflowing, and what would be the expense of keeping it free from ¦ obstructions during the season of drought, so that it should perform its office when the rains returned ? Let the engineers who propose to operate upon the Tiber reply. Those who expect great results from widening, deepening, straightening the Tiber, and removing a few petty obstructions in its bed, must be ignorant of the history of the river under the Roman Emperors. We learn from Dion Cassius that, in consequence of the great inundations in the reign of Tiberius, conservators "of the bed and banks of the Tiber" were appointed, whose office was to keep the river within bounds. These conservators were men of the highest position ; they were armed with every power required for carrying out their object, and they were backed with all the resources of the State. Yet, though they employed the same means which are now suggested, as if those means had never been tried before, history informs us that they accomplished nothing. In the reign of Otho we learn from Tacitus that the Tiber rose so suddenly that people were swept away in the public streets, while, according to Suetonius, for twenty miles above Rome 188 ON. THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING the road was obstructed and the march of the army of the Emperor impeded by the ruins of buildings which had been overthrown by the flood. To pass over the many inundations in the subsequent reigns, among others that in the time of Trajan, recorded by the younger Pliny, we come to the great flood described -by Afnmianus Marcellinus, who lived in the reign of Valentinian and Valens, when the whole of Rome was converted into a sea, and only a few elevated spots appeared like islands above the watery waste. During four hundred years, therefore, nothing had been achieved, and the conservators had been playing a losing game with Father Tiber. Why, then, should we expect that more would be effected by the same means in the present day ? Does anyone suppose that the Tiber is broader or deeper now than it was in the time of the Romans ? If not, Nature must have undone all that the Romans accomplished in the way of widening and deepening the river ; and will undo, in like manner, all the digging and dredging of modern engineers. But much, it is said, may be expected from the removal of the piers of the Sublician, and Triumphal bridges, and of other obstructions, such as the ruins of the Emilian bridge, called the Ponte Rotto. The engineers from whom the report on the Tiber emanates appear to have added together the little falls of inches and half feet produced at low water by the obstructions in question, and assuming that the same difference of level will remain when the river is flooded, they assure us that the inundations may be lowered two metres, or more than six feet, by the operations they contemplate. But, if they had ever studied the phenomena of floods, they would have re marked, that the effect of a rise in the water is to obliterate differences of level,* and to cause the surface to make a * The reason of the obliteration of the differences of level is that, when the river is rising, the water above the fall arrives faster than it can flow away. Conversely, when the river is falling, the water flows away faster than it can arrive, and the fall reappears. If immediately below the first fall there is another similar fall, the effect would take place below the second fall, which would be obliterated first, and then, if the river continued to rise, the first fall would THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 189" smaller angle with the horizon. Any one who takes the trouble to observe, may satisfy himself of this. If there is a weir across a river, it will be seen that, as the river rises, the fall diminishes, until the fall becomes a rapid. As the rise continues, the violence of the rapid lessens, until nothing but a ripple marks the place where the fall once was. As the river sinks, the rapid reappears, and then the fall. The same effect is produced at every trifling descent, until the whole surface becomes more uniform, and makes a smaller angle with the horizon. It is evident, therefore, that those objects which are buried deep beneath the flood, like the piers of the ancient bridges, can have no appreciable effect upon its height* As to the Ponte Rotto, it is absurd to suppose that the remaining arches of that bridge can offer any sensible impedi ment to the passage of the floods. The suspension-bridge affords abundant water way, and the fact of the bridge having been carried away on that side shows that the current is directed towards the south-eastern shore. Even the Ponte Sisto has very little effect upon the height of -floods. During the inundation of 1870, the Ponte St. Angelo was unapproachable; but I succeeded in reaching the Ponte Sisto when the flood was at its height. Here the rush of water was very great, but gradually disappear, and so with any number of small falls succeeding each other, like the steps of a stair. It is astonishing that the Italian engineers should have taken no account of this phenomenon, which any one may observe during the rise of a river, and which is treated of in Valles' " Etudes des Inondations," a work which every one who deals with rivers ought to read. It is part of the scheme finally decided upon by the Commissioners appointed to regulate the course of the Tiber, to cut through the neck of the bend of the river at San Paolo. The fall gained in this way would not, I beheve, amount to two inches, and would have no sensible effect upon the floods. It would be impossible by this means to confine the river within its bed, and when the whole valley at San Paolo became a lake, the difference between the two channels would wholly disappear. * On this subject see Valles' " Etudes sur les Inondations," page 339, 340. Paris 1857. Strictly speaking, the difference of level will never be entirely obliterated ; but the height of the water, above and below the obstruction, will, as the river rises, approach nearer and nearer to a ratio of equality, just as a curve, when indefinitely prolonged, approaches closer and closer to its asymptote, but never actually coincides with it. 190 ON THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING there was no fall, such as the damming up of the river by the piers of the bridge would have produced. On the contrary, the water, after passing through the arches, boiled up in such a manner as almost to deceive the eye into the belief that the level of the water was higher below than above the bridge. If, now, the Ponte Sisto, which extends across the stream, has so little influence on the height of floods, how slight must be the effect of the remaining arches of the Ponte Rotto, which occupy only one side of the river, and that the side where the current is feeblest. How preposterous, then, would it be to incur the expense of removing these arches, and con structing a new suspension bridge, in order to lower the floods an inch or two, or perhaps only the fraction of an inch. The Ponte St. Angelo offers, no doubt, a considerable obstruction to the passage of the water, when the river attains a certain height; for the flood in 1870 rose above the crown of the arches. But such an act of Vandalism as the destruc tion of this bridge is not contemplated, I believe ; nor is the Ponte St. Angelo the only cause of floods ; for it was not in existence during the great inundations recorded by Dio Cassius, Tacitus, and Pliny, in the times of Cicero, Tiberius, and Trajan. Something, indeed, may be gained by clearing away the sand with which the side arches are encumbered, and the level of the floods may be slightly reduced by widening the river at the gardens of the Farnesina; for the Tiber at that point has been artificially narrowed, and the obstructions placed by man may be removed by man ; nor will the river have any tendency to restore what the river has not created. But these two operations combined will not, I am convinced, lower the floods one foot, while the effect of removing the piers of the Ponte Rotto will, for the reason I have given, be inappreciable. The truth is, that the inconsiderable fall of the Tiber, be tween Rome and the sea, amounting only to eight inches in a mile, leaves no margin for lowering its bed. On the other hand, if we widen it at a point where no artificial obstruction exists, our labour will be thrown away; for if the width had THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 191 been insufficient, the river, by its abrasion, would have done the work itself. Were it possible to bring up the level of the sea to Rome and to widen the Tiber a thousand feet, in a short time the great ditch so created would be filled by a rapid deposit of mud on the horizontal bottom, the space dug out at the sides, not being utilized by the river, would be silted up, and the old dimensions of the channel would be restored. This is the reason why the ancients failed in their endeavours to prevent inundations by widening and deepening the river's bed, and why we, if we employ the same means, shall be sure to fail. I have before shown that the removal of the so-called obstructions can have no effect. The idea, . therefore, of lowering the floods in any sensible degree by operations on the bed of the Tiber may be dismissed as chimerical. But there is another scheme often projected, though never carried out by the ancient Romans and the Romans of the sixteenth and subsequent centuries, that of diverting the Tiber wholly, or partially, from the city. As the former scheme, that for diverting the river into a new channel and filling up the old bed has been abandoned, on account of its enormous expense, little notice need be taken of it, except to observe that the very conception of such a plan shows the stupidity and tastelessness of the modern Romans. A river is always useful, and may be made ornamental. Most important cities, when their site has not been determined by considerations of safety or the proximity of minerals, are situated upon rivers. Livy puts -into the mouth of Camillus a speech, in which he enlarges upon the advantage which Rome enjoyed over Veii in being built upon a navigable river, and even in the present day the Tiber is utilised to a certain extent, though far less than in the time of the ancient Romans. In their time, also, it had an ornamental character, and villas of the rich and noble were erected along its banks. These are alluded to by many writers. I will instance only the line of Horace : Cedes coemptis saltibus, et domo, , Villaque, flavus quam Tiberis lavit. — Car. II. 3. 192 ON THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING and the passage of Pliny in which he observes that "all the rivers in the world together were not peopled and adorned with so many villas as the single river Tiber." — III. (9) 54- What, then, could be more preposterous than diverting at an enormous expense a river which is already useful and might be made highly ornamental, and which was styled by a poet of the Empire, who wrote in Greek hexameters, "the most regal of rivers,"* in reference, probably, to its magni ficent surroundings, the stately buildings, and lordly villas, with which its banks were lined. But, as this scheme has been abandoned, not on account of its absurdity, but its enormous expense, I will confine myself to examining the other, that, namely, of digging a canal, which, commencing above the junction of the Anio and the Tiber, shall carry off the entire water of the former and a portion of the latter, whenever it reaches a certain height. The canal is intended to join the Tiber again in the neighbourhood of San Paolo fuori le Mura. This plan would entail a - less expense than the other, but as it would, in my opinion, fail to attain its end, the waste of money would be greater still. In the first place, the total diversion of the Anio will have little effect in lowering the inundations of the larger stream. Anyone who takes the trouble to inspect the map will see that the Anio drains but a small portion of the basin of the Tiber, and that its length is less than that of the Nera, or of the Tiber above its junction with the former stream, some miles higher up than Orte. Since, then, Orte is sixty miles above Rome, the combined floods of the Tiber and the Nera would, if we suppose the current to flow at the rate of five miles an hour (which is, probably, above the average), reach Rome twelve hours after that of the Anio ; but by that time the flood of the Anio will have come and gone, to say nothing of its being, in a great measure, lost in the much wider bed of the Tiber. On the other hand, the upper Tiber and the * QupfSpis iiippiirri* ¦KOTapwv fSao-iXEVTaTos dXXwv, Dionysii Alexandrini, ttjs oiKovpiviit TTEpn'iyriais. THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 193 Nera, which are nearly of the same length, and the. Chiana, which, though shorter, flows with a more sluggish course, will, when swollen by a rain extending over the whole of their basins, come down simultaneously with a head of water. The effect, therefore, upon the floods of abstracting the entire water of the Anio may be left out of consideration. Let us now examine the other part of the scheme for diverting a portion of the water of the Tiber in time of floods and restoring it, along with that of the Anio, to the river at a lower point. When we consider the slight fall of the Tiber from the Anio to San Paolo, the conception of the Italian engineers is1 scarcely reasonable. Again, in all the reports of the engineers two tacit assumptions appear to be made ; first, that as soon as the Tiber reaches a certain height it will rush into the canal as if a sluice were opened; and, secondly, that the inundation in the main stream will be lowered in proportion to the quantity of water abstracted ; so that, if we could draw off by means of the canal one-third of the additional volume of water in time of floods, we should reduce the height of the~ floods by one-third* Both of these assumptions are false, as everyone knows who has studied the phenomena of rivers. Supposing the Tiber at Rome flowed through an elevated plateau, and there were a great rapid or cataract in the neighbourhood of San Paolo, then, if the canal joined the river below the rapid, a considerable inclination might be given to its bed, the water from the Tiber would flow into it as from a dammed-up mill-pond, and the height of the river above the point of diversion might be lowered several feet. But as no such rapid exists, the slope of the bed of the canal cannot be made greater than the slope of the Tiber between the Anio and Rome, and the slope being the same, and that slope only eight inches in a mile, there is no reason why the water should elect to enter the canal instead of pursuing a more direct course down the channel * The second assumption would be correct, if the quantity abstracted could be annihilated instead of being merely diverted. O 194 ON THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING of the river. In fact, as the current of a river is always most feeble at the side, and the Anio, which will form part of the canal, enters the Tiber at right angles, it will be found extremely difficult to coax more than an insignificant portion of the flood to enter the canal. Again, it is not true that the height of the flood will be lowered in proportion to the quantity of water abstracted by the canal. If a tributary joins a river, it is found that the height of the river is not increased in the ratio of the volume of water discharged into it by the tributary, but its velocity is augmented. Conversely, therefore, when a canal is diverted from a river, the velocity of the current in the river will be lessened, but the surface will be lowered in a far less ratio than the quantity of water abstracted. When, therefore, we consider how small a portion of the flood water is likely to enter the canal, and how little that portion would lower the height of the floods, we may well pause before we incur the expense of digging the canal, of bridging it, and of keeping it free from sandbanks and other obstructions. In what I have written I have introduced no arithmetical calculations or algebraical formulas, but have satisfied myself with indicating general principles, partly because the numerical details of the scheme are not yet settled, and partly because mathematical calculations as to the flow of rivers are altogether illusory. When the subject first attracted the attention of scientific men it was investigated by Torricelli in his closet, not, as it ought to have been, on the river banks, and his algebraical formulas conducted him to the conclusion that the velocity of a river is greatest at the bottom, which everyone knows to be the reverse of truth. In fact, the flow of rivers is in a great measure an empirical science, or a science of observation and experiment. Owing to the irregularities in the breadth and depth of rivers, the subject is so complicated that mathematics will avail us little, or lead us farther astray, because the postulates or data can never be ascertained with certainty. Torricelli, as we have seen, deduced by calculations which were undoubtedly correct, from premises which were THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. 195 certainly false, an utterly erroneous result, and calculations of the volume of water discharged by rivers often differ so widely in amount as to shew either that the formulas used are incorrect or that the conditions under which they are applied are continually varying. It is with rivers as with the tides and with the weather. We know the cause of the tides and the height to which they rise in the open sea ; yet what mathematics would have enabled us to foretell that, while the tide is only eighteen feet at the mouth of the Bristol Channel, it rises thirty at Swansea and fifty at Chepstow, and that, while it attains an elevation of one hundred and twenty, according to some, in the Bay of Fundy between Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, it rises only seven feet at Green Bay, separated from the Bay of Fundy by nothing but a narrow isthmus ? Similar observations may be made with regard to the weather, the causes of whose changes are well known to us, though it is only empirically and within narrow limits of time that we can forecast those changes. As I have treated elsewhere the subject of embankments, and as it is not proposed to erect huge dikes along the banks of the Tiber for the purpose of keeping out the floods at their greatest height, I will confine myself to observing that the Tiber, considering its low level in summer, may be looked upon as a river naturally embanked, and occasionally overtopping its natural embankments. All, therefore, that reason and good taste would suggest would be to raise those banks where they are below the general level, and to form quays of stone at that level. These would be a convenience to navigation, an ornament to the town, and a handsome promenade. Everything beyond would be an eyesore, and a greater nuisance than the floods themselves. I will now recapitulate what I have said on the subject of widening and deepening the Tiber, and removing obstructions in its bed. Under the Roman Emperors, as I have observed, "conservators of the bed and banks of the Tiber" were appointed, whose office was to keep the river within bounds- These conservators employed the same means which are sug- 02 196 ON THE SCHEMES FOR PREVENTING gested in the present day, and with what result ? In each successive reign we read of inundations as great as any which preceded them, and culminating in the great flood recorded by Ammianus Marcellinus. Not only did the alterations in the bed of the river produce no effect, but the alterations themselves have disappeared, and the river has resumed its normal width and depth. With regard to the piers of the ancient bridges, I have shewn that they can produce only an infinitesimal effect when the river has attained a certain height. If three or four blocks of stone were lying at the bottom of a river twenty-five to thirty feet deep, no one would expect the river to sink when the blocks were removed. Now, the piers in question are, when the water is high, like so many blocks resting on the bed of the stream. Or we may reason in this manner. A body is no obstruction if it does not raise the level of the water above it. When, therefore, the difference of level is obliterated before the river overflows its banks (as it always is, if the object is low and the banks are high), it can produce no effect when the river is brimful, and nothing would be gained by removing it. As to the canal of diversion, though to most persons it would appear that the amount of water which it abstracts must be regulated by the dimensions of the canal, this is far from being the case. The quantity which enters it depends in a great measure upon the angle which it makes with the river. Why this is so, a little consideration will make clear. The velocity of a river is always greatest in the middle, and if the canal makes a large angle with the river below the fork, the great bulk of the water will pass the mouth of the canal before it can be drawn within its vortex. This is, of course, on the supposition that the slope of the canal at the point of diversion is no greater than the slope of the river at the - same point. I will say nothing further about the canal, or discuss the question of barrages for the purpose of forcing the water of the river into the canal, because I have just learnt that this part of the scheme has been abandoned, and that the THE INUNDATIONS OF. THE TIBER. 197 commisioners have resolved to confine themselves to operations upon the bed of the Tiber within the limits of the town and its suburbs. In this they have acted wisely, for comparatively little money will be wasted ; but they can do nothing, I believe, which will materially lower the height of the floods. I have shewn from history that the widening and deepening the Tiber had no effect in preventing great inundations, and I have, I hope, made it clear that the removal of the piers of the ancient bridges, as well as of the remaining arches of the Ponte Rotto, cannot sensibly lower these inundations. There remain, therefore, only the clearing out of the side arches of the Ponte St. Angelo, and the widening of the river at the Corsini gardens, the combined effect of, which will not, I am convinced, amount to a foot. In conclusion, the advice I would tender is to leave the river alone, or confine ourselves to improving it by building quays of stone, for ornament or convenience, at the general level of the banks, not by raising dikes with the intention of preventing inundations altogether. If the piers of the Triumphal and Sublician bridges are to be removed, it must be with the purpose of improving the navigation, not with the hope of lowering the floods. Father Tiber in every age has shewn himself a sturdy antagonist and hard to deal with. He resisted all the efforts of the Romans in their palmiest days to control him, and it is not likely that he would be overcome by weapons similar to those which they employed, but wielded by feebler arms. Instead, then, of trying to prevent floods by an expenditure, the interest of which in an average of years would exceed all the damage done by the floods in the same space of time, let us use the appliances of modern science, the rain gauge and the electric telegraph, to enable us to foresee them. I myself anticipated the great inundation of 1870 three days before it occurred, and twenty- four hours beforehand I confidently predicted it to some friends. What I did everyone else might do, by taking account of the height of the river at a given time, by measuring and obtaining information regarding the depth of the rainfall in each of the 198 ON THE INUNDATIONS OF THE TIBER. Tiber's tributary streams, and by forming some conjecture, from previous meteorological conditions, as to the depth of snow upon the mountains. The cry of "wolf" may sometimes be raised in vain, but the wolf should never be allowed to steal upon us unawares. CLIMATE OF ROME IN ANCIENT TIMES. The formation of ice in a rapid river like the Tiber may seem to imply a more intense degree of cold than any which is experienced in the present day, and the line "Hibernum fracta glacie descendet in amnem" (Juv. vi. 521) may be added to those which are usually quoted from the Roman poets and historians to prove the greater severity of the Italian winters in former times. Everybody will recall the stanza of Horace in which he describes Soracte as white" with snow, the trees as bending beneath their load, and the streams as arrested in their course by frost; to which we may add two other lines of the same poet : Diffugere nives, redeunt jam gramina campis Arboribusque comae. — Hor. Car. IV. 9, 1. The snows have disappeared, herbage now returns To the fields, and foliage to the trees. The "jam" appearing to imply that the snow had remained some time upon the ground. The passage, also, in the Georgics of Virgil : Cum nix alta jacet, glaciem cum flumina trudunt. — G. 1. 310. When the snow lies deep, when the rivers are bringing down ice, appears to favour the same idea. But poets are bad authority in matters of science.* Their office being to excite the * When a poet describes in verse special objects in nature or phenomena which occurred at a given time and place, he may, of course, be received as authority. Thus Ovid's account of the "Muraena," in his "Halieuticon,'' is accepted by Naturalists. In hke manner, Horace's description of the weather preceding the great inundations of his time, in the ode commencing "Jam satis terris &c, may be received as evidence of the character of that particular season. 200 CLIMATE OF ROME imagination and move the feelings by strong contrasts, they select the most striking rather than the most usual images, they describe the seasons by their grander phenomena or most attractive features, and thus produce a false impression upon those who do not consider the privilege "quidlibet audendi" which a poet enjoys. In the fourth book of the Georgics, we have an account of an old man from Corycus in Cilicia, who had inherited a small patrimony on the banks of the river Galesus, near the city of Tarentum. This Corycian old man, said the poet, by his industry and skill, succeeded in raising the earliest fruits and flowers of all his compeers, and " even while dreary winter was splitting the rocks with frost, and curbing with ice the current of the streams, he was already gathering the flower of the tender hyacinth, chiding (by so doing) the late summer and the lingering zephyrs." Et cum tristis hyems etiamnum frigora saxa Rumperet et glacie cursus fraenaret aquarum, Hie comam mollis jam tondebat hyacinthi .lEstatem increpitans seram zephyrosque morantes. — IV. 135. Does anyone imagine that Virgil is speaking of a fact within his own experience, or that the winters in the extreme south of Italy were so severe in the time of Augustus that rocks were rent with frost and rapid mountain torrents — for such are all the rivers of that region — were bridled by the ice which collected jn their beds ? Evidently the poet, in order to heighten the contrast between the rigour of the season and the results of the good man's labours, and enhance the merit of his success, has given us a picture of winter in the abstract, without reference to country or locality. But, if anyone should still maintain that the language of Virgil is to be literally understood, let him turn to the sixth ode of the second book of Horace, where the poet tells us that, if prevented by hard fate from settling in his old age at Tibur, he will seek the banks of the Galesus, where long springs and mild winters are granted by Jupiter as a boon to man : IN ANCIENT TIMES. 201 Unde si Parcae prohibent iniquae Galesi Flumen et regnata petam Laconi rura Phalanto Ver ubi longum tepidasque praebet Jupiter brumas Car. n. 6, 7 . . . . 18. How are we to reconcile the two descriptions and explain the apparent contradiction. Evidently by supposing that Horace describes the real character of the climate, and that Virgil does not intend to describe it at all. With Horace, the main consideration was the general softness of the winters of the Galesus; with Virgil, it was the skill and industry of the old Corycian. The winter, in the latter case, is merely mentioned incidentally to mark the early period of the year, and enhance the merit of the old man's success in the cultivation of fruit and flowers, and being so introduced, it is described, for effect, by the most salient features of the season. The words, there fore, " et cum glacialis hyems," &c, mean no more than this ; " and even when dreary winter throughout the world was rending," &c. Similar observations may be made with regard to the other passages which I have quoted. One who knew nothing of the climate of England, and read the descriptions of spring in the English poets, would imagine that it was the most genial season in the year, whereas it is notoriously the most inclement. Horace Walpole, in one of his letters, observes jokingly to his friend " that the spring had set in with its usual severity," and this character it still maintains. The weather in the latter end of March of the year 1872 was wintry in the extreme, and the boat-race between Oxford and Cambridge was rowed in the midst of showers of snow driven by a north-easterly gale. Throughout the month of April, as everyone knows, cold easterly winds prevail, and even in the " merry month of May" the fair face of heaven is often deformed by driving sleet and the promise of an abundant fruit crop blasted by nipping frosts. The truth is, the spring of the English and the winter of the 202 CLIMATE OF ROME Romans are equally ideal; the reality in one case being too harsh, and in the other too tame for the purposes of poetry* It is a necessary consequence of the licence conceded to poets that their evidence, or what is presumed to be such, is conflicting and contradictory, and many passages may be quoted from Horace and Virgil to shew that the general character of the weather in central Italy cannot have altered much during the last nineteen hundred years. The myrtle was not only abundant on the seashore,! but was a favourite shrub in Roman gardens and pleasure grounds, and Horace thus complains : platanusque ccelebs Evincet ulmos ; turn violaria, et Myrtus, et omnis copia narium, Spargent olivetis odorem Fertilibus domino priori. — Hor. Car. II. 15, 4. The bachelor plane tree will displace the elms [which were married by the vines]. Next the violet beds, and the myrtle, and the whole tribe of scents, will scatter their perfume over olive grounds which were productive to their former lord. Virgil in his Georgics recommends the cultivation of the myrtle as furnishing stout shafts for spears.f It appears, there- * In the Book of Job there are allusions to ice and snow : "The streams are blackish by reason of the ice, and wherein the snow is hid." — vi. 16. " Out of whose womb came the ice and the hoary frost of heaven, who has gendered it ? " "The waters are hid as with a stone, and the face of the deep is frozen." — xxxviii. 29, 30. Also in the Psalms : " He casteth forth His ice like morsels, who can stand before His cold ? " — cxlvii. 16, 17. Job is generally supposed to have been an Arabian Sheik, and Uz, his native country, is conjectured to have lain south-east of Damascus, in an arid region where frost and snow must have been unknown ; yet he speaks of rivers as covered with a solid mass of ice, and even of the sea as frozen. If Job, therefore, while illustrating the power of God by the wonders of creation, describes what he could have known only from hearsay, and adorns his poetry with the grander imagery of winter in countries lying far away to the north, why should not the Italian poets have indulged in the same licence ? t Littora myrtetis laetissima G. 11. 112. amantes litora myrtos. — G. IV. 124. X Viminibus salices fcecundae, frondibus ulmi : At myrtus validis hastilibus, et bona bello Cornus G. 11. 446 — 8. IN ANCIENT TIMES. 203 fore, thatit must have attained a considerable size, and that, consequently, it could not have been liable to be cut down at short intervals by frost. Now, in the middle and eastern parts of England, the myrtle requires protection in winter, and even near Clonmel in Ireland, which is only thirty miles distant from the southern coast, I have seen one which was planted against a sunny wall, and covered with a mat in winter, stripped of all its leaves and partially killed by a severe frost accompany ing an easterly wind. It is only in Cornwall,* the county Kerry in Ireland, and a few sheltered spots on the southern and eastern coasts of the British islands that standard myrtles can be grown.! It appears, therefore, that, judged by this test, the winters of Rome, in the time of Augustus, could not have been colder than those of Cornwall in the present day, the greater heat of the summer in Italy allowing the myrtle to attain the size which it must have reached to fit it for the purposes indicated by Virgil. The evidence, therefore, of the poets may be rejected as counteracting itself, or proving nothing but the fertility of their imaginations. Nor is the testimony of ancient historians or naturalistsj of greater value, unless they speak of some great A myrtle formed the shaft of the spear of Camilla. Et pastoralem praefixa cuspide myrtum. — JE. vii. 817. The epithet " pastoralem " shows that the wood of the myrtle was extensively used by the shepherds for their javelins or for their crooks. * Garden hedges are said to be made of the broad-leaved or hardier variety, in the neighbourhood of Cork and Belfast. But there are sheltered spots on the sea-coast both of England and Ireland which have a climate of their own. In the interior of Ireland, the county Tipperary, for instance, myrtles cannot be grown without protection. They may support two or three winters in the open air, but are sure to be cut off at last. f The myrtles at Rome required no protection ; for the " teneros defendo a frigore myrtos,'' (E. vii. 6) is put by Virgil into the mouth of a Mantuan swain. + Pliny's Natural History, for instance, is nothing but a collection of all the vulgar notions respecting animals and objects in Nature which were current in his time, and of all the foolish stories on the subject which he had been able to collect. He took no pains to sift his materials to separate the true from the 204 CLIMATE OF ROME catastrophe of their own times, the details and disastrous effects of which must have been known to many, or of natural pheno mena of habitual recurrence to which there is frequent occasion to allude, and concerning which they could not have been misinformed. Among the Romans there was no such thing as science in the modern acceptation of the term. No attempt was made to ascertain by experiment or accurate observation the truth of the facts which they made the basis of their reasoning, or to arrange them systematically, and hence to deduce the laws by which they are connected. The facts were looked upon as independent phenomena, or special inter positions of the Deity, and hence there was no inducement to investigate the truth of a story in order to reconcile it with some acknowledged law of Nature. On the contrary, constituted as human nature is, there was every temptation to exaggerate whatever was wonderful in creation, and to make gratuitous assumptions respecting it. There is a remarkable instance of this in the Georgics of Virgil. Virgil here appears, not in the character of a poet, a Troirirrjc, or composer of fictions, but of a naturalist writing in verse ; he comes forward as the instructor of mankind in a useful art, and his work has a practical object. We are entitled, therefore, to require that he should state nothing as a fact, the truth of which was doubtful, and by which his readers might be misled. Yet he assures us that oaks may be grafted upon elms. glandemque sues fregere sub ulmis. — G. II. 72. And swine have crunched the acorn 'neath the elm. false, and the doubtful from either ; and so careless was he, that he would not give himself the trouble to translate correctly the descriptions ofthe kingfisher which he borrowed from Aristotle. By a false rendering of a Greek word he represents the kingfisher as having a long neck instead of a long beak, which is ridiculously inaccurate. The only parts of his work which are of any value are those where he describes objects which were constantly before his eyes, or facts which he had witnessed himself, or might have learnt from contemporary sources. The chapters, also, which treat of works of Art supply valuable information not to be obtained from any other source. IN ANCIENT TIMES. 205 Two lines higher up we have a still more extraordinary state ment. Et steriles platani malos gessere valentes. — II. 70. And barren planes have vigorous apples borne. This is much the same as if Virgil had assumed as a fact that mules had been bred between a horse and a cow, because he knew them to have been bred between a horse and an ass ; for all practical gardeners, as well as theoretical botanists, are aware that grafting succeeds only when the stock and graft are nearly allied ; that is to say, when they belong to different varieties of the same species, or different species of the same genus. If, then, such false statements can be made in a work which ought to be a scientific treatise written in verse, adorned only with the imagery of well-known facts or acknowledged fables, how absurd it is to bring forward as evidence the statements of a poet in compositions where his inventive powers are under no restraint, and where his only object is to rouse, astonish, or to melt. The fabled music of the dying swan is another illustration of the indifference of the ancients to the truth of facts in Nature. This belief held its ground for ages, yet no one thought of testing by a simple experiment the truth of the popular belief* When popular errors, which rested upon no rational founda tion, and which, by applying the test of experiment, might at any instant have been disproved, retained their vitality so long, it is not surprising that accounts of extraordinary natural phenomena — exaggerated and embellished as they must have been during their passage from age to age, often by oral * Waterton tells us in his interesting essays, that one of several swans which he had in his park fell sick, and eventually died. Being curious to learn what grounds the ancients had for attributing such delightful melody to the swan before its death, he watched the sick bird with great attention in its last moments, but did not observe that it uttered any sound. In fact, the tame swan utters no cry at any time, and has for that reason been called the mute' swan, "cygnus mutus," to distinguish it from the wild or ^whistling swan, "cygnus ferus." 206 CLIMATE OF ROME transmission— should have been accepted without enquiry, and recorded by historians who lived long after the time when they are said to have occurred. But such accounts must be received with suspicion, and cannot be made the basis of a scientific theory, which ought to rest upon facts about which there is no dispute. The accounts of severe winters at Rome are at intervals of centuries. That of 356 a.u.c, or 396 B.C., recorded by Livy v. 13, and supposed to be the same as that mentioned by Dionysius, and on which so much stress is laid, happened before the taking of the city by the Gauls, when all the records are believed to have perished. It must, therefore, have been handed down by tradition, and in its passage from mouth to mouth it doubtless received many embellishments, until it was finally committed to writing. The winter of a.u.c. 573, or b.c 179, referred to by Livy, was still 180 years before his time. The winter, also, described by St. Augustine* as one of extraordinary severity, when the snow lay to a great depth for forty days in the Forum, and the Tiber was frozen over, occurred, if it ever did occur, in the time of the war with Pyrrhus, or 700 years before the age of St. Augustine. St. Augustine concludes his account with the observation : " What would these people have said if such a winter had happened in our times ? " Yet this passage is usually quoted in a way to lead the reader to suppose that the winter recorded by St. Augustine occurred during his lifetime, or not very long before. Such exceptional weather may still recur in the revolution of ages, but it proves nothing with regard to the normal character of a climate. In Tegg's " Chronology " the winter of 1234 is stated to have been so severe in the south of Europe that the Mediterranean was frozen over, by which, I presume, is meant that certain bays and inlets of that sea * Quid hyems ilia memorabilis tam incredibili immanitate saeviens ut, nivibus horrenda altitudine etiam foro per dies quadraginta manentibus, Tiberis quoque duraretur, si temporibus nostris accidisset, quae isti et quanta dixissent ! —De Civitate Dei. Lib. III. 17. IN ANCIENT TIMES. 207 were covered with ice. Tegg was a mere compiler, and he does not give his authority; but he, probably, knew as much about the winters of 1234 as St. Augustine, who lived at the time of the taking of Rome by the Goths, did of those in tL U.-.-1 the time of Pyrrhus. Irfl'ii843 the snow lay for two days on ' .£ the ground at Rome, and the thermometer of Fahrenheit \ o > . descended to seventeen degrees, or fifteen degrees below the freezing point ; and if we possessed records of all the seasons in Italy for fifteen hundred years,* we should, probably, find that at long intervals there were some which might vie in severity with those described by Livy and Dionysius, especially if we make an allowance for the probable exaggeration of their accounts. The only evidence of any value as the foundation of a scientific theory would be the reference of the poets and historians to the weather of their own times. I can recall but few passages of this kind,! of which- the two most frequently quoted to prove the severity of the winters in ancient days are the account in the ode of Horace, 1. 2, of the weather preceding the great inundation in the reign of Augustus, and the story in Martial of the icicle which fell from the arch of the aqueduct near the Porta Capena, and killed one who happened to be passing beneath it. J But * The authority of the Abbe de Lonqnerue is quoted by Gibbon, in his "Miscellaneous Works," vol. 3, p. 246, for the fact that the Tiber was frozen over in the winter of 1 709, which was remarkable for its severity throughout the whole of Europe. f I take no account of such verses as those which I have already quoted, " Diffugere nives. . . .," &c, for the snows are as unreal as the " Graces," who are represented as dancing after their disappearance. + Qua vicina pluit yipsanis porta columnis, Et madet assiduo lubricus imbre lapis, In jugulum pueri, qui roscida templa subibat, Decidit hybemo praegravis unda gelu. Cumque peregisset miseri crudelia fata, Tabuit in calido vulnere mucro tener. Quid non sasva sibi voluit fortuna licere ? Aut ubi mors non est, si jugulatis aquae ? — iv. .6. /S" 208 CLIMATE OF ROME neither of these passages, if examined with the eye of a meteorologist, will be found to sustain this view. Horace, indeed, speaks of great falls of snow, but he also mentions frequent thunder and hail. Now, a frequency of thunder-storms implies a prevalence of scirocco winds, and, consequently, of mild, though wet and stormy, weather. For these storms rarely occur, except during south winds or when the south wind suddenly changes to the west or north, the meeting of the currents in the latter case inducing that rapid precipitation of vapour which is always attended with a development of elec tricity. We may suppose, therefore, that there were violent thunder-storms with hail, while the wind blew from the south, and that, when the wind changed to the north, the rain became snow, which fell in abundance for a time, and contri buted as it melted to swell the inundation, for there is nothing in the ode to shew that it remained even for one day on the ground. With regard to the story of the icicle, it was certainly unfortunate for the individual who happened to be passing beneath, that it should have detached itself at that particular time; but in the formation of the icicle itself there is nothing extraordinary, for the size which it attained would not depend merely on the intensity of the frost, but on the rate at which the water dripped, which must be such as to supply, as much water, and no more, as will freeze in a given time. In the present day icicles may be seen hanging from the fountains of Rome after a night of five or six degrees Fahrenheit of frost; and in the winter of 1843, when there were fifteen degrees of cold, the formation of an icicle sufficiently large to kill a man, if it fell upon him from a certain height, may easily be conceived. But, whatever weight these and two or three similar relations may be thought to carry, the expressive silence of Tacitus and of Pliny the younger, who wrote of events nearer to their time, furnishes negative testimony more conclusive on the other side. Tacitus has usually a chapter in each book devoted to prodigies and natural phenomena of unusual occurrence. IN ANCIENT TIMES. 209 Mention is made in these chapters of a swarm of bees settling on the capitol, of a calf born with its head on its leg, of a great whirlwind in Campania, and of the various inundations of the Tiber; but not a word is said about any winter remarkable for its severity, nor is the occurrence of great falls of snow or intense frost revealed incidentally by the incon venience they occasioned in the city, or by their effect in impeding military operations. Again, in the letters of Pliny the younger, which are full of gossip on all subjects, the weather among the rest, there is no mention of frost or snow, though he enters into long details about great falls of rain and the damage which they caused. To this we may add, that the floods ofthe Tiber are never attributed, by the writers I have mentioned, either wholly or partially to the melting of the snows, but always to excessive rains ; though, if such deep snows, as is supposed, had fallen over the whole seven thousand square miles of the basin of the Tiber, their sudden melting must often have been the principal agent in producing those floods. From modern histories the general character of the weather which prevails during a campaign may usually be gathered, and Pliny, as I have observed, is very fond of talking about it. It is strange, therefore, that the subject of frost and snow should never once crop up, either in the history qf Tacitus or in the letters of Pliny. It is evident from this that, in the time of Pliny and Tacitus, frost and snow were phenomena of rare occurrence, and mild in their character. Yet Arnold, in his " History of Rome," assumes as a fact the greater severity of the Italian winters in ancient times, and attempts to explain it by a theory, now exploded, which the progress of the science of heat and the logic of facts in Canada ought to have shewn him to be untenable ; the theory, namely, that forests and marshes tend to increase the rigour of the winter cold. " In the time of the Romans," he observes, "the Apennines were covered with forests, and the influence of the forests and marshes of Germany must have been felt as far as central Italy." Arnold was an accomplished scholar, P 210 CLIMATE OF ROME but he was not a man of science or a shrewd observer of Nature ; otherwise, his reason would have told him that forests, as far as they have any influence at all, must tend to moderate the severity of the winter cold, by impeding radiation and preventing the escape of heat from the earth, and observation would have taught him that the soil beneath trees often remains soft and moist, while in more exposed situations the ground is hard with frost. Was he never told by his gardener that on a calm and clear night a piece of canvas placed across four sticks will protect tender plants from two or three degrees of frost, even though the sides are open to the air ? From this he might have inferred what would be the effect of trees. It would be truer to say that the intense cold of certain elevated plateaus was due rather to the absence of trees than the supposed severity of the climate of ancient Italy to their presence ; for, in the former case, there is nothing either to retain the heat of the earth or to check the fury of the icy blasts which sweep across its naked surface. The clearing of the forests of Canada has not produced the amelioration of climate which was anticipated, and the cold of the winters is as great as ever. Indeed, the winter of 1865 — 66 was one of the severest on record, the thermometer at Montreal having descended to twenty-eight degrees of Fahrenheit below zero, while heavy ordnance was conveyed across the St. Lawrence on the ice. Samuel Forey, also, in his " Treatise on the Climate of the United States" (1842, p. 37), observes that the winters of Salem, Massachusetts, instead of being rendered milder by the eradi cation of the forests, had been four degrees colder during the last thirty-three years than the preceding average. There are two passages, however, in the younger and elder Pliny which are thought to support the popular notion of a change of climate in Italy. The younger Pliny, in his letters, describing his villa on the upper Tiber, which must have been, at least, a thousand feet above the level of the sea observes that, notwithstanding the greater cold of the winters in that elevated region, the bay tree succeeds very well. IN ANCIENT TIMES. 211 " Sometimes," he says, " it is killed by frost, but not oftener than in the neighbourhood of Rome. "Coelum est hyeme frigidum et gelidum ; myrtos, oleas, quasque alia assiduo tepore laetantur, aspernatur et respuit; laurum tamen patitur, et etiam nitidissimum profert; interdum, sed non saspius quam sub urbe nostra necat." In this passage there is something which I find it difficult to reconcile, either with itself or with the evidence to be derived from other quarters. The bay, "Laurus nobilis," though somewhat tender and requiring a sheltered situation, is a hardier tree than the myrtle,* and is very generally planted in English shrubberies, while even the least delicate variety, the broad-leaved or Roman myrtle, requires the pro tection of a conservative wall. Pliny himself tells us that the myrtle is more tender than the bay,! f°r he says that the climate * The myrtle, so carefully tended in England and so highly valued by the ancient Romans, is now banished from the gardens and pleasure-grounds of their descendants. Its modest beauty, its fragrance, and its poetical associations are disregarded, and its place is usurped by more showy plants. There is not a single specimen in the Pincian gardens. A prejudice, even, appears to exist against it ; for a large shrub growing in a little garden on the left of the ascent to the Trinita dei Monti, and covered every year with bloom, the only one I have noticed in a cultivated state, has lately been cut down. t In the notes to Arnold's " History of Rome " it is confessed that the behef in the tenderness of the bay might have been a popular error. It may seem strange that such an error should have held its ground in opposition to universal experience ; but the ancients neither instituted experiments nor registered observations for the purpose of determining the truth of a fact in Nature, and they forgot how often the bay had survived their severest winters. In like manner, we forget how often the popular belief in the influence of the moon on the weather is falsified by the event, and the belief in such influence will, probably, continue to the end of time. Many trees and shrubs, at their first introduction into England, were believed to be tender, which experience afterwards showed to be hardy. The horse-chesnut, for instance, a tree from the lower ridges of the Himalaya mountains, was treated at first as a conservatory plant, but it was soon found to be capable of supporting the severest winters of England ; the ancients would, probably, have never made the discovery of its hardiness. It may be observed, with regard to the olive, that it will stand the winters of England, and even attain the dimensions of a small tree; but, as it never ripens its fruit and there is no beauty in its foliage, it is never planted except for curiosity. It is, therefore, hardier than the myrtle, which, consequently, furnishes a better illustration of my argument. P2 212 CLIMATE OF ROME of his villa rejects the former, but produces very fine specimens of the latter. I have shewn that the myrtle was grown, not only for ornament but for economical purposes, and, of course, in the open air; for the idea of cultivating for their wood trees that require protection is absurd. If, then, the bay was a hardier shrub than the myrtle, and the myrtle must have survived many winters in the open air, in order to suit the purposes of the cultivator, it is incon ceivable that the bay tree could have been killed in the neighbourhood of Rome, except after very long intervals of time, and this supposition is not inconsistent with the lan guage of Pliny, who, by saying that the bay was not killed oftener than at Rome, might intend to imply the extreme infrequency of the occurrence. The other passage is quoted in Dyer's " Rome " from the elder Pliny, to shew that in his time the snow in the neigh bourhood of Rome used to lie a long time on the ground. The words are: "Alioquin vota arborum frugumque communia sunt, nives diutinas sedere." " For the rest, trees and crops have this one wish in common, that snow may lie a long time on the earth." The strange style of Pliny, who is fond of personifying inanimate objects, and attributing to them the feelings of human beings, often renders a paraphrase necessary in order to make his meaning clear; but I have given, I believe, the sense of the author, who is merely stating the result of observations made, perhaps, at his birthplace, near the lake of Como, where the winters are much colder than in central Italy. Yet, it is absurdly assumed, that, because Virgil and Pliny wrote at Rome, they must necessarily have had in their thoughts the climate of Rome when they described the phenomena of winter. If a writer on British agriculture, domiciled at Pen zance, were to make the observation in his work that a thick covering of snow was useful in protecting plants from severe frosts, and give directions for the treatment of crops and trees during weather which is not unusual in the wolds of Yorkshire, would it not be preposterous for a foreigner to IN ANCIENT TIMES. 213 infer that heavy snows, lying long on the ground, and severe frosts, were of frequent occurrence in Cornwall. Yet such is the reasoning of Dyer and others, though there is nothing in the passage quoted from Pliny, or in the context, to shew that his words have reference to Rome more than to Mantua,* Lyons, or Cologne. The treatise of Virgil on agriculture, and the observations of Pliny on the conditions under which trees and crops are most likely to thrive, are doubtless intended to apply to Italy as a whole, from Tarento, where frost and snow are almost unknown to the valley of the Po, where snow sometimes lies for several days. Why, also, should not the outlying colonies of the Empire, as Lyons and Cologne, be included in the general scope of the work ? But, independently of the evidence for or against a change afforded by the writers of antiquity, it appears to be physically impossible that the climate of any place can have changed since the last geological convulsion which determined the present configuration of the surface of the globe. Geologists, therefore, have been driven to explain the great decrease of temperature which the remains of extinct animals show to have taken place in the northern hemisphere by a different distribution of land and water; by a gradual cooling of the crust of the earth, supposed to have been originally in a molten state, or by a change in the inclination of the axis of the earth to the plane of the ecliptic. But during each geological epoch, the climate of a place can depend only on (i) its latitude, (2) its distance from the sea, (3) its elevation above the level of the sea, and (4) the direction of the pre~ vailing winds. Man, by draining marshes, cutting down forests, and planting trees, may, to a certain extent, and within limited areas, increase the salubrity of the air or modify the amount of moisture which it contains, but the great phenomena of * I am surprised that the line "....teneros defendo a frigore myrtos" (E. vir. 6), which is supposed to be spoken in the neighbourhood of Mantua, has never been quoted to prove the cold of a Roman winter. 214 CLIMATE OF ROME the weather, rain, wind, and snow, depend upon causes which are entirely beyond his control, the four conditions, namely, which I have enumerated. Any one of these conditions may modify or neutralise the rest. Thus the winters of the eastern states of America are far more rigorous than those of the countries in the same parallel of latitude on the western side of Europe ; the dif ference corresponding to an interval of about ten degrees ; so that the winter of a place in latitude forty degrees on the eastern side of America is as cold as that of one in latitude fifty degrees on the western side of Europe. This anomaly may be explained, partly by the greater extension of land in America towards the North Pole, and partly by the prevalence of westerly winds, which blow right round the globe, in a belt extending from below forty degrees to about fifty degrees of latitude. These winds, if they are either due west, or from points between west and north, after traversing the entire width of the American continent, arrive in the eastern states as freezing blasts, bringing with them frost and snow. Starting again from the eastern coast, and crossing an unfrozen ocean more than three thousand miles in breadth, they reach England and the west of France, shorn of all their severity, and though often cold and raw, yet always some degrees above the freezing point. The prevalence of these winds appears to me a simpler mode of explaining the difference between the climate of the east of America and the west of Europe than the Gulf stream, which is made to do duty on so many occasions when its services are not required. It accounts, also, for the mildness of the western coast of America as compared with the eastern, the climate of Vancouver's Island resembling that of the British Isles, though it is in the latitude of Labrador, where the winters are intensely severe. The supposed change in the climate of Italy is not a ques tion of purely speculative interest, but has to a certain extent a practical bearing; for many persons have argued that the greater healthiness of the Campagna in Rome in ancient times IN ANCIENT TIMES. 215 was owing to the severity of the winters, by which the germs of disease were either destroyed or retained for a longer time in a dormant state. If, then, it can be shown that the climate of central Italy has undergone no change within the historic period, the moderns will have no greater difficulty than the ancients to contend with, and may hope, like them, to correct by cultivation or other remedial measures the reputed insa lubrity of Rome and the surrounding country. CONCLUSION. Before concluding this work I will recapitulate some of the topics on whichl have enlarged. I have treated the Tiber as an object of natural history, and as a monument of antiquity, describing its physical peculiarities, and illustrating from classical authors the feelings of affection, pride, and reverence with which it was regarded by the ancient Romans. I have shown, also, that this feeling of reverence for its divinity, or of superstition as we should call it in the present day, was shared by the Tuscan nations who dwelt along its banks ; since they were diverted, Livy tells us, from a war with the Romans, by an inundation which damaged the property of their influential chiefs, and appeared to be of evil omen for the success of their cause. Our knowledge of the ornamental character imparted to the river must be gathered from the notices, few and far between, which are scattered through the ancient writers. Few travelled in those days but the rich and high born, most of whom had their " hospites " in the principal towns of the Empire, with whom they stayed when they visited a foreign city, and who probably acted as their cicerones in showing them the curiosities of the places. There were, therefore, no guide books, or descriptions of the town and their environs, for the use of the general public, one of which, if it had survived the wreck of time, would haye thrown light on a number of interesting points. But the quotations from Pliny and Claudian leave no doubt that the banks of the Tiber for miles above Rome, and probably also below it, were adorned with villas and other ornamental structures, though of the manner in which they were laid out we possess no informa tion. The ancients, doubtless, availed themselves of the CONCLUSION. 217 advantages of the site for picturesque effect, as the moderns might, by planting the ridges and knolls which skirt the strip of alluvial valley through which the river flows. I am aware that many artists deprecate the idea of planting the Campagna, as impairing its peculiar character ; but if the planting were done tastefully and artistically, so as to harmonise with the other features of the landscape, the general effect would be improved, and the banks of the Tiber, lined, as in the time of Claudian, with villas, would present an appearance more pleasing than the banks of the Thames, which wants the fine back-ground of mountains which the valley of the Tiber possesses. Of the commercial value of the Tiber we possess more precise information, and from many sources. The author of Rome and the Campagna appears to think that, because the Tiber is too narrow for the Warrior to turn in and too shallow to float an East-Indiaman, it could have been of little com mercial value, and rejects the description of its advantages put by Livy into the mouth of Camillus as a rhetorical ampli fication.* But to say nothing of the accounts of Pliny, Strabo, and others, the passage from Vopiscus which I have quoted seems to shew that it was in those times not only the principal but the only channel in which corn was conveyed to Rome. Aurelian,! in his letter, observes that he had established a line * Non sine causa Dii hominesque hunc urbi condendse locum eligerunt, saluberrimos colles, flumen opportunum, quo ex Mediterraneis locis fruges devehanter, quo maritimi commeatus accipiantur. If Livy was deceived when he made Camillus enlarge upon the commercial advantages of the Tiber, Cicero must have been under a like delusion when he expressed himself in a similar strain in his " De republica," n. 3 — 5. The latter calls the river " perennis," whieh is true ; for, unlike the Amo, it flows with a full and strong current even in the heats of summer, and "aequabilis," which is as untrue ; for no river varies so much in height, forty feet being the difference between the two extremes. Like Livy, Cicero speaks of the produce of Italy brought down the river, as well as of the commodities imported from abroad. t I have observed that in the time of Aurelian the Tiber was the principal, and probably the only channel by which Rome was supplied with food. I infer this from the absence of all mention in his letter of Italy as a source of supply, 218 CONCLUSION. of merchant vessels between Egypt and Italy, and stationed river-boats " amnicos " in the Tiber in connection with them. The navigation of the Tiber is of less importance in the present day owing to the introduction of railroads and the improvement of the ordinary routes ; but as water carriage for heavy goods is cheaper even than by railroads, something will probably be done to render the Tiber navigable from Rome to Perugia. If a canal parallel to the river, in conformity with the advice of Gambarini, is determined upon, there would at least be abundance of water at every season of the' year. With regard to the inundations, I have explained what I conceive to be their causes, and expressed an opinion that nothing but embankments — a remedy worse than the disease — could exclude them from the city, and that no human means can appreciably lower their height. It might be supposed from the remedies which have been proposed that nobody had realised the fact that a channel of given section and declivity can discharge only a given quantity of water, and that, when that quantity is exceeded, it must necessarily over flow. If we are to believe Gambarini and Chiesa, the Nestore, at its junction with the Tiber, is one-third of a Roman mile in width in the time of floods, or broader than the Thames at Westminster bridge when the tide is in. There is, I suspect, some mistake in this ; but allowing for exaggeration, the Nestore must after heavy rains bring down an enormous body of water. The Paglia at Acquapendente flows, as I have noticed, in a stony bed, as wide as the Tiber itself at Rome, and must, when flooded, contribute largely to swell the volume of that The "fruges," and the "res victum cultumque maxime necessarian," which Livy and Cicero (Livy, v, 54, and Cicero de Republica, II. 3 — 5) describe as being brought down the Tiber from the interior, had long since ceased to be produced. At hercule olim ex Italiae regionibus longinquas in provincias commeatus portabant ; nee nunc infecunditate laboratur, sed Africam potius et .SDgyptum exercemus, navibusque et casibus vita populi Romani commissa est. — Tac. Ann. xii. 43. These reflections were suggested by a riot in the reign of Claudius consequent upon the dearth of grain, and the high price of bread. CONCLUSION. 219 river. When to these, which are but second-rate tributaries, we add the upper Tiber and the larger affluents — the Nera, the Velino, the Salto, and the Turano, which drain the Western slopes of the Apennines for one hundred and forty miles — it appears more surprising that the narrow bed of the Tiber at Rome should be able to contain the immense mass of waters poured into it after every heavy fall of rain than that it should occasionally overflow. How absurd, then, is it to suppose that the removal of a few petty obstructions can have any sensible effect upon the height of the floods. It may be asked, what I would recommend myself? I reply in the words of the Senate, after taking into consideration the propositions of Arruntius and Ateius, " nihil esse mutandum," " that no change be made,"* as far at least as the bed of the Tiber is concerned. " A most lame and impotent con clusion " this may appear. But it is better to do nothing than to expend large sums of money on works whose utility is questionable. The first cost of these .works, and the expense of maintaining them in an efficient state for thirty, forty, or fifty years, would pay over and over again the damage that the floods might cause in that interval of time. It would be better, therefore, to invest the money and apply it to that purpose than to sink it, not in doing good but in creating a nuisance. But though the floods cannot be prevented, they may, I contend, be foreseen for twenty-four or thirty hours before they occur, leaving ample time to place all moveable property out of reach of harm. The question, whether the floods of the Tiber are owing to rain or melted snow, may seem to many as vain as the dispute "de lana caprina,"! whether the natural covering of a goat ought to be called hair or wool, and as void of practical result. But a great deal depends on which is the more potent agent, rain or snow, in producing * Tac. Ann. I. 79. This does not apply to deepening the river and removing obstructions in order to improve the navigation, or to the construction of quays for ornament and convenience. t Alter rixatur de lana sanpe caprina.— Hor. Ep. 1. 18, 555. 220 CONCLUSION. the floods. If, as the Romans absurdly suppose, the rain adds little to the mass of waters, and serves only to promote the more rapid dissolution of the snows, the height of the flood must depend upon the quantity of snow to be melted, of which nothing certain can be known ; but, if the rain be the principal agent, its depth may be measured, not only at Rome, but at other stations within the basin of the Tiber, and the average taken. If this be multiplied by the area of the basin, we have, making allowance for the portion which disappears by evaporation and percolation, the cubical content of the mass of water which would find its way into the river. In this way, on Tuesday morning the twenty-seventh of December, 1870, I made a calculation of the quantity of water produced by the rain of Monday night the twenty-sixth, namely, r6 inch, and found that, if it extended over the whole basin of the Tiber, it would be more than sufficient to fill a reservoir twenty miles long, two miles broad, and twenty feet deep, or forty miles long, two miles broad, and ten feet deep.* The river was at that time two feet deep in the Ripetta. Such a quantity of water therefore, coming at a time when the Tiber was already flooded, and its channel could contain no more, was quite sufficient to account for the inundation. Yet the foolish Romans could not be persuaded that the rain of Monday, violent as it was, would have any effect upon the river. Grounding my opinion on the calcula tion I had made, on the Tuesday morning I confidently predicted a great flood into the Corso on the Wednesday following, but could not succeed in convincing the tradesmen, who, if they had placed a watchman at the Ripetta on Tuesday * Valles tells us that of a given quantity of rain four-sevenths were dis charged by the Po, and only two-sevenths by the Seine, owing to the absorbent nature of the soil through which many of its tributaries flow. Three-sevenths appears a large quantity to be lost by percolation and evaporation in the case of the Po. A good deal depends upon the state of the ground with respect to saturation and upon the time within which the rain falls. On the night in question the greater part of the one inch and six-tenths of rain fell in two or three hours, and the earth was completely saturated, so that comparatively little of it was lost. CONCLUSION. 221 night to give the alarm, would have received information of the rapid rise of the river, which took place at two. or three o'clock on Wednesday morning, and have had time to save a large portion of their goods. I would recommend, therefore, that there should be meteoro logical stations in the principal towns at the entrance of the basins of the tributaries of the Tiber, namely, Orvieto, Perugia, Foligno, and Terni. It has been suggested that the height of the flood at Terni and other places should be tele graphed to Rome. I would take time by the forelock, and telegraph to Rome the depth of rain at all these towns ; thus enabling a calculation to be made, on which might be based a sound conjecture as to the height of the coming flood. The height of the river at the time must, of course, be taken into consideration ; for the same quantity of rain which would produce a great and disastrous inundation, when the river is full, might only be sufficient to fill it to the brim when low. I now conclude, hoping that what I have said about the Tiber may divert to it some portion of the interest which is now concentrated upon brick and mortar, and that my observa tions upon the causes of its inundations may, on the one hand, save expenditure on useless and injurious plans, and on the other, suggest precautions which, if they cannot lower the level of the floods, may at least reduce their injurious conse quences to a minimum. FINIS. CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY W. METCALFE AND SON, TRINITY STREET. BOOKS PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY W. METCALFE AND SON, CAMBRIDGE. Memorials of Cambridge, Containing upwards of One Hundred and Fifty Steel Engravings, same number of Wood Engravings, and Thirty Photographs, bound in half-morocco, gilt tops. 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TAGE Acton's Modern Cookery 24 Alpine Club Map of Switzerland 20 Alpine Guide (The) 20 A mos' s Jurisprudence 6 Primer ofthe Constitution 6 Anderson's Strength of Materials 12 Armitage's Childhood of the English Nation 4 Armstrong's Organic Chemistry 12 Arnold's (Dr.) Christian Life 17 Lectures on Modern History 2 Miscellaneous Works 7 School Sermons 17 Sermons 17 (T. ) Manual of English Literature 7 ¦ • Beowulf 21 Arnott's Elements of Physics ir Atelier (The) du Lys 20 Atherstone Priory 21 Autumn Holidays of a Country Parson ... 8 Ayre's Treasury of Bible Knowledge .9, 23 Bacon's Essays, by Whately 6 Life and Letters, by Spedding ... 6 Works 6 Bain's Mental and Moral Science 7 on the Senses and Intellect 7 Emotions and Will 7 Baker's Two Works on Ceylon 19 Ball's Guide to the Central Alps 20 Guide to the Western Alps 20 Guide to the Eastern Alps 20 Bancroft's Native Races of the Pacific 3 Barry on Railway Appliances r 2 Beaconsfield' s (Lord) Novels and Tales ... 20 Becker ' s Charicles and Gallus 20 Beesly's Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla 4 Black's Treatise on Brewing 23 Blackley's German-English Dictionary 9 Blaine's Rural Sports 22 Bloxam's Metals r2 Bolland and Lang's Aristotle's Politics 6 Boultbce on 39 Articles 16 Bourne's Catechism of the Steam Engine . 16 Handbook of Steam Engine 16 Treatise on the Steam Engine ... 15 Improvements in the same 15 Bawdier 's Family Shakespeare 21 Bramley-Moore' s Six Sisters of the Valleys . 21 Brandes Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art r3 Brinkley's Astronomy ro Browne's Exposition ofthe 39 Articles 16 PAGE Buckles History of Civilisation 2 Posthumous Remains 7 Buckton's Health in the House r4 Bull's Hints to Mothers 23 Maternal Management of Children . 23 Burgomaster's Family (The) 21 Burke j Vicissitudes of Families 5 Cabinet Lawyer 23 Campbell's Norway 20 Capes's Age ofthe Antonines 4 Early Roman Empire 4 Cates's Biographical Dictionary 5 and Woodward' s Encyclopasdia ... 3 Cayleys Iliad of Homer 21 Changed Aspects of Unchanged Truths ... 8 Chesney's Indian Polity 2 Modern Military Biography 2 Waterloo Campaign 3 Church' s Sketches of Ottoman History ... 1 Colenso on Moabite Stone &c 19 'j Pentateuch and Book of Joshua. 19 Commonplace Philosopher in Town and Country 8 Comte's Positive Polity 5 Congreve' j Politics of Aristotle 6 Conington s Translation of Virgil's ^Eneid 2r Miscellaneous Writings 8 Contanseau ' s Two French Dictionaries ... 8 Conybeare and Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul 17 Counsel and Comfort from a City Pulpit... 8 Cox's (G. W.) Aryan Mythology 3 Athenian Empire 4 Crusades 4 General History of Greece 3 ¦ Greeks and Persians 4 History of Greece 3 Tales of Ancient Greece ... 21 Creighton s Age of Elizabeth 4 Cresy's Encyclopedia of Civil Engineering 16 Critical Essays of a Country Parson 8 Crookes's Anthracen 16 Chemical Analyses 14 Dyeing and Calico-printing 16 Culley's Handbook of Telegraphy 15 Ctirteis's Macedonian Empire 4 Davidson's Introduction to the New Tes tament 18 D'Aubigne's Reformation 18 De Caisne and Le Maout's Botany 14 26 NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS cV CO. PAGE De Tocqueville' s Democracy in America... 5 Dobson on the Ox 22 Dove's Law of Storms 10 Dowelts History of Taxes 6 Doyle's (R.) Fairyland 14 Eastlake' s Hints on Household Taste 15 Edwards's Rambles among the Dolomites 20 Nile 19 — Year in Western France 19 Elements of Botany 13 Ellicott's Commentary on Ephesians 17 Galatians 17 Pastoral Epist. 17 Philippians, &c. 17 Thessalonians . 17 Lectures on Life of Christ r7 Elsa, a Tale of the Tyrolean Alps 21 Epochs of Ancient History 4 Modern History 4 Evans' (J.) Ancient Stone Implements ... 13 (A. J.) Bosnia 19 Ewald's History of Israel 18 Antiquities of Israel r8 Fairbairn' s Application of Cast and Wrought Iron to Building... 16 Information for Engineers 16 Life 4 Treatise on Mills and Millwork 16 Farrar' s Chapters on Language 8 Families of Speech 8 Finlason's Judicial System 24 Fitzwygram on Horses and Stables 22 Forbes's Two Years in Fiji 19 Frampton s (Bishop) Life 5 Francis ' s Fishing Book 22 Fresh-field's Italian Alps 19 Froude s English in Ireland 2 History of England 2 Short Studies 7 Gairdner' s Houses of Lancaster and York 4 Ganot's Elementary Physics ri • Natural Philosophy ir Gardiner's Buckingham and Charles 2 Personal Government of Charles I. 2 First Two Stuarts 4 Thirty Years' War 4 Geffcken's Church and State 6 German Home Life 7 Gilbert 6V Churchill's Dolomites 20 Girdlestone s Bible Synonyms 17 ¦Goldziher s Hebrew Mythology ly Goodeve's Mechanics 12 ¦ Mechanism 12 Grant's Ethics of Aristotle 6 Graver Thoughts of a Country Parson 8 Greville' s Journal 2 Griffin's Algebra and Trigonometry 12 Griffith's Behind the Veil 18 Grohman's Tyrol and the Tyrolese 19 Grove (Sir W. R.) on Correlation of Phy sical Forces ir (F. C.) The Frosty Caucasus 19 Gwili's Encyclopaedia of Architecture 15 PAGE Hale's Fall of the Stuarts 4 Hartley on the Air IO Hartwig' s Aerial World I3 Polar World : I2 Sea and its Living Wonders ¦•• I2 Subterranean World J3 Tropical World 12 Haughton s Animal Mechanics n Hayward' s Biographical and Critical Essays 5 Heer's Primeval World of Switzerland 13 Heine's Life and Works, by Stigand 4 Helmholtz on Tons 11 Helmholtz s Scientific Lectures ir Hemsley's Trees and Shrubs 14 HersclieTs Outlines of Astronomy 10 Hinchliff's Over the Sea and Far Away ... 19 Hobson's Amateur Mechanic 13 Hoskold's Engineer's Valuing Assistant ... 15 Howorth's Mongols 3 Hullah's History of Modern Music 13 Transition Period 13 Hume s Essays 7 Treatise on Human Nature 7 Ihne's Rome to its Capture 4 History of Rome 3 Indian Alps 19 Ingelow's Poems 21 yameson's Legends of the Saints & Martyrs 15 Legends of the Madonna 15 Legends of the Monastic Orders 15 Legends of the Saviour 15 Jenkin's Electricity and Magnetism 12 Jerram's Lycidas of Milton 21 Jerrold's Life of Napoleon 2 Johnston s Geographical Dictionary 9 Jukes's Types of Genesis 18 on Second Death 18 Kalisch's Commentary on the Bible 17 Keitlis Evidence of Prophecy 17 Kerls Metallurgy, by Crookes and RShrig. 16 Kirby and Spence's Entomology 12 Kirkman's Philosophy 7 Knatchbull - Hugessen 's Whispers from Fairy-Land ... 20 • Higgledy-Piggledy 20 Kuenen's Prophets and Prophecy in Israel 17 Landscapes, Churches, &c 8 Latham's English Dictionaries 8 Handbook of English Language 8 Lawrence on Rocks 13 Lecky' s History of European Morals 3 Rationalism 3 Leaders of Public Opinion 5 Lefroy's Bermudas 19 Leisure Hours in Town 8 Lessons of Middle Age 8 Lewes' s Biographical History of Philosophy 4 Lewis on Authority 7 NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS 6- CO. 27 PAGE Liddell and Scott s Greek-English Lexicons 9 Lindley and Moore's Treasury of Botany.. 13, 22 Lloyd' j Magnetism n Wave-Theory of Light n Longmans (F. W.) Chess Openings 23 — German Dictionary ... 9 (W.) Edward the Third 2 Lectures on History of England 2 — Old and New St. Paul's 15 Loudon's Encyclopaedia of Agriculture ... 16 Gardening 16 Plants 13 Lubbock's Origin of Civilisation 13 Ludlow's American War 4 Lyra Germanica 18 Macaulay's (Lord) Essays 1 History of England ... 1 Lays of AncientRome r4, 2r Life and Letters 4 Miscellaneous Writings 7 Speeches 7 — Works 1 — — — — Writings, Selections from 7 MacColl's Eastern Question 1 McCulloclis Dictionary of Commerce 9 Macleod' s Economical Philosophy 6 Theory and Practice of Banking 24 Elements of Banking 24 Mademoiselle Mori 21 Malet' s Annals of the Road 22 Marshall's Physiology 14 Marshman's Life of Havelock 5 Martineau' s Christian Life 19 Hours of Thought 19 Hymns 18 Maunders Biographical Treasury 5, 23 Geographical Treasury 23 Historical Treasury 23 Scientific and Literary Treasury 23 Treasury of Knowledge 9, 23 ; — Treasury of Natural History.. 13, 23 Maxwells Theory of Heat 12 May's History of Democracy 2 History of England 2 Melville's Digby Grand 21 General Bounce 21 Gladiators 21 Good for Nothing 2r Holmby House 21 Interpreter 21 Kate Coventry 21 Queen's Maries 21 Mendelssohn's Letters 4 Merivale' s Fall of the Roman Republic ... 3 General History of Rome 3 Roman Triumvirates 4 Romans under the Empire 3 Merrificlds Arithmetic and Mensuration... 12 Miles on Horse's Foot and Horse Shoeing 22 on Horse's Teeth and Stables 22 Mill (J.) on the Mind 6 Dissertations & Discussions 6 Essays on Religion 17 Hamilton's Philosophy '..... 6 (J. S.) Liberty S Political Economy 5 PAGE Mill (J. S. ) Representative Government ... 5 System of Logic 6 Unsettled Questions 5 Utilitarianism 5 ~ ¦ Autobiography 5 Miller's Elements of Chemistry 14 Inorganic Chemistry 12 Mitchell's Manual of Assaying 16 Modern Novelist's Library 21 Monsell's Spiritual Songs 18 Moore's Irish Melodies, Illustrated Edition 15 Lalla Rookh, Illustrated Edition.. 15 MorelTs Mental Philosophy 7 Mozart's Life and Letters 4 Mailer's Chips from a German Workshop. 8 Science of Language 8 Science of Religion 3 Nelson on the Moon 10 New Testament, Illustrated Edition rs Nicols's Puzzle of Life 13 Northcoti s Lathes & Turning 15 O' Conor's Commentary on Hebrews 18 Romans 18 St. John 18 Osborn's Islam 3 Owen's Comparative Anatomy and Physio logy of Vertebrate Animals i2 Packe's Guide to the Pyrenees 20 Pattison's Casaubon 5 Payen's Industrial Chemistry 15 Pewtner's Comprehensive Specifier 23 Pierce's Chess Problems 23 Pole's Game of Whist 23 Preece & Sivewright's Telegraphy 12 Present-Day Thoughts 8 Proctor's Astronomical Essays 10 Moon 10 Orbs around Us 10 Other Worlds than Ours 10 Saturn 10 Scientific Essays (Two Series) ... 12 Sun 10 Transits of Venus 10 Two Star Atlases 10 Universe 10 Protherds De Montfort 2 Public Schools Atlas of Ancient Geography 9 Atlas of Modern Geography 9 Rawlinson's Parthia 3 Sassanians , 3 Recreations of a Country Parson 8 Redgrave s Dictionary of Artists 14 Reeve's Residence in Vienna and Berlin ... 19 Reilly's Map of Mont Blanc 20 Monte Rosa 20 Reresby's Memoirs 5 Reynardson s Down the Road 22 28 NEW WORKS published by LONGMANS & CO. PAGE Rich's Dictionary of Antiquities 9 Rivers's Rose Amateur's Guide 13 Rogers's Eclipse of Faith 17 Defence of Eclipse of Faith 17 Essays 5 Rogefs Thesaurus of English Words and PTirjiSES ,,,..,.,.......•¦•••••¦•••••*••¦••¦¦•• " Ronald's Fly-Fisher's Entomology 22 Roscoes Outlines of Civil Procedure 6 Rothschild's Israelites 18 Sandars's Justinian's Institutes 6 Sankey's Sparta and Thebes 4 Savile on Apparitions 8 on Primitive Faith 17 Schellen's Spectrum Analysis 10 Scott's Lectures on the Fine Arts 14 Poems r4 Seaside Musing 8 Seebohm's Oxford Reformers of T498 3 Protestant Revolution 4 Sewell' s History of France 2 Passing Thoughts on Religion ... 18 Preparation for Communion 18 Questions of the Day 18 Self-Examination for Confirmation 18 Stories and Tales 21 Thoughts for the Age 18 Shelley's Workshop Appliances 12 Short's Church History 3 Smith's (Sydney) Essays 7 Wit and Wisdom 7 (Dr. R. A.) Air and Rain 10 (R. B.) Rome and Carthage 4 Southey's Poetical Works 2r Stanley's History of British Birds 13 Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 5 Stonehenge on the Dog 22 on the Greyhound 22 Stoney on Strains 16 S tubbs s Early Plantagenets 4 Sunday Afternoons at the Parish Church of a University City 8 Supernatural Religion 18 Swinbourne's Picture Logic 6 Taylor's History of India 2 Manual of Ancient History 4 Manual of Modern History 4 (Jeremy) Works, edited by Eden. 18 Text-Books of Science r2 Thome" s Structural and Physiological Bo tany 12, 13 Thomson's Laws of Thought 7 Thorpes Quantitative Analysis 12 Tliorpe and Muir s Qualitative Analysis ... r2 Tilden s Chemical Philosophy 12, r4 PAGE Todd on Parliamentary Government..., 2 Trench's Realities of Irish Life 7 Trollope's Barchester Towers 2I Warden 2I Twiss's Law of Nations 6 Tyndall' s American Lectures on Light ... n Diamagnetism 11 Fragments of Science n Heat a Mode of Motion n Lectures on Electricity 11 Lectures on Light n Lectures on Sound n Molecular Physics n Unawares 21 Unwin's Machine Design 12 Urc's Dictionary of Arts, Manufactures, and Mines 16 Vaughan's Trident, Crescent, and Cross... 18 Walker on Whist 23 Warburton s Edward the Third 4 Watson's Geometry 12 Watts' s Dictionary of Chemistry 14 Webb's Objects for Common Telescopes ... ro Weinhold's Experimental Physics ir Wellingtons Life, by Gleig $ Whately's English Synonymes 8 Logic 6 Rhetoric 6 White and Riddle's Latin Dictionaries ... 9 Whitworth 's Measuring Machine 15 Wilcocks's Sea-Fisherman 22 Williams' s Aristotle's Ethics 6 Willich's Popular Tables 24 Wood's (J. G.) Bible Animals 12 Homes without Hands ... 12 Insects at Home 12 Insects Abroad 12 Out of Doors 12 Strange Dwellings 12 (J. T.) Ephesus r9 Woodward's Geology 13 Wyatfs History of Prussia .' 2 Yonge 's English-Greek Lexicons 9 Horace 2r Youatt on the Dog 22 on the Horse 22 Zeller's Plato 3 Socrates 3 Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics... 3 Zimmern's Life of Schopenhauer 4 MODERN HISTORICAL EPOCHS. In course of publication, each volume in fcp. 8vo. complete in itself, EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY: A SERIES OF BOOKS NARRATING THE HISTOBY of ENGLAND and EUROPE At SUCCESSIVE EPOCHS SUBSEQUENT to the CHRISTIAN ERA. EDITED by E. E. MORRIS, M.A. Lincoln Coll. Oxford; J. S. PHILLPOTTS, B.C.L. New Coll. Oxford; and C. COLBECK, M.A. Pellow of Trin. Coll. Oxford. 'This strikiug collection of little volumes is a valuable contribution to the litera ture of the day, whether for youthful or more mature readers. As an abridgment of several important phases of modern history it has great merit, and some of its parts display powers and qualitiesof a high order. Such writers, indeed, as Professor Stttbbs, Messrs. Warburton, Gairdner, Creighton, and others, could not fail to give us excellent work. . . . The style of the series is, as a, general rule, correct and pure ; in the ease of Mr. Stubbs it more than once rises into genuine, simple, and manly eloquence ; and the composi tion of some of the volumes displays no ordinary historical skill. . . . The Series is and deserves to be popular.' The Times, Jan. 2, 1877. Eleven "Volumes Now Published : — The ERA of the PROTESTANT REVOLUTION. By F. Seebohm, Author of 'The Oxford Reformers— Colet, Erasmus, More.' With 4 Coloured Maps and 12 Diagrams ou Wood. Price 2s. Gd. ' Mr. Seebohm's Era of the Protestant Revolution shews an admirable mastery of a complex subject ; it abounds in sound and philosophic thought, and as a com position it is very well ordered. . . . This volume, in short, is of the greatest merit.' The Times, Jan. 2. The CRUSADES. By the Rev. G. W. Cox, M.A. late Scholar of Trinity College, Oxford ; Author of the ' Aryan Mythology ' &c. With a Coloured Map. Price 25. Gd. ' The earliest period, in point of time, is that of the Crusades, of which we have a summary from the accomplished pen of tho well-known Author of one of the best and latest histories of Greece. Mr. Cox's narrative is flowing and easy, and parts of his work are extremely good.' The Times, Jan. 2. The THIRTY YEARS' WAR, 1618-1648. By Samuel Rawson Gardiner, late Student of Ch. Ch. ; Author of 'History of England from the Accession of James I. to the Disgrace of Chief Justice Coke ' &c. With a Coloured Map. Price 2s. Gd. ' The narrative — a singularly perplexing task — is on the whole remarkably clear, and the Author gives us a well-written summary of the causes that led to the great contest, and of the most striking incidents that marked its progress. Mr. Gardiner's judgments, too, are usually just. ...The Author, we should add, is very skilful in his delineation of historical characters.' The Times, Jan. 2. The HOUSES of LANCASTER and YORK; with the CONQUEST and LOSS of FRANCE. By James Gairdner, of the Pubhc Record Office ; Editor of ' The Fasten Letters ' &c. With 5 Coloured Maps. Price 2s. Gd. ' Mr. Gairdner' s Epoch, ' Lancaster and I the conclusions of the Author are just and York, is usually correct and sensible, and I acccurate.' The Times, Jan. 2. London, LONGMANS & CO. [Continued. EPOCHS OF MODERN HISTORY-«»f.w EDWARD THE THIRD. By the Rev. W. Warburton, M.A. late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford ; Her Majesty's Senior Inspector of Schools. With 3 Coloured Maps and 3 Genealogical Tables. Price 2*. Gd. well the spirit and genius ef that chivalrie age.' The Times, Jan. 2. ' This Epoch is a very good one, and is well worth a studious reader's attention. Mr. Warburton has reproduced extremely The AGE of ELIZABETH. By the Rev. M. Creigiiton, M:A. late " With 5 Maps and 4 Genealogical Tables. 2a. Gd. tween this country and the other States of Europe, and the character of the policy of the Queen and her counsellors.' The Times, Jan. 2. The FALL of the STUARTS; and WESTERN EUROPE from 1678 to 1697. By the Rev. Edward Hale, M.A. Assistant-Master at Eton. With Eleven Maps and Plans. Price 2s. 62. 'Mr. Hale has thoroughly grasped the i them in a very effective light.' great facts of the time, and has placed | The Times, Jan. 2. The FIRST TWO STUARTS and the PURITAN REVOLUTION, 1603-1660. By Samuel Rawson Gardixer, Author of 'The Thirty Tears' War, 1618-1648.' With 4 Coloured Maps. Fellow and Tutor of Merton College, Oxford, ' Mr. Creightcn has thoroughly mastered the intricate mysteries of the foreign poli tics of the whole period ; and he has described extremely ably the relations be- Price 2s. Gd. 'Mr. Gardiner's "Eirst Two Stuarts and the Puritan Revolution" deserves more notice than we can bestow upon it. This is in some respects a very striking work. Mr. Gardiner's sketch of the time- of James I. brings out much that had hitherto been little known.' The Times, Jan. 2. The WAR of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 1775-1783. Malcolm Ludlow, Bnrrister-at-Law. With 4 Coloured Maps. Price 2s. Gd. By John 'Mr. Ludlow's account of the obscure annals of what afterwards became the Thirteen Colonies is learned, judicious, and full of interest, and his description of the Bed Indian communities is admirable for its good feeling and insight. . . The volume is characterised by impartiality and good sense.' The Times, Jan. 2. The EARLY PLANTAGENETS. By the Rev. W. Stubbs, M.A. Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford. Wilh 2 coloured Maps. Price 2s. Gd. 'As a whole, his book is one of rare excellence. As a comprehensive sketch of the period it is worthy of very high commendation. ... As an analyst of institutions and laws Mr. Stubbs is cer tainly not inferior to Hallam. His nar rative, moreover, is, as a rule, excellent, clear, well put together, and often pic turesque; his language is always forcible- and sometimes eloquent ; his power of condensation is very remarkable, and hi3 chapter on the contemporaneous state of Europe is admirable for its breadth and conciseness.' The Tithes, Jan. 2. The AGE of ANNE. By E. E. Morris, M.A. of Lincoln College,. Oxford ; Head Master of the Melbourne Grammar School, Australia ; Original Editor of the Series. With 7 Maps and Plans. Price 2s. 6d. Volumes in preparation, in continuation of the Series .- — The NORMANS in EUROPE. By Rev. A. H. Johnson, M.A., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. [Nearly ready. The BEGINNING of the MIDDLE AGES ; Charles the Great and Alfred ; the History of England in connexion with that of Europe in the Ninth Century. Byithe Very Rev. R. W. Church, M.A. Dean of St. Paul's. \jn the press. ' The EARLY HANOVERIANS. By the Rev. T. J. Lawrence, B.A. Warden of Cavendish College, late Fellow and Tutor of Downing College, Cambridge. The FRENCH REVOLUTION to the BATTLE of WATERLOO, 1789- 1815. By Bertha M. Cokdery, Author of ' The Struggle Against Absolute Monarchy.' FREDERICK the GREAT and the SEVEN YEARS' WAR. By F. W. Longman, of BaUiol College, Oxford. London, LONGMANS & CO. Spottiswoode & Co., Printers, New-street Square, London. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 08837 1605 illIiiHI llllp sSssSSSS