¦fsf,- 'ASM m ,m.f( I :i .if). I I,; ¦ 'J,'I. s mk 1' ' '^ -'' (,' " If ^'."iffe. !f^* YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BEING A TRANSLATION OF THE BOOK OF KOHELETH COMMONLY KNOWN AS ECCLESIASTES STRIPPED OF LATER ADDITIONS ALSO ITS ORIGIN, GROWTH AND INTERPRETATION BY MORRIS JASTROW, JR., PH.D., LL.D Professor in the University of Pennsylvania "Come, fill the Cup and in the fire of Spring Your Winter-garment of Repentance fling; The Bird of Time has but a little way To flutter — and the Bird is on the Wing." Omar Khayyam PHILADELPHIA &f LONDON J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY 1919 COPYaiGHT. I919, BY J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY YAl-E PRINTED BY J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY AT THE WASHINGTON SQUARE PRESS PHILADELPHIA, U. S. A. TO GEORGE AARON BARTON BRrN Mjttrs COLLEGE ALBERT TOBIAS CLAY rjLE VNIfERSITr AND JAMES ALAN MONTGOMERY UNiysRSlTr OF fENNSriyANlA FOREWORD ^HIS work is an endeavor to place before a general public, and in popular form, the results of the critical study of the Old Testa ment as applied to a single book in the collection. I have chosen the book commonly known as Ecclesiastes, because of the intensely human interest attaching to this specimen of the ancient literature of Palestine. The designation "Ecclesiastes", to be taken in the sense of one who addresses an Ecclesia i.e., an assembly, is an attempt on the part of the Greek translator of the book to render the Hebrew word Koheleth (pronounced Ko-hay-leth), which is the name assumed by the author of the book, and the underlying stem of which means to "assemble." Since the author, however, wanted us to regard Koheleth as a proper name, why translate it at all ? Ecclesiastes is a harsh and forbidding title for a book that is marked by a singular lightness of touch, and I have therefore retained throughout this work the name Koheleth for the book, and have chosen "A Gentle Cynic" as an appropriate designation to describe both the character of the book and the author, who has concealed his personality be hind a nom de flume. ^ * See p. 65. I A GENTLE CTNIC The book is not only intensely human, it is also remarkably modem in its spirit. Koheleth belongs to the small coterie of books that do not grow old. It does not follow that such books are to be placed among the great classics of world literature, though in some instances they do enjoy this distinction, as in the case of the Book of Job and the Quatrains of Omar Khayyam, which are likewise remarkably modern. Nor is the reverse proposition true that all the great classics have a modern flavor. The spirit of Homer is that of antiquity, whereas that of Horace is modern. Moliere is intensely human, but because he reflects so exclusively the foibles of his days, he does not make the strong appeal to the modern world as does Shakespeare, who is human and modern. Of two authors who are contempor aneous, one may remain modem and the other not, though both may be reckoned among the great. Witness Goethe and Schiller, the former speaking to the present age in a way that the latter does not. Koheleth is modern, because with great literary skill he deals with those aspects of human life which are always the same. He is almost brutally frank in holding the mirror up to life. For all that, he is neither a scoffer nor a pessimist. He loves life and has intense sympathy with the struggles and suffer ings of humanity, but he smiles at the attempts of zealous reformers to change human nature or to improve a state of things, which (as he believes) follows logically from the conditions under which FOREWORD mankind carves out its career. Koheleth is not a cold and severely logical philosopher, intent upon building up a system of thought, but an easy-going dilettante who unfolds in a series of charming, witty and loosely connected causeries his view of life, as gained by a long and varied experience. The defects of his attitude towards life are so^ /^^ apparent that they need hardly be pointed out. He does not pose as a guide to be followed, nor does he help us in solving the problems of life. He would be willing to confess that he has no solution, because — and this is perhaps his chief defect — he sees no aim in life, no goal towards which mankind is ^ tending. Koheleth is serious in what he says, though he always speaks with a slight ironical smile on his lips, but he does not want us to take him too seriously, just as he himself does not want to take life too seriously. The human interest of the book is all the more intense because of its main conclusion, that life itself is a paradox. Life is made to be enjoyed, and yet enjoyment is "vanity." It is a strange book to have slipped into a sa cred collection. This would never have happened had the book been permitted to remain in the form which the author originally gave it. Instead of taking Koheleth as he was, the attempt was made by those who did not approve of his tone and of his attitude to twist his thought to conform to the conventional views and beliefs of the age. How this a/'-. A GENTLE CTNIC was done will be set forth in detail, in order to justify my new rendering and to clear up the various questions raised by the book. The bear ings of the modifications to which the original book of Koheleth was subjected on its character as a sacred book will also be considered. For the book in its present form is the result of manipulation at various hands that have made additions to it in the form of comments, insertions and counter arguments with a two-fold purpose in view, to make the utterances in the book con form to the tradition of Solomon, to whom an uncritical age ascribed the authorship, and to make the teachings more palatable to the pious and con servative, who were to read it as part of a sacred collection. The result has been to produce an entirely different book from the one which the author intended. It is this modified Koheleth — practically a second Koheleth by the side of the first one — that has found a place in the sacred col lection. If we wish to get back to the real Koheleth, we must lop off all additions made to it, which addi tions constitute over one-fourth of the present book. I This I have done in the translation, with an indi cation at each point of the extraneous material and an explanation of its character and purpose. The thought of the book as it stands in our Bible translations cannot possibly be clear to the general reader. Those who manipulated the text of the original Koheleth in order to convert an unorthodox production into an unobjectionable FOREWORD one succeeded in their aim, but at the cost of intro ducing contradictions and inconsistencies of which this new Koheleth is full. If we can imagine Homer or Virgil published with the scholia of later com mentators put into the body of the text, or the Quatrains of Omar Khayyam with the comments and pious reflections of orthodox Mohamme dans added, as though forming part of the original, in order to counteract unorthodox senti ments about "wine, woman and song," one will be able to form an impression of the text as finally" fixed and as it now stands in our Bible. At the same time, while recognizing what commentators in the interests of orthodoxy have made of Kohe leth, we must not fall into the error of charging such commentators with any intention to practice a wilful deceit. We must always bear in mind that every production in an age which had not as yet developed the sense of individual authorship was subject to constant modification. Such modifica tion was in part an index of the interest that a new production had aroused. An ancient book never received a final form, so long as its message retained its vitality. The modifications which a piece of writing underwent might be made by those who agreed with it, or by those who were not in sympathy with it. The manipulators of Koheleth were opposed to its tone and thought, but they were not conscious of any wrong in furnishing through additions their answers to Koheleth's arguments and conclusions, any more A GENTLE CTNIC than a modem editor in republishing some philo sophical or theological treatise would be con scious of guilt in adding notes to controvert the position taken by the author whom he is rein troducing to the public. The separation of an editor's observations from the body of the text, as against an incorporation of comments and super-comments in the text is just the difference between literary production in an age in which ^ authorship is anonymous or collective, and one in which authorship has become personal and distinctive. In my restoration of the original text on the basis of my own researches, I have also availed myself of the work of the many scholars, who have during the past century devoted themselves to the study of the book with the application of the critical and historical method that has now become the universally recognized conditio sine qua non for an intelligent appreciation of both the Old and the New Testament. Those who are interested in questions of technical detail, may be referred to ^Professor George A. Barton's "Critical and Ex- egetical Commentary on the Book of Ecclesiastes " (New York, 1908), and to A. H. McNeile's "Intro duction to Ecclesiastes" (Cambridge, 1904), two excellent and comprehensive works. I should like also to mention especially the valuable textual and critical notes to Koheleth by Amold B. Ehrlich, many of whose corrections and interpretations I have adopted. These notes will FOREWORD be found in a monumental work, indispensable to the specialist, under the title "Randglossen zur Hebraischen Bibel" (Leipzig, 1908-14), in seven volumes, covering all the books of the Old Testa ment and embodying the results of a life-long study of the Bible by this remarkably keen scholar. My own book being intended for the general reader, I have avoided technical discussions and unnec essary references. With those who are still able to approach the Bible with a nai've faith in its literal inspiration I have no quarrel, but for those who are unable to do so — and they constitute the bulk of the educated public — ^the books of the Bible need to be rein terpreted in the light of modem researches, which, it should be made clear affect our beliefs about the Bible, but not belief in the Bible. The primary motive which impels me to make the effort to so reinterpret one of the most striking and one of the most charming books in the collection is the desire to make a contribution — however modest — to wards securing for the general public the positive gains of the new epoch for Biblical studies which set in with the discovery, made by a French phy sician, Jean Astruc,^ that the Pentateuch, until then accepted by tradition as the work in toto of one author — ^Moses — consisted of several docu ments, each of independent origin, which had been pieced together. The discovery seemed quite inno- 2 The title of Astruc's work is "Conjectures sur les memoires originaux dont il paralt que Moyse s'est servi pour composer le livre de la Genfese." (Brussels, 1753.) 13 A GENTLE CTNIC cent on the surface, particularly as Astruc made the concession to a time-honored belief by still assuming Moses to have been the one who welded the documents into a literary unity. But the change from Moses as the one to whom the entire Pentateuch had been revealed, to Moses as a mere compiler of documents that had been produced by others — and by human hands at that — aimed a blow at tradition, the fatal character of which could not be concealed by any appearance of com promise. Cest le premier pas qui coute. A new method of approach to the study of the sacred collection had been inaugurated. This method, modified and perfected by successive generations of scholars, chiefly in Germany, France, Holland and England and applied to all the books of the Old and New Testament, led inevitably to the substitution of historical criticism in place of a naive and uncritical tradition that had in the course of time grown up around the Bible. The result has been to give a historical setting to the unfolding of religious thought among the Hebrews from primitive be liefs which at one time they shared with their fellow Semites, to the advanced conception of a spiritual Power of universal scope as the single source of all phenomena in nature and as control- ing the destinies of the human race. In keeping with this, the religious, social and political institu tions of the Hebrews have been shown to follow an order of development that carried us still fur- 14 FOREWORD tradition that grew up around the Bible, and that protected their great-grandfathers and great- grandmothers from seeing the difficulties which the modem reader encounters. From whatever point of view we regard the Bible — ^whether from the angle of religion or of literature or of history — the collection is too valuable to be exposed to the risk of being either lost or misunderstood; and un less the books of the Bible are understood, they are practically lost to readers imbued with the modem spirit. In presenting Koheleth in a new garb, minus the trimmings which were attached to the original composition, it is my hope to make a remarkable literary production more intelligible than is possible by reading it in any of our present-day translations of the Old Testament, which are all modeled on the classic "authorized" version of 1611, and which all assume the book to be a literary unit in its present form. In other words, I have tried to give the reader the book of Koheleth in its original form, as nearly as that is at present possible; and it is only fair to add that, in order to do so, it has been necessary to correct the text in places where in the course of being copied by one scribe after the other it has manifestly become corrupt. The total number of such corrections, however, is not excessively large. In the translation, I have disregarded the ordinary division into chapters which is very late and not found in ancient manuscripts of Biblical 2 17 A GENTLE CTNIC books, and, instead, have divided the "Words of Koheleth," as the attached title reads, into twenty- four sections, each dealing with some phase of the general problem with which the author is concerned. For the sake of convenience, I have added on the margin the corresponding chapter and verses in our ordinary Bibles, so that those who so desire may compare my rendering with the "au thorized" version and its successors. I have felt entirely free to choose my own wording, with no sense of being bound by the "authorized" version, which as a classic of English literature will, of course, always retain its place, but which, as a translation of a text better understood after a lapse of three hundred years, can be improved upon on almost every page. Where I deviate in more than a mere choice of words from the generally accepted rendering of a passage, I have tried to justify my view in the brief notes attached to the translation. Slight and obviously necessary textual changes I have passed over in silence; more radical ones I have briefly commented on in the notes. These notes are not in any sense technical, and have therefore been made as brief and as simple as pos sible, just enough to enable the reader to follow the interpretation of the book according to my understanding of it. All the additions to the text will also be found in these notes; and for further convenience I have grouped all the additions in the Appendix under three divisions. In this way the reader, with the further assistance of the dis- iS FOREWORD cussion preceding the translation, will be able to see for himself just how the book was manipulated, the nature and purpose of the additions made, how its original thought was obscured or given a different turn, and how it gradually grew until it received the shape that it has in the usual trans lations of the Bible. I feel that no apology is needed for the length of this discussion, which is, as already suggested, an attempt to give to the general public some of the positive gains of the critical study of the Old Testament, as carried on by many scholars in many lands during the past century. The recognition of these gains will, I firmly believe, help to remove the misunderstandings still current regarding the nature and purpose of the historical, literary and critical study of the Bible. I beg to call special at tention to the sections* in which I have discussed some of the aspects of the relation of criticism to tradition, and where I have tried to show that in rejecting traditional views about the Biblical books — affecting their origin, date and manner of com position — there is more than a compensating gain in bringing us nearer to an intelligent appreciation of the contents of these books and — I venture to add — of their real value. The religious truths embodied in the Biblical books are independent of questions of text, origin and composition, with which alone historical and literary criticism is concerned. < XIII to XVI. 19 A GENTLE CTNIC Those who take the trouble of reading the results of my investigations will, I venture to think, find all the other important questions raised by the book, its thought and its aim, and its relationship to the beliefs of the age in which it was written, to Greek ideas and to Jewish orthodoxy, fully covered, and in such a way as to illuminate the "Words of Koheleth" as a human document. In order to un derstand an ancient book, we must make the attempt to get a picture in our minds of the time and the conditions under which it was written. That aim has been before me above all else, and I shall be happy if I shall have succeeded in making Koheleth a living book to the modern reader. It is my hope and intention to treat in the same way two other Biblical books, the Book of Job and the Song of Songs, which, like Koheleth, need to be reinter preted, by means of a utilization of the results of a critical study of them, in order that they may make their appeal to our age. In committing my interpretation of the "Gen tle Cynic" to the tender mercies of (I hope) an equally gentle reader, I feel assured that he will become as fondly attached to Koheleth — even though, perhaps, not approving of all his teachings and utterances — as I have grown. It remains for me to express my obligations, as in the case of all my writings, to my wife for the help received from her in the form of suggested improvements in the presentation of my results and in the translation itself. She has also, as usual, read a proof. To her FOREWORD direct aid as well as to her sympathy with all my work and to her encouragement to carry it on, I owe any merits that I may have achieved in the course of my life. It is both a pleasure and a privi lege to combine on the dedication page the names of three dear colleagues who are associated in my mind together, to whose firm friendship and stim ulating companionship, I owe much — very much. MORRIS JASTROW, Jr. University of Pennsylvania January, 1919 CONTENTS Foreword 7 The Origin, Growth and Interpretation of the Words of Koheleth: A Strange Book in a Sacred Canon 27 Before the Days of "Authorship" 31 Beginnings of Literary Compilation among the Hebrews 42 A New Religion and Its Reflex in Literature 45 The First Genuine "Authors" 48 Traditional "Authorship" 52 The Growth of the Sacred Collection 56 Koheleth as a Nom de Plume 62 The Additions to Koheleth 71 The Proverbs Appended to Koheleth 76 The Popularity of Koheleth 86 Apologizing for Koheleth 94 Two Questions Regarding Koheleth loi Belief in the Bible Not Affected by Historical and Literary Criticism 108 The Old Testament Canon as a Mirror of Various Aspects of Life 113 The Original versus the Modified Koheleth 116 , Koheleth and His "Philosophy of Life" 120 Ancient and Later Beliefs Regarding the Dead. ... 129 ^A Gentle Cynic 138 Koheleth and Greek Thought 147 Koheleth's Attitude towards the Cult 152 Koheleth on "Reform," Royalty, and Woman 156 CONTENTS "Work and Play" 164 Joy that Is Sane 171 Koheleth and the Conventional Beliefs of His Age 178 The Omar Khayyam of the Bible 186 The Words of Koheleth in Their Original Form, Stripped of Subsequent Interpolations, Sayings and Comments 199 Appendix, Containing the Additions to the Book. 245 A GENTLE CYNIC THE ORIGIN, GROWTH AND INTERPRETATION OF THE WORDS OF KOHELETH a (Bmtlt Cynic I A STRANGE BOOK IN A SACRED CANON |T the close of the Book of Koheleth some reader or com mentator has added the warn ing, "Beware, my son, of the writing of many books without end," as though to caution us against taking too seriously the teachings of a book, which seemed dangerous from the point of view of con ventional morality. The warning sounds a chal lenge to every writer to justify himself in adding another to the more than three million books that have been produced since the literary impulse — Koheleth would call it "a sorry business" — first seized hold of man on this little planet of ours. Koheleth himself would, no doubt, echo the sug gestion contained in the warning that books fol low one another in endless succession, because it is a part of the "nature of the beast." Man writes because he cannot help it. The point is not what man writes, but that he writes and that he goes on writing as naturally as he goes on living, though Koheleth well knows that both man's life and his book will come to an end. There is no final book on any subject — no 27 A GENTLE CTNIC last word. Why, then, add another to share the fate of gathering' dust on the shelves of libraries or of being ground to pulp to form the material for some successor? Why write if a book is to be produced, only to be offered up as a sacrifice to bring into existence the next one, a process which gives to bookmaking some of the aspects of canni balism? But the warning against the making of endless books comes with special force, if the book in question is to be a new translation of an ancient one. Why present a book written over 2100 years ago, in a new garb? Is not Koheleth included in every translation of the Old Testament that has appeared since the days of Wycliffe and Luther? Are there not enough commentaries on this book in every modem language?^ The justification is to be found in the fact that Koheleth was admitted by a strange fate into a collection of sacred writ ings. The author had been dead for several cen turies before his production was thus canonized, or he would first have smiled at finding himself in company with prophets and psalmists, and then after a closer inspection, upon seeing how his work had been altered in order to adapt it to a group to which it did not belong, he might have grown indignant. At all events, he would have had difficulty in recognizing his offspring. ^ A long list of commentaries and monographs on Ecclesiastes will be found in Professor G. A. Barton's "Critical and Exegetical Commentary" on the "Book of Ecclesiastes" (N. Y., 1908) pp. 18-31, in McNeile's "Intro duction to Ecclesiastes" (Cambridge, 1904) p. 55, and in Ludwig Levy's ,"Das Buch Qoheleth" (Leipzig, 1912) pp. 65-67. 28 A GENTLE CTNIC The privilege of being included in a sacred collection tumed out to be a misfortune for the book, for it led to its being totally misunderstood, or, rather, intentionally modified so as to conceal its real purport. Koheleth is in reality, as we shall see, a most unorthodox production. Its teachings run counter to the conventional beliefs of the times in which it was composed. It offended the pious by its bold skepticism and displeased those who believed in a Creator who stamped his handiwork with the verdict "And behold it was good," by its undisguised, albeit gentle cynicism. Critical scholarship, as the result of the combined activity of many scholars of many lands during the past century, now recognizes that the book, as it stands in our Bible, consists of a kernel to which liberal additions have been made. These additions which were introduced, as we shall see, for the express purpose of counteracting the effect of Koheleth's unconventional views and to give a more orthodox turn to his thought are to be found in each one of the twelve chapters into which the book was arbi trarily divided.* In some chapters, the additions- consist merely of a phrase or of a sentence skill fully inserted here and there at a critical point in the discussion; in others, as in the eighth chapter, the additions are almost equal to the original sec- ' It must be borne in mind that the division into chapters in our Bible is late and does not occur in ancient manuscripts of the Hebrew text. In my translation (see the foreword, page 17), I have discarded these divisions, and instead have divided the book into 24 sections, each one dealing with some aspect of the general theme. 29 A GENTLE CTNIC tion, while again in some, as in the seventh and tenth chapters, the supplementary material is in excess of the original portion of the chapter.^ Besides these conspicuous additions, amounting in all to more than one-fourth of the book, there are little glosses and comments of a miscellaneous character, Hkewise interspersed throughout, which correspond to our foot-notes to a text. Now it is manifestly impossible to obtain a view of what the book was in its original form, unless in a trans lation we lop off all additions and insertions, as well as the glosses and little comments. To trans late the book as it stands, as has hitherto been done, precludes the possibility of grasping the character that the author intended to give to his production. The acceptance of Koheleth into the Canon was a gradual process. We know that as late as the first century before this era it was not generally regarded as on a par with the books of the collec tion of ancient Hebrew literature, which had to be handled with special reverence. Even then it would never have been admitted among sacred writings by the council of learned and pious Jews, ,who at Jamnia in Palestine fixed the Canon at the end of the first century of our era, had it not been for the additions which toned down the skeptical tenor of its teachings and controverted its bold defiance of accepted beliefs. The circumstance that the authorship was attributed to Solomon was a ' See for details below pp. 71-86, and in the comments to the translations. 30 A GENTLE CTNIC vital factor In leading to its inclusion In the Canon, but even this would not have secured its admission without the additions which constitute such a considerable part of the work in its present form, and which made it practically a different kind of a book. The question arises, how were these additions made, or, rather, first of all, how was it possible for anyone to conceive of making them? II BEFORE THE DAYS OF "AUTHORSHIP" To us who are accustomed to think of a book as the work of a single individual, brought out with the seal of authenticity attached to It under the name of its author, it must indeed seem strange that the original form of a piece of writing should be altered by subsequent additions; but author ship In the modem sense was unknown In antiq uity until we reach the flourishing period of Greek literature. Up to that time, authorship was largely anonymous. A book might pass through many hands before receiving Its final form; and In this form, two features which we naturally associate with a book, an author and a title, are conspicuous by their absence. Book writing was in the literal sense of the word corn-position, that is, a putting to gether of documents whi'ch might date from various periods. A book involved a process of compilation in which various persons might take part. As a con sequence, we have collective instead of individual authorship. A writer in the days of anonymous 31 A GENTLE CTNIC authorship laid no claim to special ownership to what he wrote — could lay no such claim. Every one who could do so felt free to add to a manuscript that came into his hands. The person who wrote was of minor significance as against what he wrote, and if a piece of writing became popular by being cir culated within a certain circle, itwas destined to con tinual enlargement and modification. Indeed, this steady modification was an index of the popularity of a book. A book that had become definite in its form and that was no longer subject to change, was a dead book. The living book, which conveyed a message of real Import to those who became acquainted with it, was one which had not yet become static. What we should regard as taking an unwarranted liberty with an author by changing what he had written, was from the ancient point of view not only perfectly legitimate but a real compli ment to a book, an indication that it was a breath ing organism and not a lifeless corpse. A book, moreover, continued to grow as long as it aroused sufficient interest to be added to and to be other wise modified. From the modem point of view, a book is finished when the author puts his Unis to it. The finished book begins its life — short or long — when it is issued from the press. From the ancient point of view the publication of a book in its final and definite form spelled its death — ^the end of the era which led to its production. As for a title, in the days when writing was merely com-position, there was no occasion to give a 32 A GENTLE CTNIC name to a production which, as essentially a com pilation, lacked any individualistic character. A title goes with individual authorship. A writer, having a definite subject In mind, will hit upon the idea, after having developed his subject systemat ically from beginning to end, of giving his produc tion a name, just as an artist will be led to label a picture representing the execution of a plan formed and carried out; but when there is no author in this sense, no single individual who plans a book as a whole and gives it its final shape, there is no unity to a literary work thus produced. Hence in ancient days books had no title, because they lacked the unity which would suggest the desira bility of giving to a literary product a distinctive designation. In Babylonia and Assyria, for example, where books were written on clay tablets, the tab lets were numbered In succession and distinguished merely as "Tablet i," "Tablet 2," etc., of a series described by the word or phrase with which the first tablet began. As a trace of this ancient custom. Papal Bulls are still known from the opening words of the document. Similarly, in the first division of the Old Testament, consisting of the five books forming the Pentateuch, the Individual books have in Hebrew no title and are merely described by the opening word. So, for example. Genesis, which is the Greek translation of the Hebrew Bereshith, "Beginning," with which the book opens. In English usage we call the second book of the Pen tateuch, "Exodus" which is a title descriptive of 3 33 A GENTLE CTNIC the contents of the book, but this title was given to it by the Greek translator. In Hebrew the book is designated as Shemoth, meaning " Names, " which happens to be the opening word of the book.* The remaining three books are likewise known in He brew merely by the opening word; and even a book like Lamentations, written in the Post-Exilic period, is In Hebrew designated as Echah, meaning "Alas!", because it begins with that word. If in the Hebrew text other books of the Old Testament, as the historical ones belonging to the second division. Judges, Kings, and Samuel, bear dis tinctive names, and if names like Psalms and Pro verbs in the third division describe the contents of these books, it is because such designations are a re flex of the later period when the idea of authorship was beginning to make its way into the life of the Hebrews. With this advance comes the thought of giving a more definite designation to a literary production. In the early period, however, the author was a negligible quantity, and necessarily so in an age which had not yet developed a sense of personal proprietorship In the written word. What a man said at that early period had far greater Import and authority than what he wrote. Verbal utter ances were scrupulously handed down in ancient times by oral tradition. The decisions of a judge. ' Strictly speaking it is the second word, the first being the demon strative particle "These," which was not distinctive enough to serve as a designation. 34 A GENTLE CTNIC the declarations of a political or military leader, the instructions of a teacher, the warnings of a prophet, the prayers of a religious poet, were trans mitted by word of mouth with punctilious regard to their authenticity, but when an individual sank to the grade of a mere writer, his product became common property to be bandied about freely and without any concem for the vanity of the author who, in fact, was not recognized as having any prerogatives at all. A book was not a man's child to be guarded and petted by him as his very ov\m, but a stray waif belonging to no one In particular. All ancient languages have a word (or several terms) for speaker, orator, teacher, but many have no distinctive expression, correspond ing to our term "author. " In Hebrew e.g. there is no such term; there Is merely a word for writer (sofer), and the writer is primarily a scribe. The 'sofer writes, but whether what he writes is a copy from some model or something dictated to him, or some composition of his own Is immaterial. He is merely a medium and no more important than the stylus with which he writes, or the clay, skin or leaf upon which he writes. Authorship under these circumstances was necessarily and logically anonymous; and it is not accidental that the most ancient literary produc tions in all lands have come down to us without the authentic preservation of the names of their authors. The entire Babylonian literature Is anon ymous. There are plenty of names of copyists and 35 A GENTLE CTNIC scribes mentioned on the clay tablets, but no author; and If In Egyptian literature we occasion ally come across the name of a person who writes an account of his travels, it Is due to the accidental personal form which what he writes takes on. No one would think of him for that reason as an author. The hymns of the Rig Veda — the oldest of theliteraryproductlonsof India — are all anonymous. Folk tales and folk songs. Incantations, as well as prayers and hymns forming part of a ritual were In ancient times always anonymous. Even long after authorship had been definitely established as a factor In the literary life of a people, aye centuries thereafter, collections of fables and the entire field of story-telling in the East — witness the Arabian Nights — were anonymous productions. In Western literature the Miracle and Moral ity plays are instances of collective and anonymous authorship, surviving to the Middle Ages and beyond. The "Passion Play" of Oberammergau, which still has the power to attract tens of thou sands from all parts ofthe world whenever it Is pro duced in the charming Tyrolean surroundings, falls in the same category. It has no author and belongs to the age of "collective" literary pro duction, as do the various "Kasperl" plays which In the form of "Punch and Judy" shows still amuse the children of the present age. The drama. In fact, as late as the days of Shakespeare had not entirely emerged from this period of collective authorship; for Shakespeare begins his career by 36 A GENTLE CTNIC reshaping old plays to which his name becomes attached, although he is not in any individualistic sense their author, and it is impossible even for specialists in the study of the great dramatist to differentiate with certainty the older portions of such a play as, for example, "King Henry VI" and the parts which are due to Shakespeare. One is tempted to suggest that the persistence of the "tradition" of collective authorship in the drama may be a factor in accounting for tbe strange phe nomenon that In the case of Shakespeare, living In the full daylight of history, a doubt as to the au thenticity of his productions should have arisen — absurd though both the theories and. the methods of the "Baconians" are. As a survival of past conditions we have even in our days a good deal of anonymous authorship or, as we might also put it, collective authorship. Every proverb must have originated with some Individual, but except in the case of quotations from some published work, collections of proverbs pass down the ages as anonymous. A modern newspaper furnishes a good illustration of the manner of book-making in antiquity. It is the work of many hands and It is issued anonymously. Editors and managers are not the authors, but merely the mediums of publication, just like the ancient scribes. The reporter when he puts his items into shape sinks his personality Into the general anonymity that marks a newspaper; his work Is modified by the city editor, precisely as a 37 A GENTLE CTNIC production In ancient times underwent modifica tion by other hands than the one which gave it its original form. Even writers of editorials. In which it might be supposed the personal touch was essential, consciously or unconsciously fall into the general tone adopted by the newspaper In question, so that after the lapse of some time the members of an editorial board are unable to differentiate between one another's productions.^ An almanac Is another form of anonymous author ship, which furnishes perhaps a still closer analogy to the ancient method of book writing, so largely a matter of compilation and so essentially a gradual growth. Among the Greeks who may be said to have invented the idea of authorship, literary produc tion was at first likewise anonymous and non- Individualistic. The Homeric poems are the work of many hands. Their composition is a gradual growth, and even If it be admitted that their final shape was due to the genius of a Greek rhapsodlst who stood out preeminent among his fellows and whose name was Homer, that would not yet con stitute Homer the author in the same sense In which Sophocles, .^schylus and Euripides are the authors of the plays that pass under their names. In the case of the Homeric poems, the personality (if there was one) is sunk In the work, whereas In the case of the dramatists of Greece, the pro duction is dominated by the personality of the ° I have this on the authority of my friend Dr. Talcott Williams. 38 A GENTLE CTNIC author. At all events, the Greeks appear to have been the first among the peoples of antiquity to have brought the author into the foreground. The Greeks created the author. In accord with the pronounced spirit of individualism, which Is one of the distinguishing marks of Greek culture that manifests itself in art as well as in literature, the Greeks passed from anonymity in literary produc tion to individualistic authorship. When we reach the golden period of Greek literature, an author's work is indelibly stamped with his personality. The result is a more marked differentiation between the productions of various authors, and this is particularly striking when we find the same theme treated by different authors, as in the case of the CEdlpus story, which engages the genius of both Sophocles and .^schylus. The author becomes a figure of growing importance in public life, and from the domain of literature this importance Is extended to the field of philosophical thought and physical science. Moreover, the written word comes to be viewed with the same reverence that was always attached to the spoken one. Oral tra dition is supplemented by an Increasing regard for written tradition until the latter comes to be looked upon as more authentic than the former; and since this depends upon the accuracy with which the productions of an author are transmitted through copyists, we have, instead of the former liberties taken with a literary product, growing punctilious ness to preserve a text in the form which the author 39 A GENTLE CTNIC gave It. The book becomes Indissolubly associated with the author. So important does the author become that books which have come down anon ymously are ascribed to authors by a tradition or by an inference that generally tums out to be un trustworthy. Instead of anonymity we now have pseudepigraphy, that is, trading on the name of an author In order to secure for a production the weight of his authority. Whether in running this gamut from the extreme of utter indifference to authorship to the exaltation of the author to the point of borrowing or stealing his name to secure recognition for a literary work. Is a gain — Is another question. It no doubt stimulated literary production by hold ing out popularity and fame as an attractive bait, as well as pecuniary rewards for the successful author, but It also promoted the vanity which goes with authorship. It aroused the temptation to court popularity even at the cost of sincerity, and led to writing for writing's sake, creating precisely the evil "of writing many books without end" against which the commentator to Koheleth warns us. The ancient writer who could lay no claim to proprietorship in his productions wrote because he had something to say; the author whose career Is bound up with literary production lives under the temptation of writing because he wishes to be known as saying something. The warnings against books without end suggests that the seri ousness of writing diminishes in proportion to the 40 A GENTLE CTNIC amount. The ready writer may become the vol uminous writer, and as our commentator adds "much discussion is a weariness of the flesh." If Koheleth wrote just for the pleasure of writing, the caution not to take him too seriously, with the implication that "the writing of many books with out end" is to be added to the list of human' vanities, is decidedly In place. We in our days of overwhelming literary pro duction, over and above the more than 100,000 newspapers that are printed daily throughout the world, are tempted to make such a fetish of the written word that we regard something as more apt to be true because we have seen it In print. As a matter of fact, written lies far outnumber spoken untruths. It Is a far simpler matter to print a wrong statement than to make one verbally. Writing cannot be said to have Increased mankind's regard for the truth. Literature Is not an ethical force comparable to the Influence exerted by the spoken word. The greatest figures In history, the world's greatest teachers as Moses, Buddha, Jesus and Mohammed did not write, as little as did the great generals (with some exceptions like Csesar), and yet they shaped the course of human events to a far larger extent than writers have ever done. Perhaps the most distinctive achievement of authorship will some day be recognized to be the creation of a new punctuation mark — the quota tion sign — and a new crime — plagiarism. In the days of anonymous writing, plagiarism belongs to 41 A GENTLE CTNIC the virtues. It was an endorsement of a writer to use what he had written, an Indication that his production had vitality, and was capable of being modified and elaborated, but woe to him who in / the period of authorship fails to make acknowl- / edgement for anything, be it merely an expressiv^' phrase which he owes to a fellow craftsman. He is hurled into obloquy and assigned to a special purgatory. The author, however great his merits otherwise may be. Is shorn of his reputation If he touches so much as a hair of the child that repre sents the mental offspring of a colleague. Ill BEGINNINGS OF LITERARY COMPILATION AMONG THE HEBREWS This apparent digression has direct bearings on the strange fate that the Book of Koheleth encountered after it had been written by some unknown philosopher who lived In Palestine about ^the close of the third century before our era, and who aimed to set before us his attitude towards life, gained as a result of wide and varied experiences. The period of the Babylonian Exile which set in with the capture and destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. through the Babylonian ruler Nebu chadnezzar II. marks a turning-point in the literary history of the Hebrews, as well as In their politi cal life and their religious development. Up to that time what literary production there was con tinued to be anonymous. The written word had 42 A GENTLE CTNIC not yet acquired the significance attaching to the spoken one. The popular traditions regarding the beginnings of things had been collected, as well as the folk-tales recounting the early experiences of the tribes and the adventures of the heroes and striking figures of the past. These collections in written form, but without authorship, existed in at least two forms, (i) a series of documents that originated in the Southern Hebrew Kingdom,^" known from the preference for the name Yahweh as the designation of the national deity as the Yahwist documents, (2) the other series produced In the northern kingdom and known as the Elohist documents, because of the use of the more general designation Elohim, equivalent to our term "God" or Deity, In place of Yahweh, which is a specific name like Zeus or Thor. Several codes for the regulation of the government and of the ritual had been compiled, representing enlargements of the simple legislation In the form of oral decisions, that may be traced back to the beginnings of the national life of the Hebrews under a great leader whom tradition called Moses. These codes like the Yahwist and Elohist documents were anonymous, as were likewise the brief annals Interspersed with the more detailed exploits of favorite leaders like Eli and Samuel, and of the more prominent rulers "• The split between the northern and southern tribes of the confederacy of the Hebrews occurred after the death of Solomon c. 950 B.C. The North ern Kingdom came to an end in 722 B.C. when Samaria, the capital, was taken by Sargon the King of Assyria. The Southern Kingdom survived about 140 years. 43 A GENTLE CTNIC Hke Saul, David, Solomon and Ahab, which began to be compiled during the two or three centuries preceding the extinction of national independence. It Is possible also that about this same time little collections of war songs and folk ditties began to be made, likewise anonymous In their authorship, which even after they had been committed to writing continued chiefly to circulate orally. In the eighth century before this era, however, a movement sets in, beginning in the north and spreading to the south, which was destined to give the history of the Hebrew groups of tribes an entirely new turn. Itinerant preachers arose who, instead of flattering the rulers and pleasing the people by comforting assurances of the protec tion of the national deity, denounce rulers and people alike for political ambitions and for social abuses. They set up as a new standard of fidelity to Yahweh, obedience to moral precepts as against mere ritual observances — sacrifices and expiatory offerings — as a means of securing divine favor. They announce the revolutionary doctrine that Yahweh, in distinction from other gods, searches the heart, Is Indifferent to sacrifice and Invocation, "aye, rejects both unless those who approach Him have clean hands and a clear conscience. These preachers are known as nebi'tm "prophets," but they give a new turn to the old designation, for their prophecies are threats of Impending national disaster, instead of prognostications of the future secured through an oracle or through some tradl- 44 A GENTLE CTNIC tional method of divination, in connection with sacrifices as a bribe to make the deity well-disposed towards those who call upon him. Under the in fluence of these religious teachers, who continue to arise after the overthrow of the northern king dom and who survive the fall of Jerusalem, the conception of the national deity Yahweh under goes a profound change. Instead of the old con ception of a willful and arbitrary deity, who favors his own people and who aids them in vanquishing their enemies, provided only rulers, priests and people combine in cajoling and flattering him, Yahweh is now viewed as a Power making for righteousness, who has set up certain standards of conduct and who rules by self-imposed laws of un bending justice. The upshot is the transformation of Yahwism into Judaism. Though at first the scope of this stern and just Deity was regarded as limited to his own people. It was a logical corollary that led in time to the conception of this new Yahweh as the single divine Power behind the manifestations of the universe, and controling the destinies of mankind In general. IV A NEW RELIGION AND ITS REFLEX IN LITERATURE It is significant that this movement which ushers in a new religion arises at a time when the political decay of both kingdoms had begun to set in, through the perpetual menace of being swal- 4S A GENTLE CTNIC lowed up by one or the other of the two great powers of antiquity — Babylonia or Assyria on one side, and Egypt on the other. Judaism Is not brought to fruition till the exhausted national life comes to a seemingly permanent close through the enforced exile of important elements of the Hebrew commu nity to Babylonia after the capture of Jerusalem. Nebuchadnezzar, In thus following the policy inaugurated by Assyria, aimed to prevent a re crudescence of the national spirit. He succeeded, but his success was a factor in divorcing religion from nationality among the Hebrews, and led directly to the greatest contribution of the He brews to civilization — ^the creation of a spiritual form of religion with the conception of a just and righteous Creator of the universe as its central dogma, and with ethics as the test and as the main expression of the religious spirit. Judaism is the butterfly that bursts forth out of the chrysalis of Hebrew nationality. A rehgious movement of large Import is al ways accompanied by an intellectual stimulus, and we accordingly witness, as a result of such a stimulus given by the religious teachings of the prophets, a period of literary activity setting in during the sojourn of the best elements of the He brew people in Babylonia. The Yahwist and Elohist (and probably other) documents are combined with the codes that had been compiled and with the annals and records of the period of the loose confederacy — known as the days of the Judges — 46 A GENTLE CTNIC and of the more closely knit union in the days of the two kingdoms, to form a continuous history from the creation of the world to the destruction of the southern kingdom." What Is more significant, the early myths and traditions as well as the genu ine history are Interpreted in the spirit of the' prophets. Obedience to the ethical standards set up by the prophets in the name of Yahweh, now fast changing into the universal Jehovah, be comes the touchstone according to which the tra ditions and events of the past are judged. Those who stand the test, like the patriarchs, albeit purely fanciful creations of popular tradition, are held up as the models for all times. Disobedience is followed by punishment, and all the misfortunes of rulers and of the people, including visitations of disease and famine, defeats In battle and the final extinction of the national life, are regarded as the inevitable result of running counter to the high ethical standards set up by the prophets. In this endeavor, history is often distorted, and con tradictions also result. Able rulers like Ahab are held up to scorn, because not answering to the ethical test. By the side of the historical and real David, a purely fictitious pious king arises to whom as a "sweet singer of Israel" religious com positions are ascribed, breathing a religious spirit that is quite foreign to the real David, and embody ing sentiments far in advance of the age in which " Forming the first division of the Old Testament, from Genesis to Kings. 47 A GENTLE CTNIC he lived. The David to whom the Psalms are as cribed by an uncritical age is a figure irreconcilable with the David who Is to be judged by the acts of his life and by his political poHcy. The traditions of the age of Solomon, marking a signal advance in the political and social growth of the united nation, undergo complete transformation with a view of making this most notable figure of the past conform to the teachings of the prophets. Solomon becomes a paragon of wisdom and, what is more, a pious devotee of Yahweh, Impelled by his fine religious spirit to build a glorious temple in the „ capital city. He dedicates the edifice with a prayer li that breathes the very essence of a highly spir- 'I itualized ethical faith In a God of universal scope. The real Solomon crops out In stories "^^ which the compilers of historical documents were either unwilling to suppress, or which they retained because they did not recognize the contradiction which such tales presented to the wise and good king to whom were ascribed books in the O. T. collection, reflecting wisdom and a philosophical attitude towards life, like Proverbs and Koheleth. V THE FIRST GENUINE "AUTHORS" A further and direct result of this literary activity was to bring the conception of authorship more Into the foreground. The first genuine au- '^ As e.g. of his harem and of his worshipping foreign deities (I Kings xi.) and of his heavy imposts on his people (chapter xii), 48 A GENTLE CTNIC thors among the Hebrews were the prophets; not as yet in the Greek sense of claiming proprietor ship in the written word, but In stamping their personality Indelibly on the spoken one. For these religious guides and exhorters in the pre-exllic period were still speaking and not yet writing prophets. It is doubtful whether any of the group represented In the O. T. collection by the books of Amos, Hosea, Isaiah and Micah, wrote a single word of the prophecies ascribed to them. They spoke to the rulers and to the people as the oppor tunity presented Itself. It may be that some of their utterances were taken down at the time, or shortly thereafter, by Interested scribes, but for the greater part the preservation of such remains as we have of the warnings and instructions and denunciations of the pre-exllic prophets must have been due .to the profound Impression that they made on those who heard them. At a time when oral tradition was the chief means of preserving the recollection of events and utterances (as well as judicial decisions and the regulations of the cult), the human memory was strong and reliable; and this applies more particularly to what we may call the collective memory which forms the basis of oral tradition. At all events, the striking person ality of the prophet, as the source of the Impres sion made by him, leads him to be closely associated with what he says. The two — ^the prophet and his utterance — become bound up in each other. In the case of a judicial decision or an oracle, the 4 49 / A GENTLE CTNIC judge and the diviner are merely mediums. They derive their authority from their supposed direct relationship to the deity as whose representatives they act. The collectors of traditions and the annalists do not project their personality into what they write down, but the prophet, though speaking In the name of Yahweh and because he is impelled by a hidden force to speak out even at the risk of danger to himself, yet gives to what he says a personal aspect which is, as already suggested, the keynote to his Influence. The speaking prophet, thus, in a very perti nent sense represents the beginning of authorship among the Hebrews — by virtue of this identifica tion of his utterances with his personality. Jeremiah, surviving the destruction of Jeru- ' salem, marks the transition to the writing prophet, for the tradition which represents him as dictating his utterances to a scribe, though subsequent to their delivery, appears to be entirely reliable." He writes letters"^^* to the captives In Babylonia. When we come to Ezekiel, the great prophet of the captivity, the transformation from the speak ing to the writing prophet is complete. Indeed, it is doubtful whether Ezekiel spoke at all. His chief activity consisted In writing his exhortations and instructions, and in circulating them through written copies;" while the orations of the later " Jeremiah, xxxvi. " Chapter xxix. ''Note particularly the last nine chapters of the Book of Ezekiel chapters xl-xlviii), detailing the plan for the rebuilding of the temple and of the reorganization of the cult, which clearly were intended to be read. SO A GENTLE CTNIC prophets, carrying us down into the third century, B.C., have all the earmarks of artistic literary com positions, written to be read rather than to be heard. The author, concerned for the form as much as for the matter, steps on the boards — and he has come to stay. More than this, in the course of the further development of the written literature, the author becomes as important as what he writes, with the result of associating with the author the authority for the written document. When that stage has been reached, the tendency arises to ascribe the literary remains of the past to certain authors. Anonymity became unsatisfactory; it seemed to lack authority. Unless it was known who said something, how could one be sure of its value or its authenticity? Such was the profound change, superinduced through the emphasis laid upon authorship In the case of any composition, that \ anonymity which was formerly a source of strength /^^ now became a symptom of weakness. A book witl out an author appeared to be a body without a head, or rather a lifeless form which needed the spirit of the author to be breathed into it in ordei to awaken it to real life. The written word lost, as It were, its raison d'etre, unless one knew who was behind the document. Cherchez I'auteur became an obligation resting upon those who wished to secure for the anonymous productions of the past the authority needed to preserve them as precious legacies. And so the search for authors began. 51 A GENTLE CTNIC Authors had to be invented, In order to secure a sanction for what was to be found In documents that had been handed down from past ages. The name of the author became the trademark without which a literary product would not be recognized as genuine. VI TRADITIONAL "AUTHORSHIP" It Is a direct consequence of this change In the attitude towards the written word that led to the tradition which ascribed the Pentateuch in Its completed form, as also the Book of Job, to Moses ; Joshua and Samuel to the two leaders whose names their books bore; Kings and the Book of Lamenta tions to Jeremiah. In further development of this process, which was a gradual one stretching over a considerable period. Psalms were ascribed to David, and Proverbs, Koheleth and the Song of Songs to Solomon. The uncritical and unhistorical character of such a gradually evolving tradition need hardly be emphasized. In most cases we can follow the association of Ideas which thus led to distributing the books of the sacred collection among a group of prominent figures of the past. Because the Pentateuch which became technically known as the "Five Books of the Law" was chiefly looked upon as a collection of laws, despite the fact that the greater part of it Is taken up with narratives. It was attributed to Moses, he having become in tra dition the law-giver par excellence. The tradition thus rested upon some semblance of historical jus- S2 A GENTLE CTNIC tlficatlon, for there is no reason to question that Moses gave certain laws for the government of the nomadic tribes whom he molded into some kind of a political unit. These laws were in the forms of decisions. No doubt some of the provisions In the oldest code^^ represent In written form these early decisions, but it was, of course, an entirely uncriti cal procedure to ascribe all laws to Moses, and then to pass beyond this and make Moses the author of a series of books (containing among other things the description of his death), in which the codes were embodied. The codes were originally separate from the narratives among which they are now Interspersed, and themselves represent a gradual growth extend ing over many centuries. The longest and most important of these codes^' cannot be earlier than 440 B.C. — about eight hundred years after Moses! To Moses was also ascribed the authorship of the Book of Job, merely because the prose story of Job (chapter i, II), preceding the series of speeches by Job and his three visitors, appears to describe conditions that seemed to fit In with the patriar chal days which Moses Is supposed to have de scribed In the narratives in Genesis. Even more baseless Is the view which made Joshua the author of the Book of Joshua and ascribed to Samuel "This is the so-called Book of the Covenant (Exod. xx-xxiii, 19), dating from about the ninth century. " The so-called Priestly Code, covering Leviticus and a large part of Numbers. The Deuteronomic Code (chapters xii-xxvi), now encased in a series of introductory and concluding addresses ascribed to Moses, with some his torical or rather traditional data, dates from the seventh century. S3 A GENTLE CTNIC the books of Samuel, merely because in the books In question Joshua and Samuel appear as the prominent figures. To David the Psalms are ascribed because the tradition about David made him a poet as well as a soldier. Poetic gifts and warlike qualities are not unusual companions. The warrior in the ancient East, free from conven tional restraint, is apt to be a romantic character. The narratives of David emphasize this trait, and there Is nothing improbable in the supposition that he also composed poems, but these poems, we may be sure, recited his own exploits and those of his ancestors. They were martial In character, not rehgious. The lament over Jonathan, embodied in the narrative of Saul and Davld^* m,ay have been written by David, at least in part, but to picture David as a composer of hymns, embodying the highest religious sentiments, and expressing the longings and aspirations of a finely attuned relig ious soul, wrapped up In a semi-mystic attachment to a God conceived in the spirit of the prophets, shows the length to which an uncritical tradition could go in the endeavor to relieve compositions of anonymity. In the case of Proverbs there is at least a log ical link between the worldly wisdom underlying many of the sayings of the collection, and the rep utation for wisdom and sound judgment which Solomon acquired. There Is no reason to question the authenticity of this view of Solomon, even 1' II Samuel i. 19-27. S4 A GENTLE CTNIC though the stories told In the Book of Kings" in illustration of the king's fine sense of justice and his skill in reaching a decision may be the fanciful inventions of a later age. But many of the Prov erbs again convey religious and ethical ideals far in advance of the age of Solomon, and show that the tradition ascribing the collection to him is pri marily due again to the desire to hit upon some individual who seemed appropriate as the probable or possible author. For the Song of Songs — a collection of love ditties of purely secular origin, which, through an artificial exegesis, under the form of an allegorical interpretation were invested with a religious purport^" — it seemed sufficient ground for a nai've tradition to name Solomon as the author, because the Bridegroom Is likened to a king'" — and Solomon was the king par excellence. Similarly, because Koheleth, the writer of Eccles iastes, calls himself "a king in Jerusalem," tradi tion fixed upon Solomon as the author. The author indeed meant to represent himself as Solomon, and with this in view chose a thin disguise in order not to fall under the charge of deliberately practi cing a deception on his readers. Jeremiah, the " e.g. I Kings iii. i6-28^the judgment of Solomon in the dispute over the child claimed by two women. '^ The lover was pictured as Yahweh and the beloved as Israel, or, in the Christian exegesis, the Bridegroom became Christ, and the Bride the church. ^' The real significance of the comparison lies in the custom still found among the village inhabitants of Palestine to hail the groom and bride as king and queen. The wedding festivities, lasting for a week, take on the form of an homage, by means of processions, dances and jollification, in honor of the couple, masquerading as king and queen. SS A GENTLE CTNIC prophet of gloom, who bewails the destruction of his people, even while announcing the downfall of the Southern Kingdom as inevitable, is naturally selected as the author of the book of Lamentations, as he seemed to be also an appropriate figure to whom to attach the compilation of the Book of Kings. ^ VII THE GROWTH OF THE SACRED COLLECTION It has already been suggested that this process of assigning authors to the books comprising a sacred collection was one of gradual growth, as the formation of the collection Itself was the result of a long process that did not reach its termination till the end of the first century of our era. We cannot say exactly when the process began. We know that Ezra brought a code back with him from Babylo nia about 440 B.C. and read it to the assembled people at Jerusalem. It was represented as being the law which Moses had given his people at Yahweh's command, but there Is no indication as yet that the entire Pentateuch was already In existence In its present form, or if It were that it was ascribed to Moses as the single author. The tradition attributing the Pentateuch as a whole to Moses, therefore, does not date further back In any case than the fourth century b.c. and probably did not take definite shape till a century or so later. Moses Is not named as the author in the Pentateuch Itself, any more than an author is named In the Books of Joshua, Judges, Samuel or s6 A GENTLE C2NIC Kings. The headings or titles In the case of Psalms are all later than the compositions themselves. Many of them have no headlines at all,^^ while quite a number mention other names than David as the author^' — a proof that the tradition ascrib ing them all to David was not yet definite in the first century before this era, which Is the earliest date which we can fix for the final reduction of the five books of Psalms in their present form. This conclusion as to the lateness of the rise of tra dition ascribing authors to Biblical books Is con firmed by Proverbs — compiled not earlier than the middle of the third century b.c. — since some of the chapters, according to the headings, are distinctly ascribed to others than to Solo mon. ^^ For Koheleth and the Song of Songs we have merely the late titles as the indication of author ship. Since the composition of these two books, likewise, belongs to a late period, all the evidence obliges us to pass close to the beginning of our era for the completion of the process which estab lished a definite authorship for all the books of the sacred collection. Bearing In mind that, as has been pointed out, genuine authorship arises among the Hebrews with the great prophets of the eighth and succeeding centuries, and becomes definite with the transi- " So, e.g.. Psalms i, ii, x, xxxiii, xliii, Ixxi, iciii-xcvii, civ-cvii, etc. ^ So, e.g., Psalms xiii, xliv, xlvi-xlix, Ixxxiv-lxiiv, are ascribed to the sons of Korah; 1 and Ixxiii-lxxxiii to Asaph; Ixxii to Solomon; xc to Moses, etc. Others mention no author in the headline, e.g.. Psalms Ixvi-lxvii. "Chapter xxv to the "Men of Hezekiah"; Chapter xxx to Agur; Chapter xxi to Lemuel. S7 A GENTLE CTNIC tion from the speaking to the writing prophet, we should expect a more reliable tradition to have arisen in connection with that portion of the Old Testament which embodies the utterance of the prophets of pre-exllic, exilic and post-exilic times. That In considerable measure is actually the case, but It Is interesting to note that precisely In this part of the collection we come across the first in stances of pseudepigraphy, that is to say, literary compositions in the style of a prophet and issued under the authority of his name. The Book of Isaiah furnishes the most conspicuous example. It represents a collection of carefully worked out orations covering a period of at least three hundred years, all placed under the name of Isaiah, who fiourished during the last quarter of the eighth century B.C. The genuine Isaiah stands out pre eminent for his eloquence and his power. It was, therefore, a name to conjure with; and hence under Isaiah were grouped. In addition to the genuine utterances of the pre-exillc teacher — constituting hardly more than a fifth of the present compass of the book^^ — compositions of high literary merit but which bear the earmarks of the exIKc and post-exilic period to which they belong. They were clearly written for the consolation and en- ^* The genuine Isaiahanic portions are to be found in the first half of the book; they are chiefly chapters i-xii (though with later insertions); xx and portions of xvii, xviii, xxii and xxviii-xxxii. Chapters xHxvi are entirely exilic and post-exilic, consisting of several collections that once existed independently and were then combined and added to the first part of Isaiah. See for a brief summary of the present state of the problem, Gray, "Critical Introduction to the Old Testament," pp. 178-188. S8 A GENTLE CTNIC couragement of the pious community and aimed to give expression to the religious Ideals of the prophets and to regulate the life of the community according to these standards. They were not the fiery denunciations of the prophet directly address ing his hearers, impelled to speak out the thoughts that burned within him and to voice the desires and hopes which consumed his being. Even when these later compositions struck the note of despair and of uncompromising criticism of the policy of political or religious leaders, the mark of the written composition was unmistakable. What was thus composed in the spirit of Isaiah, what echoed his hopes and reflected his ideals, even what con sciously imitated his style was looked upon as worthy of finding a place with the genuine utter ances. It is not only indicative of the absence of the historical sense which thus led compilers to ascribe to Isaiah productions that arose genera tions and centuries after he had passed away, but also of the still inchoate conception of author ship. The author had made his appearance, but his position remained for a time somewhat uncer tain. The impression of the personality had begun to predominate, but as a survival of the earlier age when what was said was considered more Important than who said it, what might have been said by some striking personality was without much hesi tation placed In the class with what a more or less reliable tradition regarded as having actually been said by him. 59 A GENTLE CTNIC There Is not a single book In that portion of the Old Testament devoted to the collections of the utterances and orations of the prophets which does not contain considerable additions. Even In such short books as that of Jonah, consisting of four chapters, and of Obadiah, consisting of only one "vision" — the technical term for a prophetic utterance — there are Insertions, while in longer books like Amos, Hosea and Micah for the pre- exilic period and Nahum, Joel, Zephaniah and Zechariah for the post-exilic age, the additions are considerable. The last of the prophets In the present order, strangely enough, writes under a nom de plume, Malachl.^^ All these books are still essentially compilations. In which It was considered entirely proper to Include utterances, irrespective of their origin, which seemed to be appropriate. The book of Ezekiel shows more unity than any other of the prophetical books, though this book also Includes portions that do not belong to Ezekiel, while In the case of the Book of Jeremiah — a combination of orations with a historical nar rative — the extraneous parts are again consider able. We can thus trace In the editing process itself which gradually through the labors of vari ous editors produced the prophetical books, the further evolution of literary production through the stage of pseudepigraphy after the conception of the author had arisen. ''¦^ Malachi means "My Messenger." The name is taken from Chapter iii. I, "Behold, I send my messenger." The three chapters bearing this name date from about the middle of the fifth century b.c. 60 A GENTLE CTNIC In a certain sense the final stage of this process marked by a scrupulous regard for handing down in authentic form the exact words of an author was never reached. The historical sense was lacking even in the first century of our era when the canon of the Old Testament was finally fixed by leamed but entirely uncritical Rabbis, who looked upon tradition as the final court of appeal. The rise of this tradition, which we have seen, led to ascribing the authorship of many of the books of the sacred col lections to certain figures of the past through Inci dental association of Ideas with these men; or, on even more baseless grounds, is In itself a proof that these Rabbis were as yet not far removed from the age which considered itself justified in editing the literary remains of ancient prophets by inserting verses, sections, chapters and entire groups of chapters that belonged to a period other than the one In which the prophet flourished. Without a critical and historical sense, such as the Greeks alone among the peoples of antiquity possessed In so striking a degree, a complete sense of the sig nificance of authorship could not arise. If we ac cept the other alternative, and assume that those who fixed the canon had such a sense, we should be forced to accuse them of willful deception, aye, of literary forgery when, for example, they claimed for Moses the authorship of the Pentateuch, and for David the authorship of the Psalms; or for Solomon the authorship of Proverbs, Song of Songs and Koheleth; and so on through the list. 6i A GENTLE CTNIC They are saved from this serious charge by their naivete in accepting unreliable traditions. We may feel quite sure that if Johanan ben Zakkai, the most distinguished of the group that settled at Jamnia (or Jabneh), where the canon was fixed at the end of the first century a.d., could be brought out of his grave and the question put to him whether he really meant that Moses wrote the Pentateuch, (including the description of his own death)^^ and that Solomon wrote the Proverbs, that everything in the book of Isaiah was written by Isaiah, he would be amazed at a query that would appear unintelligible to him, because involving a concep tion of authorship that had not yet been reached in the uncritical age to which he belonged, and which also lacked the true historical sense. VIII KOHELETH AS A NOM DE PLUME Having thus sketched the growth of literary production among the Hebrews from anonymity to the rise of the conception of authorship, and through this to the stage of naive pseudepigraphy and to the formation of an uncritical and unhistor ical tradition regarding the authors of the books of a sacred collection, we are prepared to assign the Book of Koheleth to its proper place, and we are also ready to make the attempt of separating the orig inal portions of the book from the additions and "To explain this strange detail, the Rabbis assumed that Joshua added the last eight verses of Deuteronomy. 62 I A GENTLE CTNIC modifications to which, In common with all of the books of the sacred collection, it was exposed. The first thing that strikes us in the book is that the author speaks of himself. "I, Koheleth, was king over Israel in Jerusalem" (i. 12). This notice does not occur at the beginning, but In the body of the book. It is all the more reliable because it Is not a heading, for the headings to all the books of the O. T. are later additions, as are the titles of the Psalms and the headlines to the chapters In the collections of the prophets. These headings and titles are, therefore, of no value In determining the period to which a book belongs or of the circum stances under which it was written. A reference, however, to an author within a book is a valuable index; and its value is increased when we find such a reference to be unique. That is in fact the case. Most of the books of the O. T. — as the Penta teuch and all the historical books, as well as Job, Esther, Daniel and Ruth — have not even headings.''* The book of Koheleth Is the only one In which an author speaks of himself by name or in the first person. The closest analogy Is in the case of the prophets who use the first person when describing a vision,''' or In connection with the divine message which they receive,'" but they never speak of them selves by name. The introduction of the name is an Indication that we have passed the period of ^ The headings are found only in the case of Psalms, Proverbs, Song of Songs, Koheleth and Nehemiah and in the collections of the prophets. ^' e.g., Isaiah vi. ^^ So constantly, Ezekiel. 63 V A GENTLE CTNIC anonymity and have reached the point when it became customary, though not as yet essential, to associate a literary production with some individ ual. The book is no longer common property, and this leads us to the period subsequent to the appearance of the great prophets in the eighth century with whom, as we have seen,'^ authorship In any real sense begins among the Hebrews. We may further conclude that Koheleth be longs to a transition period. The process leading from anonymity in literary production to a defi nite sense of authorship Is not yet complete. This follows from the fact that Koheleth Is not a genuine name but a disguise for the real author. It Is not until about i8o b.c that we come across a book with an author among the Jews, as we should call the people after the exilic period in contradis tinction to "Hebrews," which is the proper desig nation In the pre-exilic age. About that year a certain Jesus Ben Sira issued under his name a collection of sayings which was translated Into Greek by his grandson about fifty years later and became known as Ecclesiasticus, though the more proper designation Is "The Wisdom of Ben Slra."'^ This book was not included In the sacred canon but found a place in the supplementary collection known as the "Apocrypha. " That the work of Ben " Above, p. 49 et seq. '' Until quite recently the Hebrew original was lost. Large portions of it were discovered by the late Solomon Schechter and were embodied in a special work, "Fragments of the Hebrew Original of the Wisdom of Ben Sira," by S. Schechter and C. Taylor (Cambridge, 1899). 64 A GENTLE CTNIC Sira was not regarded as worthy of a place in the sacred collection was due in part to Its late date (though the Book of Daniel and many of the Psalms are of still later origin) but in larger part to the very fact that It appeared with the name of its author attached. Had Ben Sira issued it anony mously or had he conveyed the Impression that it was the work of Solomon, It would have stood a good chance of forming a second book of Proverbs, for the spirit is much the same as in these books, and some of the. sayings are just as fine and as striking as the earlier collection to which tradition had attached the name of the famous and wise king. Koheleth lived at a time when the author had begun to be a factor in the intellectual and social life, but still could hide himself under a nom de plume and reap an advantage from so doing. For Koheleth is a disguise and It Is reason able to suppose that in describing himself as a king over Jerusalem, who had amassed wealth, who possessed great power and who was also "wiser than all who were before me in Jerusalem " (i. i6),Jie. aimed to identify himself with Solomon whose name must, therefore, have already become at the time when Koheleth wrote a synonym for wisdom, glory and power. The device was suc cessful. An uncritical tradition, accepting the Im plication in the disguise, attributed the book to Solomon. The magic of this name went a large way towards overcoming the objections that later arose against its inclusion in the canon because of Its s 6s A GENTLE CTNIC heterodox spirit and contents. The name Kohe leth thus furnishes an Instance of real pseude pigraphy among the Jews. We may acquit the author of any desire to deceive his readers, and he certainly did not look forward to having his book Included In a sacred collection, but apart from the hope which may have tickled his vanity of increas ing both the popularity and the influence of his book by creating the impression that he was speak ing in the name of the wise and glorious king, he may have been actuated in adopting a nom, de plume by the fear of risking a personal unpopularity through his identification with the teachings which he set forth In such bold fashion. The author may not have been of the stuff of which martyrs are made. Authors rarely are. He would, at all events, have been condemned by the pious and the ortho dox, and his book after creating a mild sensation would probably have been consigned to oblivion. Instead of being included In a sacred collection, it might have been placed on an Index Librorum prohibitorum and the world would have been the poorer for the loss. We should, therefore, be grate ful for the device which he adopted as well as for its complete success. Indicated by the heading at the beginning of the book, which was subsequently added, and in which the words "son of David" were included so as to remove all doubt of the Identification of Koheleth with the famous king. But how can we be so certain of the name Koheleth having been chosen as a disguise? In 66 A GENTLE CTNIC the first place, we know that there was no Hebrew king of that name, just as there was no "King Lemuel" who appears as the author of the last chapter of Proverbs, and whose name is likewise a disguise; and secondly, Koheleth does not repre sent a formation In Hebrew, which could be used as the name of an Individual. The word is com posed of four consonants, KHLT,^' the last of which Is the indication of a feminine noun. This of Itself forbids us to regard the word as the name of a man. Hebrew proper names, as proper names in other Semitic languages, are composed of a verb with the name of a deity as the subject — expressed or Implied — to which a noun may be attached as an object. Thus Nathaniel, meaning "God has given, " originally had a noun like "son" attached to it; and such a name was further ab breviated to Nathan, by the omission of the name of the deity. David, meaning "Beloved" was originally "Beloved of Yah."'^ Jerubbaal, meaning "Baal has added" was originally "Baal has added a son." Joseph, meaning "he adds," Is abbreviated from the fuller name, which may have been "God adds a son." Now a form like Koheleth from an underlying stem KHL meaning "to gather," and with an ending T attached, would have abstract or collective force as "gathering" or "assembly." This was the meaning taken by ^ Only the consonants are written in the Hebrew script. The vowel signs were subsequently added, and in Hebrew manuscripts do not appear. '* A form of the name "Yahweh." 67 A GENTLE CTNIC the one who translated the book into Greek,'^ and with the book also the name of the author — Ecclesiastes, which can hardly be rendered other wise than "an assembly man" or as we might put it "assembly [or church] speaker." The Greek translator appears to have followed Jewish tra dition, which likewise explained the term as "preacher." The term however might also be be rendered as "assembler" or "collector." Less plausible are other suggestions proposed for the name as "academy," "narrator," "member of an assembly" and the llke.^® Whichever of these explanations we adopt, it is evident that Koheleth is not the genuine name of an Individual, but an artificial designation. Ernest Renan suggested'^ that each of the four letters represented the beginning of a word, so that the name would be the abbreviation of a sentence, but since it is Impossible to determine what the words were, the conjecture does not carry us very far. If, as seems certain, the author intended to have us believe that Koheleth was Solomon, then In some way the four letters K H L T ought to be a disguise for ShLMH which are the four consonants of the name Solomon in its Hebrew form. The common manner In which words are disguised In Hebrew is to substitute, for the correct '^ Hardly earlier than the close of the first century of our era. '*See the discussion of the name in Renan's "L'Eccl^siaste" (Paris, 1890), pp. II rf seq. and Barton's "Commentary to the Book of Ecclesiastes," pp. 67-68. " In the Introduction to his French translation of Koheleth, "L'Eccl6siaste " (Paris, 1890), p. 6. 68 A GENTLE CTNIC consonants, others chosen according to some sys tem as, for example, to take In place of the first consonant in the alphabetical order the last, in place of the second the one before the last, and so on. But neither this system nor any other cipher leads to any satisfactory result. A name may, however, also be disguised by starting from the meaning of the underlying stem, and replacing that stem by another that Is synonymous. The stem ShLM which underlies Solomon signifies "to be complete," "to be whole," and this comes close to "gather" and "assemble" which we have seen Is the meaning of the stem KHL. Both ShLMH and KHLT, moreover, have the feminine ending which In Hebrew is either H or T. It may be, therefore, that this association of Ideas led the author to the disguise chosen by him. More Important, however, than the explana tion of the name, pleasant though it would be to find an entirely satisfactory one. Is the fact that the author chose a nom de plume. This suggests that the age in which he wrote stands midway between the beginning of authorship among the Hebrews and the completion of the process, rep resented by Jesus Ben Sira who, as we have seen. Is the first actually to issue a book under his name. Koheleth belongs, therefore, to a time when names were associated with literary productions, but before the period when this had become the conven tional practice on the part of authors. This nar rows the range of the possible date of composition 69 / A GENTLE CTNIC of the book to the three centuries between the end of the exilic period and the time of Jesus Ben . Sira. That the age of Ben Sira (