yWWfi7JrJ>'.!ip,/if' .;i'Vii,./.y'i ¦','. ,¦
ll ¦**,¦. »t- I ,
i'/'7'j*IW<i I- h'i-J. J'l'-.i.'i- ,
#^ '
.«*'IW,li

»

:s.:

¦'¦ff,,'.

¦i. V (

'W,

'vl II ¦

I. i

f*\ 'liJ

,-^St"5fS

- Js«

Alw

">^Z

¦¦.¦"«

^".^•1
.-JI'
..'¦W
-.'¦•Jwte
^"¦;^/"
.<''?
'^/
I'.'i. "f,
¦Mm.
m
'•^.'f:
;;•.: -IS/ iiij
^:
^.'.
?ii^'
.¦tf,V>
I'-.^.i
Wft^Jf/r
'¦•/•j'JS'j-^'i'V''
1#
'/^"JrlH-'i'tSmiAiW,, ^it.uit irj.Jir-.wii .illiFi^ii> nr/iif'-''. : fir*, '^¦a.-t, tU^tSsSltM
Mz 740
Y,3

'*77

WORKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. CLASS, 38 QEORGH BTREBT, EDINBURGH.
NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS
TO
CLARKS' FOREIGN THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY.

Messrs Clark had confidently hoped to have published this year, at all events
another volume of Dr Hengstenberg's " CHRisTOLOGr," but, after considerable delay,
they found that, from personal and family affliction, it vfould be impossible for the
learned author to go to press before Christmas. They do not altogether regret the
circumstance, since it has enabled them to issue complete the valuable work
(Baumgarten on the Acts of tue Apostles) herewith delivered to their Sub
scribers. They hope, early in 1855, to publish the second volume of the Christology, and
also Ullmann's History of the E,EFORMBRa before the Reformation, (Including
GocH, Wesel, &c.) translated by the Rev. Robert Menzies.
They beg respectfully to request an early remittance of subscription for 1855,
and would again suggest the importance of all who feel an interest in the Series
giving it their recommendation as they have opportunity.

]\^~ETTLETON and his LABOURS: being the Memoir of Dr Nettleton. By
Bennet Tyler, D.D. Remodelled in some parts, with occasional Notes and Extracts, and
Specimens of hia Senuona and Addressee, and an Introduction. By Rev. Anurew A. Bonar,
Collace, Author of" Memoira of Robert M. M'Cheyne." In fcsp. 8vo., price 48, 6d., cloth.
" Asahel Nettleton is a man but little known among ua. But when we are told that he was
the instrument, in the course of his own personal ministry, of awakening to serious concern no
fewer than thirty thousand souls, who does not feel a wieh to know something more of him. He
was a man worthy to stand side by side with Edwards, and Wealey, and Whitefield, and Rowland
Hill, occupying an undoubtedly high and honourable position among thoae who have oonyerted,
sinners from the errors of their ways, — saved souls from death, and hidden a multitude of eins.
Let those who wieh to know more of him and his laboura possess themselvee of the work before
ua, which we heartily recommend to the perusal of all who desire to study the heavenly art of
winning soula to Jeaua."-^Neu>s ofthe Churches.
" A very remarkable work ; we may eafely aver that ao far as the Church is concerned, it ie
the Book of the Seabon, and it will unquestionably exert a very powerful influence upon the
ministry of our land. If every minister who has the good of eouls at heart would now get it, we
might have a summer of awakening throughout the land, aud a rich harvest might yet be eecured
ere the winter, which we fear, set in with its stormy tempeats on the Church of God." — British
Messenger. " The book ie altogether of great interest, and very instructive to Christiane generally, but
especially to ministers." — Evangelical Christendom.
" A most animating example of a ministry, at once eameat and successful." — Excelsior.
" We esteem it a valuable and instructive memoir of a man on whom God put high honour in
the work of saving soula from death." — Nonconformist.
" Decidedly one of the beet of our biographies; it is a valuable book, which cannot be atten
tively perused without profit." — Presbyterian Messenger.

WORKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. OLARK, 38. GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH.

][HE

leev. P. IF'airlbatrn.
Now ready, in Two 'V^olumee, demy Svo, price I Sa.
— TYPOLOGY of SCRIPTURE. Viewed in Connexion with the Whole
Series of tbe Divine Diapensations. Second Edition, Greatly Enlarged and Improved. By
Rev. Patrick Faibbairn, Professor of Theology, Free Church College, Aberdeen; Author of
" Ezekiel, and tbe Book of hie Prophecy," &c.
" It is by far the soberest, most systematic, and moet satisfactory work of the kind that we
have yet seen, aud will, we trust, very speedily obtain exteneive reputation." — Church of Eng
land Quarterly Review.
" A learned, judicious, and truly evangelical work." — Dr. Pye Smith.
" I DOW say, NO Biblical Student should be without Mr. Faurbairn'a Typology."— Dr. Samuel
Lee, in his " Events and Times of the Visions of Daniel."
" Ae the product of the labours of an original thinker, and of a sound theologian, who hae at
the same time scarcely left unexamined one previoua writer on the subject, ancient or modern,
this work will be a moat valuable accession to the library of tbe theological student. _ Ae a whole,
we beUeve it may, with the strictest truth, be pronounced the best work on the subject that has
yet been published." — Record.
" An admirable guide to this department of biblical research." — Wesleyan Methodist Magazine.

I>r Sil. "W. Hengrstenberg*.
TTQYPT and the BOOKS of MOSES ; or, the Books of Moses Illustrated by the
Monuments of Egypt. 'With an Appendix. By E. W. Henqstenbero, D.D., Professor of
Theology at BerUn. Tranelated by R. D. C. Robbins, Abbot Resident Professor, Theologieal
Seminary, Andover. 'With Additional Notes by W. Cook Taylor, Esq., LL.D., M.R.A.S. of
Trinity College, Dublin. Svo, 7s. 6d.
" ' Egypt and the Books of Mosee,' is an invaluable addition to the raeans already poeeessed
in this country, for understanding the references to Egyptian custorae so often alluded to in the
Pentateuch." — Evangelical Magazine.
DISSERTATIONS on the GENUINENESS of the PENTATEUCH. By B. W.
Hengstenberg, D D., Professor of Theology in the University of Berlin. Translated by J.
E. Byland, Editor of the " Life and Correspondence of John Foster." In 2 vols. Svo, 21s.
" The name of Hengstenberg guarantees the sound scholarship and critical acutenese with
which it stands connected. In the departments of Old Testameut exegesis, no man in
modern times has done so much for orthodox Christianity; hie defence of the Pentateuch, and
bis expositions of other books of the Old Testament, place him at the very head of Biblical
scholars." — United Presbyterian Magazine.
DISSERTATIONS on the GENUINENESS of DANIEL, and the INTEGRITY
of ZECHARIAH. By E. W. Henqbtenberg, D.D., Profeseor of Theology in the University
cf Berlin. Translated by the Rev. B. R. Pratten. And a Dissertation on the History and
Prophecies of Balaam by the same Author. Translated by J. E. Ryland. Svo, 123.
" It stands foremost. — A very learned work, and more full and rich than even his ' Chris
tology.' "—Tholuck

]$r C J. ISitxscls.

^ SYSTEM of CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE. By C. J. Nmscii, D.D. Translated
from tbe Fifth Revieed and Enlarged German Edition, by the Rev. R. Montgomery M.A.
Oxen, Author of " The Goepel in Advance of the Age," " The Christian Life," &c. &o., and John
HenNen, M.D., Licentiate Royal College of Phyeiciane, London, &c. &e. Svo, 10s. 6d.
" A master in theological learning and thought." — Archdeacon Hare.
" The production of a profoundly learned man, of vast powers of mind — his delineation of the
Christian life posseesee the rare merit of being more practicable and full, more minute and exten
sive, more clear, accurate, and fresh, than is almost ever heard in tbe most popular enforcement
of the subject from the pulpite of this country."— /'ecc Church Magazine.

WORKS PUBLISHKD BY T. AND T. OLAKK, Si GK0U6E STRBBT, RDINBURGH.

Professor Pltllip Scliaff.

w

SGHAFFS HISTORY OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH.
ISTORY of the APOSTOLIO CHURCH, with a General Introduction to
Church History, By Philip Schapf, Professor in the Theological Seminary, Mercera-
burg. In 2 vols., Svo, price 16s.
" Prof. SchafiTs Church Hietory promisee to be one of tbe best compendiums extant of Church
history. Its spirit is thoroughly Christian, its arrangement clear, its style lively and attractive ;
aud it contains notices of the moet recent German and other opiniona on every queetion ae it
arisee." — Edinburgh Review.
" I hail the work as tbe harbinger of a great and glorious future. It is worthy of a German
scholar, of a disciple of Neander (to whom the work is dedicated), and of a believing and free
Christian and Protestant ; it stands on German ground, but is not the leae original for that." —
Dr Bunsen's " Hippolytus."
" We have read the work with high admiration of the author's powers, by which the narrative
of Holy Writ has been made to wear fresh attractions, and to develope beauties not often pre
sented to ordinary readers. Fine taete, great discrimination, sound learning, and a reverent
and conservative piety, are some of the qualities which have struck us in the careful perusal of
these volumes." — Journal of Saa'ed Literature.
" A work of great value, piety, and Christian erudition." — Clerical Journal.
" Professor Schaff combines iu himself Anglo- German capabilities, both as a thinker and a
writer, iu a degree rarely to be met with ; and, of all the products of German scholarship issued
in an Euglish dress by Messrs Clark, these volumes promise to an English reader to be moet
acceptable. They give the reeulte of German thought and erudition, so as to allow of them
being clearly apprehended from an English stand-point, and so as to uphold doctrine substan
tially evangelical." — British Quarterly Remew.
" Of all ecclesiastical hietorians, Dr Schaff hae been the moet successful in hitting the exact
medium between a brevity that sinks into barrenness, and a copioueness that amounts to irrele
vant prolixity. The reader never wearies of his detaile ; topic follows topic in rapid march, and
yet, on reviewing carefully the course through which we have been taken, we are surprised at
the clearness and felicity with which, in so short a space, the main elemente of every question
have been brought up and discussed. Everywhere there are traces of the thorough mastery of
his subject, eo that, in the treatment of it, the author continues to keep himself, and his reader
too, at perfect ease, never treading a weary labyrinth, but surveying from a good point of view
a spacious and variegated parterre. The discussion of principle and the narrative of facts are
enlivened in the happiest style with the play of fancy and the warmth of emotion, in a way and
to a degree perfectly consistent with historic dignity. The pedantry of method which disfigured
the older historians of the Church never appears, details never degenerate into the lifeless statis
tics of a blue book, and the spuit of the work on the whole is vivid, graphic, aud buoyant. It is
an eminently readable book." — News of the Churches.
" The book is eminently scholarlike and learned, full of matter, not of crude materials
crammed together for the nonce by labour-saving tricks, but of various and well-digested know
ledge, the result of systematic training and long-continued study. The more critical and techni
cal portion of this matter overflows into the notes, hut with so perspicuous a condensation as
make both reference and perusal easy. Besides the evidence of solid learning which the book
contains, it beare the impreee of an original and vigorous mind, not only in the clear and lively
mode of representation, but also in the large and elevated views presented, the superiority to
mere empirical minuteness, and the eonstant evidence afforded, that the author's eye commands,
and is accustomed to command, the whole field at a glance, as well as to survey more closely its
minuter subdivisions. This power of attending both to great and small in due proportion, I
throws over the details a pleasing air of philosophical reflection, rendered still more attractive
by a tinge of poetry, too faint to vitiate the manly prose of history, but stroug enough to satisfy
that craving for imaginative beauty which appears to be demanded by the taete of the day, even
in historical composition. Iu point of style, and, indeed, of literary execution generally, there is
no Church history in German known to us, excepting that of Hase, that deserves to be compared
with that before us. The religious tone and spirit of the work are such as to leave no doubt on
the reader's mind respecting the sincere belief and piety of the author. Its practical tendency
is uniformly good. This experimental volume, were its faults and errors far more grave and
numerous than we think they are, would still -place its author in the highest rank ot living or
contemporary Church historians." — Biblical Repertory.

Professor Schaff has just reoeived the degree of D.D. from the University of Berlhi, honoris causa.

WOBKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. CLABK, 38 GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH.
WORKS OF PBOFESSOR VINET OF UUSANNE.

PASTORAL THEOLOGY: the Theory of a Gospel Ministry Translated fronj
the French of Professor 'Vinet. In post Svo, price 3s. 6d. cloth, (Free by Post).
" All that might be expected from the pen of tbe first of modem French theologians." — Bri
tish Quarterly Review.
" By far the moat complete and most practical treatise hitherto written on the subject." —
Literary Gazette.
I " One or two rapid readings will not suffice to exhaust the treasures of Christian and pastoral
experience, of enlightenment, of tenderness, of practical directions, of elevation, and of edification,
which fill these pages. We will find it to our profit to read at least once a year this precious
volume, if it were only as the means of serving us pastors for the examination of our consciences."
— Archives du Christianisme.
" Highly instructive, and written iu a practical and religious spirit." — English Review.
JJOMILETICS ; or, The THEORY of PREACHING. By Professor Vinet, of
Lausanne. Post Svo, 6s. f Copyright. J
" We do not dread the rebuke of any party in the church when we express our conviction,
that all who wish to combine mental diligence, logical accuracy, and scientific treatment of their
texts, with thope higher and holier aspects to whieh preaching relates, will be instructed and im
proved by perusing this treatise,"— C/erica/ Journal.
" Vinet, from his previous studies, was especially at home on such a subject, in whieh he finds
scope, uot only for hie powers of exposition, but also for his rich faculty of criticism, some ex
quisite gems of which are scattered up and down ite pagee." — North British Review.
" Everywhere there is the imprese of a euperior mind iufueing the freshness of its own origin
ality into the mere technicalities of art and duty ; the reader will perhaps experience more of
iatellectual, and, we must add, of spiritual quickening than from the perusal of any kindred work
on the same topic." — British and Foreign Evangelical Review.
yiTAL CHRISTIANITY: Essays and Discourses on the Religions of Man and
the Religion of God. By Alexander 'Vinet, D.D., Professor of Theology in Lausanne,
Switzerland . Translated, with an Introduction, by Robert Turneull, Pastor of the Howard
Street Churoh, Boston. Post Svo, 2e., cloth.
" The Chalmers of Switzerland." — D'Aubigne.
JJISTORY of FRENCH LITERATURE in the EIGHTEENTH CENTURY,
including Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, &c. Translated by the Rev. Jahes Brtce.
Svo, 500 pp., price 9s.
" A work of great interest, which abounds in illustrations of the profound views and broad
literary sympathies of the author, and is the first attempt to estimate the literary age of Montes
quieu, Fontenelie, Voltaire, and Rousseau from a christian point of view."' — North British Review.
" Vinet combines the brilliant details of Villemaiu with the grand philosophy of Barante, AVe
heartily commend the work as most valuable and most eeasonable." — Guardian.
Extractfrom Review o/'Vinet's Writings in North British Eeview, August 1S54,
"Vinet ia the most illustrious ornament of modern French Protestantism. Distinguished alike
in literature and theology, he presents a union of noble qualities wbich are too seldom seen
united. If there are others among the divines of French Switzerland who are better known to
us, this arises in a great measure from the very refinement and dignity of his literary and theo
logical labours, which commend themselves rather to the cultivated than to the popular Christian
sympathy in all countries. The two volumes on Paetoral Theology and Homiletics are the fruits
of his theological labours at Lausanne ; they are admirable in spirit, and contain, as a whole,
more valuable matter of study for the Christian minister than any similar volumes wliich we
know. Vinet was a Christian thinker who had the rare skill to clothe his thoughts in precise and
beautiful language. He was eminently one of those noble spirits whom God ever and anon raises
up to stu- by their living utterances the hearts of many — to bring into powerful relief that perfect
baitnony of the divine and human whieh has been given eternally in the Gospel — to speak, in
short, the language of the gospel to the world, and the language of the world to the church. His
comprehensiveness as a thinker we reckon his highest intellectual characteristic. He seizes wiih
dii-ect grasp the central subject of speculation and discussion, the unity in which it inheres and
from which its whole meaning goes forth. What a refreshing strength and buoyant interest doea
this give to his writings, after wading through volumes of disjointed, however important, leai-u-
ing 1 His fertility and variety, tho rich profusion of intellectual treasure which he expends so
freely and sometimes so brilliantly, is another of his prominent endowments."

WOBKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. OLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH.

Dr Cooic.
gTYLES of -WRITS and FORMS of PROCEDURE in the CHURCH COURTS
of SCOTLAND. Revised, and adapted to the present state of the law of the Churoh. By
Rev. J. Cook, D.D., Minister of Haddington. Svo, 123., cloth.
" A aafe and satisfactory guide." — Edinburgli Advertiser.

j^CTS of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of the CHURCH of SCOTLAND from
1683 to 1842. Reprinted frora the Original Edition under the superintendence of the
Church Law Society. Imp. Svo, only ISs.

^CTS of the GENERAL ASSEMBLY of tbe CHUROH of SCOTLAND from
1843 to 1850, inclusive. Edited by Rev. Dr Cook, Haddington. Imp. Svo, 3s. 6d., sewed.
" These Acts contain a great mass of information, generally of a sound practical character, a
knowledge of which is absolutely indispensable to every member of our Church Courts. "^ — Edin
burgh Advertiser.
SKev. T'liomas Tlaomson.
^HE HISTORY of SCOTLAND. By the Rev. Thomas Thomson, F.S.A., Sco.t.
12mo, Price 3s. 6d. sheep, or 4s. eloth, gilt edges.
" By far the beat school History of Scotland which has yet been published." — Educational
Journal. " This History of Scotland is a superior book of its class; the narrative of events is abridged
with more skill and power than is often exhibited in epitomes of this kind. The History is not a
mere curtailment, it has been mastered and reproduced; at convenient times the author presents
his subjects in masses, so as to convey an idea of the formation or state of society, in addition to
the mere narrative of the doings of great men." — Spectator.

Dr M. ISolbinsoii.

A GREEK and ENGLISH LEXICON of the NEW TESTAMENT. By Edward
Robinson, D.D., late Prof. Extraord. of Sao. Lit. in the Theol. Sem., Andover. A new
and improved edition, revised by Alexander Negris, Professor of Greek Literature, and by
the Rev. John Duncan, D.D., Professor of Oriental Languages in the New College, Edinburgh.
Oue thick vol., Svo, price 15s.

Marg-aret Tliornley.
THE TRUE END of EDUCATION, and the MEANS ADAPTED TO IT; in a
Series of Familiar Letters to a Lady entering on the Duties of her Profession as Private
Governess. By Margaret Thornley. 12mo, 4s. 6d., cloth, gilt edges.
" The authoress is both clear-headed and large-eouled enough to be able to sketch an outline
of prelections for a whole college of professors. The diction is always neat, and often elegant; the
reasoning is clear, vigorous, and independent-minded; the erudition ie rich yet chaste, everywhere
abundant, yet nowhere intrusive, and the moral tone is exalted, refined, and eminently Christian.
The book possesses so many and so great excellencies ae to deserve our cordial and earnest com
mendation." — British Mother's Magazine.
CKELETON THEMES: Intended to Assist in Teaching and Acquiring the Art
of Composition. By Margaret Thornley, Author of " True End of Education, and the
Means Adapted to it." Foolscap Svo, 3s., cloth.
" A very skilfully arranged set of outlines on subjects well suited to the purpoae. The pupils
will not be encumbered by too much help, nor confused by having to write on dry commonplaces;
of musty morality, before he can put together two sentences decently, descriptive of common ob
jects. He begins with the latter, is abundantly guided at first, and very gradually advances with
lessening aid, through a series of historical and biographical exercises, to those which requu-e
thought and reasoning." — Eclectic Review.
" It is long since we met with a more valuable aid to the schoolmaster, and those of our readers
who may be engaged in week-day education will thank us for drawing their attention to it." —
Literary Gazette.

WOBKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH.
ISev. Creorg-e Xiewis.
THE BIBLE, the MISSAL, and the BREVIARY ; or, Ritualism Self-Illustrated
in the Liturgical Books of Rome : containing the Text of the entire Roman Missal, Rubrics,
and Prefaces, translated from tbe Latin ; with Preliminary Dissertations, and Notes from the
Breviary, Pontifical, &o. By Rev. George Lewis, Ormiston. In 2 Vols., Svo, price 21s., cloth,
" These volumes are written with a moderation and candour — with an eye upon the good as well as
the evil that has sprung up in the track of Romanism— that may well conciliate for their subject the
attention of those who are repulsed by works of one-sided dogmatism. They supply a void iu the
popular literature of this question, and fill a plaoe that has not hitherto been occupied in a con
troversy so prolific of authorship. . . . The entu'e work we regard as one of the most valuable
modern additions to the Romanist controversy, and it will, we doubt not, speedily find its plaoe
in the library of every student of that subject." — Edinburgh Courant.
" The exposition of these matters is conducted by Mr Lewis witb great sucoeas, in a manner
extremely creditable to his talents, judgment, and knowledge of his subject, and well fitted to-be
useful." — Bulwark.
" These volumes are a fine contribution to the present warfare against Roman ascendanoy."
— Evangelical Magazine.
" We regard Mr Lewis' work as a very valuable contribution to the cause of Protestantism."
— Watchman.

ISr HV, T. ISaiMiltOM
THE PENTATEUCH and its ASSAILANTS ; or, a Refutation of the Objec-
tions of Modern Scepticism to the Pentateuch. By W. T. Hamilton, D.D, In demy
Svo, price 7s. 6d., oloth, (Free by Post.)
" This work will place its author in the first rank of Christian apologists." — Evangelical Maga
zine. " A book that is unanswerable, affording the strongest confirmation to the many and varied
evidences that the Bible is essentially the Word of God." — Bell's Weekly Messenger.

Dr Aiig-nstiis IVeander.
THE BPISTLE of PAUL to the PHILIPPIANS, and the GENERAL EPISTLE
of JAMES, PRACTICALLY and HISTORICALLY EXPLAINED. By Dr Augustus
Neander. To which ie added, A Discourse on the Coming of our Lord, and its Signs, by the same
Author. Translated by the Rev. Alexander Napier, M.A., Vioar of Holkham, Norfolk, post
Svo, 3s., cloth.
" In this age, when few writers do more than repeat, especially in Scripture interpretation,
what othera have said long befoi e, it is pleasant to meet with one who, out of the rich fulness of
his mind, can present us with soraething fresh, ingenious, aud which, even wheu not new, has all
the aspect of newness from the mode in which it is presented, and from the circumstances by
which it ie surrounded." — Eilio's Journal.

Dr f. Sclileiei'inaclier.
J^RIEF OUTLINE of the STUDY of THEOLOGY, drawn up to serve as the
Basis of Introductory Lectures. By the late Dr Frederick Schleiermacber. To which
are prefixed, Reminiscences of Schleiermacber. By Dr Frederick Lucke. Translated by Wil
liam Farrer, LL.D., poet Svo, 4s., cloth.
" Tbe work of a gigantic mind. It is incomparably the most suggestive work we ever read —
every sentence is a mine of thought." — Eitto's Journal.
" The work before ue partakes very much of tbe mental character of Schleiermaoher, clear, me
thodical, and epigrammatic. He thinks and writes with mathematical precision, and indeed may be
said to have reduced theology to a science. These outlines might be called the Euclid of theology.
Every article forms a distinct proposition — accompanied with explanatory notes, which may be
termed the ooroUaries, and the publication of the work in English cannot fail to have a beneficial
effect on the theological studies of our country. Its utterly unsectarian and orthodox character
adapts it to all denominatioua, and they oould not do greater honour to themselves than by
adopting it as a text book. We lliaivk him for making this timely and valuable addition to our
theological literature. The work is a gem, aud that too of the first water." — M'Phail's Journal.

WORKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STKBKT, EDINBURGH.
PflllOSOPfflCAL WORKS PUBLISHED BY T. & T. CLARK.

M, -Victor Cousin.

LECTURES on the TRUE, the BEAUTIFUL, and the GOOD. By M. Victor
Cousin, Translated, under ike sanction of M. Cousin, by 0. W. Wight. In post Svo,
price 6s. 6d.
The Publishers have had the honour to receive from M. Cousin, the advance sheets of a New
and greatly Improved Edition of the above work.
" These Lectures are intended for general application; there is not one of them which can be
perused without profit and pleasure; to the artist, perhaps, thoee on the 'Beautiful' will be
found most attractive, because they speak of those things in which his thoughts and feelings are
most interested. In a word, we cannot too highly recoraraend this book, which, by tbe way, is
published at a very moderate cost, to all, whether artists or not, who desire to have their minds
elevated, and their thuuglits rightly directed by sound logical reasoning and noble sentimente.
It is very long since we had a volume in our bands that has afforded us so much gratification
in the perusal. It will be found a faithful and generous companion wherever fortune shall lead
you, under the tent of the soldier, in the office of the lawyer, of the physician, of the savant, iu
the study of the literary man, as well as the studio of the artist. Mr Wight's translation is
rendered into graceful and elegant language, with every allowance for the difficulties with whioh
he had to contend, in giving a clear and lucid meaning to the original phraseology." — A rt Union
Journal. " An admirable translation of perhape the most eloquent work ou philosophical subjeots which
has ever appeared in any language. No reader of taste, whether he care about philosophy or
not, can take up this work without being fascinated by it." — Banner of Ulster.
" This volume contains M. Cousin's summary of his distinctive doctrines, with his latest
coiTections and additions. Endowed with an intellect of great oompase and brilliancy of imagina
tion the author has been able to attract the attention of the many to philosophical dootrinea of the
loftiest order. Philosophy has indeed been fortunate in her minister." — Edinburgh Guardian.
" This book must be by no means taken for a mere mass of abstract metaphysics ; on the con
trary, it is varied and enlivened by criticism on literature and art of the most attractive character,
and whether the reader accept or reject M. Cousin's spiritualist philosophy, he will read him
always with pleasure and often with instruction." — Putnam's Magazine.
fjOURSE of the HISTORY of MODERN PHILOSOPHY. By M. Victor Cousin,
Translated by 0. W. Wight, In 2 vols., post Svo, price Ss. 6d., cloth.
*,* This translation is already recommended by the Professors of Edinburgh, Glasgow, and
other places.
¦' M. Cousin's ' Course of the History of Modem Philosophy' is here, for the first time entire,
presented to the English reader. It consists of Lectures delivered at Paris in the years 1828-9.
' The delivery of these Lectures,' says Sir Wra. Hamilton, ' excited an unexampled sensation in
Paris. Condemned to silence during the reign of Jesuit ascendancy, M. Cousin, after eight years
ot honourable retirement, bad ascended again the chair of philosophy; and the splendour with
which he recommenced his academical career, more than justified the expectation which his recent
reputation as a writer, aud the memory of his earlier lectures, had inspired. Two thousand
auditors listened in admiration to the eloquent exposition of doctrmes unintelligible to the many, and
the oral discussion of philosophy awakened in Paris, and in France, an interest unexampled since
the daya of Abelard. The daily journals found it necessary to gratify, by their eariier analyses,
the impatient curiosity of the public; and the Lectures themselves, taken in short band, and cor
rected by the Professor, propagated weekly the influence of his instruction to the remotest pro
vinces of the kingdom.' " — Edinburgh Review.
" This work contains the fullest and most popular exposition of the eoleotic system ot Pb"oso-
phy of which Cousin was the founder. The translation is always oorreot and clear, and it will
doubtless be the standard version of what raust still, though a quarter of a century has ela^ised
siuce its publication, be regarded aa the most valuable philosophical work of our tm»es, —lail s
Magazine. N the DESTINY of MODERN PHILOSOPHY, and EXPOSITION of
ECLECTICISM. By M. Victor Cousin. Foolscap Svo, 43. 6d.

0

H^

WORKS PUBLISHED BY T. AND T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET, EDINBURGH.
Dr. HC. ai. Clialybaens.
[ISTORIOAL DEVELOPMENT of SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY from
KANT to HEGEL. From the German of Dr H. M. CuALTBiEns, Professor of Philosophy
in the University of Kiel. By the Rev, Alfred Edeesheim, Old Aberdeen. In demy Svo,
price 1 Os. 6d., cloth.
" I have been requested by the Publishers, — as the character and even name of the Author of
these Lectures may be unknown to many British Students of Philosophy, — to state, in what
estimation Author and Lectures are held in Germany. I find no difficulty in compliance ; and
beg leave to say, — that to those acquainted with the Philosophical Literature of that country,
it is known that CHALVB.ffiua has, by more than one work, established for himself tbe reputation
of an acute speculator, a fair critic, and a lucid writer ; and, in particular, that these Lectures
are there universally recognised aa affording a perspicuous and impartial survey of the various
modern systems of German Philosophy, at once comprehensive and compendious. In Germany
these Lectures are considered as popular, but not as superficial. They are viewed as even
supplying a desideratum ; and, in particular, are accounted an excellent introduction to a more
extended and detailed study of the recent philosophical systems. Accordingly, since they were
first published in 1S37, at least four editions have appeared. — In thie country, the book
assuredly will not be deemed too elementary.
*' Though (and properly) not requested to express any opinion of the version itself, I cannot
refrain from adding, — that having been led to re-peruse all the first nine lectures in the
translation, which I have also occasionally compared with the original, I am strongly impressed
with its general fidelity and clearness. Indeed, witb the exception of a few expressions, (and
these I would demur to more frequently on rhetorical than on scientific grouuds), this version
of a work by no means easy to render adequately, appears eminently worthy of approbation,
— So much in justice touching the translation : of the translator I am wholly ignorant." — Note
by Sir William Hamilto.n.
" I have long been familiar Avith the work in the original, and am glad to see a translation of
it into English. I have partially compared the translation with the original text, and I think
no one can say that it is not as intelligible a translation as could be expected by the English
reader, who is in general so little accustomed to the German mode of thinking and expression.
I shall not fail to recommend the work whenever au opportunity occurs." — Extract of Letter
from Professor Hoppus, of University College, London.
"The dignity of its theme, the aoeuraey of ite estimates, the excellence of its order and
transitions, and the ease and clearness of ite etyle, entitle it to earneet and extended attention."
— Tail's Magazine.
PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS. By Theodobb Jouffroy. Foolscap Svo, 5s.

J^ANT'S METAPHYSICS of ETHICS. Svo, ISs.
g^ANT'S RELIGION within the BOUNDARY of TRUE REASON. Svo, 10s.
Bev. JolBBi Forbes.
];HE SYMMETRICAL STRUCTURE of SCRIPTURE; or, Scripture Par
allelism Exemplified in an Analyeis of the Decalogue; the Sermon on the Mount; and olher
Passages of the Sacred Writings. By the Rev. John Forbes, LL.D., Donaldson's Hospital
Edinburgh. In Svo., price 8s. 6d., cloth. '
"All etudente of Scripture will thank Dr Forbee for this excellent work; we have it here
shown how fully the meaning of the Sacred writers may be brought out by a cai-eful attention to
the structure of the language, and that thie parallelism ie uot to be sought for only in the poetical
booke, but also iu those commonly regarded as mere prose. By accurately displaying the nature
of the arrangement the author furnishes us with a most valuable commentai-y on the paesai^es
adduced, as well as the key to the further comprehension of the sacred writings in general '°—
Church of England Quarterly Review.
"No one could rise from an attentive perusal of hie chapter on the Sermon on the Mount (for
mstanoe) without feeling himself possessed of a better arranged, a more systematic knowledge of
that beautiful pasaage of Scripture than before."— Clrncal Journal.
" The book is worth study; it is evidently the production of no ordinary man, and is pervaded
by a spirit at once scientific and devout."* — Homilist.
"Dr Forbes is a profound and accurate scholar; he has brought much learning, both oriental
and occidental, to bear in this volume." — HiUiotheca Sacra.

WORKS LATELY PUBLISHED BY
T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURaH;
and
HAMILTON, ADAMS, & CO., LONDON.

HISTORY OF THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH ; with a General Introduction
to Church History. By Professor Schapf of Mercersburg. 2 vols. Svo, 16s.
'* I hail the work as the harbinger of a great and glorious future ; it is worthy of
a German scholar, of a disciple of Neander, aud of a believing and free Christian and
Protestant." — Bunsen's " Rijppolytus."
_ " Fine taste, great discrimination, sound learning, and a reverent and conservative
piety distinguish these Yolumes."— Journal of Sacred Literature.
"Its spirit is thoroughly Christian, its arrangement clear, its style lively and attrac
tive." — Ediriburgh Review.

THE SYMMETRICAL STRUCTURE OF SCRIPTURE; or Scriptural Paral
lelism Exemplified iu an analysis of the Decalogue, the Sermon on the Mount,
&o. Svo, 8s 6d. By Dr John Forbes of Donaldson's Hospital.
" His volume will reward a careful perusal. But one opinion can be entertained
of the talent, learning, and industry which he has brought to the completion of his
task." — Evangelical Magazine.
" A very superior performance ; the author writes like a Christian and a Scholar."
— Quarterly Journal of Prophecy.

THE TYPOLOGY OF SCRIPTURE VIEWED IN CONNECTION WITH
THE WHOLE SERIES OF THE DIVINE DISPENSATIONS. By Bev.
Professor Faireairn of Aberdeen. Second Edition, greatly enlarged and
improved, 2 vols. Svo, 18s.
' ' I now say no Biblical Student should be without Mr Fairbairn's ' Typology. ' ' '
— Dr Samuel Lee.
" A work of great merit on a difficult and most interesting branch of theology." —
Church of England Quarterly.

THE BIBLE, THE MISSAL AND THE BREVIARY ; or. Ritualism
Self-illustrated in the Liturgical Books of Rome ; containing the Text of the
entire Roman Missal, Rubrics, and Prefaces ; translated from the Latin ; with
Preliminary Dissertations and Notes frora the Breviary, Pontifical, &e. 2 vols.
Svo, 21s. By Rev. George Lewis.
'' Weil adapted to convey to intelligent and reflecting readers accurate and enlarg
ed conceptions ofthe tendencies and bearings of Popery." — Bulwark.

WORKS BY PROFESSOR VINET OF LAUSANNE-
PASTORAL THEOLOGY : the Theory of a Gospel Ministry. Post Svo,
3s 6d.
" All that might be expected from the pen of the first of modern French theolo-
ans."— .British Quarterly Review.

giaus

HOMILETICS ; or, the Theory of Preaching. Post Svo, 6s.
" In this subject Vinet was especially at home, and in it he finds scope, not only
for his powers of exposition, but also for his rich faculty of criticism, some exquisite
gems of which are scattered up and down its -ga^es."— North British Review.

HISTORY OF FRENCH LITERATURE IN EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
Svo, 600 pages. Containing accounts of Voltaire, Bosseau, MoNTEsauiEU,
&c., &c. 9s.
" The hook unites many of the charms of biography and history, and is rich in an
extraordinary degree in "literary, philosophical, and Christian criticism." — British

VITAL CHRISTIANITY ; or, the Religion of God and the Religion of Man.
2s.

Nettleton and his Labours ; being the Memoir of Dr Nettle
ton. By Bennet Tyler, D.D. Edited by Rev. Andrew A. Bonae, Au
thor of " Memoirs of Robert M. M'Cheyne." Foolscap Svo.

WORKS ON PHILOSOPHY.
COURSE OF THE HISTORY OF MODERN PHILOSOPHY. By M.
Victor Cousin. 2 vols, post Svo, 8s 6d.
' ' The most valuable phUosophical work of our times. ' ' — Tait's Magazine.

LECTURES ON THE TRUE, THE BEAUTIFUL, AND THE GOOD.
By M. Victor Cousin. Translated under the sanction of the Author. Post
Svo, 6s 6d.
" Not one of these lectures can be perused without profit and pleasure ; the trans
lation of Mr Wight is rendered into graceful and elegant language."— ^ri-P«ion
Journal. "An admirable translation of perhaps the most eloquent work on philosophical
subjects in any language." — Banner.

HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF SPECULATIVE PHILOSOPHY, from
Kant to Hegel. From the German of Dr H. M. Chalybaeus. By the Rev.
A. Edersheim. Svo, 10s 6d.
" An acute speculator, a fair critic, and a lucid writer. I am stiongly impressed
with the general fidelity and clearness ofthe translation."— J^'oif/rom Sir William
Hamilton.

CLARK'S

FOREIGN

THEOLOGICAL LIBRARY.

NEW SEEIES.
VOL. IV.

Baumgarteit'0 Apostolic '^istovv.
VOL. III.

EDINBURGH :
T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET;
LONDON : SEELEY AND CO. ; WARD AND CO. ; AND JACKSON AND WALFOKD.
DUBLIN : JOHN ROBERTSON.

MDCCCLIV.

THE

ACTS OF THE APOSTLES;

THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH

APOSTOLIC AGE.

M. BAUMGAETEN,
doctor op philosophy and theology, and puofessor in the university
of ROSTOCK.

TRANSLATED FEOM THE GERMAN
BY
THE REV. THEOD. MEYER,
HEBREW TUTOR IN THE NEW COLLEGE, EDINBURGH,
VOL. III.

EDINBURGH :
T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET.
LONDON : HAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. ; SIMPKIN, MARSHALL, AND CO.
SEELEY AND CO. ; WARD AND CO. ; JACKSON AND WALEOED, ETC.
DUBLIN : JOHN ROBERTSON, AND HODGES AND SMITH.

MDCCCLIV.

PRINTED BY ROBERT PARK, DUNDEE.

LIST OF CONTENTS

BOOK THIRD.
PART FIRST.

Paiie
The Church among the Gentiles, 1
§ 32. It is not Paul's defence of Himself before the Jews, but
only the Roman Constitution, which affords him protection
(Chaps, xxii., xxiii.),  1
§ 33. Neither Felix nor Festus, but only the Roman Law, con
tinues to afford protection to the Apostle (Chap. xxiv. 1 —
Chap. xxv. 22),  50
§ 34. The Victorious defence of the Apostle Paul before King
Agrippa (Chap. xxv. 13 — xx^d. 32), .... 105
§ 35. The Journey of the Apostle Paul from Cesarea to Rome
(Chap, xxvii. 1 — Chap, xxviii. 16). ..... 205
§ 36. The Preaching of St Paul in Rome — the End (Chap, xxviii.
15—31), . .  317

THIRD BOOK
(continued.)

FIRST PART.
(continued.)

THE CHURCH AMONG THE GENTILES.

§ 32. IT IS NOT PAUL'S DEFENCE OP HIMSELF BEFORE THE
JEWS, BUT ONLY THE BOMAN CONSTITUTION, 'WHICH AFFORDS
HIM PROTECTION.
(Chaps, xxii. xxiii.)
We have reached a turning-point ; and in now foUowing the
course of events, we must direct our attention to this question :
— Is there, .or is there not, for the Jewish people, any possibility
of returning in this interruption brought about in the progress of
events by the intervention of the Roman military power ? For,
by the interference of the Roman Tribune, the Apostle has
obtained two additional opportunities of defending himself; the
first (xxii. 1 — 22), before the multitude at the temple-hill
— ^the place where formerly Jeremiah, and Jesus too, had
delivered their discourses to Israel, — and the second (xxiii. 1 —
10), before the Sanhedrim, as once Stephen. Now, there might,
after all, be still a possibility that Paul might, by the power of
his speech, succeed in tearing off the unhappy veil of delusion
which overspread the eyes and hearts of the Jews, and in stilling,
by his calmness and clearness, the mad rebellion which had,
without reason, been raised against him. The discourses of the
VOL. III. A

2 SECT. XXXU. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
Apostle are, indeed, fully appropriate to the existing circum
stances, and well calculated to call forth a corresponding effect.
Let us now, first of all, consider the discourse addressed by
the Apostle to the whole people, in the very peculiar position
which we have just now been describing. Before entering more
minutely upon its contents, we must realise the perfectly skilful
and circumspect deportment and presence of mind exhibited by
the Apostle, in coming forward on this very peculiar occasion.
On the towering height of the castle the Apostle is standing, and
beneath him are moving and raging the infuriated multitude,
spread over the whole place before the temple, up to the steps of
the castle. On the very instant that the man, severely wounded
in body and soul, turns his face towards the people, his deport
ment commands respect, and, by beckoning with his hand, he
awes the clamorous people into silence. Paul speaks to the
Hebrew people in the Hebrew tongue, — viz., the Aramean
popular dialect in use at that time (see Bleek's Introduction to
the Epistle to the Hebrews, S. 33, 34 ; Hug, Enleitung in das
N. T. ii. 45, 49, 50). Paul had just before spoken in Greek
to the Tribune ; and it is probable that, from his frequent inter
course with the Hellenes, this language was, in general, more
familiar to hira. Hence, in choosing the Aramean dialect for
his address to the Jews, he acted with a definite purpose ; and
the immediate result shows that Paul, in this choice, had acted
wisely ; for Luke remarks that the great silence which had
already been effected was still farther increased when they
heard the Hebrew sounds (ver. 2). And the address, "Men,
brethren, and fathers " — in which the Apostle exactly coin
cides with Stephen (see vii. 2) — is in entire harmony with the
Apostle's circumspect and commanding deportment. The Apos
tle, then, does not see, in the crowd, a multitude collected
together in a wild and disorderly manner ; but a real represen
tation of an organized people, with "fathers," i.e., those who
rule, and " brethren," or those who obey ; and so plainly does
the Apostle regard them in this light, that he at once places
himself in, and joins himself to this national organization. Al
though the Apostle, then, had most keenly felt, in his own body,
as well as in the depths of his soul, that the whole national life
of Israel was in a state of deep and extensive corruption and

ACTS XXII. — XXIII. 3
decay, — that this multitude had apostatized firom their own true
nature, — yet his love is unchanged, his hope indestructible, — and
he does not, therefore, give up and separate himself from this
people. Yea, at the last moment, before parting for ever, another
possibility, and hope of averting this painful separation, spring
up to him. The, people of Israel at once present tliemselves to
his mind in the light of their Divine predestination and eternal
election, and the surrounding multitude appear to him as the
representatives of this people.
With respect, now, to the discourse itself, surely no slight
evidence of its appropriateness and suitableness is afforded by the
circumstance that Baur, as well as Zeller, notwithstanding the
prejudices entertained by them and their whole party against
all the discourses of Paul, declare that this one may, possibly,
have been delivered in the form in which it is now before us
(see Baur, der Apostel Paulus, S. 209 ; Theolog. Jahrbiicher
1849, 562). It must not, however, be overlooked that, fi-om a
careftd examination, Baur, after all, discovers and advances two
important objections, one of which Zeller also is rather disposed
to receive ; so that both of these critics arrive again, after all^ at
their usual result, viz., that, according to all appearance, this
discourse also is a free composition of the writer of the book, and
that the apparent appropriateness has its sole foundation in the
circumstance, that the apologetic tendency of the writer is here
in tolerable harmony with the supposed situation of the Apostle.
Now, I think that the peculiarity of the discourse under consi
deration, as well as its genuineness, will be seen in the clearest
light, if we connect our farther discussion with these two objec
tions urged by Baur. Baur is astonished at two things : First —
that the people, notwithstanding the "violent and turbulent
excitement in which they were, should have listened so long and
so quietly to the hated speaker, of whose death-deserving guilt
they were convinced beforehand (see S. 303) ; — and, secondly,
that Paul should not have entered at all into the real cause of the
hatred of the Jews, — viz., his position with reference to the law
(see S. 210). It is only in their connection that the real strength
of these two arguments lies ; for the quietness of the people is
so much the more incomprehensible, the less that the Apostle
comes to the point ; and the inappropriateness of the discourse is
A 2

4 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
SO much the more incomprehensible, since the people listened
quietly. But what of all this, if, upon a more minute examina
tion, it should be discovered that the advice which Baur gives
for the occasion would have been quite impracticable ; while, on
the other hand, that which Paul here brings forward was the
only consideration which could have made any impression upon
the enraged people ? In this case, would not the possibility of a
temporary quietness even among the vehemently excited crowd
be easily accounted for ? But, indeed, the case stands thus,
that Paul could not have undertaken any thing more out of
place and inappropriate than the development and proof, before
the turbulent multitude, of his doctrine concerning freedom from
the law. If, even in the assemblies of the faithful, there was
the greatest possible difficulty in coming to any agreement upon
this point, how can it be imagined that, in such a place, and on
such an occasion, Paul could have expected, from such a discus
sion, any thing else than the very opposite of what he must have
wished and hoped for ? Besides, by entering into the temple to
make common cause with the four Nazarites, Paul had, in fact,
just done the utmost of what, in this respect, could be done by
him to quiet the Jews. After such a public exhibition, how
inexpressibly feeble and unsuccessful would have been every
discussion regarding his relation to the law !
There was only one element which, in the existing circum
stances, could have made an impression, and, perhaps, have
brought about a favourable issue, viz., that of facts. And,
indeed, the Apostle has at his command the domain of facts,
and avails himself of them with such power that one might
well have expected the Jews to bethink themselves, if only
they had quietly considered them, and if their minds had not
been utterly darkened. It is this sole strength of his whole
position, and nothing else, which Paul, in his discourse, quickly
perceives, firmly lays hold of, and keeps fast from the beginning
to the end.
Baur is quite right in this, that it was not faith in Jesus Christ,
by itself, which roused the Jews to such rage against Paul, but
his having apostatized from the law. For it is in this light that
they view his conduct among the Gentiles— viz., that he dissemi
nates among Gentiles the doctrine that one could have a full shai-e

ACTS XXU. — xxm.

in the kingdom of God, without having entered into the external
communion of Israel by means of circumcision, and an observ
ance of the ordinances of the law ; and that this doctrine found
such numerous adherents in the countries of the Gentiles, and
threatened to spread still farther. Now Paul is so happily situated,
that he is able incontestibly to prove to the whole multitude that
he had himself formerly entertained and expressed opinions en
tirely the same as those now given forth by the Jews, in their
violent excitement againsthis present proceedings. He, evidently,
cannot do anything more effective than bring this proof before
the assembled Jews. He now adduces everything which goes to
prove that, originally, he was like the Jews who surrounded him :
— his Jewish descent,— his education at Jerusalem, which he op
poses, by means of Se, to his birth in a city of Cilicia, and thereby
makes up for the defect which might attach to the latter circum
stance. His having been born in the diaspora could, by itself,
indeed, be all the less construed to his disadvantage, inasmuch as
it was just the Hellenists who had proved themselves to be the
most zealous, both against Stephen (see "vd. 9 — 14), and against
Paul (xxi. 27). While Paul, in his address to the Tribune (xxi.
39), does not, when referring to his native place, omit to point
out the distinguished rank (see Winer, bibl. Realw. ii. 565), he
here passes over in silence the importance of the heathenish city ;
and in this circumstance we have a new proof of the clearness
and self-possession with which- the Apostle here speaks, and of
the accuracy with which Luke reports. After this, Paul, in ver.
3, points out the important circumstance that he had been brought
up at the feet of Gamaliel, the celebrated teacher of the law (see
Othonis, lex. Rabbin, p. 224), and had been brought up and edu
cated according to the full rigour of the law of his fathers. Now
it is true that all these things, — his Jewish descent, his residing
at Jerusalem, his education in the school of Gamaliel — might
have met with internal disinclination ; in which case nothing of
it would have been received by, or have taken effect upon, Paul.
But just the reverse was the case. Paul designates his internal
disposition of mind which accompanied the outward circumstances
of his life just mentioned, by the words : ^rfKxorr)'^ vTrdp')(<i)v tov
deov, and, in order that not one of those who were present might
remain in doubt as to what he thereby understood, he adds : Kaffm

6 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
¦7rdvre<; uynew iarre crfjfiepov. He calls his former views " a zeal
towards God ;" inasmuch as he concurred in the opinion of the
Jews concerning Stephen, and recognised in the Gospel of Jesus
an attack upon the law and the temple, and hence, also, upon the
God of Israel ; and for this very reason he hated this Gospel. It
is remarkable, however, that even this highest degree of exaspera
tion and wickedness which the Jews evidently manifested at the
moment, is, notwithstanding, designated by him bya name which
implies a certain amount of palliation for it (see Rom. x. 2 ; 1
Tim. i. 13). We see from this, that the Apostle not only holds
fast the hope of Israel's conversion, when, untouched by the hos
tility of the Jews, he is left to his quiet meditation — as, for in
stance, when he wrote the Epistle to the Romans — ^but that he
also views the sad and miserable state of Israel with the eyes of
this hope, even when he has to taste the whole bitterness of the
hatred and wickedness of the Jews, — a hope which holds out, to
the entire people, the same transition from the sin of unbelief
and ignorance to the experience of the transforming grace of
God ; such a transition as the Apostle formerly experienced in
his own person, as a bright example for all who shall hereafter
believe (see 1 Tira. i. 13—16).
In his forraer conduct against the Church of Christ, there was
thus contained a strong apologetic argument for his present posi
tion towards the Jews ; and, farther, in the similarity of his former
conduct to that which the Jews were now exhibiting, there was
contained a hope for the conversion of the whole people. It is
these circumstances which made it possible for him to mention
here, in the presence of the whole assembly, the fact of his hav
ing persecuted the Church of Christ (w. 4, 5) — the recollection
of which was always the occasion of grief and shame to him (see
1 Cor. XV. 7 — 10). By this notice of it, he shows that the zeal
for God was in him not only a tendency and disposition of mind,
but that it completely filled and moved his whole life in former
times ; so that what now animated the whole multitude of the
Jews had not only been known by him long before, but had been
experienced also with remarkable strength and violence. And
even in this, the circumstance is again in his favour, that this zeal
for God which showed itself in persecuting the way of faith, could
appeal to a further witness, and that the most weighty which

ACTS XXII. — XXIII.

could at all be imagined in this place — viz., the testimony of the
High Priest and of the whole Sanhedrim. After such a con
fession on the part of Paul, the whole assembly could not but
feel that all which now agitated and moved their hearts would be
so far fi-om being unknown to Paul, that he must have felt and
experienced it all in a far higher degree. But the main strength
of every discourse consists in this, that he who speaks and pro
duces the impression on the hearers should himself know what it
is that leads and deterraines their hearts, — that he should know
it in such a way as to have overcome the evil tendencies, while,
on the other hand, he should possess and cherish the good ones
in their original and peculiar power. By thus incontrovertibly
proving that his former views, which are now, however, forsaken,
were entirely similar to those now maintained by the assembly,
Paul has, no doubt, gained such an influence over his hearers
that they cannot refuse to Ksten to him, now that he is about to
state to them the remarkable change of which he has been the
subject. Paul, it is true, will be compelled to relate a miracle to the
Jews, just because his conversion, and call to the Apostleship,
have taken place by an evident miracle. Now, if Paul were
-standing on the Areopagus of Athens with this account, his posi
tion would, indeed, be rather difficult and hazardous, for a simple
statement of the miraculous vision of the Lord which had ap
peared to him could not have claimed attention and sympathy
there ; and Baur would be right in wondering at the quietness
and forbearance of the people. But we are now in Jerusalem,
and on the sacred hills of Jehovah. As in Athens, even at the
time of her decline, science and art always found a sympathizing
disposition; as in Rome, external power and internal right showed
their attractive power, down even to her last days ; — so it is here
with the word and works of God, the pure and full sound of which
must yet penetrate, at leastfor a moment, even through the darkest
veils and coverings of a carnal and unbelieving heart. This
indestructible susceptibility for the works and word of God has
been implanted in this people from the very beginning. It is
true that they are at present scattered over the whole face ofthe
earth, and widely separated from the holy presence of God on
earth, by an internal chasm ; but when the work of God among

8 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
the Gentiles shall be finished, they will, notwithstanding that their
hearts are hardened and shut up in unbelief, recognize, by means
(jf this susceptibility, at once and unanimously, the completion
of the present working and acting of God among the nations.
It cannot, indeed, be expected that the account of every miracle
should have had the effect of inducing the turbulent crowd to
listen quietly, were it even for a few moments only ; but the
account given by Paul is so arranged as necessarily to compel
Jewish ears to listen. By his introductory confession, St Paul has
already e.stablished an ascendancy over their minds ; and now he
knows how to relate the miracle of God, which happened to him,
in such a manner that the Jews cannot allow their unbridled
passions to'carry them away, till they perceive what is the Apostle's
aim and object in bringing the statement of those Di'vdne revela
tions before them. The Apostle appeals to a threefold Di-vine
testimony; so that, according to the pro'visions of the law of
Israel (see Deut. xix. 15 ; Matt, xviii. 16; 1 Tim. v. 19 ; 2 Cor.
xiii. 1), the matter may well be considered as established. The
first testimony is the Lord's appearing to him fi-om Heaven, when
he was on his way to Damascus (vv. 6 — 10), the second is the
account concerning Paul which was revealed to Ananias from
on high (vv. 11 — 16), and the third is the repeated appearance
and command of the Lord at Jerusalem (w. 17 — 21). After
Paul had impressed it upon the consciences of his hearers, and
proved that, formerly, he was, in disposition and mind, like them,
they can no longer summarily reject these simple statements as
self-delusion, or even as a wilful deception, without injuring
themselves, — altogether apart from the consideration, that a trust
worthy account of what the Lord has done in an extraordinary
manner in order to usher in a new period in the development of
His kingdora will, at all times, claim the attention of Israel. But
St Paul has, moreover, taken care that, in order to increase their
force, and their impressiveness upon his hearers, a peculiar feature
be added to each of these testimonies. In mentioning the first
appearance of the Lord, he directs attention to the circumstance
that he was not alone (ver. 9), but in the company of several
from Jerusalem ; that the appearance had not happened at night,
when one is more easily exposed to deception, but in clear day,
just at noon (ver. 6). He then adds, farther, that his companions

ACTS XXII.  XXIII.

also had had some impression of the extraordinary event which
had occurred to him, as far, at least, as their eyes — the surest
'witnesses — were concerned (ver. 9) ; and this appeal to what
others, — and those, Jews of Jerusalem — knew and had experi
enced, could certainly not fail to make an impression.
The second testimony to which Paul appeals is that of Ananias.
This is proved by the miracle performed by him, by a mere word,
upon blind Paul (ver. 13). By this miracle, Ananias had for
merly proved his Divine mission in the presence of Paul ; and
must not the account of this self-experienced miracle still pro
duce the same effect upon the assembled Jews ? Subsequent to
that appearance of the Lord which had crushed him, Paul has
done nothing for himself ; the change in his entire former posi
tion takes place first through Ananias. The Jews must be con
vinced that Paul has not wantonly stept out of his former position,
but only afi;er he has ascertained the will of God, by a direct
Divine revelation, and through the medium of human instru
mentality. And the latter was introduced and confirmed not
by a miracle only, but also by the whole personal position and
conduct of Ananias; and this, again, was a circumstance specially
calculated, and added for the sake of the hearers. For St Paul
expressly points out that Ananias was a devout man according to
the law, that he had a good report of all the Jews who dwelt at
Damascus (ver. 12), and, finally, that he had ascribed the con
version and calling of Saul to the God of their fathers (ver. 14).
Accordingly, he who first brought Paul to another course of life
and labour is a man to whom the Jews at present cannot well re
fuse their esteem ; and the circumstance that they must now hear
from the mouth of Ananias that the God of their fathers, and not
some strange god, had appointed Saul of Tarsus to be a witness
unto all men of what he had seen and heard, could not fail to
make them consider whether, indeed, their zeal for the glory of
God gave them any title to impugn the Apostolic ministry of
St Paul.
The third testimony is the command which was given to Paul
immediately by the Lord. By two circumstances, this testi
mony is rendered especially important to the Jews. Paul
remarks that this second appearance of the Lord had happened
to him when he had returned to Jerusalem, and while he was
2

10 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION-
praying in the temple. For this evidently indicates that, what
ever had happened to the Apostle at Damascus, he had not
thereby been estranged fi-om the love of Jerusalem and its
temple, nor from prayer in the sanctuary of Jehovah ; that
hence, notwithstanding his faith in Jesus, he had neither aban
doned nor denied his Judaism. But then it must appear so
much the more significant, that just here in Jerusalem, in the
temple, and while engaged in prayer, he received the immediate
command firom the Lord to labour among the Gentiles, and,
hence, to enter upon that ministry which the Jews considered as
irrreconcileable with a belief in the God of Israel. For so much"
must after all, be certain, and indisputable to pious Jews, that
a Divine appearance which happens to a believing and praying
Jew in the temple of Jerusalem cannot but be a revelation fi-om
the God of Israel. But the Apostle adds stiU a second circum
stance, in order that he may give even greater importance to
this appearance in the temple of the Jews. He remarks, namely,
that even when God thus, a second time, directed him to go to
nations that were far hence, he could not quietly resign himself
to the appointment, till he had ventured to bring before the
Lord in Heaven his own thoughts, which were directed towards
a ministry among the Jews, and which were flattering him ¦with
bright hopes of success from such a ministry. In mentioning
this, his last and boldest resistance, Paul also brings to their
remembrance the pleasure which he had felt in stoning Stephen,
and thus crowns what he had formerly said about his persecut
ing zeal ; while the mention of his resistance to the command of
the Lord was quite suited once more to show to the Jews with
what indissoluble ties of love the Apostle was still attached to
his nation ; and that this love had, by no means, and, least of
all, been cooled, by his faith in Jesus.
It was with a 'svise caution, as we have seen, that the Apostle
had so arranged his speech, as that it might produce such impres
sions; and we may, with certainty, assume that their effect
cannot have been altogether lost. But all these good impressions
are effaced, as with one stroke, when there appeared the result
ofthe third testimony, and, hence, of the other two also, viz., the
Divine mission to the Gentiles who were afar off (ver. 21). As,
once, Jesus in His whole personal appearance and presence, in

ACTS XXII. — XXIII. 11
His love and faithfulness, had been the stumbling-block and
stone of offence ; so, also, it is just that work, in which the
redeeming love and saving omnipotence of the Lord reigning in
Heaven manifests itself most unequivocally in the present, viz.,
the conversion of the far-off heathen whom Paul had just brought
to Jerusalem, and presented as living "witnesses of the wonderful
working of God, and as an earnest of the fulfilment of all pro
phecies, and who, for that very reason, were most perfectly fitted
to exert a new, and salutary, and converting influence upon
Israel, who hitherto could not be moved by any other means of
grace, — it is just this work of Christ upon which the Jews
stumble and fall anew ; and, now that the last means have been
employed, their fall is deep — even to destruction.
How deeply soever the conduct and words of the Apostle may
have pierced their hearts and consciences, this much is certain
of the mind of the Jews : — ^that there never could nor should
exist a kingdom of God among the Gentiles, whether they five
in the midst of the circumcision, or at a distance fi-om the sanc
tuary of Israel ; and, hardened in their hearts, they have resolved
not to permit any one to teach otherwise. It is from this carnal,
national pride, supported from without hj God's past dealings
with Israel, and the predicted future of that people, that we can
account for the fact, that no sooner is the word of the Divine
mission to the far-off Gentiles uttered, than there arise again
the tumultuous cries (ver. 22) which render any continuation of
the discourse altogether impossible. Now, we know, fi-om other
sources, that the people absolutely refused to recognise the will
and hand of God in the Apostolic ministry of Paul among the
GentUes, and in the conversion of the GentUes ; and hence, it is
quite natural that the suppressed rage should have again broken
out, just at this point. Baur and Zeller have, therefore, no
reason whatever to find, in this circumstance, any argument for
doubting the genuineness of the discourse under consideration,
and the account which accompanies it (see Der Apostel Paulus,
S. 209; Theol. Jahrb.loc. cit. S. 562). We may even expect it,
as a matter of course, that the rage ofthe Jews will stiU increase,
and go beyond aU bounds. They plainly and distinctly declare
that it is not fit that he should live ; inasmuch as they, of course,
regard him as a false prophet, and a seducer of the people, and.

12 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
hence, according to the provisions of the law (Deut. xiii. 1 — 11);
must consider him worthy of death. The subsequent acts, viz.,
the crying out, the casting off of their clothes, the thro-wing of
dust into the air (ver. 23) are not farther explained. It -will,
therefore, be simplest and most appropriate to adopt that expla
nation which is most obvious fi-om the context, and not to force
upon them any interpretation which is merely arbitrary. Along
with Grotius and Meyer, I accordingly understand these impe
tuous acts to indicate a preparation for stoning the Apostle.
The objection of De Wette, — that the Jews could not think of
such an execution, inasmuch as they knew Paul to be in the
hands, and under the protection of, the Tribune, is irrelevant ;
for, in their unbridled rage, the Jews did not indicate what they
intended to do, but what they would like to do, and what they
considered to be necessary and indispensable. This fresh eruption
of fury again shows, most evidently, to what Paul would have been
exposed under the hands of the Jews, and that his imprisonment
by the Roman Tribune was the only means of sa-vdng him fi:om
death. The Tribune, seeing that Paul's discourse has not been
productive of any good understanding, but has only increased
the excitement, now orders him to be brought into the camp
(ver. 24). But the Tribune is altogether unable to conceive of
such a rage of a whole multitude against one man, unless some
crime deserving of death be really involved. He has not, it is
true, understood the acts of the people, but he has, no doubt, had
translated to him the impetuous demand for Paul's death. It is,
hence, only an additional proof of his fidelity in the discharge
of his duty, as well as of the order pervading this sphere, that he
gave orders for a criminal trial in the case of Paul, in order that
he might ascertain the cause of such rage on the part of the
people (ver. 24). Even here, in the camp of the Gentiles, Paul
is exposed to sufferings ; and, in such a place, there woiJd have
been no cause for astonishment at the sufferings of a servant of
God. But it is just at this juncture that the contrast between
the camp of Israel and that ofthe Gentiles comes out in an aspect
altogether new. St Paul appeals to his Roman freedom, according
to which it was not lawful to expose those who were possessed
of it to scourging, and still less to do so without the preceding
process of a trial and sentence (ver. 25). We see here that

ACTS XXII. — XXIII. 13
Paul is not only acquainted with the general laws in force
regarding criminal trials before the cause is decided, — to whioh
law he appeals in xvi. 37, — but that he had also a distinct know
ledge of the lex Porcia, aud of the leges Semproniae, which
prohibited the scourging of Roman citizens. These leges were
considered as the palladium of Roman liberty, for which reason
Cicero exclaims : " O nomen dulce libertatis ! O jus eximium
nostrae eivitatis ! O lex Porcia legesque Semproniae ! " and
immediately afterwards : " Facinus est vincire civem Romanum,
scelus verberari (see Grotius ad ver. 25). Paul, accordingly,
is not only very well acquainted ¦with the nature and extent of
his rights as a Roman citizen, but knows also how to plead them
here, and at the right moment. Caiovius has, however, rightly
raised the question, why Paul, who, we know, was so ready to
suffer everything for the sake of the name of Jesus, did not
wiUingly undergo the sufferings inflicted upon him here, but
rather withdrew from them by an appeal to his rights. This
question is so much the rather well founded that, in Philippi, we
saw Paul submit to scourging, quietly and without objection at
first, and urging the legal question, only after he had submitted
to it. The answer of Caiovius to this question is two-fold, it is
true, but in neither part of it is he Ukely to satisfy any one. The
difference of the Apostle's conduct now, and at PhUippi, can be
satisfactorily accounted for, only from the entirely different posi
tions occupied by him. At PhiUppi, the Apostle met, for the first
time, with the hostile tendency ofthe world's power, represented
by the Romans; and in this first European city which the Apostle
of the Gentiles saw, the point at issue just was to manifest the
conquering power of the Spirit, when brought in contact with'
hostility ofthe world. In such a position, it was incumbent upon
him to bear the sufferings, in order that he might manifest, by
his immoveable and unshaken constancy, and joyfulness, the most
certain and eventful conquest of all the powers of injustice and
hostility in the world. But here, everything is otherwise. Here,
in Jerusalem, St Paul has to bear witness before the Jews ; and he
has done so byword and deed, in secret and in public, and — apart
fi-om the satisfaction experienced by him in the houses of Mnason
and of James, which, however, could serve only to make so much
the more bitter and sad what he afterwards experienced — the last

14 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
and prevaUing effect was the most open enmity and persecution
of the whole people. They had already laid hands on him for
the purpose of kiUing him, and, even at the last moment, had no
greater regret than that Paul could not be reached by the stones
which the zealous Jews had thrown upon him. The Apostle has
thus here borne both his testimony and his sufferings ; and the
measure of his sufferings was now fuU. Paul might, and could
understand, even now, that his imprisonment by the Roman sol
diers had been ordered for his protection and deliverance. Yea,
should it not have even already struck him that this must needs
be the consequence of the wrestling and prayers of the Churches
for which he had entreated (see Rom. xv. 30) ? If thus he was
entitled to regard the camp of the Roman garrison on the castle
of Antonia as a refuge and shelter from the rage of the Jews,
prepared for him by God, and as a place of rest obtained, after
his exhausting struggles, by the prayers of his brethren, why
should he have refused to have recourse to the means at his dis
posal, to be spared the torture, by an appeal to his well-acquired
rights ? And he could have the less hesitation in doing so, inas
much as in this sphere, no testimony of his faith had preceded,
which he might have been able to confirm by his sufferings.
What a remarkable contrast between the two camps is now,
however, brought out by this appeal of the Apostle to the law
prevaiUng in the Roman empire! In both camps, Paul lies
under the gravest suspicion ; in the camp of the Jews, the sus
picion of being a despiser of the holy law, a seducer, and a false
prophet ; in the camp of the Gentiles, the suspicion of a crime
against human and civil order — a crime worthy of death. In
the carap of Israel, Paul has tried his utmost to free and clear
hiraself from the suspicion resting upon him ; he has taken upon
himself to fulfil the law in the strictest and most unequivocal
manner ; in a public speech he has appealed, for the proof of his
innocence, to facts altogether undeniable, and to testimonies ever
valid in Israel. All this, however, was not only in vain ; it even
strengthened their hatred and enmity. The more powerfully and
convincingly that Paul vindicates and defends himself, the more
enraged and furious the camp of Israel becomfes. But how
entirely different it is in the Roman camp I Paul has scarcely
opened his mouth in order to appeal to the order prevalent there

ACTS XXII. — XXIII. 15
when at once they let him alone ; the centurion at the same
moment applies to the Tribune and says : what dost thou intend
to do ? for this man is a Roman ? Although by birth and habit
Paul was a Jew, and, hence, very much a stranger to, and at a
great distance from, the centurion, yet he does not for a moment
doubt Paul's statement, and is, moreover, so impressed with the
validity and peremptory character of the law to which Paul has
pointed, that he supposes, as a matter of course, that the pro
ceedings which had been ordered against Paul, cannot be con
tinued. AVithout any delay, the Tribune himself now approaches,
and asks the Apostle whether he is a Roman (ver. 27) ; and
when this question is answered in the affirmative, the Tribune
merely wonders that the man whom, up to this moment, he had
considered as a rebel, or a robber and murderer, should possess
a dignity which had cost himself so large a sum of money (ver.
28). This candid confession of the Tribune furnishes the Apostle
with an opportunity of declaring that he possessed the Roman
fi-eedom by birth (see Winer, bibl. Realworterb. ii. 212). This
assurance is not only at once believed by the Tribune ; but it
has also the immediate effect, that the soldiers, who were already
prepared to subject the Apostle to a criminal trial, desist from
their business ¦without even waiting for an order. We thus per
ceive that, ¦within this sphere, there prevail laws which are of
higher authority than persons, and that the persons feel them
selves involuntarUy called upon to be subservient to, and to
realize these laws. It is in this circumstance that we discern
the reason why the supreme commander in this territory is struck
with fear for having ordered Paul, a Roman citizen, to be bound,
before he had been examined and convicted ; although it is only
at this moment that he learns that the Jew is endowed with the
Roman freedom. It is the law and order of the Roman empire
which here meet us ; and we should, even here, acknowledge that,
in this order, there is some benefit for the kingdom of God.
From the beginning, everything in the camp of Israel was
ordained for the purpose of realizing the kingdom of God on
earth; but neither' the holy law and order, nor the humble fear
of these, prevail any longer there. The carnal will of single
individuals, and ofthe majority, has obtained the ascendancy, and
lays waste the soil prepared by God for the reception of His

16 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION-
kingdom. St Paul, the blessed instrument for promoting in the
present, the kingdom of God, has there not even liberty allowed
him to live, far less to carry out the will of God. But, in the
Roman camp, everything is ordained and ready for conquering
the world ; the glittering arms of the rough and stern warriors
are the instruments of the Ruler of the Universe for accom
plishing among all nations, and in aU countries. His will, as the
highest and ultimate, and for casting down to the ground what
soever exalts itself against it. But, with all this, there is here
an established and well-regulated law and order, to which every
one, even the highest, must submit ; and it is this constitution
of the Roman empire, and this order of the law, which revive
Paul and grant security to lum, who had been devoted to the
death of stoning by the Jews.
In the course of events we have now reached that crisis in
which this contrast between Rome and Jerusalem, which here
presents itself in the two camps, is to manifest itself fiiUy, and
in every point of view. For this reason, one farther attempt is
communicated, in which Paul undertakes to appeal to the Divine
ordinance in Israel ; and the result, in this case also, is none
other than that the rage of the Jews, which seemed already to
have reached the highest pitch, is, nevertheless, anew increased.
After Paul has spent the night in the security of the Roman
camp, the Tribune is, on the next morning, anxious to hear at
length something certain about Paul (ver. 30) ; for, after the
previous days' conduct of the Jews against Paul, it appears to
him, after all, to be absolutely impossible but that he should have
incurred some guilt. He supposes that a trial before the highest
court of the Jews would most readily throw Ught upon this
point ; and in this we recognise a Roman state-official's mode of
proceeding — considerate, and directed to the object of discovering
the right. He commands, therefore, the Sanhedrim to assemble
in its usual place of meeting, and Paul to be brought down to
this meeting (ver. 30). It might appear strange that he only
now looses Paul from his bonds, although, in the evening, he had
feared that in this he had gone too far ; but, with Meyer, we
may well explain this from a certain stubborn consistency, in
consequence of which the Roman comraander cannot bring him
self down to expose himself, by the immediate loosing of the

ACTS XXII.  XXIU. 17
bonds of a Jew. But Luke by no means intends to present to
us the ideal of a state, but rather the real empire and manner of
the Romans ; and we are to learn that there is in it room for the
development of the kingdom of God, for this reason, that it is
not arbitrariness and passion which rule there, but a higher order
in the law. In the very same context, however, Luke does not
pass over in sUence the weakness of this single individual in this
kingdom — of which we shall, by and by, obtain still clearer
proofs — and fi-om this circumstance we learn that he holds up the
existing Roman empire, notwithstanding all its weaknesses and
defects which were sufficiently known to every one, as that terri
tory within which the real nature of the kingdom of God is fartlier
to develop itself, and come to its completion, after ha-dng been
cast out fi-om that place which was expressly ordained and pre
pared for it.
We have now, then, to represent to ourselves the Apostle Paul
in that assembly in which Jesus and Stephen had once stood ;
and the sole reason why Paul does not share the same fate which
the Lord and His first martyr had to endure, is the circumstance
that he has been brought into the hall of the Sanhedrim by Ro
man soldiers, and stands there in the presence, and under tlie
guardianship, of the Roman Tribune. Now, one might be sur
prised that Paul should begin his defence before the Sanhedrim,
without any mention being made of his having been called upon
to do so. One might be disposed to see, in this, a neglect of
forms on the part of the Apostle ; and this so much the rather,
because the address : ai/Spe? dhe\^ol(yev. 16) has also been found
to be unusual ; and De Wette distinctly affirms that a formal and
solemn address, such as iv. 8, vii. 2, was not a petition of favor,
as Meyer thinks, but a simple observance of the form. The im
pression is thus produced, that Paul was here in a state of excite
ment, had not kept himself free from passion, and had, especially
in the strong address to Ananias the High Priest (ver. 3) — to
express it mUdly — not duly distinguished between the person and
the office. In the answer of the Apostle (ver. 5), they farther
find his o^wn confession of his mistake, and believe that, with the
open recantation of his error, all had been done, and placed again
on its proper footing. We shall afterwards see, in detail, how
ill all this agrees with itself. In the meantime, however, we
VOL. III. B

18 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
must inquire, in general, whether such a notion of the Apostle's
conduct during these proceedings before the High Council can,
a priori, claim our approval. So much is clear, that this impres
sion regarding the Apostle — which, by no means, serves to exalt
him — must find a strong support in the account itself ; otherwise,
we should not find it already existing so early in the Church, as,
e.g. with Severus (in the Catena) and Jerome (see Wetstein ad
ver. 5). As the positions are very similar, let us, therefore, in the
first place, look back once more to the Apostle's conduct on the
preceding day, in order that we may form an idea of his disposi
tion of mind, and of his position with reference to the present
high assembly. We found that the Apostle Paul, in the view of
the high festival, with his four Jewish brethren, applied himself
in the temple to the holy purifications and sacrifices, and, in all
probability, like James (see Eusebius, H. E. ii. 23), prayed to God
for his people, and, while thus engaged, could not fail to be raost
violently agitated, both inwardly and outwardly, by the storm
breaking in upon him. But if, nevertheless, we consider his
whole conduct among Jews and Gentiles, we cannot but acknow
ledge that he has complete command over himself, that he mani
fests, in every word, and in every feature, the highest degree of
calmness, of presence of mind, of love and wisdom ; just because
the agitation of his mind is not of a selfish nature, but had its
origin in love. Now, how very improbable would it be in itself
that, on the foUowing day, he should have lost this equanimity of
his, which commanded the esteem of both Jews and Gentiles, —
that he should have wavered, or rather tottered, between passion
ate violence and vulgar prudence; for in this light his conduct in
the presence of the Jewish Sanhedrim is frequently represented !
And is it indeed possible so easily to satisfy oneself, in the face of
the inferences which are drawn from such a procedure on the
part of the Apostle, by Arminians, against the doctrine of the
Cliurch on inspiration ? Is it then indeed so entirely without
foundation, that Baur (see Apostel Paulus S. 207), and ZeUer
(Theolog. Jahrbiich. 1849 S. 563) have declared that, to admit,
as Neander and Olshausen have so liberaUy and readily done,
that the conduct of the Apostle was passionate and rash, is in
contradiction to the M'hole views and principles of these theo
logians. The remark made by Olshausen is, indeed, correct.

ACTS XXII.  XXIII. 19
when he says, that we do not assume moral perfection in the
Apostles ; but not every moral defect in them can, for this reason,
be unhesitatingly admitted. We must, after all, make a difference
between the servants of God under the Old Testament, and those
under the New Testament. In David, Solomon, Jonah, we find
moral imperfection just within that sphere which belonged to their
vocation and office ; and fi-om this we see that the Divine person,
who has power over the office, has not yet appeared, and cannot,
therefore, live and work in them. But, under the New Testa
ment, and in the case of men called in an extraordinary man
ner, we cannot, for this very reason, admit of any such moral
imperfection and weakness as must be regarded as a detriment to
their vocation and office. In this respect, that which the Apostle^
towards the end of his course, confesses of hiraself, holds true :
Travra la-yyo} ev tw ei'Swa/iowTi /ae (Phil. iv. 3), and: o2Sa ....
KaTa Trjv cnroKapaSoKtav Kai iXTTiSa /mov, oti ev ovSevl ala-)(vvdrjffo-
fjMi, alOC ev Trday irapprjcria, (»? TrdvTore, Kai vvv fieyaXwOijasTai
XpitTTo'i iv TW cTcofiari fiov, etre Sta ^corj'; etVe Sta davuTov (Phi\. i.
19, 20). Peter's ambiguous conduct at Antioch seems, indeed, to
be opposed to this assertion ; but, if we consider it more minutely,
Peter, when among the Gentiles in Antioch, is no longer within
the sphere of his original vocation and office. If, therefore, he
errs, to some extent, within that territory, there are presupposed
the completion and correction by Paul, by means of which Peter
is introduced to his new career. But if we conceive of the
matter, as Jerome does in the passage to which reference has been
already made, viz., that Paul ought to have suffered, before the
High Council of Israel, with the same silent meekness as Jesus
once did in the same place, then it is obvious that, with his vehe
ment words, the Apostle discharged his duty only very indif
ferently, or, rather, that he failed in it altogether. And can we,
indeed, console ourselves for this, and quiet ourselves with the
thought of Jerome : " We do not detract any thing from the
merit of the Apostle, but we exalt the glory of the Lord, who,
having suffered on the cross, overcomes the injuries and firailty of
the flesh ?" If this strengthening power and overcoming of the
flesh were only with Christ, and did not pass to those whom He
has placed on the theatre of this world, just for the purpose of
manifesting the power of His Spirit in the weakness of the flesh,
b2

20 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
He would not be wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and re
demption (see 1 Cor. i. 30) ; and His glory would, therefore, not
be indeed raised, but rather abased by such weakness on the part
of His Apostle.
We have, moreover, an express promise fi-om the Lord him
self, entitling us to suppose such a sufficient and efficient support
of the Spirit for the Apostles. When He sent them forth for the
first time. He gave them, for all future time, not His directions
only, but His promise also, which, among other things, contains
this too : OTav Se irapaSihSiaiv vp.a'i, fir) fiepifivt^aeTe ttoj? r] ti
XaXr^cTTjTe' SodijcreTai yap Vfuv iv eKeivrj Tf; (opa, Ti XaXrjaeTe' ov
r/ap v/jLeK e(TTe ol XdkovvTe';, dXKd to Ilvevfia tov iraTpo'i vfiMV
TO \a\ovv iv vpiiv (see Matt. x. 19, 20). It is evident that such
a position is prominently pointed out by the Lord, in which man
has the greatest difficulty in successfully maintaining perfect
equanimity, viz., when, just on account of his conduct and cha
racter, he is in danger of being given up to the highest power on
earth which is in a state of rebellion against the kiugdom of God.
The Lord at once tells the Apostles that they will be brought into
such positions, and demonstrates to them the necessity of such
being their fate, from the whole relation which they are to occupy
towards the world (see Matt. x. 10 — 18). In the course of the
history of the development of the primitive Church, we have
found it sufficiently evident, that the Lord's prophecy of the
tribulations to eorae upon His messengers, through the instru
mentality of the ruling powers of the earth, was soon fiilfiUed.
And, li-om the same course of the Church's development, we
have had occasion to perceive with equal plainness, that the
Lord's promise also, given with a view to these tribiUations, has
been fulfiUed. Unquestionably the most important point in the
development of the primitive Church is this, that the onward
course of the Church does not keep within that Une which was
marked out by the whole past history of Israel, as well as by the
primitive ApostoUc office ; but that, led by the free Spirit of Him
who reigns in heaven, it opens up paths to itself into the world
of the Gentiles and of the isles, without Israel, and without the
Israelitish Apostolic office. And if we ask, now, for the begin
nings of this free tendency resting on the foundation of the eternal
Spirit, we are led into the assembly-hall of the Sanhedrim.

ACTS XXU.— XXUI. 21
It was here where first John and Peter, opposed, to a decree of
this highest court of the people of God, the words : " Judge ye
yourselves, whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken
unto you more than unto God" (iv. 19). It was in the same
place that Peter, with all the other Apostles, began another dis
course with the emphatic sentence : " We ought to obey God
rather than men" (ver. 29). And it was here that Stephen once
stood, and with the glorified face of an angel, and with holy zeal,
spake to the assembled brethren and fathers (-vii. 1) : " Ye stiff-
necked, and uncircumcised in heart and ears, ye do always resist
the Holy Ghost: as your fathers did, so do ye" (vii. 51).
This regardless judgment of the Apostolic men respecting the
position of the Sanhedrim, the supreme court of the people of
God, — this decided rejection of its authority, and their confident
appeal to conscience in opposition to this highest authority,
must be regarded as the germ and first beginnings of that
firm position which the Apostolic leaders of the Church in
Jerusalem know how to maintain in times calling for decision.
It is thereby that a secure background of order resting on the
principle of the spirit and of liberty, is afforded to the de
velopment of the Gentile Churches. This we could not fail
to see when the Gentile congregations in the house of James
were described. And these first rays of light which illuminated
the dark path of the Church through the lands of the isles and
of the Gentiles were sunk, by the Holy Ghost, into the souls of
Apostolic men, just in those moments when they were standing
in their own defence in presence of the rulers of Israel. It was
just at those moments when their whole outward and natural
existence was threatened and shaken to its foundation by the
power of the world, to which external and bodily things are
subject, that the powerr of the Spirit was manifested to them,
as a power resting on itself, requiring nothing, creating and
regulating everything from itself. This illumination of the
Holy Spirit, which manifests itself through the Apostles, in
the very face of the threatening power of the highest Jewish
court, is intimately connected with the whole internal disposition
of these men. There is not the slightest trace of passion in them;
on the contrary, we find everything in them subject to the
guidance and influence of the Spirit ; or, we ought rather to say,

22 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
it was just because they were, to such an extent, guided and
determined by the Spirit in these decisive moments, that the
flesh which, in its whole existence, was attacked by the highest
power of the world, had no ascendancy at all over them. Thus
no disturbance or interruption whatsoever of the illumination of
the Spirit accompanying them could take place, and, therefore,
they could not but utterthat word which corresponded to the exist
ing relation of the Spirit and flesh ; and this word, farther, they
could not faU to utter in the precise form which was required by
the circumstances at the moment. Can we now think ourselves
entitled to suppose an inferior degree of the support of the Holy
Spirit for Paul, for the hour of his defence before the Sanhedrim
of Israel ? The Apostolical vocation of Paul, too, it is true,
takes place, and begins in secret, and is kept back in secret for
a time ; but after the period for the manifestation of the spiritual.
Apostolical dignity has arrived, it breaks forth as plainly and as
brightly as in the case of the other Apostles (see 2 Cor. xii.
12). But the Apostle Paul would evidently here appear to be
forsaken by the Spirit, were we to imagine that, somehow, he
was shaken at the sight of the Sanhedrim, and lost his firmness
and calmness, so that he needed an apology before that assembly.
Or, should we say that the Apostle Paul, as the Apostle of
the Gentiles, was properly not in his place here, but that, like
Peter at Antioch among the Gentiles, he did not here, among
Jews, feel a safe ground, and, as Olshausen expresses himself,
had been brought back to his proper position, only by being re
minded of the word of Scripture, Exod. xxii. 28 ? This analogy
is inadmissible, for this reason, that, from the beginning, St Paul,
in his vocation and office, had a relation to the Sons of Israel (see
ix. 15), and that just the same which he here attempts to advance,
viz., to bring back Israel to their God by pointing to the grace of
God among the Gentiles. We learn it, besides, from the mouth
of Paul himself, that he considered his journey to Jerusalem, and
his stay there, as intimately connected with his Apostolic minis
try (see xix. 21, xx. 22 — 24). But if such be the case, then
everything also which necessarily resulted from this stay raust
be considered as lying within the sphere of his ministry. Fartlier,
— Immediately after Paul's appearance before the Sanhedrim,
Luke reports an express word of the Lord, in which the testi-

ACTS XXU.  XXUI. 23
mony of the Apostle for the Lord at Jerusalem is confirmed
(see xxiu. 11). In the supposition that Paul's disposition and
utterance before the Sanhedrim were disturbed by passion, we
can recognise no other view than one which would be directly
opposed to what, according to the intimations of Scripture, we
know regarding the marks of an Apostle. Or, finally, should
Olshausen's remark that no doctrinal points are here in question,
be able to deliver us from this contradiction ? That might be
sufficient, were we not, by such an assertion, led to a distinction
which has no place whatsoever in the territory of sacred history,
and of Scripture. For, as we have already remarked on a
former occasion, the truth, of which Scripture treats, has not
at all an abstract form. It is neither a doctrine, nor a series
or system of doctrines ; but it appears in a historical form,
and this historical character is essential to it. It is, there
fore, in this territory, altogether inadmissible to make any
such distinction with respect to doctrinal points, as if the extra
ordinary illumination chiefly referred, or was limited to them.
If, then, the state of the case were really such as many inter
preters of ancient and modern times have assumed, viz., that in
the account under consideration, we cannot escape the confession
of a passionate rashness in the conduct of the Apostle, I should
then find no injustice whatever in the claim which the criticism
on this passage makes upon the gratitude of theologians, for its
efforts to remove the difficulties, by proving the account in ques
tion not to be genmne (see Baur, der Apostel Paulus, S. 207).
Upon this occasion, also, it will turn out, however, that the ser-
¦vices offered, by criticism, to theological science are to be dis
pensed with, if only the latter would endeavour to see properly
¦with its own eyes, both the entire state of things under the
existing circumstances, and, more specially, seek properly to
understand, in its details, the communications given in the pas
sage under review.
Luke opens his account by pointing out the steady look of the
Apostle upon the Sanhedrim {aTevicras, ver. 1). Now if, in this,
there had been nothing beyond an ordinary looking on those
around, — which happens as a matter of course, and is to be
expected of every one entering an assembly — Luke would evi
dently not have wasted a word upon it. But since this looking

24 SECT. XXXTI. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
is here, at the commencement of the discourse, pointed out as
significantly as, elsewhere, the opening of the mouth, or the
lifting up of the voice, we must ascertain the nature of it from
the context ; and I do not think that Caiovius finds too much in
Paul's look when he writes ; " This word arei/io-a? expresses the
freedom, courage, and confidence of Paul, the consciousness of
his innocence, his prudence, and cautious circumspection; so that
he suited himself, and his speech and gestures, as it were, to
the senses and ears of his hearers " ('compare also Bengel and
Meyer on this passage). The more that it has been asserted
and maintained, as we have seen, that here the passionate excite
ment of the Apostle appears, the more important must this
remark, impUed in the very first word of our account, appear
to us ; for we may, with perfect certainty, infer fi-om it that we
ought to beUeve in the perfect calmness, collectedness, and firm
ness of the Apostle, on his entrance into the assembly, and in
his first utterance. Luke evidently wishes us to consider the
circumstance that he now begins his defence without waiting for
an express invitation, in connection with this calmness and firm
ness of his look ; for St Paul begins his defence, because, after
having thus calmly and consciously looked upon the assembly,
he is convinced that it is his duty to break silence. But what is
it that leads Paul to this con^viction ? He evidently imagines
the case to stand thus, — that here an occasion is to be afforded
to him of continuing and finishing, before the highest tribunal of
Israel, and in the solemn hall of assembly, that defence of himself
which, on the preceding day, he had commenced publicly, in
presence of the whole people, but which he had not been able to
conclude, in consequence of the violent interruption. Moreover,
he, no doubt, knows that the Tribune, under whose power and
protection he has been placed, procures to him this opportunity ;
inasmuch as he has ordered this meeting of the Sanhedrim for
his own information in this cause (xxii. 30). Finally — As there
is no doubt that Paul at once perceives that the Sanhedrim is
far from having, as to his case, eorae to any clear idea, or to a firm
resolution of taking the trial into their hands, or proceeding in it
at all, — he sees no obstacle to his resuming his yesterday's speech,
and thereby opening the proceedings. The ¦want of form which
j.s implied in his thus commencing, is, hence, by no means the

ACTS XXII. — xxiir. 25
fault of the Apostle, but is simply the consequence of the inde
cision and uncertainty of the Sanhedrim, — an indecision and
uncertainty which, indeed, are quite distinctly manifested in the
farther course of the proceedings. Now, it is quite true that, in
the words : aj/Spe? dSeXcfyoi, the Apostle adopts a mode of address
to the Sanhedrim in which there is very Uttle solemnity ; — that
he does not even address this meeting of elders with the same
respect as he did the previous day's assembly of the people,
where he added val TraTepei to the words avSpe^ dSe\<j)oi. We
cannot, by any means, grant to Meyer, that, in the more solemn
address which would have brought out the feature of subordina
tion, there would have been implied an undue seeking after fa
vour ; for, in that case, this charge could not fail to fall far more
heavily upon St Peter, on account of his address in iv. 8. De
Wette advances the charge of a neglect of form ; but there is no
ground whatsoever for this charge. And there is the less ground
here, that, afterwards (ver. 6), where the Apostle expressly seeks
to conciliate them, he repeats the same address. This latter cir
cumstance leaves no doubt upon our minds, that the Apostle, in
addressing them thus simply, does so intentionally. For, evi
dently, as there were no legal rules regarding the mode of
addressing the Sanhedrim, the Apostles take the liberty of fol
lowing their dispositions, and the impulse of the moment. We
see it to be quite natural, therefore, that when the Sanhedrim in
Jerusalem had, for the first time, to give a judgment upon the
cause of the Gospel, Peter should address the members of it,
convened in a solemn meeting, by their formal, official titles.
But, from this position of fi-eedom, it is as conceivable that, after
wards, when the Sanhedrim permitted might to take the place
of right, Peter, ¦with the other Apostles, should not have used
any form of address at all in their final declaration regarding
their relation to this court, on the subject of their preaching the
Gospel (see ver. 29). Let us now consider that St Paul knows
personaUy the members of the Sanhedrim, firom his former
relation to them, and that he knows them as those who shed the
blood of the faithful witness Stephen, and who afterwards assisted
him, by their official power, in the persecution of the faithful.
Moreover, from the previous day's excitement and hostility of the
whole people, he could not fail to infer that the disposition of the

26 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROBIAN CONSTITUTION.
Sanhedrim was unchanged ; for, had it been otherwise, the
suprerae magistrates in Israel would, and must certainly have
shewn, and put in thorough exercise, their power, during the
tumultuous movement of the people against Paul, on the temple
hill. If then, under these circumstances, Paul contents hiraself
with the general address, he, thereby, of course, does not intend
to deny the fact or the right of the members of the assembly
holding the position of rulers ; but he wishes, thereby, only to
intimate that, at the moment, and in existing circumstances, he
does not, at the very commencement, feel disposed expressly to
acknowledge and declare this position.
If, now, we farther look to the import of the words ¦with which
St Paul here begins his defence, we shall find them to be quite ap
propriate to the circumstances. We at once perceive that Paul
here takes a direction altogether different from that which he
took in his discourse before the multitude. Before them, he
had appealed to the outward facts which marked and determined
his conduct ; here, on the contrary, he is, fi-om the very be
ginning, anxious to represent his internal position and disposition.
On this point, he sums up everything by saying, that in all good
conscience, he had served God until that day (xxUi. 1). On these
words, Grotius remarks : "Now, indeed, according to the words of
Christ, but formerly as much as he could gather from his Pharisaic
teachers. He opposes this to those by whom he was held to be
an ungodly man, and an enemy to God." Calvin and Meyer,
on the contrary, assert that the appeal to his good conscience can
refer to a more recent time only, — to the time after his conversion,
inasmuch as Paul frequently accuses himself on account of former
times. But we must not forget that, even in that passage, where
Paul speaks most unsparingly as to his former condition, he ex
pressly says that he had acted thus in ignorance (see 1 Tim. i.
13 — 15) ; just as, in accordance with this, in his pre^vdous day's
discourse also, he ascribed his persecuting rage against the faith
ful, to zeal for God (see xxii. 3). We are, accordingly, thereby
fully entitled to refer his assertion of a good conscience to the
former period of Paul's life also, if only we understand this refe
rence with that modification suggested by the context, which
Bengel expresses in the foUowing words : " Inasmuch as he had
not thrown off his former good qualities, but had received

ACTS XXII. — XXIU. 27
better ones, the light from his present state was now reflected
upon his previous condition." It is remarked, indeed, that Paul
was not accused for that former conduct ; but a consideration of
it is of great service to him for his defence. He had been accused
of having apostatised from the law, — fi-om the God of his fathers
— from the holy nationality of Israel ; and of having endeavoured
to seduce all Jews also, in every land, to the same apostacy (see
xxi. 21, 28). According to this charge, it would be necessary that
he should have wickedly introduced an irreconcileable separation
and breach into the very soul of his whole life. Paul is, there-
. fore, anxious to shew that this view rests on an iUusion. He grants
that there is the appearance, indeed, of a great contrast betwixt
his former and his present life. Formerly, he hated and perse
cuted to the death the Church of Christ : Now, he seeks to
increase and advance it even at the risk of his life. But this con
trast is not the result of that assumed separation and breach ; for,
considered objectively, it is the God of Israel who has determined
his life, the past as well as the present ; — formerly, by the voice
of Moses, and those who sit in Moses' seat (see Matt, xxiii. 21);
now, by His voice from Heaven before Damascus, by His accredited
servant Ananias in Damascus, and by His appearance in the
sanctuary of Israel. In like manner, in a subjective point of view,
there is no breach nor contradiction, but a continuous line of a
good conscience. As there is no reason for Paul's representing
and confessing, to the present assembly, his forraer conduct,
according to its sinful aspect, he can now, in this place, so much
the better declare the unity and connection of his inner life, of
which, elsewhere too (see Gal. i. 15 ; 1 Tim. i, 16) he is con
scious. Scarcely has St Paul raade this new and important stand in his
defence, when the High Priest Ananias commanded them that
stood by him to smite him on the mouth. This command of the
High Priest has, probably, a twofold signification ; first, the
striking on the mouth is intended to remind the Apostle that, in
the meantime, hehas to listen, instead of speaking; and, secondly,
that by his appealing to his good conscience, he could only have
uttered a falsehood. It may be that the High Priest is sorely
irritated that the hated Paul has, on the ground of existing cir
cumstances, the boldness to open the proceedings ; he feels in

28 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
that a violation of his own dignity. But as he has neglected the
proper moment for taking the initiative, and has thereby induced
the Apostle to begin his speech, he ought now to have kept
silence, and not to have interrupted Paul in the discourse which
he had commenced. This, notwithstanding aU their rage and
excitement, must have been the opinion of the assembly also ; for
we do not find that, after this outbreak of wrath on the part of
the High Priest, Paul is deprived of his opportunity of speaking.
On the contrary, at the second act of the proceedings, Paul again
takes the initiative (ver. 6). We may well suppose, moreover,
that, instead of quietly listening to the assertion brought forward
by Paul, and allowing himself to be thereby instructed upon the
point in dispute, the High Priest, occupying the inaccessible
position of merely external order, was not able to discern anything
else than a vain, or even a hypocritical phrase, in the appeal of
apostate Paul to his conscience.
As it is not stated that those who were standing nearest to
Paul immediately carried i out this command ofthe High Priest,
which evidently proceeded from passion, we may suppose that,
on account of what intervenes, the execution has not taken
place at all. For, after hearing this order of the High Priest,
Paul says : " God shall smite thee, thou whited wall" (ver. 3).
Now, this is the expression in which some would discover an
excess of passion on the part of the Apostle also. But the form
in which this expression of the Apostle appears is as well founded
as it is complete ; and this, in itself, militates against the sup
position of an excess of passion. For the imprecation and
announcement of the judgment of Divine retribution are based
upon the designation of the High Priest as a whited wall
— a designation by which the internal opposition between the
appearance and the essential nature is pointed out as the cause
of the impending Di^vdne judgment. And in an explanatory
clause (ver. 3), Paul distinctly adds and expresses what he
really understands by this internal opposition. But, after the
strong expression against the High Priest is thus far established
and proved, Paul is silent. Now, is there any one who, over
come by passion, has ever expressed himself concerning the real
cause with so clear a consciousness, and in a manner so sharply
defined 1 The expression of the Apostle, it is true, is under-

ACTS XXII.  XXUI. 29
stood by those present as a reviling of the High Priest (ver. 4) ;
and Paul also has nothing to object against this interpretation
of his words ; for, indirectly, he grants that that which he had
said must be regarded as a «:««:&)<; Xeyetv (ver. 5). Paul, then,
even refuses to allow that the circumstance of his having used,
in his hard speech, the form of announcement (/xeXXet), and not
that of a wish, should be advanced in his favour. And, indeed,
this difference does not constitute any essential distinction ; for
if Paul announces this as a Divine deed, and points out, more
over, a connection, and an essential necessity for such a Divine
deed, it is a matter of course, that he says his yea and amen
to such Divine deed. He does not, indeed, give expression to
that ; but this very circumstance may be, to us, an external
indication that he is perfectly calm and composed. We can, of
course, not be for a moment surprised that those present dis
cover, in these words of the Apostle, a great sin against the
High Priest, whom they call, in the full sense of the word, and
with full consciousness, the man ordained by God : tov dpj(^tepea
TOV Qeov (ver. 4). They reprove Paul, therefore, for his severe
rebuke of the High Priest ; and this induces Paul to declare
himself still more distinctly regarding his position with respect
to Ananias ; whilst Luke, by communicating to us the Apos
tle's defence of his address to the High Priest, has enabled
us fuUy to understand and weigh the importance of the present
moment. Paul's declaration : " I wist not, brethren, that he
was the High Priest ; for it is is written. Thou shalt not speak
evU of the ruler of thy people, " places us on that high ground
from which we can perceive the bearing of the Apostle's conduct,
under the present circumstances, upon the development of the
Church. But we have already been frequently compeUed to
notice that interpreters are wont to be rather negligent and
superficial in their views and explanations of those critical and
decisive periods in the history and progress of the Church, which
are stated by Luke ; and hence, we shaU not be surprised, if, in
this place also, the interpretation given by them of the decisive
period in question, should not be very successful. It is singular
to observe how very much interpreters are at a loss, and wan
dering hither and thither, and that, up to the present day,
they are far from arriving at a satisfactory solution ; which

30 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
may be an indication to us that an important period in the
course of the Church's history is here in question, and that the
reason why they have not been able to come to a right decision
here, is not to be sought for in their views of this or that particu
lar point, but in the want of a right point of -view generally. I am,
therefore, of opinion that it must recommend our view, if we can
prove that the proper point from which to regard the passage
under consideration, is, as it were, spontaneously suggested by
attending to the fundamental thought which pervades this book,
and which has hitherto appeared as such.
We must bear in mind that it is the last stretching forth of the
merciful hand of God to His lost people, — to His city, gone astray
and laden with guilt, which we have to recognize in the present
stay of the Apostle Paul at Jerusalem, and in all which is in
separably connected with it, viz., in the testimony which, by his
word, he has borne regarding his ministry in the islands of the
Gentiles, and in that which he represents and declares, by his
companions, and by the gifts from the Gentile congregations,
which they offered, and which were destined for the Jewish
lirethren in the faith dwelling at Jerusalem. If this be kept in
view, it then follows necessarily that, in the same measure as this
last stretching forth of the merciful hand of the God of Israel is
refused by Israel, the severity and ¦wrath of God will manifest
themselves. And since we have to consider Paul, the Apostle of
the Gentiles, as he who has to proclaim and transfer the Di^vine
mercy, it must also be his office to point out the judgment of
Divine wrath. In this fearful darkness which is gathering over,
Jerusalem, there is only one ray of light, viz., the faith which
overcomes everything, the fire-tried gold of the faith of the small
body of the elect who have gathered around James and the elders
at Jerusalem, and who hold as firmly by Jesus, the Christ, as
they do by Moses, the servant of Jehovah. It is by this Uttle
flock of faithful servants of God, that the true Israel is repre
sented. It is they who recognize and praise the work of God
among the GentUes, and offer up sacrifices to the Lord out of the
gifts of the Gentiles ; and, hence, it is James and his elders who
appear as the true and spiritual centre, around which the whole
people ought to have gathered and moved. But so much the
more striking is the contrast offered by the conduct of those who

ACTS XXII. — XXIII. 31
by their birth and office, were called to rule and to represent in
Jerusalem the people of Israel. WhUe the former praise God for
that which He has done through Paul, and honour Paul himself,
the latter see, in the Apostle, an apostate and a seducer, and are
anxious, by every weapon of cunning and force, to deliver him up
to death. In these two contrasts, the present position of Israel
is most plainly manifested. Can we then wonder that, in the
position which Paul occupies tovs'ards them, the Divine judgment,
too, should likewise unequivocally manifest itself. In that meet
ing in the house of James, St Paul humbles himself so much that
he even gives up his peculiar position of holding up the liberty of
Christ in opposition to the law of Moses, and returns to the
exercise of the strictest legal obedience. The liberty of the
Spirit has now obtained in the world its full rights, and its inde
pendence, since it has been acknowledged by the true represen
tatives of Israel at Jerusalem. The Apostle of this liberty may,
therefore, now consider his duty as fulfiUed, and may return
again to the unchangeable law of liberty (see James ii. 12). By
this proceeding, the final caUing of Israel, and the reception of
the Gentiles into the law and nationality of Israel, have been
distinctly recognised. But there is implied in this the necessity
that Paul should as distinctly come out, and manifest himself in
the presence of the reverse of this spiritual Sanhedrim, viz., in
presence of Ananias and of his elders. He entered into the
house of James, accompanied by the Gentiles who were converted
to God, and brought, along with them, gifts which were destined
for Israel ; but into the hall of Ananias he comes accompanied by
the Roman Tribune and his soldiers (see ver. 10.) While, in
the former place, he represents the subordination of his own
Apostolic office in the Gentile congregations to the eternal
Divine law and ordinances of Israel, he shows here the power
which God commands against apostate and unbelieving Israel,
and the law and ordinances of the world, which are to take the
place of the law and ordinances of God.
This point of view naturally suggests itself by considering the
existing circumstances in the light, and from the hints given in
the book itself; and it is firom this point of view that we must ex
plain the conduct of St Paul before the Sanhedrim, and especially
the words just quoted, and which have been interpreted in such

32 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BV ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
various ways. That which is first of all requisite, is to refute
and to reject all the inadmissible expositions of these words. It
has been attempted to render it somewhow probable that the
hard words of Paul were not directed against the real High
Priest ; inasmuch as such and such circumstances had been
wanting to constitute the office and dignity of a real High
Priest ; so that Paul might, with full right, have declared that,
to his knowledge, Ananias was not in the due possession of
the office and dignity of a High Priest. Thus Grotius is of
opinion that Paul did not acknowledge Ananias as the High
Priest, for this reason, that Ananias had procured this dignity to
himself for money ; and he (Paul) knew, that, according to the
principles of the scribes, such an official was no more to be
recognized than an idol. Lightfoot and CapeUus are of opinion
that Ananias was not the real High Priest, but only his sub
stitute, and that Paul could therefore well say, that his words
were not aimed at the real High Priest ; inasmuch as he could
not, by any possibility, have known that he who was only the
substitute should be regarded and treated as the real High
Priest, — as he was now told. For aU these sophistical evasions
and excuses are completely set aside by the designation which
Luke himself gives to Ananias from the beginning (ver. 2). By
introducing Ananias simply as the High-Priest, Luke distinctly
intimates that, as regards the subsequent proceedings, we should
not conceive of Ananias in any other light. Others have thought
that Paul had not perceived that the command to smite him had
proceeded from the High Priest ; and, therefore, did not know
that the announcement of retribution would fall upon the High
Priest. But the main point here concerns not the person fi-omr
whom the command proceeded, but the individual to whom
the threatening word referred ; and upon this point, Luke
expressly says that Paul, with this address, turned towards
Ananias (ver. 8). Some also have referred to the circumstance,
that, owing to his long absence from Jerusalem, Paul did not
know who, at that time, was High Priest. But it has been
properly repUed to this argument, that Paul, being, moreover, a
scribe, must, in the raeeting of the Sanhedrim, have at once
recognized the High Priest by his place and deportment. More
over, in the main question, no change is made by the circum-

ACTS X.\U. — XXIII. 33
stance as to whether Paul, by his speech, hit the High Priest, or
some other member ofthe Sanhedrim; for he was, at all events,
a ruler of the people, and Paul himself also supposes this in his
words in ver. 3.
Now, as it is thus quite impossible to alter, or to explain away,
the sense of this one part of the clause : oTi iariv dp-)(^bepev^, a
similar attempt has been made with the other two words : ovk
fjSeiv. Many interpreters would understand these words as
expressive of the want of proper recoUection ; so that Paul would
thus confess his conduct to have been hasty. But it has been
rightly objected to this view, that ouk yBetv could not have such
a signification ; and this has been perceived even by Neander,
who formerly approved of this interpretation, although he is
thereby compeUed to confess that " Paul, in the momentary em
barrassment, repented of his excitement, and was only seeking
for an excuse." We should have expected to see here the Apostle
endowed ¦with the Holy Spirit, in the high and holy dignity of a
prophet of God ; but, if the account before us be thus understood,
St Paul, in the presence of the Jewish Sanhedrim, and of the Ro
man Tribune, sinks down to the position of passionate excite
ment, repentance, embarrassment, and falsehood !
In the exposition of the passage before us, interpreters have
arrived at such results — partly barren, partly pernicious — only
because they have not had the courage boldly to look the
Apostle's words in the face, and to take them simply as they
stand. This simple sense, indeed, has not escaped many inter
preters ; and it is only to be regretted that, by not paying atten
tion to the context, they have neglected to give to their ¦view
the right emphasis, as weU as the right measure of application.
The natural meaning of the Apostle's words in question is most
simply expressed by Lorinus in the following sentence : " I did
not know that he was the High Priest, for, according to his furi
ous mode of speaking, he seems to be, not the High Priest, but
a tyrant." For, in the mouth of Paul, a disciple of Gamaliel,
a former delegate of the Sanhedrim, the declaration, that he did
not know that Ananias was the High Priest, appears utterly
absurd and altogether out ofthe question, if these words be under
stood literaUy ; while, by such a contrariety between the sound
and the sense of the words, everythinking man would necessarily
VOL. III. c

34 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BT ROMAN CONSTITCTION.
be led to conclude that some other sense lay hidden beneath the
expression. The quotation ofthe passage of Scripture, moreover,
serves the more clearly to call to mind.this intended sense. For
this passage shows that Paul is fully conscious of the Divine posi
tion and sanction of the High Priest. It shows that just the
contrary of what many interpreters suppose, is expressed in the
words under consideration, viz., that Paul, at the moment, fully
acknowledged, and valued according to its Scriptural position the
high official standing of the Sanhedrim, and especially of its
head. But, according to this view, it would appear that the
ground of Paul's threat against the High Priest was not that he
had forgotten the office on account of the person, as it is often
said, but that the reverse was the case ; and that it was just the
serious consideration of the high importance of the office which
formed the foundation of those threatening words. And do not
the threatening words themselves, indeed, lead us to the same
view ? The address : " Thou whited wall, " evidently rests on
his acknowledging the dignity of the High Priest ; for since,
according to this expression, that which alone is bright and
glorious in Ananias lies entirely on the surface, it must just be
that glory which is reflected upon him as the bearer of the Divine
office. And in the passage adduced as proof, the Apostle ex
pressly declares that this is his opinion ; for, in that passage, he
declares the sitting to judge according to the law to be that
which is glorious in the High Priest. Surely this raust remind
us of the similar declaration of our Lord, in which He calls the
Pharisees and Scribes, "whited sepulchres" (see Matt, xxiii.
27), while He had pointed out the incomparably high position and
dignity with which the Pharisees and Scribes were invested, as
the beginning and end of all His grave charges, and of the woes
which He had pronounced upon thera (see Matt, xxiii. 1). We
learn fi-om this, that it is not the office which protects the person
— as is commonly, without making any farther distinction, be
lieved — but just the reverse ; that the more the office is holy and
divine, the more stern and regardless it is in exposing the person
to judgment. ¦ But in like manner as, in the threatening words,
the consciousness of the glory of the office of the High Priest
forms the background, so the consciousness of the sacredness of
this office forms the foundation in the words ovk rjBeiv. It is just

ACTS XXII.  XXIU. 35
because Paul has so high an opinion of the justice and moral
elevation and independence of a High Priest, that he has not been
able to recognise the High Priest in Ananias, and that because
of the passionate and illegal manner in which he acted. Ever
since the time of Calvin — who refers to Augustine — down to that
of Meyer, this sense of the words has been commonly called
ironical. Although I cannot deny the use of irony (for it is
undeniable that this mode of speaking is found with Paul, and
that, too, in a connection altogether serious e.g., 2 Cor. xii. 13),
with Caiovius, who considers such a view as inconsiderate and
Jesuitical ; or with Baur and Zeller, who would find in it some
thing unbecoming the dignity of the Apostle ; yet I believe that
this designation is not fitly chosen for the passage before us, inas
much as Paul has here so arranged his words, that no reasonable
man would ever think of understanding the expression ovk
fjSeiv literaUy ; and that there does not, therefore, exist the slight
est ambiguity.
We thus really find here what, according to the progress of the
development, we were entitled to expect, i.e., the perfecting of
that principle which came out at the first conflicts of the Apo.s-
tles with the Jewish authorities, viz., that even the highest
authorities on earth — the assembly sitting in the seat of Moses —
must always be judged according to the living word of God ; and
must be viewed and treated in its human character only, where
soever it stands in opposition to those rules which have been laid
down for it in the word of God. We here find this principle
fuUy developed ; for the security — one might almost say the
dexterous manner — with which Paul here makes use of it, pre
supposes the most complete and long attained appropriation of
this principle. It cannot, it is true, be every man's business, nor
can it be deemed appropriate and admissible, in all places and at
aU times, to maintain this principle against the temporary holders
of secular power and authority. But Paul we have learned to
regard as the present bearer of God's message to .Jerusalem and
Israel. In the same manner as the Psalmists, because they were
furnished with the Divine office and commission, were entitled
and compelled to speak, in the Spirit, words of threatening and
cursing — a thing not permitted to others in a different position —
(see J, A, Cramer, Einleitungin die Psalmen, S. 118 — 123, new
2c

36 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
edition) ; so St Paul, also, bears a dignity which could be laid only
on his shoulders. And the circumstances of time and place were,
as we have seen, as extraordinary. It is true, that, on the other
hand, also, it must be kept in ¦view that the effect of the principle
pointed out can never be so thorough-going as it was in the case
before us. For here it comes into contact with the bearer of the
highest authority which can be imagined on earth, and of which
the Lord himself had, shortly before His death, said to His Apos
tles " AU, therefore, whatsoever they bid you observe, that observe,
and do" (see Matt, xxiii. 3). Although, therefore, it cannot
possibly be the business of every man, nor of every place, nor of
every time, to subject to the judgment of the word of God those
who sit in Moses' seat, yet there are inferior seats, which are also
invested with Divine authority ; and in reference to these, it may,
perhaps, be permitted to some one, in the proper place and at the
proper time, to bring to a trying comparison the Di^vine dignity
of those seats, with those who sit on them, and to express, with
out reserve, and ¦with the fullest confidence, the result of that
comparison. Notwithstanding the altogether peculiar position in
which we here find the Apostle Paul, we must give our assent
to the view of Williger (see Bibelstunden der Apostelgeschichte,
ii. S. 633, 634), who endeavours to represent the conduct of the
Apostle as establishing a rule of more extended application, inas
much as, just like Paul in the passage before us, " elsewhere, also,
the men of God before their superiors, prove, notwithstanding
all their humble submission to them, that God has appointed them
judges of the injustice of their judges." The applicability of this
principle depends, of course, upon the existence of conditions
similar to those in the case before us ; but whether this principle
be applicable or not, it is, at all events, necessary for understand
ing and weighing the fact in question ; and it must not be over
looked for the sake of the connection of our book and history,
that by this fact, forming, as it does, a most important incident
in the course of events, the principle has been firmly and incon
trovertibly established that there is a difference betwixt person
and ofiice, and that, possibly, the office may be opposed to the
person. In this conduct of the Apostle, we have thus a supple
mentary declaration regarding his doctrine with respect to civil
magistrates (Rora. xiii. 1 — 9). But the simple and natural in-

ACTS XXII.  XXUI. ;)7
terpretation of the passage under consideration has been chiefly
prevented by just the circumstance that, from the passage in
Romans, men have got into the habit of looking at the one aspect
only, which countenances the authority of the, magistrate over the
self-will and caprice ofthe indi-vidual, but of overlooking the other
aspect, which is as undeniably contained in it, namely, that
which countenances the right ofthe individual in opposition to the
magistrate. For it is quite common to attempt to interpret that
passage as bearing out only the view that the civil powers, being
di^vinely instituted and unassailable, are protected and upheld
against all insubordination and ungodly rebellion whatsoever.
But in doing so, one is apt to commit the mistake of simply iden
tifying the concrete forms of ci^vil power, against which alone the
attacks of revolution are directed, with the civil powers them
selves, — the holders of the office of magistrate, with the office
itself. Paul, indeed, speaks also of the really existing magistrates ;
but always in such a manner that he strives fully to bring out,
and to impress the mind with their idea (compare Tholuck in his
Comment, on Romans, S. 648). And not only that which Paul
saw in Corinth, but, still more, the fact which we are now con
sidering in its historical connection, shows us what good ground
the Apostle had, in his experience, for seeing and declaring that,
notwithstanding the extensive disorders and disturbances in the
Roman empire, this idea of the authority of the civil powers
existed and was realized in the Roman magistrates. Dorner
deserves credit for having directed attention to the fact that, in
that passage, Paul, by using the striking word i^ovala, intimates
with sufficient plainness that he did not so much speak of persons
as of ordinances (see Verhandlungen des StuttgarterKirchentages,
i. 34 : comp. also Nagelsbach, Was ist Christlich, S. 41 — 45).
Indeed, the two passages quoted are connected with each other,
as the two modes supplementing each other, which Paul adopts
for bringing out the authority of powers, — the one viewing it
firom the side of the Jewish world ; the other, from that of the
Gentile world. This idea of powers, when applied to the Gentile
world, finds offices and ordinances in existence, in which the
original institution of God is still to be clearly recognized ; and
hence St Paul commends submission to every soul. But this idea
of powers when applied to the Jewish world, shows that the

38 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
highest office-bearers have completely apostatized from theDivine
ordinance ; and hence St Paul, as a prophet, announces the un
avoidable judgment of God upon the head ofthe organism which
has come into deadly confiict with itselfi
But, of course, as the appUcation of the idea of the authority
of powers to the bearers of the Roman law and ordinances, was so
understood that, thereby, the persons, as such, were placed under
the protection of the office, it could not but appear strange that
Paul here brings forward the office as a witness against, andean
accuser ofthe person. It is very instructive, and affords as much
an illustration of, as a support to, our view of this point in the
course of events, that Luther who, in reference to the power of ma
gistrates, occupied a position simUar to that of Paul, has shared
the same fate as regards the interpretation of his doctrine upon
this subject. The foUowing passage from Luther places this ana
logy, as regards the point in question, in the clearest Ught : " All
this I speak ofthe nature of things here on earth, namely, that law
and judge, res and^ersorea, should not be regarded as identical, but
should be distinguished, and not be confounded with each other ;
so that we should not see and pay attention to what the judge
does, but to what the law does, just as the heathen Seneca also
says : ' non quis sed quid dicatur attende.' And the whole of
Holy Writ forbids us to regard a person. They have learned it
from our books that magistrates and superiors should be honoured.
That they thus understand, that they should honour what the
person Heinz^ does, while we have only spoken of, and under
stood office and law; and in proof of it, have also strongly
reproved many princes and lords that they do not discharge the
duty of their office. But they mix it all up so horribly, and
imagine that every thing which a person wills and thinks is the
work of the magistrate or office. But against such an opinion
there are, and there come forward the ten commandments of God,
which demand submission, not only firom emperors and Idngs,
but also from prophets, apostles, and every creature, and com
pel them to do what is right, and do not allow them to do
' A German proper name, of pretty frequent occurrence ; but, in col
loquial and easy style, used also, especiaUy when connected with Kunz,
to denote a stupid, uneducated, and boorish person. Luther, in his
polemical writinga, often so designates Henrj' 'VIII. of England. — Tr.

ACTS XXII. — XXUI. 39
what, individually, tliey would desire. Blessed God! how is
it possible that the world should still be so blind, after such
Ught has been so richly revealed by the Catechism. What is
the use of all our preaching, if they will not, or cannot yet
understand this doctrine, — if that is to be regarded as right
which the person who holds the office wills and does 1 If such is
to be the case, then all is lost ; then Heinzes and devils only rule ;
and God and His law are despised, dead, and nothing. Turn as
you may, you must in the end yet come to the law ; the person
¦will be of no use to you, if the law condemn you, even though
you should have a hundred thousand emperors and popes on
your side" (see Werke, 17, 1722 — 1724; comp. HauspostUle S.
158, 159, new edition).
In conclusion, I would only direct attention to the fact, that
our -view may certainly be somewhat commended by the circum
stance, that it is just this view of the passage under consideration
which can stand the test which Baur insists upon in this passage,
in order to raise an insurmountable difficulty in the way of the
theological interpretation. Baur thus writes : " If the letter be
of such importance ; if, therefore, it be unquestionable that the
Apostle has really conducted himself in such a manner ; and, far
ther, if it must be regarded as established — at least if there be con
sistency — that the Apostles, as the most immediate organs of the
Holy Spirit, must, in every respect, be an infallible authority ; —
then the conduct of an Apostle should not be found fault with, and
corrected after one's own human, moral notions ; but we should
rather allow our own moral notions to be corrected by the con
duct of the Apostle " (see der Apostel Paulus, S. 207. Anmerk.).
We believe, however, that the exposition of the passage in ques
tion which we have attempted has fully answered this most severe
test. The fine and striking manner in which St Paul, by bringing
forward the idea of the High Priest, had, by his reproof, hit the
present representative of this idea, evidently produced in the
whole assembly a still greater amount of embarrassment and
confiision than we had seen in it at the commencement. But
Paul has clearly perceived, that in the way first entered upon,
(see ver. 1), he could not attain his object. The Apostle, there
fore, adopts a different course, in order to advance his cause

40 Sl'XT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
before the assembly. He avails himself of the division existing
between the two well-known Jewish parties — a division which
had entered into the highest court for the administration of all
Jewish affairs — in order to represent his cause from a different
point of view. With respect to the words which Paul cried out in
the Council: "lam a Pharisee, the son of a Pharisee: on account
of the hope and resurrection ofthe dead I am called in question,"
it is necessary first of all, to examine how far the charges of the
critics are true, that these statements do not agree with the real
facts of the case (see Schneckenburger, Zweck der Apostelgesch.
S. 145_146 ; Baur, der Apostel Paulus, S. 203—6 ; ZeUer,
1. c. S. 565, 566). Zeller even fixes upon the words : " I am a
Pharisee," remarking that Paul had been a Pharisee ; but that
it was a falsehood on his part to say that he was a Pharisee still.
But it clearly appears fi-om the context, that Pharisaism is here
brought forward merely as a contrast to Sadduceeism ; and in
this respect, the Pharisees are they, who strictly, rigorously, and
zealously adhere to the law and the prophets — to the whole Old
Testament writings of God. For, although the Sadducees did
not reject the prophets, — as has often been, ¦without sufficient
reason, asserted (see Winer, Bibl. Realworterb. U. 353) — yet, as
regards legal justice and holiness, they were far less strict and
careful (see Winer, 1. c. S. 354) ; whilst the Pharisees were
always well instructed in the Scriptures, and, therefore, enjoyed
special reputation as a party who were well pleasing to God on
account of their piety (see Joseph. Antiq. xvii. 2, 4). "^Vhy,
then, should Paul, who likewise designates the manner ofthe
Pharisees as the strictest in reference to legal observance, and
the worship of God (see xxii. 3, xxvi. 5) ; who was filled with
an unlimited reverence for, and devotion to, the law, which, as
we have already remarked, remained unchangeably the same,
although, outwardly, it had sometimes to give way;— why should
he not have been aUowed stiU to call himself a Pharisee, especi
ally for the purpose of thereby distinguishing himself from the
more lax Sadducees 1
" But how could Paul venture," we ai-e stUl farther asked,
" thus to cover over the real point in dispute, by saying that he
was accused for the hope and resurrection of the dead ?" " Inas
much as, by these words, he could allude to the resurrection of

ACTS XXII. — XXUI. 41
Jesus only, this was — so Baur thinks — after all, a distinct and
separate question, and had nothing to do with the general belief
in a resurrection. The point of dispute existing betwixt Paul and
the Pharisees was thus evaded and set aside, in an insincere
way. For the resurrection of Jesus might be denied without
prejudice to the belief in a resurrection in general" (seel. c. S. 203).
But does he who writes thus, and who makes such assertions, not
remember the important discussion of Paul with those in Corinth
who denied the resurrection 1 Has he then altogether forgotten
that Paul, in that discussion, makes all resurrection depend upon
the resurrection of Christ, and hence treats the Sadduceean denial
ofthe resurrection as a direct attack upon the belief in the resur
rection of Jesus, and, therefore, as wholly destructive of the
believer's assurance of salvation ? From 1 Cor. xv. it distinctly
appears, that this assertion of Baur is directly opposed to the
Apostle's whole mode of thinking, and, hence, must be altogether
¦wrong in this context also. It follows, farther, from those dis
cussions of St Paul, that, in the mouth of the Apostle, it bears a
very good sense to say that the point at issue was the hope of
the resurrection of the dead. For it is only where this hope
exists, that the belief in the resurrection of Christ has any foun
dation, as Paul shows in 1 Cor. xv. ; and, as he proves farther in
that chapter, the resurrection of Jesus is that fact which seals
the completion of the work of salvation. Frora this mode of
thinking and reasoning on the part of Paul, we can fully under
stand how it was that he came to use this expression, and to
raake this assertion ; especially if he was desirous so to mark the
question in dispute, as to point to the contrast between these two
existing sects in their relation to the faith of Jesus. We thus
obtain the con-viction that Paul carries throtigh his regard to the
position of the parties in the Sanhedrim, without, in the least
degree, detracting from truth and sincerity.
But traces of intentional fiction are found not only in that
which is assigned to St Paul, but also in that which is reported
about the ensuing dissension among the members of the San
hedrim. It is thought to be impossible that, after this declaration
of the Apostle, the Pharisees should have interested themselves
so much for him, that, as is here declared, they take his part
against the Sadducees, and even grant the posfsibiUty of the

42 SECT. XXXU. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
appearance of Jesus, of which Paul had, on the preceding day,
spoken in presence of the whole people (see Schneckenburger,
1. c. S. 144 ; Baur, I. c. S. 206 ; Zeller, 1. c. S. 565). But there
is nothing improbable or inconceivable in all this, if only we do
not so enlarge this account, and carry it beyond measure, as e.g,
Olshausen does, who thinks that he can here find a proof for the
assertion " that the general acknowledgment of Jesus as the
Messiah, on the part of the whole Je-wish people, was vei-y near
at hand;" — of which, however, nothing is to be found in this
passage, when we consider it calmly and quietly. We must
only, above all, keep in mind that St Luke does not here speak of
an abiding disposition and conviction of the Pharisees -with
regard to Paul. By his later accounts, he has himself surely
warned us sufficiently, that, in the expressions here uttered, we
should not see anything beyond a sudden excitement and ebulli
tion of mind, — just such as the circumstances would lead us to
expect. It has been objected, indeed, that parties who had, for so
long a time, been Uving and connected with each other, as had the
Pharisees and Sadducees, must long ago have been so smoothed
down as not to" get into a violent dispute, upon every occasion,
regarding the points of difference between them (see Baur, 1. c.
S. 204). But, in maldng this assertion, the circumstance is
overlooked that the parties do not here get into a dispute about
the resurrection and angels, but about the Apostle Paul. But
how could the Pharisees, it may be asked, so far forget their
opposition to Paul's ministry among the Gentiles, as to take his
part so zealously against the Sadducees ? We must here take
into consideration the momentary embarrassment and confiision
into which Paul's confidence and superiority had just thrown the
whole Sanhedrim. The more that the members of the San
hedrim were ashamed, and, in this state, had to face Paul and
the Tribune, the more readily might some new phase of the
matter lay hold of their minds, and carry them beyond the usual
limits ; and the declaration of the Apostle : " I am a Pharisee,
. . . for the hope and resurrection of the dead I am called in
question," was quite suited to make, at the moment, an impression
which could not be expected at another tirae. The Pharisees
laid hold of Paul's declaration, confidently uttered, — a declaration
which, after all, had a convincing ground to rest upon in his

ACTS XXII.  XXIU. 43
former conduct, as well as in his having but lately submitted to
the law of the Nazarites ; and they laid hold upon it with a party-
interest all the stronger that they, thereby, found an opportunity
of escaping from their painful embarrassment, and of taking up,
at the same time, a definite position which exactly expressed the
ground occupied by their sect, with reference to the question
under consideration.
After we have thus endeavoured to vindicate Luke's account
of the second stage of the proceedings before the Sanhedrim in
the case of Paul, against the attacks made upon it, and the
suspicions raised against it by criticism, there still remains the
question : — What was it which Paul intended to accompUsh by
the surprising turn which he gives to the whole cause? The
introduction which Luke gives in the words : " But when Paul
perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other Phari
sees," unquestionably suggests the idea that Paul intends to pay
a prudent regard to the position of the parties within the
Sanhedrim. The declaration of the Lord himself in Matt. x.
16 shows that such prudence, provided there be no encroach
ment upon the truth, is not only permitted, but is even demanded,
by the spirit of Christ. For this reason, then, we are not
entitled to say that this turn was merely human prudence, or
" cunning," as ZeUer expresses it, in which the Holy Ghost had
no share ; but, on the contrary, like as the zeal against the High
Priest is wrought by the Spirit, so, also, is the prudent calcula
tion upon the party interest of the Pharisees. The case stands
just as Hofman says : " Is that which Paul cried out in the
Council a divine word, or a word of prudence ? We answer. It
is both ; the Spirit teaches him the prudent speech" (see Weissag.
und ErfiiUg. i. 29). But if this supposition be correct, it is not
only necessary to protect the speech of Paul firom the suspicion
of falsehood, as we have done, but also to assign, to the whole
turn, some purpose worthy of God. But it cannot be called a
purpose worthy of God, if, as Meyer supposes, the sole object of
the Apostle was " to inflame the party interest, and thereby to
interest the greater party in his own behalf." This, it is true, is
the most obvious purpose which Paul must have had in view in
giving this new turn to affairs ; but he would sink down fi-om
the lofty and dignified position which he occupies at this place,

44 SECT. XXXII. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.

if he were not to take a much larger view. Where, and when,
has Paul ever regarded and brought forward his own person as
the ultimate and final object? Is he not always, and every
where, ready to yield up his own person for the service and glory
of God ? We cannot, therefore, do otherwise than keep in mind
the same high aim of the Apostle in this wisely-planned speech
also. We must regard the step here taken by Paul as another
and last attempt to bring over the Sanhedrim to a position more
favourable to the cause of the Gospel. For this purpose, he
looks about for a point of contact, as yet left untouched by
hatred and wickedness ; and such appears to him to exist in that
which, originally, it had in common with Pharisaism, and which
it still had, if correctly understood. Paul imagines it to be
possible, that, by awakening the consciousness of this communion
betwixt him, the Apostle, and the Pharisaic members of the
Sanhedrim, an inward crisis might be the result ; inasmuch as
the Pharisees would thereby not only feel themselves induced to
separate themselves irom the unbelieving Sadducees, but also to
give to their adherence to the law under all circumstances the
necessary consistency for the inner and outer Ufe ; just as such
a purified Pharisaism was represented in the Ufe of James the
just. It could not well escape Paul that, for the attainment of
his holy purpose, he was caUing up an aUy of a very doubtful
character ; but it is as easy to see that, by this turn alone, it was
possible to come to an understanding : and, for this reason, the
wisdom of the Apostle, which, as we have seen, is not by any
means to the prejudice of harmlessness, must be recognised and
lauded as a holy one. And although the Pharisees do not
abandon their mere party interest, and hence adopt, only super
ficially, the point in dispute which Paul advanced, yet this is
to be ascribed, not to the wisdom of the Apostle united with the
harmlessness of the dove, but, exclusively, to their deep-rooted
perverseness. But although the wisdom displayed by Paul in his speech for
a moment obtains that success which he had, in the first instance,
intended, it has, nevertheless, very little influence in securing
the real object at which he aimed. This is palpably manifested
by the circumstance, that even the passionate defence and pro
tection afforded him by the sect of the Pharisees does not even

ACTS XXII. — XXIII. 45
avert personal danger from him. On the contrary, it rather
brings Paul's Ufe into e^ddent danger. For after the great cry
(ver. 9), there foUows a great uproar (ttoXX^ ardai<;, ver. 10) in
the assembly; so that the Tribune becomes afraid lest Paul
should be puUed in pieces by them. To explain this tumultuous
scene, Meyer says : " Let us only imagine that each of the two
furious parties seizes Paul, for the purpose of keeping him in
their hands ; the one, in order to protect him, — the other, to
secure him as the object of their fury.
Such, then, is the issue of this memorable assembly of the
Sanhedrim on the temple-hill, and of this contact of the Apostle
Paul with them. The commencement was a passionate out--
break of the High Priest against the Apostle of Christ ; and
the issue, a complete dissolution of the assembly into a per
fect tumult which brought the Apostle into danger of death.
How significant, yea, how necessary, is this self-destruction of
the highest and most perfect earthly organ of the power of
the magistrate, when contrasted with the announcement of
the Divine sentence and judgment by the word of the Apostle !
And, on the other hand, how instructive, as to the farther
course of the development, is the interference of the Roman
Tribune just at the moment of the complete dissolution of the
Israelitish Sanhedrim ! After the Sanhedrim has thus pre
cipitately fallen fi:om the position assigned to it by Diviiie
appointment, it may rend itself in pieces ; for nothing can
remain for it but waiting for the fire of Divine wrath. But
while the Sanhedrim is thus judging and condemning itself,
there is, in the midst of it, the man who is the instrument of
God's present will and work among Jews and Gentiles. He
must not, by any means, be allowed to perish, or be endangered
in this crisis of the Sanhedrim. And in the moment of danger,
the Roman Tribune, who commanded his soldiers to come down
fi-om the -Castle of Antonia, interferes in this uproar of the
Council, saves Paul out of the midst of the Sanhedrim where
his life was in danger, and brings him within the precincts of the
Roman camp where his life is secure (ver. 10). Thus, in the
same moment that the Sanhedrim, as the head of the Israelitish
constitution, seems to be delivered up to the e^rident judgment
of God, the constitution of the Roman erapire, whose instru-

46 SECT. XXXU. PAUL PROTECTED BY ROMAN CONSTITUTION.
ment we must acknowledge the Roman Tribune, with his soldiers,
to be, is appointed and sanctioned as that organization which
God wiU employ for the farther progress of His kingdom on earth.
The real appearance and comforting address of the Lord to
the Apostle Paul (ver. 11) exactly corresponds to the great
crisis in the relations of the world which had taken place
on the preceding day. In a comforting word, the Lord con
firms to Paul what he had formerly, at Ephesus, felt to be
essentially necessary, viz., that his journey to Jerusalem should
lead to Rome (xix. 21). The Lord acknowledges the testimony
which Paul has borne at Jerusalem ; and, inasmuch as Paul
plainly sees that his preaching in Jerusalem was in vain, or
rather, had the effect of hardening, the Lord enlarges his heart
and shews him the opposite pole of the kingdoms of the world,
viz., the city of Rome, as a new sphere for his ministry. This
word of the Lord became to Paul the star which shone upon
him during the dark period through which he had still to pass,
before arriving at the mark pointed out to him.
From the above events we draw the certain inference that
God's last offer to Israel and Jerusalem has been rejected. A
new phase in the relation of Israel to Paul, the last messenger of
faith, can, therefore, no more take place ; but that which, by
the fatal decision of both the people and their rulers, has been
done in secret, may yet manifest itself more distinctly. And it
is with this manifestation of the apostacy, already substantiaUy
accomplished inwardly, and with the final rejection of Divine
grace in Israel, that we have, in the next instance, to do. For
St Luke reports that, on the day after the tumultuous dissolution
of the Sanhedrim, in consequence of the proceedings in the case
of Paul, a number, of more than forty Jews, entered into a for
mal conspiracy against the life of Paul, and formed a plan for
carrying out their murderous purpose (vv. 13 — 15). No doubt
it is the intention of Luke, by this fact, to make us perceive the
highest degree of wUd fanaticism on the part of the Jews against
Paul, and to convince us that the spirit of hatred and wicked
ness has now filled and roused the hearts ofthe Jews against Paul
to such a degree, that they cannot rest as long as they know him
to be still alive, although, hitherto, all attempts against him have
thoroughly failed, and he is already under safe protection.

ACTS XXII.  XXIII. 47
And it is evidently for the sole purpose of impressing us with
the horrible and fatal fact of those oaths, and this conspiracy,
that Luke brings their contents before us (see ver. 12 and 14).
It appears from two indications, that, in these forty zealots, we
may perceive the disposition of the people. First—Jjiike calls
these forty, simply ol 'lovSaioi (ver. 12) ; secondly — he does not
mention that the Sanhedrim, to which this nefarious plan for the
assassination of Paul was communicated, had anything to oppose
to it; and we are fully entitled to infer, with certainty, from this
fact, that the Sanhedrim, which, as late as the day before, had
been compelled to feel the truth and justice of the Apostle,
became, themselves, accomplices in this wicked plot. The mea
sure of the mad hatred which animated the Jews against Paul
is thus filled up ; and this becomes the cause of Paul's removal
from Jerusalem to Rome. He was the messenger of Jesus to
Jerusalem, as well as to Rome ; but, now, he is not again to
enter her, but to leave her to her destiny of being trodden down
of the Gentiles (see Luke xxi. 24). And, on the other hand,
this last wickedness on the part of the Jews furnishes a new
reason for the manifestation of the protection which the hidden
hand of the Lord knows to prepare for His instrument, out of the
Roman constitution.
Paul's sister's son had heard of this wicked plot of the Jews
(ver. 16) ; for, as Bengel correctly remarks : " they carried on
the matter more openly, not thinking that there would be any
one to inform Paul, or the Tribune." He entered the Roman
camp, and told Paul (ver. 16). This fact shews that Paul is
treated rather as one to be protected, than as a criminal. Here,
again, the contrast between the camp of Israel and that of the
GentUes shews itself. In the former, all order is so entirely
dissolved, that the highest court in Israel makes common cause
with conspirators and banditti. In the latter, on the other hand,
all is well-arranged and regulated. While, in the former, disorder
makes its last effort for the destruction of the Apostle Paul ; in
the latter, all the members of the organism are ordained for the
service and protection of the Apostle. And while, in the for
mer, the utmost efforts fail ; in the latter, the arrangements
work well and succeed. When we keep this point in view,
we shall not be surprised at the minuteness with which Luke

48 SECT. XXXU. PAUL PROTECTED BY RO.AIAN CONSTITUTION.
reports the events which took place in the camp of the Romans.
For that which, in this fact — insignificant and unessential in itself
— is remarkable, is the circumstance that the Roman constitution,
which was framed to rule the world, appears here in the service,
and as promoting the interests of the kingdom of God. Thus it
is that, in all these outward occurrences, the prayer of the saints
always appears again as the concealed background. Paul refers
his sister's son to the Tribune ; and one of the centurions, who is
near, is, at once, ready to introduce him in a formal manner to
the Tribune (vv. 17, 18). The Tribune takes the IsraeUtish
youth by the hand, goes with him aside privately, asks him what
he has to tell him (ver. 19) ; and Luke does not think it useless
once more to bring before us the whole wickedness of the Jews
(w. 20, 21). The Tribune, having soon convinced himself of
the correctness of the intelligence, dismisses the youth ; charging
him not to tell to any man that he had shewed him these things
(ver. 22) ; and then makes his arrangements, which again are
communicated with the most perfect minuteness.
The Tribune called out his soldiers for the protection of Paul.
Rightly thinking that, with such demoniacal fury on the part of
the Jews, the life of Paul is in imminent danger, he ordered a
military division, composed of troops, with different arms, and
commanded by two centurions, to bring Paul at the setting in
of the night (dirb TpiTrj<; &pa<; t»)? vvkto';, ver. 23), on beasts for
riding {KTijvrj, ver. 24) to Caesarea, to the Procurator Felix,
as a place of sufficient security. How minute an account is
here ! Not only the number of the men of each of the three
kinds of troops is distinctly communicated (ver. 23); but, as to
the farther carrying out of this mihtary measure, it is added
that the infantry, who formed the centre, returned after they had
gone as far as Antipatris, and left it to the cavali-y alone to bring
Paul farther on the foUowing day (ver. 32). The reason of
this is obvious. The protection of the infantry was most needed
in Jerusalem audits neighbourhood; here, ifnecessai-y, the infan
try was to keep off the masses ; farther away from Jerusalem,
where attacks fi-om large masses were no longer to be dreaded,
the cavalry was quite sufficient. The military order and insti
tution is thus brought before us, for the purpose of bringing
it fully home to us, that even the military institution — that part

ACTS XXII.  XXUI. 49
ofthe Roman empire most opposed to the kingdom of God — has
been placed at the service of that kingdom ; and it is for this rea
son that Luke does not omit to state that the detachment which
was despatched to bring Paul to Caesarea from the den of mur
derers in Jerusalem, consisted of three differently armed troops,
viz., the heavy-armed, the cavalry- and the Ught-armed (see
Grotius and Meyer on Se^toXa^Sot). These three kinds of troops
coraprehend the entire ancient mUitary armament (see Johannes
V. Miiller on the Roman military affairs, in his AUgem. Ge
sehichte, vi. 8), and form, even now, the basis of the present sys
tem of mUitary equipment.
With this intentional carefiilness in the account of all the
circumstances of the protection afforded to the threatened Paul,
by the constitution of the Roman Empire, corresponds the com
munication of the official letter addressed by the Tribune, Lysias,
to the Procurator, Felix, and committed to the care of the com
mander of the detachment sent for the protection of Paul. We
need not wonder that St Luke thought it worth while somehow to
procure for himself this document, in order to be able to add this
letter of a Roman military Tribune to his account ; while, at the
same time, many circumstances, which are commonly considered
to be of far greater importance, are passed over by him in entire
silence. Even the Old Testament writers are particularly
anxious to communicate, in an authentic form, the orders and
arrangements of the kingdoms of the world which are favour
able to the kingdom of Israel (see Daniel iv. ; Esther viii. 10 —
13; Ezra i. 2 — 4, vi. 1 — 12, vn. 11—26). AU such decrees
and orders are evidently so very remarkable for this reason,
that they are a proof of the secret power which the God of
Israel exercises over the mighty and powerful ones in the ungodly
kingdoras of the world (see Ezra vu, 27, 28), And it is no
doubt from this point of view, that Luke considers the measures
ofthe Roman commander for the protection of the Apostle Paul ;
and it is just for the purpose of clearly and directly exhibiting
the secret influence of Di^vine power upon the Roman represen
tative of the world's power, that he communicates the document
itself. The letter of Lysias is, moreover, the official confirma
tion ofthe fact, that we ought to regard the seizure and continued
imprisonment of the Apostle by the Roman garrison, chiefly in
VOL. III. D

50 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
the light of a protection, by which he is delivered twice, or, as the
account states, thrice, out of the murderous hands of the Jews.
Lysias, ho'wever, by writing e^eiXofirjv avTov, fiadoav oti Pwiialo'i
ea-Tiv, wishes to represent the matter in such a light, as if his
exertions on behalf of Paul had, from the beginning, been called
forth by Paul's being a Roman citizen ; whereas we know, that it
was only after the Apostle's seizure that the Tribune was, acci
dentaUy, informed of it (see xxU. 25—29). It is in vain to
attempt the removal of this contrariety between the letter and
the account, by saying, with Grotius, that ptaOcov might be equi
valent to Kai efiaOov. For although even De Wette still considers
such a solution as possible, yet it is quite certain that the Preterite
signification of the participle ofthe Aorists, whichis fixed by the
universal Greek usus loquendi, is established in the New Testa
raent also (see Winer S. 405, 406), But Meyer is no doubt
right in remarking that this deviation firom the real truth of the
matter was intended by the Tribune, in order to place in a cleai-er
light his zeal in the service ; so that we accordingly possess, in
this trifling feature, an internal testimony for the genuineness of
the letter. Nor has Zeller succeeded in adducing any solid
arguments against this view of Meyer (see 1. c. S. 568),
On the arrival of Paul at the residence of the Roman Pro
curator, nothing of importance is pointed out, except that, from
the whole first reception by the Procurator, the prevalence of
order and right is again recognized. And knowing that the
Apostle is kept in the palace of Herod (see ver, 35 ; comp. xii.
19), we must feel quite satisfied and at ease.

§ 33. NEITHER FELIX NOR FESTUS, BUT ONLY THE ROMAN LAW,
CONTINUES TO AFFORD PROTECTION TO THE APOSTLE.
(Chap. xxiv. 1 — Chap. xxv. 22).
It is raade manifest by the clearest signs, and confirmed by
the word of the Lord in His last appearance by night to Paul,
that the vocation of the Apostle in Jerusalem is fulfiUed. Nothing
new can, therefore, occur before the Apostle begins to fulfil his
vocation for Rome. But there still exists the possibility, never-

ACTS XXIV. 1 — xxv. 22. 51
theless, that the great historical importance implied in the last
event of our history, and which is as deep as it is far-reaching,
will become still more manifest; and in order to keep the atten
tion of his readers fixed upon it, and, still more, to enable them
the better to realize the importance and significance of this event,
St Luke thinks it appropriate to embody in his account the foUow
ing facts also ; although, when compared with the decisive events
just narrated, they possess only a subordinate character. In this
position, the account in our book continues until the moment
that the departure of Paul from Caesarea is reported, whereby
our regards are at once directed towards Rome, the metropoUs
of the world. Although fully two years elapse, the history itself
does not advance a step, — a fact which is, even outwardly and
immediately, manifested by the circumstance that Paul continues
to be kept in prison by the Romans, and that, from the begin
ning to the end of the time marked out, he has not, for a moment,
come out fi-om the Roman residence in Judea. Luke is, never
theless, very minute in his account of this period ; and we shall
see that this is of great importance for understanding the course
of the development of the primitive Church, which it is the
object of our book to bring before us. It will be seen that those
supplementary accounts bring to our view raany additional
aspects of the great crisis which has taken place in the course
of events, and which, hitherto, we were unable to discover.
As was also expressed in his letter to Felix (see xxiii. 30),
Lysias had referred the accusers of St Paul to the Procurator.
For, inasmuch as the matter had come into the hands ofthe Ro
man authorities, the ordinary course of business required that it
should be dealt with according to the forms of the law ; and
although Lysias was convinced of the innocence of Paul (see
xxiii. 29), yet he could not dismiss the Jewish accusers as long
as the cause had not been disposed of in a formal way. We
now also see at once, that the hatred of the Sanhedrim against
Paul has not been mitigated, far less removed, either by theij;
halving been put to shame at the last meeting, or by the re
moval of Paul fi-om Jerusalem. Scarcely five days have elapsed
since the Apostle's removal, when the High Priest Ananias,
with the elders, set out for Caesarea, in order to resume, before
the Procurator, the accusation against Paul. And on this occa-
d2

52 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
sion, indeed, the accusation is to be raised in the most formal
manner. For, although the point of the accusation had its
foundation solely in the reUgious and national character of
Judaism, and, for this reason, none could have been so well
acquainted with, or have mastered the subject, as the members
of the highest court within the province of Judaism ; yet they
would not themselves plead this cause, but take with them a
certain TertuUus, as the orator who is to speak in it before
the Procurator. It is just because this circumstance is so cha^
racteristic, that Luke does not omit to notice it. Concerning
P'^Tosp, Bengel makes the pertinent remark, that this- is the only
passage in Scripture in which the word rhetorician, and the
name of a rhetorician occur ; from which circumstance we may
infer that art is not essentially required for that word and message
which alone are in Scripture of importance. The designation of
pr)Twp refers, as has been remarked by Grotius, to the orator by
profession, and speciaUy also to the orator forensis,- — -which is
placed beyond any doubt by the gloss of Thomas, in Wetstein ad
h.l. As is farther proved by the researches of Wetstein, the name
TertuUus is a genuine Roman name. This orator must, therefore,
have, without doubt, been an Italian ; and there mark of Grotius :
" a Roman who better understood the Roman language and mode
of pleading before a court," is quite appropriate. The strict
observance of the forensic forms we meet with at the very outset,
in the word iveipdviaav ; for, although this word does not neces
sarily refer to the raising of a formal charge, as Grotius thinks,
it is, at all events, a formal and solemn expression. But the
peculiarity of the proceedings thus opened comes most strikingly
oiit in TertuUus' speech itself. TertuUus, we see, well under
stands what Grotius says : " It is one of the rules of rhetoric to
secure the good- will of the judge, by praising him." With a
bold intent he, at once and directly, proceeds towards his object
by praising and extolling, in a well-constructed prefatory period,
and in a most exaggerated, nay, in an altogether Ijdng manner,
the administration of Felix in Judea. WhUst thus TertuUus, as
the mouth-piece of the Sanhedrim of Jerusalera, praises the
peace, and the excellent institutions which the land enjoyed
through the care of Felix, Tacitus, who, as every one knows, is
any thing but favourably disposed towards the Jews, writes :

ACTS xxiv. 1 — XXV. 22. 53
Claudius, defiinctis regibus, aut ad modicum redactis, Judaeam
provinciam equitibus Romanis aut libertis permisit : e quibus
Antonius Felix per omnem sae^dtiam ac libidinem, jus regium
servili ingenio exercuit (Histor. v. 9). It is thus quite manifest
that this commencement of TertuUus' speech in praise of Felix, a
brother of Pallas, a man as wicked as he was notorious (see
Claudius, de Felice Judaeae Procuratore, pp. 7 — 10), is a tissue
of flattery and lies (see Claudius 1. c. p. 52). A new view is
thus opened up to us into the altogether untenable position ofthe
Jewish Sanhedrim. The journey of the High Priest, and of the
other members of the Sanhedrim to Caesarea, has, for its declared
object, the calling to account of a pretended despiser of the law,
and seducer of the people ; and this business is so carried out by
the heads of the Jewish people, that they employ a foreign orator,
and through him, from the very outset, place themselves in a
position, in which they are compeUed to abandon the last
remnant of Jewish national feeling in presence of the tyrannical
oppressor of their people. By thus ever holding out anew the
appearance of legal and holy zeal, they only ever anew show that
their nature has become stript and destitute of all real Judaism.
What can we then farther expect if, after this flattery of the
heathen, TertuUus, by means of a period, as smooth as it is
empty, promises to come to the point (ver, 4) ? Wetstein very
correctly remarks : " TertuUus as impudently slanders Paul and
accuses Lysias, as he had flattered Felix, Such is the manner
of declairaers," Indeed, all the accusations urged by the Jews
against Paul are here heaped together, and pointed with exceed
ing skill, TertuUus is especially anxious at once to bring the
expression, Xoi/xo?, into the fore-ground of the charge, in order
that this favourite terra, used by orators for designating a monster
of wickedness and worthlessness (see Wetstein ad ver. 5), may
not escape him. In addition to the low charges which had for
merly been advanced, viz., moving to sedition the Jews in the
Roman empire, and profanation of the temple, a third is here
adduced, viz., that Paul was a ring-leader of the sect of the
Nazarenes (ver. 5). From this we learn that they have now
begun, at Jerusalem also, to call the Christians by a particular
name ; so that this designation corresponds with that which was
given to them at Antioch (see xi. 26). But this is not so much

54 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
a sign that any change has taken place within the congregation of
the faithful at Jerusalem, as an indication that the Jewish people
were giving, more and more, outwardly also, distinct manifesta
tion of their unbelief ; so that the faithful on their part also are
compelled to raake their opposition manifest. This name for
the Christians among the unbelieving Jews has, of course, been
chosen intentionally, and points, with contempt, to the low origin
of Jesus (see John i. 47) ; and TertuUus imagines that, in the
low and contemptible character of the Christian sect, he has
sufficient ground for throwing suspicion upon the leader of so low
a class of men, before the tribunal of the Roman Procurator.
After the Jews present had, by their own assent, confirmed this
speech of their heathenish mouth-piece, Paul, on the Procurator
beckoning to him, defends himself (ver. 9).
St Paul too, in the commencement of his speech, seeks to propi
tiate the favor of the Procurator; but the difference consists in
this : — that, while the Roman orator does not hesitate, by lying
flatteries, to win the favor ofthe judge, the Apostle confines him
self to the simple truth. Paul says that he feels happy to stand
before a judge who had been over the Jews for manyyears (seven,
according to Meyer). Paul, therefore, can, with a perfect right,
expect that Felix, during his administration of seven years, must
have acquired a sufficient knowledge of the passionate and rebel
lious character of the Jews to entitle him to suppose it possible,
that all the heavy charges just urged agamst him have had their
origin in mere party prejudices and passion. Paul, at the same
time, at once adds a circumstance which seems fitted to strengthen
Felix still more in this reasonable expectation, viz., that the Pro
curator may ascertain, moreover, that twelve days only have
elapsed since his arrival in Jerusalem (ver. 11), and that, hence,
it will be quite practicable to obtain certain evidence as to his
conduct in Jerusalem and Judea.
The real defence of the Apostle consists of three facts. First
— He denies altogether that he had raised any excitement among
the people, as TertuUus accused him (ver. 5) ; inasmuch as at Jeru
salem he had, by no raeans, gone about to move sedition among
the Jews (vv. 12, 13). Secondly — He shows that his communion
with the Christians, designated by them as the sect of the Naza
renes, (lid not, in any way, separate him fi-om Judaism, but, on

ACTS XXIV. 1— XXV. 22. 55
the contrary, obliged him, in a higher degree, to the holy exercise
of true Judaism (w, 14 — 16). Finally — As regards the special
charge of his having profaned the temple, the direct reverse was
the case, inasmuch as his stay in the temple had a purely devo
tional and religious purpose {w, 17 — 19). The Apostle then,
in addition, briefly refers to the proceedings before the Sanhedrim
itself, where they could not prove anything against him ; and closes
with caUing to remembrance this fact which was so discreditable
to the Sanhedrim.
Here, also, it has been found strange and suspicious-looking
that St Paul does not mention at all the real cause and rock of
offence, ¦viz., his doctrine and practice with respect to fi-eedom fi-om
the law ; but that, instead of it, he endeavours to bring forward,
in every possible way, his adherence to Judaism. Criticism has
found this defence to be so irreconcileable ¦with the true position
of Paul, that it thinks itself entitled to view this as a new proof
of its assertion of the apologetic tendency of the Acts of the
Apostles, and hence to consider this speech as an attempt of the
¦writer to make Paul appear in a more favourable light to the
Judaizing portion ofthe Christian Church (see Schneckenburger,
Zweck der Apostelgesch S, 147, 148 ; Baur, der Apostel Paulus,
S, 211; ZeUer, Theolog, Jahrb. S. 568, 569). It is, indeed,
true that Exegesis has here also again neglected its duty, and,
thereby, opened to criticism the door for such objections. That
which we are entitled to expect, — especiaUy since Paul himself
uses, in ver. 14, the solemn word ofwXoiyw in his speech (comp.
Rom. X. 9, 10 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12 ; Heb. iii. 1 ; iv, 14 ; x, 23),— is
identical with that which Bengel also confesses to have found
here : " An open, spontaneous, and fiUl confession ;" but exposi
tors, and Bengel himself, have done little to prove the existence
of such a confession. On the contrary, if Calvin tries to prove
that one cannot raise a charge on account of Paul's worshipping
in the temple ; and if Olshausen, as regards the confession of the
resurrection of the dead, contents himself with the remark, that
probably the main accusation had here also come firom the Sad
ducees, — all this is but ill-adapted to prove to us the sincerity and
fulness of Paul's confession. If then, moreover, we raise the ques
tion, how Paul could here have withdrawn from the duty of
expressing, in this his confession, the peculiarity of his position.

56 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
especially with respect to his opposition to the law, — how he could
have reconciled it to his conscience to pass over in silence this
whole part of his position and ministry, the expositions of Paul's
speech leave us entirely at sea.
Nor will it be sufficient, in this discourse, to refer to that
which Paul said about his position, before the Sanhedrim. For
our account expressly says that he was led to make that remark
regarding his Pharisaism, because he perceived the division which
existed within the Sanhedrim, and that he made up his mind to
use this turn as a last resort, only after he had already been fuUy
convinced of the want of principle, and of the dissolute condi
tion of the Jewish court before which he was standing. It is,
hence, quite evident that the position of Paul is here essentially
different ; inasmuch as he is now standing before the tribunal of
the Roman Procurator, at which he, at the very outset (ver. 10)
expresses his joy ; and that, afterwards also (see xxv. 10), he
shews that he is fully conscious of his position, and understands
how to make the most of it. We are, therefore, entitled to ex
pect that Paul would, fireely and without reserve, declare his
position with respect to the charge raised against him. The
duty is hence imposed upon us of proving that the position taken
up in this speech is the one which truly belongs to Paul, i.e.,
that it has its foundation in the history and individuality of the
Apostle Paul. But we are so happily placed that, in order to
discharge this duty, we do not need to have recourse to any arti
ficial or difficult operation ; we have only to draw conclusions
from that which was suggested to us by a consideration of the
immediately preceding events, in order to reach, and to point out
that position which is implied in the discourse under considera
tion. We have seen, fi-om the progress of St PatU's history, that, after
having established for himself a threefold sphere of activity, and
after having erected, in each of them, the kingdom of God in
the midst of the kingdom of Satan, and after having finally
established a connection between the east and the west, he has
reached the close of his ministry ; that it is in this sense, that he
bids farewell to his congregations, and sets out for Jerusaleni
accompanied by the Christian brethren from among the Gentiles,
with their gifts. Now, it is true that he sets out for Jerusalem as

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 57
if he were going to die ; but this is just the finishing of his
career which stands out in the view of his mind (see xx. 24),
and Jerusalem is thus just the height which, at the close of his
career, he was longing to reach. Nor is this idea of Jerusalem,
as the culminating point in his career, taken froin him, although
neither his hopes nor his fears are realized. In the house of
James he has acquired the blessed experience, that James, with
aU the elders of the Church at Jerusalem, in whom he can have
no difficulty in recognizing the only true representatives of
Zion, have acknowledged and praised the work of God in his
work among the Gentiles, and that, hence, the two opposing
parts of Christianity which stood over against one another, each
having its peculiar features fully developed, were wonderfully at
one in mind and spirit, without doing violence, the one to the
other, and without giving up their peculiarities. Now, although
that which occurred with the people and Sanhedrim of Jerusa
lem represented just the reverse of this harmony and unity, yet
they procure for Paul the opportunity of freely and openly con
fessing the name of Jesus at Jerusalem, — a thing which, hitherto,
he had never been able or permitted to do. And although the
immediate result — the hardening — could not fail to fill him with
the deepest grief, he has, in return, received, for his strengthen
ing, the word of the Lord : " Thou hast testified of me in
Jerusalem" (xxiU. 11). Can it now be imagined that the pros
pect opened up to him by the Lord — the prospect that his desire
of coming to Rome also is to be gratified, — can it be imagined
that such a prospect could change his view of his journey to
Jerusalem, and his stay there ? Certainly not ; for since his
being deUvered up by the Jews into the hands of the GentUes
has not issued in his death, as in the case of his Lord, but in his
preservation, this surely must appear to hira as the beginning of
a new Ufe, by which, however, that which forraerly happened
cannot appear in any other light than as if he had really died at
Jerusalem. Now, if we conceive of Paul as standing on this height of
his life and career, and look firom this point of view to the dis
course under consideration, we shall find that the statements
declaring his Judaism are, in his mouth, not only quite con
ceivable and intelligible, but that they also very clearly and

58 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
distinctly express his present position. We shaU endeavour, by
this measure, to examine these statements in their order.
St Paul, in the first place, designates hisjoumey to Jerusalem
as a pilgrimage to the place of worship (dve^rjv irpoaKvv^aojv iv
'lepovaaXrip,, ver. 11, corap. vUi. 27). We know that this expres
sion is intended to refer, not to the holy place alone, but also to
the festival tirae. It was the Apostle's wish to be at Jerusalem
during the feast of Pentecost, on which, according to the law, aU
males had to appear before Jehovah (see xx. 16). We might
content ourselves with this outward reference, and perhaps still
add that if Paul, after aU, wished to -visit Jerusalem, he might
choose the festival period as well as, or rather, in preference to
any other ; first, because at the festival season many strange Jews
were also at Jerusalem ; and, secondly, in order to shew that he
did not desoise the ordinances of his fathers. Now, if -with this
he combined the intention — inasmuch as he was, after all, at
Jerusalem at the time of the feast — ^to visit the temple along with
the worshipping multitude, and, in spirit and truth, to offer up
there his prayer to God— a thing which he might do in the
teraple as well as any where else — then surely, without false
hood, he could say : dvej3r]v Trpoaicvvricroiv ev 'lepovaaXijfi. But
would such a confession be worthy of an Apostle who has been
called to a public account, and in presence of the Sanhedrim of
Jerusalem? If a Jew spoke these words, — and a Jew Paul
after all was, and continued to be both before and after his bap
tism, — if a Jew spoke these words, could they be meant, or was it
allowable to understand them, in any other sense than in that of
the law, according to which, not every day is like the fiftieth after
the sickle has begun to be put to the corn, like the day on which
Israel offers before Jehovah the loaves of their fio-st-fi-uits ; accord
ing to which not every place is Uke the place where Jehovah's
sanctuary stands, where Jehovah's presence dwells ? Would it
be worthy of an Apostle, in presence of a judge, at whose
knowledge of Jewish affairs he has just expressed his joy, and in
presence of the Sanhedrim of Jerusalem, to profess, with solemn
words, actions done in compliance with the law, while he means
nothing else but just an action which was accidental, or, at the
utmost, had its reason in mere external accommodation ?
Now, it is true, indeed, that, from the very outset, Paul has

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 59
received the calling of realizing a fi-eedom from these legal regu
lations as to the time and place of God's worship. Paul is, from
the first, appointed to go to those at a distance ; and he so under
stands this mission, that he is zealous for the estabUshment of
the worship of God just in those places which might, very pro
perly, be called the heights of the world, and which form the
most striking contrast to the holy city. The original Apostles,
it is true, were also commissioned to penetrate to the ends of the
earth ; but this was to be understood, according to the prepara
tions which had been made, in this way : — that the Gospel, after
having filled the holy centre of the world, i.e. Jerusalem and its
neighbourhood, and then the intermediate stage between Israel
and the Gentiles, viz., the land of the Samaritans, should penetrate
farther to the remotest end of the GentUes. For this reason it
is, that the Apostles remained for so long a time in Jerusalem,
and went out into the world of the Gentiles, only after the way
into it had been opened up for the Gospel by Paul, who, firom
the very outset, was directed to those at a distance, because the
city of Jerusalem had already decided herself against their voca
tion. We have also remarked that, in the cities of the Gentiles,
Paul sometimes seeks intentionally, by his conduct, to impress
upon his disciples the conviction that the prayers of the Church
and the proclamation of the Gospel are independent of the con
secrated places of the Jewish dispensation (see xviu. 7 ; xix. 9).
It is, accordingly, characteristic of Paul's ¦view of holy places, that
he places together Jerusalem which now is, and Mount Sinai
(comp. Heb, xii, 17 — 24), and designates her as a bondmaid (Gal,
iv, 25, 26). And with respect to holy seasons, Paul's vocation, as
far as they were concerned, was to bring into exercise the Uberty
of the Spirit. To a great extent this became even necessary by
the separation of the Gentile congregations from Jerusalem ; but,
on the other hand, the Jews scattered throughout the lands of the
Gentiles had also accustomed themselves to an order of worship, in
which, even independently of Jerusalem, they endeavoured to
observe the feasts. But we know that Paul considered hiraself as
bound to break through the order of the festivals as observed in
the Synagogues also ; for he declares it to be a sign of the power
and liberty ofthe Spirit to consider all days as equal (see Rom.
xiv. 5 ; comp. XV. 1). We find, moreover, an indication that,

60 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
as an evident sign of freedom firom the legal order of festivals, in
the Churches established by Paul, the first day of the week was
solemnly kept, and not the seventh (see xx. 7). How earnest
and anxious the Apostle Paul was in maintaining in the Churches
this liberty of the Spirit, is most clearly seen when, and where he
opposes the efforts of the Judaizers to keep up, and enforce upon
GentUe Churches, the legal ordinances. As the temptation to
establish anew, for the Churches, the sanctity of the city of God
had been rather weakened by the scattering of Israel into all
countries, the attempts of the Judaizers at seducing were concen
trated upon the legal ordinance of the festivals. But whUe
Paul would allow believers spontaneously and of their own free
¦will to conform to the legal festival seasons, (see Rom. xiv. 6),
he declares himself, with all the energy of Apostolic authority,
against the constrained observance of Sabbaths and new-moons
(see GaL iv. 9—11 ; Col. U. 16).
There can be no doubt that Paul was under the necessity of
recognizing, and did recognize, the position assigned to him by the
Lord in the peculiar ground which he occupied with relation to
the holy place, and the holy seasons. But in this, two things
must be clearly kept in view. First — It is important distinctly
to understand and to bear in mind the fact, that, in thus exercising
the liberty of the Spirit, Paul does not come into conffict with the
Di^vine ordinance which was revealed in Israel, andwhich bound
them to holy places and seasons. When Jesus says to the
Samaritans, that God is a Spirit and they that worship Him must
worship Him in Spirit and in truth (see John iv. 24), He does not
thereby say anything new, but only brings into prominence that
which forms the fundamental condition in the order of the Old
Testament worship. For, above all single regulations of the law,
there is the certainty that Jehovah cannot be manifested in any
place, or in anything ; nor can He reveal Himself, in His real
nature, to the eye of even the purest man (see Exod. xxxni. 20).
It is just this truth which forms the ground of the strict and
severe prohibition of making any image of the Divine Being
(Exod. XX. 4 — 6). Parallel mth this revelation of the spiritual
nature of the Divine Being there stands the command to love
the Lord with all our heart, and with all our soul, and with all
our raind (see Deut. vi. 5). This commandment is not, by any

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 01
means, one which merely stands side by side with others ; it is the
first and greatest commandment (see Matt. xxii. 38), and forms
the corner stone of the whole law. It is only by this circum
stance that the fact can be accounted for, that wherever, even
¦within the period of the Old Testament dispensation, legaUsm
would put itself forward without this qualifying and determining
spiritual foundation, this very spiritual foundation is arrayed
against it, and completely destroys all outward actions and opera
tions (see Ps. xl. 7 ; 1. 7—23 ; Is. i. 11—20; Hos. vi. 6 ; Amos
V. 22—24 ; Mic. vi. 7, 8 ; Jer. vn. 21, 22 ; Prov. xxi. 3). That
in these passages, which are directed against a merely external
service and worship, there is no appearance of a new revelation,
and, hence, a freer and higher point of view, — as is De Wette's
opinion in his commentary on Ps. xl. 7, — but that it is only the
original spirit of the law which shows itself, and, reacting against
the apparent compliance ¦with the legal form, thereby imparts a
knowledge of that relation of spirit and form which was intended
and established fi-om the very beginning; — all this is easUy seen, if
one only does not grudge the trouble of penetrating raore deeply
into a knowledge of the law. But the force with which some of
these Old Testament passages declare themselves against all over-
estimatiou of legal forms is most clearly seen from such nonsensical
statements as Hitzig advances in his exposition of Jerem. vii. 22,
23 ; for he discovers, in this passage, that Jeremiah (as well as
Amos, in v. 25) consider only the moral law, perhaps only the
decalogue, to be Mosaic.
Just as these prophetic and poetic declarations regard the
necessity of the preponderance of the Spirit in the worship of
God according to the law, and the emptiness and utter worthless
ness of all forms of worship which lack this Spirit, so the Old
Testament history is full of most instructive and striking features
firom which may be plainly seen the same relation of Spirit and
form in that worship of God which was revealed, in the Old
Testament dispensation, as well pleasing to God, — a circumstance
urged both by Stephen in his defence, and by Paul in his dis
course at Antioch. It is true that no one has ventured so
thoroughly and comprehen.sively to bring forward this undeniable
preponderance of the spiritual element ; no one has undertaken
to build up a new elevation of the Church on this spiritual

62 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
foundation, and an elevation, too, destined, gradually and for a
long time, to receive within it the whole Church of God at pre
sent existing on earth. But, on the other hand, it must also be
considered that, never before, had the contradiction between the
outward worship of God in Israel, and the Spirit, appeared in a
form so glaring and dreadful as in the time of the primitive
Church. In order to prove this, we need simply refer to the death
of Jesus, and to the martyrdom of his two witnesses, Stephen and
James ; for the cause of this tlireefold murder was uniformly
the opposition of the hypocritical worship of God to the direct
testimony of the Spirit of God. And on this point, it is of im
portance to observe that Paul does not proclaim and establish
araong the Gentiles the liberty of the Spirit, without the forra
and constraint ofthe law, until he has, on each occasion, convinced
hiraself of this utmost resistance of Israel against the Spirit of
God. But since never hitherto in history had the resistance of
Israel to the Spirit of God manifested itself so obstinately and
wickedly, it is quite natural and necessary that the opposition of
the Spirit, which, in the history and Scriptures of Israel, had
always existed against all outward, spiritless formality in the
worship of God, should now also appear with a power and a
greatness never hitherto seen. We thus see that Paul, although,
to all appearance, thoroughly opposed to the customary and tmi-
versally acknowledged estimation of time and place for worship,
is yet far fi-om coming into conflict with the Old Testament order.
He rather points out, and presses the consequences of this order,
in opposition to the apostacy of his people.
But if such be the case, another inference necessarily follows,
¦viz., that this opposition of St Paul to the Old Testament regula
tions as to time and place for worship, must assign a limit to itself.
For we must always bear in mind that the original and natural
relation, as it is founded in the whole order of the world, butj
especially, in the constitution of human nature, is this : — that the
external and the internal, the bodily and the spiritual, should
penetrate each other in such a manner, that the external and
bodily shall be the corresponding manifestation of the internal
and spiritual. It is according to this principle also, that that
which, in the worship of God, is original and natural, is correctly
defined and determined in the Israelitish order of worship, viz..

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. (53
that the external relations of time and place are regarded and
treated as the direct self-evident manifestation of the Spirit ;
and that, for this very reason, the Spirit does not require any
special, distinct, and separate self-manifestation. If, then, some
other relation has to come in, the ground of this rests solely in
something unnatural which has intervened. Thus, in like
manner, our body, created by God, is nothing but that side of
our spirit which is turned outwards ; but, by sin, our body
becomes flesh, which wars against the Spirit ; and hence the
necessity arises that the Spirit should maintain and manifest its
nature independently, without, and in opposition to the body,
until the opposing nature of the flesh be overcome ; with the
¦view of rendering a new union of body and spirit possible and
necessary, upon the foundation of the dead flesh. It is just the
same wiU of the flesh which has taken possession of the external
forms of the worship of God, ordained by God himself; and it
has done so by venturing to use, and array against the Spirit,
that which had been given as an expression and manifestation of
the Spirit, — thus perpetuating one of the most heinous crimes
which the world has ever seen. In this crime, recorded and
visible in the whole history of the world, the necessity is implied
that the worship of God in spirit and in truth shall manifest itself
and prove its power, in the history of the world, and throughout
the world, altogether apart from, and in opposition to, Jerusalem,
and Israel's order of festivals. But this internal form of the
worship of God can and wUl as little remain, as the reaction of
the life of the Spirit against the working of the flesh in the single
individual. But when shaU the Spirit have established its inde
pendence in this domain of the world's history ? When shall
the flesh be kUled in this sense, and to this extent ?
E-vidently it is then that the spiritual power of the worship of
God shall have been triumphant in the world's history, when,
among the GentUes, and in aU lands which, in their past historj-,
have been carried as far away from God as Israel was brought
near to Him — yea, whose temples and feasts are consecrated to
demons, while, in Israel, the sanctuary and feasts of Jehovah are
estabUshed,— it is then, when thus, in every place where aU
natural and historical circumstances were in opposition to the
spiritual worship of God, it, nevertheless, by its own strength.

64 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
,shaU have obtained authority and acknowledgment. This
¦victory of the Spirit in the history of the world, and throughout
the world, is, at the same time, the death ofthe flesh in the history
of the world, and throughout the world. When Israel shall
perceive that God no longer inhabits the praises of the chosen
people, as formerly (Ps. xxii. 4), but the praises of the Gentiles
in the most distant isles (Zeph. ii, 11), then the pride of their
flesh shall sink and die for ever (Deut, xxxU, 21), and Israel
shaU seek their God with their whole heart, as they have never
done before. But when such shall have taken place, then also
shall the time have anived when the internal nature of the wor
ship of God shall again, in the natural and original way, be
brought into harmony with the external order. For then both
of these things shall have become manifest : — the wickedness
and the death of the flesh which opposes the Spirit, and the
original supremacy and independence of the Spirit which can
maintain itself without the flesh. What else then can remain but
that this independent, self-existent, self-manifesting Spirit should
again create and establish a form and body corresponding to
itself? But is there, for this purpose, a new creation required ?
Certainly not ; for, since the external form and body of the
Israelitish worship of God was not of man but of God, the reason
of its having degenerated into flesh was not in the ordinance,
but in the will of the flesh which intervened. Now, since the
latter has been overcome, the establishment ofthe corresponding
form by means of the Spirit cannot and dares not be any thing
else but the restoration, to its original place, of the form wUled by
God. But has not the Apostle Paul, in his career, now reached
a point where this final issue is suggested to him ? We found
that in the two culminating points of his ministry, both in Ephesus
and in Corinth, he was penetrated with the conviction that he
had attained the goal of the present course of his ministry among
the Gentiles; and this conviction had been more and raore
strengthened on his last journey, inasmuch as brethren from
among the Gentiles accompany him to Jerusalem, with their
charitable gifts, and, by their presence, ever and anon remind him
of the entering in of the Gentiles, and of their uniting themr
selves to Israel. He knows that the ultimate end of the Gentile
Church can, and will be none other than the entering into the

ACTS xxiv. 1 — XXV. 22. 65
organism of Israel appointed by God ; and hence it may easily
be understood that he, as the Apostle of the Gentiles, thinks it
to be his duty, at this period of the preliminary union of the
Gentile Churches, now also to set the example of submission to
the Divine ordinances, in the same raanner as he had taken the
lead in the maintenance of Uberty. And has not the view which
the Apostle took of the importance of the present moment in the
development been fully confirmed by a very important event ?
Have not James, and all the elders of the Church at Jerusalem,
and, hence, the whole body of the legitimate representatives of
the spiritual Israel, acknowledged and praised the Gentiles who
had come up with their gifts as sufficient and valid witnesses of
the work of God in the Gentile world, and thus already realized
the final conversion of Israel to that God who had manifested
His presence and Spirit among the Gentiles? And when Paul,
now at Caesarea, looks back upon his journey, is it not an
expression exactly in harmony with his position at the moment,
when he designates this his journey as the pilgrimage of a pious
Israelite still walking according to the customs inherited fi-om
his fathers ?
To the charge of the accusing Jews, that the Gospel was the
by-way of a sect, St Paul then farther opposes the assurance that
after this way he was serving the God of his fathers (ver. 14). In
this assurance, he again declares that faith in Christ is only a
pecuUar kind of Judaism, or rather, since Paul does not, at the
time, think any other Judaism admissible, that it is the only
form of true Judaism. This is just the reverse of the supposi
tion according to which the Sanhedrim treated the Apostles
fi-om the outset, as if, by proclaiming the narae of Jesus, it was
intended to set up, and get acknowledged, some god strange to
Israel. Since, then, Paul asserts that, after the way of the Gos
pel, he worshipped the God of his fathers, the reply serves the
same purpose as that which St Peter had in view, when he showed
that the name of the salvation, which he proclaimed with his
companions, was none other than the name of Jehovah. Since,
however, Paul, far more than the original Apostles, bore the
appearance of one who had apostatized firom the law, just because
he had undertaken to found, and to spread among the Gentiles
the kingdom of God, without a visible union with Israel, he
VOL. III. E

66 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
feels also that his bare assurance, that on this apparent by-way
he was servinsr the God of his fathers, would not be sufficient.
For this reason, he refers, for farther proofs, to two marks which
could not fail to be decisive, viz., the agreement of his faith and
hope with the faith and hope of the other Jews.
This oneness of faith, Paul assures them, extends to aU which
is ¦written in the Law and the Prophets. This expression sug
gests to us the idea of the Old Testament writings, as such.
Since even the designation " law " may comprehend all the Old
Testament writings, (John xv. 25), the two words conjoined —
" law and prophets" — have, much more, such a signification'
(see Tholuck, Exposition of the Sermon on the Mount [Clark's
Biblical Cabinet]). But the circumstance that Paul conceives of
both the law and the prophets in the form of a book, clearly
shows that the Scripture here stands before the raind of Paul,
not merely as to its contents, but as to its form also, ¦viz., as
something which is written. We see this from the use of the
prepositions KaTa " throughout the book of the law" (Meyer),
and iv " in the book containing the prophets" (see vii. 42). In
both of these respects we must examine, ¦with greater minuteness,
the assertion of the Apostle. As regards, in the first place, the
contents ; the word Traai,, which has here a special emphasis,
expresses the idea that Paul here speaks of the whole contents of
the Old Testament writings, without any exception. Hence,
such a Umitation as even Bengel here introduces, "de Jesu
Nazareno" is altogether inadmissible. The assertion of Paul
has, moreover, any meaning at all, only when his faith in the
Scriptures has altogether the same extent as the faith of the
Jews (see Josephus c. Apion. i. 8 ; Philo i. 639 ; ii. 136, 581,
628). And it is just because Paul is anxious to confess his full
communion of faith with the Jews, that there can scarcely exist
any doubt that " law and prophets " here designate the whole of
the Old Testament writings.
People have, in modern times, got much into the habit of think
ing that, in the Apostle Paul, we possess an authority for disr
regarding the Old Testament Scriptures. It cannot be denied,
indeed, that, in the doctrine of the Apostle Paul, a well-defined
opposition to the law in the Old Testament has been brought out.
For, in submitting to the law, he not only sees a lower ground.

ACTS XXIV. 1— XXV. 22. 67
allied to lieathenism, but now overcome (comp. Gal. ii. 23—25,
IV. 3, 4; Coloss. ii. 8, 20) ; but he even recognises in the law the
power of sin and death, and hence, shews the law as the real
contrast to the Gospel which has the power of life and salvation
(2 Cor. iii. 6 — 18). Men have been by no means wrong in
seeing, just in this circle of ideas, the real central point of Paul's
doctrine ; and it is to the credit of Protestantism that it has again
brought out and established this knowledge. StPaul, accordingly,
very readily appears as the one among the Apostles who has for
ever confirmed and secured the independence of the Gospel, by
having entirely and decisively freed it from the authority of the
law — this foundation of all Judaism — an authority which had
hitherto been considered as valid and unapproachable ;just as
Luther penetrated to Protestant fi-eedom only by completely
throwing off the fetters of hierarchical order. At a period of com
paratively modern time, men imagined that they were obliged to
assume, as essentially implied in all evangelical conviction, this re
jection ofthe absolute authority of the law, in the case of the original
Apostles also; and they endeavoured to evade and set aside, in the
best manner possible, all the opposing passages. But, since New
Testament Exegesis has become more careful, they have been com
pelled to abandon this attempt, and have come to the conclusion
that, in the first stage ofthe proclamation ofthe Gospel, there can
not be discovered any clearness as to the relation between law and
gospel, and that hence the Apostles have not yet arrived at any
really spiritual and firee appropriation of the evangelical principle.
But, in that case, the merit of the Apostle Paul rises, of course,
so much the higher. And hence it is, that in the most recent turn
of a criticism, which assumes to be theological, and to be under the
protection of this pretended teaching of Paul, men imagine them
selves entitled to continue that undervaluing ofthe Old Testament
writings ; just as J. J. Griesbach, in his preface to De Wette's
contributions to the introduction to the Old Testament^ (see i. xi.
xiv.), in his time brought forward the Pauline doctrine with incom
parable simplicity, in order to defend and justify De Wette's
disgraceful attacks upon the authorityof theOld Testament Scrip
tures. From this position, a declaration regarding the whole
1 Beitrage zur Einleitung ins Alte Testament.
2e

()8 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
contents of the Old Testament Canon, such as is here uttered by
the Apostle Paul, must, of course, appear altogether impossible.
Baur also is, therefore, so thoroughly convinced ofthe apocryphal
character of this declaration, that he imagines that all that is
requisite, in order evidently to shew the absurdity of it, is to add
to the words : iriaTeiJOiv iraoi  lyeypaptfievoi^, the
clause, "hence also the command in Gen. xvU. 14" (see Der
Apostel Paulus, S. 211).
If, indeed, the opinion which modem theology has formed of
Paul, and which negative criticism has fully carried out, were
correct, such a declaration as that under consideration could
never have been made by the Apostle. But it has been alto
gether overlooked that such a view is not that of the Canon, but
of Marcion. There is no doubt that the aberration of Marcion
would have long ago become most instructive, and would have
gone far to lead to a right understanding of Paul's position ¦with
reference to the question at issue, had it not been that, foUo^wing
the example of Neander, men had got accustomed to see in
Marcion a precursor of the Reformation ; whereas Polycarp
called him the first-born of Satan (see Euseb. Hist. Eecles. iv,
14), The notion which some men hold upon the subject of
Paul's position with regard to the Old Testament is an entire
delusion ; and, hence, it is not to be wondered at, that Luke's
authentic account of Paul will not harmonise with that fancy.
And it is certainly a very suspicious sign, that even those who
undertake expressly to give a connected representation of Paul's
doctrine, either altogether pass over his doctrine regarding Scrip
ture, as Dahne and Baur, or endeavour to settle it in a manner
the most unsatisfactory, as Usteri (see Lehrbegriff. S. 196 —
206, 6th edition), or, finally, begin, indeed, at first to touch upon
this point, but immediately let it slip again, as Neander does
(see Gesehichte der Pflanzung &c. ii. 525). An unbiassed con
sideration of the authentic declaration of the Apostle Paul shews
that one must free oneself altogether fi-om the common notions on
this point, in order to get at a right understanding of the Pauline
doctrine in question.
In this context, it will be sufficient to direct attention to two
points. By a little attention, the fact very soon forces itself upon
our notice, that Paul does not think the law, as it is given

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 69
in the Old Testament, to be, in itself, something absurd or
ungodly ; on the contrary, he himself calls it holy, just, and
good— a spiritual law (see Rom. vii. 12, 14). But then, the
question immediately arises as to how this conviction could exist
by the side of those other passages regarding the power of the
law as leading to sin, to death, and to judgment. As long as
both of these views are allowed to stand side by side with each
other, that view will always very readily obtain the victory which
recognises, in the declarations regarding the goodness of the law,
a vanishing element only which still belongs to an earlier point
of view. But when we consider, more minutely, these two
opposing thoughts, we must not, by any means, simply place
them beside each other, but must bring them into connection
with one another. That such must be done is sufficiently proved
even by the fact, that these two trains of thought are found con
nected just in that passage which treats, directly and properly,
of the significance of the law for Paul's point of view, viz. Rom.
vii. 7 — 25, And, indeed, the case really stands thus ; — that the
two aspects of the contrast so little exist beside, and indepen
dently of, each other, that, on the contrary, each, by itself, points
to the other. For by what is it that the law revives the dead
sin, condemns the committed sin, and even slays the sinner
himself? Just by this, that it represents the direct reverse of
man given over to the power of sin ; — that it contains and
expresses the Divine idea and form of that same man who has
determined himself to an ungodly form and raanner. The law
is precisely that which is good, and just, and holy ; to which
that which is evil, and unjust, and unholy in the natural man,
forms the contrast. The law, in one word, is the Spirit, against
which the flesh of the natural man is warring. As long, then, as
these two — the law and man — are without one another, there is
rest ; the law lies in the inclosure of its letter, like a corpse in its
coffin, while man is walking undisturbed, in his own ways, and
enjoying full life. But as soon as the law approaches man, or
man receives the law so as to become conscious of it, the existing
opposition becomes visible and effective, and ends with the law's
victoriously maintaining its position, and with the death of the
sinner. Thus the PauUne doctrine of the sin-awakening, con
demning, and slaying nature of the law so little excludes the

70 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
conviction of the Divine origin and contents of the law, that, on
the contrary, this conviction is necessarily implied in that
doctrine. And as little does the antithesis of bondage under the law, and
liberty in Christ, fall within the subjective sphere, so as to be
comparable to a lower and a higher, to an unilluminated and an
illuminated position, the two aspects of which might be respectively
designated by the terms, law and gospel. The law which raan
is bound to observe as long as he lives, and from which he cannot
get free in any other way than by his death (see Rom. -vii. 1 — 3),
is not, by any means, an imperfect and unenlightened notion of
man's obligation to works of righteousness on the one hand, and
of God's wrath against works of unrighteousness, on the other
(so this relation is viewed according to the teaching of Schleier
macber and Hegel) ; but it is a superhuman power which cannot
be abrogated by any human thoughts or efforts, but set aside
only by another power, likewise Divine; and since two Divine
powers cannot be opposed to each other, even this can, of course,
be done only in such a way that, by this power of grace, that
power of the law raust be, completely and for ever, recognised
and established. Any limitation of the acknowledgment of the
Divine authority of the law is therefore, in this context also, so
little intended and spoken of, that, on the contrary, it is just the
manner in which Divine grace works and creates life, which
contains the actual confirmation of the eternal authority of the
law, as the Divine law.
The second circumstance which many are accustomed to over
look, when bringing out the position of St Paul in reference to the
law, is this : — that Paulrecognizes, and sometimes proves, the limits
of the law from the law itself. Frora this it follows, that it is
not by raeans of sorae other and higher law that he assigns liraits
to the law, but in consequence of the Spirit which is inherent in
the law itself, i.e., that according to the supposition of Paul, the
law itself has assigned limits to itself. This relation to the Old
Testament is most clearly and fully brought out in the Epistle
to the Hebrews. It is just the special object of that Epistle to
show, on the one hand, the insufficiency and defects of the Old
Testament dispensation, and, on the other, to prove, in contrast
with it, the perfection and eternal fulness of the New Testament

ACTS XXIV. 1  XXV. 22. 71
dispensation. And what are the means made use of for this
purpose ? None other but just the contents of the Old Testa
ment Scriptures themselves. This Epistle shows to us, in a very
striking way, that in the facts, institutions, and declarations of
the Old Testament, a spirit is manifested which has assigned, in
a very definite manner, the measure of their authority and signi
ficance to these facts, institutions, and declarations ; and which,
at the same time, distinctly points out and describes those facts
and ordinances which have no limitation, but are intended to
remain with unUmited authority. And in doing so, it is im
plied that the whole contents of the Old Testaraent are, firora
the very foundation, pervaded by the Spirit of God, before whom
all truth and wisdom is manifest, even to all eternity. But it is
well known, and universally acknowledged, that there are the
most manifold points of resemblance and connection bet'wixt the
doctrinal contents ofthe Epistle to the Hebrews, and the doctrine
of St Paul. This applies also to the point in question. Nowhere, it
is true, has this argumentation firom the Old Testament been car
ried through with such consistency by Paul ; but it may easily
be conclusively proved that Paul occupies the same position in
reference to the Old Testament as we find maintained in the
Epistle to the Hebrews ; that, especially, he entirely agrees with
the fundamental principle of this Epistle regarding the eternal
Spirit of God embodied in, and pervading the whole contents of,
the Old Testament. For, in what manner is it that Paul proves
that the condition of bondage under the law is not the condition
of perfection and salvation, but that this preference is due to con
scious and maintained liberty ? He proves it from the law, viz.,
from the contrast which the law points out betwixt Hagar and
Sarah, betwixt Ishmael and Isaac (see Gal. iv. 21 — 31). How
does Paul farther prove that the carnal descent fi-om Abraham did
not bestow any claim to the promises and salvation of God, as the
Jews imagined? Again, from the law, which expressly points out
that, outwardly, Jacob and Esau possessed equal claims to the
inheritance of the paternal blessing ; but that from the very com
mencement, by God's counsel and predestination, this blessing
was destined for Jacob (see Rom. ix. 10 — 13). It is for this
reason that even there, where the legal ordinances cannot, in
their natural and original sense, be applied, he discerns, never-

72 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
theless, declarations of the Spirit, who is not limited to definite
times, but has respect to the Church of all times. Thus, e.g.,
the law of the ox treading out the corn is, to him, a Divine au
thority in the question regarding wages for the labourer in the
kingdom of God (see 1 Cor. ix. 8—10). Nor has Paul failed
expressly to declare his principle, as to the nature of the contents
ofthe Old Testament,— the principle which lies at the foundation
of such appUcations of the Old Testament Scriptures. Thus he
writes to the Church of GentUe Christians at Rome ; " For
whatsoever things were written aforetime were written for our
learning" (see Rom. xv. 4). Even as to the ground of this abid
ing, comprehensive, and universal authority of the Old Testament
Scriptures, Paul has given an express declaration in ¦writing :
" All Scripture (see Hofmann, Weissagung u. ErfiiUg. i. 43 ;
Wiesingcr on 2 Tira. ni. 16) is OeoTrveva-To'; (breathed through
by God), and is profitable for doctrine" (2 Tim. iii. 16). And in
order that no one may believe that, for the purpose of being
thus susceptible of instruction, a lower degree of faith and know
ledge is supposed, let it be remembered that Paul has •written the
passage just quoted, with a direct reference and application to his
enlightened and beloved friend Timothy. It is evident that there
is no middle ground betwixt the passage last quoted, and the
declaration of the Apostle which we are now considering. We
shall, however, not overlook the confident objection of Baur, in
order at once to show in this instance, that the teaching and
conviction of Paul is on the side of belief in the whole contents of
the Old Testament Scripture. Baur refers us to Gen. xvii. 14 ;
and his opinion evidently is, that since Paul so emphatically
denies the universal vaUdity ofthe commandment of circumcision
(see Gal. v. 2), and even practically carries out that view (see
Gal. ii. 3, 4), he could not, by any possibility, have believed in
the Divine authority of this commandraent ; and the more he had
asserted a freedom from the law of circumcision, and the yoke of
bondage founded upon it, the less he could have believed in the
whole contents of the law and the prophets. But as soon as we
conceive of this faith, with that spirituality and vitality which we
find in Paul, the direct reverse will be the case. For it is just
because Paul believes in the whole contents of Scripture, and,
hence, also in Gen. xvii. 14, that he is the more convinced that

ACTS XXIV. 1— XXV. 22. 73
the Galatians are not at liberty to submit to circumcision ; that
Titus must not yield to the demand of the Judaizing teachers for
circumcision. For it is just because Paul believes in the whole con
tents of Scripture, that he cannot overlook the fact, that the com
mandment of circumcision was given to Abraham, only after he
was justified by faith (see Gen. xv. 6) ; that the sign of the cove
nant was then only in its proper place, after.,Abraham had already
become something before God, — namely, a just man (see Theolog.
Comment, i. 1. 199). From this, Paul rightly infers that justifica
tion had not been made to depend upon circumcision (see Rom.
iv. 9 — 12). But what is the object of the Judaizers in Galatia
and Jerusalem ? These wish to put circumcision before justifica
tion. And what does Paul oppose to that ? Among other things,
a beUef in Gen. xvii. 14, — a belief which, as is shown by Rom.
iv. 9 — 12, refers not only to the contents, but also to the succes
sion of time of the passage in question.
We are thus irresistibly led to the conviction, not only that St
Paul could not have hesitated to profess his belief in the whole
contents of Scripture, without becoming unfaithful to his position,
but that this confession was the necessary result of his taking up
the ground which he occupied. May we now, as regards this
point, go a step farther, and maintain that this profession is pre
cisely that which is most appropriate to the present stage of
Paul's history and ministry ? I believe that we are entitled to
make this assertion, if we pay particular attention to the form of
the profession itself. We have already seen that, in this profes
sion, Paul has respect not only to the contents of Scripture, but
also to the form, inasmuch as he conceives of the believed con
tents as brought in the form of a written book, and professes his
belief in these contents, as being -written. Now if Paul has really
spoken these words — and, hitherto, no argument has been advanced
to induce us to doubt this — we cannot but suppose that this cir
cumstance concerning the form is, in such a connection, of no
little importance.
There are no people in whose history writing forms so irapor
tant and so momentous an event, as the people of Israel. Israel had
seen on Sinai the signs of a present God, and had learned firora these
that Jehovah is not manifested in anything in the world ; that, on
the contrary, although He is the Creator of heaven and earth.

74 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
He might do away with heaven as well as earth, and that, hence,
He must be a Spirit. In addition to, and under these signs, Israel
had heard fi-om the mountain the Uving words of Jehovah ; and
in these ten commandments, the general impression of the signs
was comprehended. Israel learned and knew that Jehovah was
a Spirit, and they themselves flesh. The people, therefore, trem
bled, and moved away, and stood afar off (see Exod. xx. 18).
Now, these ten words which Israel heard, under such an ex
perience, were written on stone, by Jehovah (Deut. x. 1 — 4) ;
and the two tables of stone on which these ten commandments
were written, formed the foundation of aU the holy things of
Israel (see Exod. xxv. 10 — 22) ; and thus the people were hi-
delibly impressed with the importance of writing. It was in a
manner so incomparably solemn and signiflcant, that these ten
commandments were written, which appeared as the most con
centrated expression of the Divine Spirit, and thus had fuUy
brought out the carnal nature of Israel. These words were
destined for Israel, for they were spoken in the ears of Israel ;
and since they were spirit and life, the place where they were to
be received and reverenced was none else than the spirit and
heart of Israel. But this place has as yet no existence ; inasmuch
as Israel is carnal. Is, then, all relation betwixt Israel and these
words to be, for this reason, cut off? No; for Jehovah has
chosen this people to be the bearers of His words ; and although
Israel flee from the Uving words of Jehovah, yet they do not wish
to be separated from Jehovah and His word (Exod, xx, 19).
For this reason, -writing was chosen to receive and preserve the
word of God in the meantime. For ¦writing also can receive and
preserve the word of God, because it is nothing else than the
word become visible. But this place — the writing — is after all
just the opposite of the place originally and speciaUy designed for
the words of God. For, by the writing, the spirit and the words
are manifested as being external to, and opposite to man CJerem.
xxxi. 33). And Paul has had the very same experience of the
nature and importance of writing as Israel once had, and has ob
tained it in the same way. There was a time when he was in
friendly relations with the law ; but it was a time of delusion. That
which he considered to be the law, was, at bottom, only the
opinion which Pharisaism had formed regarding the law : It was

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 75
the law of God made of none effect by the traditions of the
Pharisees and Scribes (comp. Matt. xv. 6). And as little as, at
that time, the real law of God was known to him, as little did he
know of himself ; he appeared to himself to be a just and blameless
man (see Pii. iii. 6), whilst he was a transgressor of the law ; he
appeared to himself to be living, while he was, in reality, dead in
sins. By a revelation firom heaven, the law of God, in its true
nature, then came upon him. He now, in his innermost soul,
felt that it was spiritual, while he saw himself to be carnal, sold
under sin (see Rom. vii. 14). And it was the letter of the law
which could not fail to represent itself to him as making clear
this relation of enmity between the spiritual nature of the
law, and his own carnality. The law now no longer appeared
and came to him in the form of oral tradition, and, therefore,
darkened by Pharisaic additions ; it no more addressed to him
the formula : " Ye have heard that it was said by thera of old
time" (see Matt. v. 21, 27, 31, 33, 38, 43), but in the clear and
original form, darkened by nothing, and addressing him in the
formula : " It is written." How, and whence do we know that ?
Paul ascribes to the letter the power of killing (2 Cor. iii. 6) ;
and since he, at the same time, and more distinctly, declares that
the ministration of death had appeared engraved in letters on
stone (see 2 Cor. iii. 7), we see that, by the letter which kiUeth,
he expressly understands the law appearing in letters engraven
on stone, the killing power of which he had experienced in him
self (see Gal. ii. 19 ; Rom. ¦vii. 10, 11). At the same moment,
therefore, the significance of the spirit, and the significance of
the letter in the law, are revealed to the consciousness of Paul ;
and this experience of the killing power of the letter, as that form
ofthe Spirit which reveals the carnal nature of man, has become
so indelible that it expresses itself as an ever valid opinion, in the
words : to ypd/jt/Ma aTroKTeivei.
But how is it that St Paul ever thinks of again entering into a
relation with the letter, the nature of which had become so per
nicious to him ? In the first place, so much is clear, that the new
life cannot have arisen to Paul out of the letter ; for the power
which brought death to him cannot, at the same time, have given
back life to him. It is true that Paul vindicates the quickening
power of the Spirit, as well as the killing power of the letter. It

76 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
is also true that the letter is a form of the Spirit ; but since letter
and Spirit are distinguished from, and contrasted with, each other
as death and life, we certainly cannot conceive of the quickening
Spirit in the forra of the letter. But we are led to the idea, that
although the letter be a form of the Spirit, yet there must be be
sides another more immediate and original manner of the Spirit's
manifestation. The history of Paul gives us a satisfactory dis
closure regarding this other form of the Spirit's manifestation.
For, whereby does the new life spring up in Paul ? After all his
faculties and energies had been broken, after the whole power of
his present life had been killed, and he had been rendered entirely
a passive recipient, — when he was praying (see ix. 17), Ananias
came to him, and spake to him words of Spirit and life : and, frora
that moment, light and life entered into him. Here, also, there
was a form of the Spirit which came to him ; but it was a huraan
form, sustained and produced by a human voice, body, and per
son, and, hence, a form which does not stand and remain separate
fi-om, and external to man ; but is appropriate to human nature,
and is, therefore, for man, also the original form ; while that other
forra always supposes a special, extraneous reason of its existence.
Hence, we recognize in Paul's history a two-fold form of the
Spirit ; the one, when the Spirit employs a human person as His
organ ; the other, when it employs the elements of the world and
of nature for its manifestation. In the first mentioned forra. His
manifestation is in an unrestrained manner; for the huraan per
son, animated and moved by Him, works in a free manner, cor
responding with his nature. In the latter form. He is shut up and
is bound, is separated fi-om spontaneous life, and exists as nature.
In the first mentioned form, he, therefore, not only exists as a
man, and in an unconstrained manner, but produces also human
and free life. In the latter form. He, as Pie exists in the form of
lifelessness, works, even out of hiraself, stupor and death.
But is it necessary that this antithesis, which indeed exists for
the beginning of life, should always remain in -vigour ? Nature
and a state of bondage, it is true, form the antithesis to person
and fi-eedom ; but is it not implied in the nature of personality
and liberty to determine theraselves in reference to nature and
bondage, and, hence, to remove the original antithesis ? And
must not this arrangement hold so much the more true in our

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 77
case, that we have seen that the nature and bondage of which we
here speak, are nothing but forms of the same Spirit created by
the Spirit, and forms, too, ofthe same Spirit who prevails also in
the personality and liberty. Even where the personal and free
development ofthe Ufe ofthe Spirit proceeds altogether in a normal
way, the necessity will appear of again uniting with the form of
the Spirit existing in nature,— a necessity which has its foundation
in the dualism of human nature. For this reason, even in that
life which the Spirit of God has formed from the very beginning,
and created in aU and every relation, — even in the life of Jesus
there is found the necessity of seeking in that form which the
Spirit has assumed in nature, i.e., in the Holy Scriptures, the
divinely appointed rule and Umit of the firee and personal life of
the Spirit. Here, then, there is, of course, not the antithesis of
the letter, for the flesh does not oppose the power of the Spirit ;
but, on the contrary, the life of freedora and personality, wrought
and pervaded by the Spirit, unites with that form of nature which
the same Spirit has created from the beginning and thoroughly
penetrated, and which is, thereby, developed and completely
wrought into a perfect human life. Thus it is explained that
Jesus received the Holy Scripture into the secret of His inner
most life (see Matt. iv. 4, 7, 10 ; John xvii. 12). But in every
other firee and human life, the flesh is another acting energy, be
side the Spirit. The operation of the Spirit is, therefore, exposed
to fluctuations and interruptions; and, from this cause, the neces
sity of a union with the life of the Spirit, as existing in nature,
wiU be still more felt, and will become more urgent. If, now, we
look to the Apostle Paul especially, we find in him the form of
the free and personal life of the Spirit, in its highest degree and
development. As no Apostle has experienced the killing power
of the letter to the same degree as the Apostle Paul, so also none
has, to the sarae degree as Paul, experienced and manifested the
quickening power ofthe Spirit in His original form. No authority
restrains him ; he does not know Jesus after the flesh (see 2 Cor.
V. 16), but only the Lord from heaven who is the Spirit (see 2
Cor. iii. 17, 18). He does not enter into any connection with
the Apostles until he has been confirmed in his office and dignity
by signs fi-om God. He goes into the Gentile world, as being
sent by the Lord who is the Spirit, and whose Spirit creates

78 SECT. XXXUI. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
liberty wheresoever Pie prevails. And, everywhere, Paul opens
up the way ofthe Spirit and liberty, in not binding the Churches
any farther than they must consider themselves bound by the
Spirit communicated to them ; so that we might say that Paul
had, for the first time, revealed and manifested the liberty of the
Spirit as a power pervading and influencing the whole world.
But, just on this account, there exists, in the whole extent of his
ministry, for Paul, in addition to the two reasons already pointed
out, a third, why the free life of the Spirit, after having expanded
itself, should again unite with Holy Scripture, and thus obtain
its natural perfection. Thus the circumstance will be accounted
for, that none of the Apostles has laid .such stress upon the Holy
Scripture, as just the Apostle of the Spirit and Uberty. On the
other hand, we learn from this fact, that the designed and emphatic
reference to Scripture must everywhere, and hence also in the
development of Paul, be considered as a second and finishing
element. It is, therefore, altogether natural that it is in the second
Epistle to Timothy (see 2 Tim. iU. 14 — 16) — which, in all pro
bability, is the last Epistle of Paul — that we find the most express
and emphatic declaration of the Apostle regarding the necessity
and profitableness of Scripture. We are, accordingly, well en
titled to say that the present confession of the Apostle as to the
whole of that which is written in the form of a book, does not
only, in general, appear to be quite in keeping with the Apostle's
views and doctrine, but also to be quite appropriate to the pre
sent period in the course of events.
All this would appear more simple and obvious, were it not
that, with regard to the Scripture, the false theory had been
propagated, that the Divine nature of Scripture required that, in
the development of the spiritual life, it should occupy the first,
and not the second place ; and that this is commonly held up as
the true Protestant view. For this reason, it may stiU farther
help to a better understanding and illustration of the Apostle's
declaration in question, and of the present period in the history
of events during this earliest age of the Church, if we devote a
few words to the refutation of this so-called Protestant -view. As
a proof of the importance of the order pointed out by us, it may
be sufficient to state the universally-known circumstance, that the
post-Apostolic Church at first developed itself far more according

ACTS XXIV. 1 — xxv. 22. 79
to the firee form of the Spirit, than according to His natural form ;
that it was far more guided by the TrapaSoo-ts dirooToXiK-^, which
everywhere was more in union and harmony with the real state
of things, and with the various conditions and relations, than by
Holy Scripture. Although this has often been found to be
singular and surprising, yet it is so little so in reality, that it is
nothing more than the altogether natural effect ofthe influence of
the Apostles, and especially of St Paul within the Gentile Church,
which shews itself in this. But, wherever the post-Apostolic
Church was called to perfect itself by casting out and warding off
extraneous influences, there, as naturally, and quite in keeping with
the order, the union with Holy Scripture takes place. In the
same order, the renovation of the Gentile Church at the time of
the Reformation took place also. For the Reformation is not,
as is beUeved by many, primarily and chiefly a restoration of
Holy Scripture, so that Luther's li^ving contact with Holy Scrip
ture would need to be considered as the real point where the
great work of God began and had its origin. Luther did not at
all fare better with the letter of Holy Scripfm-e than did St Paul.
The letter slew him ; but Luther, too, found his Ananias ; this
mediator of the new life was, for Luther, that pious monk who,
in a lively manner, proclaimed to him and impressed upon his
soul, the belief of the Church in the remission of sins. It is in
this manner that the firee, independent, confident, and assured
Christian man was created in Luther. In the farther course of
the movement and development, and especially of the rising
conflicts, this firee Christian man saw the necessity of the limit,
but saw, at the same time, that since he was born of the Spirit
of God, no other limit or rule was congenial to his liberty than
that which was formed by the same Spirit, viz., the letter of the
Holy Spirit. Now, as there has not existed in the Church any
indi^vidual in whom the Pauline liberty had gained such an ascen
dancy as it did in Luther, so there is none in whom the Scripture,
with its supreme authority, has been so thoroughly received ; and
the order and succession of time was, in Luther, altogether the
same as here it has been shewn to be in the history of Paul.
Our assertion that Paul's bringing forward the Scripture, which
we meet in the passage under consideration, corresponds precisely
with the stage of events, and with the development of the

80 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
Apostle and his congregations, will be still farther conflrmed and
illustrated, when we attend, on the one hand, to the analogy
offered by that Church which allowed itself to be guided by the
testimony of Luther, and, on the other hand, to the deviations
which, on this point, we flnd in the Swiss Reformation. It cor
responds entirely with Luther's course of development, that the
Augsburg Confession develops and maintains the doctrine of the
liberty and independence of the Christian man ; but, as regards
the Divine formation and government of this life, it so far passes
it over altogether in silence, that it does not contain any definite
doctrine concerning it. This, however, is reserved for the For
mula Concordiae, which brings the movement to a close ; and it
has performed this task in a manner entirely appropriate ; inas
much as it puts its doctrine regarding the Scripture before all
other doctrines, thus holding it up as a principle, and assigning
to it a primary significance and importance. But, on the other
hand, it takes good care not to reraove the Scripture from the
second place due to it, to the first ; for it does not designate
Scripture as the origin and fountain of Ufe — as was afterwards
done by an unsound mode of thinking and speaking — ^but as a
rule for doctrines which had already arisen in another way, and
were in existence. But, on the other hand, the inversion of the
natural order, which we found in the development of the spiritual
life, is, along with all its pernicious consequences, clearly mani
fested in the Swiss Reformation. Zwingle takes a course opposite
to that of Luther. He has, first and chiefly, directed his attention
to Scripture ; and it is from it that he obtains light for ascertain
ing deficiencies and wants. Thus it happened that, as early as
in 1516, he declared to Cardinal Schiner that the Papacy had no
foundation in Scripture (see Ranke, Deutsche Gesehichte im
Zeitalter der Reformation, iii. 58 — 85). It is already implied in
this fact, that in this circle, the Ufe of liberty and of the Spirit
could not be fully worked out ; inasmuch as the Scripture was
introduced at by far too early a stage, and in too narrow a man
ner; and, hence, wrought only in the way of thwarting and
obstructing, instead of perfecting and closing. But that this
haste in bringing in the Scripture is no proof of a greater reve
rence and love for the Scriptures, is seen in that struggle, in
which, more than anywhere else, it was the question to settle the

ACTS XXIV. 1  XXV. 22. 81
con'viction into a firmness and security sufficient for the building
up of a Church, viz., in the controversy about the Lord's Supper.
For here it was Luther whose ardent faith entered into a union
with the letter of the Spirit, and thus produced a confession,
living, and spreading Ufe ; whilst Zwingle, owing to aU the visions
and delusions conjured up by his reason, was not able to pene
trate to the holy letter ofthe Spirit, and, hence, also, was not able
to produce a firm confession on the point in dispute.^
We have thus found that St Paul, by confessing his belief in
the whole contents of what is written, not only did what, in his
heart, he felt to be a duty and a necessity, and what his present
position urged him to do, but also paid due deference and regard
to existing circumstances. But shall we be able to claim for
him the same liberty from all outward constraint, and from all
accommodation, as respects also his confession of the hope, with
which he suddenly, as by a leap, transfers us from the deep Past
of the law and the prophets to the last and most distant Future
(ver. 15) ? We must first realize what, in the mouth of Paul,
is meant by the resurrection of the dead, both of the just and of
the unjust, which the Jews also, as Paul affirms, expect. It
needs only to be mentioned that in Paul's system of doctrines,
known to us from other sources, this hope has also a place, in
order to see at once that, of all events of the Future, this resur
rection ofthe dead, both of the just and ofthe unjust, is the last
and the closing one. For the resurrection ofthe just is the com-
1 If the English reader should find the above argumentation to be
rather dark and uninteUigible, let hira not complain of the translator ;
for the German reader of the original will fare no better. Our author
belongs to that class of theologians who have been unable to throw
aside the jargon of modem German philosophy and speculative
theology ; so that, frequently, it is by no means easy to discover what
they really would be at. It will, however, not be difficult to discover
the drift of the author's argumentation ; and though by no means pre
pared to go the whole length of the author, the translator yet thinks
that he may safely allow the arguments to speak for themselves. As
regards, however, the view which the author takes of Zwingle and
the Swiss Reformation, the translator thinks it right to remark that
Dr Baumgarten belongs to the ultra-Lutherans of Germany ; and that,
whatever, therefore, the reader may think about the soundness and
merits of our author's arguments, he must receive his opinion about
Zwingle only cum grano sails. — Tr.
VOL. III. F

82 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
pleted victory over death ; but, if death, as Paul teaches, (1 C(ir..
XV. 26) be the last enemy, then this victory implies the comple
tion. All that has gone before is, thereby, declared to be
something imperfect and defective, and, hence, reduced to some
thing subordinate, which must vanish before the glory of this
final completion. But, on the other hand, everything preced
ing has been invested, by the resurrection, with its abiding,
eternal right ; for that which is raised from the grave is the '
body, the bearer of all temporal and earthly imperfections and
frailties. By the resurrection, then, it is shown that all imper
fections and weaknesses were attached to something eternal and
imperishable, which is to be manifested as such at some future
time, and thereby is to be glorified by being raised from its dark
earthly forra into one which is bright and heavenly. The
resurrection of the just is, therefore, without doubt the highest
and the last, before which all that is present raust vanish ; but,
on the other hand, it is only the corapletion of what is here and
present. In the same body in which sin and death have dwelt,
righteousness also has had its abode ; and, inasmuch as the indi
viduals are called just, righteousness must have obtained the
victory over sin and death during the life of the body : hence, the
resurrection of the just is, again, nothing but a manifestation of
what was here hidden.
The resurrection of the unjust is simply the reverse of this
resurrection. Ever since the days of Cain and Abel, just and
unjust not only live beside one another, but they stand also in
constant alternate relations opposed to one another, so that the
victory of the one is the defeat of the other, the joy of the one
the sorrow of the other, — and so also the reverse. The destiny
of the just can, therefore, not be fulfilled in any other way than
by the fulfilling of the destiny of the unjust also. By the resur
rection of the body of the unjust, all their doings and sufferings
in this body, their whole development on this side of the grave,
are likewise carried beyond death, and are, thereby, represented
as pervaded by eternity. Here, also, the resurrection can only
be the moment of completion : but what a completion ! They
have been unjust; unrighteousness was the centre of their indivi
dual lives ; all their doings and omissions were, therefore, opposed
to the will of God. When, therefore, by the resurrection of the

ACTS x.\iv. 1 — XXV. 22. 83
body, this rebellion against the will of God which has pervaded
the whole life, and has penetrated through all the members of the
body, is drawn to light fi-om its concealment, nothing can remain
but that the will of God, which alone has power, now that time is
no more, should deUver up to destruction the whole man, body and
soul. The separation of the just from the unjust, which pervades
the whole history of mankind as the struggle of righteousness and
unrighteousness, will thus be manifested, completed, and made
eternal. If thus, in the resurrection of the dead, both of the just
and ofthe unjust, the last and final issue is to be contained, we see
that this last and final issue must receive within itself, and complete
all that has preceded — the whole earthly and bodily development
of all individuals. In this it is implied, then, that whatsoever
Paul may consider and maintain as an element of development,
is contained and comprehended in such a view, although it be not
expressed in this confession of the hope. And in order to sum
up, and state, and prove in one word, that Paul could very
properly so express his hope of the Future, as we find it in this
discourse, we need only bring to remembrance one declaration of
his, in which his purpose evidently is to bring before us the
ultimate issue of all developments, and in which, nevertheless, he
says substantially the same thing as he does in the verse now
under consideration. It is the passage, 2 Cor. v. 10 : roii'i yap
irdvTa's rj/Mdi (pavepcoOrjvai Bel efivpoaOev tov ^r'lpLaTO^ tov Xpio'-
TOV, iva KOjiio'rjTab SKCiaTO'i Ta Bia tov cra)fjiaTO<s, ,7rpo? a eTTpa^ev,
evre dr^adov, etVe KaKov.
But although StPaul might hold that, in this confession as to
the ultimate end, everything was contained which appeared, to him
to be important and necessary as a feature and condition in the
development, the question still remains, whether his passing over
in silence all these features and conditions of the development
could have taken place without constraint, while, everywhere else,
we find him so earnestly engaged in pointing them out. For the
pectdiarity of Paul's position consists just in this : — that he traces
the whole development of man up to its first hidden beginnings.
The development within Judaism has so entirely turned to with
out, that the spiritual foundation had been altogether covered and
overspread ; and Paul himself had, in his history, experienced
this perversion as the greatest evil. He was, therefore, peculiarly
2 F

84 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
fitted, and was chosen, to point out the first beginnings and hid
den foundations of salvation, in order that the delusions which
had crept in might, for ever, find a powerful and effective resis
tance. The first thing with him, therefore, is the knowledge
that there is no difference araong men, that all are equally
sinners, that the difference between righteous and unrighteous
has entirely vanished (see Rom. in. 22, 23). In this absence of
all distinction, in this equality of all the children of Adam, one
person is made so much the more prominent. It is Jesus the
Christ, who is the only Just One among all the unjust (see xxii.
li). It is in Him that the only foundation of all admissible dis
tinctions among men lies. But, inasmuch as the person of Christ
presents an aspect both concealed and manifest, it again belongs
to the position of Paul chiefly to take cognizance of the concealed
aspect of this person, which forms the foundation, namely, the
suffering and dying of the Lord Jesus Christ ; for which reason
he is able to comprehend his whole doctrine in the one sentence :
that he knew nothing save Jesus Christ and Him crucifled (see
1 Cor. ii. 2). And as Paul beholds in the cross and blood of Jesus
Christ the eternally abiding objective ground of all righteousness
and of all salvation ; so, the subjective ground of righteousness
and salvation wrhich abides for all temporal development is, to
him, faith in Jesus Christ. Hence, the distinction between just
and unjust is viewed and represented by him as the distinction
between believers and unbelievers (see 1 Cor. vi. 6 ; 2 Cor. iv.
4 ; vi. 14, 15 ; 1 Tim. v. 8 ; Tit. i. 15 ; Rom. xv. 31 ; 2 Thess.
ii. 10, 12). No'w, although all these beginnings and foundations
of the developments are fully acknowledged in the view here ex
pressed by the Apostle, jet it cannot be denied that there is the
appearance of something unbecoraing in the Apostle's passing over
in silence the things peculiarly entrusted to his testimony. But
even here, our doubts and objections may be turned into a new
confirmation of the faithfulness with which Paul's speech has
been transmitted to us ; for the silence, which must certainly
have appeared strange at another time, is perfectly appropriate
to the present moraent in the history. For after his return to
Jerusalem frora the lands of the GentUes, Paul may consider
himself as at the end of his career. But since he is, firom the
outset, conscious that his Apostleship has been added only in

.\.CTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 85
order to serve in the kingdom of God a purpose which has
become necessary through the hardening of Israel, and that,
hence, it has to step into the background as soon as this object
has been attained, we need not ¦ft^onder that he does not here
seek earnestly to maintain the ground necessary for his ministry
among the Gentiles, but that it should appear to him more
appropriate to make his peculiarity merge into the Old Testament
type, given and intended for all normal development. Hence
the distinction between believers and unbelievers appears to him
under the form ofthe completion of this antithesis, as a separation
between just and unjust ; and, in the same manner, the hidden
foundation of righteousness and salvation, at the first appear
ance of Christ, steps altogether into the background in the view
of the completion of this righteousness and salvation at the second
coming of Christ ; just as the Old Testament, and, accordingly,
the Synagogue also (see Bertholdi, Christol. Judaeorum, p. 203 —
226) direct their hope chiefly to this end. This confession of
his hope which Paul here makes is thus quite in accordance -with
his conduct in joining, on the advice of James, the society, and
undergoing the purification ofthe four Nazarites.
The more the accusers of Paul denied all true Judaism, al
though they had given themselves out as the representatives of
true Judaism, the more anxious is the Apostle to show that he
was holding fast all that could properly be considered as true
Judaism. His indestructible affection for Jerusalem, his firm
faith in the God of his fathers, in the Scriptures, and in the hope
of Israel, he has already expressed. He now finaUy declares
his unchangeable love for his people themselves ; and to prove
this, he refers to a fact which could the less be denied that it
formed, although disfigured, one of the chief points of accusa
tion against him (ver. 15, 18). That which Paul here expresses
is by no means new to us ; on the contrary, we conceived our
selves bound to suppose, even in the former account of the
journey of the Apostle to Jerusalem, the same thing to which he
here expressly points. It must, however, be very gratifying to
us to find here one express confirmation of what we inferred
fi-om the former facts as to the thoughts of Paul. Paul says
that after the lapse of several years (on Sta e'rwi/ trXeiovcav, ver.
17, see Meyer), he had arrived to bring alms for his nation ; and,

86 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
in this, it is not only implied that the bringing of the collection
formed the main object of the journey ; but it is also intimated
that this bringing of the offerings must be regarded as a result
of his absence, and by which the latter was justified and accounted
for. The collection, indeed, is here mentioned, not merely in a
cursory way, as Schneckenburger (see Zweck der Apostelgesch.
S. 113) and Zeller (see 1. c. S. 548) represent the matter. It
is placed in the very centre of the whole context ; so that we are
obliged to consider in what way this object is to be conceived of
in connection with the other object which is pointed out. The
best explanation of this point is given by Paul himself, who
represents the collection as being destined for his people. For
it is not enough to remember, as Meyer does, the fact that the
greater part of the faithful in Jerusalera consisted of such as were
Jews by birth ; we must add that, by these offerings of the
faithful fi-om among the Gentiles, Paul intended to exhibit the
sentiments of love and gratitude which were felt towards all
Israel, and which were, hence, bestowed upon the faithful in Jeru
salem, only because they were considered as the representatives of
the whole people. From the express declarations of the Apostle
himself, we know that his last wish and purpose is thus to make
an impression upon his people Israel by means of the GentUesj
and that he entertains the sure hope that this widely indirect
way will at length secure the wished-for consummation (see Rom.
xi. 13, 14, 25, 26). From this ground taken by the Apostle, his
entire absence from Jerusalem, and his whole ministry among the
Gentiles, may very well be conceivedof, as ha^vingfor their sole ob
ject the anxiety of Paul to present the offerings of charity, and the
whole Gentile Churches, in order to produce upon the whole of
his own^eople a salutary impression which might lead to repent
ance, and conversion to God. In this ¦view we are confirmed by
the addition, Trpoo-^opa?, which brings us within the very sarae
circle of ideas. For, from the subsequent relative clause, we see
that Paul, by the offerings, understands the sacrifices which he
had given for the four Nazarites. We have thus a confirmation
of what we found om-selves obliged to assume above, -viz., that
Paul took the expenses for this communion with the four Nazarites,
from the collection made by him for the poor of the Church of
Jerusalem. Schneckenburger, indeed, is of opinion that the

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 87
teference to the payment of the sacrifice for the Nazarites was
something so trifling that it could not have been considered as
alms for the people (see 1. c. S. 113). But the matter must
plainly be -viewed and estimated, not externally, but internally.
In such a Ught, the application of the collection for that purpose
is sufficiently important and significant, for this reason : — that, by
these first fruits, the whole collection is represented as a completion
and fulfilment of the previous offerings of the Gentiles for Israel,
which were made under the Old Testament with a reference to
the sanctuary and service of God. To this may be added the
circumstance that, by this sole application of the collection, the
whole intention of the Apostle, viz.. to make an impression upon
Israel by means of the offerings of the Gentiles, is really carried
out, as far at least as our account goes. In thus declaring the
part which he personally took in this appUcation of the Gentile
collection, Paul once more comes back to his intention of worship
ping in Jerusalem, inasmuch as the purification connected with
this matter had to be performed in the place of worship. At
the same time he thereby gets an opportunity of decidedly deny
ing, once more, the false charge, of having profaned the teraple
(vv. 18, 19).
After both parties had thus pleaded before the tribunal ofthe
Procurator, Felix had to, pronounce sentence. He might well
have acquitted Paul, inasmuch as the accusers had no reply to
make to the victorious representation and challenge of the
Apostle ; and Felix might the rather have done so, that " he had
a perfect knowledge of the way" (aKpi^ecrTepov ei'Sw? to. irepl
Tr]<; oBov, ver. 22, see Meyer), which is the progress of Judaism,
-viz., Christianity ; and, hence, knew so much that there was no
crime against Judaism contained in the Christian faith. But
since Felix was in a position similar to that of Pilate, i.e., he had
become dependent upon the favour of the Jews, because of his
manifold acts of injustice (see ver. 27), he did not venture to act
in this matter in direct opposition to the Sanhedrim of Jerusalera.
He, therefore, deferred the final decision until, as he said, he
should have an opportunity of hearing Lysias (ver. 22). But
since no mention is afterwards raade of Lysias, it is evident that
the Procurator's plea was a mere subterfuge. But why is Felix
not induced to vield to the members of the Sanhedrim in the

88 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
same cowardly manner as once PUate did ? Felix himself is not
stronger than Pilate ; but the time has now come when the order
and law of the Roman empire are to be proved to be of effect
and advantage to the kingdom of God. It is this power which
keeps him fi-om delivering up Paul. Of this order ofthe Roman
empire, we are also reminded by the expression, aj/e/3aXeTo,ver.22.
For Grotius remarks concerning it : " The best translation of the
word is by ampliavit eos. This term occurs, in this sense, in
Cicero pro Licinio and III. Verrina ; and in Liv, i, 4, The
standing expression of a judge deferring judgment was 'amplius,*
sc, cognoscendum," But the fact that Felix was convinced of
the innocence of Paul, is seen especially in the less severe, and
kinder treatmentwhich, from that time, he granted to the Apostle
(ver. 23).
The farther account of the relation of Felix to Paul (-w. 24 —
27 ), is, in the first place, intended to explain to us the reason why
Paul, although he had made so favourable an impression upon
the Procurator, was, nevertheless, not liberated, but, on the con
trary, after an imprisonment of two years, was, on the occasion
of a change of the Procurator, handed over, still bound, by Felix,
to his successor Festus. But if it had been Luke's intention
merely to state the reason why the cause of Paul was thus pro
tracted, this might have been accomplished in a shorter and easier
way; and this so much the more, that we have always found our
author to be rather laconic than verbose. How many features
are there even in this passage which, if nothing else were in
tended than a bare statement of these reasons, could not fail to
be regarded as, at the least, superfluous. We are thus compeUed
to look for something else and something more here, than the
reason why no decision was come to in the cause of Paul ; and
that "something else" and even more is obvious enough. It is the
enormous wickedness of the Procurator which is, at the sarae
time, to be here illustrated. Luke, indeed, does not remove the
veil from the relation betwixt Felix and Drusilla the Jewess.
But, by the circumstance that he introduces Paul appearing
before Felix by the side of this, his Jewish wife ; that Paul, after
having borne testimony to the faith of Christ, begins, in a more
confidential manner, to speak {BiaXeyofievov, ver. 25), of righteous
ness, chastity, and a future judgment ; — that Felix suddenly be-

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 89
comes terrified, and finishes the conversation in a very suspicious-
looking way, by sending away Paul ; — by all these circumstances,
Luke intimates that the chastity of Felix has as Uttle remained
spotless, as we have found his righteousness to be unshaken. And,
indeed, how very unnatural in itself is this connubial connexion
of Felix, the representative of the Roman Emperor, with Dru
silla, a Jewess, and representative of the daughter of Zion ! This
is, at least, as unnatural and unsound in itself, and as contradic
tory, as the desire to hear of Paul's belief, and his sending for
the Apostle for this very purpose, and his becoming afraid, and
his suddenly breaking off the conversation when the Apostle
reminds him of righteousness, chastity, and judgment. Now, we
know fi-om other sources, that Drusilla had been married to the
Prince of Emesa ; but that, at the instigation of Felix, she had
been induced, by the magician Simon, to desert her husband, and
had afterwards married Felix (see Winer, bibl. Realworterb. i.
278). In these facts, we have the confirmation of that to which allu
sion is here made. We are thus reminded that we are not, by any
means, to conceive of, as a pre-eminently just and pure man, this
Felix who had granted to Paul protection against the persecu
tions of the Jews. But what is still worse is the circumstance
that even the Gospel — this power of God for sin — is in vain for
him ; inasmuch as he does not avail himself of it, although he
knows it (ver. 22), but, as we afterwards hear (ver. 25), with
draws, in a cowardly manner, fi-om the strictness of it. But
Luke lets us see still farther into the -wickedness of this Roman ;
for we are told that Felix was base enough to think and to ex
pect that money should have been given him of Paul for his
liberation. He had, no doubt, perceived that Paul enjoyed a
great amount of love and esteem fi-om many Jews and Gentiles.
He, therefore, thought that it must have been very natural for
his prisoner to offer a considerable sum for his liberation, ac
cording to the custom of bribery which was, at that time, very
prevalent. The Procurator, the highest representative of the
Roman constitution and order of law, thus not only appears as a
deserter firom his own order, as Grotius remarks ; but we also see
that he seeks, by his own wickedness, to de.stroy the only remain
ing means of drawing him out of his worthlessness. He was
terrified by the Apostle's preaching of repentance. In this he

90 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
had a sure testimony of his real inward state. By this sign he
might have attained to a clear knowledge of his own character.
But he knows only how to drive away the venerable form of
the preacher of repentance ; while, at other times again, he con
ceives of him as one like himself who considers every means, for
every purpose, to be lawful. And in such awful internal confusion
he has the baseness frequently to call Paul into his presence, to
commune with him, and to suggest to him, very plainly, the pos
sibility of a bribe. Thus, two years elapse ; and Felix has to
leave his office before any decision has been pronounced in the
cause of Paul. Not the slightest doubt remained in the mind of
FeUx as to the innocence of the Apostle ; but, since that does
not come forth, which he had desired and expected as the
condition of his liberation, he does not pronounce it. For
why should he, now that he is to leave office, loose the Apostle ?
He will surely not do so, were it even only for chagrin at the dis
appointment of his hopes. If Paul and his firiends do not now
offer him a sum of money, they can, in fiiture, neither be of any
service to him, nor do him any injury ; while, on the other hand,
the Jews might, by their testimony, either aggravate or amelio
rate his case at Rome, when his crimes should come to be inquired
into. For this reason — to show the Jews a pleasure, as Luke
says (ver. 27) — he left Paul bound ; on which words Grotius
properly remarks : " He wished to please the Jews, and, at the
expense of an innocent man, to turn away the wrath of the
people ; for which reason Pilate also had Christ deUvered up to
the sentence of death. Felix had perpetrated many horrible and
iniquitous things against the Jews, for which he was accused
before Nero, but escaped punishment through the influence of
his brother Pallas. This Josephus, Antiq. Hist. xx. 7 (xx. 8, 9),
narrates." The Comparison which Grotius here very aptly makes between
FeUx and Pilate leads us, however, to another aspect of the
matter which likewise deserves serious consideration. If it was
the intention of Felix to shew a pleasure to the Jews, why did
he not do so as completely as Pilate had done ? Why does he
not deUver up Paul to the Jews who desired this, under the
pretext of trying the case more minutely in Jerusalera, but, in
truth, in order to kill him by the way (xxv. 3) ? The more

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 91
plainly we have seen that it was not a sense of justice which kept
back Felix from this step, the more are we obliged, here again,
to fall back upon the power which the Roman order exercised in
the course of this history. This power appears here as so much
the more effectual for the protection of the Apostle, and for the
ser-vice of the kingdom of God, as the wickedness and worthless
ness of the individual who was called to represent it were great.
We certainly do not err in laying stress upon this thought, and
finding in it the reason why Luke has so minutely and intention
ally brought these features of the character of Felix before us.
From this we are to learn that the praying and wrestUng of the
saints among Jews and Gentiles indeed so far succeed, that while
the order of Israel arrays itself in complete hostiUty against the
kingdom of God, the order of the Roman empire affords pro
tection and free scope to him, in whom, at present, the main
spring for the proraotion of the heavenly kingdom rests ; but that
it is not implied in all this, that the personal representatives of
this order of the Roman empire do partake, in the same degree,
ofthe kingdom of God. From this we are to take a hint, and to
learn that it is possible for a contrariety to exist between the
office and the person, as regards the spiritual relation of the
Roman empire to the kingdom of God. It is in the passage
under consideration that, for the first time, the advantage of this
relation meets us so significantly, not only in its deep internal
cause and foundation, but also in its successful effect ; and it is
for this reason that the appearance of this glaring contrariety has
also a most serious aspect. For if, in this territory, person and
office come into conflict, on whose side will the victory lie ? In
the present case, it is true, we behold a victory on the side of the
office ; but ¦will this superiority always remain ? The history of
Jesus, in its relation to the preceding Old Testament history,
plainly shows that the centre of all human development lies in
the person ; for the result of the history of Jesus is none other
but that He is the Christ (see ii. 36). Jesus, then, is He in whom
the Old Testament anointing has found its truth and realization.
For, in its critical periods, the Old Testament history shows
that the office demands more than the temporary bearers of it are
able to perforin, and this contrariety between person and office
always occasions a struggle which carries on the development ;

92 SKCT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
so that from this point of view we must say that the high. Divine
dignity of the office pervades all times, and seeks a bearer and
representative which comes up to the measure of its require
ments, and when it has not found him in an anointed person, it
goes on until it does flnd him. Now the Old Testament office
has found its perfect bearer and representative in Jesus, because
He is anointed with the same spirit of which He was born ; so
that this spirit of the office penetrates to the very foundation of
His person. This relation between office and person must so
much the more be obvious to us, as it meets us, in a very
peculiar raanner, in our context. We have just seen that the
highest and most important office which existed, at that time, on
earth, had been so completely disfigured by the persons who bore
it, that it could scarcely be recognised, — yea, had been perverted
to its very opposite. Instead of recognising, in the presence of
the Apostle ofthe GentUes, and of his companions and offerings
from the heathen world, an indication of salvation yet in store
for Israel, the Sanhedrim, with a hatred which exceeded all
bounds, had rejected the last offer of the mercy of God ; and we
know that the condemning word of Paul, which is a repetition of
the threatening of the Lord himself, is to be considered as the
last trumpet which makes the judgment of God's anger to fall
unavoidably upon this highest office, and all which is thereby
represented. But the reverse of the Sanhedrim we find in the
Apostle Paul. Here is the very person in which the whole
Israelitish character and peculiarities are comprehended. But,
on the other hand, the office which Paul bears does not point so
much to Israel as to the Gentiles. In the same manner, then,
as the office of the Sanhedrim is judged and broken, because the
entire contrariety betwixt the person and the nature of the office
has manifested itself; so Paul, although he was already given up
to death, is called farther to lead and guide the Israel of God
(see Gal. vi. 16), just because his person possesses that which is
wanting to the Sanhedrim.
In the face of these Divine signs, and facts, we cannot doubt
that the good and salutary elements which are in the Roman
constitution, and which here manifest theraselves for the protec
tion of the Apostle Paul, will then only be lasting, when this
order of things is borne by persons who enter into it as Divine,
2

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 93
with the consent of their wills. But if it be represented by such
individuals as Felix — a prospect which is here opened up — then,
and in the long run, the Divine and salutary elements of this
order itself must be corrupted, by being -^dragged down into the
abyss of worthless persons ; for it is, after all, the person which
is ordained to be the central point of development. We may
here see, even now, what will be the result, when all the Divine
elements of salutary order within the Roman empire shall be
destroyed by worthless individuals. As it is this empire to which
the Church is given, until the kingdom of God enters the world ;
the order, perverted and corrupted by individuals, will, on the
advice, and at the desire of false Judaism, turn its power against
the holy representatives of the kingdom of heaven.
The account which follows (xxv. 1 — 12) regarding the con
duct of Festus towards Paul, likewise shows that we are not mis
taken in these our views respecting ihe section, xxiv. 24 — 27.
For the point of this account also is just that the person of the
Procurator affords so little protection to Paul that he must soon
feel himself entirely deserted in that quarter. Here, also, it is
again the constitution of the empire which, in opposition to the
inclination of the Procurator, maintains its authority, and secures
deference to itself.
At the very first mention of Festus, Luke at once directs at
tention to the maintainance of the laws of the Roman empire, by
using the significant expressions 67r<./3a? Tfj etrap-xja, xxv. 1, in
order to report the arrival of the Roman Procurator, at Caesarea,
the seat of government (see Grotius ad v. 1). The haste also
with which Festus, as soon as he has arrived at Caesarea (after
three days, i.e., as Wetstein correctly remarks, allowing himself
only one day of rest) sets out for Jerusalem, the national centre
of the whole province, shews the Roman official, who is fully con
scious of his new position (see Grotius, ibid.). The conduct of
the Jewish High Priest and of the chief of the people, forms a
striking contrast to this dutiful conduct of the Roman official
Instead of Ananias, a certain Ishmael had, meanwhile, been in
vested with the high priestly dignity (see Joseph. Antiq. xx. 8.
8, 11). Now, although at that time there existed in Jerusalem
much confusion and disorder (see Joseph. Ant. xx. 8, 10, 11),
yet the High Priest, with the chiefs of the Jews — by whom we

94 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
must understand not only those occupying a high official position,
the members of the .Sanhedrim, but also respectable private in
dividuals — have no more urgent business than to make a solemn
and formal representation (iveddvia-av) to the new Procurator
concerning Paul ; and this with the deceitful and wicked inten
tion of way-laying and killing him (ver. 2). Let us now consider
that two years have elapsed since the first movement against
Paul, and that Ananias, who had been personally attacked by Paul,
has been removed from the High Priest's office. We find, never
theless, that the same mortal hatred, the same murderous deceit
fulness against the Apostle Paul, still exist, — ^yea, that this deadly
hostility seems, in the meantime, to have seized all in Jerusalem
who were invested with any public position and honour. This
hostility against the ambassador of the God of Israel is evidently
an open and wicked violation of all official duty on the part of
Israel. We thus see that, in the same degree as we find the re
presentative of the Roman empire anxious to keep ¦within the
duties of his office, the magistrates in Israel are hasty and zealous
to act wickedly against their very nature. At the same time, it
here again becomes very evident what that is which delays the
filling up of their wickedness. The apostacy is completed in
the request made to the Procurator, and in the plot of the High
Priest and chiefs of the people, against the life of the Apostle
Paul. But even this full measure of apostacy on the most sacred
place on earth, has not the power of carrying out and executing
its own wickedness ; this power is given to that kingdom which,
according to God's will, possesses the world. It is true that this
very kingdom is instigated, by the wickedness of the apostacy,
to carry out its evil intentions ; but it is the good order of this
very kingdom which opposes itself to such a desire. For the
answer which Festus gives to the representations of the High
Priest is, that since Paul was imprisoned at Caesarea, there did
not exist any reason why his case should be judged of any where
else (vv. 4, 5). Although, as we shall immediately see, Festus
would fain do a favour to the Jews, it is repugnant to his sense
ofthe order ofthe erapire that a cause should be proceeded with
according to the desire of the accusing party only. Paul is now,
after all, imprisoned in Caesarea, the residence of the Procurator.
The ordinary course, therefore, is that his cause should be decided

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 95
there also, and that his accusers should proceed thither. The
less personal energy we can, according to one account, ascribe to
Festus, the more we are, in this instance, struck with the signi
ficance and importance of the Roman legal order ; the more
distinctly we are referred to the hidden kingdom of the Spirit,
and again compelled to assume that, even in the kingdom of the
world, there still exists a good power which is in alliance with
aU the holy souls which, with ardent love, and unutterable inter
cessions, accompany the Apostle Paul, during his stay at Jeru
salem and Caesarea.
The counting of the days (vv. 6, 7) until the act of the law-
proceedings at Caesarea is intended again to manifest, as much
the minute faithfulness of the Roman Procurator in the discharge
of his duty, as the wicked haste of the Jews urged on by hell.
But Luke does not think it worth while to report the many and
grievous charges which they laid against Paul (ver. 7). From
the short statement, however, regarding the defence of the Apos
tle, we may infer that, to their former charges, they have added
one more, viz., that Paul was teaching and raising rebellion against
the emperor. In this false accusation, the mystery of iniquity
is exhibited in the most shocking light. In presence of the repre
sentative ofthe Roman empire, they had formerly denounced and
given up their King and Messiah as a rival to the emperor (see
John xix. 12, 13), and had thus completed their wickedness and
their rejection ofthe Holy One and the Just, by compelling Pilate
to condemn Jesus. The same wickedness was, as we have seen,
substantially repeated in the Church of Thessalonica (see xvii.
7). Here, it now appears, a third time, in the formal proceedings
before a court of law, before the Roman Procurator, on the part
of the deputies from the Sanhedrim. The deep mystery of this
wickedness consists just in this : — that that knowledge which, in
consequence of their Divine calUng for the mysteries ofthe king
dom of God, was given to the Jews, is applied by them, not to
build up, but to destroy the sanctuary of God, by their betraying
the mystery of God committed to them into the hands of the
enemies of the kingdom of Heaven. It is a repetition of the
treachery of Judas. Judas knew the place in the garden of
Gethsemane where Jesus met with His disciples, because the Lord
had admitted him to His communion of love, friendship, and in-

96 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
timacy ; but this secret, entrusted to him to be the innermost
secret of his soul, he betrays, and sells to the enemies of his
master and fi-iend. Thus the Jews knew very well that the King
of Israel has, and finds His adversary in the king of the kingdom
of the world, and ¦will at length destroy him as being the Anti
christ, and hence, that if Jesus be the Christ, the emperor of
Rome must be the Antichrist. This knowledge had been given
to them that they might hasten and be anxious with all then-
heart to render allegiance to their King anointed by God, and
that they might be protected and safe fi-om the king of the world ;
but, instead of that, the Jews used this' mystery which had been
committed to them by the Lord, to give effect and energy to their
deadly hatred against the ambassador of Christ, and profaned it
i. >r the purpose of denunciation and calumny before the heathen
tribunal. But if the acknowledgment that Jesus is the Christ and the
King of Israel implies that the king of the kingdom of the world
must be the Antichrist, and that, hence, Jesus is the eneray of
the eraperor of Rome — how then is it that Paul can defend him
self against this charge, by saying: oiireek Kaiaapd ti rjfiapTov
(ver. 8) ? For, of course, we cannot, by any means, imagine
that Paul avails hiraself of the ignorance of the Roman Court
of justice, and slights the accusation advanced, because the Gen
tUes could not attain to a right notion of this accusation, as long
as there was nothing definite brought before them as to such an
opposition between Christ, the King of Israel, and the emperor
of Rome. We must rather assume that, on this point, as weU as
in everything else, Paul proceeds with a good and clear con
science. But although we know from other passages (see 2 Thess.
ii. 5 — 12) that Paul fully acknowledges and receives within the
circle of his thoughts this revelation of God, which was here abused
by the Jews, yet he might, with a good conscience, maintain that
he had not, in anything, offended against Caesar. And this he
might do for two reasons. In the first place, he knew, fi-om
former experience, that the order of the Roman empire was not
yet given up to wickedness, and he had received new proofS of this
in what had so recently occurred : He, therefore, saw and acknow
ledged that, at present, the emperor was still called to protect
and defend from wickedness. But, farther, even if we conceive

ACTS XXIV. 1 — xxv. 22. 97
of wickedness as so far advanced in its progress, that the head of
the kingdom of the world is ready to receive the raystery of
wickedness within himself personaUy, and to carry it out in the
world : — even then, the testimony for Jesus, who is to consume
the Man of Sin with the Spirit of His mouth (see 2 Thess. ii. 8),
is not a sin against the Emperor. For, inasmuch as he wrongeth
his own soul (see Prov. viii. 36), this testimony against him is
not,^ sin, but the only way for his life and salvation which still
remains open ; and hence, instead of being a sin against him, it
is rather the highest benefit which can be conferred upon him.
Paul's defence has, in this respect, evidently given full satisfac
tion to the Procurator. For the point in the Jewish accusation
which could not but make the deepest impression upon him,
was, of course, that which referred to the Emperor. But if, on
this point, the vindication of Paul had not been fully satisfactory,
he would not have been disposed to give the matter over into the
hands of the Jews ; but would have felt himself called upon to
proceed himself in the matter with energy. The whole proceed
ings have evidently produced upon Festus the impression that
there, is no real crime in question ; but seeing how anxious the
Jews are to lay ^something to the charge of Paul, he is willing
to do them a pleasure, and to deUver up Paul to the Sanhedrim
at Jerusalem, in order that, there, the Jews might bring the
reUgious differences (see vv. 18, 19) to a decision under his
superintendence (Itt' kpuiv, Grotius : me praesente). It is true,
indeed, that Festus does not entertain any suspicion of the inten
tion of the Jews to assassinate Paul (see ver. 3) ; but, since their
violent hatred against Paul could not have escaped him, his
yielding to the Jews in the case of a Roman citizen cannot be
excused. And it is this which Luke seeks to intimate to us, by
using here, in reference to Festus, quite the same expression
(dekav Tot5 'IovBaioi<; xdpi'V KaTaOeaOai, ver. 9) as he had applied
to the last act of the thoroughly corrupted Felix (see xxiv. 27).
But since, notwithstanding his partial weakness, Felix so far
observes the forms of the law, as to ask Paul whether he would
wish to be brought to Jerusalera, Paul thus obtains an oppor
tunity, by his decided conduct, of vindicating and claiming the
order of the Roman empire against the wish of the Procurator.
The more that Paul feels that the Procurator, by his partial
VOL. III. G

98 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
position towards the Jews, is leaving his sure ground ¦within the
order of the Roman law, the more he feels himself impelled to
bring this order to bear, with all energy, in favour of the cause in
question. It is true that, in this matter, Paul is sti-uggling for
himself, and for his own life ; but it is here much more obvious
than formerly it was in the prison at Philippi, that this self-
defence with the weapons of law is as little of a selfish na
ture, as it was when he, at first, renounced the advantagae of
his Roman freedom and his inviolability, when the Roman autho
rity attacked him at PhiUppi, For, by the last appearances, and,
especiaUy, by the last direct comforting address of theLord himself
(xxiii. 11), Paul must have been assured that God would protect
and deUver him from the rage of the Jews, by means of the order
of the Roman law and empire ; and that, hence, this power was
appointed -and shown to him by the Lord. As soon, then, as
Paul perceives that the Procurator, whose official duty it was to
maintain this order, begins to hesitate and waver, he thinks him
self bound, by his decision and firmness, to bring into exercise this
power, which he had pointed out to him by the Lord, not less for
the glory of the Lord than for his o^wn deliverance. In the con
duct of the Apostle, however, we must admit his knowledge and
¦wisdom, as well as his firmness. For every thing which he
brings forward aboutthe order of the Roman law is founded upon
a real knowledge of the subject. For, inasmuch as Paul perceived
that his rights as a Roman citizen, which he possessed by birth,
as wel las his Israelitish rights (see xxii. 28), were destined to
form an essential element in his Apostolic ministry, and, hence,
formed a necessary part of the providential preparations for his
Apostolic vocation (see Gal. i. 15), he could not fail to make
himself thoroughly acquainted with the nature and extent of his
rights. And this knowledge is now, for the third time, most
splendidly manifested here, where not merely some formality was
concerned, as at Philippi, nor even a torture, but nothing less
than the life of the Apostle. To the insidious question of the
Procurator, he replies : " I stand at Cffisar's judgment-seat" (ver.
10). Upon this answer, Grotius remarks : " He is fiUly entitled
to call that judgment-seat, which the Procurator held in the name,
and by a coraraission from Csesar, 'Cfesar's judgment-seat.'" For
thus Ulpianus, L.I.D., writes regarding the office of Caesar's Pro-

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 99
curator: ' Whatsoever is done, or performed by the Procurator of
Csesar, is thus approved of as if it were done by Csasar himselfi'"
And if Paul afterwards adds the assurance : " to the Jews have I
done no wrong," and, in doing so, appeals to the better kno-wledge
of the Procurator himself (ver. 10), this, in my opinion, can only
mean that a reason why it might be deemed necessary to treat the
cause before the Sanhedrim, would exist, only if he had committed
a crime against the Jews. And, from ver. 18 it appears that Paul
has not been disappointed in the Procurator in this respect. By
expressing, however, his willingness to die, if he had committed any
thing worthy of death, Paul wishes to intimate that he submits
to the law as a higher Divine power; and his farther declaration :
" No man may deUver me unto the Jews in order to do them a
pleasure," just thereby becomes emphatic ; for, just to the extent
that a man is willing to submit to the law, to the same extent is
his claim strengthened, that the benefits of the law should not
be ¦withheld from hira. With the words : ovBei<; fie Bwarai avTOK
^(apicraadai, Paul, moreover, makes a direct appeal to the order
ofthe law, against him who, at that time, represented it. For,
by these words, Paul plainly intimates that, in the apparently
innocent question of the Procurator (ver. 9), his o^wn personal
danger had as little escaped him, as the Procurator's partial solici
tation ofthe favour of the Jews. And we shall, of course, upon
this point give a more ready credence to the words of Luke : o
0fjaTO<; Be Toi<; 'IovBaioi<; Oekav ')(dpiv KaTaOeaOai (ver. 9), than
to the exculpatory representation of the Procurator himself before
King Agrippa. But as soon as Paul perceived that, by the
person and character of Festus, he was as little secured against
the hatred of the Jews, as had been the case under Felix, he is
no longer satisfied with having warded off the danger which
threatened him at the moment, but he avails himself of a pro^vi-
sion of the law which was able to protect him for the future
also, — -namely, the appeal to the Emperor. Although such an
appeal was subject to several limitations, yet Krebs (de appel
latione Pauli ad Csesarem, pp. x. — xv.) shows that, in this case,
it was perfectly valid. By this appeal, Paul knew himself to be
secured against all wavering on the part of the Procurator ; for
thus it is said, L. xlviii.. Tit. 6, 7, 8 : " Lex Julia de ¦vi publica
tenetur, qtu cum imperium potestatemve haberet, civem Roraanum
adversus provocationem necaverit, verberaverit, jusseritve quid
g2

100 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
fieri aut quid in ullum injecerit ut torqueatur irapediatve quo
minus Romae intra certum tempus adsit." Even as regards the
form, Paul takes a sure step, and is fully conscious of it, in
saying : Kaia-apa iTTiKoKovfiai ; for thus Maeer L. xiix. Tit.
1, 2, writes ; " Si apud acta appellaverit, satis est, si dicat :
' appello,' "
By the very prudent and energetic use of his Roman fi-eedom,
St Paul has thus not only secured himself from the rage of the
Jews, but has also opened up for himself the way to Rome,
whither his longings had already long ago directed him (see
xix, 21), and with reference to which the Lord himself had
lately cheered him (see xxiii. 11). And, in this event, we cannot
fail to see, and to be struck with the strange revolution of the
great opposing forces in the world which the event remarkably
reflects. The rulers of the Jews avail themselves of their position,
and of their insight into the kingdom of God, to deliver up, and
to betray to the Roman world's power him who, in the present,
is the principal supporter and promoter of that kingdom, and,
thereby, in so far as they are concerned, constantly to repeat what
Agabus had prophesied (see xxi. 11). The betrayal of the
saints, by the Jews, to the Roman world's power, is, after the
great examples of the sufferings of Jesus, always the introduc
tion to the greatest distress of the Church, — as was seen even
in the history of the Edomitic vassal of the Roraan empire.
But Paul tries the name of the Roman Emperor — a name which
designates the head of the constitution of the Roman empire —
in order to call in, for his protection, and for the promotion of
his objects, that very same world's power, to which, as to the
ungodly power, the Jews betray him for his destruction. And,
lo ! he succeeds. The Proourator, immediately before, was still
favourable to the Jews ; but after having heard the appeal of
Paul, he, agreeing with his assessors, says : " Unto Csesar thou
hast appealed ; to Csesar shalt thou go" (ver. 12). And thus, as
the representative of the Roman world's power, he becomes the
executor of the wish which Paul had long ago entertained in his
heart ; the agent and performer of the counsel which the Lord
had long ago determined upon in the case of Paul. While
thus, by the rulers of Israel, the Di-vine ordinances of Israel are
perverted to wicked and mischievous purposes against the king
dora of God ; the order of the Roman empire — the real nature

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 101
of which is hostility against the kingdom of heaven — must, up to
its highest authorities .and head^ serve and promote the ways and
purposes of the kingdom of Jesus. Instead, therefore, of gratify
ing Jewish wickedness, as it did in the case of the Lord and of
His apostle James, the Roman world's power appears here as
the servant and promoter of the thoughts and purposes of God.
In this place, where this wonderful crisis in the history of St
Paul is so clearly, and in all its decisive significance and impor
tance, exhibited to our view, — and in the history of Paul, the his
tory of the Gentile Church is presented and symbolized, — in this
place we are, once more, led to the question : What new event has
taken place, that the world's power occupies here, in reference
to the working of iniquity, a position so entirely different firora,
and opposite to that which it occupied in the history of Jesus
and His Apostle James ? That such a position of the kingdom
of the world towards the kingdom of God is possible, was,
indeed, already shewn by the Old Testament historj-. For,
although the fundamental character of the opposition of the
world to the order of God is most clearly and strongly pointed
out and exhibited by the historical and prophetical word of the
Old Testament, yet, on the other hand, in some portions of the
history of the world's power, under the Old Testament, there are
not wanting single, very bright instances of an opposite tendency.
I would only call to mind the conversion of Nebuchadnezzar, —
the favour of Darius, the Mede, for Daniel, — the edict of Cyrus
for the return of the Jews, — the proraotion of the rebuilding of
the temple and city of Jerusalem by Darius and Ai'taxerxes.
But here, it is not chiefly the question about personal favour and
predisposition towards the kingdom of God on the part of the
world's power. On the contrary, it is just by the section of our
history under consideration, that it becomes evident, that the re
presentatives of the world's power, appearing and acting here, are
altogether destitute of any personal interest in the protection of
the Apostle, and the promotion of his objects. But in the back
ground of this personal unwillingness, the favourable position of
the power of the kingdom of the world for the advancement of
the kingdom of God, — a power standing above the persons, —
has been so much the more clearly and distinctly brought out.
This change in the position of the kingdom of the world towards

102 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
the kingdom of God is so much the more astonishing, and stands
so much the more in need of explanation, that the original and
final relation of these two kingdoms has, just within the sphere
in which we are, viz., in the Acts of the Apostles, with decisive
power, been brought out by two prominent facts ; namely, the
crucifixion of Jesus, to which our history constantly refers, and
the murder ofthe Apostle James, which our book communicates
in a prominent place. If, now, we look back to the crucifixion of
the Lord by the Roman Procurator, His ascension has, mean
while, taken place. If this ascension were, as is frequently
conceived, the final taking possession of the dominion, then, by
that change, this revolution within the kingdom of the ¦world
would be accounted for in a simple way. But His ascension,
and sitting at the right hand of God, is so little His final taking
possession of dominion in the world, that, on the contrary. He,
as the Lord of heaven, confesses that He is persecuted even in
the present (see ix. 5). And was not James also slain by the
sword of Herod, after the Lord had sat down at the right hand
of the Father ? This one fact, then, is a sufficient proof that the
Lord's sitting on the throne in heaven neither, by itself, abolishes
the existence and power of the kingdom of the world, nor even
gives a different direction to its tendency. Our question ought,
therefore, to be more definitely expressed thus : Has there,
since James was slain, any new element come into operation
which could have exercised a determining influence upon the
tendency of the world's power ? Such a new element is the
conversion of the Gentiles which has, in the meantime, taken
place, — of the Gentiles who are, all of them, members of the
Roman kingdom of the world, and are found, as larger communi
ties, in many of the principal cities, and, especially, in the centre
also of the Roman empire. Of these Gentile communities we
know, that they are attached to the Apostle Paul with pure and
strong love, and that they accompany him with wrestling prayer
to the place of danger. This prayer of the saints in all the places
of the Roman empire, presented and raade effectual through the
High Priestly office of the Lord in heaven, in the place of the
Divine majesty (see Heb. vii. 25), is the power which gives the
superiority and dominion to the good over the evil spirit of the
Gentile world, the effects of which we meet with in Old

ACTS XXIV. 1 — XXV. 22. 103
Testament history also. For the prayer of the saints, in the
lands of the Gentiles and in the isles, who are members of the
body of their Lord and Head in heaven, is an altogether new
power that has entered into the history of mankind. It is by
this power that the hostile, ungodly principle in the kingdora of
the heathen, which the wickedness of the Jews has called into
exercise against the saints of God, is kept down ; while the good
and God-ward principle, which rests on the original creation and
order of God, is called into operation. It is by the intervention
of this power, that the delivering up and betrayal of the Apostle
Paul, by the Jews, into the hands ofthe Gentiles, is turned into
a directly opposite meaning, just as the prophet Agabus had fore
told (see xxi. 11) ; and it is by the same, that that which, in the
Churches generally, and by Paul himself, was feared, and justly
so, as the prelude of utter destruction, takes such a turn, by this
new intervening element, that ¦wickedness is thereby warded oflj
and righteousness promoted.
When, now, we look back to those prophetic voices, and to
those frequently expressed fears within the Churches, regarding
the issue of St Paul's journey to Jerusalem, we see, firom a simple
representation of the facts, that they have not been fulfilled ; but,
notwithstanding, we are not entitled to undervalue them, as
merely human and subjective phenomena. For, on the contrary,
we have clearly seen that the violence feared and threatened was
not imaginary, but real. This violence, however, having been re
vealed in all its fearfulness to the congregations of the saints, by
the revelation of the Spirit, was broken and overcome by the
superiority of the Spirit, who, in the midst of their anguish and
troubles, keeps the saints upon earth in substantial communion
with their Head, removed into heaven, and before the throne of
God. Hence, here also, as is so often the case in sacred history,
the apparent non-fulfilment of a prophetic word is so far from
being in contradiction to the Divine origin of such a word, that
it is just this origin which forms the foundation on which it
rests. But since some have imagined that they were entitled,
by applying these words to the fiiture history of the Apostle, to
infer that Paul had never returned to Asia Minor, and, moreover,
that he had never been relieved frora the imprisonment inflicted
upon him (see Baur, die sogenannten Pastoralbriefe S. 93 — 97) ;

104 SECT. XXXIII. PAUL BEFORE FELIX AND FESTUS.
it is our duty to see what might be inferred and said, as regards
the future history of the Apostle, in the face of the tum which
affairs have taken. So much is at once e^vident, that those
prospects into the future, although they are of Divine, and not of
human origin, cannot at all be urged as proof against the supposi
tion, that the Apostle was delivered from his imprisonment which
began at Jerusalem ; for this much we learn from the historical
account contained in the Acts of the Apostles : — that the violence
which threatened danger and death had been overcome. The
Acts of the Apostles, indeed, report the farther course of the
history, only to the moment that Paul could continue his ministry
at Rome without hindrance. We shall see that this, indeed,
constituted the concluding one in that series of events con
nected with the history of the Church which Luke had chosen
as the subject of his account. But the question, as to whether
Paul is, or is not, delivered fi-om the Roman captivity, when
tried by the standard of the Acts, is merely a personal question,
and is, therefore, beyond the limits of our account. But, never
theless, in the turn effected in consequence of the prayers of the
Gentile Churches, there raay be contained some element -which
affords an answer to this question ; and such, if I am not mis
taken, is really the case. The Procurator says : " Unto Caesar
shalt thou go" (see xxv, 12) ; and afterwards (see xxvii. 24) the
Lord himself says to Paul : " Thou raust be brought before
Caesar." By means of these features, our account plainly
intimates that, by the protection of the Roraan constitution
under which Paul had, at that time, been placed at Jerusalem,
something more had been accomplished than what the Acts ofthe
Apostles can or will report. We are not, it is true, expressly told
what shall be effected by Paul's being brought before the Em
peror; but there is a two-fold ground for supposing that the
effect will have been favourable to Paul.
First — Considering the turn which events have now taken,
and which is so distinctly brought out, it would be a contradic
tion that the head of the order of the Roman law and empu-e
should have become hostile or destructive to Paul, after it has
been so significantly expressed that, at the present moment, the
principle of Roman order has become so decidedly favourable to
the Apostle and his cause. But still more decisive is the word

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 105
of the Lord in xxvU. 24. For when the Lord comforts the
Apostle with the words : " Fear not, Paul, thou must be brought
before Csesar," it cannot be supposed that these words should re
fer to the momentary danger only, — that Paul should only be
assured of his deliverance firom the imminent danger of death ;
because he had still to be brought before the Emperor at Rome,
and it inight, after all, be possible that he might be delivered up
to death by the Emperor. If the Lord, in a way e^vidently in
tended to comfort him, speaks of his being brought before Csesar,
no other construction can be put upon this, than that it is in
tended to give to Paul a sure ground for the hope which he has
undoubtedly placed on this highest court of appeal under the
Roman constitution ; that, on the ground of this word, Paul may
expect fi-om the Emperor the just settlement of his cause, and
that, hence, there is the prospect of the complete overturn of the
relation between the two highest courts of the nation, — the San
hedrim of Jerusalem, and the court of the Emperor at Rome.
Although we cannot, by any means, here decide the question re
garding the second captivity of Paul at Rome, yet, from what
has been said, we cannot but infer that the Acts of the Apostles
are far firom being opposed, but are, on the contrary, decidedly
favourable to, the supposition of a deliverance of the Apostle from
his first capti^vity.

§ 34. THE VICTORIOUS DEFENCE OF THE APOSTLE PAUL
BEFORE KING AGRIPPA.
(Chap, xxv, 13 — xxvi, 32.)
When Paul was called to the Apostleship, he received the
commission to bear the name of Jesus to the Gentiles, and kings,
and the people of Israel (see ix. 15). We were of opinion that,
in this Di^vine commission, there was indicated, in the first place,
the order which the Apostle was to observe in his ministry, which
comprehended the world, i.e. that he was first to proclaim the Gos
pel to the Gentiles, and to tum to the Jews, after this ministry had
come to a certain close. And when we look to the real success,
this order has, according to the account before us, been completely

106 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
observed. It is true that Paul everywhere goes, in the first in-^
stance, to the Jews with his preaching; but in doing so, he
does not act so much in consequence of the commission given to
him by Jesus, as because of the privilege due to Israel in virtue
of their original calling. And we have seen, moreover, that this
preaching to the Jews first, has been, in most cases, without suc
cess; and, even where it had, after all, some small success,
that this has been fully counterbalanced by that hardening
of the mass of the Jews, which was the result of Paul's preach
ing. On the other hand, Paul's preaching of the works of
God among the Gentiles, through the name of Jesus, before
James and all the elders of the Jewish congregations at Jerusa
lem, was attended, generally, with a really abiding success and
effect. But this proclamation took place only after Paul had
brought to a preliminary close his work among the Gentiles ; and
it is only now, after he had borne witness before James and the
elders, and after he had, in accordance with the advice there given
him, presented himself before the whole people, that he received
from the Lord the testimony of His assent, that he had fulfilled
his commission at Jerusalem (see xxiii. 11). But if these -views
be correct, we cannot but consider the kings mentioned in that
passage as belonging to the Gentiles ; and by this addition it is
declared that the proclamation of the Gospel to the Gentiles
will be such as to reach to the chief heads of the heathen nations,
and -wdll, even there, manifest its power and effect. Now, in the
subsequent section of our book, Paul comes in contact with a
king, for the first and only time within the limits of our account.
Are we to recognise in that circumstance a fulfilment of that
Divine commission, in the same manner as we received the
account of the Apostle's witness in Jerusalem, as the fulfilment
of the last end of that commission ?
In the first place, it must not be overlooked that the royal
dignity of Agrippa, before whom Paul here bears witness, is
dwelt upon with special emphasis. Not fewer than eleven times
(see xxv. 13, 14, 24, 26, xxvi. 2, 7, 13, 19, 26, 27, 30) is this
attribute mentioned in the small section ; and Paul hiraself does
not omit to address Agrippa five times (xxvi. 2, 7, 19, 26, 27) in
terms suited to his royal dignitJ^ This circumstance alone seems
to me to render it impossible to deny that the report under con-

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 107
sideration refers to that Divine commission. But ought not the
chronological order, — according to which the witness before the
king here follows that before the Jews, while, according to that
announcement it was to precede that before the Jews — make us
hesitate in admitting this supposition ? But such hesitation can
not easily arise at this passage ; for we have already seen that a
new sphere of activity among the Gentiles will still be opened to
the Apostle (see xxiii. 11) ; that, hence, neither is his ministry
among the Gentiles already brought to a close, nor has the influ
ence which is to descend upon the Jews from his Apostolic
ministry been completed, during the days of his last stay at
Jerusalem. Since, then, the sphere for the Apostolic activity of
Paul has not yet been completed, there is no reason why a sup
plement to this activity should not here be first brought in.
But can we consider Agrippa as at all a king of the nations or
Gentiles ? Is he not rather a king of the Jews ? And, hence,
is not the circumstance of his being mentioned in this passage
without any reference to the passage, ix. 15 ? Upon this point
we may refer to our former discussions about the Idumean,
and essentially Roman, and, hence. Gentile character of the
family of Herod. For King Agrippa mentioned here is a son
of Herod Agrippa, described, in chap. xii. of our book, as to
his conduct and death ; and we find in him the same charac
teristic features by which, in the earlier members of the family of
Herod, we recognized the Roman and heathen peculiarities. He
was brought up at the court of the Emperor Claudius (see
Joseph. Ant. xix. 9, 2 ; xx. 1, 1) ; received his principality
through the Roman Emperor (see I. c. xx. 5, 2 ; 8, 4 ; Bell. Jud.
U. 12, 8 and 13, 2). Besides, he could gain the love and esteem
ofthe Jews as little as the other Herodians ( see 1. c. xx. 8, 11 ;
9,4; Bell. Jud. ii. 17, 1); and when the open struggle was about
to begin between Jews and Romans, he at first sought to act as
a mediator (see B. J. ii. 16, 14), but at last openly went over to
the camp of the Romans (see B. J. iii. 2, 4; 9, 7). The very
circumstance, moreover, that he is here introduced by his heathen
name alone, sufficiently shows that, in this context, we have to
consider him according to his Gentile-Roman character only.
This position of Agrippa, resting as it does on facts, can, of course,
not be shaken by a few declarations of the Talmud, couched in

108 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
terms which are favourable to him (see Schottgen, Hor. Talm.
p. 481),
But when we regard the mention of King Agrippa fi-om this
point of "view, we shall look upon this meeting between the
Apostle Paul and this Gentile-Roman King, with an interest so
ranch the greater that, in Herod Agrippa, the father of Agrippa
mentioned here, we met with the height of anti-Christian enmity.
When we look back to that event in the Ufe of the father, we
should expect that Agrippa the son, who, in all essential relations
that come under notice, is like the father, will take up against
the Apostle Paul a position similar to that which the father once
adopted against the Apostle Peter, But since we shall imme
diately see that this expectation is not fiilfiUed, but that, on the
contrary, Agrippa takes up and defends the cause of the Apostle
with still greater zeal than did the Roman Procurators, the ques
tion : What has, meanwhile, taken place by which such a change
and revolution may be accounted for ? involuntarily presents it
self, and urgently demands an answer. We here again see, from
another side, what a great change and crisis has been produced
in the relation of the nations to the Gospel, by the ministry of St
Paul, and by its success among the Gentiles. For, to say it at
once, this alone can be the reason why the son of Herod observed
towards the Apostle a position entirely opposed to that which the
father observed towards the Apostle Peter. The personal posi
tion of the individuals is, in both cases, the same; and whUst
Herod Agrippa brings the enmity against the Gospel to a con-
suraraation in Jerusalem, and thereby renders irrevocable the
transition of the Church fi-om the Jews to the Gentiles ; under
Agrippa the son, the Church among the Gentiles is already
founded, and, hence, for the first time, a communion between the
territory ofthe Gentiles on earth, and the God of heaven, is estab
lished. And whilst Herod Agrippa, the father, as the represen
tative of the present and actual heathen world's power, stands on
the uninvaded territory of the nations where the power of Satan
prevaUs (see xx^vi. 18), Herod Agrippa, the son, stands on the
same territory, invisibly surrounded by the power of the prayers
which, from the hearts of the Gentiles, unceasingly rise up to
heaven for the Apostle Paul, and against the evil power of the
world.

ACTS XXV. 13— XXVI. 32. 109
From the course hitherto pursued in our account, the supposition
will be forced upon us, that we must understand, fi-om this point
of view, the meeting of St Paul with King Agrippa ; and, indeed,
it really appears that the particulars of this account constantly lead
our attention to this character of King Agrippa, and to this con
trast to his father. Even the threefold mention of his sister
Bernice (see xxv. 13, 23 ; xxvi. 30) is characteristic. It may,
for suspicious criticism, be a circumstance well deserving of notice,
that in Josephus also (see Joseph. Bell. Jud, ii. 16, 3) we find
mention of quite the same participation by the sister in the public
acts of Agrippa. Considering things, however, as we do, in a his
torical point of ¦view, by which the trustworthiness ofthe Acts of
the Apostles is everywhere proved and confirmed, this circum
stance has no particular weight ¦?\'ith us. But we can, neverthe
less, surely not help asking why it was that the company and
presence of Agrippa's sister, Bernice, was mentioned at all by St
Luke ; inasmuch as it would appear that her participation has no
bearing upon the object which we have here to consider. It seems
as if Luke intended to point out a characteristic feature of the
king, by thrice mentioning the female companion of Agrippa.
For this communion is apt to raise suspicions, when we consider
that the name of Bernice is not farther explained, and is not
placed in any relation to Agrippa. Elsewhere, in the chaste mode
of representation in our book, it is the universal practice in the case
of male and female names, standing in a connubial relationship,
and placed beside one another, at once to point out the Divine
right for such communion (see. v. 1 ; x-viii. 2; xxiv. 24). The
circumstance of this being omitted in the passage under consi
deration must, therefore, appear as an indication, that in the case
of this communion, the Di^vine right for it is wanting. But is not
a Divine warrant for their communion here stated in their re
lationship 'as brother and sister ? We cannot doubt that Luke,
manifesting, as he does, the most exact knowledge of all the cir
cumstances which here come into consideration (a fact which be
comes sufficiently e^vident firom the significant silence of criticism),
knows perfectly that Bernice is not the sister of King Agrippa,
If he had considered this natural relationship to have been the
cause of her accompanying Agrippa, he would, no doubt, have
stated the relation, if he had made any mention at all of Bernice

110 sect, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
— which, however, is not very likely. The omission of this
designation is, hence, nothing else but a gentle and delicate in
timation of this unnatural connexion which Josephus expresses
in the following words : " Bernice remained for a long time a
widow after the death of Herod, who was, at the same time, her
husband and uncle ; but rumour charged her ¦vvith living in
connubial intercourse with her brother" (Ant. xx. 7, 3). By
thus mentioning Bernice in a manner so significant, Luke in
tends, from the very outset, to intimate that this Herodian con
tinued in the same old Idumean family sins which were peculiar
to this tribe and family (see Josephus Antiq. Jud. x-viii. 5, 1 ;
Luke iii. 19). Although, then, this king is not mentioned by
Luke, under the name of Herod, — a name contaminated by sins
and crimes, — but under his Roraan narae of Agrippa, yet we are
to seek the reason of it, not so much in his better character, as in
a change which has taken place in the circurastances of the
world. The circumstance of Agrippa's coming to Csesarea to salute
the new Roraan Procurator, JSKs) — a circurastance expressly
pointed out by Luke (ver. 13), — no doubt indicates the relation
as a vassal, in which he stands to the Roman Emperor, as the
representative of whom, the Procurator must be regarded. But
this subordination of Agrippa in relation to Festus has, in our
context, no other significance than to make apparent the Roman
element in the royal position of Agrippa ; for it will immediately
appear that, just in that relation which here comes exclusively
into view, Agrippa appears and acts as the king, while Festus,
as Procurator, does so in a subordinate position (see xxvi. 30).
For Festus relates to Agrippa the case of the prisoner Paul.
Luke is evidently anxious to communicate to us this report of
Festus (vv. 14 — 21), although, of course, no new feature can be
brought forward in it ; inasmuch as the events in question have
already been communicated in the continuous account. This
anxiety can have its foundation only in the circumstance that
Luke intends once raore to bring to our view the zeal and dili
gence in the discharge of his duty displayed in the cause of Paul
by the Roman governor, in contrast with the raging passion
and hostUity of the Jewish people and their rulers. The Pro
curator's account of Paul, and his opposition to the prevaiUng

acts xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. Ill
religious ordinances of the Jews, induced Agrippa to express his
wish to hear Paul himself (ver. 22). No doubt, it was, specially,
the mention of the religious differences which had attracted the
attention of Agrippa ; for, although devoted to the Roman cus
toms, he applied himself to observe the Jewish ordinances also.
Thus, e.g., it was only under the condition that Apipus, king of
Emesa, should be circumcised, that he gave him his sister Drusilla
in marriage (see Joseph. Ant. xx. 7. 1). He farther requested and
obtained from Claudius the right of superintending the temple,
and naming the High Priest (see I. c. xx. 1. 3) ; and in virtue
of this right, he made improvements in the temple, and erected
buildings in connection with it (see 1. c. xx. 8. 11 ; 9. 4, 7).
Festus at once offers to carry out the wish of King Agrippa ;
arranges on the morrow for a solemn assembly in honour of the
king ; and orders Paul to be brought forth to it (vv. 22, 23). As
regards Agrippa and Bernice, it is mentioned that they appeared
with great pomp (/lera TroXXi}? ^avTacria^, see Grotius). By this
very feature, Luke at once intimates that Agrippa's desire to
hear Paul cannot have been of a very spiritual kind ; for this
splendour andporapofhis appearance betoken that Agrippa con
siders this, his impending meeting with this Apostle, chiefly as
an occasion on which he might display his royal dignity and
splendour. This feature is still more prominently brought out
by the very appropriate reraark which Wetstein makes on ver.
23 : " In the very same city in which his father had died, having
been eaten of worms on account of his pride." This circum
stance, too, strongly reminds us of Caesarea; — that Festus has
invited to the solemn assembly in honor of Agrippa, the Tribunes
of the Roman garrison who were stationed here, and other dis
tinguished men of the city who must have been chiefly Roman
officials, as, according to Tacitus (see Hist. ii. 79), Caesarea was
" caput Judsese." But just for this reason must this assembly, as
well as the whole appearance of Agrippa at this place, so much
the more remind us of that awful catastrophe which Luke has
so minutely described, and in which the character of the world's
power, as represented by Herod, and of ungodliness, manifested
itself in a manner so terrible, and in a way never to be forgotten.
They who here appear in proud pomp, in order to avail thera
selves of the imprisoned and bound Apostle of Christ, being

112 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa,
brought before thera as a fair occasion for indulging, in the
grandest way, their vanity, are united by the ties of a mo.st
shameful ignominy, are a son and daughter of him who once was
slain on account of his pride, by the angel of the Lord, on the
same central point of Roman heathendom. But the more that
the place and the whole manner of Agrippa's appearing point to
his relationship with, and similarity to Herod, the murderer of
James, the more are we here reminded, where the issue is so
entirely opposite, that we ought, fully and in a lively way, to
realize the great crisis which, meanwhile, has taken place in the
general circumstances of the world.
By the address to King Agrippa, and to the other persons pre
sent, -with which Festus opened the proceedings in the solemn
place of hearing (aKpoarrfpiov, ver. 23), he designated Agrippa
as the expert umpire who, in this great contrariety existing be
tween the general opinion of the Jews and his (Festus') own con-
¦viction with reference to Paul, would be able to discover some
intermediate course, by means of which he might be enabled to
send Paul to the Emperor, according to the provisions of the law
(vv. 24 — 27). It thus appears that, from the very commence
ment, Festus made to Agrippa the whole communication con
cerning the cause of Paul, only with the view of his assisting
him to escape fi-om his difficulty, and that he might suggest to
him something which he might write to the Emperor. But
Agrippa is thereby made, in point of fact, the representative of
the Emperor in this cause ; and we can so much the better
ascertain fi-om his conduct the disposition of the Emperor towards
the Gospel. That which here gives him this advantage is his
acquaintance with Jewish affairs, and his communion with the
Jewish people. We must not, however, at all imagine that the
Jewish tendencies of this Herodian are the cause of his being
more favourably disposed towards the Apostle Paul; for they
were just the bitterest enemies of the Apostle, who pre-eminently
maintained their Jewish character, and who took exception to
Agrippa, just on account of his want of zeal for Judaism (see
Joseph. Antiq. xx. 8, 11). But we can, by no means, consider
this Jewish element in the character of Agrippa as a matter of no
moment ; for the simple reason, that it formed so important an
element in that of the father, to whora our whole account so

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVL 82. 113
emphatically points us. We must accordingly here also recognize
in this King Agrippa a representative of the Roman world's
power, in so far as it no longer appears in its own shape and
form, but borrows its mode of appearance from the kingdora of
God. Whilst, then, in the Father, this spiritual character of the
world's power appears in the fulness of its hostility to the king
dom of Jesus ; there appears here, in the Son, the same character
connected with a disposition favorable to the Apostle of Christ.
From this we learn that the Jewish or spiritual element of the
kingdom of the world opens up a view into a peculiar and signi
ficant phase of this kingdom ; although, in itself, it does not give
any decision, but may be applied on either side, for good or evil.
Agrippa at once takes the position of President and deciding
Judge, into which Festus had just put him for the present case ;
and thereby obtains, in this solemn assembly of Roman nobles,
that rank which corresponds to his royal name and makes him
appear as the Emperor and King present (see xxv. 26). Agrippa
opens the proceedings, and permits St Paul to defend himself (see
xx^vi. 1). As quickly, and with equal confidence, St Paul knows
how to find and to occupy his position. We cannot doubt that as
soon as he sees King Agrippa taking the lead in the whole pro
ceedings, and in the assembly, the word of the Lord, which laid
upon him the duty of bearing witness before Gentiles and Kings
(see ix. 15), must have come to his remembrance, and must have
been to him an exhortation as earnest as it was comforting and en
couraging. StPaul begins his speech by holding his hand stretched
forth (iKTeivas ttjv x^^P"'; '^^^- !)• ^^ know already that such
remarks upon the openings of the speeches are always made by
St Luke, with the purpose of drawing the attention of the reader
to the importance of such openings (see ii. 14 ; x. 34 ; xiii. 16 ;
xvii. 22 ; xxiii. 1). What the stretching forth of the hand at the
commencement of a speech denotes, is clearly seen from the fol
lowing testimonies of classical antiquity, which Wetstein has
collected for the illustration of the passage under review : " por-
rigit dextram is, et instar oratorum comformat articulum, duobus-
que infimis conclusis digitis, ceteros eminenter porrigit," Apulejus,
Mis. ii. ; dveTeive ttjv Be^idv co'; Br}fioKr}pvaaa)v, Polyaenus iv. 317 ;
on the words ra? x^^P'^'^ '"V^'*' "^ Aristophanes, the Scholiast re
marks : mTrep ol pi]Tope<; o I Kplvofievoi. These passages prove that
VOL. III. H

114 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence beeoke agrippa.
we have to conceive of this gesture as. being very expressly
intended by St Paul ; and this all the more because it is nowhere
else mentioned in Scripture, — that thereby he at once wishes to
intimate that he considers his position to be that of one who is
pleading in a formal manner, and in a way which is usual at a
public judicial proceeding. We thus see that St Paul, at once and
altogether, views his position just as it is, and, at the same time,
enters into it "with clear and perfect consciousness.
Nor shall we be shaken in this opinion by the circumstance
that St Paul now begins to lay so much stress on King Agrippa's
knowledge of the customs and questions which are among the
Jews (see ver. 23), as if he meant thereby to intimate that he
was standing before a Jewish, and not before a heathen assem
bly ; for this conciliatory introduction is not essentially different
from that with which he opened his defence before FeUx (see
xxiv. 10). The allusion to Agrippa's knowledge of Je"wish ques
tions need not, therefore, at all interfere with the impression
which the address, " King Agrippa," is suited to make, when
coming from the mouth of St Paul, who is appointed with his
word and testimony to nations and kings, if only we keen in
mind that the king who is expert in Judaism represents indeed
a remarkable phase of the heathen kingdom.
If, then, we take a superficial view of St Paul's speech in his
defence (ver. 2 — 23), it appears to be a mere repetition ofthe for
mer discourses (see xxii. 1- — 21 ; xxiii. 1 — 6 ; xxiv. 10 — 21), inas
much as here also the Apostle's agreement with Judaism is
advanced as the main point (comp. Baur, der Apostel Paulus, S.
212; Zeller, 1. c. S. 569). Now, if the discourse under conside
ration were, indeed, nothing different, we should here have to
complain of a twofold awkwardness ; first, that in the present
assembly, which is evidently of so pecuUar a kind, St Paul does
not speak in any way different from that which he did on former
occasions which, in part, were of an entirely different character ;
and secondly, that St Luke, to the exclusion of so many impor
tant and interesting matters, should have given a place to this
discourse, although it brings for"ward no new argument. But,
upon a closer observation, we shall find that St Paul in his dis
course does not for a moment lose sight of his clear consciousness
of his present position, — which he, at the very outset, indicates'

Aci's xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. 115
by the rhetorical gesture of stretching forth his hand, and that,
hence, St Luke has acted very wisely in preserving to us the
present discourse, as an integral part of the history before us.
It is true, indeed, that, in this his discourse for defence before
King Agrippa and the Roman nobles also, St Paul is chiefly con
cerned to point out the connexion of his doctrine and ministry
with Judaism, as one which had never, been interrupted or dis
turbed. Further, it is not to be denied that we saw the same
anxiety and effort in St Paul's first defence before the Jewish
people, and before the Jewish Sanhedrim ; just as it is undeniable
that, when standing before suspicious hostile Jews, this point must
appear the most effective. But does it follow from this that St Paul
is forgetting that he is here standing before a heathen tribunal —
that he is speaking in a Roman, heathen assembly — that Agrippa,
although he might be circumcised, was yet, by birth, an Edomite,
and with heart and hand, by word and deed, a Roraan vassal ;
and that, hence, as a king he was by no raeans a successor of
Da"vid, but could be regarded only in the light of a heathen king ?
If all this be true, the same twofold objection and charge would
apply to the discourse of Paul before the Roman Procurator Felix
also. But when we compare the discourse of Paul before Felix
with the short account of his defence before Festus (see xxv. 8),
we are led to a point of view from which -we shall obtain a diffe
rent, and a better idea of the present discourse also. For while
St Paul, before Festus, expresses himself in so summary a manner,
he, before FeUx, enlarges upon the vindication and proof of his
doubted Judaism ; and he does so obviously for this reason, that
Festus has not as yet any knowledge of Judaism, while St Paul
praises this knowledge as possessed by Felix, and, at the very
outset of the discourse, speaks of it as a circumstance in his own
favour (see xxiv. 10). Plence we say, — It is not because Agrippa
is a Jew, that St Paul so largely expatiates upon his Judaism, —
as Baur says — but just because this heathen representative of
heathen kings is stUl better acquainted with, and expert in,
Jewish customs and questions than the Ronian Procurator Felix.
And if we consider that it is now the third time that we find this
subject treated before a Roraan tribunal, it will surely appear
probable, that this whole subject is not only of consequence to the
Jews, but is of importance before a heathen tribunal also. And,
IT 2

116 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
Indeed, the relation of this subject to the Roman law and consti
tution is quite obvious, if we only take the trouble to search for it.
The Proconsul Gallic drove the Jews from his judgment seat,
because, as he said, he had not to decide about their intei-nal
reUgious affairs (see xviii. 14, 15) ; and in so doing he was right;
but with this negative position towards religious matters, the
entire relation of the Roman constitution to those who were sub
ject to it is not, after all, exhausted. As long as the supposition
is valid, that religious differences or commotions keep themselves
within the forms of religion, once received or fixed, the laws of
the state do not present any cause for interference ; and it is this
which Gallio means to say. For his sentence is not .to be under
stood as if he considered the religious territory in its relation to
the state to be everywhere one that is entirely free, — on which,
moreover, there is no dBUrffia and paBiovpyrffia. Such would be
the modern theory, but not the opinion of a Roman official. On
the contrary, the political constitution of the ancient states in
general, and of theRomanEnipire in particular, is most intimately
connected with religious affairs. Now, as a most general rule in
all antiquity, and with the Romans also, the principle on this
point was adopted, that every one had to continue with the gods
and worship of his fathers and people. According to Aristotle
(Rhet. ad Alex. ii. p. 30, Buhle), all those who, at Dodona and
Delphi, consulted the gods about religion, received the direction :
KaTa TO .Trdrpia TroteiaOai Ta? dv(n'a<; ; and Cicero lays down the
foUowing rules on the subject of worship : Separatim nemo habeat
deos, neve novos sive advenas nisi publico adsictos privatim
colunto, ritus familiae patrumque servanto, divos et eos qui coe
lestes semper habiti colunto (see De legibus ii. 8. 19. Comp.
Livius iv. 30) ; and the reason of this stability he states in these
words : ritus familiae patrumque servare id est, quoniam antiquitas
proxime accedit ad deos a diis quasi traditam religionem tueri
(see I. c. ii. w. 27). If St Paul, then, had really been an apos
tate from the religion and worship of his fathers, and at the same
time a zealous promoter of this -apostacy, — as the Jews accused
him — this, indeed, could not but have appeared as a grave charge
in the eyes of the Roman Gentiles ; and we now understand why
it is that even before Prefix, the Roman Procurator, St Paul
should have been so exceedingly anxious to set aside the charge

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 117
of the Jews, and to show that, even now, he was still serving
the God of his fathers (see xxiv. 14). But the question had not
merely a moral, but a legal aspect also.
The Roman law had often and strenuously asserted and claimed
authority in religious matters, by forbidding certain actions and
exercises falling within this province (see Lex, Dei, sine Mosai-
carum and Romanarum legum collectio, ed Blume, p. Ill — 123) ;
so that the succeeding ordinances of the heathen Emperors
against the heretics might siinply refer to, and revive these pre
cedents. Hence the question could not fail to be raised as to
whether the Christian communities, coming as they did under the
category of " Collegia," were, according to the Roman law, to be
considered as "collegia licita" or "illicita" (see Gieseler's Kirchen-
geschichte, i. S. 32). The only possibility of bringing the matter
to a settled and favorable decision was, — to point out the con
nexion of the Christian faith with Judaism. The kingdom of the
world, no doubt, stands, from the very first, in opposition to Juda
ism ; but, by the power of the good Spirit within the kingdora of
the world, it has been brought about that Judaism obtained a legal
standing in the territory ofthe kingdom of the world, to which has
been given the power over all outward affairs. This is the effect of
the wonderful conversion of Nebuchadnezzar (see Dan, iii. 29, 31
— 33 ; iv. 34), the head of the body of the kingdom of the world.
The same end was gained under the first king ofthe succeeding dy
nasty, Darius Medus (see Dan. vi. 25 — 27). But even more than
this is reported to us concerning Cyrus ; he not only protects the
Israelites in his kingdom, but he thinks himself called by the God
who has given him dominion over the nations and countries, and
whom he acknowledges as the God of heaven, to restore captive
Israel to their country, and to build, by these returning ones, a
teraple to the God of heaven (see 2 Chron. xxxvi. 22, 23 : Ezra i.
1 — 4). But does not this promotion of Israel's salvation, on the
part of the heathen kingdoms of the world, imply more than, ordi
narily, might, and ought to be done ? For it is not long after this
favorable change on the part of the Persian dynasty has taken
place, that obstacles begin to appear ; and the farther progress oi
events brings before us the decided hostility of the world's power,
under Ahazuerus, against Israel (see Esther i. 2), and the attacks
and injuries inflicted upon Israel by the Samaritans, which, under

118 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
the sanction of the Persian kings, continued till the second year
of Darius (see Ezra iv. 24). It is for this reason that, even as
earfy as the third yearof Cyrus, Daniel is quite downcast ; and
during this time a sad future for Israel, under the kings of Persia,
is revealed to him by the Lord (see Dan. x. 1 — xi. 45). Forthe
sad and grievous time of Israel, this consolation only was afforded
to Daniel : — that there existed a chief kingdom within heathen
dom to assist and fight for Israel against the hostile powers both
of Persia and Greece (see Dan. x. 13, 20, 21 ; xii. 1); and this
has been confirmed. The opposing power of the Persian king
dom was at length overcome by the good and favorable power ;
so that, in the second year of Darius, Israel, by means of royal
edicts and measures, obtained liberty to Uve, and to worship God
according to their laws and ordinances. The same, also, as we
are told by Josephus in a very remarkable passage (Antiq. xi. 8,
4, 5), was guaranteed to the people by the first king of Greece,
Alexander. The sarae protection is afforded to the Jewish peculiarities by
the Roraans also — the rulers in the modern kingdom ofthe world.
Josephus is particularly anxious to fiirnish the pertinent evi
dences. Thus, he communicates (Antiq. xiv. 8, 5) a senatus
consultum of the time of Csesar, in which the Jews are designated
as friends and allies. Of the same period, he has adduced a
series of seven public documents of the Roman Emperors, in favor
of the Jews (Antiq. xiv. 10, 2 — 20). Against the hostile in
tentions of the Emperor Caius, Philo also appeals to the favor
and protection which even Csesar, Augustus, and Tiberius, still
granted the Jews (see De legatione ad Caj^ p. 1033 — 1036).
Accordingly, we read in the Codex Theodosianus, xvi. 8, 9 (see
Judaica coUeg. G. C. Meier, p. 67) : " It is sufficiently known
that the sect of the Jews is prohibited by no law whatever. We
are, therefore, much grieved that in some places some of then-
meetings have been interdicted." The Jewish communities and
meetings were, therefore, in accordance with the Roman law
and constitution, invested with the rights of the Collegia licita
(see Gieseler, Kirchengesch. i. 31). This right of Judaism to
exist within the Roman Empire, could not fail to be of an im
portance so ranch the greater, the more that the opposition and
hatred which separated Jews and Romans at that time were

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 119
serious (see the CoUection of Documents on this subject in K.
V. Raumer, Palaestina, S. 357, 358, 3rd ed.). But the more that
this right must appear important in the eyes of the Jews, the
more it was necessary to trace it to a special providence and
direction of God, who, although He had given His people into
the hands of the Gentiles, had yet, ever since the days of Ne
buchadnezzar, by His hidden wisdom and raercy, rendered it
possible that the existence of His people in the midst of their
enemies should be maintained and preserved ; in order that, at
some fiiture time, they might be able to serve as a purified organ
ism for the kingdom of the Spirit.
Now, in order to see how important to the Apostle Paul must
have been this so wonderfiiUy arranged, and divinely preserved
position of Judaism within the hostile Roman Empire, we must
consider that, according to the biblical and apostolical view,
which we find with the Apostle Paul also, the times of the world
are, in the proper sense, completed with the appearance of Jesus
in the world, and His death. Nothing, therefore, can any more
arise after the manner of the primitive world's history ; and,
hence, the faith of Jesus, if it is yet to have a temporary
course on earth, must accommodate itself to the existing
position and state of the circumstances of the world. Now
since St Paul has, chiefly, a vocation to propagate the faith
of Jesus in the centre of the Roman Empire, he must also be
anxious to gain the outward security and title for the planting
and spreading of this faith within this empire. Should he now,
perhaps, hope to be able, from the very foundation, and from
within, to transform the entire character of the Roraan Erapire,
by means of the Gospel ? Although such a view has become so
familiar in theology, yet it must be considered unbiblical, and
altogether strange to St Paul. It is true that, according to
Scripture, there exists a complete reverse of the kingdom of the
world represented by the Romans ; and this is the kingdom of
Israel. But the Apostles have been told, from the very outset,
that the establishment and restoration of it cannot take place as
long as the Lord and King of it is enthroned in the concealment
of heaven. During this period, the kingdom of God and the
kingdom of Israel exist in spiritual concealment, and within. But
since, nevertheless, it is on earth, and, accordingly, must also con-

120 sect. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
stantly manifest itself from within to without, it requires outward
right and protection. But these depend altogether upon that
power to which, meanwhile, all earthly relations are given over,
until the time ofthe estabUshment and restoration ofthe kingdom
of Israel shall come, viz., upon the Roman constitution. St Paul,
therefore, could not fail to recognize it as his vocation, to point
out, within the law and ordinances of the world, directed and
revealed by God, that place where the safe and prosperous develop
ment of the Church of Christ might take place. And not only
when he looked upon the Divine indications as to the past in the
relation betwixt Judaism and the kingdom of the world, but also
when he looked at the present state of this relation, he could not
fail to be convinced, that the place in question could be none
other than that existence of Judaism guaranteed within the
Roman Empire.
The Apostle Paul was all the more under the necessity of
pointing this out, that it was just he who had founded the life of
faith in its Gentile-Christian form, i.e., that form which places
the outward connexion with Judaism within the sphere of the
Spirit ; and this necessity became so much the greater, the more
that, to the outward appearance, the Church of the Gentiles
assumed a position which brought it to a great distance from
that of the Synagogue of the Jews. To this it may be added
that, even before the Roman powers saw any reason for attending
to the legal standing of the Christian congregations, the Jews
raised suspicions and charges against St Paul, and hence also
against the congregations founded by him, as standing in opposi
tion to Judaism. When viewed in this light, it appears that it
is not an affair personal to the Apostle which is here in question,
but the whole future standing of the Gentile Church within the
legal and political order. We shall, therefore, find it to be quite
natural that St Paul should be most anxious to prove, before the
Roman authorities, the groundlessness of those charges of the
Jews, whensoever he might suppose, — as he certainly could do in
the case of Felix, and, still more, in that of Agrippa, — that he
could make himself intelligible to them. It is thus of universal
and abiding importance, that St Paul should have demonstrated
the connexion of his faith with Judaism ; and seeing this universal
and abiding importancp, we shall find it to be quite intelligible

acts xxv. 13 — XXVI. 28. 121
that Scripture should have communicated so minutely the two
discourses in question delivered by the Apostle in his defence,
inasmuch as Scripture, on its Divine foresight (see Gal. in. 8),
always views and represents the present according to its signifi
cance and importance for the future. And so much the rather
have we every reason to be thankful for this communication, as,
with respect to the connexion here pointed out, most of us are as
much in the dark as were the opponents of St Paul, or his hearers
at this place.
They are chiefly three points to which the Apostle here directs
the attention of the assembly, and in which, therefore, we have
to follow him. In the first and third place, he endeavours, by
internal arguments, to remove the apparent contrariety existing
between his whole conduct and ministry, on the one hand, and
Judaism, on the other. In the second place, St Paul refers to
the great and marvellous fact of his conversion and calling, on
which he here, in the presence of the great assembly, lays par
ticular stress, — especially as regards its universal importance for
Jews and Gentiles.
St Paul here, too, as in the discourse before the Jewish people
(xxii. 3 — 5), begins with the mention of hisformer well-laiown Pha
risaism (ver. 4, 5). But this arises solely firom the circumstance
that this fact affords him a sure ground for his present purpose
also. For, as we have already mentioned, his object here also is to
prove that he still retains the same affection for Judaism as he
formerly did. But the more that at present this is concealed by
an evidently strong contrariety between the two parties, the
more important must it be to mention his former Judaism as
one of the strictest observance. If, then, St Paul from that past
(e^r)(Ta, ver. 5) quickly comes to the present {vvv, ver. 6), he
can, on the ground of that past, venture at once to speak of the
e"vident contrast between him and the Jews (ea-TTfKa Kpivofievoi;,
iyKaXovfiai viro 'lovBaiwv), and the internal, deeply hidden com
munion (e'Tr' eXiriBi .... et? rjv to BoaBeKd^vXov eXTTi^ei
KaTavTrjaai). He thus not only places beside each other the
two things which, even at present, appear to most theologians to
be irreconcUeable ; but, being supported outwardly by that un
deniable fact, and, inwardly, resting on the immoveable founda
tion of his confidence, he, by one stroke, and by a bold turn, unites

122 SECT, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
in one sentence, the two ends ofthe antithesis which, apparently,
caused an absolute separation. So surprising and bold a turn
becomes possible to the Apostle only by his viewing and repre
senting the two parts of the antithesis, not according to their
appearance, but according to their essential nature. This is
most clearly seen firom the side of Judaism. Even the mention
of Ba)BeKd(j)vXov rjfiwv necessarily leads to it. For, ever since the
prophet Ahijah had rent the garment of Jeroboam (see 1 Kings
xi. 29 — 39), the counsel of God had become manifest of rending,
by a deep chasm, the unity of Israel, on account of the apostacy
of Da"vid's son ; and when, at that time, the separation of the
twelve tribes had been completed, and had developed itself on
the part of Ephraim, not only in an apostacy firora the house of
David, but, also, from the house of Jehovah (see 1 Kings xu.
25 — 33), this chasm had become much wider than had, at first,
been intended. But the people of Israel occupy, in the history
of mankind, that place where, on the one hand, indeed, sin is
recognized and felt in all its unfathomable depth ; but where, on
the other, the hope is never given up that all sin, as it arose and
exercises its influence in the course of history, shall also be over
come and completely removed in the course of history ; so that
it is Israel, especially, which, although more deeply sunk in the
depths of sin than all the Gentiles (see Jerem. ii. 10 — 13) shaU
yet be redeemed from all his sins and iniquities (see Ps. cxxx.
8). On this very ground, it must be settled in Israel, that the
chasm of separation would not last for ever. Thus we find that
the Prophet Elijah holds fast immoveably the integrity of the
original number of twelve (see 1 Kings xviii. 31, 32 ; corap.
xix. 19), even at the time when the apostacy of Ephraim had
reached its consummation, and although none could, like him,
realize the full iraport of the separation, now completed, between
the two kingdoms. In a similar manner, the kings, Hezekiah
and Josiah, exerted themselves on behalf of the few who had
remained in the land after the ten tribes had been carried away
captive by the Assyrians (see 2 Chron. xxx. 1, 10, 18 ; xxxv. 18).
To this we must likewise refer the fact that they who returned
from the Babylonish captivity manifested, on solemn occasions, a
consciousness of the inviolable oneness of the twelve tribes (see
Ezra vi. 17, viu. 24, 35). Now one might well imagine that they

acts xxv. 13— xxvi. 32. 123
¦who had returned from the captivity considered themselves as the
representatives of the true Israel, and, hence, regarded the ten
tribes, who had no share in their return, as being comprehended
in their o-wn number ; in which]case they, by significantly mark
ing the number twelve, might just have been wishing to express
nothing else than that they themselves formed the whole and
complete continuation of ancient Israel, in such a manner that,
henceforth, the ten tribes, carried a^way and lost, could not any
more be spoken of. Such a spiritualism would, after all, not be
so bad as that which we find spread abroad within the sphere of
the Gentile Church ; namely that the GentUe Church conceives
herself to be the continuation of the people of Israel, in such a
sense, that the latter could now come into consideration, in refe
rence to the history of salvation, either not at all, or only casually.
Although it be true that such a view might commend itself, in
virtue of a certain authority imparted to it by the Church, we
must object to it, that it receives as little countenance in the Old,
as in the New Testament. For if the ten tribes, after having
been carried away into the countries of the Gentiles, on account
of their apostacy from Jehovah, and from the house of David,
had been lost in such a way, that their Future had irrevocably lost
itself in the history of the Gentile nations and countries, then, on
this territory, sin would have gained the victory, andthepower of the
adversary would have maintained itself against Jehovah's mercy ;
the momentous fact of the final "victory of the ungodly powers,
would thus have been recorded in universal history. But it is
just for this reason that the whole assumption is annihilated when
considered on scriptural grounds. That the two tribes have
been brought back fi'om the captivity, — that, hence, their out
ward continuity is preserved and secured for the future of salva
tion, are circumstances directly opposed to such an assumption.
For should the greater measure of sin be the reason why the ten
tribes did not obtain the same mercy as that which was bestowed
upon Judah ? But, altogether apart from the consideration that,
on Old Testament ground, sin does not form an obstacle to the final
development of the people and kingdom of God, the relation be
tween Israel and Judah is, in this respect, strictly speaking, rather
the reverse (see Jer. iii. 6 — 11). Moreover, the promises held up
to view by the law, regarding the final destiny of Israel after the

124 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
deep confusion of his apostacy, are not only quite general and
comprehensive of the whole body of the people ; but those pro
phets also who, themselves, saw and lamented the separation of
the people, give forth the most distinct promises for Judah and
for Israel, as to the final issue, and foresee a union of the two sepa
rated parts which wUl entirely restore the original unity (see Is.
xi. 12, 13 ; Jerem. iu. 12 — 25 ; Hos. U. 2 ; Ezek. xxxvii. 16 —
22 ; xlvU. 13.)
Can such a prospect of the Future ofthe ten tribes, having, as
it does, its foundation in the entire history of salvation, and
resting at the same time on the sure word of prophecy, be de
stroyed by the circumstance that these tribes had no share in
the return from the captivity which was brought about by Cyrus
and his successors ? If this return were the sole and final one,
then, indeed, we should have before us an enigma ¦which could
not be solved ; but this is so far frora being the final return
which the prophets, in so many pregnant words, have promised,
that the raost zealous Israelites — such as Ezra and Nehemiah —
even hesitate whether they should join this expedition to their
native land; and many godly Jews — such as Mordecai and Esther
— reraain within the Persian Erapire, and, in a confirmation of
their resolution, enjoy in Shushan the Divine protection no less
than their brethren in the newly built Jerusalem. Hence,
the condition of Israel as a whole is not substantially changed
by the edict of Cyrus ; and they who returned certainly
intended to manifest this by their continuing, even in Pales
tine, to call themselves Sons of the Captivity (see Ezra iv.
1; X. 11, 16; viii. 35; Neh. i. 3). The same consciousness
prevails among the people of the Jews even in after-times ; they
view their present condition as the continuation of the captivity,
which began with the destruction of their kingdom, and the loss
of their independence (see Eisenmenger's entdecktes Juden-
thura ii. 573) ; and it is obvious that, in such a case, the Je^wish
self-consciousness is very decisive. For this reason, we need not
wonder that the Jews never expressed themselves, regarding the
existence of the ten tribes, in a tone so resigned as that which
theologians are wont to use. Josephus expressly declares that
two tribes only are under Roraan dominion in Europe and Asia ;
but that the ten tribes are, up to this day, on the other side of

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVL 32. 125
the Euphrates (see Antiq. xi. 5, 2). And, .since Jerome writes,
on Hos. i. 1 : " Ten tribes have been carried away captive by
Shalmaneser, and settled in the mountains of the Medes ;" and
on Hosea i. 6 : " The Israelites, up to this day, serve the King of
Persia, and they were never delivered from their captivity," we
must suppose that he owed this information, as well as all his
knowledge of Jewish affairs, to his connection with his Jewish
teachers. The more recent inventions as to the glorious condi
tion ofthe ten tribes in the far East (see Eisenmenger ii. 515 —
572) are likewise a proof, that the tradition of the Synagogue
neither knows anything of the breaking of the captivity, and of
the return of the Ephraimitic tribes, nor of their having disap
peared in heathendom. And, although modern Jewish scholars
easily satisfy themselves, after the manner of many Christian
theologians (see Jost, Gesehichte der Israeliten, ii. 249, 250),
as to the disappearance of these tribes, this is only a sign that, on
this point also, as on many others, they follow the spirit of the
time, more than that of their own nation.
If, then, an unprejudiced Exegesis (see Hofinann, Weissag.
u. ErfiiUg. i. 209, 210) must acknowledge that the word of the
Old Testament guarantees to the ten tribes a future redemption
and salvation ; and if the Synagogue knows nothing about its
having already come, — for which reason it must be regarded as
having not yet taken place — then, of course, the imperfect state
of our knowledge cannot shake so sure a foundation. Although,
therefore, the hypothesis of Asahel Grant regarding the ten
tribes, brought forward with a great appearance of probability,
should not share a fate in any respect better than that of its
many predecessors ; although even he, who, of all living men,
has the most comprehensive knowledge of the inhabited earth,
Carl Ritter, declares that he doubts the existence of the ten
tribes (see Erdkunde x. S. 246 ff. 2d ed.) ; yet, in the great zeal
which nowprevails in enquiries regarding the East, every dayinay
bring to us some information by which the Old Testament dark
ness, like so raany other things, may receive light. But it is when
standing on the ground of the sure word of prophecy, as regards
the future destiny of the ten tribes, that we first recognize the
significance, in the New Testament, of the Israelitish number.
Twelve. It is, at all events, quite obvious that the number

126 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
Twelve in the number of the Apostles refers to the twelve tribes
of Israel. But this in itself might also be viewed in such a way
as to imply a reference to a new Israel, which, after old Israel
was broken up, and had, for the most part, disappeared without
leaving any trace behind, were to be formed by the begetting
word of the Apostles, out of the whole human race, whether, of
Jewish or Gentile descent. But since it is, more than once,
expressly declared by the Lord himself (see Matt. xix. 28; Luke
xxii. 30), that the twelve Apostles have a reference to the twelve
tribes of Israel, that possibility is completely set aside, even if it
were not already excluded by the whole course of the history of
salvation. We are, therefore, compelled to assume the reference
of the twelve Apostles to the old and original tribes of Israel.
Farther — The supposition of the existence and future ofthe other
ten tribes lies at the foundation of the institution of the Apostolic
office, and of every mention of the twelve Apostles ; and the
number Twelve, in the New Testament, is connected with the
pointing out and distinguishing of the twelve tribes at the time
ofthe return. The children ofthe captivity were conscious that
they represented only a small part of Israel ; they knew that the
greater number ofthe people were still in the bondage of captivity.
But they held immoveably fast the hope of a fiiture deliverance
for them also, and, hence, of a complete and final deliverance of
all the twelve tribes. And although they saw nothing of it, and
knew of no means for its fulfilment, yet in this hope they
proceeded, at the solemn dedication of the new house of
God, as if all the tribes had been present. The commencement
of the New Testament time likewise knows as little of the
deliverance of the ten tribes as the time of the return ; and, in
reality, this future is still more hidden than it was formerly,
because even the condition of those who had returned, now that
the Roman dominion of the world has appeared, shows itself,
more and more plainly, as a condition of servitude and captivity.
But, nevertheless, not only is the salvation of all Israel expected,
but even a commencement is made, which, by its Divine uncon
querable power, is to accomplish the salvation of the twelve tribes,
and will assuredly do so. This commencement is the Patriarchal
Apostleship who, with the same necessity as once the twelve sons
of Jacob begat the twelve tribes according to the flesh, wUl trans-

acts xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. 127
late the twelve tribes of Israel from the servitude and sin of the
flesh, into the new life of the Divine kingdom, by means of tho
hidden and sacred power of the Word and Spirit. The twelve
Apostles of Christ are, accordingly, the present securities for the
existence of the twelve tribes, as well as for their future restitu
tion. By the circumstance, therefore, that at the beginning of
the Acts of the Apostles, we immediately meet with the necessity
of filling up a vacancy which had arisen, in the number of the
twelve Apostles, we are furnished with a new proof — and that
within our reach — of the Apostles' holding fast the Israelitish
number of twelve. From this point of view, a peculiar light is
thrown upon the circumstance that, in the first proclamation of
the Gospel by Peter (ii. 39), they who are afar off are men
tioned, — a mention so full of significance and hope. The fact
that James who, as we have seen, of all in the Apostolic Church,
stands nearest to the people of Israel, addresses his Epistle to
the whole of the twelve tribes, may, no doubt, likewise be
accounted for firom the maintenance, by the New Testament, of
the integrity of the tribes of Israel as guaranteed by the Old
Testament ; for, although we may well suppose that he did not
know in what way he could transmit his Epistle to the distant
and lost tribes, yet this very circumstance renders so much the
more apparent the strength of his hope as embracing the whole
people. And, finally, we shall find it to be quite in harmony
with this New Testament position towards the twelve tribes of
Israel in the Old Testament, that the Apocalypse, at the end of
the days, draws the tribes of Israel out of their deep concealment,
and brings them again before us by name (Rev. vii. 4 — 8) ; for,
in so doing, it shows us the end of the tirae, or the close of the
New Testaraent coramencement, at which the Apostolic office
was established as the deeply hidden spiritual foundation for
the renovation and restitution of Israel. Whilst, during the
whole period of the New Testament commencement, this Apos
tolic spiritual foundation of twelve-tribed Israel steps more and
more into the back-ground, it is quite in keeping with a view to
the time of the end, to hold up the names of the twelve Apos
tles in their connection -with the names ofthe twelve tribes (see
Rev. xvi. 14).
It is only now that it will be evident to us how deeply the

128 sect, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
Apostle Paul expresses the very nature of Israel, by using the
designation, to Bb3BeKd(f)vXov rjfiwv. For this expression is now
a guarantee to us, that not only are the Old Testament declara
tions as regards Israel's future, in general, -viewed by the Apostle
as being sure, and placed beyond any doubt, but that, even in
the present, he regards, in a lively manner, the people in their
full integrity ; so that, in his love and hope, he embraces no less
than does James, the ten tribes, removed though they be firom the
external connection.
That which St Paul declares regarding the extent of Israel does
not, however, lie on the surface ; nor is that which he here
states, respecting the conduct and doings of all Israel, to be learnt
by a merely superficial glance. St Paul, in speaking of the ser
vice which is performed by the whole people, day and night, in
zeal (ev eKreveia, ver. 7), cannot mean any thing else than the
religious exercises and works which are carried on, day and night,
by the zealous Jews (comp. Josh. i. 8 ; Ps. i. 2 ; cxix. 62 ; Luke
ii. 37), and in which the congregations are sometimes engaged,
even at night (see Reland, Antiq. p. 498 ; Buxtorff, Synag.
Jud. p. 270, 336). The zeal of the Jewish people in these re
ligious exercises is, indeed, so great, that, hitherto, no violence nor
seduction of the world has been able to destroy it. And it is this
knowledge which the Apostle possesses of their indestructible zeal
which makes him suppose, with certainty, that the same energy
in the holy service would exist with those tribes also which were
removed beyond his immediate cognizance. But Paul mentions
this service only as a means with a view to the object which they
wish to attain. Since, however, this service occupies not a few
moments only in the life of this twelve tribed nation, but com
prehends every thing in which the highest and most general
power of this nation manifests itself, the object, also, for the
attainment of which those means are employed can be nothing
less than the highest aim of all which this people have in view.
Now, since we have a perfect security as to this highest object
and aim ofthe Jewish people, it is indeed, even without its being
any farther expressly declared, already certain that St Paul
here points to that completion of the entire development, which
is commonly designated by the expression, " Messianic time," for
which the history of Israel was, from the very beginning, intended,

acts xxv. 13 — xxvi, 32. 129
and which was held fast by the whole people in immoveable
hope. This aim of Israel is here, indeed, designated by Paul, by
an expression which is not a very current one for it ; but the
connexion is, after all, so very clear that most interpreters have,
nevertheless, rightly recognized this aim. For St Paul declares
this aim to be, the resurrection of the dead. Grotius, it is true,
understands, thereby, the resurrection of individuals ; but the
greater number of interpreters direct attention to the fact, that
this doctrine is, in the teaching of the synagogue, connected
with the restoration of the whole people. That such, indeed, is
the case, one may be readily convinced by the declarations of
Jewish teachers, collected by Bertholdt (see Christologia Judae
orum, p. 176 — 180), and Eisenmenger (see Entdecktes Juden-
thum ii. 890 — 950) ; and even up to this day, the prayer used
by Jewish congregations, for the day of atonement — which
prayer has, throughout and rightly, a national character, and
has in -view as its essence, the final completion ofthe people, —
very significantly opens with this very confession of the hope of
the promise of the resurrection of the dead (see Ohel Jacob, by
M. Frankel, S, 154), And the national element in this doc
trine -will, no doubt, be also the chief reason why this doctrine of
the resurrection of the dead is esteemed by the synagogue to be
so high and holy (see Buxtorfii Synagog, Jud. p. 14, 31, 32).
But St Paul is not contented with pointing out the mere fact
of the existence of the hope among the twelve tribes ; but he
states also the ground of this hope in the words : r^? tt/oo? toik;
TTarepa? '^fiwv iTrayyeXia'; yevofievr)<; inro tov &eov (ver. 6) ; and
it is thereby that the true relation of the resurrection of the dead
to the national development of Israel has been brought into the
true light. For the designation of the promise is so general and
comprehensive, that we cannot conceive of this Divine promise
to the fathers as one among many, but as comprehending and
implying all others. As such, we recognized, at the very be
ginning of our book the promise of the Holy Spirits But
since the context does not permit us to think of this promise,
it must be some other promise, of the same extent and import
ance. From this, however, it clearly follows that we cannot
here think of the resurrection of individuals fi-om the dead ; for,
since the Old Testament promises are, throughout^ addressed to
VOL. III. I

130 sect, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
the whole of the people, this must, of course, be, pre-eminently,-
the case with one which comprehends all others. And if some
individual resurrection were the point in question, we should
also be at a loss to determine which it was ; while, on the other
hand, if we understand resurrection in that comprehensive sense
to which the context here leads us, we shall at once find this
prophecy to occupj', in the Old Testament Scriptures, that sig
nificance and importance which is claimed for it by the fact that
St Paul so distinctly marks it out.
It is the prophet Isaiah who opens up to us the right under
standing of this point. It is this prophet who, personaUy and
historically, occupied a prominent place in the last great decision
about Israel's Future. For, the house and kingdora of David
were the last and only means of salvation for the torn-asunder
people. But when it came to be decided, whether Ahaz, the son
and successor of David, the present representative of the Da-vidic-
kingdora and house, was to cleave to Jehovah or to Asshur, it
came out that Ahaz placed greater reliance upon Asshur than
upon Jehovah ; and the whole people of Jerusalem were of the
same mind as he (see Is. vii. 1 — 12). This decisive apostacy of
the house of David and of the people of Judah, Isaiah had per
sonaUy to experience in one of the most eventful moments of his
life. It is this fact which gives that incomparable character of
decidedness to his prophetic word in both of its aspects ; namely,
the cutting severity against the sin of Israel, — for the measure of
transgression is full — and the originality of the announcement
of the Di-vine salvation ; — for, where sin abounds, the grace of
God mnch more abounds in the history of salvation. Since,
then, Isaiah announces to the Jews that their iniquities shall not
be purged from them tUl they die (Is. xxii. 14), the threatening
is altogether in harmony with that experience, and must, there
fore, be understood quite literally. The people, as a whole, have
rejected this last stretching forth of the merciful hand of God,
and nothing, therefore, remains but to suffer the punishment
which, from the outset, was laid on transgression ; viz., death,
and thus, by death, to satisfy the justice of God. The second
member of the alternative of life or death, the choice between
which, Moses once placed before the people (see Deut. xxx. 15),
has thus come upon them by the decision of the people them-

acts xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. 131
selves. But, now, in what does the death consist, which Moses
placed in view of the people, and of which Isaiah declares that it
shall inevitably take place ? It cannot be meant by this expres
sion that all the individuals who constitute the nation should die ;
— for this reason even, that the final Future of the people would,
thereby, be denied, which Moses, as well as Isaiah, unhesitatingly
hold fast. Nor has Moses left us in doubt as to what he under
stands by the death of the people. As the highest punishment
to be inflicted on the people for their sins, he always describes
the exile of Israel from their country, and their captivity in dis
tant foreign lands (see Levit. xxvi. 37 — 41 ; Deut. iv. 26 — 28,
xxvUi. 25, 32, 33, 36 — 68). And is not this, in reality, the
death of a people ? For death is, in one respect, the loosening
of the tie which unites the two parts of human nature into one
organism ; and, in another respect, it is the return, to his first
beginning, of man who was intended for progress. Now just as
the human organism consists of body and soul united together,
and penetrating one another in a lively manner ; so, according
to the view of Scripture, which manifests itself in the history and
law of Israel, the people and land of Israel are, by the word and
work of Jehovah, connected into one living whole. The exile of
Israel, which is the loosening of this tie, can, accordingly, be
nothing else but the death of Israel. But, on the other hand,
Israel, as the living head, is called to comprehend within itself
all the Gentiles, and to transform them into an organic unity of
national and historical development. But if, instead of this,
Israel is, on account of his disobedience, dissolved into the nations
and put under the dominion of the powers and gods of the world,
from whora he was delivered at the commencement of his his
tory ; is that not the same return and retrogression under which
man must fall by the fate of death — raan, who was called to fill
and to subdue the earth, but who is now, on account of his sin,
dissolved into the same dust whence he was taken? It is exactly
thus that Isaiah conceives of the state of Israel which is to be
the result of their disobedience, and which, in xxii. 14, he has
designated as death. For, according to the description of Isaiah,
this confUtion is the captivity of the people who are carried away
from their own country, and subjected to a foreign power. Isaiah
is especiaUy fond of describing this captivity and subjection of
I 2

132 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's ijefence before agrippa.
Israel as the repetition of their former condition, when they were
strangers and slaves in Egypt (see Is. x. 26 ; xi. 11 — 16, lii. 12 ;
comp. Exod. xiii. 21, 22, xiv. 19, 20). But the servitude of
Israel in Egypt was that time in which the nation, as such, had
not as yet any existence at all, except in its elements, and as pos
sessing only the possibility of existence. It is in virtue of the
deliverance by the uplifted hand and stretched out arm of Jeho
vah, that Israel is brought into existence as the first-born son of
Jehovah (see Exod. iv. 22). According to this comparison, the
condition which Israel exhibits is thus the dissolution of the
people into their original elements, their being brought back to
the time before their birth, hence — death. The same idea of
non-existence — of death and burial — to which the people of
Israel are to be given over, lies at the foundation of that repre
sentation of Isaiah, according to which Zio^ appears as a barren,
childless widow (see Is. xlvU. 9 ; xiix. 20, 21 ; liv. 1). For,
inasmuch as Zion signifies the Divine, imperishable foundation
of the people and kingdom of Israel, this Divine mother oflsrael
can be conceived of as childless and barren, under this condition
only, that the Jews, in a state where they are without a house
or kingdora, are considered as non-existing — hence, as dead.
But if thus the prophetic words of Moses and Isaiah represent
the punishraent of Israel under the figure of death, in what man
ner must be represented the redemption and deUverance from such
distress, which is, after all, held to be the ultimate and compre
hensive promise ? Must not this latter prospect necessarily be
called the " resurrection from the dead ?" Thus Moses also
already expresses it in the closing word regarding Israel's ulti
mate destiny. " See now that I, even I, am He, and there is
no God with me; I kiU and I make alive ; I wound and I heal ;
neither is there any that can deliver out of my hand" (Deut.
xxxU. 39). That which, in this passage, is undeniably contained
in the context— viz., the reference of the expressions, death and
life, to the people of Israel— is quite expressly and openly stated
by Isaiah and Ezekiel (Is. xxvi. 19 ; Ezek. xxxvu.). In this
way, it has, at the same tirae, become quite clear to us, how St
Paul could speak of this promise of resurrection in a manner so
emphatic and exclusive ; for we see that, as to its import and signi
ficance, it has altogether the same dignity whieh we could not but

acts xxv. 13— xxvi. 32. I33
ascribe to the promise of the Holy Spirit. For what, as to its
cause, the promise of the Holy Spirit is for the Future of Israel,
the same is the resurrection of the dead, as to its effects ; and in
the great vision of Ezekiel, the power of the Spirit, called into
exercise by the prophet's person and word, is indeed represented
as the Divine cause of the revival of the dead of Israel in that
valley. No one who remembers the Apostle's doctrine on the Future
of Israel, in his Epistle to the Romans, will, for a moment, doubt
that St Paul has the same hope which he is fully justified in sup
posing to be the aim of all Israel's ser-vice of God, wherever the
tribes of this people may sojourn ; but his assertion, that he was
accused for the sake of this very same hope (ver. 7), may, at first
sight, appear to be singular. So much, indeed, foUows as a mat
ter of course from ver. 8, that, in saying this, the Apostle is
thinking of the resurrection of Jesus from the dead. But then
again, the two-fold question arises : — How far is faith in Jesus, the
risen One, on the one hand, equivalent to what the Apostle was
accused for by the Jews, and, on the other hand, to Israel's hope
of the resurrection of Israel's dead, and the restoration of the
whole people? The first question is answered in the subsequent
argumentation, in which St Paul proves that his whole conduct
and procedure among the Gentiles and Jews— which was just
the object of the hatred and accusation on the part of the Jews —
was dependent upon, and determined by Jesus, who had appeared
to him from heaven ; for, from this it appears that the belief in
the resurrection of Jesus whom the Jews know only, and name
as the crucified One, forms the chief ground of his manner and
procedure which were offensive to the Jews. But now, as regards
the other aspect, St Paul, even here, does not move by one step
beyond the sphere of thought belonging to Judaism, and, hence,
known to Agrippa. It is true that, if in that hope of the resur
rection of the dead, one views the Divine aspect only, one might
be disposed to think that all human conditions and agency were
excluded in this act. But how explicit soever the Old Testament
is in ascribing to God the cause of all the salvation of Israel, the
whole Old Testament history and doctrine demand, as distinctly
and explicitly, that we should conceive of salvation as depend
ing upon human instrumentality ; or, to express it in other

134 SECT, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
words :— Although the salvation of Israel is, in all its steps, even
the last, viewed and represented by the Old Testament as alto
gether supernatural, yet the historical connexion of the develop
ment is, at the same time, most inviolably maintained. The
supernaturalisra of the Old Testament is, hence, so little a nega
tion of the historical view of the development of salvation — as it
is commonly imagined to be — that, on the contrary, the latter,
which is maintained by the side of the former, must, for the sake
of the former, be conceived of as existing in a higher degree. It
is for this reason, therefore, that, in the last decisive act of the
development of salvation, we are not allowed to regard the Di-vine
activity merely. Indeed, just at that passage which most fully and
plainly represents this act of God's working out salvation, the Old
Testament itself leads us, undeniably, to the other aspect — the
human and historical. For, if the great valley of dead bodies
which is revealed to Ezekiel in a vision, be the whole house of
Israel (Ezek. xxxvii. 11), then death and corruption only are
represented as existing within Israel. But, notwithstanding this,
Ezekiel, the son of man, who is, after all, descended from Israel,
and belongs to the whole house of Israel, must step between them
with his prophetic word, in order that the miracle of bringing
Divine life out of death may be effected (see Ezek. xxxvii. 4, 7
— 16). This need of human and historical development forthe
completion of Israel's salvation has constantly impressed itself even
upon the conviction of the Synagogue degenerating more and
more, notwithstanding its unhistorical sense and boundless super
stition, and shows itself with sufficient plainness in the foUo-wing,
among many other sentences : — " That the Messiah delayed His
coming so long on account of the impenitence of the Jews (see
Eisenmenger, ii. 670, 671) ; that the Messiah would come,
if only the Jews would once keep the Sabbath as they ought"
(I. c. S. 673). Hence St Paul was not presuming too much
upon the Jewish conviction, in declaring that they must not
entertain the hope of the general resurrection of the dead,
and of the restoration of Israel, any sooner, and in any other
way, than by keeping in view, at the sarae tirae, that this Divine
miracle required, in order to its performance, the agency and
instrumentality ofthe word of prophecy spoken by the prophetic
son of man. Since, then, thi.=i prophetic mediator has appeared

ACTS XXV. 13 — xxvi. 32. 135
ui Jesus — as has been publicly manifested by His own resui-rec-
tion, by which the entire, hitherto unbroken, power of death was,
for the first time, completely overcome — Paul Is fully entitled to
assert, in opposition to the Jewish conviction, that the faith in
the resurrection of Jesus is the only living and present root of
the resurrection of Israel which God has promised to the fathers ;
that hence the resurrection of Jesus, and the resurrection of
Israel, stand in such a necessary internal connection, that he
who means to hope for the latter must believe In the former,
also. St Paul, therefore, does not assert too much when he
complains that he is accused by the Jews just for the very same
cause as that upon which they have directed their whole life,
and all their efforts ; so that the internal contradiction must not,
according to the mere appearance, be sought on the part of
Paul, but on the side of the Jews.
But the more that St Paul denies the charge of having aposta
tised from Judaism, and charges his enemies with it, the more it
becomes necessary for him to explain himself regarding the con
tradiction existing in his outward life, and to show how, firom
being a persecutor of the Christian faith, he became an Apostle
of that faith, ¦without becoming unfaithful to the God, and to the
law of his fathers, whom he has served from his early youth,
Aaid St Paul enters with so much the greater pleasure upon the
account of his conversion and calling, that he has here an oppor
tunity of declaring this fact, so Important to the whole heathen
world, in the presence of a heathen assembly which might well be
regarded as a representation of the heathen world ; and that, in
bearing witness to this fact, he has the prospect of arriving at an
understanding. That which he could not venture to express on
the Areopagus of Athens, because he did not find there any point
of connexion for It, It has become possible for him to utter here
at Cesarea, from the circumstance, that the present head of the
whole heathen assembly was king Agrippa who was received and
initiated Into Judaism, And St Luke has not thought it useless
or superfluous once more to communicate, out of the mouth ofthe
Apostle himself, the account of St Paul's conversion and caUing ;
in order to Intimate, by this new repetition, that for the whole
development of the Church, with a view to which St Luke has
written his history firom beginning to end, the truth and certainty

136 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa,
of this fact was of the greatest consequence ; and that, for thi»
reason, it well deserved to be placed on the legal security of a
two-fold or three-fold witness. This three-fold testimony results
as follows : — First, St Luke reports the principal facts coming
into consideration at the conversion and calling of Saul of Tarsus
in the historical connexion, at that place when the necessity of a
new Apostleship for the Gentiles has manifested Itself, This is
the testimony which St Luke has destined for TheophUus, and,
after him, for the Church, as is evident from ix, 15, and,
especially, in the intimation which this verse contains regarding
the course which this proclamation of the Gospel is to take. The
second testimony is that which St Paul himself bears in presence
of the Jewish people, and in which, as we saw, he enters, espe
ciaUy, upon that aspect of the whole transaction which was pre
eminently Important for the conviction of the Jews, With the
third testimony, now under consideration, St Paul stands before
GentUes, and, hence, pays attention, chiefly to the notions of
Gentiles ; in such a manner, however, as to avoid every appear
ance of an apostacy from his Jewish convictions. And Inasmuch
as we recognized in the present assembly a representation of the
Gentile world, we shall find it quite appropriate, that the Import
and significance which St Paul's Apostolic office for the Gentiles
has for the whole world, should be placed In a clearer light here
than it has been any where else.
After having reported the external events which took place
when Jesus appeared to him on the way to Damascus (ver, 12 —
15), St Paul mentions the words of the Lord by which his
Apostolic office was bestowed upon him (ver. 16 — 18). It is In
the nature of the case, and is also confirmed by the account in
Ix. 6, that the command to arise, with which these words open,
was really addressed to him at the first moment of the appear
ance, and just at that place where he had fallen down with his
companions. But it cannot be determined with certainty, nor
is it, indeed, in any respect of Importance, whether the following
words regarding the Apostolic office, — about which we are here
chiefly concerned,— were spoken by the Lord immediately after,
or were brought to St Paul, only at a later period, through
Ananias. For it is by no means impossible that, at His first
appearance, Jesus should at once have given him a survey of his

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 137
later ministry; but that Luke did not think it necessary to
mention this In his report, because the appropriation of this
ApostoUc vocation was, at aU events, to be accompUshed by other
instrumentalities at a later time. But since there was no reason
for mentioning here, in presence of King Agrippa and his com
panions, the human instrumentaUty which Lidce had In view for
the interest of the Church, or for pointing out the mediation of a
pious Jew, which St Paul might have been Induced to do frora
a regard to the Jewish Assembly (see xxii. 12—16), it was
here quite proper to state the words of the caU In their original
form. But it Is just as probable that, not thinking it necessary
to make mention of Ananias, St Paid concentrated the account,
and, as Meyer says, ascribed to the Lord Immediately, what,
through the medium of Ananias, he had received as the word of
the Lord.
But it is now prominently brought forward, that the Lord
himself, as He appeared to St Paul, Is to be the centre of all
the service, and of the whole testimony, of the Apostle. For in
the sentence : et? tovto yap Mtpdrjv croi, irpoxeipia'acrdai ae
VTTTjpeTTjv Kai fidpTvpa, uiv Te elBe^, q)v tb o^drjaofiai aoi (ver.
16), the words av Te elBe<;, no doubt, refer to the appearance
of the light mentioned above, in which the Lord was the
centre. We have already endeavoured to prove, in how far this
appearance of the Lord formed the foundation and substance of
the Apostolic service and testimony. The second relative clause
&v Te otpd^aofiai aoi establishes, then, the same relation of per
sonal guidance and direction between the Lord and St Paul
for his future ministry and testimony; so that the form and
appearance of the Lord, at each particular time, was to be the
determining principle for his Apostolic activity. As soon as one
takes a proper "view of the eminent and all-determining person of
Jesus in reference to that which was revealed to St Paul, at His
first revelation, no room will, for a moment longer, be given to
an interpretation, to which even Winer Is not unfavourably
disposed (see Winer, Grammatik, S. 307), viz., to consider
odidfjaofiai as a causative ; but rather will Meyer be followed,
who paraphrases &v Te 6c()dijaofiai in the following manner : "in
regard to which I shall stiU appear to thee." This expression
is very well suited to represent the person of Jesus, and its

138 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's DEFENCE before AGRIPPA.
Immediate relation to St Paul as the exclusively guiding and
determining principle of his life and ministry. But, just in that,
there is implied a thoroughly satisfactory protection against all
doubt and suspicion. For as soon as this circumstance is
received with a disposition which sympathises with the history
of Israel — as St Paul supposes in Agrippa— then It must be
beyond all doubt that, within this Paulinic sphere, all that
appears as determining and decisive which, since the words of
Jehovah and His appearance to Abraham — i.e., from the very
commencement of all Israelitish history — has formed the highest
rule ; and, hence, that St Paul, in submitting to the guidance of
the Divine appearance from heaven, does nothing else than join
the great company, at the head of which are Abraham of Ur of
the Chaldees, and Haran, and, afterwards, Israel In Raamses.
It will, at all events, be best, and is, at the same time, most
natural, to refer the subsequent particip. clause i^aipovfievo^ ae
eK TOV Xaov Kai Ta.v eOvwv, to the main clause oi^drpv aoi irpo-
XeipiaaaOai ae virr)peTrjv Kai fidpTvpa ; for the people and
Gentiles, In reference to whom a Divine miuistry is here declared
for St Paul, are just they to whom, as is shown by the following
relative clause, the ministry and testimony relate. The participle
e^aipovfievo'i Itself has been differently understood by interpreters.
Most of thera have assigned to It the signification, " to deliver,
to pull out." Others, however, e.g., Helnrlchs and Kiihuol, have
assigned to it the signification, "to choose." It is e^sidently
unsatisfactory to bring forward against the latter interpretation
— as has been done by Meyer — the argument, that It is inadmis
sible on account of the -words /cat twv kOvwv ; for we could well
imagine that the whole sphere, to which the ministry of St Paul
was to extend, Is designated as that within which the choosing of
St Paul takes place. But it is the Hellenistic usus loquendi which
forbids us to take e^aipeladai in that signification. For while It
is undeniable that, in the classical usus loquendi, this word has
the signification, "to choose," it is, as regards the Hellenistic
usus loquendi, by no means settled — as Kiihnol points out, and
Schleusner, in the Nov. Tlies., who follows him — that this word
takes the place of the Hebrew -\fx^. For, as regards the two
similar passages, to which reference Is here commonly raade,
namely, Is. xlviii. 10, and Job xxxvi. 21, it is true that there
2

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 139
e^aipeiadai is used for the Hebrew '¦\f\'^ ; but It Is raore than
questionable whether It is the word -^n^, or, rather, the sense
¦which it obtains by the context, which is to be thereby rendered,
so that e^aipeiadai Is here also to be taken in its ordinary signifi
cation, "to deliver." It is different with the passage, Deut.
xxxi. 11 (not Deut. xxxiii. 11, as Kiihnol and Schleusner quote).
Here Indeed e^aipeiadai occurs purely with the signification of
the Hebrew "inS.- But, nevertheless, it would be "v\'rong simply
to refer to this passage, in order to prove that e^aipeladai has
this signification — as has been done by some. For, in the best
manuscripts, in this passage too eKXiyrjTai Is found ; just as in
many passages of Deuteronomy "^n^ is rendered by eKXeyea
— T
6ai, and in a connection altogether similar to that which exists
here ; e^eXrjTai is only a different reading, which might, very
easily, have arisen from a mistake of the writer ; so that not one
of the passages quoted can be used as a sure proof. But If e^ai-
povfievo<; have. In this passage too, the signification of " to
deliver, to preserve," which it ordinarily has in the Hellenistic,
and In which it has already occurred In our book (see vii.
10; xii. 21) ; then this promise may be harmonised with the
prospect of suffering opened up to St Paul fi-om the very outset
(see ix. 16), in such a manner that the promised Divine protec
tion does not, by any means, preclude his getting into many
dangers, and straits, and difficulties ; just as the altogether sImUar
promise (see Jer. i. 8), given to the prophet Jeremiah at his
calling, was not Intended to protect him from suffering imprison
ment and hunger. The circumstance that St Paul, at his
vocation to the Apostolic office, is promised protection and
deliverance fi-om the people and the GentUes, farther Implies, not
only that his Apostolic vocation will bring him among the Jews
as well as among the Gentiles, but also that, from both sides,
danger and distress wUl arise. But, for this reason, w^e must so
much the more regret the opinion of sorae interpreters who
would, quite arbitrarily, Umit the relative clause et? ov^ to twv
eOvSv. It is easily perceived, indeed, that they were led to this
limitation by the consideration that St Paul's Apostolic office was
ordained, not for Israel, but for the Gentiles (see xxii. 17— 21) ;
but the circumstance that, immediately afterwards (see xxii. 20),

140 sect, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
St Paul makes express mention of his ministry among Jews,
makes It sufficiently evident that this view of St Paul's Apostolic
office must here not be exclusively urged. And, surely, we have
clearly seen, in the course of St Paul's history, that his mission
to the Gentiles becomes, by itself, at the same tirae, a raisslon
to the J ews ; inasmuch as access to the Gentiles leads through
the Synagogue hardening itself and rejecting the Gospel, and
that in the conversion of hardened Israel at last, the whole work
of salvation among Gentiles will find its close and accomplish
ment, St Paul was thus unquestionably entitled, especiaUy at
the present point of the development, to urge the reference of his
Apostolic office to the Jews also ; and he had the greater reason
for doing so on this occasion, that he had to defend himself
against the charge of having apostatized from the manners and
customs of his nation.
But In this we must view more minutely the peculiar designa
tion of the contrariety between Jews and Gentiles which St
Paul employs on this occasion, e/c rov Xaov kui toov eOvwv, ver,
17 ; since he repeats it at the close of his discourse (ver. 23),
and thereby clearly intimates that he has chosen it ¦wittingly and
on purpose. With regard to these expressions, the case stands
thus, that Xao'i commonly corresponds to the Hebrew oy, and
T
edvrf most generally to the Hebrew Dii^i^i; and, farther, that
QM is, in most cases, used in reference to the Jews, while Qi^^S,
in the majority of cases, refers to the Gentiles. By this, of
course, the contrariety expressed here is not explained ; but, on
the contrary, by the unusual contrasting of the two terms, with
the e^vident references contained in them, we are obliged to ask,
which peculiarity of the Jews on the one hand, and of the
GentUes on the other, is it intended to mark out In this ¦n'ay ?
Now, when Israel Is designated as the people of God, or of
Jehovah, and when the Gentiles must, accordingly, be regarded
as the people of the world, the contrariety is evidently referred
back to this different relation of God to Israel, and to the Gentile
world, and is, hence, of very common occurrence, and easily
understood. But, since this relation Is not spoken of in this
place, we are not at liberty to introduce it here, but must rather
endeavour to discover, in how far the contrariety expresses itself,

acts xxv. 13— XXVL 32. 141
in accordance with this designation, in the national character, as
such. Now, since qj; and Xaoii are used of that nation which is
T
privileged above all others, 6 Xa6<; can designate and mark out
Israel in contrast to all other nations, only in such a manner
that the highest perfection of all wliich is national — the people
KaT i^ox^fv — is manifested in them ; whilst all others are to be
understood as such a company of nations. In which that which is
national has not attained to such a degree of perfection. We
should thus have here consistently proved the correctness of that
usus loquendi in the Old Testament, according to which Israel,
per se, and even when not contrasted with the Gentiles, is called
Qj^ll, as In Is. xl. 7 ; xxvi. 11. If we were to reduce this
T T
distinction to the more current one, we would say that the con
trast between Israel and the Gentiles" does not consist merely In
the different relation of God to both, as such, but Is manifested
in the national character and Institutions also, which have been
produced and estabUshed by this different relation ; so that
Israel, as the people founded and guided by the grace of Jehovah,
must be called a people, in a higher sense than the nations
founded and guided by the creation of Elohlm. But now, the
question presents itself : — What Is it which induces St Paul to
lay such emphasis and stress upon this peculiarity of Israel?
And while endeavouring to answer this question, we shall at the
same time discover wherein this peculiarity shows itself.
The fact that St Paul designates Israel, as contrasted ¦with the
Gentiles, as the people Kar e^oxrjv, can have originated only
from the same train of thoughts to which we were compelled
to ascribe his declaration regarding the hope of the ten tribes.
By all the contradictory appearances, by all the hatred and
opposition which he had experienced from the Jews, he is not
prevented from seeing, in this mass of the Jews scattered over
all the earth, and raging against the kingdom of Jesus, that
chosen part of mankind which, as an organised and separate
community, has its eternal destination, and is, under all circum
stances, brought onward towards Its destiny and aim. It Is
because he views Israel with the eye of faith and hope, that, in the
midst ofthe ruins of Israel's nationality, he is enabled to recognize
and to hold fast, as present, the great and eternal destination of
the people. In a similar manner, Isaiah, too, having recognized

142 sect, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
the eternal people in Israel (see Is. xliv. 7 ; comp. Ewald on this
passage: — and Sirach xxxvu. 28), feels himself under the necessity
of also designating this people, as the people Kar i^oxnv. And
indeed the matter stands thus, that, when the people of Israel are
viewed with the eye of faith and hope, a whole series of features
are discovered which make the national customs and institutions
of Israel appear in a Ught of perfection which Is altogether incom
parable. Let us bring to raind some of these features, in order
that we may realize, somewhat more fully, the Apostle's view of
his fellow-citizens which is implied in this designation. In so
far as nationality is founded on God's creation, it is a blessing in
which every member of the nation has a share, and which he is
called upon, and bound to preserve and to foster. In this respect,
the sins of the individual, as well as the sins of the whole, are
encroachments upon the nationality ; and we see, even from this,
that, on the territory of the Gentiles, where no promise of grace
is given for the nationality, and where, hence, nature alone pre
vails In this respect, the nationality is destroyed by the dominion
of sin. But, In Israel, the nationality is, from the outset, founded
on and by grace ; and hence it Is here that the word holds true
that, where sin abounds, grace much more abounds. For so little
is sin excluded from Israel, that, on the contrary, it assumes ainong
them only a still worse character. Of course, the nationality of
Israel, too. Is affected by sin ; but so much the more clearly raay be
seen the traces ofthe victory of grace over sin. In Israel, too,
the sin of the apostacy of the ten tribes from the legitimate
dynasty is found ; and, inasmuch as this apostacy Is so much
the more heinous and punishable in the holy people, who have
received their king by an extraordinary act of God's grace, the
chain of mischievous consequences following frora that begin
ning is so much the more pernicious and fatal also. But it was,
after all, a part only of Israel that rebelled against the house of
David, while, on the contrary, the other portion opposed to that
Ephraimitic apostacy, with its whole train of violent revolutions,
an immoveable fidelity to the house of David, and witnessed, in
the course of half a miUennium, only one violent shaking of the
throne ; and even that was caused and carried out in the sense
and interest of legitimacy. We raay, therefore, consider this
persevering fidelity and attachment ofthe house of Judah to Its

acts xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. 14;;
royal dynasty as an overcoming of the revolutionary principle
which came to an eruption in Israel. Nor did the sin of internal
division and hostiUty among the tribes of Israel fail to manifest
itself; but the necessary counterpoise was as Uttle wanting in
this diminution of the nationality. I shall not press the circum
stance that, within Judah, there was never a want of men
who constantly took a cordial and active interest in separated
Israel, and filled up the existing gap of separation by their
love and hope. Nor shall I lay any stress on the clrcum-
.stance that, in Israel, too, at all times, men were found who
held fast, in their hearts, the connexion with Judah and
the house of David ; but to one fact of general reconcilia
tion and union which took place in the midst of the most
cruel war between those brethren, and which originated in
Israel, I wish to direct attention. Immediately upon the sad
history of the bloody slaughter and raging of the Ephraimites
among the brotherly tribe of Judah, there foUows, in the Book of
Chronicles, the account how, at the word of the prophet Oded,
four Ephraimlte heads of families rose, and prevailed upon the
whole people to clothe the brethren who had just been taken
prisoners in the bloody battle, to give them to eat and to drink,
to anoint them, and then to bring them back again to Jericho, to
their brethren (2 Chron. xxviii. 5 — 15 ; comp. Caspari on the
Syro-Ephraimitlsh war, S. 15). The incomparable peculiarity
of the nationality of Israel farther comes out, and is manlfe.=!ted,
in a striking manner, in the exile and dispersion of the Jews.
When a people is carried away out of its country, and deprived
of its independence. It usually shares the fate of an uprooted tree.
But although Israel has, for thousands of years, experienced this
fate of being uprooted. It has not fared thus ; and this is a sign
that this nationality has an Indestructible character. But, per
haps, it may be said that the Jews preserve their nationality by
their isolating and secluding themselves, in their dispersion, from
other nationalities in the midst of whom they are living. Any
thing but this is the case ; on the contrary, they are everywhere
anxious to accommodate and unite themselves to all the national
peculiarities and relations of the country; and, in this effort,
thev, indeed, wonderfully succeed. But seeing this, their mani
fold and inexhaustible elasticity, our astonishment can only be

144 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
increased at the solidity and strength of their nationality, which
is, nevertheless, constantly preserved and unmlstakeable. In
the midst of the countries of the Gentiles to which they becorae
farailiarized and accustomed, so as to consider them as a second
home, Jerusalem and the Holy Land are, even to this day, not for
gotten by them ; and the praying Jew, wherever he may be, directs
his face to the place ofthe sanctuary (see Buxtorf, Synagog, Jud,
p. 222). And so likewise, notwithstanding all the temptations and
seductions to the contrary, and although with many, a certain
laxity has taken place, the customs of the fathers are, upon the
whole, held fast with an Inexhaustible tenacity, and that just in
those essential points which are most objectionable, and most
difficult of practice — such as the keeping of the Sabbath, and
circumcision. Finally — the language ofthe fathers is held in high
honor like a sacred good ; so that, even in the so-called " Ger
man Temples," ^ the Hebrew popular language has retained a posi
tion by no means unimportant. It is these and similar features of
the Jews in the captl^vlty which the Apostle has in his mind,
when he calls the Jews the people KaT i^ox^v, and contrasts
them with aU other nations ; and by this designation we are ane^w
con^vlnced that the corapletion of the individual life in Christ is
to St Paul no obstacle In the way of his recognizing and declar
ing the right and importance of the national life.
It is just by thus rising above the merely indmdual point of
¦view, that the Apostle is enabled to express himself, as he does
in the subsequent verses (ver. 17, 18) regarding his vocation, In
a manner so universally comprehensive, and that he comes up
to his position before King Agrippa, and his Roman company.
In this thorough-going and comprehensive declaration, two things
are contained, namely, the condition of the world before the
redemption, and the condition of the faithful after the redemp
tion. With respect to the first of these, it is Indeed true that
the features In the condition before the redemption which the
Apostle states are chiefly met with among GentUes ; and by
this fact, we can the more easily account for the circumstance,
that some interpreters would limit the relative et? oiJ? to the
' The Author refers to the Temples of the so-called reformed, or
modern Jews, in Hamburg, Berlin, and other places. — [Tr.]

-vcTs XN.V. 13 — XXVI. 32. 145
Gentiles (see Baur, der Apostel Paulus, S. 71). But we havo
already seen that this arbitrary limitation is inadmissible, and
can, for this reason, only grant that, in this description, St Paul
had the Gentiles chiefly in view ; we shaU, however, upon a more
minute examination, easily see that the condition even of the
Jews, at that time, was such that the same features might very
aptly apply to them also. They, then, to whom St Paul is sent,
are, according to this declaration, represented as having their
eyes shut, and as being encompassed by darkness. What else is
this than the condition of sleeping and not seeing, which is con
nected, and agrees with the condition of the outward world,
inasmuch as it is encompassed by this darkness of the night?
The condition of having the eyesshut by sleep Is that of the Gen
tUes, who neither see the majesty nor hoUness of God, but who
Uft up their eyes to the sun and to idols (Deut. iv. 19 ; Ezek.
x^vll. 12—15, 16 ; xxxiii. 25) ; nor even the lowliness and frailty
of man (see Ps. ix. 21), but set themselves against the Most High
(see Ps. ii, 1 — 3) ; who, therefore, are entirely In ignorance
regarding the two-fold foundation of all knowledge, and, hence,
are kept captive in ignorance itself (see Acts xvii. 30). But even
if the Gentiles were willing to open their eyes, they could not
see any more than a sleeping man, awakening in the raiddle of
the night, and opening his eyes, would be able to see anything
on account of the darkness ; for the light of Divine revelation
does not shine upon them, because God has suffered all nations to
walk in their own ways (see Acts xiv. 16), and has not shown His
statutes and judgments to any Gentile nation (see Ps. cxl. vii.
19, 20). The witness of God in the works of creation remains,
indeed, to the Gentiles (see Acts xiv. 17 ; Rom. I. 19, 20) ; but
this is no clear day-light, because It does not illuminate the way
on which the sinner may come to God, and, hence, does not
throw any light upon the present state of the Gentiles shut up in
sin. But now we know that, although the nations have their eyes
shut, and are in midnight darkness, they yet do not, by any means,
sit StiU, but are astir, and engaged in active pursuits. But if,
notwithstanding, that declaration of their sleep and night cannot
be revoked, how are we to conceive of this condition of bustle
and activity ? It Is evident that this working and acting of the
VOL. III. K

146 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before aprippa.
nations cannot proceed originally from themselves, any more than
it can be directed and watched over by themselves. There must,
hence, exist i\ power extraneous to them, which Influences the
nations, and as much excites tbem to such working and acting,
as It determines it. Plence there necessarily arises in this con
text the thought of a superior power which exists without the
nations. This power is ascribed to Satan, and, by this feature,
the description of the condition previous to the redemption Is
completed. Paul, therefore, declares Satan, or the Adversary, to
be he who, as the primary cause, directs the nations which move
and act with their eyes closed in the darkness. As St Paul Is
convinced that the first seduction of the woman by the subtlety
of the serpent still exists (see 2 Cor. xi. 3), and as he derives every
tempting and seducing power in the present from the cunning
and power of the devil and wicked one as its primary cause (see
Ephes. ii. 2 ; ¦vi. 11 — 17 ; 2 Cor. iv. 3), there cannot be any doubt
that, by the subtlety of the serpent which beguiled Eve, he does
not understand anything else than the cunning of the adverse
spirit. Accordingly, the first deed of man has been determined
by the will and effort ofthe Adversary. This source and charac
ter of the first deed of the first man must, of course, necessarily
continue to determine the direction of all man's actions and con
duct, as long as that first determination of man has not been
unsettled or annihilated by a free determination, and by a deed
within mankind of an equally universal effect with that first deed
at the beginning of mankind. Now since, in the Gentile world,
such a new restoring deed is out of the question, for this simple
reason :¦ — that, within this territory, there does not exist even the
possibility of a new, universal commencement, — it is quite evident
that the effects of that first evil influence must, In the territory of
the Gentiles, be lasting. It follows, then, as a matter of course, that
that spiritual power which determined and directed the first deed
of mankind, must also, for all time coming, reraain within heathen
dom as that power which rules over and causes everything.
But If It be the power of the Adversary which, as the priraary
cause, determines and directs the nations, then, from this side,
it follows likewis''e that they move, or suffer themselves to be
moved, with closed eyes, and in the darkness of the night; for
they are not only determined fi-om without, but they are deter-

Acrs xxv. 13— XXVL 32. 147
mined by a power which Is /car' i^oxrjv antagonistically disposed,
and, hence, antagonistically disposed to themselves also. We shall
not be able to accuse of unti-uth, or even of severity, this state
ment of St Paul regarding such an influence and dominion of
Satan determining, in the first instance, the whole Gentile world ;
because we find it confirmed by experience from the midst ofthe
GentUe Church, In regard to which we may appeal to the testimony
of Luther, as one by Itself sufficient: " The devil has formerly
led and ruled us in such a manner, that we, caught in his snares,
were obliged to think, to speak, and to do everything according
to his will and pleasure" (see HauspostUle, S. 323, new ed.) It
cannot, however, be denied that harshness, as well as falsehood,
are mixed up ¦with this statement, when it Is considered, not so
much in its bibUcal, as in the current doctrinal connexion. We
are, therefore, obliged, for this very reason, to enter upon this
point ; as the question must be forced upon us : — How was it that
St Paul could have entered in Athens, as we found him doing,
upon the disposition of the Gentiles towards their idolatry and
art, if he was convinced that the Gentiles are standing entirely
under the supreme direction and influence of Satan ?
While It is common with us to bring forward the ethical aspect
only, in our representations of Satan, it is peculiar to Scripture to
bring forward the physical or cosmic, in addition to the ethical or
moral, although, by the very name, it declares the latter to be the
more Important. The circumstance that Satan is often called,
by our Lord, the prince of this world, might perhaps be explained
in this way, that It Is Intended thereby to express the submission
of the world to the seducing will ofthe Adversary ; just as in Rev.
xii. 9, he is designated as the deceiver of the whole Inhabited
earth. But when, in tempting Jesus, he arrogates to himself
the power to give the kingdoms of the world and their glory to
whomsoever he ¦wills (see Luke iv. 5, 6), the whole strength of
the temptation lies in this, — -that his assertion be true. But In
this there is implied a relation of power on the part of Satan to
the destinies of the world, which cannot have its foundation solely
in the seduced wills of the rulers of the world, and of men in
general, but in a more original ordinance of God; and the words
OTI ifiol irapaBkBoTai, evidently refer It to God. And It is only
under this distinct supposition of such an original relation of the
K 2

148 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
power of Satan and his kingdom to the general sphere of exis
tence of the earth and mankind, that we can account for the
designations by which StPaul calls the evil spirits — such as:
apvat, i^ovaiai (see Col. ii. 15), KoafioKpaTope'; tov aKorov;,
TTvevfiaTiKa t»J? Trovrfpia'; iv toi? iTTovpavioi^ (see Eph. ¦vi. 12) ;
dpxwv TJ)? i^ovala'; rov depo<; (see Eph. Ii. 2). With this is very
closely connected the circumstance, that St Paul most emphati
cally points to the manifestation of the power of the demons in
relation to their worshippers (1 Cor. x. 20 ; xii. 2 ; 2 Cor. iv.
4). When viewed in such a connection, the statement of the
Apostle also acquires emphasis, when he says that the devil had
prevented him fi-om carrying out his plan of coming to see the
Church of Thessalonica (1 Thess. II. 18). Most clearly is this
relation of Satan to the cosmic powers and ordinances seen in the
Book of Revelation. For, not only Is there ascribed to the de^vIl
the power of delivering up the followers of Jesus to prison (see
Rev. ii. 10) ; not only are single miracles performed on earth
by the false prophets who are subject to his influence (see Rev.
xiii. 13 — 15, comp. xix. 20) ; but it is also from none other than
the dragon that the beast from the abyss receives the whole of
the power and dominion which it possesses over the whole earth
and its inhabitants (Rev. xiii. 2 — 4). Thus, that which the Son
of Man rejected with indignation, we see received by the man
who is the beast ; and thus the whole power of Satan on earth
has come out from its concealed background, and has entered into
the region of manifest reality and history.
In the Old Testament, too, we find the same supposition of a
relation of power between the evil spirits and the present world.
We have already remarked that the Old Testament does not
consider the idols of the Gentiles to be fictitious beings, but
that It ascribes to them existence and power (see Numb, xxxiii.
4, and the author's Theologischen Commentar I. I. 469\ Con
nected with this is the fact, that Daniel speaks of spiritual
powers, who, on the one hand, have power over the various
forms of the kingdoms of the world, and, on the other, are in
hostile opposition' to the kingdom of God, and to His people (see
Dan. X. 13, 20, 21 ; xi. 1). But all this appears to be compre
hended in that which the Book of Job intimates regarding the
relation of Satan to the earth and mankind. The attempt has

ACTS xxv. 13 —XXVI. 28. 149
been made to establish the opinion, that the Satan of the Book
of Job does not yet possess the same wickedness which we find
connected with this name In the other Books of Scripture. But
that is a mere delusion, which arose from the circumstance that
not sufficient attention was paid to what is elsewhere in Scrip
ture said regarding his cosmic relation ; and that, hence, the
dramatic representation of this relation in the Book of Job was
found to be altogether strange. The wickedness of Satan is suf
ficiently indicated by his standing designation ; but, besides this, it
Is manifested by deeds also, specially by his suspicion of that per
fect and upright servant of God — Job— as well as by his joy
over Job's sufferings. But, notwithstanding this, Satan appears
before the heavenly throne of Jehovah, in the midst of the sons
of God (Job I. 6; ii. 1). And the circumstance that Satan
says, each time, that he comes " from going to and fi-o In the
earth, and from walking up and down in it" (Job I. 7; Ii. 2)
points to an abiding relation to the earthly sphere, as has been
rightly remarked by Ewald, and, lately, also by Hahn. But
this becomes still more evident by the farther account of the
Book regarding Satan's conduct. In the complaint of Satan,
that Jehovah had made an hedge about Job, and about his
house, and about all that he had on every side (Job I. 10), it is
Implied that, on the earth on which Job Uves, there exists a
hostile and Injurious power which, on all sides, stands, in a
threatening and destructive attitude, in opposition to man, and to
all that he has. From the further history of Job, it follows that
this threatening and destructive power is that of the Adversary.
Satan, it is true, dares not, without the permission of Jehovah,
touch a hair of Job ; but after all that Job possesses has been
given, by Jehovah, into the hands of Satan, he carries out his ill
will against Job, by the means and powers which he has at his
disposal. The account evidently means to suggest that we are
to conceive of the Sabeans and Chaldeans (Job i. 15 — 17), as
well as of the lightning and ¦wind (Job I. 16 — 19), as instru
ments In the service of Satan in his Intentions against Job ; so
that he thus appears as having power over the men on earth,
and the elements In air. No instrumentality, indeed, is men
tioned afterwards, when he smites the body of Job with sore
boils (.Job ii. 7) ; but even this influence of Satan upon the

150 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
bodily organism of Job cannot be conceived of, without Satan's
possessing a power within the earthly and human sphere.
But the last disclosure regarding this relation of Satan to the
earth and mankind, we receive in the primeval history of man.
There is no doubt that an evil antagonistic will is speaking out
of the serpent. Such, however, cannot be Included in the Divine
declaration regarding the work ofthe six days: "Behold, it was
all very good." But, nevertheless, that will not only exists, but
has also taken possession of the serpent, which belongs to the
beasts of the field, and, hence, is created within the six days.
But not only do we find an evil will and spirit In connexion
with a creature of God, but, by means of the serpent, this e^vll
will and spirit appears In the garden of God, the centre of the
whole newly created world, and addresses his word to man who
was appointed by God to be the king of the earth. This entrance
of the evil spirit into the midst of the creation of God is intro
duced as something which exists simply, and as a matter of
course ; and it Is for this reason that we cannot conceive of it in
any other way than as resting in a relation of this spirit to the
world of man, which was founded even before the work of the six
days. Of this relation I find a trace in Gen. i. 2, where the earth
is described as a territory of darkness, of emptiness, and of the
roaring deep. In such a condition of the earth, I cannot, by any
means, even now recognize the beginning of the ways and works
of God. It Is true that Delltzsch (see Comment, on Gen. S.
63) maintains that If the second verse were not Intended to be
viewed as a simple sequel to the creation of heaven and eai-th,
reported in the first, the words ought to have been v-^j^pj "'nm
and not nn'^PT V"^Nm. ^^^ t^i^ remark, how correct soever It
may be in itself, does not decide anything in the matter, — as I
already shewed In my commentary. For although I do not
doubt that, in ver. 2, a condition of the earth is described, and
not a change ; yet this condition may, after all, very well be
such an • one as has not been effected by God's creation, but by
something else. Hofmann farther remarks that ^ipi^^ >)piri do
not signify " desolation and emptiness," because !)pi^ is often
used in the signification of " nothing, " and as synonymous with
DDb-l; ]'^M ^^^ nyh^ (see Schriftbewels I. 242) ; but. In making

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 151
this remark, he overlooks three things : — First, that to the con
sciousness of the Old Testament which Is so full of life, the
notion of " nothing " is, by no means, one of a purely privative
nature, but often implies the severest censure, as Is proved by
the usus loquendi ^jrn'^gj N1tt,S llb^ {Soh xxx. 8) "it^-^^S
Q^i^rj, (comp. Ewald on Job x. 22, Di-i-TD~i^Sj Lehrbuch,
286, g.). Secondly, ihe reading is not ^nri? ^^* IHil'inri' X
by such a paranomastic addition, the idea is emphatically
strengthened, and that again leads us to the Idea of reproof;
for the simple notion " of absence of all definite form " would
have been sufficiently expressed by a simple predicate. And,
finally, in the other two passages. In which we meet with the
connexion of the two words occurring here, namely, in Is.
xxxiv. 11, and Jer. iv. 33, they are undeniably used in the
sense of " desolation and devastation." Nor does it appear to
me to be unimportant that the tradition of the synagogue assigns
to "ipjjr^ in this description, a bad signification, — as may be seen
from the book Bahir, In which Satan Is called the Prince of
the Tohu (see MoUtor fiber die Tradition, iii. 353, 623). With
regard, now, to the other two statements in Genesis, as to
the primeval condition of the earth, viz., that it was surrounded
with darkness, and covered by the roaring deep, Hofmann, with
whose view these would still less fall in, has passed them over in
silence ; and Delltzsch must grant the correctness of all that I,
in my Commentary, had said regarding the relation of these two
features to the kingdom of the Evil One. The view of Delltzsch
(see Gen. S. 64), who, in this description of the primeval earth,
would find expressed that " the pure matter Is that which Is
positively ungodly," I can only consider as a blunder ; for the
interpretation of Scripture, instead of receiving such a notion
from Philosophy, has rather the duty of serving as a corrective
of It. Finally — Iwould still direct attention to Job xxii. 11,
where the suffering which has destroyed the prosperity of Job is
described as darkness, and floods of water that cover. This
analogy is the more important, the more fi-equent are the refer
ences of the Book of Job to the beginnings of things.
But, now, if the condition of the earth, as described in Gen. I.
2, be such as that we cannot recognize in It the impress of the
first work of God, of which the first word of Scripture tells us,

152 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
there remains only the supposition, that this condition of the
earth has been produced by a will and a spirit antagonistic to
God ; and of the existence of such a "will and spirit, our con
sciences and Scripture bear witness. But such again Is conceiv
able, only If the earth has been given up altogether to this will
and spirit, and if there be assumed a priraeval relation of this
will and spirit to the earth, — a relation which had its foundation
in the creation of heaven and earth. On this ground, we obtain
the following view : — The earth which, in the beginning, pro
ceeded from the creation of God, Is given to an exalted and
princely spirit, with a host of other spirits subordinate to hira, as
the territory of his dominion, and of the manifestation of his
power. But this was the same spirit who rebeUed against God,
and made himself the centre ; and his apostacy became, at the
same time, the apostacy of the spirits subordinate to him. The
simple consequence of this apostacy of the spirits was the devas
tation, the darkening, the dominion of the roaring abyss on the
earth, as the territory and sphere appointed for these spirits. It
is only one ray of light which falls Into this darkness of the
chaotic wilderness ; the Spirit of God is still mo^ving on the
waters ; the Spirit of God will not forsake this place — the scene
of Divine miracles, and the abode of blessed spirits, — nor give it
up to the powers of destruction. It Is at once intimated to us,
indeed, that the preservation of the earthly sphere is not to be
accomplished by force, such as casting the fallen spirits beyond its
limits ; but that a farther development is intended, and that on
it, therefore, it is that a better Future for the earth must depend.
The farther work of the six days, which exhibits man as the Lord
of the renewed earth, is thus quite in harmony with the signifi
cant hint contained in the animating moving of the Spirit of
God upon the face of the roaring waters. We now see what is
intended with respect to the Future of the earth. Man is to take
the place of the original prince of the world ; but not in such a
manner, that the latter Is to be cast out by external force, but that
he who has become wicked raight be overcome by man, so that
the evil, which arose in a creatm-e of God, might thus be over
come and inwardly removed by a creature of God, In order then
to be destroyed outwardly also. Now we conceive how it is that
Satan has access to the serpent and to Paradise. We further

ACTS XXV. 13 — xx^•I. 32. 153
conceive why it Is that the history of man must begin with a
struggle with the serpent. Man, It Is true, now falls Into the
snares of him who was a liar and a murderer from]the beginning ;
but the cause of man against the Adversary is not decided with
this fall, because there is given to human nature, not only an
active, but also a receptive faculty ; and in consequence of this
receptive faculty, there exists the possibility of placing a new,
original, and divine beginning to the history of mankind. The
Adversary, however. Is limited in the exercise of his power, in so far
only as this receptive faculty, which remained unimpaired In the
first fall, stUl keeps open the further development, and renders
possible another decision of the main question. But, In every
other respect, he obtains, by his victory over men, the right of
again entering upon his original property ; only — he must keep
within those ordinances and laws which, by the second creation,
have been preserved in the cosmic system of the earth, and which
are calculated for the development of mankind as yet undecided.
And thus we have found that modification, under which we have
to conceive ofthe dominion of Satan over the Gentiles, of which
St Paul speaks In this passage.
After having thus attempted to realize, according to the inti
mations of Scripture, the cosmic relation of Satan to the world,
we see that the dominion of Satan over the nations must not be
viewed as a direct one, but must be conceived of as being bound
to, and limited by the cosmic ordinances and laws, created by
God, and given over to Satan. The power of Satan may, it Is
true, be so Increased, that the human consciousness is altogether
drawn into the will and mind of the adversary. This Is then
the highest degree of sin. In the case of which It Is usual with
Scripture to draw aside the veil from the abyss of perdition, and
to allow us to look into the mystery of wickedness (see v. 3 ;
xiii. 10). But, in the passage under consideration, it Is not a
wickedness or corruption particularly heightened which is spoken
of, but the general condition of mankind before the redemption.
It Is, therefore, altogether right that here, in speaking of Satan's
dominion over the Gentiles, we should keep in mind the whole
cosmic organism, by means of which the devil exercised his
influence and power over the nations. For, when we bear this
in mind, we may always assert that, within this domuiion, much

154 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
may be found. In nations as well as in single individuals, that
Is great, noble, true, and beautiful. This one thing only we
shall be obliged to deny, that all the great, noble, true, and
beautiful, which nations and single individuals appropriate to
themselves fi-om the creation of God, either delivers them fi-om
Satan's dominion, or brings them Into communion with God ;
because neither the nations nor the single individuals have the
power to free themselves firom the direction of the will by which
man has given himself over to the word of the liar ; and, hence,
all must remain subject to the will and power of the suprerae
spirit who reigns within the cosmic ordinances.
It Is, then, on the receptive faculty in man's nature, that God,
aftor sin had entered the world, founded the possibility of a
development of the history of salvation ; and this possibility has
been Introduced to the world as a reality, by Abraham's being
called by the word of Jehovah, which corresponds to the word
of Elohlm, by which the world was created. The God of grace
prepared for himself out of that one man, a people beside the
nations of this earth, which, indeed, were, like all other people,
subjected to the cosmic ordinances ; but in sucli a way, that those
ordinances were previously sanctified by God's Avord and work,
and were thus enabled to become the organs of Divine power
and goodness. There thus existed on the earth. In the midst of
the nations, a territory which, by the power of Divine grace and
human faith, had been snatched from the power of Satan,— a
territory which stood under the care of the Angel in whom there
is the name of Jehovah (Exod. xxiii. 21). But when this pro
cess of development, begun by the calling of Abraham, had
reached its culminating height, when the royal dignity and
office had reached Its completion in David, the warlike hero,
and in Solomon, the Prince of Peace, then It was seen that, for
the restoration of mankind, one essential point was yet wanting.
For Satan rose and tempted David (see 1 Chron. xxi. 1), and
David did not resist the temptation ; and Solomon, too, was
tempted by his women from among the Gentiles, and seduced
to the service of idols (1 Kings xi. 1 — 10). It is true that,
even after such a fall, the kingdom of David still remained the
means of salvation for Israel ; just as human nature, after hav
ing been corrupted, has remained the only organ of the thoughts

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 155
of God for the salvation of the world. But ever since, the out
ward form and appearance of this kingdom has taken a downward
course. A decisive crisis on this path of destruction now appears,
at the moment when Ahaz, the son and successor of David, refuses,
by his unbelief, the hand of Dmne mercy stretched out for the
last time (see Is. vii. 1 — 12). Then that was carried out which
had already begun under Jotham, viz., that Jehovah, instead of
protecting and securing Judah from Its enemies, sends enemies
against His people (see 2 Kings xv. 37) ; or, as Isaiah expresses
it, the wall, \\'hlch hitherto had protected the vineyard of Israel,
was now broken down, and the vineyard itself given up to being
trodden down (Is. v. 5.) The time now approaches when Israel
is separated from Its country, and scattered among the Gentiles;
when thus the wdiole formation of a kingdom of God in the
midst of the kingdoms of the world is destroyed from out of the
visible sphere of this world. This is the hiding of Jehovah's face
firom Israel, which is so emphatically announced by Isaiah, and
his contemporary, Micah (see Is. viii. 17 ; liv. 8 ; lix. 2 ; Ixiv.
7 ; Mic. iii. 4 ; comp. Jer. xxxiii. 5 ; Ezek. xxxix. 23, 24), and
which had already been threatened by Moses for the time
of apostacy (see Deut. xxxn. 20). But the unveiled counte
nance of Jehovah is, for Israel, the real and true light (see
Num. vi. 25, 2(5 ; Ps. xliv. 4), which centres in the house of
David as the Ught of Israel (see 2 Sam. xxi. 17). With this
time, accordingly, darkness and night set In for Israel ; and the
separation between the darkness of Egypt and the light of
Israel, which represented the contrast between the Gentiles and
the people, is removed (see Mic. vu. 8 ; Is. vui. 22 ; Ix. 2).
Israel's people and land were henceforth subjected to the power
of the Gentiles, and, therefore, given over to the same supreme
spiritual power to which the whole "v\'oi-ld had been subjected.
The Old Testament Scriptures upon this point not only speak of
Jehovah's forsaking Israel (see Is. liv. 7 ; Jer. xu. 7), but also
of Israel's being sold by Jehovah to a strange power (Deut.
xxxii. 30 ; Is. 1. 1 ; UI. 3). From this it is explained, that the
same condition of sleeping in darkness, aind of captivity, under
the power of Satan, is, by St Paul, in the passage before us,
asserted of the Jews, In the same manner as of the Gentiles.
But it Is just from the circumstance that, with the extinction

156 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
of Israel's light, darkness also breaks in upon Israel, and that,
hence, the whole world Is again covered by the night, that the
possibility of a general deliverance from the power of the dark
ness, and of a rising of light. Is prepared for the whole earth. For
whilst, elsewhere, the extinction of the Divine light among all
the GentUes is connected with this feature, that the eyes are
closed in the darkness; — In Israel the phenomenon is seen, that the
mass. Indeed, are Ukewise given up to the power of sleep (see Is.
vi. 9, 10 ; xxix. 10), but that, at the same time, there are
Individuals, — and these, indeed, such as, by their Individuality
and position, haye a representative significance, — who resist the
power of darkness, and, in the midst of the night, are, with
waking eyes, waiting for the light of the morning ; and who,
although they do not see the face of Jehovah, yet, in faith,
hold fast His word and testimony (see Is. viii. 16, 17 ;
xvii. 9 ; xxviii. 16 ; Mic. v. 6 — 8 ; vii. 8). But the example of
him who, at that period of the Israelitish people's history, has
most minutely exhibited to us his life and position as the most
distinct and beautiful type of a conduct well pleasing to God —
viz., the prophet Jeremiah, clearly shows that the representatives
of Israel were, as little as Job, the servant of Jehovah, fully
equal to the temptation of being given up to the power of dark
ness, and to that of being forsaken by God ; for as Job, so
Jeremiah also, under the burden of this temptation, cursed
the day of his birth (see Jer. xv. 10; xx. 14 — 18 ; comp. Job
IU. 2—12).
The perfection of this waiting. In the midst of the night, for
the light of the morning, is brought before us in Mary. This
virgin of Israel, this daughter of Zion, Is, amid the darkness
which, like midnight, has broken In upon Israel's people and
land, by the establishment of the Roman kingdom of the world,
living in the midst of the sacred hymns and promises of the
Divinely-ordained past history of her people (see Luke I. 46 — 56).
That, In this waiting and waking, she had not been discouraged
and shaken by any power of the darkness, was seen when, in full
faith, she submitted to the word of God by the Angel, which
was more directly and personally addressed to her than It had
ever been to any one, and so perfected her faith (see Luke i.
45). It was thus that, in her, wfis realized the character of

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 3"2. 157
Israel, as the virgin of whom Isaiah had prophesied in that
eventful moment when the night was setting in upon Israel.
And It was thus that mankind had gained that position, and that
stage on which, by means of their receptive faculty, a new
beginning might be planted in the midst of them by God, with
out breaking and destroying the connexion with the first
beginning. This new beginning of mankind is. In accordance
with its nature and position, called : " the Son of man." For
this reason, the first work imposed npon the Son of man is to
take up the struggle with the wicked one, at that very place
where it had been left by man (m^n); ^r He was mani
fested for this purpose that He might destroy the works of
the devil (see 1 John Hi. 8). The Son of man was placed under
the dominion of the night, and the power of Satan ; He lived in
the world separated firom, and forsaken by God. But whilst
man In paradise had been overcome by the temptation of Satan,
the Son of man in the desert overcame Satan by absolutely
renouncing aU that is in the world, — the lust ofthe flesh, the lust
of the eye, and the pride of life, — and by uniting himself to the
Scripture of the Holy Spirit, — the only thing in the visible
world which had remained purely Divine. Thereby the power of
Satan was, for the first time, broken. But here we at once
see that this first and perfect victory over the power of the
wicked one should not have the effect of at once driving the
Adversary out of his possession ; for nothing in the entire relation
between God and the world is changed, in consequence of that
victory. The counsel of God is evidently Intended to make this
victoi-y over Satan general among mankind ; so that, in the same
manner as man had generally submitted to the dominion of
Satan, they should also, generally, emancipate themselves from it.
For this reason, even after his first victory, the battle must be
resumed by the Lord as the Son of man, and fought throughout
a whole human life, until the last breath. We then see that, in
the death of Jesus, this struggle Is perfected into a complete
victory ; inasmuch as He, being In His whole nature given over
to the power of darkness (i^ovaai tov aKOTOv;, Luke xxiii. 53),
and to the condition of being forsaken by God (see Matt, xxvii.
46), held immoveably fast, to the last moment, his faith in God
(Matt. xxvi. 42).

158 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
It Is by means of this. His disposition and faith, which, up to
the last moment of His life, was turned towards the eternal light
of God, without intermission and without fainting, it is by means
of this that the Son of man has, by the eternal Spirit purified
into heavenly light His body which was taken fi-om the earth, and
given up to the power of darkness and Satan ; and it is thus that, in
the midst ofthe dark earth, in the dark world. He has again created
a place for the eternal light. But because He desired that all
should follow after Him, and, in His strength, appropriate to
themselves His victory, He has withdrawn His glorified person
from the visible world, and transferred it to the hidden depth of
heaven. He says, indeed, that the Prince of this world is judged
(see John xvi. 1 1), and that he beheld Satan as lightning fall
from heaven (see Luke x. 18), and, no doubt, an actual change
in the position of the Adversary is declared thereby ; for the first
time, the never disturbed continuity and integrity of his domi
nion in the world has been broken, and the foundation laid for
gaining mankind back from his power. But just as a man who
does not believe in the Son of man is thereby judged, although
his position in the world may remain unchanged, so it is also with
the judgment upon the Prince of the world. And the circum
stance of his having once fallen from heaven does not hinder, that
only after the victory of Christ has passed upon the world, just
as the sin of Adam had done, he shall be finally cast down from
heaven as the accuser of the saints (Rev. xii. 10). The manner,
however, in which Christ's victory over the darkness and power
of Satan spreads itself, and may be appropriated by man. Is here
declared and exhibited by the Apostle Paul, in a way suited to
the significant local and temporary circurastances. For It is only
now that it becomes fully manifest, why it is that the Lord ap
peared to him in a form of light which, as he emphatically points
out, must outshine the brightness of the mid-day sun (see ver.
13). For it Is thus that He manifests himself as the light of the
world which, like the sun, has to dispel the night ; and since the
darkness which covers Jews and Gentiles is thicker than the
darkness of the natural night. His light raust be brighter than
the light of the sun. Just as light operates upon those who are
asleep, in' the way of opening their eyes involuntarily, so it happens
here also ; but the farther effect differs in the same manner also

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 159
as It is wont to be different. In the natural order, with different
people. While the eyes of the vigilant and diligent, when once
awakened by the light, remain boldly open to the light, the eye
ofthe lazy and secure turns again from the light to the darkness.
And thus St Paul was awakened and alarmed by the light of
Christ, In order that henceforth he might uninterruptedly remain
with his eyes turned towards the light. His companions, how
ever, consider this brightness of the day to be a lightening in the
night, and continue to sleep (see ver. 13, 14). By his having
now, in a manner so original and extraordinary, received this
Ught of Christ in his heart, St Paul is, above all others,
called and enabled to spread, in the night of the Jews and
Gentiles, the effect of the light of Christ. It Is for this
reason that he designates the call which came to him as
"God shining Into his heart" (see 2 Cor. iv. 6); so that the
ray of Divine light has irradiated and illumined his heart ;
and thus is fulfiUed that which the Lord promised to His dis
ciples, — that they themselves were called to become the light of
the world, just as He Is so. In the original sense (see Matt. v.
14; comp. John viii. 12). We see from this that the old com
parison of St Paul to the sun, which lies at the foundation of the
well known passage, 1 Clem, ad Corinth, vi., rests upon a right
understanding of St Paul's apostolic mini.stry, as proceeding from
the East to the West. The same idea is contained in the words
of the Lord himself, in the passage before us. For St Paul, the
servant and witness of the Lord, evidently ascribes that effect to
the light In which the Lord had appeared to him ; and the
Apostle, Illuminated by the light of the Lord, is to let beam
forth, by his words and life, the Divine light into the night of
the Gentiles and Jews, in order that he may open the eyes of
those who are asleep, and tum thera from darkness to light, and
fi-om the power of Satan to God (ver. 18). We can, and must
not conceive of this ministry of the Apostle in any other way,
than as a repetition of the work of Christ himself, against the
power of darkness and of Satan, — a repetition produced in him
by the power of the Spirit of the Lord. But just as St Paul's con
version and calling were not accomplished by the work of the
Lord alone, but the susceptibility of St Paul was also necessary
for it ; so, in the conversion of Jews and GentUes to God, the

160 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
subjective element of the right conduct of the individuals towards
the work of the^ Apostle is as essential. The more that the
Apostle is conscious of the significance and Importance of his
present testimony before Agrippa, and his distinguished Gentile
associates, the more important must it appear to him to bring
out this subjective view of the matter. For this reason It Is
that, as he has nowhere so fully and comprehensively described
his own office as here, he does not, even here, nor indeed any
where else, omit to communicate, fi-om the words ofthe Lord by
which he was called, those which refer to the right conduct of
man towards the Apostolic testimony. The infinitive tov
Xa^eiv added, without connexion, to rov iTriarpi-ylrai, does not
only, as Meyer says, contain the statement regarding the final
object to which the call of St Paul is directed ; but the contrast
of the subject which is implied In Xa/3eiv, and is, moreover.
Indicated by avTov's, certainly shows that the thought passes over
to the opposite side of the relation which exists betwixt Paul
and his hearers. It is true that thus the whole work of the
Apostle is brought to a close ; but it must not be overlooked
that, since the aim and object of the Divine work Is the
redemption and blessedness of men, such aim and object can
not be attained without the co-operation of man lilmseltj which
corresponds with the working of God. For this reason, the ex
pectation raised by the term rov Xaffeiv avTov';, Is beautlfiilly
answered by the words nriaTei rfj et? i/ie. For by these words
the way Is pointed out in which the individuals are to appropriate
Jesus' victory over darkness and Satan. But faith Is the ethical
completion of the receptive faculty, over which Satan has not
received any power. After a new beginning has. In this manner,
been planted in the midst of mankind, by the birth of Jesus, the
possibility is opened up to all of entering, with this new begin
ning, Into the same communion of life, into which, by their birth,
they were placed -with the first beginning of the history of man
kind. Just as In the way of nature, by the deed of the active
human faculty, all have been brought into connexion with the sin
and death of Adam ; so by the receptive faculty, on the ethical
way, that Is, by faith, all may be received Into the communion of
the life of Christ which came forth victoriously from the dark
ness from, and the power of Satan.

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 161
The statement regarding the two-fold consequences of such
a position of faith perfectly agrees with this view founded on
the context. By faith Jews and Gentiles receive, in the first
place, forgiveness of sins (ver. 18). The discourse, which takes
cognizance of the grand relations of the world and of nations,
turns, with the mention of sins, towards the consciousness and
the conscience of every individual, and, by such a recollection, it
changes the general Idea of the darkness and the power of Satan
in the world. Into one which Is tangible and concrete to every
individual. Every one among Jews and Gentiles has, by his
own sins, made the apostacy of Adam his own apostacy, and has
thereby himself raised up a wall of separation between God and
himself (see Is. lix. 2), and removed himself fi-om the light of
God, to darkness. By his s^^s, every one has made Adam's
subraisslon to the obedience of the Beast, and hence to the
obedience of the Adversary, his own subraisslon, and has thereby
entered into the service of the ruler of the cosmic ordinances.
The recollection of one's own sins causes to every one, therefore,
the painful feeling of the pressure of a darkness repugnant to
human nature (see Eccl. xi. 7), and ofthe dominion of him who
is the Adversary. But beyond that painful feeling, man cannot
get ; for aR the efforts of man can be directed to the world
only, and can only sink him deeper In the world; and the whole
order of the condition of the world has been made subject to that
very hostile ruler. Now, although that very painful feeling of
man regarding the Inappropriateness of his whole position — a
feeling which has been awakened by the consciousness of sin —
be, In itself, better than all acting in the ways of the world ; yet,
by itself, it cannot effect any reform ; and If It finds no relief,
this feeling must either consume Itself in despair, or be blunted
Into indifference. To that point the Gentiles had come ; they
had gone through the whole course of acting In the ways of the
world, and they were now obliged to adrait, that the Innermost
feeling of their own and true nature had not been gratified. At
this period, their distress had reached Its highest point ; and the
man of Macedonia appeared to Paul with the jirayer : " Come
over and help us" (see Acts xvi. 9). It Is true that in Israel,
too, this feeling of Inward want was not relieved, but a certain
prospect of ha-ving It relieved was, at all events, opened up. It
VOL. III. L

162 SECT, XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
was thus that it became possible that, when the full reUef appeared,
there was found in Israel an attentive crowd which received It into
their Innermost life, and thus formed the stock of a renewed human
community. But scarcely had this new formation begun, when
Israel, in Its popular form, and as a whole, shut themselves up
against this offered relief; and that newly establIshed»communIty
of mankind stood without a national and territorial centre, and,
hence, had, in a cosmical point of view, no existence. From
that time, Israel Is concluded under sin (see Gal. Ui. 22 ; Rom.
xi. 32), and will not attain salvation until, following the ways of
the world, it be ground and crushed (see Lev. xxvi. 39). Thus
St Paul stands forth as the normal representative of the Church
of Christ expelled firom all national and territorial relations, — as
the lamp of the heavenly light of Christ which shines Into the
darkness of Jews and Gentiles, in opposition to Jews and
Gentiles, and offers in the Gospel of Christ to all individuals the
full and eternal relief which the consciousness of sin requires for
every individual.
But how is it that faith In Christ produces relief for the dis
tress of the conscience of single individuals on account of their
sins ? By faith In Christ, the single individual receives within
himself the new beginning of mankind. Thereby, the self-sub
mission of Jesus to the power of darkness and Satan acquires a
concrete form for every single Individual, inasmuch as this sub
mission of Jesus Is referred to the individual sins, by which every
one has become a servant of that dark power. But Jesus is
proclaimed as no more wrestling with the darkness, but as -vic
torious over the darkness, beaming In the light. The appropria
tion of Jesus Is thus, at the same time, the appropriation of the
victory over the sins which, for the single indi-vlduals, are just
the chains of that darkness. While thus, by the light of the
Gospel, the spiritual eye Is awakened from its sleep, and the
faith of the heart receives Jesus, man Is reminded of his sins ;
and his grief is deeper than all which he has ever felt regarding
his servitude, because every former grief was suppressed either
by despair or by indifference. But now, by the light of Christ,
his own darkness Is placed before his eyes, and his grief is
sharpened by his spiritual knowledge. But the eye of faith
beholds also the same sins as being overcome by the conqueror of

ACT,s xxv^ 13 — XXVI. 32. 1()3
darkness and Satan ; and thus, He who has wounded him most
deeply is, at the same time. He who heals him most thoroughly.
The single individual who thus, by faith in Jesus, appropriates to
himself. In his Sa^vIour, the victory over his own sins. Is freed
from them, and has received the remission of sins (a</)e<7t? dfiap-
Tiwv). It Is only on this result of faith in Christ that the
possibUity rests for faith, to attain to an assurance of Itselfi For,
by the context of the discourse under consideration, the self-
assurance of our faith is distinctly pointed out to us. The Lord,
whom faith receives as its object, appears from heaven, and,
hence, raised above all earthly relations ; and the messenger of
this faith Is Paul, who needs to be protected from Jews as well
as fi-om Gentiles, and hence stands In opposition to all nationali
ties. It is thus e^vident that. In this territory, any leaning to an
authority, or any proof by a witness. Is inadmissible. But, by
the reference to the remission of sins, there Is indeed such an
assurance given to faith as has nowhere its equal. The recollec
tion of one's own sins is the real centre of all self-consciousness ;
Inasmuch as every one has the surest and most Indi-vidual expres
sion of his own nature and will in his sins. But the clear
conclousness of one's own .sins Is, farther, the knowledge of one's
deepest distress, and of one's being given over to the hostile power.
If, then, by the remission of sins In Christ, the fuUest relief and
deliverance are granted to this keenest and most palnfiil conscious
ness of self, the certainty Is thereby imparted to the innermost
conclousness of the Individual that Jesus Is truly the new
beginning of the life of mankind ; and receiving, by faith, com
munion with Him, the sinner is fireed from the contradiction and
the torment of his own past Ufe, ¦without prejudice to the conti
nuity of his history, and to the integrity of his individuality.
Thus he ¦w'ho thirsteth needs no other proof of the essence and
vital power of water, but that which is given by tasting the water
itself. As soon, then, as man, by recel^ving Christ In faith, is, in
accordance with original Divine arrangements, fireed from his
sinful past, he, by means of the same faith, is also freed from his
miserable fiiture, and receives a blessed one. This consequence
also of faith St Paul points out and designates, in close connexion
with the circle of thoughts here exhibited. For the positive
l2

1 64 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
consequence of faith is designated as the receiving of an inheri
tance among them which are sanctified (ver. 18). The word
wXijpo? here too refers to the relation of the twelve tribes of
Israel to the land of Canaan (see I. 36, 37). The land of
Canaan was In the hands of the Araorites who, from of old,
served Idols, and indulged In sin (see Gen. xv. 16). But since
Abraham walked by faith, the possession of this land was promised
to him and to his seed ; and after the tribes of Israel had been
sanctified by the law and obedience, this land was, by the lot
of Jehovah (x-XTjpo?), appointed and given over to them for a
possession. But, inasmuch as this possession has, in its first
realization, not proved itself an everlasting possession, — as it had
been originally designated (see Gen. xiii. 15)— this grant ofthe
promised land can be considered as a provisional one only, which
will find Its fulfilment and completion only in the future. That
it is just this fulfilment which we are to think of here, Paul
clearly enough intimates by his transferring, without any far
ther explanation, the words Xafieiv KXrjpov ev T0i<; ¦fjyiaafiivoi';,
from the past to the future.
Man, who is called to overcome Satan, and, thereby, to cast him
out of his territory of the earthly sphere, in order that he himself
raay then take the place of the Adversary, has succumbed to the
snares of the wicked one, and stands, therefore, with all his share
In the earth and its blessings, under the power of the Prince of
this World. This is seen from the fact that man Is, at last, cast
out of all his possessions by death, over which the devil has the
power (see Heb. ii. 14, 15). For it Is thus that it becoraes
manifest that all man's share in all blessings was apparent only :
and, farther. In so far as raan, In consequence of the original
fall, has been decei^vlng himself, and has regarded and enjoyed
the blessings of the earth as his essential and everlasting por
tion, every such possession and enjoyment of any portion of
earthly blessings and gifts, injures his Immortal soul, which,
when cast out of this possession, will be compelled to suffer want
in the same degree as It has possessed and enjoyed. But, since
no one is able to oppose a counterpoise to that original deed of
raankind, every one, with his share In the good things of this
earth, is liable to this pernicious delusion, and this fatal raiscon-
ception. But the Son of Man, who resisted the devil, and.

ACTS XXV. 13 — xxvi. 32. 1()5
thereby, judged him, has fulfilled the task originally imposed
upon man ; and, therefore, all power In heaven and earth has
been given to Him (see Matt, xxviii. 18), and He has become
the legitimate and eternal Heir and Lord of the whole world (see
Rev. xi. 15). It is In this connection that the poverty of Christ
(see 2 Cor. viu. 9) appears in its true light. The Son of Man
had not where to lay His head, (see Matt. viii. 20) ; His paternal
field near Bethlehem had long ago passed Into strange hands ;
and His time and strength having been fully taken up by His
office. Pie was unable to carry on any trade. Teaching does not,
according to the law and customs of the Jews, furnish a liveli
hood ; and the teaching of Jesus could do so least of all, inasmuch
as it gained the love of those only who are of the truth, and ever
and anon appeared strange even to them. Thus Jesus did not
make use of any means which lie within the cosmic sphere, in
order to support himself ; and yet, as head of a family. He had
a care for His whole house. Hence, as regarded both Piis own
wants, and those of His house. He was cast on His Father's
goodness ; and these were satisfied, not after the ways of the
world, but by serving, and by bestowing love. By His having
thus in a poverty so entirely self-denying stood against a world,
and by having done so without losing His joy for a moment. Pie
has incontrovertibly acquired the right to the possession of the
whole earth, which was given as a property to man. It thus at
once becomes evident, that union to Christ by faith must be
accompanied with an installation into the inheritance of the earth
and its good things ; and, farther, that this Installation into the
inheritance of the earth Implies a fulfilment and perfecting of
that which, by way of type and preparation, was contained in
the taking possession of the land of Canaan, which had previously
been given to a strange power. By the words ef toi<; -f^yiaa-
fievoK, however, St Paul has Intimated that this installation into
the inheritance is not to take place immediately, any more than
it did In the typical history. It is true that by rfyiaafievo'i he
also may be designated who has merely received forgiveness of
sins (see Harless, zum Br. an die Ephes. S. 501, 502) ; but the
connexion in which the word appears here undeniably suggests
the state of perfection to which, according to the usus loquendi of.
Scripture, the KXrjpovofila belongs. We shall, accordingly, be

16(5 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
allowed to understand the word !iyiaafievo<; only In this sense of
perfection ; but. In that case, it designates him who has been de
livered from all and every communion with the impurity and dark
ness of this earth (see John x. 36 ; xvii. 19). This deliverance,
however, can of course take place only at death ; for it is death
alone that severs the tie which connects man with the kingdora of
darkness and of Satan. The matter accordingly stands thus : —
that faith has, for the present, to expect remission of sins only, and
the eternal Inheritance only after this life. Just, therefore, as faith
possesses that which it has, and as far as it has it, only In so far as
it receives Chiist, so this present and future position ofthe believer
also stands in the closest connexion with the position of theLord.
The Lord has, it is true, overcome the Adversary, and has raade a
show of all his host, triumphing over them (Col. U. 15) : He has
not, however, taken possession of the kingdom of the Adversary,
but has withdrawn into heaven, and contented himself with the
communion of God, His Father, until His time shall come for
taking possession of His inheritance, and dividing It among His
people. In a similar manner, he also who, by faith, is united to
the Lord, shall, meanwhile, not seek his happiness on the earth,
but be satisfied with communion ¦with his heavenly Father, to
whose heart he, by the remission of sins, has always a free and
open access. It is true that, as long as he lives on earth, he requires
and receives his share of the earth and Its good things ; but he
must never forget that, with his body and all outward blessings,
he stands under the power of darkness and Satan. For this
reason, he should have as though he had not, and enjoy as
though he enjoyed not (1 Cor. vii. 29, 31) ; and this position in
the world is his sanctification, which Is the will of God (see Heb.
xii. 14), and which Is perfected when man overcomes death by
his actually esteeming the forgiveness of sins, by which alone he
even In death, remains united to God, of higher value than auy
thing which he has, or expects from the earth. In this manner,
the state of being sanctified which, in Israel, existed as to Its
beginning only. Is brought to its perfection. For, whereas the
deficiency of Israel's sanctification was proved just by the fact,
that Israel, in possession of their inheritance, became proud, and
IHi the gifts of the earth, forgot their Maker and Redeemer (see
Deut. xxxii. 15); the New Testament saints are not introduced

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 167
into the possession of their inheritance, untU they have proved,
by deeds, that they prefer the pure and holy communion of the
soul with God, without any external, corporeal addition, to all
and every possession on earth, and thereby accompUsh the total
deUverance of their souls from the entire kingdom of darkness
and of Satan.
When, now, we look back to the whole depth and breadth
which the words of the Lord comprehend, and when we consider
that, for the carrying on, and buikUng up of this His kingdora,
which comprehends Jews and GentUes, He called St Paul : — we
see quite clearly that He commits to His chosen instrument, St
Paul, the execution and realization of all which, from the time of
His appearance. He intended In His kingdom. For, indeed, every
thing which is contained In the counsel of the Lord for the salva
tion of mankind Is implied in that which Is here pointed out In
the way of intention and aim. Just as, formerly, the Lord had
committed his work, viz., the foundation and preservation of the
Church, to St Peter and to the eleven besides (see Matt. xvi.
13 — 20) ; so, after St Peter and the rest of the original Apostles
had accomplished their work, by which the first foundation ofthe
Church was laid. He here lays on the shoulders of St Paul alone,
the work of His salvation for the nations of the earth. We find,
in this fact, another confirmation of that view of the Apostolic
time, as far as It Is treated of in our Book, a view which alone is
sound and to the purpose, viz., that as, for the first age of the
Church, St Peter appears to be placed at the head for her direc
tion and development ; so, for the immediately subsequent period,
St Paul IS introduced as being exclusively intrusted with the
guidance and extension of the Church. And this comprehensive
and iraportant position of St Paul for the whole of the work of
salvation is proved, indeed, by the farther history of the Church
also. For the greatest epoch which, ever since the times of the
Apostles, the Church has gone through, viz., the time of the Re
formation, Is just that epoch in which the light of St Paul's
testimony, which had been so much covered and darkened, was
put on the candlestick more prominently than it had ever before
been. And, with respect to the present confusion and obstacles
It Is evident that we shall not be able to take any firm steps until
we have again allowed ourselves to be In'w-ardly illuminated by

168 SECT. x.\xiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
this light shining Into the night of the Gentiles and nations, in
order that then we may recognize and comprehend what still
remained hidden, even to the time of the Reformation.
As a matter of course, St Paul does not now think It necessary
to describe, or even to allude, before Agrippa and his companions,
to the Inward struggle which arose in him in consequence of this
heavenly appearance. He merely states the manifest results of
these mysterious events, viz., that in obedient compliance with
the heavenly command, he preached, first to the Jews, that
they should repent and turn to God (ver. 20). It may appear
strange that St Paul should here speak of his preaching to
the whole land of Judea ; whereas even his preaching at Daraas
cus and Jerusalem was only a preparation forthe commenceraent
of his real Apostolic ministry. Another circumstance, equally
strange, seems to be connected with this mention of his testimony
before Jews, viz., that St Paul does not here, as he does else
where, speak of faith as the sum of his discourse, but the turning
to God, and, in harmony with this, the evidence of works (ver.
20). It has not escaped the ingenuity of ZeUer, that "' this turn
reminds much more of the Baptist's preaching of repentance (see
Matt. Hi. 8), or of the discourses of Peter (see ill. 19, 26) than
of Paul's doctrine of faith, and the regeneration of the inner
man" (see Theolog. Jahrb. 1849, 580). But a close consideration
ofthe time and circumstances under which StPaul delivered this
discourse will raake It e^vident that we need, notwithstanding, have
no doubt of its authenticity. St Paul has, at this time, come to
Jerusalem as the bearer ofthe last offer of God's mercjjto Israel,
and he has indeed succeeded In proving himself to be the servant
of God, by word and deed, in presence of the whole people who
had come together out of the whole country for the celebration of
the feast. We know, moreover, that St Paul considers this, his
ministry for Israel, as the highest and the most Important part of
his whole ministry (see Rom. xi. 13, 14). It may thus be explained
why St Paul, when looking back upon this his last ministry in
Jerusalem, brings the circumstance of his having preached before
the Jews so prominently forward, while, for the reason mentioned,
the preaching before the Gentiles has been put into the back
ground. It may be owing to the great importance attached by
St Paul to his preaching before the Jews, that he does not point

ACTS xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. 169
out the small beginnings of his ministry only, but designates his
appearance even at single places ofthe Jewish land, as at Cesarea
(see xxi. 8 — 14) and Ptolemais (see xxi. 7), and especially his
last appearance on the Temple-hill before the multitude who were
celebrating their feast, as a witness to the whole land of Judea.
Now, should not this his view of his last testimony to Israel
account also for the form in which St Paul expresses himself
regarding the theme of his preaching ? The final object of
all God's work of salvation, and of all preaching. Is surely this :
— that the inner, hidden. Divine life be shown by godly works.
But this holds especially true of Israel which received from God
a rule of life for all Its special and general manifestations. Now,
since, In the words which he spoke on the subject of his calling, St
Paul has expressed himself with sufficient distinctness regarding
the hidden foundation of the Divine life, why should he be pre
vented from thus characterizing his last discourse to Israel, in which
aU his activity for Jews and Gentiles Is comprehended, and from
thus designating It according to Its ultimate aim ? This could
not fail to be so much the more natural to him, that we have seen
It to be a matter of necessity for his own life that, from the hidden
ground of faith, he should, at this time, publicly exhibit his agree
ment with the law, by works In conformity with the law.
It is just when — as we have before assumed — St Paul considers
and represents, in the light of his recent conduct, his Apostolic
ministry, into which he had entered In consequence of the appear
ance from heaven, that it Is easily explained why, at the close of
his discourse (ver. 21, 22), he once more reverts to the ill treat
ment and accusations of the Jews ; for it was just by his recent
conduct at Jerusalem that this 111 treatment and accusation had
been last occasioned, and In that form which was now under
discussion, and waiting for decision. St Paul does not neglect
to point out how much the Jews offended him by their hostUe
proceedings against him under such circumstances. For, since
the words eveKa tovtwv (ver. 21) refer to St Paul's last declara^
tion regarding his conduct before Jews and Gentiles, he thus
directs attention to the fact that the Jews did. In a hostile
manner, proceed not only against that which St Paul had done,
as commissioned by a revelation from heaven, but also against
that which, in harmony with their holy law, had been done

170 SECT, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
towards themselves. And, at the same time, St Paul does not
omit to point to the well known and undeniable fact, that It was
just In the temple that he, the pretended apostate, had been
seized by the Jews, and abused almost to death (ver. 21) ; and
thus to impress It anew upon his hearers how e^vidently the con
duct of the Jews against him was self-contradictory.
And, In closing, St Paul seizes the opportunity once raore to
direct the attention of the king and his corapany to the internal
and unchangeable agreement of his whole doctrine with true
and essential Judaism (ver. 22, 23), and, in so doing, to attempt,
once more, to reraove the chief offence which now lay In his way.
And It Is evident that It is only such a proof and declaration
which set the seal of credibility upon his detailed account of the
appearance of the Lord. For the more the Apostle must have
been desirous of an attestation to that purely indl^vidual, and
substantially Internal fact, the raore Important it was for him to
be able to appeal to the consequences of such a miraculous event
and influence. For, If that consequence be a reaUzation of true,
essential Judaism, that revelation also must stand In an internal
and necessary connexion with the history of Divine revelation ;
and that heavenly appearance can be nothing else than what
St Paul declares It to be, viz., the manifestation of the Lord frora
heaven. We cannot wonder at seeing St Paul ascribe to the help of
God his deliverance from the murderous hands of the Jews (ver.
22), inasmuch as we know that, on the one hand, he saw nothing
but death before him within the human and worldly order ;
and, on the other hand, he had called upon the Churches to pray
for his preservation in Jerusalem. And It is just when he viewed
In this light his preservation by the Interference of the Roman
Tribune, that we conceive how he could date from that moraent
a new period of his Apostolic testlraony. For when he expresses
himself, regarding the time from his deliverance up to this day, in
the words : dxpt-T-r]^ rjfiepav ravTr]^ earrjica p,apTvp6fievo<i,^ he does
not describe so much a captivity, as rather a state of ApostoUc
actl^vlty. It is true that, at first sight, it does not appear as if St
^ This reading, which is approved of by far the greatest number of
ancient authorities, must, no doubt, be retained against the reading
fiaprvpovfiems and its explanation, although Meyer approves of it.

ACTS XXV. 1,3— XXVI. 32. 171
Paul intended to assert. In reference to this period of his activity,
— a time added to his ApostoUc ministry by the grace of the
Lord and the prayers ofthe Churches — anything pecuUar which
did not apply in the same degree to his former rainistry. For,
what he says as to the direction of his testimony, —both to smaU
and great — as well as his declaration as to the subject of it, — the
agreement with Moses and the prophets— Is evidently true and
valid of any period of his Apostolic ministry. For the direction
of St Paul's testimony to individuals evidently Ues, from the
beginning, in the nature of his ApostoUc office, which was
founded w^hen the national form of susceptibility for the kingdom
of God had been destroyed by the unbelief of Israel. We there
fore find, even before this, that St Paul points out his testimony
to individuals as a peculiarity of his ministry (see xx. 31). But
It is just when we become conscious of the general reason of this
Individual direction of the Paulinic testimony, that it will
become evident to us that this direction could not fail to be
strengthened by what the Apostle had, of latej experienced at
Jerusalem. For the callousness and obduracy of all Israel, In
its head and members, against the Gospel of Christ, had never
yet, become manifest to such a degree as during the last stay of
the Apostle at Jerusalem ; and this extreme wickedness and hos
tiUty of the Jewish community was. In the first Instance, directed
chiefly against the person of the Apostle. It could not be other
wise than that this personal experience of the unfathomable
corruption of the whole Jewish organism should still more confirm
and strengthen him In his tendency to address his testimony to
individuals, as such. And is not such a comparison really
expressed in the words : fiiKpm re koi fieydXm ? For, In \h.e first
place, the contrast of great and little belongs to the individual
sphere, and the reference to nationality is altogether excluded
by this designation ; secondly — The Singular serves to point
out the importance of the individual ; thirdly — The precedence
of the " little" shews that differences are here of no consequence
whatsoever, but that the Individuality only, which belongs to the
little as well as to the great, comes into consideration (see Rev.
xi. 18 ; xIU. 16 ; xix. 5, 18 ; xx. 12 ; comp. Ps. cxv. 13) ; finally
 This too must not be overlooked, that the "great" is not
excluded; for, from It, it appears that although, in this context,

172 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
the great are not brought forward and distinguished on account
of their greatness, — as is the case in all other relations — yet
neither are they excluded. Inasmuch as, besides their greatness they
possess an individuality as well as the little. We have every
reason to conceive of this strong and emphatic expression of his
reference to single individuals, as being connected with what the
Apostle had lately experienced in Jerusalem ; and, Indeed, a
similar expression as to his call for every individual of man
kind (see Col. i. 28) likewise belongs "to the later period of his
ministry. This statement regarding the individual direction of his testi
mony does not, indeed, in itself contain any apologetic element ;
but it receives such an apologetic signincance, as soon as it is
taken together with the confession respecting the subject of his
testimony, which, indeed, is closely connected with that state
ment. For, Inasmuch as St Paul emphatically declares that his
testimony agrees with Moses and the prophets, it is implied in
that declaration, that he is anxious to bring the contents of
the Old Testament writings Into all the spheres of mankind
In that form which alone Is possible, after the nationalities have
come under the sway of a foreign power. But, since It Is, far
ther, a characteristic feature of the Jewish conviction, that the
Old Testament word Is to penetrate to all the families of the
earth, Paul's confession cannot fail to make an Impression upon
every unprejudiced Jewish mind ; for we saw that. In this con
text, everything depends upon St Paul's asserting the harmony
of his testimony with the word of Moses and the prophets.
And, Indeed, St Paul declares this agreement between his
Apostolic testimony and the word of the Old Testament, to an
extent far beyond what men are accustomed to suppose, and as
we nowhere else find It expressed ; so that, in this respect, we
here Indeed meet with something peculiar, and, as we shall see,
pecuUar to this period. It is true that, by the word Xeyav,
nothing else, evidently. Is added but a statement regarding the
contents of the testimony {fiapTvp6fievo<i), and not, by any means,
a statement regarding the doctrine connected with the testlraony.
For, from the relative clause : atv re ol Trpo^jjrat eXdXrjaav fieX-
XofTcof yiveac'ai, we plainly see that It Is facts which we have to
conceive of as the object of Xeywv, a supplement which Is con-

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 173
tained, as a matter of course. In the expression : " witnessing."
There seems then, accordingly, to be nothing declared here, but
the general and simple truth that the evangelical testimony
agrees with the prophetic message. If, then, even the farther
explanation In ver. 23 be viewed, as Is usually done, in no other
light than as containing the statement of the two points In wliich
this agreement Is seen, we should have here altogether the same
simple confession which Paul makes before the Church at
Corinth : — that he had proclaimed Christ's death and resur
rection — two things which had been prophecied in Scripture
(1 Cor. XV. 3, 4). Interpreters by thus, with this view, fall
ing back upon a very prevalent notion. Imagine that with it
they may keep themselves completely at ease. Now, If the relation
between Old Testament prophecy and New Testament proclama
tion were really recognized in its original and Scriptural nature
and form, one might, after all, receive this generalizing view ofthe
passages under consideration ; at least, nothing essential would
be neglected. But, now that this relation is viewed in a man
ner so arbitrary and perplexing, it must be considered as a favour
able circumstance, that the whole aspect of our passageistands In
the way of such a generalisation, and does not allow a careful
exegesis to be satisfied with those traditionary expressions and
notions. In the first place, there is, even In the very words,
ovBev iKTo'i Xeycov S>v, such an exclusiveness contained, and so
distinctly expressed, that It will not do to say, that there Is
upon the whole, and In the main, an agreement between the Old
Testament prophecy and evangelical history. To this it must
be added, that, as the whole tenor of his discourse shows, Paul is
fully conscious of his apologetic purpose. But, in that case, he
could not but know that, having to do with Jews, he must weigh
his words. Now, since he here evidently consents to have the
title of his evangelical testimony tried by Its agreement with the
predictions of Moses and the prophets, and, on this point, asserts
that this agreement is thorough, and without exception, we shall
be compelled to receive and consider this confession In this
light. But, In this case, we at once perceive that this agree
ment must be something else than what is commonly understood
thereby; namely, that a certain series of facts, — such as the
descent of Jesus from Abraham by the progeny of Judah, — His

174 SECT. X.KXIV. PAUL'.S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
birth by the ¦virgin in the small town of Bethlehem, — His origin
from the house of David, and His ignominious sufferings — are
prophecied, by which, as sure signs, we may understand that He
is the promised One (see Hengstenberg, Christology 1. 1. S. 25, 1st
ed. ; Keith, Evidence of Prophecy). For, in the first place', no
one ¦will be able to maintain that. In Paul's proclamation of the
Gospel, there Is no circumstance, from the history of the Lord,
advanced which could not be shown to be included among the
single signs of the Messiah pointed out by Old Testament pro
phecy : Thus, e.g. it cannot be questioned that Paul, as well as
Peter, has taught the descensus ad Inferos ; and, notwithstand
ing all the objections of Harless, it Is certain that the great majo
rity of ancient and modern Interpreters have rightly found this
doctrine In the passage of Paul (Ephes. Iv. 9). But not one of
those who. In the way Indicated, would prove the agreement be
tween the Old Testament prophecy and New Testament history,
has been able to show that this evangelical fact is comprehended In
the series of these prophetic signs of the Messiah. But, more
over, we cannot at all see how Paul could have ventured to bring
forward, i!n so general and exclusive a way, his assertion of the
agreement of his evangelical testimony with the word ofthe Old
Testament prophecy, unless he had proceeded upon a ¦view which
comprehended the whole In both of these territories,— the Old Tes
tament and the New — and unless he had distinctly supposed that
these two territories stand in a thorough and entire communion,
and that for this, and for no other reason, the agreement must
be undoubted, even in all the particulars. For the Old Testament
territory is, above all, a historical one, and the Books of Chro
nicles show, most simply and evidently, that, in this respect, it
represents a complete and connected whole. For the historical
line from the first man to King Cyrus is, in these Books, carried
through in such a way that the period of David and Solomon
represents Itself as the centre and summit of the whole develop
ment, from which the commencing and closing point are to be
seen and understood. Just as In these Books the history of Israel
is contained, from its first beginnings to its preliminary close,
so the Apostolic testimony comprehends likewise the history of
Jesus from its first beginnings to its preliminary close. Should
St Paul, no^w, have understood his comparison in the same sense.

ACTS XXV. 13— XXVI. 32. 175
namely, that he conceives of the history of Israel as being, in the
main, as well as In the detaUs, a fully corresponding prophetic
representation of the history of Jesus ; and that then, founding
upon this conviction, he expresses the assertion that, In his apos
tolic witness of Jesus, he received absolutely nothing which was
not contained in that history of Israel ? That this parallel be
tween the history of Israel and the history of Jesus Is intimated
In the New Testament, appears undeniably from the passage.
Matt. ii. 15, where Matthew ascribes to Jesus a statement which
the prophet had evidently made with a reference to Israel ; and,
farther, from the history of the temptation of Jesus, which has
plainly been represented as a complete repetition ofthe temptation
and struggles of Israel in the wilderness, not only by the state
ment of dates and places, but also by borrowing, from the section
of Israel's wanderings In the wilderness, all the significant Scrip
ture passages which are quoted. But St Paul does not speak so
much of the Old Testament history of Israel, as ofthe predictions
of Moses and the prophets ; and this is just the mistake which is so
perplexing and pernicious, viz., that men have attempted so
generally and completely to dissever the word of prophecy in the
Old Testament from the history of Israel. We know from the
historical books, that, from the very outset, the prophets paid par
ticular attention to the history of Israel (see 1 Chron. xxix. 29 ;
2 Chron. Ix. 29 ; xu. 15 ; xiii. 22 ; xx. 34 ; xxvi. 22 ; xxxii. 32 ;
xxxiii. 18) ; and we see, from the prophetical books themselves,
that. In regard to all the more important discourses, the authors
do not neglect to comraunlcate, more or less minutely, the
historical circumstances and conditions by which they were
called forth. From this, we may infer that every prophetic word
is nothing else, and pretends to be nothing else, than the light
thro^wn by the Spirit of God on that element of the Future which
was contained in the present history of Israel. The good success
which has accompanied the exposition, on this principle, of the
prophetic word, entitles us confidently to expect that the more
firmly and simply that this principle is adopted by exegesis, the
more certain and sound will the exposition be ; and that, hence,
the understanding of the prophetic word will furnish the most
complete confirmation of this assertion of an Internal and essential
connexion between prophecy and history, In the Old Testaraent

176 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE APRIPPA.
territory. The completeness and the congruity of the Old Tes
tament word of prophecy pervading the whole New Testament
testimony, which are here explicitly asserted by St Paul, ¦would
thus, in the last instance, rest, after all, again on the complete
ness and exactness of that historical parallelism. And It is in this
way that we obtain the most likely and easy transition from Moses
to the prophets, which St Paul here presupposes in his statement
regardingthe word of prophecy. Forif prophecy bedissevered from
history, we can scarcely say what we are to think, when we find
the predictions of Moses by the side of those of the prophets.
For while, according to this view, the writings of the prophets
contain nothing but predictions of the Future, detached from the
Present ; In the Books of Moses, the word which refers to the
Future is altogether a vanishing element. But when, on the
other hand, the discourses of the prophets also rest essentially on
historical events and conditions ; and when thus the prophetic
element in these discourses is, in the first Instance and originally,
contained in the history of Israel : — then we at once understand
that the -writings of Moses are in this respect of an equal
character. For although, substantially, Moses does not describe
any thing else but the first beginnings of the history of Israel,
and the ordinances and laws for its development ; yet this history
of the beginning will, of conrse, as much represent the Future as
the farther continuation and preliminary close In the same series of
development. It is Indeed very obvious that, according to the
nature of all beginnings, the history ofthe beginning will render
more clearly and distinctly apparent the true nature of Israel
than will any later period ; that hence the prophetic element in
Israel will, in the beginning, come out more distinctly than at
any future period ; and from this circumstance we at once see
why, in order to represent the Future, a simple report was chiefly
required in the beginning ; but we also see why. In propor
tion to the advancement, there was the greater need of the
prophetic Interpretation and exposition of the present and past.
But do we, by such suppositions, assert anything Improbable and
untenable ? Plas not the Apostle Paul himself, as raay be proved,
read and explained these very accounts in the writings of Moses,
with such a view to the future events of the New Testament? Is
not Moses, to him, the type of the New Testament Mediator (see

ACTS XXV. 13— XXVI. 32. 177
Gal. Ui, 19), and the glory of his office the weak beginning ofthe
perfect glory'of the NewTestament office (see 2 Cor, In. 7^18) ?
Are not, to him, the beginnings of the people of Israel the types
and ensamples for the New Testament beginnings (see 1 Cor, x.
1 — 11) ? Yea, is not Adam, to him, the type of Christ, the
second beginning of mankind (see Rom, v, 14 ; 1 Cor, xv, 45) ?
Finally — Does not St taul view. In such a light, even the law and
ordinances of Moses for Israel as If they were Intended for the
New Testament Future, far more than for the Old Testament
Present (see 1 Cor, Ix. 9, 10 ; Col. ii. 17) ? But this connexion
of Moses and the prophets, which is declared in this passage, is
rendered .still more obvious. If we keep in mind that, according
to^^the declaration of the New Testament, it Is not only the pre
dictions of the prophets, but also the accounts in the historical
books, which arose under the influence of the Holy Spirit ; and,
especially when. In addition to this, we consider what appUca
tions of this supposition have .been made, more than once, by the
Apostle Paul, and just in reference to the historical books.
We know that St Paul assigns, to the Old Testament histo
rical account, a foresight of the Future (irpoiBovaa Be r] ypa^r\ ;
Gal. iii. 8) ; and that, in order to prove his assertion, he quotes
the Mosaic account in such a manner, that, not only in the
matter, but even In the single modiflcations of the form, he dis
covers and points out intimations of, and rules for, his doctrinal
statements (see Rom. Iv. 9, 17 ; 2 Cor. Ui. 7 ; Gal. IU, 16; iv.
25 ; corap. 1 Cor. xv. 27). But the reason of this can certainly
be found only In the cfrcumstance that, in the historical books of
the Old Testament, he recognizes the same Spfrit of prophecy
who, in the writings of the prophets, announces the Future. If
then the spirit of prophetisra be the raoving and directing soul of
the historical books of the Old Testament, and, especIaUyy of those
of Moses, then their essential contents also must be the testi
mony of Jesus (comp. Rev. xix. 10), and, hence, just that which
Paul here supposes, by connecting Moses -with the Prophets. If
thus we must acknowledge the prophetic contents of the Old
Testament to consist, not so much of a series of predictions
which appear dissevered, as much as possible, from their histo
rical connexion, as, rather and chiefly, of the whole and the
detaUs of history, as it has been comprehended and handed do-wn
VOL. III. M

178 SECT. XXXIA^ paul's DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
by the Holy Spirit in the Old Testament writings ; then also it
is most simply explained how Paul could so emphatically main
tain that all which Is written referred, in the highest sense, to the
Church of Christ (see Rom. xv. 4 ; 1 Cor. Ix. 10 ; x. 11 ; comp.
Acts xxiv. 14). For when we proceed upon the supposition that
all the relations between the Old and the New Testament rest,
substantially, on the actual connection between Israel and Jesus,
we may distinguish a real and an ideal sphere In the history of
Israel. By the former, we understand that which is commonly
called History, in the restricted sense. By the latter, we under
stand the sum and substance of thoughts arising under the actual
historical conditions. We might call the real sphere also the
outward history, and the ideal sphere the internal history ; or
the former, the history of facts, and the latter, the history of the
Word. Now, as we have seen, the real sphere appears, by the
Spirit of God, in the historical books of the Old Testament in
such a form that, In a corresponding form, it makes manifest the
Future, i.e., the New Testament; and, foi; this reason, everything
in the real sphere of Israel which does no tcontain any element
of this Future Is allowed to sink, in the Old Testament narrative,
while all the elements of history which refer to the Future are
represented just in such a way as. In future, they are themselves
to appear, and to be present. As regards, therefore, those Old
Testament writings, which have delivered to us the ideal sphere
of Israel, viz., the poetical and prophetical books, — of which it is
certain that they were written under the influence of the same
Spirit, — we must suppose the sarae, viz., that on this territory
also, that only ofthe sum and substance ofthe thoughts oflsrael
has been handed down to us which contains an element of the
Future; and that, too, just In the form and manner which
exactly correspond to that Future. It is only when the ¦writings
of the Old Testament have such a historical foundation, and such
a Divine origin, that there is any raeaning In the assertion, that
everything which. In the Old Testaraent books, Is great and sraall,
— that all which has been said, as well as aU which has been passed
over in silence, attains Its fulfilraent only in the Church Of Christ.
When this assertion : — that the whole of Old Testament Scrip
ture has in view, and refers to the New Testament Church, — an
assertion which is, with special emphasis, made by Paul, — is thus

ACTr; xxv. 1,".— XXVI. 3-2. 179
reduced to this comprehensive view of the history of Israel, we
shall obtain this advantage, that we can understand and compre
hend the l-e^-erse of this assertion also, with which we have here
to do. For if St Paul here maintains that he does not teach any
thing but what Moses and the Prophets had taught, this is the
supplement to that other declaration which he uttered in the pre
sence of Felix, that he believed in all the things which were
written In the Law and the Prophets (see xxiv. 14). But If this
latter assertion raust, as we have seen, be referred, substantially,
to the historical connexion between Israel .and Jesus, then the
former is a consequence of the latter assertion ; for If there be a
historical connexion between Israel and Jesus, nothing essential
can appear in the history of Jesus, which would not be contained
in the previous history of Israel ; and, on the other hand, in the
same degree as any thing is essential in the history of Jesus, the
same must appear In the history of Israel also. It is true, indeed,
that the real course and state of things remain. In Israel also,
liable to the fate of all things earthly and temporary ; so that
essence and form correspond, only very imperfectly, to each other.
But, to compensate for this, we have In this territory the work of
the eternal Spirit, the writings of Moses and the Prophets, which
allowed every thing to sink which, in its appearance, did not
correspond to the essence, and represent the perfect appearance
of the eternal essence only. If, then, Paul writes to the Corin
thians : "Now all these things happened unto thera for ensamples,
and they are written for our admonition upon whom the ends of
the world are come" (see 1 Cor.x. 11), he, no doubt, understands
this to mean, that we stand in need of so powerful an admoni
tion and so comprehensive an instruction, just because upon us .
there rests the completion of all that which, in the course of the
world, was begun and entered upon. But this may evidently be
understood thus also : — that we are allowed to say that, in the
New Testament time, which Is the time of completion and ful
filment, there is nothing which had not been prepared in the
times of the beginning and Introduction, and of which the
authentic account Is given In the books of Moses and the Pro
phets. If, now, we coraprehend In one the two assertions of the
Apostle, we arrive at the proposition that the relation between
the Old and the New Testament is so thorough and comprehen- M 2

180 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
sive that there is nothing in the Old Testament which is not in
the New also ; and that there Is nothing In the New Testament
which the Old Testament also does not contain.
Now, it might be Imagined that, by our last proposition, we had
declared In favor of the former Identification of the two Testae-
men ts, and would take no notice of the ancient and raodern
attempts which have been made to distinguish them. That, how
ever. Is, by no means, our opinion; but meanwhile, we only draw
this inference from our passage : — that St Paul does not acknow
ledge any outward right by which people imagine themselves at
liberty to take anything — be It little or much — frora the Old
Testament contents, as not having an eternal authority, and would
claim, within the New Testaraent territory, a portion by no means
inconsiderable, as absolutely new. It will, however, be seen frora
an exposition of ver. 23, which continues the thought, that this
is only one aspect of the matter, and that, besides this thorough,
mutual reference and connexion between the two Testaments, a
distinction, as thorough. Is acknowledged and maintained by St
Paul. The ApostoUc testimony of Jesus, on account of which St
Paul has here to defend hiraself against the accusations of the
Jews, comprehends, chiefly, two facts. His death, and HI? resur
rection (comp. 1 Cor. XV. 3, 4). St Paul, by bringing these facts
prominently into view. Is anxious farther to conflrm, by the Old
Testament designation of them, the truth of his assertion as
regards the agreement of his testimony with the prophetical word
of the Old Testaraent. Now, if the Apostle maintained the
identity of the two Testaments, he would here have chosen such
an expression as would have declared the reference of the Old
Testament prophecy to the New Testament facts In as historical
a form as possible. In order that, if possible, no other difference
between the Old Testament prophecy and the New Testaraent
history, but that of tirae, should come out. But we at once see
that St Paul, when about to express himself raore In detail, on
the relation of his testlraony to the predictions of Moses and the
Prophets, directs his thoughts not so much to the territory of facts,
as to the correctness and truth of the view of these facts. This
turn of the discourse is sufficiently indicated by his premising
twice the particle ei. For the problematical et which, of course,

ACTS xxv. 13— XXVI. 32. 181
(as, in opposition to a false interpretation, has been correctly
remarked by Meyer) Is quite different from the thetic on, inti
mates from the very outset that St Paul acknowledges, in the Old
Testament word of prophecy, the determining rule for his Apos
tolic preaching. From the first clause, which is expressed problema
tically : et Tra^TjTo? 6 Xpiaro';, it raost clearly appears to what this
normal significance of the Old Testament prophecy refers. De
Wette makes, on the expression 6 Xpto-ro?, the reraark : " The
Messiah, not as a historical concrete, but as an idea ;" and the
negative part of this sentence Is not only correct, but also quite
pertinent ; but the positive part is too Indistinctly expressed.
For, according to the Old Testament Scriptures, the anointed Is
not so much an idea, as a human person. This his person Is not,
indeed, always brought into view in a manner which anticipates
history, — as is often assumed by a false interpretation of prophecy ;
but it appears, after all, firmly and distinctly expressed within the
human and popular sphere. For the anointed is, in the first place,
the purest in Israel (see Lev, iv, 3 — 5, 16 ; vi, 15), who, by
means of the holy anointing oil, has been made fit for his office
(see Exod, xxix, 7 ; Lev, viii. 12). But then we must remeraber
that, originally, the priestly office belonged to the whole people of
Israel (comp. Exod. xix. 6) ; and, hence, if this office be transferred
to a single individual out of the people, this must be so conceived
of, as that the priestly dignity of the whole people Is compre
hended In that one. It appears. In the farther course of history,
that the anointed priest is not able to perform the "work committed
to him. The sin of Eli calls forth the sentence of rejection upon
the Aaronic Priesthood (see 1 Sam. II. 27 — 36). But, since the
work which Jehovah has to do on earth must, nevertheless, be
done. It Is connected with another office. It passes over from the
priesthood to the royal dignity ; and the anointing has, at this
time, its principal significance and power In the bearer of the
royal dignity ; for which reason, from the moment of the rejec
tion of the Aaronic Priesthood, the anointed is no more the priest,
but the king (see 1 Sam. ii. 10 — 35 ; Ps. ii. 2 ; comp. 1 Sam. x.
and xvi.). But since the whole of the people have a royal position
and dignity also (seeDeut. xxviii. 13), the relation of the king to
the people of Israel Is similar to that of the priest to the people.
But even the royal anointing could not, for any length of time,

182 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
resist the deeply-rooted corruption of Israel's nature. The eternity
of the Davidic royal dignity was bound to the condition of obe
dience (see 2 Sam. vii. 14; 1 Chron. xxviii. 7 — 9 ; Ps. cxxxn.
11, 12). But this condition of obedience has so little been ob
served, that sacred history Itself has not omitted to mention at
least one sin even of all those successors of David to whom It has
given a testimony of praise ; so that, at length, the Divine sentence
of rejection was pronounced upon the progeny of David (see Jer
xxii. 24 — 30), — a prospect which had been placed before them even
by David (see 1 Chron. xxviii. 9). But, even then, Jehovah does
not give up His work upon earth ; Pie creates a new office, to
which He resolves to commit It, viz., the prophetic office. At the
same moment that Ahaz the son of David cuts the last tie of
connexion with Jehovah, Isaiah is brought upon the scene, and
represents, with his house and disciples, the true Israel (Is. vii. 1
14 ; ¦viii.). The priesthood has the sacrifice committed to them as
the principal means of their office ; the royal office has the sword ;
sacrifice and sword now, therefore, belong to the outward world.
The means which the Divine office has now to apply must, there
fore, be of an Iptemal, spiritual nature. The prophetic office Is
the office ofthe word ; with which spiritual power Moses had once
laid the foundation of the Israelitish commonwealth. Farther —
As the royal, so the priestly office was bound to lineal descent ;
but It has come out that there cannot be any security for the
transmission of spiritual gifts and -virtues In the way of carnal
descent. For this reason, the prophetic office is not bound to
descent ; but the dignity of a prophet Is independent of famUy ;
as, to every Israelite, in every tribe and place, it was permitted
to take upon him the dignity of a Nazarite (comp. Amos ii. 11).
Hence, now, a prophet Is called out of the famUy of the priest
(see Jer. I. 1), and, then, one from the flock who was neither a
prophet by office, nor the spn of a prophet (see Amos vn. 14^
15). With this more free and spiritual nature of the prophetic
office is also connected the fact, that although we have here the
same essence ofthe Divine office, as in the priestly and royal offices,
yet the anointing, as the Divine consecration to the office. Is com
monly altogether dispensed with In the third stage of the develop
ment of the Divine office, and is mentioned as an exception only
(see 1 Kings xix. 16; comp. Is. 1x1. 1). We shall not of course be

ACTS XXV. 13— XXVL 32. 183
at all induced by that circumstance to recognize, less, or not at all,
the anointed in the prophet, especially since we know that He, to
whom the name and nature of the anointed belong In an exclu
sive sense, had not His head moistened -with the anointing oil.
And we are the less entitled to entertain such an Idea, that the
term n'^UjQ ^^> even In the Old Testament, used In the spiritual
signification which It has in the New Testament (Ps. cv. 15).
Can we now be astonished that, on this third stage of the office,
the person of the anointed appears still more as at one with the
whole of the people, than In the forraer two stages ? Has not
Israel been, from the beginning, called to be the teacher and
prophet of the nations ? Did not Israel stand on Sinai, and hear
with their own ears the words of Jehovah, as the foundation of
the whole law, in order that they might express and exhibit in
their lives this Divine Instruction, and by such a form, and such
customs as were well pleasing to God, put all nations to shame,
and lead them to the knowledge of the living God (see Deut. iv.
5 — 8) ? But the less that the bearer of an office is bound to out
ward conditions, the more free and spiritual the means are with
which he is called to act, the better will he be able to Identify
himself with, and to Influence the comraunity which he has to re
present. Hence we find. In the prophet, the third representative
of the anointed, and a more perfect one, in proportion as this stage
raises Itself above the outward liraits of the former ones, and,
therefore, not only comes nearer the essence of the Divine office
within the weakness of the flesh, but is also able to make more
distinctly apparent the original and essential position of the whole
people towards the work of the Divine office.
This, then, is the territory on which the nature of the Anointed
One has been formed and displayed ; and if it be asked : — What
corresponds to this nature, and what does not ?" we say. It Is
from this territory that It must be discovered. That which is
Messianic can, for this reason, consist, least of all, in a series of
single passages, detached as much as possible from their historical
context and connexion ; but, first and chiefly, in the history of
the Divine office and of those who were entrusted with it. We
now understand' perfectly that It might be questioned whether
the capability of suffering {iradrfToi), essentially belonged to the
Anointed. For man, originally, is not destined for suffering,

184 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
but for acting; not for being subject to foreign power and Influence,
but for ruling ; and although the ordinary man, being a sinner,
has becorae unfaithful to this destination, and has, hence, becorae
Uable to a different fate, yet one would be inclined to think that
the Anointed One — the man called and qualified for the work of
God by the Holy Spirit — that the servant of Jehovah who had,
above every thing else, the vocation of resuming the original
destination and task of raan, ought to have been elevated above
the fate of suffering. It Is, therefore, not merely unbelief on the
part of the Jews, if they conceive of the Messiah chiefly In His
glory, and in the exercise of His royal omnipotence ; but, on the
other hand, it is certainly a want of faith, If the other aspect of
the Messiah be overlooked, inasmuch as that, too, Is brought out
In the Old Testament. For If we were aUowed to conceive of
the Anointed One by Hiraself, certainly the Idea of His being at
once invested with the original royal dignity of raan would have
been quite sufficient. But we have seen that the Messiah Is,
according to His whole nature, indissolubly connected with
other.s, — in the first instance, with His people, — and must, there
fore, never be Isolated, and It Is for the sake of this connexion that
it is necessary for Him to be susceptible of suffering. P^or, the
reason why the anointing comes, in the first Instance, to' the single
individual is this : — that the comraunity do not yet correspond
with their own idea, and, hence, are still in a condition of Imper
fection and defect. On account of His essential connection with
the people, it Is thus necessary that the Messiah should take
upon Himself, and bear, and suffer under the condition of imper
fection and defect of the community. This appears most clearly
from the history of Moses. Moses, it is true, Is not anointed
with oil ; but he holds, in an erainent degree, the position of the
Anointed. Moses Is not only a prophet, as none else was in the
whole Old Testament time (seeDeut. xxxiv. 10; xviii. 15, 18) ; but
he also performs the duties ofthe priestly office (see Exod. xxix.
20, comp. the Author's Theol. Coram. I. 2. 84) ; and it need
only be mentioned that, with his staff, he leads and guides Israel
In a royal manner. The want of the outward anointing In the
case of Moses Is, after all that has gone before, and as a matter
of course, more than compensated by his extraordinary call,
and more than extraordinary endowments. And it is just in the

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 185
history of this first and most comprehensive type of the Messiah,
that we clearly perceive how necessary It Is that He should be
susceptible of suffering. For the office of Moses implies that
he should bear the burden of the whole people as if he were
the father or the mother of all Israel (see Numb. xi. 11, 12 ;
comp. Deut. I. 12, 31) ; and although "^^J? Numb. xii. 3, does
T T
not signify', according to Luther's translation, that he was the
most tormented of all men on earth ; yet, it ascribes to him a
disposition of mind which. In an Incomparable manner, enables '
him to endure suffering, and, hence, a capability of suffering
which is not equalled on earth. And we possess a proof of this
Incomparable capability of suffering in the declaration of Moses,
in which he requests Jehovah to blot him out of His book. If
Israel's sin could not be forgiven (see Exod. xxxii. 32). If,
farther, we examine the single offices with respect to this capa
bility of suffering, we find that the priest In his official garments
Is to bear the names of the twelve tribes upon his heart as he
enters into the holy place (see Exod. xxviii. 29, 30), — which
evidently can mean nothing else than that the priest is called to
sympathise, with all his heart. In the real condition of the
twelve tribes, — which is a condition of sin and distress. This
duty of sympathy with, and compassion for the distress of
the people must, of course, be strongest at that time, and
on that occasion when the priest, in consequence of his office,
— comes Into the most significant and effectual contact with It,
namely, when he offers sacrifices. For how may the priest hope
to be able to offer up sacrifices for Israel, in a manner well pleas
ing to the Lord, unless he has, with the whole earnest and full
love of his soul, reaUzed the separation which sin, every where
and always, makes between Jehovah and Israel ? And, farther,
the history of King David Is a sufficient proof that the king is as
little permitted to withdraw himself from this communion of
sympathy with the people. For that which distinguishes the
royal office of David in Israel is that here the royal throne is not
an Isolated elevation, the splendour and glory of which is
reflected by the surrounding lowliness ; but that this royal
elevation essentiaUy serves the purpose of spreading, even to the
most distant and remote spheres of the popular life, the power of
plain and simple sense (see 2 Sam. vi. 21, 22 ; Ps. cxxxi), and

186 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
the power of Irapartial justice and pure wisdom (see Ps. xiv. 5, 8 ;
Ixxii. 12, 13; U. 151, and of thereby influencing them. It Is for the
sake of this Internal, essential coramunion, in which the royal
office In Israel stands with all the portions of the entire popular
life, and pre-eralnently with those most lowly and destitute (see
Ps. xiv. 5 ; Ixxii. 12 — 14), that the suffering, both outward and
Inward, which, in the history of David, comes out so significantly
and powerfully (comp. Ps. cxxxi. 1), must be regarded as one
which Is essentially connected with, and belongs to this royal
office; and that, hence, the Anointed One of Israel must be
regarded as a person who, from his very office, must be capable
of suffering. But what shall we still say of the prophet, of whora
we know that he must oppose the most corrupt period of Israel,
and that, too, without any external help> and support, endowed
with only the spiritual power of the word. Could we conceive
of the prophet In his vocation in any other way than as endowed
with the most perfect willingness and capability of submitting to
all the injustice and wickedness of his people, and of bearing this
weight of suffering? This is confirmed also by the detailed
accounts which have been handed down to us of the life and
ministry of two prophets, — Elijahand Jereraiah. We are ralnutely
told how one of these two withstood the flood of corruption in the
kingdora of Israel, — the other, in the kingdom of Judah — and
how each of them had to suffer to excess, in body and In soul.
And If we ask for the consciousness of the prophets as regards
this suffering connected with their office, we flnd it expressed
with full clearness and distinctness by Isaiah (see Is. 1. 5 — 9),
But the capability of suffering appears. In another way, as a
Messianic sign In the stage of the prophetical office. The less
that the prophetical office is bound to outward conditions, the
better It Is able to make manifest the popular foundation of this
office, or to render plain the intimate and essential connexion of
the prophetic office with the prophetic people. Hence it Is that
Israel Itself Is, without circuralocutlon, called the servant of
Jehovah (see Is. xll. 8 ; xlviii. 20 ; xiix. 3) ; and. In agreement
with the time then present, this servant of Jehovah is pre-emi
nently the prophet. But if Israel be the anointed servant and
prophet of Jehovah, his position towards the Gentiles can be
none other than that of the prophetic individual towardsthe ruler?

ACTS XXV. 13— XXVI. 32. 187
and people of Israel ; especially since the time has now come in
which the Gentiles extend their power over the whole earth, and
assume the character of the world's power. It is clear that it Is
only by means of the most complete self-denial, that Israel can
fulfil their office of being prophets to the whole world, in opposi
tion to the hostile power of the Gentiles.
AJl these historical facts of the Old Testaraent, which prove
the capability of suffering to be an essential requisition for the
Anointed One, have, as regards the point in question, their proba
tive power not a Uttle Increased by the circumstance, that it is
just the history ofthe Old Testament which shews that the per
son who has to carry out the vocation of the Anointed, One has
not yet appeared at all within the Old Testament history, and
for this among other reasons, that the Old Testament bearers of
this office were not equal to the suffering demanded by It. For
by what was It that Moses fell ? Was it not because. In a critical
moment, he had not patience to bear the opposition of Israel,
but allowed himself to be carried away by it to disquietude and
want of confidence (see Numb. xx. 6- — 11 ; Deut. iv. 21) ?
After such a precedent, it cannot but appear to be somewhat
doubtful whether any one under the Old Testaraent would be
capable of bearing the Di-vine office. We have already shown
that, as regards the priestly and regal office, there are definite
facts and witnesses which bring out that such was the case.
Should It be different with respect to the prophetical office?
Old Testament Scripture has provided that no doubt as to that
should exist. It has not omitted distinctly and emphatically to
maintain that even those two representatives of the prophetic
office who occupy a most prominent part in the history, have
had such moments In their lives in which they yielded to the
burden of thefr office. And if we ask what it was which they
wanted, we see that, in Elijah, as well as in Jeremiah, It was the
strength needed for bearing the suffering connected with their
office (comp. 1 Kings xix. ; Jer. xx. 14 — 18). But It is selt
evident that the people of Israel did not, by any means, fulfil
their vocation under the Old Testament ; inasmuch as, ever .since
Moses, it has been estabUshed by facts that the people wiU not
be able to correspond to their task and destination, untU the
vocation of Israel has first been carried out by an individual, and,.

i88

SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.

thereby, the necessary means have been created for the perfect
ing of the nation. Thus we are taught, by means of history,
that the person of Him who, In the full and final sense, Is the
Anointed One, has not yet appeared In the Old Testament tirae ;
and that. If it was to appear, it needed to be endowed with a
higher degree of willingness and ability to suffer, than was
found with the principal bearers of the Divine office under the
Old Testaraent. The first of the two questions raised has thus
been decided; and It has been found that, as regards the Messiah,
the suffering could so little be regarded as an offence, that it
must, on the contrary, be regarded as an essential sign.
After all that has gone before, we cannot but expect that we
must likewise attend closely to the Old Testament history and
sphere of thought, when we raise, and. In an indirect manner,
answer the second question. In this question, moreovep, the Old
Testament character comes out still more distinctly and unde
niably. Let us only examine more closely the terms here used,
as they represent themselves when viewed from the end. The
distinction of the " people and Gentiles," in the first place,
refers, quite distinctly, to the Old Testament history and view of
the great contrast which, in the history of the world, appears
among the nations of the earth. The announcement of light,
farther. Implies the condition of night and darkness, both for
Israel and the Gentiles. But is that not the same view which,
in ver. 18, we recognized as the prophetical view of the time of
the kingdora of the world ? But, if so, is then the office assigned
here to the Anointed One — the announcement of light to the
people sitting In night and darkness, Jews as well as Gentiles —
not exactly the prophetic office which had previously been
begun by Israel and Micah who, in the midst of the night,
announce the light of the morning ? And do we not. In this
way, come again Into the sarae track of Old Testament informa
tion which we found at our first question? It Is, Indeed, at
once intimated here, that that prophetic ministry which is here
meant is not a mere repetition of that already mentioned in the
Old Testament. Isaiah and Micah, it is true, share In the same
darkness of the same night to which their people, along with
the whole world, have been subjected ; but that does not Imply
that they shared to the full extent In this condition of their

ACTS XXV, 13 — XXVI. 32. 189
people. We must have perceived, indeed, that the prophets
were altogether unable to follow the people to the lowest depth
of their sufferings, St Paul, therefore, here at once marks a
depth from which the Old Testament prophets were obliged to
keep aloof; and, for this reason, they were unable, with com
plete success, to proclaim the light. We have seen, from the
first part of the discourse under consideration (see ver. 7), that
the lowest degree of the condition in which the people of Israel,
after their general apostacy from Jehovah, found themselves, is
designated, by the Old Testament, as death, and that St Paul
adopts this notion. To this Idea he here recurs. For when he
says of the Messiah : -n-paJTo? e^ dvaaTdaeoi)<i veKp&v, he supposes
that the Messiah must first have belonged to the communion
of the dead. The Messiah must, therefore, have descended to
the equality of death with His people.; and In this we just find
a' confirmation of the result which came out when we discussed
the first of the questions here proposed. But the more distinctly
we saw that the Messiah is obliged, by His office, to want nothing
necessary to constitute an equality of sufferings with His people,
and, hence, with the Gentiles also, the more we raay be assured
that the entering of the Messiah Into the communion of the death
of His people — which is here Intimated — will be complete, and
without reserve. And hence, since the darkness in which the
nations are sitting Is a shado'w of death (j-ii^biJ ^^- i^- 1)> *^^
darkness into which the Messiah must, and will, enter must be
the night of complete death, without God (%ft)/3t? &eov, see Heb,
ii, 9), But, from the whole course of the Old Testament history,
it appears -with certainty, that after the Anointed One of God
shall have entered into so full a communion of the deepest dis
tress of His people^ the complete redemption also must, of
necessity, take place. For, we have seen that that which was
awanting In all the anointed servants of Jehovah in the Old
Testament time, was a complete entering into the sufferings of
their people, and that, therefore, none of them is the Anointed
One KUT e^oxvv. But, as soon as the Anointed One has entered
into the complete communion of the suff'erings of His people,
all the obstacles which always, in the Old Testament time,
opposed themselves to the redemption of Israel, rau^t disappear ;
and Jehovah, having now found the executor of His will, can-

190 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
not but carry out His decree concerning Israel — conceived In
eternity, and afterwards declared — and will assuredly do so.
But, from this point of view. It might readily appear as ii', in
propounding the question under consideration, ¦we were compelled
to abandon the Old Testaraent mode of expression, and to have
recourse to the New Testament history, as that upon which the
form depends. For while it is peculiar to the Old Testaraent
mode of expression to represent the entrance of final salvation as
a sudden one, as soon as the condition appears to be fuUy com-
pUed with, we find here that the effect of the life from death
consists, in the first Instance, of nothing else than the announce
ment of Ught ; and this seems to be in harmony, rather with the
New Testament history, with Its gradual progress, and its
thorough-going spiritual character, than with the Old Testament
aspect, which, in a rapid view, brings the object before us. Now,
It certainly cannot be denied that Paul, in thus vindicating his
testimony, does not withdraw from the light of the New Testa
ment fulfilment ; but we must deny altogether that he any
where allows himself to be carried away from the faith of the
Old Testament view, by suddenly encroaching upon the New
Testament history. Let us, above all, not overlook the cir
cumstance that the necessity for the Anointed One, as main
tained by the Old Testament history and doctrine, has Its
ultimate reason in the acknowledgment and maintenance
of the fiiU and inviolable integrity of human development. But,
if such be the case, there will not be "wanting, even In the Old
Testaraent, distinct points of support for that form in which we
here find expressed the effects produced by the entering of the
, Messiah into the communion ofthe death oflsrael, and His com
ing forth from it with new life. Of this description is the call of
the prophet Isaiah upon Zion, covered with darkness and night,
to arise because her light is coming (see Is. Ix. 1). For, in this,
there Is expressed the necessity that Israel, before being able to
receive the light of their final salvation and blessing, must, In
their innermost hearts, long for this appearance of Divine light,
— must allow their innermost susceptibility and capacity for light
to be fully developed and completed. This Internal prepara
tion of Israel is effected by nothing else than the commence
ment of the coming light, which announcement, again, cannot

acts xxv. 13 — XXVI. 32. 191
be made more powerfully by any one than by Him who, him
self, has overcome the utmost darkness. In order to create out
of himself, and to bring In the new light. And It is just
this, and this alone, which Is meant by the words In our pas
sage regarding the message of light by Him who rose the first
from the dead. Ihe matter raay, however, be viewed in another
aspect also, namely, from the sphere of thought Implied In death
and new life. In this light also. It is viewed In thepassage under
consideration ; and then another Old Testament passage forms
the transition to the representation before us. The raising of the
dead in Israel is. In the vision of Ezekiel, accomplished only by
means of the prophetic work (see Ezek. xxxvii. 4, 7, 9, 10, 12).
But, from Ezekiel's confessing that he does not know what will
be the Future of this great vaUey fuU of bones (ver, 3), It appears
that he Is not yet the prophet who has the power of such an
original spiritual and creative word. And what other prophet,
except Him who conquered death and brought up new life, will
indeed be able to call Into the kingdom of death such a death-
conquering and life-creating word ? We thus ^^'^^-^e that the
Old Testament, In order to work out the new life, does not only
afford room for a prophetic rainistry, but even demands it. Need
we, then, wonder that St Paul, having seen how great is the im
portance and significance of this prophetic activity of the
Anointed One, expresses the Old Testament mode of representa
tion In such a way, that Its New Testament fulfilment clearly
shines through.
We are now In a condition to survey the peculiar train of
thought which St Paul, In this last part of his discourse for his
defence, has followed. He endeavours to prove the agreement of
his announcement with the Scriptures of Israel, not by asserting
that there are. In the Old Testaraent prophecy, the same actual
contents as those to which, in his New Testament proclamation,
he bears ¦witness as historical ; but rather, by holding the
word of Moses and the Prophets to be, as it were, the schedule
filled up by the New Testament history. The Old Testament
word affords, acccordlngly, the true light for understanding the
facts of the history of Jesus ; so that this history receives Its true
and due position and significance by the assistance of that word
only. The light of the Old Testament word being thus brought

192 sect, xxxiv. Paul's defence before agrippa.
to bear upon it, the death of Jesus appears as the full measure of
the sufferings which the Anointed One of Israel has to bear in
consequence of His office ; — and the resurrection of Jesus from
His grave, as the first fruits ofthe resurrection of Israel from their
sentence of death, and which is destined to overcome, from within,
both among Israel and among Gentiles, the power of darkness
and death. By their being thus viewed In the light of the Old
Testament, all the New Testament facts appear as necessarUy
connected with the people of Israel, and with their past and
future position In the history of the world. But, from the con
sideration of the Acts of the Apostles, it appears, more and more
clearly, that the course which the New Testament history Is to
take is such, that the person and influence of Jesus, as regards
the outward appearance, separate themselves and depart, farther
and farther, from Israel; As St faul writes in 2 Cor. iii. 17,
the Lord himself, In His heavenly existence, is the Spirit ; and
His Church becomes more and raore a Church of the GentUes,
who are enemies and opposed to Israel, so that the effectual,
refreshing presence of Jesus departs farther aud farther from the
hills of Jerusalem, and prepares to itself a place on the hills
of Rome, the metropolis of the Roman world. The more
decidedly that this separation of Jesus and His Church from
Israel manifests itself, the more unessential will appear that
Old Testament view and representation of New Testament
facts which Is contained in the relation of the New Testament
to the Old Testament Word. But since, from the Church's
point of view, we cannot avoid assuming a relation betwixt the
Old and New Testaments ordained by God, we are Imperceptibly
Induced to view this relation as a parallelism of facts prophesied
and told. But then, a twofold great disadvantage undeniably
appears. First, If the relation betwixt prophecy and fulfllraent he
essentiaUy nothing else than that that which was first uttered in
the Future, Is, afterwards, repeated in the Past, then, indeed, the
unity ofthe Divine counsel which pervades all the tiraes becomes
manifest ; but it cannot be denied that this, after all, can be
regarded as only a poor actjulsltion. And, secondly, Such a
parallelism cannot be established without doing violence to the
Old Testament. In order to obtain the series of Messianic pas
sages, almost all the rest of the Old Testament Is cast aside.

acts xxv. 13— xxvi. 32. 193
and undervalued ; in order to attain the oases of prophecies as
literaUy as possible, the most fruitful territories of the Old Tes
tament Scriptures are changed Into soUtudes and deserts.
The more deeply we must lament this onesldedness of ¦view in
the Gentile Church, as regards the relation of New Testament
history to Old Testament prophecy, the more Iraportant and
significant it must appear to us that, just In this place, and at
this period, the Apostle of the Gentiles expresses, and exhibits
for our consideration, an altogether different view of this relation.
Scarcely any one has perceived so early as St Paul, that the
person and influence of Jesus withdrew from the people of
Israel on account of their unbelief, and, instead of uniting with
them, opposed them in every possible way. And no one has
more comprehensively and deeply than St Paul seen through
this contrariety of Jesus and His Church to the Jews, while, at
the same time, no one has. In his body and spirit, experienced it
so much as he. And this knowledge and experience have
reached thefr highest degree, just during the most recent period
of his life, — during his residence at Jerusalem and Cesarea.
But is St Paul thereby induced to sink the original and essential
relation of Jesus to the people of Israel, and to receive and
preach Jesus according to His relation to the world universally,
loosed from His national and territorial definiteness, — in His
spiritual aspect, divested of all His carnal liraltation ? Any
thing but that ; for St Paul lives and moves in the thought that
the existence and operation of Jesus are hidden, unapproachable,
and incomprehensible (see Col. iii. 1 — 4). For this reason, he
allows himself in nowise to be determined, as to his ¦views regard
ing the person and nature of Jesus, by that which is manifest
and real on earth. Whether, therefore, Jesus has any relation
to Israel, and what that relation may be, cannot, from Paul's
point of view, be by any means recognised and measured by the
consideration of the manner in which the person and dominion
of Jesus manifested themselves, outwardly and by deeds, towards
the Jews at any time, but must be recognized and determined
in a totally different way. St Paul, it is true, cannot reraain
indifferent and cold when he sees how the separation betwixt
Jesus and the Jews becomes ¦wider and deeper. We know that
the experience of this occasioned the deepest and most constant
VOL. III. N

1 94 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
grief to the world-comprehending heart of the Apostle. What
must he have felt when, having, for the last time, come up to
Jerusalem with the final message and offer of Divine mercy
for Israel, he was rejected by the whole of the people as well
as by their legal rulers and leaders, and persecuted with deadly
hatred, on the hill of the Sanctuary ! It is true that. In the
house of St James, and in the presence of all the elders of
the Church at Jerusalem, he had a happy refreshment, and
one which was unequalled. It was the anticipated joy of a
Pentecost which, in perfect joy, was to unite with thefr God
and Lord, not only the first fruits, but the whole harvest of
the people of Israel. But, just at the moment when, by this
anticipated joy in the house of James, the heart of Paul had
been enlarged, so as to receive the fulness of joy In the house of
Jehovah, — just at that moment, the cup of his pentecostal joy
on the altar of God, Is, by the hatred of the Jews, filled ¦with
wormwood and bitterness. It is true that he is now delivered
out of the hands of the Jews, by Roman justice, and railitary
power ; and, by the word of the Lord, his afflicted countenance
has been tumed away frora Jerusalem, and directed towards
Rome. During his two years' imprisonment at Cesarea, St Paul
had time and leisure enough to meditate upon this momentous
crisis In the course of the kingdom of God. Well might he,
during this period, have been able to give tliis direction to his
thoughts : — that, owing to the stiff-necked and obstinate unbe
lief of the Jews, the relation of Jesus to them might be consi
dered as broken and destroyed, and that, henceforth, that na
tional aspect of the person and history of Jesus must altogether
give way to the individual aspect by which he Is tumed equaUy
towards all nations, or rather, to all the individual members of
the human family ; so that now the whole influence of Jesus
must not only begin and lay its foundation in the sphere of the
Indmdual, but must also for ever remain In It. Such a direc
tion of his thoughts might, indeed, have softened and alleviated
that grief, and have rendered it easier for the Apostle to enter
upon his career in the metropolis of the Gentiles. The view of
the Gentile Church, as regards this territory, sufficiently shows,
that the possibility of such a direction of thought Is anything but
fanciful ; for the Gentile Church has. Indeed, given herself up to

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 195
-this train of thought. But it Is now Indeed manifest that, in so
doing, she has entered upon a dangerous and pernicious path.
For, since such an individual application of the doctrine regarding
Jesus is abstract and untrue, the Gentile Church has, as the result
of such spIrltuaUzing, experienced the confusion and darkness by
which she has Invested heathen nationalities with the glory of the
people of God, and the heads of the kingdom ofthe world, ¦with
the halo of the kingdom of God. It Is in the mirror of this con
fiision that the Divine clearness and greatness of the Apostle
of the Gentiles is, in the present moment, distinctly seen.
In his confessions regarding his relations to Moses and the
Prophets, St Paul gives us the result of his solitary and quiet
meditation about the last rupture of Jesus with the Jews,
and His turning decidedly towards the city of the Gentiles, which
He puts in the place of beloved Zion. The difference in this
respect betwixt the Apostle of the GentUes and the Church of
the Gentiles is this : — the love of the Apostle for the people of
God was too deep to be eradicated by any experience, however
painfiil ; his love was just a real, Dl^vine flame which penetrates
through death and hell (see Song of Sol. viii. 6, 7) ; whUe, on
the other hand, the love of the Gentile Church for Israel was not
sufficiently strong to stand the severe trial which was presented
by the stiff-necked obstinacy of the Jews. While, therefore, the
GentUe Church is, by her experience of the present wickedness
of the Jews, easily induced not to be punctilious as regards the
holy Past of Israel, the Apostle's eye of love is not turned away
by any thing, from looking, with a steady and immoveable gaze,
to the Divine and eternal call of Israel. To this eye of love it
is given to behold, even at that time, when the festival assembly
of Israel is changed into a hostile mob, raging and Infuriated
against what is best and hoUest in the whole feast ; — when the seat
of Moses is turned into a throne of Satan ; — ^when the city of God
draws down irrevocably upon herself the thunders of God's
wrath ; — even at a time when, In one word, the whole visible Pre
sent of the people of Israel, as far as they aye concerned, brings
on a rupture with their Past and Future, and thereby disappears
from the reality of the history of salvation : — to the eye of such
love It is given, even at such times, to behold another structure
far surpassing all the glory and dl^vlnlty of that which Is at pre-
N 2

196 SECT. XXXIV. PAUL'S DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
sent ¦visible, and which, '^by its unassuming ¦visible appearance,
will be able to afford a rich compensation, just at that time when
that tangible national and territorial glory falls into ruins. This
wonderful and glorious structure is the Scripture of the Old
Testament. While the structure of the history of Israel, reared
on the foundation of the flesh. Is broken down, the structure
of the history of Israel, reared on the foundation of the Spirit,
shines with a beauty and brightness so much the more glorious.
Now we understand why St Paul just at this time utters, con
cerning the word of Moses and the Prophets, things greater
and more glorious than he had ever uttered before ; and that
he maintains this, his relation to Scripture ever afterwards,
because the reason which had forced him so powerfully into
the Scripture remains vaUd and effectual, even for aftertlmes.
It is by this circumstance that I can account for the fact, that
in his pastoral Epistles, which aU belong to a later period of
his life, he so warmly insists upon the Scriptures being read In
the Church (see 1 Tim. iv. 13), and that he so earnestly enjoins
Holy Writ as a rule and guide to highly enlightened, and far
advanced Timothy (see 2 Tim. iii. 14 — 16). We now see, like
wise, that it is not from raere outward considerations of prudence
that St Paul so prorainently and emphatically points out his
agreement with the Old Testaraent writings ; but that. In this
part of his discourse also, he utters what, at the present moment,
he feels in the depths of his heart. This is, to us, the most per
fect proof that, on this occasion, he was not forsaken by the Holy
Spirit whom Jesus had promised to His disciples for their defence
before the mighty ones of the earth. For, since the Holy Spirit
Is the Spirit by whom the children of God are led, the word which
He bestows upon a man must, as to its form and matter, be In
harmony with man's innermost nature ; so that themore that that
word agrees ¦with the innermost nature and peculiarity of man,
the more it has the impress of the Holy Spirit.
The more St Paul felt distressed by the present condition of
Israel, urged on by the evil spirit, the more firmly and ardently
he clung to the Past, sealed for eternity by the Spirit of God ;
and it Is for this reason that he recognized the Old Testament
Scripture in all Its truth and significance. It was then, as we
saw, that the perfect unity of the Old and New Testaments shone

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 197
into his soul as it had never done before. But if he had not gone
beyond this unity, he must have overlooked essential things in
the Old Testament. His eye of pure love at once saw that the
difference between the Old Testament word and the New Testa
ment Present was as thorough as the unity between them ; and
he acknowledges the import of this difference as frankly as he
maintains the unity. But will this difference not perplex him ?
So far from It, that supposing, as he does, the unity, it is just in
this difference that he finds the true satisfaction after which he Is
seeking. For it is when viewed in its difference that the Old
Testament word shows that everything which, by the unbeUef
and obduracy of Israel, has been detracted from the operation
and influence of Jesus, is an eternal and inalienable attribute of
His person and kingdom. Whatsoever, therefore, the Jews,
with their high priest, and Jerusalem, with its temple, may be
come, — let it be that they rage against the Lord and His Anointed
until God again delivers up His holy city and temple to fire
and sword; — by the ¦visible presence of Holy Scripture It is now
certain to St Paul, that that concealed Jesus, who manifests him
self as the Sa^viour of the Gentiles, and of all sinners to the ends
of the earth, is, and will remain, to aU eternity, the same which
He was, namely, the Son of David, the Anointed King of Israel,
who, indeed, has himself cfonquered the darkness, and walks in
the Ught ; but who, for the night which covers Jews and Gentiles,
does, meanwhUe, nothing else than announce the morning-dawn,
in order, at some fiiture period, to bring In, for Israel and all the
GentUes, that day itself .which Isaiah and all the Prophets have
praised. While St Paul, in this living and spiritual manner, ¦views the
unity of the two Testaments, and does not overlook thefr differ
ence on account of their unity, he guards against the mixing up
of the two dispensations of Holy Writ, — a mistake into which
the GentUe Church has so often, and so deeply faUen. But as
certainly as the Church wUl not forsake her Lord, so certainly
will she be brought faithfully to foUow in this point as weU as in
every thing else the Apostle ordained for her by the Lord. Hav
ing, by a spiritualizing and a mixing up of the two Testaments,
robbed herself of a good portion of the Old Testament patience
and comfort (see Rom. xv. 4), she has, in a carnal manner, sought

198 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's DEFENCE BEFORE AGRIPPA.
and found a manifold compensation for this spiritual support and
help. But it can surely not fail that these reeds of Egypt will
be broken, and ¦wUl bring pain to the Church. She will then,
however, remember her holy Apostle and leader, and divested of
all temporal glory and support, will take the staff of the Holy
Spirit — the writings of Moses and the Prophets — and obtain in
them a strength and help such as she has never known, nor con
ceived of.
After St Paul has finished his discourse. It Is clearly seen of
what importance and significance it was that king Aigrippa
presided in this assembly. For the heathen Procurator has
received from St Paul's speech an impression altogether erro
neous ; he charges St Paul with raging, and thinks that much
reading of books had made him mad (see ver. 24). We should,
however, certainly err in inferring from these words of the
Roman, that Paul had spoken in gi-eat excitement and dis
quietude. On the contrary, the whole discourse leaves the
impression, that the Apostle was cool and composed, just as the
circumstances would require him to have been. And Paul him
self says that his discourse bore the character of soberness
(aaxppoavvri). It must, then, have been the matter of the
discourse which raade so disagreeable an impression upon Festus,
It is true that many of the arguments must have been altogether
unintelligible to hira ; but sorae of them he must have understood
so far as to make him perceive that they were different from, and
opposed to all other human thinking, Ajid, besides, it cannot
have escaped him that, notwithstanding .all his calmness, St Paul
exhibited and manifested, in his statements, an immoveable con-
¦viction. But Festus cannot imagine that a conviction of things
opposed to all human thinking could exist in any other state than
that of madness. And having heard the Apostle speaking of
Moses and the Prophets, he may have possessed so ranch know
ledge of these designations, as to be aware that these were raen
revered as authors of books ; and, in the manner of an ingenious
man of the world, he Imagines that he has discovered the source
of this mental aberration. But the case stands quite differently
as regards Agrippa, and the confidence placed in him by St
Paul is fully justified (see vv. 2, 26). It Is on two things, as we
see, that St Paul rests his confidence. First, he says that the

ACTS x.KV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 199
historical facts, upon which he relies In his discourse, were not
done in a corner. By these historical facts, the history of
Jesus is, of course, to be understood. Since then Agrippa — for
this is what St Paul means to Intimate by these words — belongs
to the country in which such evident facts have taken place,
nothing connected with these facts can be unknown to him. As
to the manner in which these facts are to be understood, the
Prophetic writings of the Old Testaraent are, as St Paul has
intimated in his defence, the natural rule. With respect to this
point also, St Paul thinks that he can calculate upon Agrippa's
agreeing with him, namely, that according to the general belief
of the Jews (see Joseph, cont. Apion. I. 8) he acknowledges a
Divine authority in the prophets. Hence there exist In Agrippa
the two main requisites for understanding his whole confession,
and especiaUy his assertion that, by his Apostolic testimony, he
had not apostatized from the substance and faith of Judaism, and
that, hence, he had claims for protection and toleration ¦within
the Roman empire. That St Paul was not mistaken In suppos
ing so much. Is proved by the answer of Agrippa which, in
certain respects, goes even farther than St Paul had. In the first
instance, intended; and, for this reason, proves so much the
more strongly the existence of what is more obvious. We can
not, it is true, adopt the translation of Luther, according to which
Agrippa confesses himself to be so touched by the discourse of
St Paul as to be nearly becoming a Christian .'^ For, no doubt,
Meyer is right in asserting In opposition to Grotius, that iv
6Xiya> does not mean " almost," but that only those compounds
of oXir/ov have that signification which mean the opposite of ev.
If then ev 6Xiya> must be understood as denoting, either time —
which, according to the passages adduced by Wetstein, is most
favoured by the usus loquendi — or, the instrument — which is
suggested by the sense attributed to it In the answer of St Paul
— we must agree with Meyer that the remark of Agrippa must
be ¦viewed as containing a shght admixture of irony ; so that the
sense is : " In so short a time, or, with so few words, thou
meanest 'to induce me to become a Christian; and yet that is a
1 Luther's German version agrees with the authorized English. —
[Tb.]

200 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
matter of a most serious nature." We thus see from this passage
that Agrippa, according to the disposition of his Innermost
heart, is still at a very great distance from the faith of Paul
—a circumstance which, as Meyer rightly remarks, appears
with sufficient plainness from the designation Xpianavo^, and
which, according to what St Paul has hinted at, concern
ing him, in xxv. 13, must, a priori, be probable. But there
Is implied, nevertheless, in these words, a circumstance which
proves that Agrippa occupies a far higher position than Fes
tus, and that he is reaUy able to judge of St Paul's cause, — a
work for which Festus evidently shows himself to be Incom
petent. In the first place, it appears from the remark of the
king, that he fully understands how to appreciate the prudent
conduct of St Paul, and, hence, is entfrely free from such blind
ness as that in which we see Festus involved. For although St
Paul has said nothing with a view to that end, nor has given
even the slightest intimation of it, yet Agrippa perceives plainly
that, in this whole discourse for his defence, the Apostle's
ultimate object Is the conversion of his hearers to the faith of
Jesus. Secondly — This remark of the king entitles us to
suppose that, even as to the detaUs of the Apostle's representation,
Agrippa has got the Impression, that they are appropriate and
striking ; that, specially, he could not conceal frora himself the
Importance of what St Paul said regarding the historical facts of
his testimony, and the relation of the prophetic word to thera.
For if Agrippa is able to perceive, in the Apostle's discourse for
his defence, the Intention of converting him (Agrippa), — an
intention not directly Intimated by any thing — he must certainly
have been convinced of the appropriateness of the discourse for
its primary object. And, as we have shown, it is just this for
which St Paul is chiefly concerned (see ver. 2) ; and it is just in
this point of view that St Luke communicates, so minutely, the
whole proceedings. It is, therefore, quite out of place in
Schneckenburger (see Zwek der Apostelgesch. S. 149) to object
against understanding the words, iv oXiya, ironically; because.
In such a case, the answer of Agrippa would lose all its apologetic
force which It was here chiefly intended to have. This argu
mentation rests entirely on the false supposition that some
apologetic view exists here. St Luke, it is true, Intends here to

ACTS XXV. 13 — XXVI. 32. 201
show us that the endlessly-protracted cause of St Paul had been
advanced towards a decision, by the utterance of King Agrippa ;
but this promotion of the cause of the Apostle Paul Ues altogether
beyond the personal sphere ; It has its foundation In his relation
to the Jews, which had been determined by birth, education, and
habit. But since, after all, Agrippa expresses his personal
relation to Christianity, and declares that, as far as he was con
cerned, he was very far from being induced to embrace the faith
of the XpiaTiavoi, St Paul also cannot avoid entering upon It,
and declaring, on his part, that it was indeed true that his
ultimate object was the conversion of aU (see xx. 31), and that,
hence, those present were, all of them, included in this Intention
(see xxvi. 29). This declaration of the Apostle deserves every
attention, as regards both the matter and the form. There is no
doubt that St Paul beholds, in king Agrippa and his dis
tinguished associates, the representatives of the highest order of
the Roman Empire ; and we have seen, farther, how closely the
power of Satan appears to him to be connected with the kingdom,
and how lively, just at this moment, he is conscious of this
strange and awful connexion (see ver. 18). But It Is just when
we realize this view of the world, and of the assembly then
present, that It is so instructive to find that St Paul is not
prevented, by such a view, from addressing to every one of these
representatives of the Roman world's power, the desfre and hope
of eternal Ufe, and that he does not, in the comprehensiveness of
his intentions and hopes, In any way exclude him who represents
the presence of the prince of the world. This wonderful, two
fold aspect in his position towards the kingdom of the world is
likewise found in the prophet of the kingdoms of the world,
namely, Daniel. To him it was given, on one hand, to look into
the mystery of the injustice and wickedness which prevailed in,
and Influenced the whole world, and, for all time to come, to lay
open this mystery with fearful earnestness. But, on the other
hand, we flnd him in the most friendly and cordial relation to
the first possessor and ruler of that kingdom. In which that awful
mystery of Daniel has laid its foundation for spreading over the
whole world, and we find him invested with the highest honours
and dignities at the courts of these kingdoms ofthe world.
In a most appropriate and elegant manner, St Paul now

202 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
declares his personal position towards king Agrippa, and the
other Roman high officials. There was for St Paul some bitter
ness contained In this declaration of Agrippa, inasmuch as he
shut himself up against all that the Apostle had said. But in his
reply he Is far from allowing himself to be determined by it In
any other way than in that of showing the highest degree of
consideration, in opposition to the excitement of the King. For
this reason, he uses the expression ev^aifirfv av tw ©eaJ, "I
should like indeed to pray to God" (see Meyer on this passage),
in which the wish of the heart is expressed In the most decided
way, and yet no possibiUty is afforded for finding in it any
troublesome importunity. And the farther explanation of his
wish is as well considered, and as elegant. Whilst resuming, in
the words : koi ev oXvym Kai ev iroXXm , the doubtful remark
contained in the King's words : ev oXiyco, and thereby, without
bitterness, rendering them pointless, he e^vidently avoids repeat
ing the other words of the king : Xpiariavov yeveadai ; but in
the place of the ambiguous expression, he puts the Uvely and
expressive designation of his own person. For of this he might
be assured, that his conduct, which was as decided and fearless,
as it was measured and becoming, had produced a favourable
impression upon the unprejudiced minds of the assembly. And
this favourable impression could not fail to be considerably
strengthened by the Uttle addition with which St Paul closes his
reply ; vrape/CTo? rcSi' Beafi&v tovto)v, says Paul, showing by his
outstretched hands (see ver. 1) the chains which, even in the
case of a lenient imprisonment, were put on the hands (see J,
Walch, Dissertationes in Acta Apostol. iii. 261). By thus
delicately exhibiting his chains, he shows the highly educated
assembly that his soul remained free and unfettered.
We cannot, after all this, be in the least surprised that St
Luke, in now closing, reports that the assembly give sentence to
this effect : " That this raan has done nothing worthy of death,
or of bonds ;" and that Agrippa, as king, gives the definite sen
tence that the man might be set at liberty (see vv. 31, 32), But
while the opinion of the whole assembly does not go beyond that
which the Procurator, Festus, had already formed and pro
nounced (see xxv, 18 — 20, 25), Agrippa goes a step farther, and
closes the whole proceedings by the declaration that St Paul

ACTS XXV. 13 - XXVI. 32. 203
might be set at liberty. That was the highest aim which St
Paul, by his defence, would, or could have reached. He had
appealed to Caesar, In order to protect himself against the par-
tiaUty of the Procurator;— king Agrippa, to whom Festus hira
self applied as to one who was better acquainted ¦with the cause,
and was possessed of higher authority, may well be regarded by
St Paul as the Emperor present. The circumstance that this
king, in opposition to the Jews, fiiUy acknowledges, and declares
without reserve, the justice of the Apostle's cause, is the highest
security, that the order of the Roman Empfre, up to Its supreme
head, is, by the co-operation of the power of the good Spirit, in
the sphere of the world, with the GentUe Churches on earth,
brought into the service of the kingdom of Christ.
The more distinctly we saw that the kingdom of Herod repre
sents the enmity of the kingdom of the world in its present actual
state, the more remarkable and significant must appear to us the
position which king Agrippa, as the fourth Herodian, occupies in
the account before us. The conduct of king Agrippa in the cause
of St Paul is a phenomenon which is altogether novel. The Jews
as a community, and in their rulers, have conspired against the
life of St Paul, because they imagine that they perceive. In his con
duct, an apostacy from the God and law of their fathers which
deserves to be punished by death. Agrippa believes in the pro
phets, like all the Jews, and, in so far, is a Jew, But he is far
from thinking that St Paul has committed any crime worthy of
death. He must, thus, not faU to see the connexion betwixt the
Apostolical conduct of St Paul, and his inherited Judaism. The
representatives, too, of the power of the Roman Empfre had pro
tected St Paul against the fanaticism of the Jews ; but inasmuch
as this protection was deficient in thorough-going energy, St
Paul was still In danger, and did not get out of his painful
position. Agrippa, the Idumean, is, Uke his fathers, a vassal
of the Roraan Emperor; and is, therefore, likewise a repre
sentative of the order of the heathen Roman Erapire. But,
as his royal title stands above that of the Procurator ; as
he, therefore, represents the Emperor — the suprerae head of
the kingdom of the world — more fully than a Procurator does,
his intercession, also, in St Paul's behalf, becomes more deci
sive and effective than that of a Procurator. And, altogether

204 SECT. XXXIV. Paul's defence before agrippa.
apart from the circumstance that the Procurators, in their rela
tion to the Jews, were deficient in the right energy, It is, after all,
especiaUy their ignorance in the matters here In question which,
in this cause, stands in their way ; — a circumstance which has
very distinctly appeared in the conduct of Festus before Agrippa.
Agrippa is protected from the violent fanaticism of the Jews, by
his official relation to the Roraan erapfre ; and from the narrow-
mindedness of the heathen Procurators, he is secured by his hav
ing, from birth and habit, joined the Jews. But, frora these
circurastances, it appears at the same time, that the conduct of
Agrippa is so minutely and significantly dwelt upon by St Luke,
because, in it, a phenomenon is to be brought before us which is
destined to throw clear Ught upon the future development of the
Church of Christ. King Agrippa succeeds to the throne of the
Plerods, as the fourth of that faraily, after his three predecessors
have corapleted the hostility of the kingdom of the world to the
kingdom of Jesus ; and In this circumstance there is opened up to
us the view, regarding the Roman kingdora of the world, that,
after the time of hostility is completed, there shall follow a period in
which the highest place in the Roman empire shall protect the
Church of Christ from Injury. This protection will not consist
so much in the personal membership, in the Church of Christ, of
the highest Ruler, as in a leaning of the highest government of
the world towards the order and history of the Old Testament
kingdora. The gods of heathenism are fallen, — thefr altars have
been overturned. But, since the kingdom of the world cannot
do without some religious order — and this, especially, was an
acknowledged principle within the Roman erapire, — nothing
remained but to receive that order which the God of gods had
ordained. This event has a precedent in the adoption of circura-
clslon and Judaism, on the part of the Idumeans. It is by this
objective acknowledgment of the Divine order and law, that
there exists, within the kingdom of the world, the possibility for
the Church of Christ to display itself, and raove. For In Its
heathen narrow-mindedness, the kingdora of the world cannot
honor the depth and breadth of the Christian life and character,
even so far as to be able to coraply ¦with the just deraand, to allow
free scope to this life and character, which are in theraselves
innocent, — as is sufficiently raanifested by the Procurator Festus

ACTS XXVII. 1— XXVIU. 15. 205
here, and, afterwards, by the Emperor Marcus Aurelius. It is
only after the heathen consciousness has been enlarged so as
objectively to acknowledge the existence, in the world, of a
Divine order and law, that a place is afforded where the con
fession of the Apostles and of the Church may, with the hope
of being understood, be proclaimed with all liberty, and in its
entire, full, and deep contents. In the appearance of king
Agrippa in this place, we have thus to acknowledge the biblical
truth of that power which is so full of importance for history, and
which, by a dark and perplexing expression, has been designated
by the name of the Christian magistrate and the Christian state.
But It is, for this reason, all the more necessary to attend to the
fact, that it is expressly pointed out that the position of the king
had not, by any means. Its foundation in his personal participa
tion in the salvation of Christ, which, although willed by God,
and longed for by the Church, Is yet a distinct matter ; and,
farther, to the fact, that the matter in question is not, by any
means, a promotion of the Gospel, by receiving Into the organism
of the Church the resources and powers of the state, but only the
protection which the state Is bound to afford, to every citizen,
against Injury and Injustice from without.

§ 35. THE JOURNET OF THE APOSTLE PAUL FROM CESAREA
TO ROME.
(Chap. xx^vIi. 1 — Chap, xx-viii. 15).
The commencement of chapter xxvii. makes it very evident
that, in the preceding section, we have not, by any means, over
estimated the importance of king Agrippa for the cause of StPaul.
Notwithstanding all the favourable opinions ofthe Roman autho
rities — of Lysias, Felix, and Festus — regarding the innocence of
St Paul, his cause had, for two whole years, remained undecided.
It Is the sentence of acquittal in the cause of St Paul, pronounced
by king Agrippa, who professed Judaism, which really advances
the cause of St Paul. " It was determined," so we read in xxvU. 1,
"that we should saU into Italy." By this, the last obstacle Is
removed which kept back even Festus (see xxv. 26, 27) from
entirely withdrawing the Apostle from the insolence of the Jews.

206 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
This, it is true, is not a deliverance of the imprisoned Apostle.
Moreover, It is mentioned Immediately afterwards that he was
associated with several other persons, and hence he must au all
events have remained a prisoner to the Roraans. As far, then, as
this is concerned, all Agrippa's merit seems to vanish, inasmuch
as his sentence of acquittal had, in reality, no substantial success.
But we must not overlook that the journey which is now Imposed
upon St Paul by the Roman Court, in consequence of king
Agrippa's decision, and his own appeal to Caesar, is just the
way to Rome, whither, long ago, the Innermost longing of his
soul had directed him (see xix. 21), and with the prospect of
which the Lord had comforted him In his imprisonraent (see
xxiii. 11). The ordering, on the part ofthe Roman authorities,
of a vessel which Is to carry St Paul, along with the other pri
soners, to Italy, Is, accordingly, in substance, only a saving of
trouble and care to hira. And since the Roman officials, from
the commencement of his imprisonment at Jerusalem, were
favourable to him, we may, especially when we take it in con
nexion with the sentence of acquittal pronounced by king
Agrippa, who was acquainted with all the circumstances of the
case, well expect that all possible relief and comfort would be
granted to St Paul on the journey by the Roraan commander, —
an expectation which is fully confirraed in the progress of our
account (see xxvii. 3), According to the statement at the
beginning ofthe 27th chap,, we thus at length find the Apostle
Paul freed frora the dangerous neighbourhood and communion of
the Jews, delivered from the tedious and fatiguing Imprisonment
at Cesarea, and, at last, on the straight and sure way to the
goal of his Apostolic ministry, of which he had, for so long a
tirae, been desirous. By the grace of God, and the prayers of
the Churches, the dark cloud which had, ever since he had
turned his face towards Jerusalem, gathered over the Apostle's
head, and threatened him with a deadly stroke, has thus been
entfrely dispelled. Out of death, the Apostle has been raised to
new life ; and he is now again placed on his career which is
lighted up by the brightest sunshine, and lies before him even
to the end of his intentions.
Should we now expect anything else than that St Luke would
start anew, and in lively colours bring before our eyes the effects
of the great Apostle's ministry on this, his journey to the

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 207
metropoUs of the world, — effects at once so deep-reaching and
far- stretching ? How must we, therefore. Indeed be astonished to
hear very Uttle, or even nothing at all of this ; but on the contrary,
even at the point where we think we have a right to expect,
with great anxiety, the beginning of such a report, we are put off
¦with a rather general close of the entire account. Instead of
this vainly expected report, however, we get soraething entirely
different, and our astonishment is, thereby, only increased. For
the case does not, by any means, stand thus :— that, from this
point onward, the account studies to be. In general, strikingly
short and abrupt ; but, on the contrary, there is no section in
our whole book which, with such minuteness and copiousness,
enters even Into the smallest and most trifling events, as the
report now under consideration of the Apostle Paul's journey
from Cesarea to Rome, by sea and land. But in what is it
that our account of the journey Is so minute and detailed ? Our
account has just the appearance of the description of a voyage
which takes an interest in the smallest and raost uniraportant
outward events. Nothing reverts so frequently as the nautical
expressions which change In the most various ways. The desig
nations of the different winds, islands, and regions of the seas
which came into consideration In this voyage, are minutely com
municated ; and, indeed, it may with perfect truth be asserted,
that no description of a voyage. In ancient or modem times,
excels in exactness and historical faithfulness that which St Luke
has given in the last two chapters of the Acts (see Thiersch, die
Kirche im Apostolischen Zeitalter, S. 171). It is true that this
is a glory for this section ; and we would not, by any means,
overlook the circumstance that, in this extraordinary minuteness
ofthe account, which we shall afterwards meet "with, when treating
of the details, a weighty argument is afforded to us against the su
perficial opinions of frivolous critics as to the origin of our Book.
But it certainly cannot be sufficient for us to know, that we have
here before us a section of extraordinary and evident trustworthi
ness, as long, at least, as we do not see how this section fits into the
whole. On the contrary, the critical weight, which is attached to
this extraordinary fidelity of the account, will be fully available
for the whole Book, only when it Is made manifest how such
a minuteness in the report of the most Indifferent matters, — a

208 sect. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
minuteness which St Luke evidently was conscious of, and which
had evidently been intended by him — agrees with the plan of the
whole Book.
Are we, in these circumstances, to adopt the explanation of
Olshausen who thus expresses himself: " The altogether uncom
mon minuteness with which this voyage is reported, may perhaps
be accounted for by the circumstance that St Luke kept a diary
during it, and afterwards embodied it, unchanged, in his work,"
These words, however, although claiming to be an explanation,
in reality explain nothing. For, In the first place, how is it that
St Luke, the Apostolic man, draws up a diary, so altogether
external, on a voyage ? And, secondly, if It was, after aU, done,
how could he answer it to his conscience, simply to embody, in
his work on the beginnings of the Church, a fragment which had
been got up in this way. And, finally, how is belief in the inspi
ration of the Canonical Book consistent with this two-fold super
ficiality ? For, whatever men may think about Inspiration, it, at
all events, supposes an eminent degree of spirituality. We should
also be obliged first to give up altogether our whole "view of the
Acts of the Apostles, if we were to receive so external an expla
nation, as regards even a single section. Let us rather, fromthe
very outset, altogether invert the matter ; let us, at first, conceal
nothing ofthe real state of things, viz., that we really have before
us an account which treats of islands and seas, — of winds, and
shallow waters, — of shipwreck, and stranding, — of eating, and
warming, — of soldiers and sailors, — of anything, in short, rather
than of the conversion of sinners by the Apostolic testimony.
But then, let us realize this also : — that, hitherto, we have been
safely guided by that view of the events comraunicated in our
Book, which takes Its centre in the territory of the bibUcal his
tory. Let us, therefore, at once take up the strange phenomenon
before us, In such a manner that we exactly fix the point into
which, according to our general view of the whole Book, we are
placed by the account before us.
With the vessel which sails from Cesarea to Italy, the Divine
light which is called to enlighten the nations — as St Paul has
just declared of himself (see xx"vi. 18) — goes to sea in order to
fill with Its shining brightness the centre of the nations and
countries. This was an event, for the accomplishment of which

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 209
all things in sacred history, even since the calling of Abraham,
were working together. The aim and object of the call of
Abraham was, from the very outset, the bestowal of blessings
upon all the nations and families of the earth. If, then, the
blessing of Abraham and of his seed be the first feature in the
progress which Is here preparing, the blessing of aU the nations is
the second feature. The same comprehensive view manifests
itself at the second commencement of the people of Israel, — at
their deliverance from Egypt. For, the aim and object of Israel's
priestly position (see Exod. xix. 6) is evidently directed towards
the Gentiles — that they who were farfrora God, should be brought
near, and Into communion with God ; so that, even here, Israel's
privileges and prerogatives are only the first stage in the course
of the development ; while the communication of the same privi
leges and prerogatives to the Gentiles, by the instrumentality of
Israel, forms the second. The same Internal and necessary
reference of Israel to the Gentiles appears at the time of the
kings also. The kings of the earth, and their nations, it is true,
are to do homage to the King of Israel (see Ps. ii. 12) ; but It Is
just In this that their real and only salvation consists (see Ps. c.
1, 2 ; cxxxviU. 4 ; 1 Kings vin. 41 — 43 ; Ps. IxxU. 9 — 17), StUl
more manifest does this relation of Israel to the Gentiles become
at the time of the prophets, in which Israel is represented as the
light which is to illuminate aU the Gentiles (see Is, xiii. 6, 7) ; or
as the servant of Jehovah who has to bear the sins of the Gentiles
(see Is. liii. 3 — 6) ; in which time, therefore, the union of the
Gentiles with Jehovah, the God oflsrael, is 'also placed in view,
as the completion of final salvation (see Is. ii. 3, 4 ; xix. 23 — 25 ;
Zech. xiv. 16— 19). But one would be very much raistaken if,
on account of this relation of Israel to the Gentiles, one should
suppose, that the more a Jew was pious and zealous, the more
conscientiously and Intently he would, wherever he had oppor
tunity, have set about drawing heathen to the service of God.
For we find no trace at all under the Old Covenant of this desfre
to spread the worship of Jehovah among the Gentiles; but, on
the contrary, a very distinct trace of the opposite, viz., of the
effort to keep back Gentiles from rashly joining the people and
service of Jehovah. For such, e"vidently, is the conduct of
Naomi, who is brought forward as a model of IsraeUtish piety,
VOL. III. o

210 SECT, xxxv, PAULS JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
towards Ruth (see Ruth i. 8, 11, 15). She consents to Ruth's
going with her Into the land of her people and her God, only
when she saw that Ruth would, on no account, abandon the in
tention of so doing ; she would, otherwise, rather have had her
to return to her gods (see Ruth I. 15). This reserve in their
conduct towards the Gentiles cannot at all be explained by
imagining that it was not necessary for the Gentiles to be pre
viously Instructed and enlightened, in order to obtain thefr final
salvation. Such a thought never entered the mind of any
Israelite, — as is evident from the fact that the Psalralsts and
Prophets, frora afar address the Gentiles and Isles, and exhort and
Instruct them, although separated frora thera by the insurmount
able obstacles of place, language, and the general relations of the
nations (see Ps. ii. 2 — 12 ; 1. 1; Is. xiix. 1 ; Jer. xxxi. 10 ; Lara.
I. 18 ; Mic. I. 21). Frora this we learn that the Internal desire
of the Israelites to communicate to the Gentiles the mystery of
thefr faith and hope is the more powerfully manifested, the less
that this desire allows itself to be repressed by a regard to the
obstacles which oppose such a communication. But if, neverthe
less, we nowhere see the Israelites actually going out to the Gen
tiles, a very distinct reason foritjnust have existed. What other
reason could this be, than the fundamental consciousness per
vading the whole Old Testament time, that Israel is, as yet, not
completed ? The participation of the Gentiles In the salvation of
God is nowhere declared to begin contemporaneously with the
salvation of Israel, but is always represented as the consequence
and effect of the completed salvation in Israel. Wherever this
order was vividly reaUzed, nothing could be more natural and
necessary than not to venture to step out of the sphere of Israel
into the sphere of the Gentiles, with this announcement of salva
tion, as long as they knovv that the salvation in Israel was not yet
corapleted. But It might, after all, be possible that the completion of Israel's
salvation must be accomplished In this manner, that a few Indi-
"viduals, perhaps, or, It may be, one only who, like Moses, is able
to represent the whole people. Is perfected; while the remainder
— the whole mass — remain in their imperfection. If such were
to be the case, that second stage in the development of salvation
must be accomplished in this manner : — that the work of salva-

ACTS xxvu. 1— XXVIII. 15. 211
tion proceeds from this one, or from these few, and that the
Gentiles were thus drawn into the communion of salvation.
And, indeed, it is manifest, even in the Old Testament time, that
this is the course which it will take. A sure proof of it Is found
in the history of the Prophet Jonah. It is just because this
history is prophetic, throughout, that It stands among the pro
phetical books. But the prophetic contents of the narrative are
essentially these, that the transition of salvation from the Jews
to the Gentiles is represented in such a manner, that this transi
tion is to be effected by the rejection of the corrupted mass of
Israel. Jonah, the son of Aralttal (see Jon. I. 1), a prophet
from Gittah-hepher, in the tribe of Zebulon (see Josh. xix.
13), lived at the time of Jeroboam II. (see 2 Kings xiv.
25). Jonah thus belongs to that period in which the sin ofthe
kingdom of the ten tribes, according to the prophetical testimony
of Amos and Hosea, began to fill up Its measure, in order
quickly to bring about the destruction of this apostate part of
the whole people of Israel. But according to the passage, 2
Kings xiv, 25, just quoted, a more definite place is assigned to
him in this period. He has brought to King Jeroboam the
promise that he would succeed in re-establishing the old boun
daries of Israel ; and this was a renewal and confirmation of the
promise which had been given to the house of Jehu, to the
fourth generation (see 2 Kings x. 30). But this proraise of
Jonah to the Israelitish dynasty was, and remained the last ; for
it was just the enlargement of power obtained by Jeroboam
which became the occasion of completing the pride' and apostacy
in Israel. No one could feel raore deeply, and be more grieved
.at this sad turn of the last manifestation of raercy on the part of
God towards the kingdom of Israel, than the prophet from the
Northern part of the kingdom, which was first and most exposed
to attacks from without, and who, as a prophet of Jehovah,
had announced, as a gift of Divine mercy, the regaining of the
old limits of the country. This prophet then, who could not but
feel greater grief than any one at the apostacy of Israel, and the
destruction which threatened them, received the coraraission
from Jehovah to go to Nineveh, the city of NImrod, by -which
the judgment upon Israel was to be executed in the time imme-
dia,tely at hand (see Jon. i. 2). The commission which he Is to
0 2

212 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
execute at Nineveh Is, indeed, the preaching of repentance ; but
a prophet knew, better than any one, that the preaching of
repentance is a merciful dispensation of God, and the last means
in the hand of God to deliver from destruction a people laden
with guUt. Jonah also at once understands this commission in
the sense that his mission to Nineveh is to be the sign that
Jehovah would no longer trouble himself about the deliverance
oflsrael, but would give up this people to their fate ; and that,
however. He would, at the same time, turn to that people
which was farthest from, and most opposed to the people of God
— naraely to Ashur, in order to warn them early, and to pre
serve them from destruction. Jonah perceives, by the command
which he has received from Jehovah, that the Divine mercy is
turning away from Israel, in order to tum to the uttermost part
of the Gentiles, If we keep this in view, all that is dark and
enigmatical In this history will vanish. For we find that Jonah
does not comply with the command of God, but endeavours to
flee from it (see Jon. I. 3, 10 ; iv. 2). Does, then, Jonah belong
to the multitude of Israel who have cast behind them the com
mand of Jehovah ? In such a case, he could not be called the
servant of Jehovah — as is written of him in 2 Kings xiv. 25;
nor would such a command of Jehovah have been even given to
him. But this evident disobedience on the part of the prophet
of Jehovah is not the only thing which Is strange In this history.
After Jonah has undergone a severe chastisement, and has exe
cuted the command of Jehovah, he falls Into a great passion and
indignation (see iv. 1); and why? Because his preaching of
repentance has had so general a success, and God, on account of
that success, revokes His threatening against Nineveh. Jonah
hiraself says that he is angry with Jehovah, because He is so
gracious and merciful, slow to anger and of great kindness, and
repents Him of the evil (see Iv. 2), No doubt, we shall hesitate
very ranch to follow Elchhorn, who, on account of this utter
ance, calls the character of the prophet, abominable or diaboli
cal ; but certainly there must exist a very strong reason before
we can vindicate and find intelligible, In a prophet of Jehovah,
such an utterance and disposition of mind, — especially, after he
has undergone so severe a chastisement and correction. But if
only we keep In mind that antithesis which we have already

acts XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 213
indicated, we shall be able to understand both that disobedience
and that indignation, without being perplexed with the position
ofthe Old Testament prophet. If Jonah should have been able
joyfiiUy to execute that command of God, — to go with the word
of God from Israel to Ashur ; then he ought to have been a
servant of Jehovah in such a sense as to have been able to for
sake his people, for the sake of Jehovah. If Jonah should have
been able to rejoice at the delay of Divine judgment upon this
metropolis of the world's power, wWn the last hope for Israel's
reconciliation has disappeared, he ought to have stood in the
grace of Jehovah, in such a manner that in it he had fiiU satis
faction, and needed nothing else, even If he Icnew his people to
be lying under the wrath of God, Shall we wonder, then, that
we do not yet find in Jonah such a union with Jehovah, — such a
standing in the grace of Jehovah ? It raay well be expected
and demanded of the bride of the King of Israel, that she should
forget her people (see Ps, xiv, 11) ; but she does not belong to
the people which have been elected by Jehovah, and chosen for
an eternal inheritance. But it was quite a different case with
an Israelite, if there existed an opposition betwixt Jehovah and
Israel, It was into this opposition that Jonah was to place him
self; he was by his walk, his word, and his work, to assist In
establishing and maintaining it ; he was willingly to resign hira
self, If now, by his word, the kingdom of faith and love was to
be established In Nineveh, in order that this kingdom raight attain,
in Ashur, to that place which, hitherto. It had In Israel, Since
Israel is, from the very commencement, most intimately connected
¦with the revelation and grace of Jehovah, It is necessary that
wherever this antithesis is conceived of and kept In ¦view, pure
and unspotted, all flesh must have perished. For that union of
nature and grace, of flesh and spirit, which appears In the his
tory of the people of Israel, necessarily implies that, wherever
an opposition appears between Jehovah and Israel, all carnality
should appear as condemned to its last root, and that nowhere
should there remain any refuge or pretext for the flesh. Now,
if, at the time of Jeroboam, such a person had existed in Israel,
as, with his whole doing and working, wiUing and thinking,
would have been able so to place himself into this antithesis, —
such a person as, notwithstanding his sacred connexion with his

214 sect, xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
compatriots — the people of Jehovah, — could have altogether
sacrificed the flesh, and have stood immoveably on the founda
tion of the Spirit, and on the side of Jehovah ; — then, such a
person would have been the corapletion of Israel. For, inas-
rauch as this person must give up his connection with the whole
corrupted people, he stands opposed to the whole of his people,
and must by his spirit overcome everything which, in the whole
people, is flesh, and enmity to God. In such a person, therefore,
a spirit is manifested who hap power over the flesh in the whole
opposed mass of the people ; and this is just the end to which we
are come In this territory, that all which is opposed to God, ¦viz.,
the flesh, should be subject and united to God by the power of
the Spirit,
And it is just when such a completion of the work which Israel
was called to do, is contained in the mission of the prophet to
Nineveh, that the transition of salvation frora Israel to the Gen
tiles becomes intelligible ; for we have seen that this transition
depends upon the time of Israel's consumraation. But if so much
depends upon this mission, and if the condition of it be so com
prehensive, then we can understand, so much the more fully and
clearly, why Jonah was not equal to this task. One might con
ceive, indeed, that this inability might have been shown in a way
less striking and objectionable. For why must Jonah even flee
from Jehovah, and undertake a foolish voyage ? Why, besides,
should he express his dissatisfaction In a manner so revolting ? If
Jonah had not been a prophet, a servant of Jehovah, the dis
proportion between the man and the task which was imposed upon
him would have come out less glaringly and strikingly ; the
chasm would have been concealed, to a considerable extent, by a
hesitating, undecided conduct. But the prophets and servants
whom Jehovah chooses are just, entirely and fully, men, who do
not strive to mutilate thefr own nature, and to divide thefr ener
gies ; but whatever they do, they do with their whole soul and
strength ; and whatever they speak, they speak from their whole
heart and mind. This holds true in the good, as well as in the
evil. This great gain, however, results from It, that whatever of
good there Is In them, appears in the peculiar and inimitable fiil
ness of Divine works ; and whatever has, on the other hand,
remained imperfect and defective, shows the power of sin and of

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 215
the flesh expressed with equal strength ; so that indeed no one
can be deceived as to the existence of the imperfection, and every
one may also see where the deep ground of the imperfection
and incorapleteness lies.
According to this standard Jonah must be judged ; and It is
even in this, that the possibility lies of his history's having become
a significant type. Without dissimulation, and unreservedly, he
has exhibited the resistance of his carnal nature and carnal ¦will ;
and the Holy Spirit, In recording this resistance, has, as little,
abated and mitigated it. But It has, thereby, become for ever
manifest, not only that the transition of salvation from Israel to
the Gentiles would not yet take place at the time of Jeroboam,
but also what the causes were of this impossibility. By this, how
ever, this history has becorae a type ; for we learn from it, In the
first place, that the transition of salvation from Israel to the Gen
tiles, which, from the very outset, was intended and provided for,
will not be effected by the purification of the flesh gradually com
pleting itself, but by the deatli ofthe flesh. And, secondly, from the
dark shadow of Jonah, it becoraes manifest of what stamp that
man must be, who is to effect and accomplish that transition.
Because of this typical import of the history of Jonah, and In
order to coraprehend the significance of the period at which our
history has arrived, we must now Inquire more minutely wherein
the imperfection and inability of the prophet manifested them
selves. We have already seen that, generally, the two-fold
obstacle to the fulfilraent of his vocation was, first, the carnal
connexion In which he stood to the people oflsrael ; and, secondly,
the want of entire communion with Jehovah who sent him. In
Jonah's relation to, and contrast with the Gentiles, it is seen that
he Is still connected with his people by carnal ties. It is evidently
intended in the Book of Jonah, in so far to present to us the con
trast between Israel and the GentUes as to make It appear that, just
at the tirae when Israel, by Its pride, frustrated the last bestowal of
the mercy of Jehovah, the Gentiles, yea even the Gentiles ofthe
metropolis of the world, submit with susceptibility and humility to
the word of Jehovah which they hear for the first time ; and the
whole people, from the king on the throne to the lowest of his sub
jects, as well as the very beasts in the manger, are covered with
sackcloth in token of repentance before Jehovah (see Jon. iii. 6-9) ^

216 sect. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to r(jme.
Now what is the conduct of Jonah when placed by the side of this
contrast between heathen susceptibility and Israelitish obduracy?
We find that ha^vIng become disobedient to Jehovah's word and
command, he has becorae altogether a prey to the obduracy of
his carnal compatriots. Whilst the heathen sailors on the storm-
tossed sea pray, every man to his god, and work to lighten the
ship, Jonah lies in the sides of the ship, given up to a deep sleep
(see Jon. I. 5). While the heathens in the vessel are shaken in
their very hearts by the first and onlyannouncement of Jehovah,
the Creator of sea and earth, and, under the impression of such
fear of God, go and pay their vows to Jehovah (see Joh. I. 10,
14 — 16), Jonah continues his disobedience to Jehovah's express
command, although his individual and national past history points
everywhere, to Jehovah's omnipotence and mercy. Finally,
whilst the heathens in Nineveh, the metropolis of the world, as
soon as they hear of Jehovah's threatening, repent in the hope of
mercy, Jonah, ¦with his compatriots, persevere In the bigoted
view that Jehovah cannot spread His mercy over the Gentiles,
especially when He hides His countenance from His people (see
Jon, iv. 2), Jonah thus does not stand on the side of the sus
ceptible Gentiles, but on that of the unbelieving Jews. On the
other hand, we find It expressed by features which are equally
plain, that Jonah has not becorae one ¦with Jehovah. Pie must
suffer, indeed, for having fled from the face of Jehovah, by being
given up to the deep ; but a respite is granted to him by the fish,
so that he raay recollect himself, and, after ha'ving been obliged
to despair of all salvation and Ufe, may again apply to Jehovah in
prayer, in order, in that way, to obtain a new life out of death (see
Jon. ii. 1 — 11). But it is just afterwards that it becomes very
manifest how far Jonah is separated from Jehovah ; for, even after
he had gone through the midst of the sea, and had received his life
anew, solely fi'om the hand of Jehovah, he is able, indeed, to carry
out. In an effective raanner, and hence, ¦with all his strength and
devotedness, the coramand of Jehovah ; but after this has been
done, his comraunion with Jehovah, again and at once, coraes to
an end. He is with so little firraness rooted in the grace and
communion of Jehovah, that a plant which came up in a night
(see Jon. iv. 10) makes him exceedingly glad ¦with its shadow (see
iv. 6) ; whUe a worm which destroyed the gourd makes him sorrv

ACTS XXVII. 1 -XXVIII. 15. 217
and angry even unto death, and excites him to raurmur against
God (see iv. 7 — 9).
After all this. It is surely evident that he who really fulfils the
position and destination which were assigned to the prophet
Jonah, is none other than Jesus Christ. In the history of Jesus,
we have, in regard to the opposition between Jehovah and Israel,
and the contrast betwixt Israel and the Gentiles, just that very
conduct of which the history of Jonah exhibits to us the opposite.
As soon as the opposition between God and His people has
reached its consuraraation, Jesus is quite ready to give back and to
give up, through the eternal Spirit (see Heb. Ix. 14), to His
people in rebellion against God, His body which He had re
ceived from his Israelitish fathers (see Rom. Ix. 5). And where
He meets with the contrast between the susceptibility of the
GentUes and the obduracy of Israel, He does not omit to express,
openly, His joy at It (see Matt, viii, 10 — 12 ; xv. 28 ; John Iv,
40), Thus Israel has really been perfected in Him ; and hence
the moment of the transition of salvation from the Jews to the
Gentiles has really come. This then is the threatening sign of
the prophet Jonas, which Is now fulfilled upon Israel : — that
Jesus, after having been In the deep for three days and three
nights, and brought up new incorruptible life out of the bands of
death, no more lets His countenance shine upon His people, but,
at once, turns towards the Gentiles (see Matt, xii, 39 — 41 ; xvi,
4; Luke xi, 29 — 32), But that the Lord is Israel perfected
according to thefr foundation and nature, He means to make
manifest, by raising out of the midst of the corrupted people, by
means ofthe Word, and Spirit frora heaven, an instruraent which
is to carry His message to the Gentiles, and thus to follow up the
farther course intimated In the sign of Jonah, This chosen vessel
is the Apostle Paul (see Acts Ix, 15), St Paul, by thus taking
upon himself that which belongs originally to the office and work
of Jesus himself, — namely, to announce, after the resurrection of
Jesus frora the dead, the Ught, not only to the people, but also to
the Gentiles (see xxvi. 23) — becomes, in so far as this whole part
of the real carrying out of the announcement of salvation to the
Gentiles Is concerned, the New Testament Jonah, after, by the
three days and nights of his conversion (see ix, 9), he had been
received into the communion of the death and burial of Jesus

218 sect. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
Christ (see Rom. vi. 1 — 11). Although we have formerly had
occasion to direct attention to this Old Testament light which, in
no small degree, makes clear the vocation of the Apostle Paul ;
yet nowhere does the parallelism appear so clearly and instruc
tively as In the passage before us. For, In the first place, never
as yet. In the whole history of Israel, have the forsaking of God
on the part of the Jews, and their obduracy against the grace of
God, attained to such a height as in the time of St Patd's last
stay at Jerusalem and Cesarea. For never yet has God eorae
so near with His grace, raelting and taking possession of the
heart, as in Paul's message and companions from among the
Gentile nations. But, at the same time, never before has Israel
so wickedly and obstinately rebelled and raged against God's
work of mercy, as on this occasion. Hence this period corres
ponds, better than any forraer one, with the full raeasure of cor
ruption under Jeroboam, which we must conceive of as the
cause of Jonah's being sent to Nineveh. On the other hand, the
aim and object of the mission has never, so weU as in the case
before us, corresponded to the aim and object of the Old Testa
ment message. For it cannot, on bibUcal grounds, be for a
moment doubtfiil that the Nineveh of the time of Jonah cannot
be any thing else than the metropolis of the Roman Erapire, at
the time of St Paul. But Rome is the aira to which the journey
of the Apostle frora Cesarea is directed, and that by the shortest
way (see xxv. 12 ; xxvii. 1).
There Is here, then, a carrying out and realization of that for
which, as the ultimate aim, every thing from the. time of Abra
ham was preparing and arranging. At length, all the barriers
have fallen, all obstacles have been removed ; and the word of
God which, hitherto, has been always bound and straitened, has
at length prepared for itself an organ by means of which It can
reach the heights of the world. In order, fi-om this point, to make
the trumpet resound to the ends of the earth. Surely, we might
imagine that, with joy and happiness unspeakable, St Paul must
have sailed from the harbour of Cesarea, with his face turned
towards Rome ; for, behind this his departure we must conceive
of the holy ardour and pious longings of many centuries as the
divine spring, as it were. The moment that we would conceive
of this, however, there rises up before our minds the image of

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 219
Jonah, who, from Joppa, undertook to navigate the same sea,
and in the same direction ; but before we realize this fact, we
must give room to another thought. We know, indeed, that, in
the strength of Christ, St Paul has overcome his flesh. In order
that he may not be impeded or disturbed in his caUing, by a false
regard to his people. But was it the flesh only which once pre
vented J onah from turning to the East instead of to the West ?
Was it not the fle.sh which was connected with the grace of
Jehovah and consecrated by the Divine past history of Israel,
which proved too powerful for him, and so increased the grief
over Israel's apostacy, that he had roora for nothing else, and
least of all for the thought that he himself, ¦with his own hand,
was to set up and conflrm this antithesis between Israel and the
GentUes, In their relation to God? Since, then, St Paul was
free from the flesh, because he had kiUed It by the Spirit,
Jonah's resistance shews that the Apostle could not but feel, in
his spirit, grief on account of Israel's apostacy and rejection;
and it raay easily be perceived, that the more that such a grief
was pure and spiritual, the more it must have been deep and
poignant. As the Lord wept over Jerusalem when the last hour
of her mercy had struck (see Luke xix. 41 — 44) ; so St Paul, also,
whose soul was constantly fllled ¦with deep, unutterable sorrow
for his brethren after the flesh (see Rom. ix. 1 — 3), could, iu
sailing for Rome, not part from the land of Israel without the
deepest grief in his heart over their unfathoraable obstinacy and
obduracy, and the wicked fi-ustration of all God's thoughts
of mercy and ways of salvation, on the part of Jerusalem and
her children. The thought also is very natural, that since now
the last means of mercy have failed which, ever since the days
of Moses, God had ordained for the utmost obstinacy and hard
ness, ¦viz. — their being stirred up to zeal by the Gentiles — nothing
can now remain but a fearful looking for of judgment and of
fiery indignation against the disobedient (see Heb. x. 27). But,
since the last judgment upon Jerusalem and Israel was to be
ex:ecuted by the world's power (see Luke xxi. 20), Rome must
appear to him as the appointed judge and avenger upon Jeru
salem. What else, thus, is his preaching at Rome, but the
consecration of the Roman world's power for the sacred office of
judge and avenger upon the people of God (see Is. xiii. 3 ; Jer.

220 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
xxii. 7) ? Had it not been altogether the sarae with Nineveh ?
Was It not as If, by Jonah's preaching at Nineveh, and by the
repentance ofthe king with all his people there, Ashur had been
prepared to be a staff of the Divine ¦wrath, and a rod of the
Divine anger, in order that Shalraaneser raight be able to put an
end to the kingdom of Israel ?
If we bear this In mind, we easily understand that the great
joy which raust have distinguished this moment of the first free
out-going of God's message and grace Into the midst of the
world, was kept In abeyance by a deep grief. One might wonder,
perhaps, that St Luke does not, at this point in his account, make
any mention either of the elevating joy, or of the oppressive
sorrow ; and this silence of his might Indeed shake again our
entire view. But we must bear in mind that sacred historiography
does not indulge in superfluous remarks ; that, above all, it is
averse to any unnecessary manifestation of what is hidden and
belongs to the Inner sphere ; and that, on the contrary, it reports
with the consciousness always awake, that hidden things, be they
good or evU, shall not be brought fully to Ught, untU the day of
the Lord. But, in order to compensate for this, sacred history
keeps the more pointedly and carefully in view all external events,
so that that only Is communicated In which something Internal
manifests itself : and even then it is communicated just in such a
way as agrees with and reveals what is internal. In this we raust
farther consider that, for all external things in the domain of
sacred history, there is a distinct and definite value and order as
regards both matter and forra. Now it is true that biblical his
toriography therefore demands frora every one of its interpreters
and readers, that, with all self-denial and perfect sympathy, he
should place himself in that sphere and territory of life, in and
on which this history moves. This, however, Is nothing else
than what is simply implied in the general belief of the Church
in the Inspiration of the biblical Books. To hira who, with con
scientious faithfulness, complies with this demand in reference to
the books of sacred history, numberless matters which are ordl-
harily considered to be accidental, trifling, and raerely external
will, everywhere, gain spirit and life ; they will rise from the grave
of the letter, and present theraselves like living persons in the
eternal history of mankind. Such an attentive eye also will, in

acts XXVII. 1— XXVIII. 15. 221
the proper place, never fail to observe that the sacred writer adds,
wherever it is necessary, some express sign for the confirmation
of his view of the relations and circumstances.
In conformity with these general principles, we easily under
stand that St Luke, trusting that his readers will know to view
in a biblical light the circumstances and relations which accom
pany the departure of St Paul from Cesarea to Rome, does not
find it necessar}' to make any reraark about the Apostle's internal
views and disposition in entering upon this great crisis. We
cannot, indeed, know which feeling will be the prevailing one, —
whether it wUl be that of joy, or of sorrow ; but the facts which
the account Is to communicate to us will, no doubt, throw light
upon this. And here, at the very outset, the circumstance must be
remarkable, that, although St Paul is now led to the long wished
for object of his ApostoUc ministry, — although he is now, as he
never was before, freed from the obligation to Israel, and this in
order to devote himself, freely and fiiUy, to the Gentiles, —
although he is now living for months among heathens of the
most various character, and is compelled to have the closest
intercourse with them ; — it Is remarkable that, notwithstand
ing all this, not a single attempt at the conversion of a heathen
is communicated in this section of our history. If joy had
prevaUed in the heart of St Paul, — -joy that, now at length
the time had come for the conversion of the Gentiles through
out the whole world, and that he himself had been honoured
and chosen to accompUsh this great work of God, before
which hitherto all the prophets and saints were compelled to
stop short ; — then, such a keeping back of the Apostolical testi
mony from the Gentiles could never have taken place for so long
a time. And this perception, forced upon us by the facts them
selves, is most strikingly confirmed by the closing words of the
whole account of the journey. For, at the close of the section
nnder consideration (xxviii. 15), we read: " When Paul saw
the brethren from Rome, he thanked God, and took courage,"
By this gentle, but altogether indubitable hint, St Luke gives us
to understand that, on the whole voyage, and up to the moment
when, with his own eyes, he saw the Roman brethren, the
Apostle had been wanting in courage and confidence (Odpaoi).
It is only at the elose, and at the moment when It is about to be

222 sect, xxxv. paul's journey from cesarea to ROME,
removed, that St Luke lays open this want ; for the encouraging
word ofthe Lord In xxvii, 24 might, after all, very well refer to
a momentary fear only. It is this same chaste reserve and
silence which caused St Paul to give expression only once or
twice in his Epistles to this his deepest grief, although it never
left him. The circurastance which restored to St Paul his con
fident courage, throws, moreover, a light upon the reason of the
want of joyfiil confidence. For the sight of the members of the
Roman congregation evidently brought before the Apostle's ¦view
the great work which God by means of His Spirit had already
begun and founded in the metropolis of the world ; and thereby
the gracious will of God to put Rome in the place of Jerusalem
at once comes before the Apostle's mind in a raore lively manner
than It had ever before done. He now suddenly sees not only
the path to the heights of the world fuUy opened up ; but, on the
height, he already sees erected the ensign of Jehovah which the
Gentiles shall follow (see Is, xi. 12). The sight, in this journey,
ofthe Roman believers, makes a similar beneficial impression upon
the Apostle, as once, at Corinth, was made by the sight of Timothy
and Silas (see xviii. 5). We cannot, therefore, doubt that on the
whole voyage from Cesarea to the Three Taverns, we must con
ceive of the Apostle Paul as being In great affliction and depression,
not, by any means, on account of his Imprisonment and danger
in Rome, but because of Israel and Jerusalera ; for all the
¦wishes and hopes of his heart for his brethren according to the
flesh, which were connected with his journey to Jerusalem, have
been so completely frustrated, and now the hand of the Lord
must appear to him as being already lifted up for inflicting the
final stroke; and his own present journey from Jerusalem to Rome
must have appeared to him as a dl^vine sign of this affecting and
distressing crisis. In the soul and life of Jonah also, we perceive
the same affection and depression ; but since, In the Old Testa
ment prophet, they were held and sustained so much by the
carnal ground, that the Spirit seems to be altogether bound,
Jonah not only appears as entirely unfit for his prophetical office
and vocation, but even, in every point of view, perverse and evil,
yea, as evidently opposed to the Gentiles. In the Apostle of
Christ, the distress because of Israel rests generally and naturally,
and hence also at this time and on this occasion, on the foun-

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 223
datlon of the Spirit; and, therefore. It cannot be to hira an
obstacle either to his vocation or to his conduct and other
doings, in the way of duty. It is true that the striking
silence of the preaching of the Gospel araong the Gentiles
during so long a period cannot fail to be noticed by us ; it
cannot but appear to us to be strange aijd remarkable. But,
then, Is preaching the sole work of the ApostoUc office ? On
"the contrary, from the very commenceraent (see I. 1), and
throughout our Book, we have seen that, for the history of Jesus,
for the founding and establishing of all that is evangelical and
Apostolical, there exists such a connexion of life and action with
teachuig, that, on this territory, teaching, speaking, preaching, in
short, the whole power and importance of the word must always
be viewed as depending upon the territory of facts. This we
have hitherto found to be especially confirmed In the history of
the Apostle Paul. We have seen how his teaching, in its grand
fundamental features, as well as in its single detaUs and diversi
ties, has exactly obseryed and reflected the course of his history
and experience, In general as well as In particular. And St
Paul plainly regards himself from this point of view. Pie knows
himself, indeed, to be the herald, Apostle, and teacher of the
Gentiles (see 1 Tim. ii. 7) ; but he knows that this, his position
and ministry, by means of the word, is founded upon his history
and indi^viduaUty, according to which he, as the chief of sinners,
has obtained raercy In order to be a pattern to them who should
hereafter believe on Christ to life everlasting (see 1 Tim. I. 15,
¦ 16), It is for this reason also that St Paul feels himself occa-
sionaUy urged to point emphatically not only to his word, but also
to his Ufe, as a rule and pattern. Indeed we have seen that he
has enjoined upon the pastors of the Church of Christ the imita
tion of his own conduct and example in the Gentile congrega
tions, as the. most efficient means against the danger of the
coming seduction (see xx. 31, 35, comp. Phil. in. 17).
Now, since such is the state of St Paul's Apostolic office and
vocation, it does not, by any means, follow that, because he did
not proclaim the Gospel, his ApostoUc ministry was altogether
intermpted during this period. According to our view of this
period, indeed, such could scarcely be conceived ofi For, al
though his unspeakable grief on account of Israel's obduracy.

224 sect. xxxv. paul's journey from cesarea TO ROME.
and the final departure of the "word of mercy from Jerusalera,
the city of God, and her being irrevocably given up to the sad
fate of a desolation such as the world had never yet' seen, does
not permit him at once to begin his preaching to the Gentiles, in
asmuch as every breath, and every syllable in it, would have been
a condemnation of Isi;^el ; — ^yet, the spirit of the new life and of
the Apostolical office which uninterruptedly remained with him,
urges him on and determines him to such a conduct and line of
action, that, even without words, the Apostolic position of St Paul
Is manifested In a manner not to be mistaken ; just as the Apostle
Peter also demands of the faithful women that, even without
words, they should manifest, by their conduct, the Thinning spirit
of the new life (see 1 Pet. ill. 1, 2). And in this respect the his
tory of Jonah likewise affords us the proper light in which to
understand and view the conduct of the Apostle. For, just as
in the conduct of the Prophet Jonah, in his mission to the world's
city, we recognize the powerful prevalence of the unsubdued
flesh; so, in the conduct ofthe Apostle Paul on hisjoumey from
Cesarea to Rome, we recognize an equally powerful prevalence
of the Spirit. And as, accordingly, we must recognize, in
the carnal conduct of Jonah, the sure sign of his being unable
to become the prophet of the Gentiles; so, it cannot escape
us that, in the spiritual character of the Apostle Paul, in the
midst ofthe Gentiles, by land and by sea, the Divine seal upon
his Apostolic ministry for the Gentiles must be recognized. And
in this we see in general, how it was possible for St Luke to per
severe In his plan, although, in the section under consideration,
he evidently enters, in his account, upon the territory of the out
ward life. It is now Incumbent upon us, however, to show how
that which St. Luke, so minutely, and, evidently so, frora inten
tion, coraraunlcates to us regarding the conduct of St Paul on
this voyage Is fully adapted, from an aspect as iraportant as it is
new, to awaken and keep alive in us the conviction of St Paul's
Apostolic vocation.
The external sphere, in which the account under consideration
almost exclusively moves. Is, as we have already remarked, the
sea, with all its peculiarities and changes. If, then, this voyage
of St Paul be really the right continuation of his Apostolic
ministry, we here see, for the first time, how the direction of

ACTS XXVIL 1— XXVIU. 15. 225
sacred history goes out into the sphere ofthe sea. It is advisedly
that we here speak of the direction of sacred history in general ;
for the history of St Paul is not, by any means, a fragment of
sacred history, or some single, isolated branch of it. On the
contrary, we have seen that all the rivers and streams of sacred
history find thefr deep bed in the ApostoUc Ufe and office of St
Paul, in order, like the Okeanos of the ancient Greeks, to flow
around the whole circle of countries and nations. Thus we saw
St Paul, shortly before this, in his speech before king Agrippa ;
and in the same light he appears to us now, when we keep in mind
that, by his journey to Rome, the essential reference of the his
tory of Israel to the conversion of all the Gentiles to God, Is, for
the first time, fiiUy reaUzed, after having overcome almost Innu
merable obstacles. If, then, St Luke's account of the journey
really correspond to the undoubted destination and meaning of
the journey of St Paul, we here read the right continuation of
the history which has taken its rise from the calling of Abraham.
And it must, indeed, be looked upon as a very signiflcant event,
that the path of sacred history here leads us to the sphere of the
sea. It is a path altogether new, — far removed from all the former
paths and ways, WhUst, hitherto, sacred history has moved
'within narrow spheres, and territories which are near, and has,
only by way of leaps, gone to some distance, this is the first
walk through the world which the sacred pilgrim of God under
takes. The aim and object of sacred history is, in the first instance,
Israel, who have thefr firm and abiding seat in Canaan, This
land, it is true, with Its long Western shore, is situated on the
sea; but, as long as the completion of Israel only was con
cerned, this circumstance was, in the meantime, of no importance.
For in so far only are the regards everywhere turned away from
the Holy Land to the other parts of the world, as the view is held
out that all the families and nations of the earth are to be par
takers of the blessing of Israel. But the nations to which our
attention is directed by the farther course of that history which
commences with Abraham, are the nations of the immediate
neighbourhood, and, farther off, the people of Egypt, A slgnifi«
cant hint pointing to the distant Is indeed contained in the expe
dition of the four kings from the East (see Gen, xiv.) ; but this
VOL. III. P

226 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
hint pointing to a far distance directs us, as regards the coramo-
tlon and development of the nations, to the East, and not to the
West, — to the great raass of the countries of Asia, and not to
the seas, isles, and shores of Europe. And In this way the farther
course of history displays itself. The great masses of nations with
which Israel is afterwards brought into connexion all come frora
the interior of the Asiatic countries. But, for this reason, the re
ferences to the Western world of nations which very early emerge,
and are always viewed in connexion with the sea, must appear so
much the more remarkable and important. To these references,
especially, belongs theremark ofthe so called "table ofthe nations"
on the " Isles ofthe Gentiles" (see Gen. x. 5). We at once see from
this context, that as Genesis speaks of a multitude and connexion
of Gentiles in the East (d^i j "n^Q h^'lP\> Gren. xiv. 1, 9), so, in
the West, on the isles, it conceives likewise of such a group of
Gentiles. By naming their territory, the " Isles," it designates
the West according to that form and appearance which it holds
out to the Jews, viz., as sea. Isles, and shores. For the addition
Dri!J1t^2 shows that, even in this passage, the term Q'l!!^ is not to
be limited to isles In the proper sense. Those Gentiles which the
table of the nations mentions on this Western group of Isles and
countries,][are descendants of Japhet, to whom the blessing was
given that he should spread far and wide over the earth, — the most
original destiny of man (see Gen. ix. 27 ; comp. Delltzsch zur
Genesis S. 209). Even by this circumstance, that among the
Japhethites it is those inhabitants and nations of the isles who are,
before all others, marked out and distinguished by the table of
the nations, it is intimated, with sufficient plainness, that It wishes
them to be acknowledged as the bearers ofthe blessing bestowed
upon Japhet, and that, hence, it foresees in them the real subjects
of the history of Japhet. Hence, we shall not only say, as
DeUtzsch does (see 1. c. S. 217) : " The writer knows more than
he says ; in that which he says, he is guided by the relative im
portance of the single families, tribes, and nations, for the history
of salvation ;" but that the "writer says everything which we really
need for the exposition of the passage, — namely, that he sd
much distinguishes the Western Japhethites, because, in them,
he recognizes the main subjects of the history of Japhet. No
wonder that this hint of the table of the nations is kept In

ACTS XXVII. 1— XXVIII. 15. 227
view in later times also, and that at length It has been fulfilled
in history, as everything which is written shall and must be fiil
fiUed. It was Balaam the prophet from among the Gentiles, whose
people and residence were on the Euphrates (see Numb. xxii. 5),
who had been called from the mountains of the East (see Numb.
xxiii. 7) ; — it was Balaam to whom, in consequence of his peculiar
position with reference to the GentUe world, and the development
of the nations, the farther disclosure regarding the historical im
portance of the West was communicated by the Spirit of Jehovah,
with a view to its being announced. Standing on a lofty tower,
fi-om which he obtains a far glance into the future commotions of
the nations by which Israel is to be affected, he first turns his face
towards the East, but, afterwards, towards the West also. In the
land of his nativity, on the river Euphrates, and on the moun
tains ofthe Armenian highlands, lie the germs of the future events
of the history of the nations. Here NImrod's dominion prevailed.
Here he founded Babylon and Nineveh (see Gen. x. 8 — 12).
Here will arise the terrible Asshur who, with his superior power,
will tum towards the West ; and whom no one will be able to
withstand (see Numb. xxiv. 22, 23). But Balaam beholds also
the faU of this terrible world's power which comes from the
East, not, indeed, as effected immediately by God himself; for he
beholds another Empire which victoriously opposes that Eastern
power and destroys it : — and that Is the Western Empire which,
"with an evident allusion to the table of the nations, he describes
as " ships coming from Chittim or Cyprus " (Numb. xxiv.
24 ; compare Hengstenberg's History of Balaam S. 199 — 202.)
This Western world's power which, as being the latest and
greatest, Balaam, the prophet from araong the Gentiles, contrasts
¦with the Eastern one, is therefore Intentionally represented as
being on the other side of the sea, and, hence, as living on the
isles and shores. Now Balaam evidently received the commis
sion to intimate, in Its grand outlines, the whole course of the con-
fUct between Israel and the Gentiles. And, since he closes his
visions by announcing the destruction of this Western power also,
he evidently intends us to view this Western world's power as the
last which is to appear on the scene, and with the destruction of
which all hostile powers on earth, directed against Israel, are
p2

228 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
destroyed ; so that now this people, blessed above all others, may,
and shall undisturbedly maintain its position and importance.
We need not wonder that this prospective view into these" conflicts
and this progress of the history of the nations remains, for a long
time, completely Isolated, just as the appearance of Balaam stands
also altogether isolated in the Old Testament history. The rela
tion of the Eastern world's powers to Israel is so strongly and
irresistibly forced upon the later prophets, — partly by the imme
diate present, partly by the events immediately Impending, — that
their attention is entirely engrossed with these relations irarae
diately at hand ; and they have scarcely any occasion for looking
beyond this sphere of the commotions coming from the East.
One seer only of the Old Testament has, like Balaam, been
pri^vUeged to direct his regards towards the West, and to look
into these remotest and last commotions which are destined to
take their rise from this opposite part of the earth, after the times
of the East have come to a close. This seer Is Daniel, who, by
-the providential guidance of his God, had his residence in the
sarae main points of the history of the Eastern nations, to whom
Balaam too belonged by his birth. Moreover, Daniel, when a
youth, was initiated into the language and science ofthe Chaldees,
the principal people in the East (see Dan. i. 4) ; and, when a
man, was entrusted with high honours and dignities under vari
ous dynasties ofthe Eastern world's power (see Dan. U. 48, 49;
V. 11, 12 ; vi. 2, 28). We shall find it so much the more in
telligible that to this man again a disclosure of the Future of the
Western Empire is committed, that it may be written down and
communicated to Israel ; and a disclosure, too, far more compre- '
hensive than that which was given to Balaam ; inasmuch as it is
in the days of Daniel that, for the first time, the kingdom of the
world Is founded and established in such a manner that, from that
time onward, it retains, to the end, an abiding and uninterrupted
continuity. Before the prophetic eye of Daniel, the Western
Gentile power shows itself quite distinctly as the continuation of
the Eastern kingdom of the world ; and he designates it by a
name which again very plainly reminds us of the allusion of the
table of the nations to the isles of the Western world, — namely,
by the name of Javan (see Dan. viii. 21 ; x, 20), Thus, then, the
Western world's power again appears in a manner altogether the

acts XXVII. 1— XXVIII. 15. 229
same as that in which Balaam had represented It, — namely, as
an Empfre of isles. But this idea is still farther maintained and
foUowed out by Daniel. For the Western world's power, which
Balaam knows as still one only, is, in the view of Daniel, divided
into a two-fold kingdom ; just as the Eastern world's power like
wise represents Itself as two-fold. And the second Western
kingdom — the Roman — in the two passages where it comes into
contact with the first Western kingdom — the kingdora of Greece
— ^likewise appears as being connected with the isles, with the
ships of Chittira (see Dan. xi. 18, 30). From the circumstance
that Daniel, in the text last quoted, resumes this peculiar desig
nation of Balaam's In Numb. xxiv. 24, It becomes quite evident
that Daniel intends that the fourth, the Roman, kingdom of the
world should be considered, geographically, from the same point
of view as that from which the kingdom of Javan and the main
tribes of Japhet from the first have been considered by Scripture.
Thus, by the two prophets who describe the future history of
the nations — by Balaam and Daniel— the last periods of the
world's history have been transferred to the West, and appear in
an essential connection with the sea and the kingdom of the Isles.
It is true that, in these prophetic utterances, it is the history and
the form of the kingdom of the world which is the point in ques
tion ; but, since the kingdom of the world is a concentration
of the Gentiles, the relation of Israel to the Gentiles must,
necessarily and substantially, be also a relation to the kingdom
of the world ; and hence, from this prophetic point of view, the
relation of Israel to the blessing and salvation of the Gentiles
will always necessarilypoint to the West, to the sea, and to the
isles. The aspect last touched upon In the Future of the Isles, and
which, in the account under consideration, meets us in the first
instance, and for the first tirae, has been prominently brought
forward chiefly by that prophet who first received a clear and full
insight into the necessity of a previous dissolution oflsrael before
the final salvation could be expected, — naraely, by the prophet
Isaiah, It is true that this prophet has, in the first instance, to
do with the present and threatening world's power — Asshur and
Babylon, — a circumstance which results from his whole position.
But, in consequence of the history of the beginnings of tlie

230 sect. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
nations' developments, and because of the prophecy of Balaam,
so much of the Future is, after all, disclosed to hira also, — that in
the isles, too, a world's power is resting which would co-operate
for the destruction ofthe people oflsrael. Thus, quite in harmony
with Gen. x. 5, he conceives of a main power ofthe Gentiles in the
Western isles ; and, for this reason, he is fond ofthe connexion of
" isles and nations" (see Is.xl. 15; xii. 1; lix. 18 ; Ixvi. 19.) With
this is connected the circumstance, that in the general hostile oppo
sition between Israel and the nations which, according to the "view
of the prophet, is to take place, the isles appear as taking a con
siderable share in this hostility against Israel (see Is. xi. 11 ; Ux.
18). Although Isaiah does not declare it with the clearness and
distinctness of Balaam and Daniel, yet so much may very well
be gathered from these intimations : — that he likewise conceives
of the last development of the heathen world's power as taking
place in the Isles, after — this he always holds upto"view — thepower
of Nineveh and Babylon shall be broken. On the other hand, as
regards the isles, it Is peculiar to this prophet to declare, expressly
and prominently, a feature to which these others, as we have
seen, only allude, — namely, the view of the conversion of the
isles to Jehovah, — a subject on which Isaiah has, several times,
£ind with[, especial predilection, enlarged (see Is. xxiv. 14, 15;
xUi. 4, 10, 12 ; xiix. 1 ; li. 5 ; Ix. 9). And it Is just this pre
cedent of the great Isaiah, by which his successors in the
prophetic office have allowed themselves to be taught (see Jer.
xxx. 10 ; Zeph. ii. 11).
From all this, it Is sufficiently e"vident that, even under the
Old Testament, Israel recognized, not only generally, but clearly
and distinctly, their Divine destination and prophetical caUing
for the lands of the Isles, — for the Western lands of Europe. It
is, then, no doubt also In consequence of that universal position
which makes Israel the centre of the development of the nations,
that Israel's land stood open to the sea also, and had, hence, a
natural Intimation that their task pointed to the West (see v.
Raumer's Palaestina, S, 373 — 376), Originally, and according
to the first Divine arrangement, this indication was still more
distinct than afterwards, in consequence of the defective manner
in which Israel carried out the Divine will, it could appear to be.
The real front which the track of the shores of Syria and Pales-

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIU, 15. 231
tine turns towards the sphere ofthe Isles and the West, Is that part
over which Phoenicia afterwards extended ; for here, in ancient
times, were the best harbours, — harbours now. Indeed, filled up
with sand. The oldest and most celebrated harbour and sea-town
was Sidon, which not only belonged to the country of Canaan
(Gen, X, 19), but was also adjudicated and portioned out to the
people of God (see Gen xiix, 13; Josh, xix, 28), From the
cfrcumstance that Israel's land was to extend to the harbour of
great Sidon, the people of God were directed to acquire the
produce and the riches of the sea, as is distinctly declared by
both Jacob and Moses (see Gen, xiix. 13 ; Deut, xxxiii, 19).
But, in this respect as well as in many others, Israel has not fiil
fiUed his task. Israel did not conquer Sidon (see Judg. I. 31), —
and thus has forfeited the raost Important point of connexion with
the West (see Jerem, xxv, 22 ; Ezek, xxvi, 15 ; xxvii, 3), But
from this it appears beyond any doubt that if Israel, In conse
quence of it, remained in ignorance of the sea and isles, this is
one of the many signs that Israel did not attain to its completion
in the Old Testament time. The circumstance that Israel, In
the Old Testament time, kept aloof from the sea is, according to
this context, the outward manifestation of the inability of the
people of God to discharge, at that time, their duty towards the
Gentiles, and especially towards the Gentiles of the kingdom of
the Isles. The circumstance, also, that the two cases in which
Israel ventured out into the sea are expressly mentioned in the
sacred historical books (see 1 Kings Ix. 26, 27 ; x. 11 ; xxii. 49 ;
2 Chron. xx. 35 — 37) likewise proves that the relation oflsrael
to the sea Is essentially connected with the destiny of this people.
The nautical enterprlzes of Solomon served, no doubt, for the
enriching and glorification of his kingdom and reign, and have,
thereby, a vast Importance for the completion of the Israelitish
kingdom ; but, according to the original destination, this navi
gation ought to have been undertaken independently, — a cir
cumstance which we see most clearly from the fact that it is
accoraplished by the help of Hfram only, the king of the Sidon-
ians (see 1 Kings iii. 6), and, hence, with the help of that
seafaring nation which had been assigned to Israel as a conquest
and property. But, on the other hand, the expedition by sea,
which Jehoshaphat intended to undertake with IsraeUtish strength

232 SECT. xxx-/. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
exclusively, failed from the very outset, — as a sign that Israel
could as little let the sea altogether alone, as they were able to
subdue it. But the land-fleeing prophet Jonah's unfortunate
voyage from Joppa, shows most plainly that, during theJijOld
Testament time, Israel's place is not yet on the sea. Hence, dur
ing this period of his preparation, Israel must be content to enlarge
his knowledge ofthe world, — a knowledge which was destined to
comprehend everything, — not by his own experience, but by ap
propriating the knowledge and communications which came from
other quarters; so that, in such an indfrect manner, he became
acquainted with the sea, and, also, "with its pecuUarities, That
such was done in an admfrable way, is shown by the glorious
description in Ps, evil, 23 — 32.
In our present context, and especially also with a distinct
regard to the account under consideration, it must, however, not
be overlooked, that a peculiar ¦view of the nature of the sea
which, in Scripture, we find distinctly expressed, wUl put in a
still clearer light that relation of Israel to the sea and isles which
we have pointed out. For, according to Scripture, the sea is the
original chaotic water which has been embanked, and the roaring
deep of the original water is, as we have afready remarked (comp.
remarks on xxvi. 18), the manifestation of the evil, destructive
powers on earth. Now, it is true that, by the word and work of
the third day of creation, this chaotic original power Is reduced
to order, and placed, as the sea, among the good works of God.
But, with very e^vident intention, it is more than once pointed
out, that the embankment of the sea must be conceived of as the
victory over au original destructive power (see Prov. "viu. 27, 28 ;
Ps, xxxiii. 7 ; civ. 7 ; Job. xxxviii. 8 — 11). The waters of the
sea are, accordingly, still the very same waters which, as a roar
ing abyss, in the beginning made the earth a wilderness ; — oidy,
that at present they are embanked by the firm shores, just as the
original darkness has, by the order of the heavenly lights, been
changed into night. But, since the whole work of creation is
intended for, and has in view, man, everything will be finally
determined by the conduct of man ; and as long only as man
himself continues to be good, the works of creation ako wiU, firmly
and abidingly, continue to be good, and the evil powers on earth
to be bound. But as soon as man falls fi-om his destination, the

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15, 233
divine word of creation which maintains the world, and arranges
it into a sphere of life and blessing, will be relaxed, and the
destructive powers will again invade the sphere of life and
blessing. Thus, the embanked sea is again changed into the
dreadful and powerfiil original deep (Gen, "vil. 11), as soon as the
measure of man's sin has been filled up. Thus, the security which
by the word of creation had been placed around the shores of the
sea, has been undermined by the sin of man ; and the sea, in its
easily aroused disquietude and destructlveness, extinguishing aU
Ufe, again manifests that character which, originally and at the
very first, belonged to It. Hence, to Old Testament view, the sea
appears as the disquieted, raging, turbulent element (see Job vii,
12), as the image of sin, restless and always, in its innermost
foundation, disquieted and driven about (see vty^j Is, Ivii,
20), But, just as the sea is a power surrounding the whole
earth, so there is also a similar appearance of restless and wUdly
raging sin surrounding all mankind ; and that is the power of
the Gentiles raging over the earth (see Is. viii. 7, 8 ; xvu. 12 ;
Rev. xvii. 1, 15). For this reason, the place also from which
the beasts of the heathen world's power rise, is just the raging
sea (see Dan. "vii. 2, 3 ; Rev. xiii. I) ; and, for the same reason,
it must disappear when, by God's grace and judgment, the raging
of all heathens shall be stilled (see Rev. xx. 1). Since then the
sea is. In Scripture, viewed in this light, two things which have
already come out, are thereby rendered still more clear. In the
first place, we now understand more easUy why Israel, during
the Old Testament time, did not take possession of the sea,
although such was his destination ; for if the sea be the cosmic
manifestation of the sin of mankind, then the victory over sin
must be accomplished before the submission of the sea can take
place. But the whole Old Testament history bears witness
that Israel under the Old Covenant did not overcome sin, but
ever and anon fell under the power of it. The second point
which, by the view of the sea which we have indicated, is made
obvious to us, is the idea of the connexion of the heathen power
with the Isles, For, it is just when the sea is the natural form
of the wildly raging and turbulent heathen multitude, that we
can account for the fact, that the last and chief display of the

234 SECT, xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
heathen world's power was transferred to the Isles in the sea, and
at the other side of the sea.
The more significant and remarkable, therefore, it must appear
to us, that Israel kept back from the sea, the greater importance
we must assign to the departure of the Apostle Paul frora
Cesarea ; Inasmuch as its whole object and aim Is nothing else
than to bear testimony to the Divine truth at Rome, the centre
of the last heathen power In the Isles. We now see, not only
that the relation of Israel to the heathen world, which hitherto
had been constantly forced into the background, opens up, in Its
whole extent, without any limitation ; but we see also why it is,
that this great crisis in the history of Israel is connected with a
voyage. And should not even here a light arise to show us why it is
that St Luke tries to hold us fast with so much cIrcumstantiaUty,
just at this form in which this great crisis is introduced and
accoraplished ? Should not, indeed, this great minuteness In the
account of the voyage and of its various events, even to the
minutest details which appear, at first sight, to be mere accidents,
make an impression altogether strange, specially when taken in
connexion with the other contents of the book ? May It not rather
have been, intended and designed. In the clear and steady con
sciousness of the connexion of the whole of the sacred history I
After the preceding consideration of the Old Testament back
ground, I trust that no one "will any longer maintain, that it must
be considered as a circumstance altogether accidental that the
men whom the Lord chooses as His fit instruments for His work,
are acquainted with the life and work on the sea, and that thereby
It Is brought about, that the sacred history, which, under the Old
Testament, does not yet know to report anything particular regard
ing Israel's contact with the sea, at once proceeds, as soon as it
passes over to New Testaraent territory, in a significant manner
to the territory of the sea. It Is in this way that it becomes
manifest that the anointed King of Israel commands the wind
and the sea (see Luke viii. 25) ; that the living creatures which
pass through the paths of the sea (see Ps. viii. 9) are not
hidden from His eyes (see Matt. xvii. 24—27), and foUow His
beckoning (see Luke v. 4 — 11 ; John xxi. 1 — 14) ; that the
waves of the agitated sea are to His foot like beaten paths (see

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 235
Mark vii. 47 — 52). These New Testament phenomena are not,
by any means, equivalent to the Old Testaraent miracles which
were performed upon the waters of the sea and of the Jordan
(see Exod. xiv ; Josh. U. ; 2 Kings ii. 8). It is true that, in
these mfracles also, the conquering of the sea, is the point at
issue ; but this conquering still appears as pre-eminently and alto
gether effected by Divine causation which connects itself with
the staff of Moses, with the Ark of the Covenant, and vrith the
garment of the prophet. Moses himself, however, has not yet
united his person to this Divine miraculous power. But in the
conduct of our Lord towards the sea, this union of the Divine
and human causation in one person appears. For, as in His
whole life, so here, the foundation is none else but His huraan
nature. He, as the author and finisher of faith, penetrates this
His human nature "with the full measure of faith, and thus
renders it a partaker of that power and dominion which, from the
very beginning, have been granted to-it by God. In such strength
of faith. He gives himself up to sleep in the midst of the stormy
sea (see Matt. "viil. 24). In such strength of faith. He walks
on the turbulent flood ; and it is only because St Peter is
destitute of the same immoveable flrmness of faith, that he is
unable to do the same (see Matt. xiv. 31). Here we have, for
the first time, the fact of the complete victory over the sea in all
its Impetuosity ; here, for the first time. Is that task fulfiUed
which, in reference to the sea, has been assigned to the whole
people of Israel. In this fact, then, the firm centre also has been
found to which everything must connect itself which has been
farther committed to the people of Israel on this territory. For
this fact In the life of our Lord must now be regarded as the
abiding point of commencement ; but not, by any means, as the
completion of the whole. And this is indicated with sufficient
clearness by the circumstance, that all these events have taken
place, not in the great Western Sea, behind, and in which the
Isles and western lands are situated ; but on the Sea of GaUlee,
the Sea of Chinnereth, which, in the Old Testament, has been
scarcely thought worthy of raention (see v. Raumer Palaestina,
S. 50, 51). In so far as the Lake of Gennesareth is a sea,
we have here the real victory of man over the sea, which hitherto
we wanted ; but in so far as this sea is only a smaU lake, we have

236 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
here only a small beginning in the form of a germ, for the dis
play of which we are called to look. Nor does Jesus omit to
point out, that the outward employment of the disciples with
the sea and the fish of the sea has a connexion with thefr future
vocation of extending and continuing the work of Christ (see
Luke V. 10). But tho Apostles of Israel, as regards their rela
tion to the sea, stUl go on in the same way as did the people of
Israel in the whole of the Old Testament time. The original
Apostles as little came into contact with the sea, as they
devoted themselves to the conversion of the Gentiles, At least,
sacred history makes no mention of anything ha"\ing been done,
although, perhaps. It may have been ; and it thereby clearly inti
mates that in the life and ministry of the twelve apostles we have
not to expect or to look for the continuation of the preparation
of Israel, or of the commencement made by Jesus in the direc
tion pointed out. But with so much the greater certainty
may we see that this continuation is given in the history of the
Apostle of the Gentiles. Him we have afready found twice
placed on different parts of the great Western Sea, under cir
cumstances which indicate very distinctly an important progress
in the history of salvation, — and that just in the direction brought
into view, — first in Seleucia (see xiii. 4), then in Troas (see xvi.
8 — 10) ; and his voyage across the sea has, on both of these
occasions, shewn precisely the great and decisive results in the
Gentile world which, according to these intimations, we could
not avoid expecting. Now we see him placed, a thfrd time, on
the sea ; and it appears, both from the place of his departure and
that of his destination, that now we should conceive of all which
has preceded as concentrated into one point ; — for now the
Apostle saUs imraediately from the land of Israel, and his desti
nation is the centre of the West.
If, then, such be the significance and position of the departure
of the Apostle Paul from Cesarea, in [the connection of the
whole history of salvation, must we not say that St Luke, just by
representing this in the Ught of a real voyage, — that is, of a -vic
tory over the great sea, — assigns the right position to this event ;
and that he thereby proves himself to be guided by that Spirit
who ih sacred history is He who guides and urges on, who deter
mines and counsels ? That which, at first sight, appeared strange

acts xxvii, 1 — XXVIII. 15. 237
to our eye, now corresponds to our thoughts and expectations.
We had, formerly, occasion to remark, that St Luke communi
cates -with special intention the details of a voyage of St Paul.
At that place (see xx. 13 — 16 ; xxi, 1 — 7) it was done with the
express purpose of showing. In a very graphic way, that St Paul
was. In his journey to Jerusalem, returning from the world of the
Isles, If then we correctly stated the reason for the many nauti
cal expressions. It follows as a matter of course that, in the sec
tion now under consideration, St Luke must make this pecuUarity
appear stUl more strikingly. This indeed is the case, and in
order to convince ourselves that this peculiarity really appears as
strongly and characteristically as, according to these preliminary
remarks, we are entitled to expect, we shall here give a summary
of these words, phrases, and sentences which in this respect are
peculiar. In the account ofthe voyage under consideration the fol
io-wing nautical expressions occur : — aTroTrXeii', xxvii, 1 ; TrXeti',
ver, 2; irXeov, ver, 6 ; TrXoia ^ ABpafivTTTjvw, ver. 2 ; irXolov 'AXe^-
avBplvov, ver. 6 ; dvrjxGrffiev, ver. 2 ; KaTtfixOffpLev, ver. 3 ; dva-
X0^vTe<i, ver. 4 ; vireTrXevaafjiev, ver. 4 ; •rreXayo';, BiaTrXevaavre^,
ver. 5 ; ^paBvTrXoovvTe<;, VTreTfXevaafiev, ver. 7 ; irapaXeyofievov,
KaXoii'i Aifieva'i, ver. 8 ; ^rffiia tov <f>opTiov Kai tov ttXoIov, tw
ttXovv, ver, 10 ; tS> KV^epvqTtg Kai tu> vavKXrfptp, ver, 11 ; irapa-
Xeifido'cii, ver, 12; apavre'i, TrapeXeyovTO, ver, 13; dvdyeaOai,
ver, 21 ; toi3 ttXoiov, ver, 22 ; Bia^epofjiivmv iv ra> ^ABpia, ver.
27; ev TO) TrXoim, ver, 31; axoivla Tr\<s aKd<f>r]<;, ver, 32; ev Tm
irXolai, ver, 37 ; et? Trfv ddXaaaav, ver, 38 ; exKoXvpi^ijaa';, ver.
42 ; Tov<; Bvvafievov; KoXvfi^av, ver, 43 ; cTrt aaviai,v, d-TTo tov
irXoiov, ver, 44 ; 57 vrjaoi;, xxviii, 1 ; rij? OaXdaafft;, ver. 4 ;
dvrjxOrffiev, ver, 11 ; KaTaxOevre^, ver, 12 ; eTriyevofievov Norov,
ver 13, Of phrases of that kind we remark the foUo-wing :
Sta TO Toir? dvifiovs elvai ivavTiov;, xx-vii, 4 ; ive^i^aaev rjfia'i
et? TO "n-Xoiov, ver, 6 ; fifj •7rpo<;ewvTO<} rffidf; tov dvkfiov, ver, 7 ;
oVto? rjBrf iinatpaXovs tov ttXoo?, ver, 9 ; dvevOeTOv Be tov Xifievo'i
vTrdpxovTO'i Trpo? Trapaxeifiaaiav, ver^ 12 ; Xifieva ttji; KfrrfTrp}
^errovra Kara Xl^a koI Kara %t3poi/, ver, 12 ; vTrorrvevaavTOf
Se voTov, ver, 13 ; dve/jio'; ru^wKtao?, 6 KaXovfievof EvpoKaXvBcav,
ver, 14; vTro^covvvvTe^ to ttXoIov, ver, 17; et? vffaov Be riva
fffjM'; eKTreaeiv, ver, 26 ; virevoow ol vavrai irpoadyeiv nva avTol<;
XiopaV) ver, 27 ; itcovcfu^ov to vXoiov, ver, 38, Of whole sen-

238 sect, xxxv, paul's journey from cesarea to ROME.
fences of these contents the following occur : avvapiraadevTOis
Be TOV irXoiov, Kai fi-q Bvvafievov dvTO^OaXfielv tw dvifia, hriBov-
Te? iipepofieOa, xxvii. 15 ; vrjaiov Be ri inroBpafiovTe'; KoXovfievov
KXavBrjv, ptoXii lax^aafiev 7repiKpaTei<; yeveadai t^? crKa^ij?,
ver. 16 ; fjv apavTe<; /Soij^eiat? ixpoivTO, vTrofy)vvvvTe<; to irXoiov
<f>o^ovfievoi Te fir) et? ttjv SvpTiv iKweaayai, xaXdaavTe^ to aKevo';,
oiixto? i^ipovTo, ver. 17 ; a(poBpw Be ^et/ta^o/iej/wj/ fjfiSiv, ttj
e^? eK^oXrjv iiroiovvTO, ver. 18 ; koI Ty TpiTrj avToxeipe<i ttjv
aKevfjv TOV irXoiov eppiT^afiev, ver. 19 ; fiijre Be rfXiov, fiijre
daTpoJv eirKpaivovToyv eTTt irXeiovaii rifikpa<;, ;)^6t/At3j'o? tc ovk oXi
yov iiTLKeifievov, Xoivov TrepiypeiTO rrdaa eXTrt? tov adt^eadai
rjfid^, ver. 20 ; ore Be rjfiepa iyevero, ttjv yrjv ovk iireyivcoaKov
koXttov Be Tiva Karevoovv exovTa aiyiaXov, et? ov e^ovXevaavTO,
et BvvaivTo, e^waai to irXoiov, ver. 39 ; Kai Ta<; dryKvpa<; irepie-
Xoi'Te? etoiz/ et? Trjv QdXaaaav, dfia dvevTe<; Ta? ^evKTripia<; twv
•ynjBdXttav Kai eirtjipavTe^ tov dprefiova ry Trveovar/ Karelxov ei<i
TOV alyiaXov, ver. 40 ; 7repnrea6vTe<i Be et? tottov BiOdXaaaov,
e-TTcoKeiXav ttjv vavv Kai r) fiev rrpcopa epeiaaaa efieivev dadXevTO';,
rj Be irpvfiva eXvero inro tTj^; /3ta? twv KVfidrav, ver. 41 ; fieTo, Be
T/oet? firjva<i dvrjxOrjfiev ev irXoitp irapaKexeifiaKOTi ev Ty vrjaio
'AXe^avBpivcp, Trapaayfup Aiowovpoi^, xxviii. 11.
In the whole range of literature there -will scarcely be found a
section, so small comparatively, in which so raany nautical words,
phrases, and sentences occur as in that which is now under
review. That which we have forraerly found ourselves Induced
frequently to remark, and which has lately been pointed out by
others also (see Zeltschrift fifr Protestantismus, 1852, Mayheft,
S. 308),— namely, that St Luke in his account is remarkable for
an objective treatment of his different materials — is here seen In
a very eminent degree. An experienced Englishman who has-
lately undertaken, with special interest and great care, to Inqufre
into the technical part of this account of the voyage, gives it as
his opinion that the account and representation raake altogether
the impression that the writer was a most faithful and careful
eye witness ; without, however, having any professional acquaint
ance with navigation and nautical affairs (see Jaraes Smith, The
Voyage and Shipwreck of St Paul, London, 1848, p. xix., xx.,
7 — 9). Now, since we know that St Luke has so assiduously
appUed himself to this pecuUarity of representation for this rea-

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIU. 15. 239
son, that the direction towards the sea forms an essential and
characteristic feature in the contents of the account under con
sideration : — we find ourselves as much disposed as enabled to
follow the sacred historian in these details of his representation
and account, as far as it Is necessary and profitable for the unity
and course ofthe development ofthe whole which we have here
to follow.
At the very beginning, St Luke points out that St Paul, with
the other prisoners, was delivered to a centurion (see xxvii. 1).
That this remark is of some importance to him, we see frora the
cfrcumstance, that he not only notices the name of the man, but
also the name of his cohort. Both of the names are as genuinely
Roman as the name Cornelius, and the "Italian cohort" (see x. 1).
We are not now under the necessity of simply assuming, "with
Grotius, that the name of the legion had been transferred to the
cohort. We now know from the Roraan military Inscriptions
published by Kellermann, that even the cohorts had their names
(see Vomel im Frankfurter Schulprogramme, 1850, S. 7). As,
therefore, the cohort of the centurion Cornelius, was caUed the
Italian cohort, so, that of the centurion Julius, was called
Augustus' cohort. Whilst thus the proper name of the centu
rion reminds us of Caesar, the name of his cohort points to
Augustus, and to the imperial dynasty. That which the centu
rion is per se in consequence of his position, viz., a perfect
representative of Roman manners, and the Roraan Empire, isj
by these names, still more distinctly designated and represented.
From many signs which cannot be mistaken, we were obliged to
infer that the ordinances and constitution of the Roman empire
were. In the present, favourable to the advancement of the king
dom of Christ, and, especially, to the cause of St Paul. But
this was most decidedly manifested to us by the circumstance,
that it was the Roman military power — this really fundamen
tal power of the Roman Empire — which delivered the Apostle
Paul, at the moment of the most threatening danger of death,
out of the hands of the murderous Jews, and guarded and
protected him from the still existing danger of death ; so that
the military; tribune, Lysias, with his legion garrisoning the
Castle of Antonia, afforded to St Paul the only possible deUver
ance and security during his last stay at Jerusalem. Accord-

240 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
ingly, we shall here also, where St Luke so expressly marks the
circumstance of the Apostle's having been delivered up to the
military power, think rather of sure protection, than of strict
and burdensome surveillance. And so, indeed, it turns out to be.
Even at the first harbour where the vessel touched, St Luke men
tions the kind treatment which St Paul experienced frora the cen
turion (see ver. 3) ; and afterwards, it is again the centurion who
more than once employs hisbffilclal power according to the mind,
and In favour, of St Paul (see ver, 31, 32 — 43), We perhaps owe
It also to the kindness of this military officer, who might appeal to
the example of the Procurator (see xxiv, 23), that Aristarchus
of Thessalonica in Macedonia, and St Luke, were permitted to
accompany St Paul (ver, 2), By these companions, the advan
tage arising to the whole Christian Church from the whole
experience and conduct of St Paul on this remarkable voyage,
was communicated to the congregations in the safest and most
expeditious way ; and, even to this day, we owe to this cfrcum
stance the graphic, autoptic account of this voyage by St Luke.
With what exceeding care St Luke intends to enter into the
minutest circumstances of this voyage, he at once indicates by
communicating, at the very commencement of his account, the
information which he had acquired regarding the country to which
belonged the vessel in which they embarked in the harbour of
Cesarea. For, although it may, after all, remain tmcertain
what harbour is meant by the ambiguous name oCABpafivmov
(ver. 2 ; see Wetstein on this passage) ; the communication of
it shows, at all events, the view which St Luke has, from the very
outset, taken of the whole voyage, and in which he wishes it to
be considered by his readers also. If then St Luke farther
mentions, as the first station, the harbour of Sidon, and relates
that, by the kindness of the commander, Paul received permis
sion to communicate with the Christian brethren in this place,
and to claim their assistance in the inconveniences of the voyage
(ver. 3) ; — I trust that I may, after the preceding discussion,
reckon on assent, if I believe that, even in this apparent acci
dent, a reference to the whole import of the voyage must be
recognized. According to the first mention of Scripture, Sidon
was the first-born of Canaan (see Gen, x, 15), For this reason,
as we have just seen, the harbour of Sidon was originally destined

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 241
for Israel ; and it was by this principal harbour that the people
of God were to perform their task for the sea and the lands ofthe
Isles. But Israel, with thefr courage and faith, did not penetrate
to Sidon, and hence, had to keep at a distance from the sea and
the Isles, The King of Israel, indeed, afterwards had an alliance
with the King of the SIdonians (1 Kings v. 6) ; and at once it
was possible for Israel to navigate the sea, even to the most dis
tant shores. But this appropriation of the Sidonlan advantages
did not rest upon any firm foundation. It was from the centre
of the SIdonians that, afterwards, Jezebel came who completed
the abomination of idolatry in Israel. But how different is it
now ! The prisoner St Paul enters the Sidonlan territory, accom
panied, probably, by a Roman warrior. Here there is neither
king David in his warlike glory, nor king Solomon In the
splendour of his world-embracing wisdora ; and yet the Israelite,
unassuming and a prisoner, raay calculate with safety upon the
fiiendship of the SIdonians ; and It appears that he has not been
mistaken. The firlendship between St Paul and the SIdonians,
indeed, was much more thorough and cordial than was the friend
ship between the kings of Israel and the king of Tyre, who
was the king of the SIdonians. Now, therefore, Israel has In
reality entered Sidon ; not, however, with carnal weapons, but
"with the weapons of the Spirit. Nor is it Israel manifest, but
Israel hidden, which dweUs here, and at once recognizes and
honors the great Apostle of the Lord, in the humble prisoner.
If then Sidon, the great city of the Canaanites, the oldest har
bour of the world, is taken possession of by Israel, It Is no wonder
that Israel now goes out into the sea, and fulfils his prophetic
calUng on the Isles. It Is true that this nautical expedition and
this prophetic office of Israel are as unpretending as that taking
possession of Sidon; but both are, nevertheless, none the less
true and real ; and it is just because these facts contain the deep,
hidden, spfritual foundation which, in the future, is to display
itself and come to light, that they have here been written do"wn
by the pen of the Holy Spirit. Whether it be likewise from such
consciousness of the oneness of sacred history that the isle of
Cyprus Is mentioned, under the shores of which they sailed past
(vireirXevaafiev, ver. 4, see Vomel 1. c.) ; or whether this be an
isolated feature which originated in, and can be explained from
VOL. III. Q

242 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
the anxiety to be scrupulously exact and minute, must, I thinks
be left undecided. There is no question, however, that Cyprus
may be placed in the same general point of view ; for since the
Old Testament name of that island is q^Jt^S (see Hengstenberg's
Balaam, S. 192 — 202), this island is marked out as the advanced
post of the kingdora of the Isles, In these two main passages of
Old Testament prophecy which direct attention to the contact
between the lands of the Isles, and the East. The great soldier
ofthe heavenly king of Israel passes by this advanced post in the
consciousness that. In the conversion of the Roraan Procurator,
Sergius Paulus (see xiii. 12), he had erected there the first
trophy of his ministry to the Gentiles. It Is impossible to
conceive otherwise than that St Paul, at the sight of the
isle of Cyprus, should, in passing by, have called back to
lively recollection this his first Apostolic deed, and hence
made Aristarchus and St Luke also partakers in these thoughts
and feelings. But in such a case it was, at all events, very
natural, considering the direction which the thoughts of the
ApostoUc men took during the whole voyage, that the signi
ficance of Old Testament Chittim should enter thefr minds. —
Henceforth the traces are being lost, which, by single names,
pointed back to the Old Testament past history, and whieh were
always keeping alive the consciousness of the intimate connexion
of the present voyage with the whole of sacred history. We
meet, indeed, with a great abundance of single names ; but they
all show that we are on the great and "wide ocean which has so
often and so emphatically been pointed out by the Old Testament
as a territoi-y, still strange and unconquered, but to be overcome
at some future time. Even by the circumstance that these
names, which describe this territory from every aspect, have, by
St Luke, been "written down and embodied in the records of
sacred history, it is established that this territory has, from its
Old Testament distance and strangeness, entered into the light
of the New Testament Present and view. We shall, in the
farther progress of this voyage, still have occasion to see in what
Ught we have to consider this carefiilness and exactness mani
fested by St Luke in describing the localities of the sea and their
particulars, — a carefulness and exactness which nowhere else
occur in sacred history.

ACTS XXVII. 1 —XXVIII. ] 5. 243
After the direction in which they sailed from Cyprus has been
most exactly stated in the words : to Te TreXayo'i to kuto, ttjv
KiXiKiav Kai UafKpvXiav Bia7rXeijaavTe<;, the landing In a harbour
of Lycia, named Myra, is reported. This sea-port, the ruins of
which, according to a description to which Smith I. c, p. 30
refers, stUl bear witness to its forraer splendour and wealth, must
be considered as the place for which the ship from Adrarayttiura
was bound ; for all the men are now transferred to another ship
of Alexandria (ver. 6). With this change, the voyage too
acquires another character. The ship of Adrarayttiura had its
destination to the shore of Asia ; and therefore, the direction of
the voyage was not yet entirely away from the East, as long as
St Paul continued in that ship. And as Smith, p. 30, rightly
conjectures, it is connected with this circumstance, that hitherto
the voyage has proceeded, without any danger and obstacle, to
its pro"visional destination. But as soon as they have entered the
ship of Alexandria, which has come frora a far distance, and has,
for her destination, Italy, the mainland In the West, at once the
difficulties and inconveniences of a voyage begin. Their course
was, in the first Instance, directed to Crete : but, on account of
contrary "winds, it goes slowly past Cnidus, and under the Eastern
point of Crete, where Salmone is situated (see Vomel, 1. c).
By proceeding upon the foundation of the experience that, in the
latter part of summer, the north-west wind prevails on this sea,
and by referring to exact accounts of voyages from ancient, as
well as from most modem times. Smith (1. c. p. 36 — 40) shows
that the description of the course which we find here corresponds
exactly to the circumstances. After having hardly, and with
some difficulty, sailed round the Eastern point of Crete, they
touch at the Fair Havens (XaXoi;? Aifieva^), near the city of
Lasea (ver. 8). According to what has gone before, this har
bour must necessarily be situated on the South side of the island ;
and, according to Smith (p. 44), Richard Pococke has found and
described a locality on that side of the island which exactly cor
responds to the representation in the passage before us (corap.
Vomel, 1. c).
Much time had, meanwhile, elapsed, and the day of the fast
which, according to the Jewish mode of calculation, was the
tenth of the month Tisri (see Levit. xvi. 29 ; xxiii. 27 ; Reland
Q 2

244 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey prom cesarea to rome,
Antiq, p. 457, 458 ; P. A. Boysen de difficili Pauli itinere in
Syll. Diss. u. 730 — 732) had passed. St Luke means thereby
to intimate that the period of the Autumnal Equinox was past
(see Ideler Chronologie I. 492 — 494), and therefore, the period
when, according to the views and customs of the Western nations,
navigation had to cease (see Wetstein ad v. 9 ; Voss, zu Virgil's
Landbau S. 127, 87, 88). It was, nevertheless, the intention of
the master ofthe ship to leave the harbour which he had found,
and to commit hmself to the vrintry sea. The ship of Alexandria
has an interest in coming with her cargo of com (see xxvii. 38)
to Italy as soon as possible, and before winter sets in ; and there
fore they are resolved to risk the late voyage. We now find
that St Paul, under these circumstances, appears "with an admo
nitory speech, and represents the great danger and hazard of
such an undertaking. We may well wonder at this appearance
of the captive Apostle to the Gentiles ; for what business has he
to meddle with these things ? No one will have been desfrous
of knowing his opinion ; and, with respect to his Divine calling,
it concerned the proclamation of the Gospel to the Gentiles, but
not their Instruction in navigation and such Uke subjects. St
Paul, moreover, might, as far as these things were concerned,
have set his mind completely at rest, and have left them to those
to whom they were entrusted ; and this so much the rather, that
the sure promise had been given to him by the Lord, that he
should reach Rome (see xxiii. 11). Has, then, this admonitory
speech not, at first sight, the appearance, as if he were rashly
interfering in a matter in which he had no concern, and as if he
were disquieted, and working for himself where the Lord had
beforehand taken all the care upon himself? But still more
must we be astonished that St Luke has thought It worth while
to communicate to us this speech of St Paul on navigation,
whilst he has passed over in silence the fact that St Paul, by his
preaching, founded Churches in Galatia, and does not tell us by
what discourses St Paul has gained over for the Lord a great
people in Corinth.
But the more strange that this phenomenon appears to us, the
more we shall be convinced that here we possess the key to the
secret of the whole section under consideration. We need not,
indeed, spend much time in seeking for the real ground of this

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIU. 15. 245
strange speech of Paul, and for the reason of its having been
communicated ; — it is expressed with sufficient clearness by the
manner in which the speech is worded. For, by expressing his
care, not only for the preservation of the souls in the ship, but
also for the safety of the cargo, and of the ship itself, St Paul
gives us to understand that he feels himself altogether identified
with the community among which he has at present been placed.
This feeling of communion is also sufficiently expressed by the
addition of yfiSiv to twv ¦^^vx&v \ and from a later utterance
(ver. 26), we see that this feeling Is not a momentary ebullition,
but permanent. St Luke has, of course, faithfully followed the
Apostle in this view; and we have then the most emphatic
testimony in the statement ofthe whole number ofthe men in the
vessel. This whole number St Luke, in ver. 37, states thus,
that by using the first person of the plural rjpiev he places the
whole number of soldiers, sailors, and prisoners, "with the Apostle
Paul and his two companions, under the -view of communion and
feUowship. In this declaration, we recognize a sure Indication
of St Paul's disposition of mind during the voyage. The cir
cumstance that, on the sea, he preached to the Gentiles the Word
of God as little as Jonah forraerly did, we explain from his sor
row over Israel's obduracy and impending punishment, which
the Apostle feels as strongly as once did the prophet. But
Jonah gave himself up in a carnal raanner to that sorrow ; and
for that reason he withdrew -within himself, and, in silent indif
ference, left the whole company of his fellow-travellers, along
with the ship, to their fate. Whilst, in the tempest and storm,
all prayed and "wrought, Jonah lay in deep sleep, in the sides of
the ship. But St Paul feels that sorrow over Israel in a spiritual
manner ; for, according to the flesh, he is dead and buried with
Christ, But the same Spirit which causes him to feel unspeak
able grief on account of Israel's judgment, at the same time
unceasingly dfrects him to the Gentiles, Although, therefore,
he cannot bring himself to proclaim the Gospel to the Gentiles,
from his grief that all preaching in the ears of that people, called
to be the prophets of the world, has been In vain, — ^for there is a
time to speak, and a time to keep sUence, — yet so much the more
wUl the Spirit suggest some other method in which his turning
to the Gentiles may, and must be proved and made manifest. If

216 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome,
Jonah, outwardly, and by deeds, shows himself to the Gentiles
as one still affected with the selfishness of his people, St Paul
as e"vidently proves himself to be redeemed and delivered from
the carnal disposition of his people,
Joseph once. In the land of Egypt, became an Egjrptlan, like
all others of the same country and people ; but this comraunion
with the Gentiles took place when the wall of separation betwixt
Israel and the Gentiles had not yet been set up by the law. At
a later period, even where there is the most decided wilUngness
to enter into the communion of the GentUes, we find external
obstacles which do not admit of a complete settlement. Thus,
in the case of Daniel, the custom of praying three times a day
with the face turned towards Jerusalem is in his way ; and. In
the case of Mordecai, it is the custom of not granting to any
man the sign of worship, St Paul, too, is bom under the law ;
but, through the law, he died to the law (see Gal, ii, 19) ; and
therefore he is free from the law, and can give himself up to the
Gentiles without reserve, and becorae as one "without law to the
Gentiles that are without law (see 1 Cor, Ix, 21)— just as formerly
Joseph had done in Egypt — without being obliged, Uke Joseph,
to forget his father's house (see Gen. xll. 51). For it is because
St Paul lives and walks in the Spirit, that he can continually feel
sorrow for Israel, and, at the same time, become a Gentile to the
Gentiles. As soon, therefore, as St Paul has entered the vessel
which is destined to carry him from the land of Israel to Rome,
he feels deeply in his soul that, "vrith all his love, he is directed to
all his fellow travellers. For, notwithstanding all their differ
ence from hiraself and from each other, they are all members of
those nations and tongues for whom he knows himself to be
called as the Apostle and teacher of the Gentiles, and for the
whole period immediately at hand, he is to Uve with them in
close contact and communion. In addition to this, it could not
escape the spiritual eye of the Apostle, that in the vessel In
which he was traversing the great sea, the world of the Roman
Empire, to which he was directed with his ministry and love,
was represented, as to aU its main divisions, within a small com
pass. At the head of the whole multitude in the ship stood the
centurion, Julius, of the cohors Augusta, a representative of the
Roman Emperor. The soldiers under his imraediate coramand

ACTS XXVII. 1  XXVIIL 15. 247
represent the Roman legions. The master and crew of the
Alexandrian ship represent the subjects of the Roman empire.
And, finaUy, the captives — probably Jews — are a sign of the
Roman dominion over the world, and of the destruction of the
kingdom of IsraeL Besides these various representatives of the
Roman world, St Paul, with his t"wo companions, is also in the
ship. Outwardly, in his descent and position at that moraent,
this St Paul is just like the captive Jews ; but, inwardly, he is
distinguished from them by his having become a subject of the
kingdom of Jesus Christ, and by his having thereby obtained —
what he had not on earth— a7roXtTei//u,a in heaven (see PhU.Ui.20).
In this respect, his two companions are like him ; although, by
thefr descent and language, they belong to the others. But they
consider the communion ofthe heavenly kingdom to be of higher
value and importance than the communion In language and
nationality. For this reason, they join themselves decidedly to
the captive Apostle from among the Jews, while the captive Jews
have no communion with the Apostle. Thus the Roraan empfre
is here represented to us within a narrow compass ; but, from
the cfrcumstance of its being In the vessel on the unsafe sea, the
insecurity and dangerous condition of the whole position of the
then world is intimated. And if this insecurity and dangerous
condition can be counterbalanced in any way, it is by the circum
stance, that the Apostle and his two companions share the same
insecurity and dangerous condition, while, at the sametime, they
have thefr firm stand in the heavenly kingdom. This view, which
was so very obvious, could not fail to suggest to the Apostle and
his friends the duty of taking cognizance of, and keeping in
view, thefr whole general position towards the Gentiles, and
the salvation of the Gentiles, in thefr conduct towards these
representatives of the Roman empfre. Should they now seek to
instruct the inmates of the shin, from the centurion down to the
J. ?
last captive, by the preaching of Christ ? Or, did there not
rather exist a more comprehensive solution of their immediate
duty ? Was it not rather the raost immediate, and, at the sarae
time, the most effective mode of discharging this duty, that they
identified themselves with them, and entered into a communion
of life vrith them ; so that this Gentile world could not perish,
unless the Apostle to the Gentiles were, with his companions.

248 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S journey from cesarea to ROME.
likewise given up to destruction, — a matter which, surely, was
altogether impossible ? This entering. Indeed, into the comrau
nion of life with those who surrounded him, — an entering which
originated from disinterested love, — is the fiindamental disposi
tion of the Apostle, on this voyage, which could not fail to com
municate itself to his companions also. As Joseph, when he was
betrayed and sold by his brethren, conformed to the manners and
customs of the Gentiles, and made himself at home in them, so did
St Paul also, after he had been persecuted "with the most atro
cious and deadly hatred by his people, — only that he did not,
like Joseph, even for a moment forget his forlorn people.
The law indeed does not prevent the Apostle from entering,
inwardly and outwardly. Into this communion with those who are
" "vrithout the law ; " but, "will the proraise given to him that, at all
events, he is to come to Rome, allow him to enter, fuUy and in
wardly, into all the insecurity and danger of his fellow travellers ?
We see plainly frora the conduct and Ufe of St Paul, that such
definite Divine preraises which, under the Old and New Testa
ment, were made to holy men, have by no means exercised an
impeding or disturbing influence upon the performance of their
duty. For we have already, more than once, been compeUed to
acknowledge that St Paul does not so understand this Divine
promise of his coming to Rorae as a man less flrm and pure
might have understood it, — namely, that he himself, as regards
his outward position, might safely allow matters to take whatever
course they would ; that God had resolved that he should come
to Rome, and, therefore, be delivered out of the hands of the
Jews ; and that He had reserved it to himself to bring it about
without St Paul's co-operation. We have, on the contrary, per
ceived that, before Festus as well as before Felix, and, finally,
before king Agrippa also, Paul employed all his strength, pru
dence, and skill in order to escape the persecutions of the Jews,
and to reach Rorae, We have seen how, by his knowledge of
the law, and by his presence of mind, he has opened up to hiraself
a sure way which might, in the most expeditious and satisfac
tory manner, bring him to Rome, It is indeed at bottom not to
be wondered at that the law which, to the Apostle, is established
as regards the highest and most important concern of man — his
awTigpia, — namely that for the accomplishment of it. Divine and

ACTS XXVIL 1— XXVIII. 15. 249
human agency must co-operate (see PhU. ii. 12, 13), should find
appUcation to minor things also ; and this so much the more that
this principle is nothing else than the simple inference from the
belief In the personal union of Godhead and manhood in Jesus
Christ. The more that the Apostle Is conscious that he has him
self prepared the way and manner of his promised coming to
Rome, the less he will now desist from pro"viding, by all human
care and co-operation, for the safe accompUshraent of the cora-
menced journey to the West. As little as formerly will the
certainty of the Divine agency now prevent and put a stop to
the human agency of the Apostle ; rather will it bring it into the
right path and motion. The same duty which is thus, by his com
munion with the Gentiles who are associated with and assigned to
him, suggested to him, — the duty, namely, of taking care, as far as
he was concerned, that the voyage should terminate safely, — is
imposed upon him by a regard also to his own present condition.
After aU this, we can well conceive that St Paul was deeply
affected with the position of his fellow-travellers when It was in
question to leave the Fair Havens on the south side of Crete, in
order again to entrust themselves to the unsafe sea. It is true,
however, that his anxiety alone, how sincere and well-founded
soever it might be, gave him no title to form for himself an inde
pendent opinion on the subject, and, stiU less, to make such
opinion publicly known. In order that he might have a right to
do so, it was, in the first place, necessary that St Paul should have
thoroughly known the point in question ; and, secondly, that he
should have been conscious of his occupying a position, in virtue
of which he was responsible for the voyage. With respect to
the first point, the circumstance is in St Paul's favor, that it
afterwards comes out (see vv. 11, 21) that St Paul's knowledge
reached farther than that of the master himself, and of the mate.
This cfrcumstance deserves our whole attention. The Western
Gentiles, as the representatives of whom the ship's company
appear, are the inhabitants of the Isles, and hence, as such,
possess, above aU others, a knowledge of the sea. These Gen
tiles, moreover, are the chief among the sons of Japhet ; and for
this reason also, a knowledge and dominion of the sea are peculiar
to them. For it is just by this peculiarity that they fulfil, up to
the present day, the calling given to Japhet, of spreading over

250 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
the earth (see Gen. ix. 27). How is it then, that St Paul sur
passes those Japhethite sailors in the knowledge of navigation ?
We saw that Israel had remained at a distance from, and stran
gers to the sea. The supposition would, hence, comraend itself,
that St Paul had acquired his knowledge from the Gentiles, on
the various voyages accomplished by him. But opposed to this
hypothesis is the circumstance, that St Luke does not designate
the time at which the navigation begins to become dangerous, by
a Greek or Roman, but by an Israelitish term (see xxvi. 9).
Considering, now, that St Luke everywhere strives to represent
and relate matters in a most objective way, we must suppose that
this designation too has been chosen In exact correspondence
with the state of things ; and, therefore, that St Paul did not
make his remark from the Hellenlstico-Roman, but from the
Israelitish point of view. We now remember. Indeed, that from
the Israelitish point of view also there raust be an access to the sea
and its dominion ; and that everything which, in Israel, points to,
and is intended for this, has received the abiding commencement
of its realization from the Apostle Paul.
We know that Solomon spake of trees from the cedar that is
in Lebanon, even unto the hyssop that springeth out of the waU
(see 1 Kings v. 13 [iv. 33]). We know that Bezaleel, the son
of Uri, possessed the faculty of devising cunning works, and of
executing them in gold and silver, brass, stone and wood (see
Exod. xxxi. 4, 5). Should we now imagine that this faculty and
skill for art has arisen and been developed in Bezaleel in the same
manner as in Phidias of Attica ; and that Solomon acqufred his
knowledge of nature in the same manner as did Aristotle the
Stagyrlte ? This we cannot imagine ; inasmuch as there was,
in Israel, as regards art and science, as great a want of taste as
of culture. For this reason. It wUl not appear strange that another
source of art and science is pointed out in both of these cases ;
and we shall, so much the more, have to attend to its pecuUari
ties. Of Bezaleel it is said, that the Lord caUed him by name,
and filled him with the Spirit of God in "wisdom and in under
standing, and in knowledge, and In all manner of workmanship
(see Exod. xxx. 1 — 3) ; and of Solomon we learn that, upon his
prayer, God gave him wisdom and understanding exceeding much,
and largeness of heart even as the sand that is on the sea-shore'

ACTS XXVU. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 251
(see 1 Kings v. 9 [iv. 29] ). It has been noticed by sacred his
tory, that art and science have first been developed where men
tumed from God, and where ungodliness and a worldly disposi
tion had taken up their first abodes (see Gen. iv. 11 — 24). Art
and science in thefr natural development have thereby been for
ever stamped by Scripture as manifestations and appearances of
the worldly tendency. But nevertheless the matter Is by no raeans
settled by Schleiermacher's opinion : " The Jewish people were,
pre-eminently, altogether without art" (see Chrlstllche SItte S.
690). By that judgment of sacred history, art and science were
not in themselves, by any means, to be rejected ; but the neces
sity of another origin of these manifestations of the Spirit was to
be indicated. This other origin is the origin frora the Spirit of
God, which is declared In the two passages quoted above. By
this, the rule is, for the future, established in the kingdora of God,
— that no art and no knowledge Is to be rejected. If it has not pro
ceeded from the spirit of the world, but from the Spfrit of God ;
just as the promise is implied in it, that the Spirit of God, when
the time of His fulness shall have come, will bless His children
and disciples with the gift of all art and science.
From this point of -view it will be clear to us in what manner
we have to conceive of the Apostle's knowledge of the sea and of
na"vigation. There exists no reason, indeed, for supposing that
such knowledge had been communicated to him by the Spirit of
God In an extraordinary and immediate way, as we read In the
cases of Bezaleel and Solomon ; but we know enough of the
Apostle's inward fiilness of the Spirit, and of his outward posi
tion, to be entitled to assume, that, urged on by the Holy Spirit,
he availed hiraself of the oppoirt unities offered to him for fiUing
up a great and important deficiency in his IsraeUtish knowledge
and consciousness of the world. It is quite certain that St Paul
had a fiiU knowledge of his position towards the Gentiles, assigned
to him in the world's history. We now see, however, that, from
the beginning to the end, his ministry Is always directed to the
West. It hence foUows that he conceives of the centre of the
Gentiles as being in the West. Having now also most distinctly
seen, on our way, that St Paul, with aU his thoughts and notions,
is In harmony with the Old Testament Scripture, and that in it
he recognizes, for all his convictions, the Divine seal of universal.

252 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S journey from cesarea to ROME.
valid certainty; — how could we be entitled to conceive of that view
of his vocation and of his position to the West, in any other way,
than in a clear and realized harmony with the Old Testament
views and prospects as regards the sea and its Isles ? If then,
with this view, St Paul on his most important official journeys
was led through the paths of the sea, could it be otherwise than
that that Spirit who animated and urged him on, should suggest
to, and induce him to pay particular attention to this new sphere
of the terrestrial world which had hitherto been shut up to the
people of God ? For the sea, with its accidents, was not only
the hitherto untrodden way to the Gentiles, which the Apostle
had to enter upon for the first time, but was, at the sarae time,
the grandest and most impressive Image of heathendom. Thus
it happened that, led and guided by the Spirit of God, St Paul
was anxious to appropriate to hiraself that which Phoenicians,
Greeks, and Roraans, urged on by the spirit of the world, and
by the desire of gain and conquest, had acquired. And this
enlargement of the knowledge of the world, on the part of
the Apostle of the Gentiles, by observation and knowledge of
the sea, is the commencement which, in the ancient Gentile
Church, was continued, by appropriating, for sacred symbo-
lisra, iraages borrowed frora the sea and navigation (see Miin-
ter, SInnbilder und Kunstvorstellungen der alten Christen i.
28, 49 ; ii. 52). All the knowledge of the sea which, in
this way of the Spirit, the Apostle Paul had acquired on his
voyages, — all of which are not even recorded in our Book (see
2 Cor. xi. 23), — could not fail, under the irapulse of the Spfrit, to
be reraembered, collected, and increased to the highest point. For
no voyage had as yet been so significant for him as this ; and he
had never yet been obliged so to identify himself "vrith all his
travelling companions, and "with the ship and cargo, as on the
voyage from Cesarea to Rome.
For which reason, it is not a merely vague conjecture which
St Paul has to express as to the danger of the voyage ; It is cer^
tain knowledge which he distinctly announces In the words dvBpe<i
6empSt, ver. 10. Ought he, then, to have withheld this his well-
founded knowledge because, according to his outward position,
he had no call to declare it ? In the first place, in cases of ex
treme necessity and danger, the order, which is of great im-

ACTS XXVIL 1  XXVIII. 15. 253
portance in the ordinary course of events, may, and must be set
aside. In the second plaoe, it probably did not escape St Paul, that,
if his fellow travellers were a representation of the GentUe world
who, it is true, were called to a participation in salvation and the
kingdom of God, but were in the meantime involved in danger
and insecurity from the elements, the duty of superintending this
voyage had been imposed by God upon him, the Apostle of the
Gentiles, We cannot, however, be much surprised that the
Centurion listened rather to the master of the ship, who was in
favor of continuing the voyage, than to the warnings of St Paul,
For although Julius, with his affection for St Paul, could not
but perceive the energy with which the Apostle advanced his
opinion ; yet it was a consequence of the practical sense of the
Roman that he placed greater confidence in the opinion of those
who were professionally acquainted with the matter. Julius,
however, might have had good cause for not placing too implicit
a reUance upon thefr judgment ; since he could not fail to per
ceive that the original order In managing the ship no longer
existed in its inviolability. For, in the subsequent 12th verse,
we are told that the decision as to the continuance of the voyage
rested with the majority. From this cfrcumstance we must e"vi-
dently infer that the danger ofthe situation caused a dissolution
of the established order. Bengel very pertinently remarks on
ver. 12 : "In danger, they also have a vote who, ordinarily, have
no power and right ; but the greater number of votes does not
always secure that they shall be better votes." This feature
reminds us also very clearly of the last times of the ancient
Roman world. For, when the days of threatening danger broke in,
the joints ofthe ancient established order began to loosen, and the
measures of former security and assurance were wanting. The call
ed guides and leaders showed themselves, as regarded the future,
to be as blind as here the guides ofthe ship ; while they ought to
have listened to the advice which, early enough, caused itself to
be heard in the Roman Empire as the voice of the Spfrit. But
because they could not make up their minds to that, deliverance
and safety could be brought about only by the ruin of the
ship — i.e., by the whole ancient order of the Roman Empire
being broken.
According to ver. 12, there seems to be no doubt that the

251 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
words of the Apostle have made an impression upon the majority,
and that their fears, which they share with St Paul, are not by
any means to be kept in abeyance by the authority of the con
ductors of the ship. This majority would, therefore, have quite
agreed with St Paul that they ought not to leave the Fair
Havens. One circumstance only makes them hesitate, namely,
that the Fair Havens was not very commodious to winter in.
This majority were, therefore, disposed to steer a middle course.
They ad"vised a departure from the present harbour, in order
that they might reach another which was Ukewise situated on the
South coast of Crete, namely Phenice, which, according to
Smith (see 1. c. p. 47, 54), is the present Lutro. This medlatoi-y
opinion of the majority was adopted ; inasmuch as an accidental
circumstance, viz., the rising of a South wind, seemed to favor
it. By raeans of this wind, they expected, quickly and easily, to
reach that not very distant harbour. In this again we have a
true image of the Ufe of the last times of the decaying Roman
Empire, as well as, generally, of tiraes of public and universal
shakings and confiision. The more that conviction is unsettled
and wavering, the greater is the influence which accidental cir
cumstances obtain,
St Paul's view, however, remained unshaken. According to
It, the season for a successful voyage was past ; and this opinion
was not changed although a more favorable harbour might be
found in the neighbourhood, and although a favorable wind might
arise. And the correctness of this view was but too soon con
firmed ; for scarcely had the ship, vrith the help of the favorable
South wind, got out to sea in the direction of Phenice, when the
wind veered to the East, and soon blew a hurricane (ver. 14).
The vessel Is, hence, now given up to the full rage of the wintry
sea, which had just filled St Paul with such fears. It is now
quite impossible to follow out the plan originally conceived ; plan
and will are altogether out of the question ; wind and sea are
alcftie the masters which rule absolutely. It Is with e-rident
interest that St Luke follows this tum of affafrs ; and he always
makes use of expressions corresponding as much as possible to,
and borrowed from, things more immediately at hand. To these
belongs the designation of the wind as the typhonic, which, with
Greeks as well as Romans, is currently used of a tempestuous

ACTS -XXVU. 1 — XXVIU. 15. 255
wind (see Wetstein, S. 641). Pie is not, however, satisfied with
this; he must even add the real nautical term for the very
direction in which, at that tirae, the hurricane raged : — it was
the so-called EvpaKvXaiv, or EvpoKXvBcuv ; for the Codd. as well
as interpreters are divided betwixt these two different readings
(see Smith 1. c. p. 284—292 ; Vomel 1. c. S. 8). As orignal, and
as fresh frora nautical life and phraseology, are the immediately
succeeding expressions of the vessel, pby Bwdfievov dvo^OaXfielv
TO) avifiay; and of the crew, €7rtSoi/Te? i(f>ep6fie6a, ver. 15 (see
Smith, p. 56, 57). But St Luke not only describes the general
condition of the vessel in being thus exposed to the tempest and
the waves ; he states, with great minuteness, even the single
accidents in this condition. He does not forget to mention that
they ran quickly under the sraall island of Clauda (see Smith,
p. 61). At this juncture they were e-vidently reminded of the
danger of running ashore ; and, therefore, they sought to secure
themselves against it by the ordinary means. As one of these,
the boat must be considered ; they -wished fuUy to secure it, and
therefore it must be hauled up, in order that, in case of need, they
might at once have it at hand. Since then, in reference to this,
St Luke writes : /itoXt? laxvaafiev TrepiKpaTeis yeveadai rfj^
aKd(f>Ti<; — this tum expresses a new degree of sympathy and parti
cipation. For we here see that the Apostle and his companions not
only identify themselves with all their fellow-voyagers in their suf
ferings, but also in all those things which the danger rendered It
necessary to do. We here see that Apostolic men themselves
put their hand to the work in tirae of great danger and distress.
For we can so much the less consider this expression to be a
mere phrase, that it occurs once again (ver. 19), and that, after
wards, on a similar occasion during this voyage, we find the
Apostle Paul himself so engaged (see xx-rili. 3). After what has
been remarked, we need no longer be astonished at the manifesta
tion of this communion ; inasmuch as it is only the real mani
festation of that "riew and disposition by which we found the
Apostle and his friends in this condition were guided.
After they had thus, with some difficulty, brought the boat on
deck, in order to be at once at hand in case of thefr being driven
ashore, another precaution is used. In order likewise to prevent the
danger of running ashore, which has been suggested by the sight

256 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
of the island. It is the viro^covvvvai to irXolov, ver. 17. The
girdings of the ships consisted of ropes which, being extended
from the forecastle along the whole length of the vessel, and
fastened on both of the ends, held the ship together (see K.
Schneider on Plato's Republic S. 316). But with all this, it
remains uncertain what is to be understood by /Sojj^eiat, — on
which many conjectures have been made. But even in this we
obtain sufficient light from antiquity, and a new proof Is thus fur
nished to us of the care of our reporter in communicating all the
details of this event. Vomel remarks on this passage : " Ever
since the records of the Attic marine have been brought to light
and made known, we know clearly and distinctly, that the ships
which sailed Into the Adriatic sea got pecuUar imo^mfiaTa
" girths" (broad strong ropes) as a protection (fiorfdeiai) In storms
against the cliffs In that sea, and which ran, in a dfrectlon nearly
perpendicular, from the forecastle to the poop, round the whole
ship (see Bockh, Urkunden, S. 133 ff.) The putting on of these
girds was called viro^eowiivai (Polyb. xx"rii. 2, 3)." We may
here leave it undecided whether it be more correct to conceive
of this girding of the vessel as referring rather to the breadth
than to the length of the vessel, as Smith, from the analogy of
modern navigation, thinks (see 1. c. p. 66, 67, 174 — 177); for we
have afready obtained proof sufficient to convince ourselves that
St Luke's representation Is exact, and that of one acquainted
with the subject.
StLuke is quite anxious to keep the scene constantly before our
minds, until he comes to the decisive catastrophe with the ship.
We learn that the fear ofthe sailors arose not only from the small
island of Clauda, but, on account of the northern direction and
the violence of the wind, had reference to the African Syrtis.
For this reason. It Is said, they let down the Implements (KaXd-
aavTe<; to aKevov, ver. 17;. This expression Is commonly under
stood of the furling of the saUs, or, also, of the letting down of
the mast ; but Smith, with his laiowledge of naval affairs, insists
that such a view must be altogether rejected, because such a pro
ceeding would have given up the ship altogether to the wind,
and, hence, could not have been a means against the danger
spoken of; that, hence, by aKevo<; the tackling must be understood,
by the letting down of which the sails obtain a direction, by means

acts xxvu. 1— xxviii. 15. 257
of which they endeavour to avoid being driven straight on by the
wind ; and that the ovToyi etpepovro must be understood with this
modification (see 1. c. p. 68 — 72). As this view appears to me
to be quite correct. It follows that St Luke, In using the Indefinite
expression to aKevo<; with this definite signification, expects that
his readers, following the whole course of his account, would like-
"wise free themselves from the accustomed scene and view by
which they were surrounded, and enter, in a lively manner, into
naval affafrs. St Luke continues farther to pursue the single
events and accidents of this dangerous position ; and Smith, as a
sign of the great accuracy of our account, finds himself induced to
remark : " Every step hitherto taken indicates skilful seaman
ship" (I. c. p. 72). The lightening of the vessel in a heavy
storm (ver. 18) is, as Smith shews (1. c), a measure common both
in ancient and modern times. But when this first lightening on
the second day of the heavy gale did not afford any help against
the storm, they attempted, on the third day, a more thorough one.
The implements of the vessel, — those, of course, which they could
best do without, and whichwere hea"riest, — were thrown overboard
(ver. 19). At this juncture St Luke again Introduces a feature
which places anew before us the whole disposition and circura
stances of St Paul's travelling corapanions. For if we find
beside each other : Ty ej'ij? iicl3oXfjv eirotovvTo, and : ry Tpiry
avroxeipe^ ttjv aKevrjv tov ttXoiov ippisfrafiev, no one who has paid
attention to the carefulness and accuracy of our account "vrill be
able to say that the change of the person is merely accidental.
Evidently it is intended to be Intimated, by the use of the first
person in the. second clause, and by the strengthening addition
of avT6xeipe<i, that, at the second more comprehensive lightening,
all the people on board of the vessel were active, and, hence,
that St Paul and his companions were not among the last who
put thefr hands to the work. He who believes, farther, in the
unity of Holy Scripture, which rests on the inspiration of the
one Holy Spfrit, will also be certainly convinced- that this feature
in the account before us — the co-operation of the Apostle and
his friends — is destined to make strikingly apparent the contrast
with the conduct of Jonah, of whom just the opposite is expressly
reported, namely, that he lay in a deep sleep in the lower part of
the ship (see Jonah I. 5), while the heathen crew, amid the
VOL. III. R

258 sect. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
dangers of the storm, were throwing the implements of the ship
Into the sea. But this co-operation might, after all, have its
foundation in a merely external accommodation. It might, after
all, be conceived that St Paul and his friends showed themselves
so active, only that they might make upon the Gentiles the impres
sion of sympathy ; but that inwardly, owing to the promise which
the Apostle had formerly received, he was. In the midst of the
danger of death, fully secure as far as his own person was con
cerned ; that, hence, his outward action was in contradiction to his
inward sentiments, and had, therefore, a docetic character only.
But St Luke Is anxious to remove even this last internal wall of
.eparation between the ApostoUc men and the hpathen multitude
In the ship beaten by the storms, and tossed about by the waves.
With the touching words : fiyre Be yXiov fiyre daTpwv iirijiaivov-
Tcov iirl TrXe/ofa? yfiepa<i, x^if'O'VO'; Te ovk oXiyov ewiKeifievov,
Xoiirov irepiypeiTO irdaa eXTTt? tov aa>i,eadai yfid<i (ver. 20), St
Luke introduces us Into the farther course of events, and
shews that all the efforts hitherto made were in vain, and
that, at last, all hopes of deliverance were taken away by the
disappearance of the sun and stars, whilst the storm continued
to rage, — which, of course. In a ship without compasses, could
not but be so much the more fearful. By significantly closing
this sentence expressing the utmost stretch of the general dis
may with ¦fifid<;, he gives us to understand, that the communion
of St Paul and his two companions with all the Gentiles in
the ship, had reached down even to the depth of the disap
pearance of all hope of safety. And how, indeed, could It have
been otherwise ? St Paul and his friends were surely endowed
with human quaUties and organs, as far as their position towards
nature was concerned. If, therefore, just Uke all others in the
vessel, the storm and tempest, the turbulent, raging sea, the groan
ing vessel, the disappearing lights of heaven, and the threatening
quicksands and cliffs had not made upon him the same agitating
impression that his Ufe was In danger, — then, surely, his human
perceptions and feelings must have been somehow repressed and
kept down. Can we, or shall we perhaps, imagine this to be the
effect of the revelation given to him by the Lord (see xxiii. 11) ?
Is then that which is Divine everywhere and anywhere an obstacle
and limit to that which is human ? This mechanical notion of the .

ACTS XXVIL 1— XXVIU. 15. 259
relation between the DI"vine and the human may have its place
anywhere ; but certainly not In the Christology. For this is
just based upon the fact that the human can completely receive
within itself that which is Divine ; and this not only without
being suppressed or even limited, but as necessary to the attain
ment of Its full reaUzation. Thus we raay, even In the history of
our Lord, follow out and mark the truth and reality of human
nature even to that depth, never experienced by any mortal, of
experiencing death without God ; and this truth and reality of
huraan nature is the ground and soil which the bodily manifes
tation of the fulness of the Godhead never, for a moment, for
sook. Since then this dynamic penetration of the Divine and
the human is witnessed by history In the life of our Lord, and
sealed as the eternally abiding ground of salvation, how should
a word and revelation from the same Lord ever or anywhere
have an opposite effect ? As, in the life of our Lord, we have
to conceive of the human susceptibility as raised to its highest
point, and, therefore, perfected, just on account of His commu
nion with the Father ; so it must also be in all those who have
received thefr life from the Spirit of Christ. And in this case,
an extraordinary communication and promise can so much the
less make any change, that such extraordinary grace is only a
sign of an extraordinary degree of coramunion which a raan has
with the Lord ; and for this reason the perfecting gradation of
human susceptibility must, in such an one, be conceived of as
equally extraordinary. And when we look back, has not even
the foresight of the Impending dangers, when the ship was still
lying in the harbour of the island of Crete, been produced In the
Apostle Paul by this susceptibility, increased by the Spfrit,
for Impressions of the sea and weather ? How, then, should
not he, who foresaw the danger to the men as well as to the
ship and cargo, whilst the professional men did not yet,
through thefr strong self-interest, recognize anything of the
danger, — how, then, should not he, when given up to the
power which threatened destruction and death, feel as strongly,
and even more strongly than all the rest, the whole destruc
tion of these powers ? We must, hence, thus conceive of it,
that the three men belle"vlng In Jesus, attend to all the phe
nomena of the weather and sea with senses perfectly clear and
R 2

260 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
awake ; — that they not only perceive every threatening sign, but
feel also its pernicious effects ; — that they receive, with their
whole soul, every encouraging prospect, and that they welcome,
with sympathy and hope, every means which promises relief,
and bring it, when necessary, into application by their co-opera
tion. If they have spent the last days of distress in such a dis
position and frame of mind, then we can very well understand
how It is that the three men do not withdraw their sympathy and
co-operation when the moment arrives at which, before the dark
ness of the heavens, and the horrors of the deep, the last rays of
hope are disappearing. Yea, I think that we cannot conceive of
it in any other way than that this disappearance of the last
streak of hope made, upon no one of the whole multitude, so
strong and agitating an impression as it did upon the Apostle
Paul. This, of course, does not prevent the Apostle Paul and
his friends from remembering the Scripture which, in Ps. C"rii.
23 — 30, testifies that even when all hope and help on the sea
are lost, Jehovah begins to manifest His might and mercy.
They are not prevented from trusting and hoping in God, and
from praying to Him. But from the circumstance that St Luke
did not think it necessary to mention this, and that, instead of
it, he rather reports their outward conduct, we may perceive
that it Is to him of greater Importance to bring very clearly and
prominently out the full communion ofthe Apostle and his friends
with the whole remaining heathen multitude on the general
human ground, and not so much their peculiar relation to God.
St Paul's conduct, which is reported In the subsequent verses,
can then be duly understood and appreciated, only if the com
munion with their heathen travelling companions be maintained,
up to this fulness, by St Paul and his friends ; for St Luke men
tions that after this general hopelessness had seized them, a total
abstinence from food prevailed. The words ttoXXj;? daiTia<; virap-
Xovay; per se raay also be understood as iraplying that a want of
provisions had arisen ; and Sraith (see 1. c. p. 75, 76, 106) quotes
many Instances to prove that this Is quite a common thing in
violent storms which both spoil the provisions and destroy the
cooking utensils ; but the context would not at all agree with
such a sense. For, if aU hope had already disappeared, as is said
in the preceding verse, the despair can no more be increased by

ACTS xxvu. 1  XXVIII. 15. 261
such a want of provisions ; but it is, no doubt, evidently intended
to Intimate such an increase of the distress, in order to introduce
the following encouraging speech of St Paul. If, however, it
became general -with the men in the vessel to abstain from the
ordinary food, although there did not, by any means, exist a want
of provisions, — this was the surest sign that despair of Ufe had
seized upon all, and that, instead ofthe former boldness, there had
now come dumb despair, and a fearful gazing into the abyss of per
dition. The heathen mariners who formerly sailed from Joppa to
Tarshish, when in a similar danger, cried every one to his god,
and thereupon they threw the implements into the sea (see Jonah
i. 5) ; but here the heathens first employ all the raeans at their
disposal, in order to escape from death. After everything has,
however, proved to be in vain, nothing remains for them but the
awful expectation of certain death; of the invocation of any God,
or of any religious excitement in general, nothing is told to us.
May it not be that in this there is an intimation that, meanwhile,
another time has come for the world. That which, in Nineveh,
began only and existed in the form of a germ, has in Rome been
developed and completed, and has grown up into a full tree. The
kingdom of the world has now drawn all might and knowledge,
all success and advantage. Into the territory of this world, andhas
changed religion more and more into a worship of man invested
with might and glory ; so that worldliness and estrangement
from God could not fail to become greater and greater. Whilst in
the history of the prophet Jonah, before the first kingdom of the
world appeared in Babylon, we find the Gentiles to be still exceed
ingly susceptible and excitable, they have, according to the parallel
history of St Paul's voyage, became so hardened and dead in
worldliness as to fill us with horror. For it is not only from the
circumstance that the sailors, while going to Tarshish, prayed in
thefr extremity, that we ascertain their religious susceptlbiUty, but
their inward disposition stUl more clearly shows Itselfi They had
scarcely heard from the mouth of His disobedient Prophet the
name of Jehovah, the Creator of the sea and dry land, when they
were filled with fear ; and, after thefr deliverance, these Gentiles
offered to Jehovah their sacrifices and paid their vows (see Jonah
i. 10 — 16). And, finally, by means of a short discourse in the
name of the unknown God who made heaven and earth, Jonah

262 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
brings it about that all Nineveh, from the highest to the lowest,
repents in dust and ashes (see Jonah iii. 6 — 9). No sentiment
of that kind is told to us of the Gentiles of the Roman kingdom
of the world, although they are not only threatened by the same
danger of death, but there is here one even greater than the
prophet Jonah, namely, the Lord himself, to whom Jonah only
pointed, who, in St Paul, His willing and obedient servant and
Apostle, proves hiraself to be present and working in the midst
ofthe Gentiles.
A new light is thrown upon the conduct of the Apostle of the
Gentiles by this peculiarity of the heathenism of that time, — a
peculiarity prominently brought out by this so ob-rious com
parison. For, in what jmanner can those Gentiles, shut up and
lost in worldliness and earthly pursuits, be laid hold of, except by
entering with the purest and most ardent love into their whole,
real condition in this world ? And after St Paul has thus, for a
time, represented himself to them In his speaking and silence, in
his acting and suffering, he may venture to teU them a word
regarding his relation to God. This word, however, is such as
at the same time to make manifest the whole mercy and grace of
God by which He embraces in His love the whole lost and help
less Gentile world, and penetrates it -with holy, eternal life. ^For
when the sign of deepest despafr — the general abstinence from
daily food — manifested itself, St Paul stood forth in the midst
of the entire travelling company, and reminded them of his for
mer advice (ver. 21). By the words : Tore aTadel<; 6 UavXo'i ev
fieaa avrmv, St Luke intends to point out the impression pro
duced by the dignified appearance of the Apostle. In the general
dismay, even the confident appearance of St Paul has something
in it which commands respect. And this immediate impression
produced by his appearance was farther increased by the com
mencement of his speech, in which he pointed to his former
advice. There was. It Is true, some bitterness Implied in this
reference, and St Paul does not, by any means, express it so as
to take from this bitterness ; but he has in it the good intention
to gain, by this commencement, admittance to their hearts for the
important word which he has in his heart. For his intention is
to speak to the Gentiles, sunk in worldliness and earthly pursuits,
of a hidden occurrence which originated from the Invisible world

ACTS XXVU. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 263
That which is said of it by Calvin holds quite true : " St Paul
had no authority to move them unless he testified to them that the
former neglect of him had Issued in their misfortune." Since,
then, he refers his hearers to that former period, by the words : eSet
fiev, d) dvBpe^, ireidapxyaavTd'; fioi fiy dvdyeadai diro tj)? Kpr]Ty<;,
Calvin is again right when he remarks : " His saying that they
should have obeyed him is a proof of self-confidence by no means
common. He therefore testifies by these words that he has not
made to them any wanton declaration, but told them only what
God had commissioned him to say." Now that his insight into
the circumstances, which the Spirit of God had wrought in him,
had been proved and confirmed to the eyes of all, it well became
him to attach importance to the right which. In consequence of
such illumination by the Spirit, was due to him. But St Paul
was the more Induced to claim this right in distinct words, in
order that he might open up the way for his farther communica
tion which referred directly to a Divine revelation with which he
had been entrusted.
After having thus, by his appearance and commencement,
secured to himself the good opinion and confidence of his hearers,
St Paul exhorts them to be of good cheer (ver. 22). If, in the face
of the danger which threatened death and destruction, — in the
face of the general hopelessness which had already taken deep
root, such an exhortation is to produce any effect, it requires a
very powerful support. St Paul, however, Is able to afford such
support, sufficiently strong, to his exhortation to be of good cheer.
He confidently asserts that no soul shall be lost, but the ship
only (ver. 22). If this word had been told to the people when
they were lying in the harbour of Crete, they surely would not
have found in it any ground for cheerful confidence. The loss of
the ship, on the contrary, would have proved a sting of grief
But now that all hope of safety is given up, and that even meat
and drink have become loathsome to them, every one would be
contented and happy if only he could get any security for the
safety of his own life, and he would attach no importance to the
loss ofthe ship, and of all his property which would be lost along
•vrith it. St Paul promises such a deUverance for all the souls, —
if only the people could and would beUeve him ! It Is true, he
once was right ; he puts to shame by his pious and confident

264 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
appearance, the despair of all those who were present ; but who,
notwithstanding, can venture to trust him in such a promise
which stands in direct contradiction to all which they see and
think ? St Paul knows the thoughts of the hearts ; and for this
reason he, at once, by means of a second yap (ver. 23), adds to
his promise the Divine foundation on which it rests.
St Paul refers to the Angel of his God (ver. 23). He does
not by any means endeavour to communicate to the Gentiles
any distinct doctrinal notion of his God ; not even a short
circumlocution, such as Jonah applied in a similar case, does he
think appropriate ; he designates the God of heaven and earth,
the God and Father of Jesus Christ, as his God, the God to whom
he belonged, and whora he served ; and he does so even at the
risk that the heathens might conceive the idea, as if the God of
St Paul were one besides the many other gods, that Jehovah was
like Osiris, or Zeus, or Jupiter Capitolinus. St Paul knows that,
in the general confusion and blindness of the Gentiles -vrithin the
sphere of religion, every objective designation of God would
have been in vain. He knew that a reference to the Creator of
heaven and earth was now no more so likely to produce a salutary
Impression, as it did at the time of Jonah. It was clear to him
that there existed only one access to these deluded and hardened
hearts, and that this was an appeal to the testimony of their
individual consciences. Now St Paul is conscious that In this
respect nothing has been neglected by him, and that he has
attained the point of being able to calculate with certainty, that
the attention of his fellow voyagers could not escape him, if
he declared himself on the subject of this inner hidden ground of
his individuality. Even before they started from Cesarea, the
Centurion and his soldiers knew that St Paul and his com
panions were Jews ; and if the others in the ship did not know
it previously, every one had ascertained it when. In the harbour
at Crete, St Paul publicly expressed his conviction of the
impending danger. But everywhere in the Roman Empire it is
known, — it is known especially to the Roman soldiers who come
from Palestine, and to the Alexandrian sailors. In whose country
many Jews have, for a long time, been settled, — that the Jews
differ specifically from all nations in their religious opinions and
institutions. But this difference and opposition in the inner and

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 265
hidden territory of religion makes everywhere an impression so
much the more repulsive, that It everywhere manifests itself in
the most glaring manner in private, as well as in public life.
Under such circumstances, the conduct of the Apostle and his
friends could not but have made a deep Impression upon the
minds of the Gentiles. They had seen and witnessed how
these Jews removed all impending barriers ; how, outwardly and
inwardly, in joy and in sorrow, in anxiety and trouble, in distress
and death, they shared every thing with the Gentiles, as if they
were their brethren. They had experienced how St Paul with
his spiritual eye saw more clearly the danger to the ship and
people, than even the mate and master. They had afterwards
experienced how St Paul, without being In the least annoyed at
the disregard of his good advice, entered with complete and full
sympathy into the various vicissitudes and accidents of the daring
voyage, which did not escape the just punishment of pride. And
now they must perceive with their own eyes and ears that St Paul
is the only one who has remained composed and undaunted in the
midst of the general danger of death, and the universal despair ;
yea, that this Jew is able, out of the fulness of his good courage,
to comfort and cheer the whole assembly who were struck with
terror by the fear of death. Just as, at first, there had not been
a single soul in the ship who had not looked, with greater or less
contempt, upon this captive, accused Jew ; so there was, no
doubt, at present, in the vessel beaten by the storm and tossed
by the waves, not one soul who was not forced, from the depth of
his fear of death, to look up, with admfration and astonishment, to
this man, on account of his confident and courageous deportment,
as well as on account of his kind condescension. All must have
perceived and felt how he had descended with aU of them into
all their fears and anxieties, not only for the preservation of their
lives, but also for the safety of the ship and cargo, — even into
that depth where all hopes were gradually vanishing, and anguish
of death seized upon them. And now he stood before them with
death and the abyss under his feet, and the ray of hope and life
on bis countenance !
Since he now begins to speak of his God, it Is possible that, in
the souls of the heathens surrounded by darkness and death, the
strange and repulsive notion of the God of the Jews may be

266 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
changed into a definite and attractive form. The heathens are
now again reminded of what, by the whole conduct of the
Apostle during the last days, they had, no doubt, altogether for
gotten, viz., that St Paul is a Jew ; and they must learn by
experience that this heart-winning manner, this incomparable
greatness do not attach to him in spite of, but just because of his
Judaism. For, in this moment of their deep astonishment, St
Paul shows them that the relation to his God Is the inward, con
cealed ground of his present courage, and of his whole life In
general. Hence, the notion cannot but arise in the minds of the
Gentiles, that the God of the Jews is such a God, as that He
bestows a knowledge greater than that which is acquired by ex
perience and labour, and, along with it, a modesty which is not
vexed, and does not get angry, — such a God, as that He gives, in
distress and death, undaunted sense and courage, and, by the
side of it, a gentle and kind heart. This idea regarding the God
of Israel could not but appear the more important to the
Gentiles, the more they had, just in their present distress, been
convinced that, from their own gods, they had to expect neither
advice nor comfort. Should they now be able to harden them
selves against what St Paul is about to comraunlcate to them
farther regarding his God ? They wiU be the less able to do so
that that, which he has farther to communicate to them, is so
closely connected with what they have themselves experienced
and suffered, and is, in addition, perfectly fitted, completely to
win thefr hearts to the God of St Paul. For St Paul goes on to
say to his eager hearers : " There stood by me the Angel of God,
saying. Fear not, Paul, thou must be brought before Caesar, and
lo, God hath given thee all them that sail with thee. Where
fore, sirs, be of good cheer : for I beUeve God, that It shaU be
even as it was told me. Howbeit, we must be cast upon a
certain island" (ver. 24 — 26). In this communication there is
implied, in the first place, the supposition that the God of St
Paul is the Lord of the sea and storm ; for it is only as such that
He can give to His servant the certainty of his being deUvered,
and brought before Caesar. This communication does now no
raore come to the Gentiles all on a sudden, and without any
connecting link. For has not the spirit of St Paul proved him
self to be thoroughly acquainted with the nature of the sea and

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 267
heaven ? And, according to his own confession. Is not this spirit
the Spirit of the God of Israel ? Should not, moreover, that
God who bestows upon His worshipper and servant such know
ledge, by the side of such humility, such love by the side of such
courage, — should not such a God also govern heaven and earth ?
As the inability of the gods of the heathen to adorn the heart of
man with the ornament of true virtue has been made manifest
by the conduct of St Paul the Jew, in presence of the desponding
heathens, so should not also all the power of the heathen gods
over wind and sea be obUged to disappear, and the God of Israel
alone retain the throne of the government of the world ?
But still more surprising must it be to the Gentiles to hear
that, from a special favour towards His worshipper and servant,
the God of Israel would preserve the lives also of all the Gentiles
in the ship ; for, in this, not power merely, but love and grace
were concerned. " How is it," so the heathens could not avoid
thinking, " how is It that a Deity, even though He possessed the
power, should care about another people, about men of several
other nations?" P^or the downright opposition In which the
nations stood to each other was, after all, only an image of that
very same opposition in the world of gods. If then, as was the
case at the present moment, every heathen felt himself forsaken
by his own god, and given up to destruction, how should he have
been able to entertain the idea that a strange god, the God of
the Jews, who more than any other nation opposed themselves to
all other nations, would trouble himself about the preservation of
all of them ? And yet even this proclamation of the mercy of
God to the Gentiles is not without foundation In what they had
experienced In thefr own consciences. For they all saw -with their
own eyes, how St Paul the Jew aUowed even the last barrier of
the distinction between him and his heathen companions to sink
and disappear. In now saying that God had given him all those
who sailed with him, St Paul gives them to understand, that he
had undertaken and accomplished the mediation between the
God of Israel and the Gentiles. In this way, and by this means,
the relation ofthe grace on the part of the God of Israel towards
the GentUes, is made obvious and intelligible to the heathen con
viction. For that which CaMn suspects with some hesitation
only, Olshausen thinks himself entitled distinctly to suppose, —

268 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
namely, "that St Paul had wrestled in prayer for the lives ofthe
men, and that, in answer to his prayer, God had granted them to
him." And, indeed, we have riot only some foundation for thus
vie-wing the matter, but we must even suppose that the heathen
hearers of St Paul cannot have understood it In any other way.
Having seen with what care and trouble St Paul had been
anxious to avert the danger from the ship and men ; and hearing
now from his own mouth that the whole foundation of his life
rested in his God, how could they have understood the words of
God's having given them to him, in any other way than-this : —
that the inner ground of his life also was equally filled with that
sympathy for his companions in misfortune, which manifested itself
in his outward actions and conduct ; and that, hence, while, in
his care and anxiety for the whole world, he had been labouring
for the preservation of their endangered lives, a corresponding
inward disposition, i.e. prayer and supplication before his God for
that same blessing, had accompanied it ? It is thus that the mercy
of the distant, unknown God of Israel towards them, the Gentiles,
is bestowed upon them through the medium of St Paul's prayer ;
and this inward concealed fact of a Je-w's praying for them is
made obvious to them by raeans of that which they themselves
have seen and experienced of hira.
We now understand more and more distinctly, and see more
and more clearly, how much reason St Luke had for embodying
in his Book this account of the voyage, although It Is so minute
and detailed as to those outward events. No doubt most readers,
and Theologians especially, had they been left to choose between
an account of Paul's ministry in the neighbourhood of Galatia,
or a raore detailed statement of his conduct in Corinth, and the
account of the voyage under consideration, would not hesitate for
a moment, and would willingly give up the latter, if. In exchange,
they could get either of those first mentioned. And yet, such
an exchange would be very foolish ; for, from the analogy of
St Paul's discourses and Epistles, we can see with sufficient plain
ness in what manner St Paul taught and laboured In Galatia and
Achaia ; but we should not be able to discover how he behaved
and laboured for the kingdom of Jesus in the midst of the Gen
tiles, on sea and by land, and when he was, for many days, in
danger of death. Yea, doubtless, if these people endeavoured

ACTS XXVII. 1— x.wiii. 15. 269
to conceive of the conduct of the Apostle under such circum
stances, they would arrive at a result altogether different from
that which we find in the authentic account. Who would not
feel much more satisfied if, instead of the many nautical and
geographical details, St Luke had comraunicated to us an exhor
tation of the Apostle to the heathens to repent and believe, or a
prayer offered up before and with them in the hour of danger ?
And yet, in such a case, w'e should have learned only what we
know already ; while we should not have got a glimpse into the
deep foundation on which the Apostle's exhortation to repentance
and faith, and the prayers and suppUcatlons for the salvation of
then- souls, rested. The case, indeed, stands thus, that whUe,
apparently, St Luke draws us away from the sphere of the
Inward, spiritual life, and leads us into the most external efforts
and toil of human life, and, with e'rident Intention, keeps us
there, — he, in truth, allows us to look the more deeply into the
hidden mysteries of the kingdom of God. Even of this his
tory, that which Luther says of the history of Jesus, holds com
pletely and unreservedly true : " The more deeply that Christ is
drawn into nature and the flesh, the greater Is the comfort which
is thereby afforded" (see Doven, Entwickelungsgeschlchte der
Lehre von der Person Christi, S. 192, 1 Aufl). For it is not thus
that Christ has redeemed mankind from sin and death, that from a
distance, and from the glory of heaven. He sympathized with hu
man misery ; but the beginning of His work of redemption was
this, that He became flesh. This complete, unreserved entering into
the communion of human nature has been made by Him the sole
and eternal basis of all doing and suffering with a view to redemp
tion. The history now under consideraiion shows that we must
conceive of St Paul's ministry among the Gentiles according to
the same analogy. Never yet did the comprehensiveness and
universal character of St Paul's vocation meet us in the same
way, as It did at the moment when he left Jerusalem to the
judgment of God, In order straightway to proceed to Rome, and
there, to the ruler of the Roman Empire. Nor has the impor
tance of St Paul's person for the history of the whole world ever
been so realized by us as in his last decisive discourse before king
Agrippa, immediately before he entered upon his journey (see
xxvi. 16  18). We, therefore, completely understand that, even

270 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY PROM CESAREA TO ROME.
now, there was to be manifested, in a manner different from that
in which it had ever been before, the foundation of the whole
relation in which Jesus Christ's Apostle and servant to the
Gentiles reaUy stands to these nations of the world. We must
have long been convinced that, in order to fit him for his office
of Apostle to the Gentiles, It was necessary that he should be
freed from every thing which, in his nation, forms a contrariety
to other nations. The positive aspect of this negative condition
of St Paul's Apostolic office Is now set before us. In passing
from Jerusalem to Rome, St Paul is brought into contact -vrith a
multitude of men, as different as they were weU organized among
themselves, and who represented the Gentile nations of the
Roman Empfre ; and in communion with them he is given over
to the elements of earth and heaven. And, Inasmuch as in the
stormy voyage and shipwreck of these his travelling companions,
the whole present aspect of the falling and sinking heathen
world is represented, the Apostle of the Gentiles Is, by means of
this voyage, placed in a real and actual communion with the
nations to whom he Is sent. Now, did the Apostle consider, and
change this communion into a beautiful and edifying allegory, by
availing himself of the nearness of heathen life and manners, in
order to make sorae reflections on the distress and misery of the
ship of the Gentile world which was given up to the waves and
billows of time, and, at length, was to be wrecked on the rocky cliffs
of just punishment, while he hiraself was enjoying a position which
afforded security and shelter ? We have every reason for sup
posing that the deep raeaning of the whole voyage did not escape
St Paul ; but nowhere in Scripture does it happen that an actual
event, as such, is, for the sake of some additional meaning, put
in the back ground. The allegory, on the contrary, has always
the truth ofthe actual fact for Its foundation, and the truth of this
actual fact must always, and above every thing, be acknowledged.
And such is the case here also. Above every thing else, the
Apostle is fiiUy In earnest in entering Into the whole reality of this
comraunion decreed for him. St Luke, his fnend and companion,
is to us a guarantee that the Apostle Paul entered into this com
munion, so as to have even a clear knowledge of the winds, and
their strength and dfrections, of the boat and the tacklings of the
ship, yea, even of the heathen image at -the bow of the second

ACTS XXVII. 1  XXVUI. 15. 271
Alexandrian vessel (see xxvUi, 11), and that, along with all his
heathen associates,he descended to the fear of death (see xx-vii, 24),
It is on this ground of universal human nature, of universal human
life and suffering, of universal human feeling and action, that
the Apostle of the Gentiles must first and chiefly take his stand ;
and that in such a way that this entire and unreserved com
munion of universal human nature should be brought home to
the con'viction of the GentUes, in a manner distinct and unde
niable. And in this, the necessary principle and inviolable rule
for aU teaching and preaching among the Gentiles has been
most plainly and positively brought before us. As all the
redeeming work of Christ rests on the foundation and supposi
tion of His Incarnation, so all the converting work of the mes
sengers of Christ must rest on the immoveable foundation and
supposition of their pure human nature and feeling. The account
under consideration is Intended to establish, for all fiiture time,
this never to be forgotten fact, for our instruction and warning,
that St Paul, before professing before the Gentiles the name of
Jesus Christ, before speaking to them of eternal life and perdi
tion, shows them how, by his knowledge and word, and, where
that was in vain, by the labour of his hand, he has endeavoured
to preserve the ship and cargo ; and when all was in vain, still
continues to work with his hands, and to pray with his spirit, in
order that the Uves of those who are with him in the vessel may
be preserved. A spiritualizing theology, instead of expressing
astonishment at, and haughtily ridiculing the diary of St Luke,
should look to the present state of the world, and to Its dangers.
It might thereby obtain the conviction that we have here a most
necessary piece of sacred history before us, which Is just the more
highly and sacredly to be esteemed, the more it is undervalued
and misunderstood.
For, ever since the professing and preaching of the Gospel,
the teaching and praying in the name of Jesus Christ among the
GentUes Is no more done in that pure manner and form of the
Spirit In which St Paul once traversed the countries and Isles of
the Gentiles, supporting himself by the labour of his hands, and
offering, without money and without price, the bread of etemal
life in the literal practice of the word of Jesus, that it is raore
blessed to give than to receive ; — ever since the ministerial office

272 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
among the Gentiles acquired a secular foundation, the temptation
has become so much the greater to do the work of the office
'without the spiritual disposition which the office requires. Such
disposition, however, is, in the first instance. Faith, which fiirnishes
the subject of all preaching and teaching, of all professing and
praying. There exists the temptation of doing the works of
faith, without the corresponding principle of faith ; of such a
case we do not here speak. But another contradiction may still
be conceived of, namely, that not only faith may be wanting, but
there may be wanting the sentiments also which we have here
recogni(-ed as the necessary condition of all evangelical ministry ;
such a corruption is particularly deep and dangerous. For,
since the evangelical rainistry supposes, as a matter of course,
human affections, the delusion may creep in, that the latter are,
by no means, necessary or essential. The error raay arise that
faith in the Divine, in that which is above human nature and con
ception, must, by itself, repress all that is human ; and thus it
may happen that faith may view Itself, and claim to be viewed by
others, as a warranted substitute for, yea, as a higher degree
of the absence of human affections and sentiments. Into this
dark delusion and confusion, — ^which is ever anew nourished
by the secular form of honor and profit with which the office
has clothed Itself, — at length even evil -will may enter with
lies and deceit. It Is in this way that It may happen that the
deepest and most hidden foundation of all holy testimony in
the world — viz., human affections, may be entirely destroyed,
and yet there may remain, for the sake of the outward form
which always accompanies the appearance of Divine truth in the
world, the form of godliness. We have then the horns of the
holy lamb, and the words ofthe dragon,— namely, the beast of the
false prophet out ofthe abyss (see Rev. xiU. 11). Such a dreadful
end, however, does not come on all of a sudden, but is preparing
graduaUy ; and such an end is, for this purpose, set before us,
that we raay guard ourselves with fear and trembling against
even the smallest and imperceptible beginnings. Such beoin-
nings have had an existence in the Gentile Church for a long
period ; and it is especially our own time that has, on this
point, to examine itselfi We would here not even mention those
ecclesiastical territories in which, even by the hierarchical order.

acts xxvu. 1 — XXVUI. 15. 273
human affections are limited and mutilated for the bearers of the
ministerial office. With respect to the ministerial office even in
the Evangelical Churches, the opinion is wide spread and deeply
rooted in the congregations, that most of the members of this class
are deficient in the oneness and entireness of human life and
sentiments. And, indeed, when we consider the manifestations of
their official activity, their sermons and official duties, their prayers
and instructions, oral as well as written, those only who are pre
judiced -will be able to deny that, within this whole sphere, a mass
of abstract and doctrinal matters is transplanted and dragged for
ward, to the injury of the real contact of the ministerial office
with the congregation (comp. Jonas, die Kanzelberedsamkeit
Luthers, S. xii.). But in what else has this error its foundation
than in the mistaken notion that when they speak as ministers,
they may speak in a manner different from that which they adopt
when they wish to make theraselves understood on general
human affafrs ; that. In the ministerial and ecclesiastical sphere,
they are free from the general claims of humanity ? And all the
while we see that St Paul is of opinion that, in his testimony, he
must proceed so much the more in a human raanner, the more
that that is Divine and spiritual which he feels himself called
upon to say;— -that the great Apostle of the Gentiles, before pro
claiming the Gospel in the metropolis of the world, goes through,
in a manner the most comprehensive, and in presence of all the
Gentiles, an actual confirmation of his human nature and affec
tions ; — and that, impelled by the Spirit, St Luke has deemed it
-vrise and profitable to describe more minutely this entering of the
Apostle into the life and sufferings of the heathen world, than he
did even his entering, on the Ai-eopagus, into the sphere of
Gentile thought. But when men even venture to proceed with,
and to hold up the faith in, and the holy profession of, the Gospel
of Christ, while, at the same time, the simplest and most un
deniable principles of human nature are trampled under foot ; —
when men are bold enough to praise evangelical conduct and
Christian sentiments, where the heathens would desiderate fideUty
and justice, and our old Theologians the justitia cIvUIs : — there
already very serious signs are appearing which call us to the law
and to the testimony, and seriously remind us of St Luke's
despised account of the voyage. For, in these phenomena, we
VOL. III. s

274 sect. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
must not be deceived by zeal against false prophecying, nor
imagine that, with such zeal, not even the slightest beginning of
false prophecying could, by any possibility, take root. For this
mode of administering the Divine word and office is on good
terms with false prophecying ; inasmuch as it does not becorae
wearied in holding up, and in ever more castigating the rational
listlc and naturalistic (humanistic) tendencies as the essence of
pseudo-prophetism, whilst these poor doctrines chiefly err in this,
— ^that they consider that to be the Gospel itself which the
Gospel supposes only as a matter of course, naraely, the claims of
human nature and of human affections ; and, therefore, such In
human zeal against these aberrations cannot claim any right at
all. A right to reject these rationalistic and humanistic doctrines,
as being negative and destructive, exists only where the supposi
tion of all evangelical action is fiiUy and freely admitted, and in
reality practised, — a supposition which. In the account under
consideration, and In the face of St Paul's ministry In the
centre of the world, is, by St Luke, so intentionally and un
deniably brought to light from its usual quiet concealment.
The zealous thundering against rationalism and humanism can,
with that inhuman pretence of godliness, be considered only as
an attempt to cover its own nakedness, and to deafen its o-wn
evil conscience ; for such poor doctrines derive a transitory sig
nificance and existence only from the cfrcumstance that, some
how and somewhere, self-delusion or deceit in the sphere of
ministerial actl-vity has attacked, or encroached upon that in-viol-
able supposition. The more that thus the pseudo-prophetism
in the Church developes into that monstrous abortion of the
beast which we see coming up in that prophetic word concerning
the end, the more important and significant must the section
under consideration appear to the Church. And since we can no
more overlook and deny the temptations and beginnings of that
final form of false prophecying which at present exists in our
Church, we must the more readily acknowledge and recognize
the prevaUing work of the Spirit in the coramunication of this
account of the voyage ; and this the more that, at first sight,
the whole account appears strange. For the Spirit sees, -with
His glance, through all the periods and wants of the Church,
and enters into them with His love and wisdom. For this

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIU. 15. 275
reason, He has committed to writing every thing which, in
the development of the first period of the Church, took a
normal course, and has provided for it the canonical acknowledg
ment in the immediately succeeding period of the ecclesiastical
development. Since St Luke does not report any thing as to the impression
produced upon the assembly by St Paul's words, but proceeds
(ver, 27) with his account of the outward events connected with
the tlireatening danger of the stranding of the vessel, we must
suppose that nothing of such an Impression made its appearance.
But are we, for that reason, to suppose that no impression at all
had been made, or even that the Apostle's entering into the whole
inward and outward condition of the heathens assembled here was
not so deep and earnest as we have conceived of, and represented
it? That, certainly, would be a very rash conclusion. No one
doubts that, in his speech on the Areopagus, St Paul entered
deeply and earnestly into the heathen and Grecian modes of
thought ; and yet the result is not merely silence, but even con
tempt and mockery. We must bear in mind and realize the
aberration and obduracy of heathenism which rested on the sins
and delusions of several thousands of years, in order to find it to
be conceivable, how it was, that not even the deepest earnestness of
the purest love could at once count upon avislble success, although
it eraploy and call in all thoughts and affections, all the powers of
body and soul, in order to lay hold of the heathen portion of man
kind in the foundations of its existence and consistence, and to
raise them out of the abyss. We must, moreover, here take into
consideration the whole outward condition of the assembly — their
being shut up in a vessel threatened with destruction — in order
to find so much the more conceivable this silence after so touching
a discourse of the Apostle, who came forward after having been
tried and proved in such a manner. For we cannot by any
means beUeve that the discourse should have produced no impres
sion at aU. On the contrary, it Is highly probable that not one
soul in the whole assembly remained unmoved by the closing
exhortation : Bio evOvfielre dvBpe<i. We shall also have occasion
immediately to see that the Apostle's conduct during the voyage
has proctired for him an authority In the ship which he did not
formerly possess. Certainly, however, the assembly is very far
from giving themselves over, with entire confidence, to the guid-
s 2

276 SECT. XXXV. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
ance and direction of the Apostle, upon the ground of such an
irresistible impression. The unwillingness and refusal of the
heathen nature to bow before the po-5\'er of love serve, however,
only to bring before us the farther display and manifestation of
this love of the Apostle of the Gentiles in its real earnestness, in
its unyielding perseverance, and In its faithfulness towards the
least and the meanest.
A crisis takes place -with the fourteenth night, which, accord
ing to the mode of calculation eraployed In ver. 18, 19, must be
reckoned from their leaving Crete. The ship is driven up and
down in the Adriatic sea, by which name, in a wider sense, the
Ionic sea is likewise designated (see Winer, bibl. Realwort. I.
23, 24) ; and at midnight the shipmen deemed that, according to
St Luke's nautical expression, the land drew nearer to them (ver.
27). St Luke does not mention by what raeans the sailors re
cognized the nearness of the land during the night. Sraith,
however, remarks that the breaking of the waves usually indicates
this (see 1. c. p. 88). As soon as this -riew has been taken
up by the sailors, they throw out the fathom-Une in order to
ascertain the matter ; and not only do they soon find ground,
but, after having gone a Uttle farther, a considerable decrease of
depth — from twenty to fifteen fathoms — manifests Itself; and
thus the fear arises that the ship may, in a short time, run on
rocky cliff's (et? TpaxeK tottov;). In this situation, the sailors
endeavour to escape from the danger of being wrecked, by casting
out four anchors from the stem (ver. 29) ; by which they succeed,
as St Luke intimates by his silence, in bringing the ship to a
stand-still. The minute account of these events of the fourteenth
night renders it In itself probable that St Luke was awake and
on deck, and knew thera from being present and an eye-witness ;
and by this our attention is anew directed to the contrast
betwixt Jonah and St Paul. While Jonah gives himself up to
sleep during the storm — and, to all appearance, in the day time
— St Paul and his companions do not, even on the fourteenth
night of the storm, allow sleep to themselves, but think them
selves obUged to watch most closely all the events and incidents
in the ship. And we shall iraraediately see that we have not
been mistaken in this om- inference, and of what great conse
quence for the preservation of the men were this constant
carefulness and watchfulness of St Paul.

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 277
For St Luke reports that whUe the sailors were lying in the
ship at anchor, and waiting for the dawn of the day, in order
then to take fai-ther measure.s, the fear arises with them that the
wreck of the vessel was almost unavoidable, and that aU those
within it would be threatened with danger to their Uves. " Under
these circumstances" — as Meyer correctly remarks— "the sailors,
in order to get out of this dangerous position, and to have some
certainty of escape, make the treacherous attempt to get to land
in the boat which they had already let down, under the pretext
of casting the anchor out of the forepart of the ship, and thus to
leave to thefr fate the master of the vessel, the soldiers, and the
other passengers, along with the ship itself The master of the
vessel, whose interest was too closely connected with the preser
vation ofthe ship, was surely not implicated in this conspfracy of
his men ; but how easily. In such vulgar minds, are the ties of
fidelity and duty loosened in times of such uncertainty and
danger, especiaUy when, at such an expense, a sure deliverance
can be effected." Thus St Paul obtains a new opportunity of
looking into the incurable dissolution of the first conditions of life
among this heathen multitude ; and this we shall find to be
altogether a matter of course, if it be true that it is as the Apostle
of the Gentiles that he is to be conceived of, while inclosed, with
sinking and falling heathenism, within the space ofthe stranding
ship. But it is not only the mere inward dissolution of the
natural relations which is here manifested, but also, at the
same time, the contempt of the Di"rine testimony of the Apostle,
which he had sealed by a deed of the purest and most faithful
love. For, in the first instance, the sailors have no confidence in
the Divine promise of St Paul, that no danger of life should be
connected with the wrecking of the vessel ; and, secondly, the
Apostle Paul also is, with all the others, given over to certain
destruction by these sailors. But this confusion and dissolution
of heathenism, and its obstinate resistance to the Divine message
of salvation, is not only exhibited to St Paul, and communicated
to us simply to be looked at ; — something else, and altogether
different, is also contained in it for the Apostle, and, hence, for
us also. It is by means of his sharing, in a human manner, in
the condition of all his travelling companions, — a sharing which
was displayed in his sympathy, compassion, and co-operation, and

278 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
finally, by his deep-felt prayers and supplications before his God
for the preservation of himself and of the whole company, — it is
thus that he has obtained the certainty that no soul should be
lost. This security is divinely guaranteed to him ; and he de
clares, in the presence of the whole assembly, that he relies, with
entfre faith, upon this promise of his God (see ver. 25). WIU
St Paul not be now quite at ease, and prove, as far as he is con
cerned, the good courage to which he has exhorted the others,
by looking forward with perfect calmness to that which is to
happen ? What is it that has never yet permitted him to be
calm and at his ease, that, in the fourteenth night of the storm,
keeps him awake, and urges him to go on deck, and leads him
minutely to follow and to observe aU the motions of the ship, and-
all the actions of the saUors ? Has he, perhaps, begun to doubt
the Di"rine promise of the general safety ? Yea, does not this
supposition find a distinct support in the declaration : " Except
these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved" (ver, 31) ? For,
has it not, after this declaration, quite the appearance as if
now the preservation of the Uves of aU of them were made
entirely to depend upon the conduct of those who are to be
wrecked ; whUe, according to the former declaration (ver, 24), it
must have appeared as a work of Divine mercy alone ? And yet,
even apart from every thing which here appears, we can certainly
suppose every thing possible, rather^than such a feeling of insecu
rity in the innermost soul of the Apostle, We do not, moreover,
perceive the slightest change or perturbation in the conduct of the
Apostle, There are, even now, in his obser"ring and acting, the
same confidence and security, which command respect ; and, in
his manner and conduct, the same sympathy and kindness which
cannot but awaken courage and confidence. If the innermost
centre of his nature had been shaken in reaUty, as it has been
apparently, this unchangeableness of his whole conduct would,
indeed, be an impossibility. We are, therefore, compeUed to seek
for another solution ofthe difficulty. Even as regards the general
promise ofthe Lord which had previously been given to St Paul
in Jerusalem, — that he should reach Rome in safety, — we were
obliged to remark that, by this Divine promise, his own co-opera
tion was not excluded, either in the proceedings at Cesarea, or in
the voyage hitherto. The same remark Is applicable here also, —

acts xxvii, 1 — XXVIII. 15. 279
only that, on account of the greater distinctness with which the
Divine promise and grace here appear, the human co-operation
appears to be so much the more strange, especiaUy since, in the
passage before us, everything Is made to depend upon that co
operation. But, in reality, we are by this state of things only
compelled to abandon entirely all unchristian ideas of the relation
between God and man, and so much the more eamestly to conceive
of this relation in that siraplicity and purity in which it is supposed
to exist, and has for ever been sealed, by the personal unity of God
and man in Christ Jesus. Even CaMn, holding, as he does, the
doctrine of predestination, sees himself compeUed by this passage
to put us in mind of the necessity of human co-operation in the
execution ofthe Divine decrees, although, by the succeeding limi
tation, all the truth and significance of free human action is again
taken away. For when Calvin continues : " Yet, nevertheless,
it does not followthat the hand of God is bound to means or helps;
but when God ordains this or that mode of acting. He restrains
the powers of men, so that they cannot leap beyond the limits
assigned to them by Him," we at once see that Calvin does not
venture to conceive of the human activity as, in any sense what
soever, a cause.
But, with such narrowmlndedness and tlinidity, which is re
Ueved only after having, on every occasion, arrived at the thought
of God's sovereignty and power, even although aU liberty and
independence of huraan will and nature should melt away into a
mere semblance, nothing is more certain, than that men, "with such
a tendency of thought, are unable to coraprehend the meaning of
what is here expressed by the words and actions of the Apostle.
We must, on the contrary, always faU back upon this ; — that a
right and perfect reUance upon God is so far from excluding
human acting and working, that that reliance is the most origi
nal and the most powerful spring of all human movement and
action; just as, on the other hand, the full measure of all human
self-action has complete reUance upon God for its necessary
foundation.^ It is for this reason that, by the distinct Divine
promise concerning the preservation of all the souls in the ship,
St Paul feels himself to be only the more deeply and directly
' Just the doctrine of Calvin. — [2'rJ

280 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
impelled to make use of all his powers for the attainment of this
object. On the other hand, from the extraordinary measure of
his ingenuity and energy, we perceive that with his innermost
soul he must be rooted and grounded in the depth of Divine
grace. Aaid Indeed the ingenuity displayed by the Apostle, during
that midnight, at the horrible conspiracy of the sailors, is very
extraordinary. For, in order to discover that plan, St Paul
required not only to observe distinctly all the movements of the
sailors, and all the circumstances connected with the ship, but
also to form a judgment regarding what was necessary, and what
was not. How other"wise could he have known that, when the
sailors lowered the boat, under the pretext that they were to cast
anchor at the prow, they could not intend to do what they pre
tended, and, hence, must have formed the "wicked intention of
making their escape ? For St Paul does not merely suspect thefr
wicked counsel ; he perceives its existence "with clearness and cer
tainty. Whilst formerly he had proved himself to be acquainted
with the sea and the weather, he now, in the darkness of the
stormy night, shows that he understands how a ship in danger of
being wrecked is to be managed. This fact of his sharp glance,
by means of which he penetrates, notwithstanding all the dark
ness of the night, into the depth of the distress of the stranding
vessel, "vrith as great certainty as he does into the abyss of the
sailors' wickedness, is made stUl raore plain by the cfrcumstance
that the Centurion with his soldiers had perceived nothing of the
threatening danger, although it was they who properly were ap
pointed to exercise the superintendence, and although their own
Uves, at all events, were more concerned than that of St Paul,
With great confidence and presence of mind, St Paul now
turns at once towards his mUitary companions ; and from the
circumstance that the soldiers at once resolutely cut the ropes by
which the boat had been lowered (ver, 31), and thus, without
reluctance or hesitation, consign to the sea an e"rident means of pre
servation, wesee how unconditionally this miUtary band now trusts
to the word of St Paul, and it is thus anew confirraed, how these
representatives ofthe Roman Empire, who were most worldly and
raost hostile to the Spirit, manifest a pre-eralnent susceptibility
for the kingdora of Christ. And it is also manifest, at the same
time, that the Apostle's tried and proved love has, by no means.

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 281
been lost upon his heathen companions, although the crew. In
this moment of the danger of death, may seera to have reraained
altogether unimpressed. Let us only realize what an amount
of confidence in the kno-wledge and disposition of St Paul was
required when, against the will and intention of the sailors, and
in the face of the danger of death, the soldiers, upon the mere
word of St Paul, make use of force, and give up to the sea the
boat of deliverance. Indeed, this unconditional confidence in
the word of St Paul, on the part of the Roman warriors, is the
best acknowledgment of his knowledge and love arising out of
the depth ofthe Spirit. It Is just, therefore, by the circumstance
that St Paul does not allow himself to be discouraged, when,
upon his touching and deeply-founded exhortation and comfort
ing address, not even the slightest trace of an impression upon
the whole heathen assembly is to be recognized ; but that, on the
foundation of the Divine promise, he continues to employ all the
powers of his body and soul in order to accomplish the deliver
ance of the whole body of raen which was decreed in the counsel
of God ; — it is just thereby that he at length gains a distinct influ
ence upon his companions, and attains the object which he had
in view. And in this we behold reflected, as in a mirror, and in
the most lively and instructive manner, the relation and labour
of the Church towards the heathen world. Just as the Apostle
of the Gentiles, so the Gentile Church has the promise of that
God, whose she is and whom she serves, that the whole GentUe
world shall be given to her, — all that, namely, which constitutes
the fulness ofthe Gentiles (to TrXypaifia t&v idvSv, Rom. xi. 25).
Like her Apostle, so the Gentile Church receives this promise,
after having entered with full sympathy and love into the lost
condition of the heathen world,— after she has perceived and felt
that, in deed and in truth, she is shut up with the GentUe nations
in a frail vessel on the turbulent sea of the world. Her sympa
thizing and bearing with them outwardly, her praying and
supplicating for them inwardly, by means of which the Church,
along with the nations, goes up and down amidst the storms and
tempests of the roaring ocean of the world, — these are the
grounds on account of which the Church, which cannot be swal
lowed up even by the abyss of hell, receives the fulness of the
Gentiles for an equal preservation and salvation. But, as little

282 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S journey from cesarea to ROME.
as her great Apostle and example, is the Gentile Church, although
standing on the foundation of this Divine promise, permitted to
desist for a moment from her labour. It is just the reverse ; for
it is just this Dmne security which is to Inspire her with strength
and ability for bestirring herself, and for acting in a way such as
the world has yet never, nor anywhere, seen. It is just because
she knows that it is her holy and Divine Head who, by the hand
of His omnipotent love, saves and brings up to Ufe the sinking
heathen world, — It Is just for this reason that she knows herself
to be called to accomplish this salvation and regeneration of the
Gentiles by means of her watching and labouring, her word and
her work.
After St Paul has, by his persevering watchfulness and quick
resolution, removed the impending danger, and has gained the
general esteem by his conduct, a most significant period of rest
takes place under the mediation of St Paul. There is now
no longer any doubt that the vessel, which is still holding up
the whole body of the travellers over the roaring abyss, must,
in a short time, go to pieces ; the boat, — the only means of con
nexion between the stranding vessel and the sa"ring shore, —
has been cast adrift upon the sea ; the whole traveUing company
must now perceive that they are given up and exposed to the
elements, both above and beneath ; and, in addition, night, which
still refuses to yield to the day, spreads dark hoiTors over this
desperate condition. But even this night has Its bright moming
star ; and that is the sure^ hope in the unfalUng word of promise
which beams in the heart of Paul with never-fading brightness.
Once already had the Apostle endeavoured to communicate to
his fello"w; voyagers his good confidence in the safety of every
soul, and, thereby, to break through the dark desponding dispo
sition which had seized aU of them ; but in vain. The situation
has, meanwhile, become stUl more threatening, and the disposi
tion, no doubt, StiU more depressed. But, inasmuch as St Paul
perceives that his authority is again gaining a footing in their
hearts, he again endeavours to make the morning rays of his
hope to shine into the night of the general despondency (vv, 33,
34). In express words he now declares that to which he had
already alluded in his first address, — naraely, that in the view of
the deliverance promised to them by God, the desponding ones

ACTS XXVII. 1— XXVIII. 15. 283
should give up thefr sad and weakening abstinence from meat
and drink. And in order to give the strongest eraphasis to his
exhortation, he himself takes the bread, gives thanks to God in
presence of them all, breaks it, and begins to eat (ver. 35) . Need
we wonder that this word and deed make an irresistible impres
sion upon their minds ? They all have before their eyes the
stranding of the ship, thefr being given up to the waves of the
deep, and to the winds of heaven ; and no one can doubt that
St Paul has to share the same fate. And now they all see, not
only that St Paul is himself of good cheer, but is able also to en
courage others ; that m the face of this danger of death, — in the
face of the raging elements, he avails himself of, and enjoys the
present moment ; that he jo3rfully takes the bread, breaks It, and
strengthens himself for the final struggle with the wind and
waves. For when Paul says : tovto yap, — namely the taking of
the long wanted daUy food, — Trpo? Trj<; vfj.eTepa<; acoTypia^ virdp-
Xei, he, of course, means that strengthening by means of food is
necessary for the safety of each individual, because no one shall
be absolved from the necessity of employing his power for saving
himself from shipwreck. Does he then derive his confidence and
assurance from the cfrcumstance that he trusts in his own
strength and skill. In case that the ship would no longer hold
him up over the abyss ? Such a support would, to himself, be a
very poor and frail one for his own safety ; and a confidence and
hope embracing the whole of his companions in misfortune would,
at aU events, be altogether out of the question. St Paul has,
even now, his hope and assurance in his God alone. That he
manifests by his offering thanks for the bread granted to him, in
the presence of aU, as St Luke expressly adds. This word of
thanks to his God must, of course, remind all those who were pre
sent of the promise of this God which St Paul had but lately com
municated to his companions in the voyage. And certainly this
much could not but impress itself upon the con"rictions of all of
them : — that a man in the midst ofthe danger of death can, with
such truth, give thanks to his God for the bread bestowed, only
if, with the firm hand of faith, he has taken hold of this God as
the Saviour and DeUverer in the midst of death. This assurance
and joy which look upon the surrounding yawning abyss as if it
were a harbour of refuge,— which, with perfect security, avail

284 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
themselves of the present moment in the vessel about to be
wrecked, and gratefully receive from the hand of God the
present morsel of meat, — such assurance and joy have the power
of arousing the whole desponding assembly from thefr dulness
and despair, and of inspiring them with the same joyful courage,
and hope of Ufe. All are now of good cheer arid take food, and
are thereby strengthened, so that every one, on his own behalf,
is, in the imminent danger of death, able to work out his deU
verance. The more anxious that the Apostle e"ridently Is that every
one should, on his part, appropriate to himself by his own co
operation the deliverance which is decreed and promised by God,
and which is to be so complete that not an hafr should faU frora
the head of any one (see ver. 34 ; comp. Luke xxi. 18), the raore
careful St Luke is in describing graphically all the single cir
cumstances which accompanied, and gave rise to the safety of
the men. Strengthened in body and soul by the word and
example of St Paul, and by the food frora which they had so
long abstained, the men begin the work of their deUverance by
lightening the ship, and by casting into the sea the com (rov
aurov, ver. 38) with which she was laden. For the expression 6
alTo';, must not — as Meyer thinks — ^be understood of the pro"vi-
sions for those who were in the ship, but of the corn which the
Alexandrian ship had taken on board as her cargo for Italy.
This is e"rident, not only from the circurastance that, even
although we take into account the great number of men in the
vessel, the provisions are, for a large sea^vessel, a comparatively
trifling burden ; but also from this that, otherwise, the heaviest
part ofthe lading would not be named at all, although several times
(see vv. 18, 19 — 38) a lightening of the ship is mentioned. AlS is
seen from the verse immediately following, the Ughtening which
is spoken of here has a purpose quite different from those previously
mentioned. For whUst, hitherto, all that has been undertaken,
has been so for the purpose of sa"ring ship and cargo, and thereby,
as a matter of course, the men also ; thefr object now evidently
is to make the vessel be stranded (see ver. 39) ; and the light
ening is for the purpose of allowing the vessel, in running
aground, to come as near as possible to the land. In order that
thus the men might the raore easily and safely get on shore.

acts xxvu. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 285
Whilst thus they were formerly anxious to preserve vessel and
cargo, and, thereby, the men also, they are now resolved to give
up ship and cargo, in order thereby the more surely to snatch
the souls from danger. Now, it is in this that the farther effect
of St Paul's word and conduct becomes very manifest. For
when all former care and labour for preserving the vessel, and the
lives depending upon it, had been in vain, general despondency
and dull indifference took place. But St Paul has banished this
spfrit of dumb despondency by means of the Divine promise of
the safety of all the souls, and by the joyful, actual appropriation
of this promise ; and hence there now exists the courage also to
give up ship and cargo for the sake of the safety of the men ;
and, if the men cannot be saved in any other way, to assist with
their own hands. In giving over ship and cargo to the elements.
The position strongly reminds us of the deliverance of Lot and
his house from Sodom and Gomorrah. It was Lot's sin that he
had gone into the valley of SIddim, and had becorae an inhabi
tant of Sodom ; for, in making this choice, he had looked upon
the beauty and fertility of the country, and not upon the god
lessness and wickedness of the men (see Gen. xiii. 10 — 13).
For the sake of this sin it is that he can save his own soul only ;
and even that only in such a way as to make it necessary for
him to renounce all his present possessions, and to give them up
to the general destruction and ruin of the town. And because it
is just this decided renunciation of all goods and possessions
which is Intended, he and his house are enjoined not even to
look back to the place of their possessions (see Gen. xix. 17, 29).
To such decision Lot could, of course, attain, only after he had
freed himself inwardly from that outward tendency in which he
had chosen Sodom as his residence ; and the looking back of his
wife is just the consequence of this want ofthe necessary change
of heart, — ^for which reason the punishment is so severe. In like
manner, the fellow-travellers of St Paul are saved only by enter
ing the same narrow gate of a change of heart. Against St
Paul's advice, they ventured out into the insecurity of a wintry
sea. To such a daring step, to such a rebellion against the
natural arrangements of God, they could have come only In their
blind and passionate excitement which must have been caused
by the avaricious desire of gain. It is for this reason that St

286 sect. xxxv. paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
Paul, at first, cannot help reminding them, in the midst of their
distress, of thefr obstinate resistance, and representing the loss of
aU the goods as the necessary consequence of this pride (u/Spt?,
ver. 21). After this declaration of St Paul, no one can derive
any joy from his comforting promise and encouragement, who
had not previously submitted to his first word which referred to
the past, and had thereby admitted that, by his perverseness, he
hiraself had had a share in the loss of the ship and its goods, and
who had, thereby, also been enabled wlUIngly to resign himseff to
the loss of his own goods. This change of mind is implied even
in the circumstance that, after the encouraging word of St
Paul, they all are of good cheer (see ver. 36) ; and hence it is
not to be wondered at, that now, having the comforting promise
of St Paul for the foundation and support of their whole dispo
sition of mind, and conduct, they are even able to work out the
saving of thefr Uves by exerting theraselves to give up the vessel,
which hitherto had formed the sole foundation of thefr confidence,
and, along with it, the goods which it contained.
St Luke now endeavours graphically to represent in detaU
how, under the existing circumstances, the deliverance was
effected. The emptying of the vessel of aU her freight was the
general introductory step towards drmng her ashore. This
latter measure, however, can be undertaken only when there is
day light : " And when it was day," so St Luke goes on, " they
knew not the land ; but they discovered a certain creek which
had a shore " (ver. 39). I think that Meyer has rightly expressed
the sense of this simple narrative by saying : " So much they
see ; there is a creek and land belonging to it, and St Luke
simply relates what represented itself to the eager eyes of the
people. And this perception was to them a sufficient reason for
their resolution of landing there, if possible." It Is to thera
altogether a matter of indifference what land It Is on which they
are being stranded ; all that they care for is, that it be land In
opposition to the abyss ofthe sea ; all that they are anxious about,
is that it may have a shore. There now begins an activity (ver. 40)
which Is as distinctly and strongly directed to effect the stranding
of the vessel, as their former activity was directed to effect its pre
servation. Here Luther's translation, and many interpreters,
mislead the reader ; Meyer has undoubtedly fixed upon the true

acts xxvii. 1— XXVIII. 15. 287
meaning. With respect to the four acts of this activity, Meyer thus
expresses himself: " (1.) They cut away the (four) anchors round
about (irepieXovTes!), and left them In the sea, in order that they
might neither lose time, nor burden the vessel with thefr weight,
(2.) At the same time, they loosed the bands with which they had
tied the helms to the ship, in order to secure them frora the
"riolence of the vrind while they were lying at anchor ; but now
they "vrished to use them in bringing the ship ashore. (3.) They
hoisted np the top saU before the "wind, and thus took their direc
tion (KaTeixov) towards the shore (et? tov auyiaXov)." On the
subject of the farther explanation of these operations, Vomel re
marks on this passage : " The large merchantmen of the Ancients
had commonly two helms, — one at each side of the stem (see
intr. ad Lucian. Toxar, c. 6 ; Bockh, Urkunden des Attischen
Seewesens, S. 125 ; Berghaus, Gesehichte der Schlfffahrt, i.,
427, seqq.). These helms were not so firm.ly connected with
the ship as are ours, but could easily be taken out, — as much
so as the oars and sails (see Euripid, Helen,, 1536 ; Herodot.
iii. 136 ; Athen viii. p. 361. B.). In storms, or when the
same course was to be continued for some time, they tied the
helms that they might remain in the same position. During the
storm which the Apostle had to encounter, they had been fast
bound ; but now that they wished to make for the land, they
loosed the bands that they might be able to steer. The sail men
tioned in this verse is the Artemon., i.e. a sail different from those
connected "with the large and the smallest mast, — the smallest
sail according to Bockh (1. c. S. 140). A larger sail would have
given too much power to the wind."
This effort is foUowed by a result which, under the existing
circumstances, may, upon the whole, be called happy. They
ran the ship on an isthmus (totto? BiddXaaao'i) ; and although
the hinder part was thereby destroyed by the force of the waves,
yet the fore-part took a firm hold in the sandy shore (ver. 41).
But in this position there suddenly arises a new danger for a
portion of the men, and among them, St Paul. Formerly (see
ver. 30), during the dangerous navigation, the crew had been will-
ling to give up to destruction the lives of all the remaining men ;
now, it is the soldiers whose counsel it is to kill all the prisoners,
for fear that any might escape by swimming (ver. 42). It is

288 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
here not some selfish purpose which interferes with and disturbs
the work of deliverance, as had been the case in the treacherous
intentions of the crew. On the contrary, the Roman soldiers
remain, even now, faithful to the character of their class, "with
which we have already frequently raet. The soldiers have
e"ridently no other intention than that of coraplying with their
strict military order, according to which they are, as far as cir
cumstances permit, responsible for the keeping of the prisoners
committed to them. It Is true that they ought to have been
kept from this exaggerated severity by the thought that, in
this case, they must attack the life of that man also who
more than once, and more than any one, had proved himself a
sa"viour and deliverer in this distress. Besides the inhuman
cruelty against the prisoners in general, and St Paul particularly,
implied in their intention, there was In it also a complete abandon
ment of confidence in the assurance and promise of St Paul, and,
hence, an entire abandonment of the diisposltlon to which they
had just attained, and which, both in a Divine and human point
of -riew, was necessary for their sharing in the proraise of deliver
ance which was held out to them. We thus again see how the
deUverance decreed and promised by God is ever anew endangered
by the interference of man ; and how, at the sarae time, human
instruraentallty appears ever anew as essentiaUy necessary for the
deliverance. For what is it that, here also, hinders and breaks
the evil counsel of men. It is alone the individuality of the
Apostle Paul. He does not, it is true, appear here as speaking
and acting ; that would have been useless, considering that the
soldiers had made up thefr minds, and were possessed of the
power ; but the position which, by his former conduct, St Paul
had gained for himself is a silent power which, even then, exerts
its strength and influence when he himself is altogether silent.
The commander of the soldiers, although himself he in so far
approves of the plan of his men, and hence is himself fully pre
pared for the fearful and cruel severity of Roman discipline, is
earnestly desirous of deUvering St Paul ; and, for this reason, he
prevents the execution of the plan proposed by those under his
comraand. Thus St Paul again becoraes a deliverer and saviour
for his companions in misfortune. It Is, however, doubtless the
unexampled conduct of the Apostle which has increased the

ACTS XXVII. 1— XXVIU. 15. 289
original kindness of Julius towards him, so far as to make him
so decidedly willing to save St Paul, even in opposition to the
intention of his soldiers. The decided benevolence of the miU
tary commander towards St Paul becomes the cause that,
according to the position due to him, he takes the lead and
dfrectlon in this last work of deliverance. It is he who com
mands those who were able to swim to get to land first, and who
afterwards orders the remainder to seek thefr safety on the
planks, or other pieces ofthe wrecked vessel (ver. 43, 44). After
St Luke has thus shown how, in all its steps, even to the last,
the deUverance has been accomplished by human instrumentality,
he can now, in closing, report the happy result : Kai ovtw^ iye-
veTo, TrdvTw; BiaamOyvai iiri T:^f yyv (ver. 44). By this close,
he clearly refers to the former Divine promises (ver. 22, 24, 34),
and points out that, as regards this territory, we must consider
the Divine ride to be : — that the Divine promise is accomplished
by human instrumentality, and that it was for this reason that
so much stress had to be laid on the detaUs of this instrumen
tality. After ha-ring thus seen how very important it is, in this whole
narrative, to take all these events in their simple reality, and
naked, natural appearance ; we cannot forbear now to take, once
more, a retrospective -riew of the whole matter, and to look
beyond the outward sphere in which the whole narrative
primarily moves. For how perverse soever it may be to under
value the outward reality of these things, — of what importance
and moment soever it is, for the most spiritual questions, to
acknowledge and to urge the Divine right of the whole outward
territory which Is here brought before us ; — It would not be the
less perverse to overlook the fact, that, in these events, there is
stUl something more, — that, in these outward affairs, there is
reflected something which 'is internal and spiritual. This is
suggested to us by the very connexion in which we find our
narrative. The object which the "writer of our Book has in view
is, as he announces at the very commenceraent (see i. 8), the
extension of the Gospel to the ends of the earth. How constantly
he holds to this subject, is proved by the close also of the Book,
Now we have seen that the whole external sphere In which the
account of the voyage under consideration raoves, has, for this
VOL. III. T

290 SECT. XX.-CV. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
evangelical point of view, an importance which can never be
sufficiently acknowledged. But stiU, the strange form of this
narrative would become far more intelligible to us, if we were
permitted to assume a spiritual background in its outward
aspect, and were able to establish it ; for, in that case, even the
last appearance of a strange impression of this portion of our
Book would be compelled to vanish. Now we know, indeed,
very well that, on biblical ground, there exists such a mode of
narration as keeps within the sphere of external nature, and is
quite in earnest with it, but whose aim is, nevertheless, something
higher and spfritual. This we find in the Old Testament
history. Are we not, then, by the context and contents of our
section, very strongly pointed and directed to this analogy?
We have seen. Indeed, that the Old Testament development of
Israel has not followed that destination for, and direction to the
sea which were placed before the people from the very outset,
and that, in this respect, we have to consider our narrative as a
supplement to Old Testament history. Is it not then very
obvious also that this supplement to Old Testament history — if
we may call It so — has this resemblance also to Old Testament
narrative, that here, In the sphere of the natural, the kingdom
of the Spirit is represented ? And, indeed, the external form of
our narrative Is so conspicuous that, in many features, we could,
in the exposition given above, not oralt to direct attention to thefr
spiiitual signification.
We said that, in the inmates of the ship, a representation of the
whole heathen world is given ; that, in the ship driving on the
waves ofthe sea, we must recognize the condition ofthe Gentile
nations, according to the Old Testament notion of the sea, as well
as according to the notion of the Gentiles. Now It is, as St Luke
most expressly reports, the crew with thefr commanders who, by
their own pride, have brought the danger to the ship, the cargo,
and their own lives. But just so is the condition of all the Gentile
nations and kingdoms. Everywhere the Gentiles have incurred
guilt, and that not as Individuals only — every one in his own
sphere — but as large communities also which have been formed
in a natural and historical manner. For these latter have not,
as they ought to have, confided with holy fear in the living
God, but in the powers and spirits of the world, who afforded

ACTS XXVIL 1 — XXVIU. 15. 291
greater and greater scope to human pride and insolence. Hence
it is that not individuals only are endangered, but the larger
communities also, of which the individuals are members. That is
the danger which threatens ship, cargo, and men. There is one
hope only which exists in this general danger of the whole
heathen world, — namely, the communion into which the Church
of Christ enters with this death-threatened heathen world, — a
communion which is distinctly represented by that of St Paul
and his companions with all the men in the vessel. But the
more clearly that, in this coramunion of St Paul, we recognized
the fulfilment of that to which the history of Jonah points, — and
hence the more plainly we saw, in St Paul, the true Jonah ;— the
more clearly must we behold the Lord himself, in His presence
and power, in the Apostle Paul in the midst of the Gentiles.
The only hope of the heathen world then is Christ, who, by
means of His Spirit and Church, comes with His loving presence
into the midst of the Gentiles, and descends to them in all their
depths. It is thus the compassionate sympathizing love of Christ,
comprehending the whole heathen world, which is here brought
before us. This love is not directed to indi"riduals merely, but
also to the large communities to which the individuals belong, —
just as St Paul interests and exerts himself not only for the men
in the vessel, but also for the ship and cargo. It is true that,
neither by his labours nor by his prayer, has St Paul secured the
preservation of the ship and cargo ; the lives of the individuals
only are given to him. This feature comes out in the kingdom
of the Spirit after this raanner: — that single individuals only
from among the Gentiles receive the promise of salvation, but
not the large organisms, of which, by their natural and corporeal
foundation, they are the members, — such as nations and states.
From the very commencement we saw this to be a law in the
ministry of the Apostle of the Gentiles ; and this direction to
individuals appeared to us as peculiar to him. For, .since the
basis of nations and states is a natural and corporeal one, these
forms of human coramunion do not share any other fate than
the body of the individual. As the body of the individual is
unavoidably under the power of death, and as the grace of Christ
does not make any change In this law of death ; so the bodies of
the nations and states are subject to the same power of death.
T 2

292 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
As little as the ship with the cargo could be preserved by the
prayer and love of St Paul, as certainly is it a mistake to
iraagine that nations and states, as such, enter into the kingdom
of Christ, and thereby, as such, become partakers of Dirine,
eternal life. But the narrative under consideration shows that
this want of the promise is by no means to be considered as an
undervaluing, or contempt of these great forms of communities
among mankind. For it is not merely the master and the mate
of the vessel who have cared for the preservation of the ship and
cargo, but the Apostle Paul also ; yea, when the matter Is pro
perly and thoroughly examined, St Paul has exerted himself and
cared for these things far more even than these, with aU their
men. Thus the Church of Christ also has embraced, "vrith cordial
love, all the nations and states among the Gentiles to whom she
has come, and has laboured and wrestled, with all zeal, for their
preservation. But though she may succeed in this for a time,
the Church at last must fare with these things as the Apostle did
with his ship, and its wares and goods. The sin of the single
individuals is too deeply grown together vrith these communities,
to admit of a healing of the individuals without their being
loosed and separated from these communities ; — just as the single
individuals In the ship do not expect their safety from the Word
of God, until their present hold, viz., the ship with her cargo,
threatens to give way. But the more it has the appearance as
if thereby ship and cargo, as such, were to be despised ; and the
more strongly that the dangerous delusion and error may thus
force theraselves upon us, as if nations and states, as such, were
an obstacle to the pure and holy development of the individual ;
— the more It Is necessary and instructive ta bear in mind the
parallel of the body of the Individual. For, as it can enter the
minds of foolish men only that St Paul teaches a contempt
of the body when he demands of believers that they crucify the
flesh (see Gal. v. 24), and to mortify the members which are
upon the earth (see Coloss. ill. 5) ; so also it cannot be considered
as a proof of contempt of this territory, when upon individuals, in
their relation to their national and political community, even the
strongest self-denial is Imposed.
But the raost striking proof of the assertion that the severity
of Ploly Scripture against the body of the individual is not to be

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVUI. 15. 293
conceived of as a suppression or violation of its original Divine
prerogatives. Is always afforded by the hope, which Is steadily
held fast, of the resurrection of the flesh which had fallen a prey
to death and corruption. Now, Is there any thing analogous in
the territory of human communities ? There is, indeed, such an
analogy afforded in the resuscitation of the nationality of Israel,
to which aU other nations and communities are to be organlcaUy
joined. It will. Indeed, be Individuals only from among the
Gentiles who, in order to save their souls, have renounced their
connexion with their natural spheres of communion which, there
fore, are liable to corruption ; and It Is they only who shall enter
into this new communion with resuscitated Israel, and, thereby,
acqufre again a new and sanctified nationality. But these single
individuals are not to be valued according to thefr number, but
according to their influence and disposition. As far, however,
as this is concerned, they are just those who, in faith and spirit,
have held fast the true nature of their nationality and political
order, and maintained it so long against their unbelieving com
patriots, till they have appropriated to themselves the whole
substance of thefr popular and political order, and their adver
saries have become emptied and stripped of Its true essence. It
is, of course, a matter of indifference what, after such internal
wrestUng and struggles, the outward position of these individuals
has become. At all events they are the representatives of the
different nations, — representatives not only perfectly sufficient,
but even the sole representatives, — so that, by their entering
into the sanctifled nationality of Israel, the people obtain a share
in the completed kingdom of God, — a share corresponding to
thefr original character. Although, then, these single Individuals
apparently hate thefr national and political order for the sake of
the salvation of their souls, yet they are. In truth, the real lovers
of the true essence of their people and state ; and that which
they hate is nothing else than the corruption which has come in
by sin, and which cUngs to the natural condition of the national and
poUtical life ; — and for this reason, that hatred has its foundation
just in the love ofthe original, God-created substance of nationality
and political order. In the same manner, they who. In the power
ofthe Spirit, most willingly mortify their bodies, ar&just they who
are most anxious and active for the true and eternal substance of

294 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
their bodies. It must, accordingly, be acknowledged, as a very
significant feature in our narrative, that St Paul, who leads and
induces all by his word and exaraple joyfully to renounce the
ship and her cargo, is, of all of them, he who, from the very
commencement, had displayed the greatest anxiety for both ship
and cargo.
The manner and instrumentality by which the salvation (awry-
pia) is to be brought out. Is In our narrative represented in a way
as plain as it is remarkable. That which, according to our
account, is to be saved, and really Is saved (ao)6yvai, ver. 31,
Biaacodyvai, ver. 44; xxviii. 1), is the whole number ofthe souls
(see ver. 22, 37, 44). According to the order of nature, indeed,
the soul does not exist by itself, but is connected with the body,
and by the body with the earth, and its blessings, and gifts. But
since, by sin, the original relation which was estabUshed by God
between soul and body, has been disturbed and perverted, it is
necessary that first a separation should be made, and the soul be
represented as the Dirine and spiritual foundation of human
nature. It is then that a new and ever-abiding beginning is
gained, with which a new, pure, and unpolluted development
may connect itself. But now, how is this aarypia of the soul
accomplished ? As the first and abiding cause, the grace of God
meets us ; for it Is thus that the angel of God speaks to St Paul :
Kai IBoii KexdpiaTcbi aoi 6 ^eo? TravTas tov<; irXeovraf fiera aov,
ver. 24. But this grace of God is not a suppression of the origi
nal human order and nature, but is offered through the mediation
of St Paul, in his love and care for his companions in misfortune.
The conduct and actions of the Apostle Paul, however, point us
back to the Lord who has called him out of death into life, who
now lives In him, and without whom he does, and can do,
nothing. The love of the Lord Jesus Christ, His work and
sufferings, are, humanly speaking, the medium through which
the grace of God sinks into mankind, and connects itself with the
original creation of mankind. It is thus the graoe of God,
through the mediation of Jesus Christ, which is here announced
and exhibited as the only ground of salvation. For this salvation
by Divine grace was announced only after all huraan power and
hope of salvation had disappeared in the ship, — when even St Paul
¦was seized with the fear of death. For this reason, the only right

ACTS XXVU. 1 — XXVIU. 15. 295
position of man towards this deliverance and salvation is faith; and,
by that very same word, St Paul hiraself designates the position
in which he has found peace and good hope (see ver. 25.) And,
evidently, it is. In all the others, nothing else which induces them
at length to overcome their anxiety and fear of death, than the
belief in the Divine promise by the mouth of the Apostle (see
ver. 36). Now, since faith is nothing but mere susceptibility,
the activity of man in the salvation of his soul Is, In this respect,
equal to nothing ; and hence it is mistaking the truth to speak
of human co-operation in this first cause of salvation by which a
commencement Is made, and the foundation is laid. It is just
the narrative under consideration, indeed, which shows to us raost
emphatically that it is not so to be understood as if, thereby, all
human co-operation for salvation were excluded, but that, as soon
as this foundation of salvation has been laid and finished solely
by the all-sufficient grace of God, man's own co-operation is as
necessary for the completion of the salvation of, and in man, and
that, without it, salvation can never, nor anywhere be accom
plished. But how little this human co-operation can be considered
as, in any way, detrimental to the Divine agency, appears with
sufficient clearness from the circumstance, that the only founda
tion on which this co-operation rests, is a belief in the Divine
promise, i,e., a simple reception of God's grace, which is all-suffi
cient, and does not stand in need of any supplement. Not one
moment sooner than a man has become fully assured of, and
inspired with courage by the truth of this promise, and has been
strengthened thereby (see ver. 36), Is he able to move a mem
ber of his body for his salvation. Hence the human acting
which necessarily presupposes the completed and perfect adtlng of
God, has an appearance which corresponds exactly with the
relation which, from the beginning, was established between God
and man. For man is formed by God's power and love alone,
for the purpose of being enabled afterwards to form himselfi If,
then, as regards the working out of the salvation of souls, the
real and essential acoTypia, which, according to the fundamental
passage in Rom. i. 16, is the final aim and object of the Gospel,
St Paul, in PhU. ii. 12, expresses himself in such a raanner as to
Insist upon man's working and exerting himself (/xera (j>6^ov Kcil
Tpofiov Tyv awTyptav eavTwv ipya^eaOe) as much, as he, on the
other hand, ascribes to God's goodness alone everything which is

296 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
necessary for salvation, both to will and to do ; this is just the
sum and substance of the thought which has, in our narrative,
found an adequate embodiment and representation. For we
saw that It was brought out, in the account under consideration,
not only that the grace of God is the necessary condition and
foundation of salvation, but also (see ver. 31, 34) that human co
operation is absolutely necessary. But it is not only the fact —
which is here represented in an external manner — that these two
agents in the production of salvation exist and stand on an equal
footing beside each other ; — we saw, moreover, that even the right
relation of these two agents, — namely, that the Divine agent must
necessarily precede and lay the foundation — has, in the natural
sphere of our narrative, found its self-evident expression ; just as
in the passage Phil. ii. 12, it is assumed as a thing taken for
granted. FinaUy — This too must not be overlooked ; — that the
union of these two agents appears here, in the territory of the
outward world, as an original principle which does not stand in
need of any proof, as plainly as in Phil. ii. 12, the same principle
appears in the sphere of the spiritual world. This circumstance
must so much the more be noted and attended to, the farther it
Is fi-om our usual mode of thinking to comprehend these two
aspects in one. But by this perception we are naturally con
vinced how deeply our usual mode of thinking and of viewing
things is still involved in the dualism caused by sin, and
how vei-y little the union of God and man in the person and
historj' of Jesus Christ has been made by us the abiding and
sure foundation of aU our thinking about things Divine and
human. One raight suppose that, at the point where the salvation ofthe
men from the danger of the sea has been accomplished, the alle
gorical Import of our narrative should also have come to a close.
But, in this spiritual tendency, for which the course of the out
ward events in this part of our book must serve, there is such a
deep earnestness, that this spiritual tendency reaches and appears
even beyond the point alluded to. A closer consideration of the
farther course of the events of the voyage, as It Is given to us In
chap, xxviii., will convince us of it, and a new light wiU be
thrown upon one aspect of it, by the manner in which the salvation
was accomplished. It may, indeed, appear strange to us that
although the salvation is represented as being willed and effected

ACTS XXVII. 1— XXVIII. 15. 297
by God, there does not, in the whole course of it, appear a single
supernatural feature. On the contrary, every thing seems to be
expressly intended to bring to our mind and knowledge the natu
ral connexion in all its fulness and completeness. The appear
ance of the angel who brings to St Paul the message of the
Divine counsel of salvation, is indeed a thing by which the imme
diate power of God enters into, and interferes with the natural
and human connexion of things. But beyond that altogether
isolated point, the immediate Divine interference has no place.
After, by the Indwelling power of this Divine miracle, faith in
the message has been produced in the soul of the Apostle, and
after, through the medium of the Apostle, the sarae faith has
been produced in the souls of his companions In misfortune, the
order of the natural connexion again returns, and no farther in
terruption Is to be conceived of; so that even for the Apostle
Paul and his companions there remains, for their salvation, no
thing beyond the use of all precautions to render the stranding of
the ship as little dangerous as possible, and to seek to work their
way through the power of winds and waves to the safe shore,
either by swimming or by seizing some plank or beam of the
wrecked vessel. It is In the light of just our Book, that this
feature in the external history is of importance for the spfri
tual sense which we have here found to be every where shining
through. The circumstance that Jesus, the Lord and Christ,
has been removed from all connexion with the earthly sphere
into the invisible concealment of the heavenly kingdom, makes it
evident that, for this whole present course of time, no change
takes place on earth ; and that, for all which is new, there is no
other access but in the way of the Spirit who is able to enter
even through the barred gates of the natural connexion, and in
the way of faith which is the receptive organ, not so much for
what is earthly, as for what is heavenly.
But if, at the wrecking of the ship, and the destruction of then-
goods, the salvation of the men fi-om the waves of the sea be the
preservation and salvation of the souls who work out their salva
tion by giving up all outward and bodily conditions of life ; then
the existence after the entrance of this salvation must be the Ufe
of the sanctified and beatified souls from among the Gentiles.
And, indeed, the farther course of our narrative represents itself

298 sect, xxxv, paul's JOURNEY from cesarea to ROME.
in this light. The life after their deliverance is, in the ffrst in
stance, again a life on earth, — for the place to which the ship
wrecked men come, is land, and a portion of the earth (iiri Tyv
yrjv, xxvii. 44). For the saved souls are not to lead a psy
chical life merely, but are again to be connected vrith the
bodily organisms created for them, and in which the bodies are
transformed and purified Into a condition in accordance with their
sanctified souls. In this It is implied that this renewed human
condition has a reference to, and a destination for the earth, from
which the body is taken. We have already remarked above, that
this renovation of the bodily and national existence is of import
ance and significance, not only to the single individuals, but also
to the nations ; inasmuch as the people of Israel have the pro
mise of an eternal life, and that In this nation all other nations
are to receive a future existence. But the earthly and bodily
existence after the completed salvation of the soul is not a re
petition of the first life on this earth in the body of death. For
this reason, the land to which the saved ones come is surrounded
by the sea, and beyond the sea, — an island, — a notion under
which the heathens also were accustomed to conceive of the abode
of the blessed. As It had been foretold by St Paul (see ver. 26),
so it happens. The island to which the saved ones escaped, was
the island of Melita (see xxviii. 1). By far the greatest number
of interpreters are agreed that this name designates the island
which is now called Malta. The opinion of a few, that this name
points to a small island In the Adriatic Sea is more and more
plainly seen to be based on prejudice. Altogether apart from the
circumstance that even the name of Melita suggests to us the
well known island of Malta (see Meyer on the passage), the ob
servations which have been made on the place and spot have,
according to the testimonies of Smith and Dr Pinkerton (see
Vomel 1. c. p. 9), settled it beyond any dispute, that tradition,
which transfers the locality of the shipwreck here narrated to an
eastern creek of the Island of Malta, is in strict accordance with
the most careful statements of our account.
The Inhabitants ofthe Island of Melita are repeatedly (see ver,
2, 4) called barbarians ; for the original Inhabitants of Malta
were neither Greeks nor Romans, but of Punic extraction (see
Winer 1. c; Meyer, on the passage). The reason, however, why

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 299
this is rendered prominent by St Luke is, no doubt, the circum
stance that, just on that account, the conduct of the Inhabitants
of the island Is so much the more remarkable. For the very first
thing which they do is an act of uncommon kindness (ov t^i'
Tvxovaav ^iXavOpioTriav, ver. 2), and this Is intended to direct
our attention to the fact that this kindness towards the savedmen
cannot result from the nature of the inhabitants of the island, —
inasmuch as they are barbarians, — and must, therefore, have
another foundation. Is this not a hint of the altogether altered
basis of the present existence ofthe saved ones ? As long as they
were in the vessel, the whole fury of the elements from beneath
and from above is let loose against them, and the wintry sea does
not rest untU It has broken to pieces all ground and soil beneath
their feet. Here, at once, the human nature of the barbarians
has been changed to exceeding benevolence and kindness towards
those who have hitherto been so inexorably persecuted ; and it is
just as if the hostility of nature has satiated its fury in the ship
wreck, and is, henceforth, not only fully calmed down, but changed
into the opposite.
This, however, is still more distinctly seen In the subsequent
occurrence. The kindness of the barbarians consisted in their
kindling a fire for the shipwrecked, because of the rain and the
cold, that they might warm themselves (ver. 2). St Paul still
remains faithful to his disposition to manifest his entire sympathy
with his travelling companions. He does not think it beneath
his dignity, with his own hands, as formerly at the lightening of
the ship (seexxvU. 19), to gather sticks and throw them into the
fire. When engaged in this work, and coming near the fire with
his hand fiill of sticks, it happened that a -riper came out of the
fire, and fastened on his hand (ver. 3). The opinion has indeed
been advanced by Kiihnol, that the viper was not poisonous, or
that it did not bite the Apostle, as Bochart supposes. But Meyer
is quite right in pointing out that in St Luke's minute mention
of this circurastance, just the contrary of these two conjectures
is clearly implied. For what other purpose could it be that St
Luke so minutely and expressly describes the fastening of the
viper on the hand of St Paul (ver, 3, 4), and that he mentions,
so circumstantially, the expectation ofthe inhabitants of the island
that he would suddenly fall down dead (ver. 5, 6), if all this were

300 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
based on delusion only, — if he had not proceeded upon the firm
and well-founded conviction that a real danger to life was here In
question ? And, Indeed, GUI' whole attention is claimed by this
circurastance, — that St Paul, who had proved himself the helper,
adviser, and saviour of all the people In the ship, should now, after
the deliverance has been effected, be bitten by the deadly bite of a
poisonous serpent. With the barbarians who surrounded him, we
too direct our eyes to the man poisoned by the serpent — and be
hold he ffings back the beast into the fire. And with this the matter
ends , so that the barbarians, the more they were convinced of
the unavoidable effect of the bite of the serpent, and of the certain
guilt of St Paul corresponding to such a sudden and striking
death, must now all the more speedily and decidedly pass to the
opposite opinion, that St Paul was a Divine person (ver 6). St
Paul does not overcome the deadly poison which had entered his
body, by looking to the uplifted serpent, as did the Israelites who
were bitten In the wilderness by the serpents ; but it is the vital
power dwelling in him which frees itself frora the beast and its
poison, and gives it up to death. Such is the immediate, irre
sistible impression -ftdilch the conduct of the Apostle makes upon
us. In him we thus find that victorious power which has put under
foot all that Is evU and hostile, and which renders of none effect
even the worst phenomena of nature (see Luke x. 19), giving
thera over to deserved judgment. , Hence it is that this dangerous
and pernicious attack of the evil one is changed into the very
opposite ; inasmuch as this actual and manifest judgment upon
that which is eril gives rise to the opinion of the barbarians, that
a Divine Being was dwelling In the human form of the Apostle
Paul. By the power over the eril, which thus dwells in the
Apostle Paul, the island is represented as the earth. In which the
evil, being judged and overcome by the wiU and spirit of man, is
no more able to exercise any power, and where, therefore, the
kingdom of God is able to manifest its sacred and beatifying
powers without obstacles or restraint (see Rev. xx. 4). Let no one
object that this future condition ofthe earth would have been more
clearly and distinctly pointed out and manifested, if there had not
been any serpents at all on the island, and If the poison of the ser
pent could not have reached the Apostle at aU. For, since evil has,

ACTS XXVII. 1  XXVUI. 15. 301
after all, entered huraan nature, the victory ofthe good within the
human sphere cannot be accompUshed, either objectively or sub
jectively, in any other way than by human nature being manifested
as having power over evil, — not over that which Is distant and
strange, but over that which is indwelling in, and has acquired
power over human nature. Hence, we cannot fail to be of opinion
that just this St Paul, who does not for a moment become terrified
at the poison of the serpent which had entered into him, but by
his Immoveable will, makes this Intended destruction of himself
the occasion of having new. Divine honor paid to him, raust be
regarded as a perfectly adequate representative of the complete
dominion of the kingdom of God on the renewed earth.
The same character of a new and higher degree of life meets
us also In the feature which immediately follows. The chief man
of the Island is a certain Publius (ver. 7). This Roman name
sufficiently proves that this man, designated as TrpoJTo? ttJ? vyaov,
is not one of the barbarous original inhabitants of the island, but
is a Roman. How, now, should a Roraan be the chief man of the
island, unless he were the Roman Governor, and hence the dele
gate of the Praetor of Sicilia, to whose jurisdiction, according to
Cic. Verr. iv. 18, Malta belonged, (compare Meyer on this pas
sage) ? According to an inscription found in Malta, and com
municated by Grotius and Bochart (see Phaleg i. 26), the pecu
liar designation o TTjotoTO? ttj? vrjaov Is one which is applied offi-
ciaUy to the Roman Magistrate of Malta (see Meyer on the
passage). We may, therefore, from this evidently intended
feature of objective historical representation, draw the inference,
that St Luke ¦wishes that we should pay particular attention to
this official quality of Publius, which is mentioned in our con
text. For if Publius be the Roman Legate, he is then, of course,
the ruling head of all the inhabitants of the island, and his
friendly relation to St Paul is a sign that, in this territory, a
favourable disposition towards the messenger of God is the pre
vailing tendency. For it is mentioned that Publius received
the saved ones with special kindness, and entertained them hos
pitably for three days (ver. 7). Since yfiel^ in this account of
the journey, altogether apart from the_ introductory commence
ment (see xxvUi.), must always be understood ofthe whole body

302 SECT, x.xxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
of the men, I see no reason for deviating here from this com
prehensive sense of the word, and limiting it, as CaMn and
Meyer do, to St Paul and his companlon.s, and, perhaps, the
Roman Centurion. From the brief mode in which the hospitable
reception is mentioned, I would rather find a proof that Publius
received the entire number of the 276 saved ones. Publius thus
fully shares the kind disposition of the barbarians towards the
shipwrecked ones, and has probably been determined to his
specially courteous conduct towards the whole company of the
travellers, to which St Paul belonged as the spiritual guide, by
the wonderful manner in which the latter overcame the poison
of the serpent.
When thus all the inhabitants of the island, with the Roman
Legate at their head, received with such kindness the men who
had been saved by the grace of God, and by the efforts of St
Paul, the miraculous power which is active in this territory, and
which dwells in St Paul, manifested itself towards all those In
the island who were suffering. In the first instance. It was the
father of Publius, in whose hospitable house the Apostle had
been received, whom St Paul found sick, and upon whom he
showed his miraculous power. By praying over the sick man
(ver. 8), St Paul shows that the power and grace of God are
the source of all miraculous power. By laying his hands on
him, however, he shows that he Is fully certain of the miraculous
power received from God, and that he can bring it to bear on
whomsoever he will. Since, by this miraculous healing, St Paul
has been manifested as the bearer of Divine, mfraculous power,
all the sufferers apply to him, and are healed (ver. 9). In other
passages of Scripture, indeed, we hear too of such general effec
tual miraculous healings ; but never does the healing miraculous
power appear so complete and so generally effectual as here.
Considering the small circumference of the island, its completely
Isolated position, and the comparatively long stay»of St Paul at
Malta (ver. 11), we raay with certainty assume that, on the
whole island, there did not remain one sick person who did not
find healing. There appears here, then, for the first time,
a territory on which the promise of Jehovah is fulfiUed, that
there should not be any disease among His people (see Exod.

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVUI. 15. 303
XV. 2()) ; and this is a new confirmation of our supposition that,
on this island, we have to expect a representation of the com
pleted kingdom of God.
We must, of course, be again removed from this representa
tion ; inasmuch as the stay on the island of Malta can be an
intervening period only, when we look to the goal which our
Book has in view. The character of the end In this Interlude Is
allowed to sink, and the island offers, meanwhile, all that was
necessary for St Paul and his companions for continuing their
journey. They find an Alexandrian vessel (ver. 11) which has
done that which St Paul had formerly advised ; it had sought
the -vrinter-haven at the right season (see xxvii. 10), and it
reached Italy, while the former found. In the waves of the sea,
the just punishment of its pride. As to this second and fortu
nate vessel, St Luke mentions that on its prow it had the sign
of Castor and Pollux (see ver. 11 ; corap. Meyer on the passage).
In this remark concerning the sign, that which strikes us is not
only the carefulness with which St Luke has attended to the
greatest, as well as to the smallest matters connected with this
voyage, — a carefulness which we have already had occasion
frequently to notice — but also that in this context St Luke
Intends by this remark to indicate something of importance.
For, by the sign at the prow, this second Alexandrian ship is
placed under the protection of Castor and Pollux, the Dl-rine
patrons of sailors on sea (see Piper's Mythologle und Symbolik
der Christi. Kunst. I. 2, 415, 416). How could it have occurred
to St Luke to mention this sign of heathenish belief, were It not
to intimate that, on that vessel, there did not reign any confident
security, but confidence in superhuman protection and assistance ;
for it is only in the event of the sign's having an internal truth,
that St Luke would raake any mention of it. The shipwrecked
people baring saved nothing but their bare lives, the great rever
ence which, in consequence of his miracles, they pay to St Paul,
becomes of great importance for the continuation of the voyage,
inasmuch as the inhabitants were happy to provide the saved
ones with what was necessary for this purpose (see ver. 10).
With the third vessel the voyage quickly reaches its destined
termination. After a stay of three days at Syracuse, after touch
ing, in passing, at the first Italian town, Rhegium, they proceed

304 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
with a favourable wind to Puteoli, the principal harbour for
Egyptian vessels (see Wetstein ad h. 1.). At the end of this
long and toilsome voyage, the Apostle and his companions found
brethren in Christ ; and, at their request, they are permitted to
tarry with them seven days (see v. 14). This was, of course,
very willingly done by St Paul and his companions ; but the cir
cumstance that nothing special is mentioned regarding this meet
ing with the Christian brethren at Puteoli proves to us, that this
occurrence did not produce any change in the whole disposition
of St Paul's mind. It thus appears that Christian communion,
as such, could not mitigate the unspeakable grief in which,
according to our former considerations, we must conceive that
the Apostle was sunk during the voyage ; that Christian com
munion, on Italian ground, could as little attain this end as, for
merly, that in Sidon (see xxvii. 3). This Is Important to us ;
inasmuch as, on just this ground, it will immediately appear of
what incomparable importance was the existence of believers at
Rome ; for, from Puteoli our narrative now eamestly looks to
the final aim of the journey, viz., the city of Rome. For the
farther continuation is thus narrated : — Kai ovrai'i et? Tyv 'Pwfiyv
yXdofiev (see ver. 14), and every thing which now follows reminds
us of Rome. How very strongly Is the Roman origin indicated
by the names ^Attttiov (popov and Tpet? Ta^epvai (ver. 15), and
by the form in which they are communicated by our account,
which studies to represent things in as objective a manner as
possible I We are, besides, directed by these localities to the
celebrated Via Appia, the celebrated high road leading to Rome
(see Winer s.v.). These stations on the land-road from Puteoli
to Rome are here mentioned, because, at both of these points.
Christian brethren from Rome, who had heard of the Apostle's
arrival, met here with the Apostle and his companions, and that
in such a way, that some had come to the Tres Tabemae, and
others, still farther, to the Forum Appii. We have every reason
to be surprised at the rapidity with which the InteUigence of St
Paul's arrival In Puteoli had reached Rome, and with which the
believers in Rome had set out and arrived at the Appii Forura,
which was forty-three miUia distant from Rorae. In this speed,
we must recognize the wings of love which ai-e able to accelerate,
far beyond the usual measure, both intelligence and traveUing.

.\CTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 305
With this extraordinary love of the Italian, and, especially, of
the Roman Christians, corresponds the extraordinary joy which
visits the deeply afflicted Apostle at the sight of the believers
from Rome. For we read that when Paul saw them, he thanked
God, and took courage (ver. 15).
But what is it that exercises upon St Paul an influence which,
to such a degree, quickens his heart, and changes his disposition ?
Since we have seen that it is not the mere sight of beUevers as
such, it must be the cfrcumstance that these believers have come
from Rorae, and that he sees in them the representatives of the
Roman Church. Astonishment has been expressed at the cir
cumstance that there is not, in our Book, a word on the Roman
Church (see Zeller, Theol. Jahrb. 1850, 370). A more thought
less remark than this can scarcely be imagined. We do not, it is
true, find any statistical statement about the extent of the Church
at Rome, but no one has a right to expect such a thing here.
But if it be asked whether our account contains any thing re
garding the existence and great importance of the Church at
Rome, we answer, that all the praises which, in St Paul's Epistle
to the Romans, we find bestowed upon this Church, and that all
which, from other sources, we know regarding its high position, do
not reach to the Importance and significance which, by our narra
tive, are actually ascribed to this Church. Not-vrithstanding all
the glorious and wonderfiil experiences which St Paul has made
among the Gentiles in his travels by sea and by land, his mouth
has remained closed as regards the proclamation of the Gospel,
and the praise of the holy name of Christ Jesus. Now, since
we know that the proclamation of the word of the Gospel forms
the real element in which St Paul lives (see 1 Cor. Ix. 16, 17),
this silence for so long a tirae, and where there were so many
calls for speaking, is to us a clear indication that there exists
something which binds and restrains this the Apostle's in
nermost element of Iffe. Considering the IndMduality of St
Paul and the existing cfrcumstances, this, as we already found,
can be nothing else than his unutterable grief at the final har
dening of Israel, and at the Dl^rine rejection of Jerusalem, of
which a testimony is borne to him by every step which brings
him nearer to Rome. What is it, then, which has broken the spell
of this grief? For his proclamation of the Gospel before both
VOL. III. u

306 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from ces.\rea to home.
Jews and Gentiles in the Roman metropolis (see xxviii. 16 — 31)
shows us that a complete change has, in this matter, taken place
¦with him. Nor has St Luke omitted plainly to state at what
time, and on what occasion this change arose. It was just
when, in the Via Appia, he saw the beUevers from Rome that he
thanked God, and took courage. Now, even supposing that we
could not at all discover what it was that gave to this sight such
an extraordinary Influence over the mind and heart ofthe Apostle,
it would, at all events, be settled that the real presence, and,
hence, the existence of the Roman congregation, had such a
quickening power over the Apostle. For If Thiersch (see Kfrche
im Apostol. Zietalter, S. 177) means to find the ground of his
cheerful courage in the circumstance that he saw the fiilfilment
ofthe promise which Jesus had given to him In xxiU. 11, he has
indeed paid very little attention to the context and connexion of
our passage. For, even during the voyage, it was not doubtful
to St Paul that he would come to Rome and appear before the
Emperor (see xxvii. 24) ; and if in this matter he had required
any strengthening and confirmation, he would have obtained it
when he entered upon the Italian soil. But the sight of the
Roman brethren has, at all events, no connexion with this matter ;
and yet Luke evidently lays the whole stress upon this sight.
Now, since we know that neither at Sidon nor Puteoli was St Paul
freed from his grief over Israel by his intercourse with the
believing brethren, it must be the matchless importance of just
the Roman congregation which could produce so great a change
in the Apostle of the Gentiles.
This incomparable importance of the congregation at Rorae
which here meets us becomes, indeed, still clearer and more In
telligible to us when we seek to ans^wer the question : — What,
then, was it which, in the existence of a congregation at Rome,
contained such an elevating power for the downcast Apostle ? In
answering this question, two points, chiefly, are of Importance, —
naraely, whether the Church at Rome was founded by Jews or
Gentiles ; and, then, in ¦vt'hat manner it was founded. The first
point would not arise at all, were it not that Baur lately advanced
the opinion that the Roman congregation consisted chiefly of
Jewish Christians ; and that this opinion has been adopted, not by
Schneckenburger only (see Zweck der Apostelgeschichte, S. 122),

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 307
but also by Thiersch. Now, we have already proved that that
section of St Paul's Epistle to the Romans, on which Baur founds
his opinion, suggests to us, not the Jewish-Christian, but rather
the Gentile-Christian character ofthe congregation at Rome ; and
that, therefore, those arguments by which that opinion of Baur
regarding the elements of the Roman Church is supported, are
based on rather a tottering foundation. But, on the other hand,
we may also appeal to the circumstance that the universal ten
dency which, it is generally admitted, the Apostle follows in the
Epistle to the Romans, could not be imagined and conceived of
in any other way than that the character of the congregation at
Rome should correspond to the character of the city Itself; and
that, hence, it arose from heathenism, as the natural representa
tive of which, Rome, the metropolis of the world, must be con
sidered. With such a view of the Church at Rome, it is then,
of course, settled that the brethren who, partly in the Appii
Forum, partly in the Tres Tabernae, met the Apostle Paul,
belonged to the Roman people, — to the real and original citizens
of Rome. When St Paul formerly uttered at Ephesus the words :
"I must also see Rome" (see xix. 21), he had In view the
necessity which lay upon him, the Apostle of the Gentiles, to
proclaim the name of his Lord in the city also ¦where the kingdom
ofthe world had Its centre. In this, of course, It was not to him
the main point that the proclamation must be made by him, but
that the evangelical proclamation should produce fruit in Rome
also ; for he considers himself as nothing (see 2 Cor. xii. 11) ;
all that he is concerned for Is that fruit be produced (see Phil.
I. 18, 21 — 24). But now there exists such living fruit of the
preaching of the Gospel in the Roman metropolis, and it meets
him personally in these brethren. Hence, the feeling of necessity
which once came over the Apostle at Ephesus must now be
changed into that of the deepest and raost heartfelt gratification,
by the sight of the Christian brethren from Rome. In that utter
ance of St Paul we clearly see that he is fully aware of the im
portance of Rome as the metropoUs of the world ; and It Is not,
therefore, to be wondered at that the perception ofthe faith, and
of the congregation in Rome, is able to afford a counterpoise to
his late experience of the unbeUef and apostacy in Jerusalem, the
city of God. It is just by this perception that it becomes to him
u 2

308 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
sure beyond any doubt, that after the people of Israel, with their
holy city, had been rejected and given over to the judgment of
God, the kingdom of God had made a firm beginning in the op
posite point of the world, at Rome, the centre of the kingdom of
the world. And this was to him a proof, not only that the king
dom of God would maintain Its existence in the world, even after
it had fallen to destruction at that place which, in the providence
of God, had been, from the very beginning, prepared for it, but
also that it had already gained an existence in another place
which comprehended and commanded the world to an extent as
great as Jerusalem had done. The cfrcumstance that the banner
of the kingdom of God presented Itself to the eyes of St Paul as
being erected high on the hills of Rome, just when he was
oppressed with grief and mourning at its being lowered on the
hill of Zion, was altogether fitted to raise his heart, afflicted for
Israel, the people of God, and for Jerusalem, the city of God, out
of the depths of silence, to that joy in which he felt impelled
again to carry and to utter the world-conquering word of the
Gospel. One peculiar feature of the Roman congregation is, that Its
character corresponds with the position which the city of Rome
occupies in the world ; and this feature becomes stUl more strUc-
ing, when we consider the manner in which the congregation took
its rise. It is. Indeed, only mferentlally that we can attain to a
knowledge of this manner; but we may arrive at a tolerably
certain result, if only we take a right -riew of the circumstances
and relations which bear upon this question. Tradition mentions
St Peter as the founder of the Church of Rome ; and, even in
most recent times, Protestant dirines have been found to defend
this opinion. In addition to Mynster (see Tholuck's Corament.
on the Epistle to the Romans, p. 7), Thiersch also has very
recently declared in favour of this opinion (see Kirche im apost.
Zeitalter, S. 96, 97). On this disputed point the latter scholar
has thus expressed himself: " We do not take any cognizance of
the more recent statement's of tradition, concerning the stay of
the Apostle Peter In Rome ; we simply refer to, and maintain
the oldest accounts. Traditions which have been added in the
course of time do not entitle us, at once, to consider as a fiction
the centre also around which they have gathered. Only, then.

ACTS XXVIL 1 — XXVIII. 15. 309
would it be advisable to reject aU the testimonies of antiquity,
even the oldest and siraplest, when they contradict the New
Testament" (see 1. c. S. 97). We quite agree with the principle
last advanced ; but we maintain that the New Testaraent not
only contradicts this Roman tradition, but that the error of this
tradition can be proved to have Its foundation in a very early
corruption of the Apostolic truth. Thiersch iraagines that he
has done aU that was requisite, by pointing to the blank found
in Acts xU. 17, and thinks himself entitled to assume, with
Tradition, that that other place into which St Peter went, was
Rome. But from the very beginning (see I. 8), the Acts of the
Apostles thus designate the path which the Apostles are to take :
" Through Jerusalem, and all Judea, and all Samaria, unto the
uttermost part of the earth ;" and at the close of the Book, it is
just Rome which is declared to be the uttermost part of the earth.
If, then, our Book Int^ded to report a transition of St Peter from
Jerusalem to Rome, and hence, an overtaking of the whole path
marked out, how were it possible that it should have designated
such a progress of the whole development in terms so undefined
and general as these : kuI i^eXdmv erropevdy et? erepov tottov ? On
the contrary, we must hold by the view which we have already
expressed above : — that this short intimation of our Book can
contain the negative fact only, viz., that St Peter withdrew from
Jerusalera. We must maintain this so much the more decidedly,
that it has already come out, with sufficient clearness, that the pro
gress of the Gospel from Jerusalem to Rome does not at all take
place in a straight line, but in such a way that a new starting
point intervenes. This Insight into the course of the development
during the first period of the Church Is, in the Acts of the
Apostles, so clearly and distinctly manifested by the circumstance,
that after the crisis in question, the ministry of all the t^welve
Apostles is covered with a deep silence, while the whole develop
ment seems to depend upon the person and ministry of St Paul
alone. It was not long, however, that the Gentile Church re
mained submissively and entirely faithfiil to the voice of her
great Apostle. It is a well known fact, that the Pauline doctrine
regarding man's justification before God appears. In its original
purity, in scarcely a single passage of the writings of the Apos
tolic Fathers. It Is, farther, a well known fact, that this doctrine

310 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
became more and more darkened in the farther course of the
development of the Church. This corruption of the views of the
Christian indiridual is answered by the confusion in the views of
the whole Christian comraunity, — a confusion which began as
early, and increased raore and more rapidly. Instead of allowing
themselves to be ever anew directed, by the person and history of
the Apostle of the Gentiles, to the Spirit as the foundation of the
Gentile Church, there was an increasingly stronger attempt to
claim and vindicate the present position of the Church, by lay
ing the main stress on the outward continuity of the existence of
the Church. From this there sprung up the tendency to shape,
by their own hands, the ministry of the twelve Apostles, and to
place it, everywhere, in the fore-ground. This tendency must,
of course, manifest itself most fully in the case of St Peter ; for it
is with a perfect right that the ancient Church assigns to him the
Apostolic primacy. Since, then, she was so anxious to maintain
and to prove the outward connexion of the present Church with
the first beginnings of the Church, it was St Peter who. In those
points of the development where the Acts ofthe Apostles lead Into
the depth ofthe Spirit, must serve her for building a bridge for the
want of faith and of the Spirit. From such a point of -riew, it is
by no raeans difficult to understand the origin of the tradition
which ascribes to St Peter the founding of the Roman Church.
For, the Roraan Church is the bold edifice which Is reared on
the height of heathendom ; while the Church of the IsraeUtish
people on Mount Zion becomes a prey to destruction. But If
thus the Apostolic dignity of St Peter be the visible thread of
continuity between the present existence and form of the Church,
and her first beginnings — for this was necessary and requisite for
that view of the Church which we have pointed out ;— then St
Peter must, necessarily, be as much regarded as the founder of
the Roman Church, as It Is undeniable that he stood at the head
of the Church of Jerusalem. But the raore that, in such a view,
we are met by a corruption of the Apostolic consciousness, and
by a resistance to the influence and guidance of the Lord, the more
earnestly must we guard ourselves against allowing the truth of
Divine history, and the purity of Apostolic doctrine which are
displayed before us in our Sacred Book, to be darkened by huraan
traditions and opinions. Since then, as regards the foundation

ACTS xxvu. 1 — XXVIII. 15. 311
of the Church at Rome, the Acts of the Apostles lead us away
from the side of St Peter to that of St Paul, we must decidedly
reject that Roman tradition concerning the origin of this Church
from St Peter. Against this opinion there has been adduced,
with perfect right, the circumstance also that St Paul had made
it a principle never to interfere, in a foreign territory, with his
ApostoUc ministry (see Rom. xv. 19, 20). If, then, the Church
of Rome had been founded by St Peter, how could it have hap
pened that St Paul, as he hiraself bears,, witness (see Rora. I.
9 — 12), should have had his eye so steadily fixed upon her?
Shall we now confess our adherence to the most opposite view,
viz., that the Church at Rome was founded by the Pauline party,
not, indeed, by the Apostle himself, but by his disciples, — a view
which was formerly advanced by Elchhorn, and which has lately
again been defended by Philippi (see Comment, on Rom. S. xii.,
xui.), and Delltzsch (see Rudelbach and Guerike's Zeltschrift,
1879, S. 601) ? The sole foundation for this view is, that among
those designated in Rom. xvi. as teachers and labourers In the
Gospel, and as living in Rome, there are friends and acquaint
ances of the Apostle. This reason, however, cannot here be
decisive, because of none of these is it either expressly said, or
even in any way Intimated, that he stands in so important and
significant a relation to this Church. And this arguraentum a
silentio derives Its unassailable power in this place from the cir
cumstance, that things, of no importance comparatively, are men
tioned in connexion with the persons named In the passage In
question. Philippi argues from probability by saying : " It is most
likely that the Church of Rome, the metropolis of the world,
should owe its existence at least to the indirect ministry of the
Apostle of the Gentiles, to whom the foundation of the first
Christian Church in Europe had been committed as the special
sphere of his peculiar work." But this argument, too, proves un
tenable, when we try it by the standard and rule of the Acts of
the Apostles. For, according to this standard and rule, the first
Gentile Christian congregation at Antioch is the clearest and
most expressive analogon to the Roman Church. For, we found
above that Antioch must be regarded as the Eastern Rome, and
that it is just on account of this rank of the city that the Church
there occupies so significant and prominent a position in th©

312 SECT. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
course ofthe development ofthe primitive Church. But just as
Rome is the continuation and completion of Antioch, so also the
Roman Church is destined to occupy, for the future, and for the
completion of the GentUe Church, the same prominent and com
manding position which the Church at Antioch maintained for
the first beginnings. And where does this commanding position
of the Roman Church appear more prominently than just here,
where It Is seen that the mere sight of a few members of the
Roraan Church is all that is needed in order at once to raise the
Apostle from the depth of long continued grief and silence, to a
joyfiil courage, and a loud testlraony ? If, then, this parallel be-,
tween the congregation of Antioch and that of Rome be sure, we
may, on the ground of the Acts of the Apostles, be permitted to
draw an inference from the peculiar manner in which the former
arose, to the manner of the origin of the latter. For, baring
found that the origin of the Church of Antioch, which our Book
has not failed expressly to record, has happened in a manner alto
gether appropriate to her peculiar position, we may suppose
that, unless something to the contrary be recorded, the origin of
the corresponding Church at Rome took place in the same man
ner ; and that, hence, the peculiar position of this Church also
has thereby been marked out from the very beginning. A Book
which, as we have now so often found, views and represents aU the
particulars with so distinct and commanding a regard to the whole
and to the connexion, may expect from the reader that Its silence
concerning the second beginning of the Gentile Church, — so Im
portant when viewed in connexion with the history of the world
— that its silence concerning the origin of the Church of Rome
will be understood and explained from what it has reported con
cerning the first beginning at Antioch which, when viewed in
connexion with the history of the world, is so similar. And we
may with so much the greater security rely upon the soundness
of this inference, that the silence In this case Is, in Itself, fitted to
lead to the same result. For, If the history of the development
of the primitive Church has nothing to say about the origin of a
congregation so iraportant as the Roman, and yet brings this con
gregation before us in all the importance which It has in the history
of the world, the most probable supposition is that this fact has
been accomplished in a concealed and quiet way by the work of

ACTS XXVII. 1 — XXVIIL 15. 313
the Spirit, and by the influence of the Lord whom the commence
ment of our narrative has transferred to the in-risible depths of
heaven. If, then, we assume that the Roman congregation, whose repre
sentatives St Paul met on his way to Rorae, was founded neither
by an Apostle, nor by an Apostle's disciple, but by men without
name and office, just as had once been the case with the first
Gentile Christian congregation, we shaU so much the better be
able to understand the powerful impression which this sight made
upon the Apostle. For It is this fact only, that, in the metro
poUs of the Roman kingdom of the world, a Church of Christ has
been formed, in a hidden manner, by the work of the Spirit, — a
congregation consisting chiefly of Gentiles ; — It Is this fact alone
which can counterbalance the other fact which unceasingly bur
dens the heart of the Apostle, — the fact, namely, that, in Jeru
salem, the city of God, by the power of the devil and the wickedness
of man, that organ of God's kingdom has been destroyed which
He had, thousands of years ago, prepared. For, if there be in
the Roman metropolis a nuraber of men who do not recognize, in
the -risible Emperor, the bearer ofthe highest power and authority
among men and nations, but in the Inrisible Lord who occupies
heaven, and who, as the Crucified One, departed from the world,
— then indeed the firmest stronghold of Satan among all nations
and tongues has been taken. And if such has been accomplished
-without its being possible to point out any instrumentality of the
holy people, or the Dirine office, — if it has been accomplished by
the power of the Holy Spirit who, in an original way, creates
and forms His instruments : — then It has been made manifest to
the whole world that the hardening of Israel, and the putting of
the primitive Apostles into the back ground, is so far fi-om destroy
ing and doing away with the kingdom of God, that, on the con
trary, the creative power and influence of the Holy Spirit are only
the more gloriously exhibited thereby ; — that, accordingly, the
kingdom of God cannot. In any Incurable way, be injured by any
hostile power, because it possesses within itself the power and
ablUty to retire, when any of its holy organs are wounded in a
deadly manner. Into the unapproachable territory of the Spirit, and
there anew to gain a hold and assistance. It is a crisis siraUar to
that which took place in the history of the Lord. For our Lord

314 SECT. xxxv. Paul's journey from cesarea to rome.
Jesus was obliged to enter upon the same struggle with the
wickedness of the Jews ; and here, too, the end was none other
than that He was obliged to give over to thera, for destruction. His
holy body, the temple of God. But it is just by this yielding of
our Lord that His highest and unconquerable power Is mani
fested. For by means ofthe Spirit, through whose instrumentaUty
His incarnation had been accompUshed, He obtains after His
death a new existence, and one which Is free from all limits and
barriers, and has power over all things in heaven, as well as on
earth. And of this the natural consequence is, that, ever since. He
not only endows His people with powers of Illumination and sanc
tification, with gifts of renovation and glorification, but places
them on the ground of a new and etemal personality. With the
beginning of this spiritual existence, the history of Jesus is closed ;
and It is quite right that, at this point, the Gospel, too, should
make a stop. For, from this point onward. It Is a matter of course
that the history of Jesus will be fully accoraplished, and that
everything must come to pass In the manner which He has willed
and declared It from the beginning. According to this analogy,
we shall, for our history also, expect to have the sign of the end in
the event here brought under our consideration. The rise ofthe
Gentile Church at Rome, by means of the Imraediate effect of
the Holy Spirit, Is the resurrection of the Church at Jerusalem,
which consisted of Jews, and was directed by the holy Apostolic
office. The Roraan Church Is the spiritual form ofthe first-fruits-
Church of Jerusalem, whieh was bound to the teraple and its
service, and rested on the office of the twelve patriarchial Apos
tles. The Roman Church having arisen by the power of the
Spirit alone, in opposition to the highest powers ofthe world, bears
within itself the guarantee, that, henceforth, no power of the
world shall be able to overcome the Church of Christ. The
existence of this Church is, in itself, the impregnable confirmation
of the promise of the Lord, that even the gates of Hades shall
not prevail against His Church (see Matt. xvi. 18).
But if the matter stand thus, could not our narrative have
attained its object in a far more direct way, by simply reporting
to us the manner in which the Roman Church originated, just
as it has reported tho corresponding origin of the Church at
Antioch, and have, thereby, superseded the whole minute account

acts xxvii. 1 — XXVIU. 15. 315
of St Paul's coming to Rome ? In that case, however, an impor
tant and indispensable feature would have been altogether passed
over. It is, no doubt, of great importance distinctly to distinguish
the two different forms of existence in the history of our Lord, as
well as in that of His Church, viz., the existence in the flesh, and
the existence in the Spirit. But then only will it be right to
recognize and adore the power and victory of the Spirit in the
spiritual existence, when this existence is nothing but a deepen
ing and a realization of the fleshly existence, and hence, when
the identity of nature is maintained and held fast. Besides the
contrast, therefore, there comes as fully into consideration the
connexion ; and the continuity of the existence must be recog
nized, in the Spfrit and In faith, In the sarae degree as it with
draws from the perception of the senses. It is for this reason
that the Gospel is careful not only to report the existence of the
Risen One, but also minutely to represent and bring before our
eyes the fact that the changed and glorified Lord was recognized
in the circle of his disciples. Now, does not such a recognition,
— such a verification of the identity between the fleshly and
spiritual existence of the Churches, ¦ — find a place within the
Acts of the Apostles also ? We saw that it is on this neces
sity that there rests the connexion of the Church at Jerusalem
with that of Antioch, — a connexion which was formed through
the instrumentality of Barnabas (see xi. 22, 23). In the same
desree as the Roman Church excels that of Antioch, Is St Paul
also higher than Barnabas. We know that St Paul was called
immediately by the Lord himself; that he was proved and
confirmed by signs and miracles, by word and work, as none of
the other Apostles were. We know, farther, that he was called
by the Lord to be a holy instrument for the building up of the
spiritual form of His Church among all the Gentiles ; and that,
for this very reason, he was not called during the fleshly exist
ence of Christ, but by the Lord himself from the height of
heaven, and In the brightness of the heavenly Ught. This much
then Is proved and established : — that St Paul stands in imme
diate connexion with the Lord himselfi But another circum
stance StiU Is, thereby, brought out and impressed upon us. The
distant and strange relation in which, on account of this dif
ferent calling, we at first find St Paul towards the Church at

316 sect. xxxv. PAUL'S JOURNEY FROM CESAREA TO ROME.
Jerusalem, has been fully removed by his last stay at Jeru
salem ; for, during that last stay In the holy city, he has, in
the house of St James, and in the presence of this leader, and of
all the elders of the Church at Jerusalem, furnished a completely
satisfactory proof of his being the Apostolic messenger of God to
the GentUes (see xxi. 19, 20). If, then, this St Paul, whose
calUng proceeded from the Lord who is the Spirit, and who was
proved and confirmed in presence of the Church in her fleshly
existence, sees the Roman Church, and acknowledges in her the
impress of the Holy Spirit, we must consider this as a fully vaUd
testimony that, notwithstanding the entirely altered exterior, we
cannot but recognize^ in the Roman Church, the identity and
continuity of that Church of Christ which was founded in
Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost. And, Indeed, It is this
judgment of the Apostle Paul on the Roman Church which, in
the passage under consideration (xxviii. 15), is communicated
In a form which harmonizes vrith the context. As Barnabas
rejoiced at the sight of the Church at Antioch, and had only to
exhort the faithful to continue in the path on which they had
entered (see xi. 23) ; so it is -vrith St Paul at the sight of the
brethren from Rome.
It Is now clear also that, by the breaking of this remarkable and
mysterious silence which St Paul has observed during the whole
voyage, a feature is, at the same time, pointed out which raust
be considered as the culminating point of the development of
the Church up to this period. For it is only apparently a matter
purely personal, that here the commencementof St Paul's courage
and confidence is reported. It Is with this single feature, just as
it is with all which our Book records of St Paul's person and
history. For the ultimate object which our Book has In view In
the entire history of St Paul, is always the development of the
whole Church. The strengthening and raising ofthe Apostle of
the GentUes from his deep affliction and depression coincide with
the moment, when it Is publicly confirmed that the Gentile
Church has reached its culminating point, and acquired an abid
ing and Indestructible foundation in the world. It is by this, at
the same time, that the prophetic element In the whole narrative
of St Paul's voyage is put In its proper place. For, if the Church
of Christ be really founded in Rome, then she has been esta-

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31. 317
blished in the midst of the world ; and, hence, the whole exist
ence of the present kingdom ofthe world, which is unavoidably
sinking and faUing, is inseparably joined with the Church of
Christ. The preservation of the Divine element has thereby
been secured to the world, although its way should lead through
destruction. The closing point of the section under consideration
has thus placed us on a height, from which we may joyfully and
confidently look down upon the length and breadth of the world.
And, by recognizing this height, it becomes, at the same time, mani
fest to us, that nothing of all that preceded was superfluous, but
that every thing was intended and necessary, in order to forra the
steps of the ladder leading to this height. Only one question
might still arise, viz.. Why is it that our narrative does not aUow
the thread to be entirely broken at this point, but proceeds to
give a contiouation, and, hence, another close ? This question,
however, will be more appropriately reserved for the closer con
sideration of this very continuation, and of this other close, to
which we are now to proceed.

§ 36. THE PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
(Chap, xxviii. 15 — 31.)
In now entering upon the concluding section of our Book, the
question already touched upon at the close of the preceding
section at once forces itself upon us : — Why did not our account
close, after baring mentioned the Roman Church, which stands
as the culminating point of the Church's first period ? For the
more that we have insisted upon recognizing in Rome the opposite
pole of the world, corresponding to Jerusalem, the more it would
seem that, by St Paul's acknowledgment ofthe existence, in this
place, of a Church of Christ, that point is reached which, by our
Book itself (see I. 8), has been marked out as the utmost limit of
its horizon. Our Book has now, indeed, brought before us the
progress of the Church from Jerusalem, through all Judea and
Samaria, to the uttermost part of the earth ; and seems, indeed,
to have, thereby, fulfilled its task. We find, therefore, at the
close of our book, the opposite difficulty to that by which critics

318 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
and expositors commonly find themselves annoyed at this place ;
for while, ordinarily, astonishment is expressed at the suddenness
with which our account breaks off the history of St Paul, and
allows the curtain to drop before a decision has been pronounced
in his cause which has now been pending for years, our wonder
rather is, that the account still goes on, after having found the
sought-for closing point, and makes a new beginning in the sec
tion before us. But I hope that, in attempting to answer the
question which, in the first place, forces itself upon us, we shall,
at the same time, find the most direct and secure road for setting
aside the other difficulty.
It is, indeed, quite true that the declaration of our Lord at the
beginning of our Book (see I. 8) marks out the way In which the
Gospel is to pervade the world ; and as soon as we understand
this relation in a purely local sense, the existence of the Church
in Rome, after the proclamation of the Gospel in Jerusalera and
in Samaria has been reported, may be considered as the final
object. We have, frora the very outset; thought ourselves under
the necessity of supposing that the progress through the stages
indicated by that Word should take place only when the preced
ing, stage has come to its final close ; and that, therefore, the
Gospel should not proceed from Jerusalera to Samaria, until
Jerusalem had been entirely transformed and renewed by the
Gospel. That supposition, it is true, now appears as something
strange ; inasmuch as men have become quite habituated to
understand, in a purely local sense, those stages of transition.
But it is easy to see that, for such an assumption, there is no
ground beyond the appeal to the later course of events, in which,
indeed, the first mentioned localities — Jerusalem, Judea, and
Samaria — appear as raere places of transition. But how com
mon soever it may be to understand and estimate, according to
the immediate result and course of events, words of Scripture
which refer to the Future, it is a proceeding as erroneous as it is
pernicious. For every word, even the prophetic word, must
absolutely be understood from the historical circumstances in
which it appears, and with which It is connected ; and this law
must the more strictfy be maintained and acted upon in the
exegesis of Holy Scripture, the more earnestly that Holy Scrip
ture every where holds up history as the foundation and aim of

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 319
its whole contents. We must, therefore, understand and explain
that declaration of our Lord from the context alone. One might,
indeed, refer to the fact that Christ himself, even before His
suffering, pronounced upon Israel the judgment, that the king
dom of God should be taken from the Jews, and given to the
Gentiles (see ^latt. xxi. 43). But, in the declaration in question,
we have to do with a beginning which is altogether new. The
Lord has risen from the grave, and sends out His messengers
into the whole world to proclaim salvation. If, under such
circumstances. Pie again connects this with, and makes it pro
ceed from Jerusalem, He does so because all sin and Iniquity are
atoned for, and hence Jerusalem and Israel also stand cleansed
from most heinous blood-guiltiness. But, if such be the case, we
must understand the progress of the kingdom of God, as marked
out by Christ, in such a way as It appears on the ground on which
the Lord stands together with His disciples, i.e., on the ground
of the Old Testament history and Scripture. But here it is
beyond all doubt that the transition of salvation to the Gentiles
appears always as dependent " upon the preceding completion of
Israel; so that the Gentiles who turn to Jehovah are always
represented as joining Israel, the people who first and com
pletely return to their God. But, if this view of that passage be
the correct one, as hitherto we have always supposed it to be,
and found it confirmed in our Book, then it follows also that the
coming of the Gospel to Rome, in the way indicated by the
historical development of our Book, cannot by any means be
simply afready regarded as the final aim marked out by our
Lord ; but, on the contrary, that from the point of view which
we indicated, there appears a ¦vride chasm. For, according to
the statements of our narrative, the progress of the Gospel from
Jerusalem to Rome has been not after this manner : — that salva
tion is offered to the Gentiles after It has been accomplished and
completed in Israel, but rather after it has been rejected by the
Jews. And after this character of the progress has been brought
out and made conspicuous in many single accounts, we have
received, in the .connected narrative of St Paul's treatment
in Jerusalem, and his journey to Rome, which was thereby
occasioned, the most expressive and powerful representation of
this relation of Jews and GentUes to the Gospel. Whilst thus

320 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
our Lord marks out the utterraost parts of the earth as the aim,
in so far as all the int>5rvals, and, above all, the centre are
supposed to be filled and pervaded by the Gospel, Rome now
appears as the utterraost part of the earth, at a time when just
the place whence the proclamation of the Gospel proceeded, and,
above all, the holy city have wickedly rejected the last mercy of
God, and have been irrevocably given up to the sentence and
judgment of God. But is Jerusalem, by this last resistance,
rejected for ever, and Israel blotted out for ever from the king
dom of God, so that, in as far as this Is concerned, no chasm
could any more be spoken of? This, Indeed, has become, even up
to the present day, a very current notion In the GentUe Church.
If this opinion were founded solely on the conriction of the
Immeasurable heinousness of Israel's guilt and sin against the
grace of God, it must, beyond any doubt, be found In our Book
also. For we have seen that our narrative is just Intended to
bring out and hold up the wickedness and hardening of Israel in
all their horrible nakedness and reality ; and we must, generaUy,
maintain of the whole of Scripture, that it judges the sin oflsrael
In all its stages, and even in the stage of its completion, ¦vrith such
an awful severity that the Church is altogether unable to go
beyond It. But, nevertheless, neither the other Books of Scrip
ture, nor the Acts of the Apostles, have ever given room to the
thought that, by the sin of Israel, even when completed, the
grace of God towards this people is overcome and annihUated.
On the contrary, in harraony with the other Books of Scripture,
the Acts of the Apostles have, as we have seen, already repeatedly
indicated that the grace of God can overcome even this resistance
of man's sin, although it be the most wicked that is in the world.
We have seen that, by the calling of St Paul to be the Apostle
of the Gentiles, a new order of salvation was established for the
extension ofthe kingdom of God over the whole world. St Paul is
commissioned to proclaim the name of Jesus, first, to the GentUes
and their kings, and, then, to the sons of Israel (see ix. 15). And
we have indeed found that the whole conduct of the Apostle
during his last stay at Jerusalem, yea his having undertaken at
all his last journey to Jerusalem, was determined and pervaded
by the hope that the last would be first, that Israel would be
converted to their God, and be saved as soon as the fiilness ofthe

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 321
Gentiles would have come in. But It has been seen that this
hope ofthe Apostle was not only frustrated, but turned into the
very opposite. And, Indeed, never yet had the wickedness of
Israel been manifested in such depth and breadth as just at that
time when St Paul, along with the brethren and gifts from among
the Gentiles, exhibited and declared. In a visible manner, before
the whole people oflsrael, the presence ofthe kingdom of God in
aUlands and islands. The immeasurable importance of this decision
has, by our account, been brought before us in the subsequent
events of the present history ofthe Apostle. But If our Book main
tains the final salvation oflsrael as firmly and distinctly as the other
Books of Holy Scripture, then so much the more is it Incumbent
upon it to disclose to us what ground of hope Israel still has, after
so awful a turn of events as is manifested bySt Paul's journey from
Jerusalem to Rome. In this we have now found the reason why
St Luke cannot close the course ofthe development ofthe Church
after having brought before us the Roman Church ; and the
point has, at the same time, been shown, on which we were en
titled to expect farther disclosures. It will now be necessary to
inqufre whether the continuation of the narrative before us
corresponds to these thoughts suggested a priori.
After the remarks at the close of the preceding section, it will
not appear at aU strange to us that the Roman Church is Ignored
altogether in the continuation of the account which reports the
Apostle's arrival at Rome, and his first experiences there. For,
inasmuch as the whole importance which, in the context of our
history, the Roman Church is at all entitled to claim has been
fully brought out by the previous mention of the meeting of the
Roman brethren with St Paul at the Appii Forum and the Tres
Tabernae, we shall find It to be quite natural that no farther men
tion Is made of that Church, even by a single syllable. But when.
On the other hand, the account, in the first place, attends to the
outward condition In which we have to conceive of the Apostle
during his first stay at Rome, we shall find this to be quite natural,
inasmuch as it depends upon this outward condition, whether St
Paul can come to the exercise of his ApostoUc ministry at Rome,
or not. Upon this point we are told that the imprisonment
could not be remitted,— and this was a matter of course as long
as the cause Itself reraained undecided, — but that it was so lenient
VOL. III. X

322 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
that the Apostle could, notwithstanding, continue at Rome his
Apostolic ministry, for which, as we saw in xxviii. 15, he had again
acquired joyful confidence in the Via Appia. For this purpose,
St Luke intentionally directs our notice to the fact that the other
prisoners were given over to the Praefectus praetorii (arpaTO-n-e-
Bdpxy, ver. 16). For, If St Paul had been ^placed on an equal
footing with thera, his stay at Rome must have become a con
tinuation of his bondage in Cesarea, where he was kept a prisoner
in the Praetorium (see xxiii. 35), under the superintendence of
Roraan soldiers. But now, evidently in consequence ofthe good
report which, at the instigation of king Agrippa, Festus had
given of him, he is separated from the other prisoners, and left
to himself under the superintendence of a Roman warrior (ver.
16). St Luke thus here also remains faithful to that riew which,
from the outset, he had advanced concerning the imprisonment of
St Paul by the Roman military power, viz., that it served the
Apostle raore for a protection, and for the promotion of his objects,
than for an obstacle and injury ; and Zeller is quite correct in his
reraark that, according to the representation of the Acts of the
Apostles, the Roraan imprisonment is not so much a misfortune,
as it is the carrying out of the Apostle's own resolution (see
Theol. Jahrb. 1850, 366). Although, in Cesarea, he was kept in
prison. It could not be an obstacle to him, inasmuch as the task
of the public proclamation of the Gospel In the Jewish land had
already been discharged by him. But the matter .stood differently
in Rome, where his stay could be of any importance and advan
tage in the course of the development of the primitive Church,
only in the event of his being aUowed there to comply with, and
carry out his Apostolic vocation. It was just for this reason that,
the moraent 'he entered upon the territory of the city of Rome, the
strictness ofthe miUtary imprisonment was in so far relaxed, as to
allow him sufficient liberty to discharge what his ApostoUc office in
the metropolis of the world required of him ; and St Luke does
not omit here to make mention of it.
We are, of course, most anxious to hear in what manner the
Apostle is to open his ministry in this place ; and, quite in keep
ing with his wonted carefulness and attention, St Luke satisfies
our expectation, by reporting at once what St Paul undertook
after three days, which were, of course, easily taken up with

ACTS XXVUI. 15—31. 323
making the necessary arrangements for his new position. If left
to our own thoughts, we would, no doubt, sufipose that St Paul,
as soon as he obtained in Rome the Uberty of mo\ing about, would
first have entered into a closer relation with the Roman Church,
to which he was attached with such love and veneration. In order
to make stronger and more enduring the passing contact which
he had had with them on the road. But we learn from St Luke
that the Apostle was of quite a different mind. They are not
the heads of the Roman Gentile Church whom he calls together,
but the heads of the Roman Jewish congregation (ver. 17). Nega
tive criticism is, of course, greatly offended by this haste and
intentlonality with which St Paul addresses the Roman Jews,
and has neither overlooked nor passed over this feature of a de
cided leaning towards the Synagogue on the part of the Apostlo
of the Gentiles, in order to establish their charge against the non-
historical character of the Book (see Zeller, I. c. 1849, 571 ff. ;
Baur, der Apostel Paulus, S. 368 ff.). If there were here no other
point in question than what criticism in general finds fault with,
namely, the priority which, in the proclamation of the Gospel,
St Paul, according to several statements in the Aets ofthe Apos
tles, practically concedes to the Jews, we might content ourselves
with referring to our former discussions upon this subject. But
the case, after all, stands somewhat differently. For we have seen
how the hardening of Israel was completed, during the Apostle's
stay in Jerusalem, and then, by his last effort which, in most won
derful love, tumed towards the lost people of Israel, we have seen
that the whole journey ofthe Apostle from Cesarea to Rome sup
poses this consummation of the hardening — ^this filling up of the
measure of Israel's sin, and the breaking in of judgment upon
Jerusalem ; and that it Is only from such a supposition that the
disposition and conduct of the Apostle during the voyage can be
accounted for. From this fact, and from the corresponding view
of it, both with our Apostle and with our reporter, it seeras to
foUow necessarily, that although, even according to St Paul's
doctrine, the Jews have a priority in the proclamation of the
Gospel, yet that this privilege has been forfeited after a decision
as it happened in Jerusalem — a decision so comprehensive, and
so momentous in its influence upon the history of the world.
But are we, perhaps, to suppose that the connexion with the
X 2

324 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME^THE END.
Jews which St Paul here seeks and opens up, did not originate
at aU In his Apostolic calling, but in Interest for his own personal
safety ? It is this aspect of the question which Meyer endeavours
to establish, in order to explain the strange circumstance in ques
tion. He says : " Paul could not but wish, not to be Implicated
at Rorae In the machinations of the Jews, as forraerly he had
been in Judea." But this expedient for the explanation, being
altogether inappropriate, cannot here come into consideration at
all. For, in the first place, we already know St Paul too well to
suppose that a mere regard to his personal safety should have
exercised a decisive, and an altogether changing influence upon
his whole manner of acting; and, secondly, we know also
with respect to St Luke that nowhere is he intent upon writing
the personal historv of St Paul ; and finally — and this point
alone would fully settle the matter — in the whole account which
St Luke gives of St Paul's stay at Rome during two years, we
do not perceive the slightest trace of a regard to his personal
welfare ; on the contrary, the judicial affair of St Paul is put
so entirely into the back-ground, that we do not hear a single
syllable either about its progress or Its final issue. With such a
tendency ofthe account, how should it have occurred to StLuke
to report minutely that St Paul made another attempt upon the
Jews in order to bring about a more favorable decision in his
cause, — an attempt which is not only altogether improbable in
itself, but which could not fail to be fruitless ? We are, there
fore, again led to consider this connexion with, and approach to
the Jews, on the part ofthe Apostle ofthe Gentiles, in the light
of his office, — a view which is suggested at first sight, and, espe
cially, by the circumstance that the farther progress of this
contact has quite the same character as that which we have
already repeatedly found in the proceedings of the Apostle of the
Gentiles with his brethren according to the flesh. But then it
may be asked ; — Has there, since the Introduction of that mo
mentous crisis in Jerusalem, anything happened which might
explain this new effort for the conversion of the Jews made by
St Paul ? Now, all which is requfred in order to realize this
new decisive feature, is once more to take a review of what we
have already perceived In the account before us, and to place it
in a new light. We saw that the circumstance of the Apostle's

ACTS XXVIU. 15 — 31. 325
finding the Gentile Roman Church produced upon him an im
pression which had the effect of changing his disposition of mind ;
and this can be accounted for, only on the supposition that, in the
Eoman Church, he recognized the culminating point of the
whole Gentile Church. By this, the entering of the fulness of
the Gentiles into the kingdom of God was, anew, and on an
enlarged scale, brought before the Apostle. For, in the same
degree as seeing with one's own eyes what is Immediately near
and present, is superior to hearing at a distance, — in the same
degree the sight and St Paul's con^riction of the preliminary
full measure of the conversion of the Gentiles must be strength
ened, after he has seen with his own eyes the Church at Eome,
of whose good report he was, even formerly, quite fllled at
Corinth, and to whom he was Inspired to write his raost com
prehensive and thorough-going epistle. Now, we know that, to
the Apostle, it was the first and highest concern to make a new
and comprehensive attempt with Israel, after he knew that, in a
certain sense, and to a certain extent, the fulness of the Gentiles
had come into the kingdom of God, In order that thus he might see
whether the period had arrived which Jehovah had marked out
from the very beginning, — the time, namely, when He would
convert His people from their deepest and darkest confusion, by
those who are not his people (see Deut. xxxii. 21). Since, then,
the conversion of the Gentiles was, on the Via Appia, anew and
on an enlarged scale, brought before St Paul, why should he not
even now have proceeded according to the same law, and, stand
ing as he did on this new experience as a new foundation, address
himself again to his brethren after the flesh ? He hiraself
declared this to be the ultimate aim of his whole Apostolic
mission to the Gentiles, that he might convert the GentUes,
in order that, by means of the converted Gentiles, he might
bring back Israel to thefr God (see Rom. xi. 13, 14). Was
there anything to prevent him from carrying out, at the
present moment, this his view of his Apostolic office ? Should
he aUow himself, by the experience, which he had made at
Jerusalem, of the unfathomable depth of the wickedness of
the Jews, to abandon them for ever, as far, at least, as his own
ministry was concerned, and foUow the easy path of a ministry
among the Gentiles ? If we had to do In this case with any one
Inferior to St Paul, we should surely not be for a moment

326 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
astonished, if now we perceived a slight wavering before so steep
a heiaht of his callini;. But we now see that he, who once
penned the incomparable hymn in praise of that love which
endureth all things, and hopeth all things, has not only praised
that love, but also exhibited it in his life, by ever anew, and even
after the saddest experience in body and soul, meeting again,
with patience and hope, the most deadly enmity of his own
brethren. Our understanding and estimate of the significance and import
ance of the account under consideration concerning St Paul's
last meeting with the Jews will be greatly assisted when we
bring to remembrance a period of the later tirae of the Gentile
Church, — a period wbich bears the closest resemblance to the
one before us, but in which it is seen how very much the greatest
teacher of the Church remains behind the Apostle ; and, at the
same tirae, how, in order to reraain conscious of her Divine aim,
the Gentile Church stands always in need of this Inspfred repre
sentation of the first and normal period of the Chm-ch, The
period in the history of the Gentile Church to which I have
alluded, is that which, in every respect, reminds us most vividly
of St Paul's person and history, namely, the time of the Refor
mation, which has Its centre in the person and history of Luther,
It was Luther who received the vocation to place again on the
candlestick the light of the Pauline doctrine, on which the salva
tion of the Gentiles rests, but which, ever since the ApostoUc
period, had more and more been placed under the bushel. Inas
much, then, as St Paul is the Apostle and teacher ofthe Gentiles,
we have no hesitation in holding up, as the greatest teacher
within the Gentile Churches, this man, who, by, and in the
power of God, was the restorer and renovator of the Pauline
preaching, and in whom the history of the Apostle of the Gen
tiles is, in its fundamental features, repeated. But it is just for
this reason that the comparison of the conduct observed by
Luther towards the Jews, with that which, on this point, is
kiio^wn to us concerning St Paul, will be so much the more
remarkable and instructive, with a view to the right understand
ing of the account now under consideration,
Luther, being firmly and deliberately convinced that, by his
testimony, the darkened centre of the evangelical proclamation
ainong tbe Gentiles has again been illuminated, counts, from

ACTS XXVUI. 15—31. 327
Ills appearance, a new period in the course of the general develop
ment of the Church. Plaving this conviction of the thorough
going and transforming significance of his ministry, Luther is
easily induced to hope that, for the Jews too, a time of conver
sion had set in. Hence we shall find it to be quite natural that,
according to the account of Matthesius (see Predigten fiber
Luthers Leben, S, 305, new edition), Luther took a great in
terest in the Jews ; and we are able exactly to follow and to
point out the thoughts entertained by Luther on this subject. In
1523 he wrote a Treatise under the remarkable title, " That
Jesus Christ was, by birth, a Jew." This title gives us at once
to understand that faith In Christ Is here so conceived of, that the
national aspect of our Saviour's person and history Is to be
regarded as something essential and abiding ; and, hence, an
opinion here meets us which, within the sphere of the Gentile
Church, must be regarded as an exception, and as a thing
remarkable. In this peculiarity of the doctrine respecting Christ,
It is then farther implied that even the essential and abiding
significance and importance of Israel is, at least, dimly seen. It
is for this reason that, in the Treatise mentioned, Luther does
not omit explicitly to express the abiding contrast between Israel
and the GentUes, by a recollection of Israel's holy past history.
He says : " How much soever we raay boast, yet we are Gen
tiles, and the Jews are of the blood of Christ ; we are strangers
and brothers in law only; they are related to our Lord by
blood, His cousins and brethren. If, then, it were lawfiil for
any one to boast of flesh and blood, the Jews stand in a closer
relation to Jesus than we, — as St Paul also says in Rom. ix.
And surely God has given proof of this by deeds , for on no
people among the Gentiles has He conferred such high honor as
upon the Jews ; for there is no patriarch, no apostle, no prophet
from among the GentUes mentioned ; and, moreover, there are
even few true Christians from ainong the Gentiles. And although
the Gospel has been made manifest to aU the world, yet on no
people, except the Jews, has He enjoined the Holy Scriptures, i. e.
Moses and the Prophets, as Paul says, Rom. iu. 2, and Ps. cxlvu.
19, 20" (see Walch xx. 2232, 2233). He expressly declares that,
just for this reason, he is favorable to the Jews, because he views
Jesus In His national peculiarity. " For I," so he -writes in the

328 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END
Treatise mentioned, " should like to do good, even the very best,
to you Jews, for the sake of the Jew crucified, whom no one is
to -wrest from me" (see I. c. 2271). He declared to a Jew : " I
love all the Jews for the sake of one pious Jew who has been
born by a chaste vfrgin of your nation" (see Matthesius 1. c. S.
306). It was, thus, love to Jesus, whom his faith recognized and
held fast as an Israelite, which directed his look to the Past,
And though Luther, at a later period, when he had acquired sad
experience of the Jews, felt himself compelled to pass a very
severe judgment upon their character and conduct at that time,
he is always filled with the deepest reverence for the importance
of the Jewish law and nation to the whole world, and expresses
this more than once in a very striking manner. In opposition to
the opinion of the Jews, that it was on account of the sin of His
people that God did not send the Messiah, Luther, from a right
understanding of sacred history and Holy Scripture, maintains
that God would not allow himself to be impeded, by the sins of
man, in His work of grace. It Is in an exposition like this that,
among other things, he writes, " Let them, therefore, mention
the sins on account of which they suffer such awfiil misery. If
they point out one or some, I most kindly beg that you would,
at once and without delay, comraunlcate it ; and then I, an old
fool and merciful Christian, will at once order a stone-knife and
becorae a Jew, even although I was obliged to get not only my
foreskin, but also ray nose and ears cfrcumcised" (see 1, c, S,
2276). In this joke, a deep earnestness is eridently Implied,
Luther means to say that, if the outward form of Judaism, which
has its expression in the hope of a visible Messianic kingdora. Is
at present still founded on truth, every GentUe is bound, by the
most sacred obligations, to submit to all the laws and ordinances
of Judaism, It is evident that, by this confession, Luther did
not mean to give up the position which he holds vrith respect to
justification,— for that was to him an ImpossibUIty ; — but he Is so
deeply impressed with the Divine origin of the Jewish ordinances,
and vrith the worldly origin of the heathen ordinances and arbi
trary laws, that, as soon as a valid proof could be afforded that
these Divine ordinances were vaUd even after Christ had appeared,
a Gentile, standing in the grace of God, would have nothing
more urgent to do than to submit to these ordinances for the

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 329
life of the nations on earth. Inasmuch as they alone were Divinely
appointed. This same fundamental thought Is found, not only
with St James, but with St Paul also, who, however, treats it more
thoroughly, and more in accordance vrith, and upon grounds of.
Scripture. From another passage of the sarae Treatise, directed
against Sabbatlzers, we clearly see that, in the passage just
quoted, Luther does not speak of circumcision as a single isolated
obligation, to the exclusion of all the othens, but that, just like St
Paul (see Gal. v.. 2, 3), he understands circumcision as the obli
gation to keep the whole law. That passage runs as follows :
" For this reason, you shall tell the Jews that they should just
begin with observing the law of Moses, and should really becorae
Jews ; for they are no longer Jews, since they do not keep their
law. If they have done so, then we also will become Jews at
once. Although this has been neglected and not done for 1500
years, let them, even now, go to the Holy Land, and to Jeru
salem, build their temple, set up the priesthood, royal dignity,
and Moses with his law, and thus become themselves again Jews,
and possess the land. When that has been done, they shall see
us coming after them on thefr heels, and become Jews also" (see
1. c. S. 2290).
With such eyes of love for Christ's sake, Luther, however,
viewed, at first, not only the holy history of Israel in the Past,
but also their sad and miserable condition in the Present. The
latter deeply moves his heart, so that he writes: "It is true, I am no
Jew; but I am in earnest in saying that I do not like to think of
such awful anger of God against the people ; for I am seized with
a terror which shakes body and soul " (see I. c. S. 2315). And
even in his writings of a later period, in which, as we shall Imme
diately see, he speaks of the Jews with undue severity, he can
not omit to remember them in intercessory prayer (see 1. c. S.
2508, 2523, 2528), — a circumstance so much the more worthy
of notice that he thereby comes into contradiction -with his own
thoughts about the present obduracy of the Jews. It is from this
deeply founded love for Israel also, that we may account for the
fact that at first Luther knows how to bring forward many
excuses for their persevering unbeUef; and inasmuch as, in these
excuses, his position towards the people of God is stiU more
clearly raanifested, we must give a statement of them. Thus he

330 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
writes in 1523: "Our fools, the popes, bishops, sophists, and monks
— those rude blocldieads — have hitherto so dealt with the Jews,
that he who had been a good Christian might, indeed, have
become a Jew. And if I had been a Jew, aud had seen such
blockheads and boobies ruling, and teaching the Christian faith,
I should rather have become a pig than a Christian. For they
have treated the Jews, as If they had been dogs, and not men.
All which they knew to do for them has been to abuse thera, and
take thefr goods. And if they have baptized them, neither
Christian instruction nor Christian life has been set before them,
but they were brought under the yoke of popery and raonkery.
If the Jews thus saw that their own reUgion has Scripture so
strongly in Its favour, while the Christian religion was nothing
but talk, and without support frora Scripture, how should they
have eased thefr hearts and becorae good Christians ? I myself
have heard it of pious baptized Jews, that unless they had heard
the Gospel in our time, they would all their life time have re
mained Jews under a Christian cloak. For they confess that
they have never yet heard of Christ from their baptizers and
teachers." And farther : " If the Apostles, who also were Jews,
had treated us Gentiles, as we Gentiles have treated the Jews,
no one frora araong the Gentiles would ever have become a
Christian. Since, then, they have treated us GentUes In so
brotherly a manner, we again should treat the Jews as brethren,
that thus we may convert some."
From his thus accusing Gentile Christendom, and excusing
the Jewish Synagogue, it is easily explained that Luther could
entertain hopes for the conversion of the Jews. For he knew
that, by the grace of God, the time had come when the Gentile
Church was renevring and building herself up on the founda
tion of the Prophets and Apostles, -vrith an earnestness never
before equalled. Could it be othervrise, then, than that this
bright shining of the light of Divine grace in the Gentile
Church should have a winning power for the Jews also, who
had, to such an extent and so frequently, been repelled by the
carnal form ofthe Gentile Church ? This hope is several tiraes
expressed by Luther: "I hope," so he writes in 1523, "that, if
the Jews were kindly treated, and carefully instructed out of
Holy Scripture, many of them would becorae Christians, and

ACTS XXVUI. 15 — 31. 331
tum again to the faith of their fathers, the prophets and
patriarchs ; from which they are only farther frightened away,
when we reject their religion, and refuse to acknowledge its exis
tence, and when we treat them only with pride and contempt "
(see I. c. S. 2232). To a converted Jew, he expresses hiraself
thus : " Since, however, the invaluable light of the Gospel Is
now rising, and reflects a radiant brightness, there is hope that
many among the Jews will be converted in sincerity and honesty,
and -will allow themselves to be dra-wn to the Lord Jesus Christ
with thefr whole heart ; just as you and a few others, who are
StiU the remnant ofthe seed of Abraham, to whom salvation Is to
come through grace. — And I wish that your baptism and regene
ration should be known, as an example, by other Jews also, that
so they who are predestinated may be called, and may come to
Darid their King, that he may feed and save them ; but whom
our priests and Pharisees, who are destined to judgment, reject
with indescribable fury and madness " (see 1. c. S. 2268). The
ground of this hope is indeed too obvious to admit of our doubt
ing that we shall flnd it elsewhere also at this time ; and so Indeed
it is. Justus Jonas, who translated Luther's Treatise : " That
Jesus Christ was by birth a Jew," into Latin, that it might be
more generally circulated among the Jews, writes in 1524 :
" The Jews, as we have seen, have fared like ourselves. By the
twaddle of their Talmud they have been carried 9.way from the
pure word of God, and the simplicity of Scripture ; just as we
ourselves have been by the drearas of Scotus and Thomas. But
I do not doubt that they, to whom it is given to adhere to the
pure writings of Moses and the prophets, wUl be not a Uttle con
vinced and affected by the argument of Luther's Treatise. Let
us pray for this people, and that so much the more that, among
ourselves, not all are Christians who bear this name. Would
to God that the labour among the Jews would prosper as
greatly as the change has been mfraculous, and the ¦works of the
Lord have been glorious, which we have, in so short a time, ex
perienced by the quick course of His Word" (see Walch 1. c. S.
2266). From these declarations we perceive quite clearly the resem
blance to the position of the Apostle of the Gentiles towards the
Jews. Just as he expected the final decisive turn for good in

332 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
Israel from the influence of the GentUe Church, so, on the same
foundation, as we have seen, the hope is rested which Luther and
his contemporaries entertained for Israel. But the less that this
argumentation had a clear knowledge of the Pauline view, — the
less that this hope which, at the time of the Reformation, was
entertained for Israel, was based upon Scriptural ground, — the
more certain we may be, that It originated In the same spirit of
hope and love which animated the Apostle, and had opened his
eyes to the discernment of what Scripture says regarding It. We
shaU, therefore, find it to be quite conceivable and natural that
this hope for Israel induced the great teacher of the Gentiles,
the renovator of the proclamation of St Paul, to extend his evan
gelical ministry to strayed Israel also. The Treatise already
frequently adverted to was expressly destined for Israel ; in
asmuch as, considering the favorable disposition towards Israel
which we have already mentioned, and the prejudices existing
among the Jews, it endeavoured to prove that Jesus was the
Christ. Nor was this labour of Luther in behalf the Jews in
vain ; for he writes In 1537: "My Treatise has done much
good to all the Jews" (see Walch. I. c. S. 2269). But the more
we are struck by the resemblance which all this bears to the
history of Paul, the more anxious we are, of course, to see
whether the farther progress and Issue, at the time of the reno
vation of the Church, are the same which we found them to be
in the Apostolic time. It will at once become evident to us that
the tirae of obduracy was, to Israel, not yet past in the days of
Luther. Since Luther has consented to enter into a real and
firing relation to the Jews, he can, from his own experience,
judge of the Jews ; and all which he expresses regarding them
has proceeded from a real contact of his spirit with thefrs. For
although, frora Scripture, he might say a great deal regarding
the condition of Jewish unbelief, he yet, in forming his judg
ment of thera, always refers to his own experience. Since,
however, this experience agrees exactly with the statements of
Scripture, we see, in this also, the same evangelical and Pauline
spirit of truth. In 1543, Luther wrote his Tract, " On the Jews
and their lies," — in which he endeavoured to refute Jewish
errors which made a great impression upon Christendom at that
time. .When compared with his former Treatise In 1523, his

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31 333
position here altogether changed. Here he declares, from the
very outset, that he does not speak to, or against Jews, In order
to make an impression upon them. " It is not my intention" —
so he says at the commenceraent of the Treatise in question
(seel, c, S, 2313) — "to quarrel with the Jews, or learn from
them how they interpret and understand Scripture ; all that I
know very well already. Far less it is my intention to convert
the Jews, — for that is quite impossible. As yet it is nowhere of
any use with the Jews ; they have only become worse and
worse," It is a remarkable phenomenon that Luther thought
it so necessary, with such earnestness and circumstantiality, to
refiite, for the benefit of the Gentile Churches, the current errors
of the Jews. We see from it, most evidently, how deeply and
inwardly the existence and history of the Synagogue is bound
up with the Gentile Church. We have here a repetition of that
which, at the time of Apollos, was found In the Corinthian
Church. The same necessity which induced ApoUos, the teacher
of the Gentile Church in Corinth, to contend with the Jews, has
urged Luther also to contend against the Jews, from a regard to
the Church committed to hira. We learn, indeed, that among
the GentUe Christians at the time of the Eeformation, there were
found such as, from a Jewish submission to the law of Moses,
exchanged the liberty of the Christian Sabbath for the bondage of
the Jevrish Sabbath (see Walch I. c. S. 2272 ; Luther uber die
Genesis i. 1854 ; Matthesius, Luthers Leben S. 74). The
conviction that, upon the whole and as a body, nothing was to be
hoped for, regarding the Jews, was very soon fixed in Luther's
mind; and, in his later writings, he gave repeated expression to
it in the strongest manner. In the book of the Shem Hamphoras,
which appeared In 1543, he says, upon this point, in the intro
duction : " My opinion Is not against the Jews, as if I hoped to
convert them. For this reason, I have, to that book (of the
Jews and their lies), not given the title ' Against the Jews,' but
' Of the Jews and their Ues ;' so that we Germans might know,
by the teachuig of history, what a Jew is, and warn our Christians
against them, as against devils themselves, — so that we might
strengthen and honor our faith ; — but not that we raight con
vert the Jews, which Is as little possible as to'convert the devil"
(see Walch. xx. 2528). "For a Jew," he says soon afterwards.

334 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME— I'HE END.
" or a Jewish heart is as hard as a stock, stone, iron, and the
devil, and is not to be moved in any way. Although Moses were
to come with all the prophets, and were to do all the miraculous
works before their eyes that they might give up their hard hearts,
—just as Christ and the Apostles have done in their presence, —
it would still be in vain. Although they were so dreadfully
punished that the streets were filled and running ¦with blood,
that their dead had to be counted not by hundreds of thousands,
but by millions, as happened at Jerusalem under Vespasian,
and at Cyprus under Adrian, — although in addition to these
1500 years, they should be other 1500 years in misery ; — God
must nevertheless be a liar, and they in the truth. Tn short,
they are young devils, and condemned to hell" (see I. c. S. 2529).
One cannot well say that these strong expressions used by
Luther regarding the unbelieving Jews go beyond the raeasure
of truth. For we raust always bear ih mind that Luther does
not write down such strong expressions fi-ora cool and sober
reflection, but from a deep commotion of his heart, and from a
living ¦riew of Judaism. The following sentence, whicli is like
wise found in the Shem Hamphoras — the most violent writing
of Luther's against the Jews — is, in this respect, very instructive :
" O my God," so the words run, 1. c. S. 2561, " my beloved
Creator and Father, thou wilt graciously pardon rae that — very
much against my will — I must speak so shockingly of thy Dirine
Eternal Majesty, against thy cursed enemies, the devUs and
Jews. Thou knowest that I do so from the ardor of my faith,
and In honor of thy Divine Majesty, for it pierces my heart and
soul." Although with such emotions and dispositions Luther
declares the Impossibility of a conversion of the Jews, this need
not imply any more than that which Scripture calls the obduracy,
hardness, and blindness of the Jews, Inflicted by the Divine will
and decree ; for he who would thereby understand a high degree
of the want of susceptibility only, could have a very slight under
standing both of the sense of Scripture, and of the spirit of the
unbelieving Jews. If, then, with his knowledge and experience,
Luther, as regards the Jews, meets with an obstacle against the
Gospel, — an obstacle unequaUed by any thing, which cannot be
removed by any of the means given in the whole histoi-y of the
Church, and which cannot be strongly enough expressed, nor con-

ACTS XXVIU. ] 5 —3 1 . 335
ceived of in a sufficiently awful light,— all this is truth, and in
full harmony with Scriptm-e. But, in all these utterances, it is,
nevertheless, not necessarily Implied that all hope is, in every
sense, excluded. We remember an Impossibility which is fully
established, and which may be conceived of, and realized as such,
and which must, nevertheless, be a possibility. " The things
which are Impossible ¦with men are possible with God," says our
Lord (see Luke xviii. 27). But although the heart of the great
teacher of the Church is deeply moved, and inflamed with holy
anger, he is by no means blind to this thought of Divine omni
potence and mercy, even when he has to deal with Jews, and
although they be hard like devils. This is seen from the fact
that, in that violent book, " Of the Jews and their lies," he, three
times, prays for the Jews (see I. c. S. 2508, 2523, 2528) ; farther
— that iinmediately after the very strongest expressions regarding
the derilish wickedness of the Jews, in his pamphlet, " Of the
Shem Hamphoras" he thus proceeds: "But if there still be
any thing human in them, let them be benefited by such writing"
(see 1. c. S. 2529) ; and finally — that Luther, in his last decla
ration concerning the Jews, which he raade shortly before his
death, and In which he recommends very hard measures against
them, says, among other things, the following also : " But still,
we would exercise towards them Christian love, and pray for them,
that they may be converted and receive the Lord whom It be
comes them to honor" (see 1. c. S. 2632),
This much is certain and evident — and with it the deriatlon
from the Apostolic and Pauline rule begins — that Luther did
not continue on this high ground of hoping against hope ; that,
after having looked into the whole depth of Jewish perverseness,
this hope remained vrithout practical effect and influence, and
that, on this point, he allowed himself to be altogether guided by
that powerfiil Impression of Jewish perverseness. It is very
remarkable that, in his later writings on the Jews, Luther
zealously advises and orders to be done against the Jews just
that which, formerly, he judged to have been in the way of their
conversion to Christ. Let us, on the one hand, consider the
foUowing closing words of the Treatise : " That Jesus Christ was
by birth a Jew," pubUshed In 1523 : " For this reason, my prayer
and advice would be, that we should deal with, and act towards

336 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
them with kindness, and instruct them in Scripture ; that so, some
of them might be converted. But now that we drive thera by
force only, and use false charges, by accusing them that they
must have Christian blood In order that they may not stink, —
and I don't know how much more of such nonsense, — and that
we treat them like dogs ; — what good can we expect from, or do
among them ? And so likewise, when we forbid them to work
araong us, to carry on trades, and to have any other human
fellowship, and oblige them to carry on usury; — how should that
correct them ? If we wish to help thera, we should not practise
towards them the laws of the Pope, but those of Christian love,
and should treat them kindly, allow thera to work and labour
with us, in order that they may have cause and opportunity to be
with us and around us, and to hear and see our Christian
doctrine. Although some be obstinate, what matters It ? Surely,
not all of us are good Christians" (see 1. c. S. 2263). But after
Luther had experienced the obstinacy of these some, and, no
doubt, raore strongly than he had expected, how suddenly did he
change his opinion regarding the treatment of the Jews ; yea,
how did it change into the very opposite I In his pamphlet : " Of
the Jews and their lies,'' he gives the following advice : " In the
first place, their synagogues or schools should be set on fire, and
that which will not burn, should be covered and overlaid with
earth, that no man should ever see a stone or fragment of it (see
1. c. S. 2478, comp. with S. 2500) ; secondly — that thefr houses
too should be broken up and destroyed ; for they do in them the
same things which they do in their synagogues (see 1. c. S.
2479) ; thirdly — that all their prayer books and talmudlsts should
be taken from them, in which, and by whom such idolatry, lies,
curses, and blasphemies are taught (see 1. c.) ; fourthly — that
their Eabbis should be forbidden, on pain of death, to teach in
future (see I. c.) ; fifthly — that protection, and the right of using
the roads should be altogether taken away fi-om the Jews ; for
they are neither lords, nor judges, nor stewards, nor agents, nor
tradesmen, and, hence, have nothing to do in the country, and
should remain at home (see 1. c. S. 2480) ; sixthly — that they
should be forbidden to practise usury, already prohibited by
Moses (see L c.) ; and seventhly — that we should put into the
hands of the young strong Jews and Jewesses flails, axes,

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31.- 337
mattocks, spades, spinning wheels and rocks, and should make
them earn their livelihood in the sweat of their noses — as such is
imposed upon the children of Adam" (see 1. c. S. 2483). One
does not well see what else there remains after these hard and
contradictory advices, except that everywhere, throughout Chris
tendom, the Jews should be driven out of the country ; and It
is to this that. In several passages of his later writings about
the Jews, Luther in reality comes and reverts. After those
seven advices, however, and when the fear arises that, by such
¦riolence, the Jews might be roused to avenge themselves, he
thus continues and closes : " Let us, therefore, abide by the
common prudence of other nations — such as France, Spain,
Bohemia, &c. — and reckon with them as to what they have
gained from us by usury. Let us then divide with them in all
fafrness; but, after that, at all events drive them out of the
country" (see 1. c. S. 2783). And afterwards. In the same book,
he thus expresses himself, and comprehends in It his whole
advice : " In my opinion, all certainly tends to this : Tf we are to
keep unpolluted from, and not to be partakers of, the blasphemies
of the Jews, we must be separated fi-om them, and they must be
driven out of our country ; let them remeraber their own
country. Thus, they will no more be able to cry, and lie before
God, that we keep them captive, nor we to complain that they
trouble us vrith thefr blasphemies and usury. That Is the most
ob'rious, and the best ad^rice which secures both the parties In a
case like this" (see 1. c. S. 2503). This, finally, is also the
ad-rice which Luther, shortly before his death, addressed to the
princes and people of his native country (see 1. c. S. 2631).
It must, indeed, be noted as a remarkable circumstance, that,
a few days before his death, Luther, as a patriot, adrised the
Eulers and subjects of his country to such a violent treatment,
and expulsion of the Jews. Nowhere has It, in my opinion, be
come so evident that although, by the whole GentUe Church,
Luther cannot be deeply enough revered and highly enough ex
alted as the renovator of the Pauline proclamation, yet that, in
this respect, Luther can never be placed side by side with the
Apostle of the Gentiles, and that his doctrine must never be
valued like that of the Apostle. But what. Indeed, is It which
our great Eeformer, in his relation to the Jews, lacks, and for the
VOL. III. Y

338 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
sake of which he advises to a line of conduct towards them which
so strikingly contrasts with that of the Apostle ? We have seen
that, notwithstanding all his experience of Jevrish perverseness
and corruption, Luther did not close his soul against all the
emotions of hope. He has himself, however, confessed to us that,
for these emotions of hope, he does not know of any divinely
confirmed foundation, — that he cannot find for thera any gronnd
in Scripture. For thus he writes in his Treatise Of the Shem
Hamphoras : " In short, the Jews are young devils, condemned
to hell ; but if there be still among them any one with some
huraan feeling, he may be benefited by this book. As to enter
taining any hope, however, of the whole mass, — let hira do so
who likes ; I have no hope, nor do I know of any support for such
in Scripture. Surely, we cannot convert even our Christians —
I mean the great mass — and must be satisfied with a small num
ber ; how much the less vrill It be possible to convert all these
children of the devil ! For it Is altogether a delusive opinion
which some men entertain, as If the eleventh chapter of the
Epistle to the Eomans teaches such folly as that the Jews are to
be converted at the end of the world ; St Paul means something
altogether different" (see 1. c. S. 2529). But even those who are
most anxious to adhere to his words will, at present, all agree that
Luther has been altogether mistaken In imagining that he could
thus evade and reject the passage in Rom. xi. 25 — 29. But what
is not in the least more doubtful, but Is nevertheless not so readUy
acknowledged, is the circumstance, that the passage in the Epistle
to the Roraans, to which reference has been made, stands so little ^
isolated, that, on the contrary, it is indissolubly connected with
whole portions of both the Old and New Testaments. But,
if such be the case, Luther endeavours to evade and reject not
only those few passages of the Epistle to the Romans, but, at the
same time, all those portions of Holy Scripture also which stand
internally connected with the passage referred to. It Is, more
over, a notion altogether untenable, to suppose that any proposi
tion or doctrine of Scripture could stand altogether isolated. On
the contrary, if we believe that in the origin of Holy Scripture,
the Holy Spirit exercised an essentially determining Influence,
it is implied in this, that as surely as one spirit pervades all
the pai'ts of Holy Scripture, surely also must every part stand In

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 339
an organic connexion with all the rest, and fit into It In an organic
manner. But how could it be that a doctrine which St Paul
designated as a mysterious legacy for the Gentile Churches, and
which concerned the last Future of the people of God, should
stand as a detached fragment ? We find, indeed, in the New
Testament, two books — viz., the Epistle of St James, and the
Revelation of St John — the whole fundamental supposition of
which rests upon the same hope which St Paul felt himself bound
to express towards the principal Gentile Church. We have already
had occasion to remark that the Epistle of St James Is addressed
to the whole Jewish people in their present state of dispersion,
and almost universal apostacy. But it will easily be seen that
such a position towards the Jews could not be at all conceived of
in an ApostoUcal man, unless he could oppose the hope of a fu
ture, general conversion, to thefr present unexampled hardness of
heart. And in the Book of Revelation it is expressly fixed, in
names and numbers, that, in the last days, the centre of the
Church of Christ on earth will be collected out of the twelve
tribes of Israel, and that, around them, there shall stand a multi
tude of beUevers, which no man can number, of all nations, and
kindred, and people, and tongues (see Rev. vii. 4 — 9) ; and it Is
farther declared in the same Book that. In the days of the last
- struggle, the two great prophetic witnesses shall stand and fall In
Jerusalem (see Rev. xi. 8). We thus see quite plainly that, by
that legacy to the Roman Gentile congregation, — and hence, to
the whole GentUe Church — St Paul enters Into that sphere in
which the Apostles of Israel have, more peculiarly, their position.
By thus evading and rejecting that passage in the Epistle to the
Romans, Luther comes, at the same time. Into a position in which
he is obUged to reject these two Books of the New Testament ;
and we now see that it Is not by any means a matter of chance
that Luther really declared his rejection of these two Books. But
there are stIU other passages of the New Testament by which
Luther is embarrassed, on account of his refusal to acknowledge
Rom. xi. Thus, it is only by limiting it, in a most arbitrary
manner, to the Ten Commandments, that he can explain thestate-
ment of our Lord in Matt. v. 17 (see Walch 1. c. S. 2301), which
declares the integrity and validity of the whole Old Testaraent
y2

340 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME —THE END.
letter, and which evidently obtains its full right, only when It is
referred to the final restoration of Israel.
But what are we to say of the Old Testament ? That passage
in Rom. xi. is the bridge which connects the system of St Paul's
doctrines with the Old Testament ; and the Epistle of St James,
as well as the Revelation of St John, are Books which avowedly
imply, and are based upon, the whole Old Testament history, and
the whole Old Testament mode of viewing things. Even from
this it will follow that, for understanding and sympathizing with
the Old Testament contents, Luther must occupy a position
which is not a little false. And so it is. There is, indeed, no
doubt that Luther has discovered and pointed out the right key
for understanding the whole Old Testament, viz., justification
through faith in the historical Christ, i.e. the incarnate Son of God.
Nor can It be sufficiently acknowledged that, by means of this
faith, Luther has made a correct, and most Important beginning
in the right understanding of the Old Testament, and has
destroyed many current errors in this territory (see the general
introduction to the Theolog. Comment. S. xxxiii. — xxxvi.). But,
on the other hand, it cannot be denied that Luther is still very
far from carrying through the historical understanding of the
Old Testament writings ; and that limit, which we recognized In
his refusal to acknowledge the Pauline hope of Israel's Future,
appears here in far greater extent and power. Even in the man
ner in which Luther comraonly argues against the Jews from the
Old Testament prophecies, we cannot fail to recognize the cur
rent, arbitrary, spiritualizing -riew, and painfuUy feel the want of
the historical exposition and understanding of the prophetical
word which are implied in his principle. Luther's chief confusion
in this respect consists in this : — that it does not even occur to
him that the Old Testament prophecy, on the whole and In the
main, as well as in all details and particulars, points to a condition
in the kingdom of God which, in Its completion, shall be repre
sented in a corresponding outward form and realltyhere on earth,
— that, hence, the Messianic hopes entertained by the Jews are
only a caricature of the Old Testament prophecy, and which, ac
cordingly, can never be converted into what Is true by an enfee
bling, spiritualizing exposition, but only bya sound and historical

ACTS XXVUI. 15 — 31. 341
realism. It is instructive to observe the form which this some-
tunes takes with Luther, in particular. Thus, the remarkable
passages have not escaped him in which Moses declares Israel's
final return, in an external and internal sense (Deut. Iv. 31 ;
Lerit. xxvi. 44) ; but he declares in simple words, that now no
raore stress could be laid on this prophecy, since too much time
had afready elapsed since Israel was in captivity, and forsaken of
God (see Walch L c. S. 2576). Occupying such a position of
wanton unbelief towards an express word of God — a position
from which Luther elsewhere is as far removed as heaven Is fi-om
earth — he has In other passages no difficulty in simply asserting
that there no longer exists a promise to Israel of returning to the
Holy Land (see 1. c. S. 2362) ; that the present Jews have no
more any connexion -vrith those to whom Moses spake (see 1. c. S.
2482) ; that their blood had now become " more watery and
degenerate," and had no longer any share in the blood and gene
ration of Abraham (see 1. c. S. 2630). How very far he Is mis
taken In such assertions regarding the Old Testaraent Scripture,
and Into what a strong contradiction he thereby comes to the
word of God, is easily seen from the circumstance that those pro
phets who speak in the strongest terms of Israel's wickedness and
perversity, are at the same time those who prophesy thefr final
conversion and restoration in terms the most distinct and glorious.
Let us only remember the fact that Ezekiel views this final turn
of the fate of Israel as happening at a period in which not the
blood only of Israel has become " watery and degenerate," but
when there exists no more any other object to which Israel bears
a resemblance, but a large valley fiUed with dry, dead bones !
Shall we now say, then, that this deviation of Luther fi-om the
doctrines and conduct of the Apostle to the Gentiles had its last
reason in a perverse position with reference to the Holy Scrip
tures ? We cannot do so, even for this reason that, according to
our opinion. Scripture is everywhere not the first, but the second
element in the knowledge and maintenance of Divine truth. We
can only say, therefore, that this deviation, in Luther's erroneous
position towards a great portion of Holy Scripture, comes out
eridently and for a warning to the Church of Christ ; but we
must seek for a deeper reason for this misunderstanding itselfi
We know, indeed, no teacher of the Church who, like Luther,

342 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
has, In a manner so original, powerfiil, and effectual, demonstrated
and proved the sealing, Dirine power of Holy Scripture ; for who
has ever been able and has ventured to place, on a written 'Earl
the weight of his soul and its salvation ? But if Luther exhibits
to us this affecting internal event, it is not difficult to see that, for
this reason, he is able to make the whole world of his Inner life to
depend upon this 'Eart, because, in his innermost spirit, he has
the immovable conviction that it is implied in the manner and
nature of that Christ in whom his soul believes, and whom his
heart loves, to manifest and communicate himself in so human
and earthly a manner as he now finds it sealed in the "written, in
destructible letter of the Spirit. If, then, we find the same great
teacher of the Church barring himself against, and disbelie"viQg
several passages, yea, whole Books and groups of Books, weshall
not be able to explain this defect from any Imperfection and weak
ness of the Inner life of faith, and of the spirit. We have seen
that both the Past and Future oflsrael were opened up to Luther
by beliering in Jesus Christ as a Jew by birth ; and, indeed, this
belief is, and remains everywhere, for the whole Church, the only
door to the history of Israel in all its stages. But even on a for
mer occasion it could not escape us that Luther had. In the first
instance and above everything else, the vocation to hold up and
vindicate the importance and authority of this individual aspect
in the faith of Christ, — an aspect so long overlooked and darkened
— and that he has not got beyond that task. For this reason, we
understand also that the IndMduality of the person and histoi-yof
Christ forms the real centre of Luther's believing and thinking,
and that in this he possesses the sole and true centre of all true
life ; but, owing to human imperfection, he could easily lose
sight of the other aspect which our Lord turns towards His
nation, viz., the national aspect of His person and history. Tt
Is, of course. Impossible, entirely and with full knowledge and
conviction, to deny the national aspect of the person and his
tory of Christ, "vrithout, at the same time, denying Piis his
torical reality. It is, therefore, quite impossible to conceive,
within the limits of Christian faith and religion, of such a
denial ; and even the Christology of Schleiermacber, which
touches upon even the farthest limits, has taken care to guard
itself against this highest degree of unhistorical sense and repre-

ACTS XXVUI. 15 — 31. 343
sentation. But the question, of course, is not merely the denial of
the national aspect ofthe Christology ; on the contrary, the more
that the faith In the historical Christ is comprehensive and deep,
the raore the national aspect of the person and history of Christ
wiU, in the faith of man, have that position, and that connexion
'with the indiridual aspect which, in reality and actually, exists be
tween the two aspects. Now we find that in his principles on the
subject of the historical exposition and understanding of the Old
Testament, as well as In his first thoughts respecting the treat
ment of the Jews, Luther was really In earnest regarding this
national aspect of the Christology. But It appears that the hard
ness and obduracy of the Jews which Luther experienced becarae
more and more too powerful, and prevented him from being con
sistent In his earnestness. His zeal and anger on account of the
unbeUef and wickedness of the Jews became stronger than his
faith which had taken hold of the national aspect of Christ. We
can, and must not call this by any other name than weakness
and Imperfection In Luther's position towards the real and Jiis-
torical Christ ; and It Is owing to this darkening of the eye of
faith that so many and so powerful testimonies of Holy Scripture
are hidden from him.
But it is just this human Imperfection and weakness of the
great Luther, as regards the doctrine of Ploly Scripture on
Israel's Future, by which, in the passage under consideration, the
Incomparable greatness of the Apostle of the Gentiles, and the
Dirine call of his historian, appear. In the passage before us, in
the fiiUest splendour and brightness of truth. If Luther's strong
faith wavers and recoils from the abyss of Jewish wickedness and
obduracy, how much stronger must have been the faith of the
Apostle of the GentUes, who, even on his arrival at Rome, has
still courage and confidence to begui his rainistry by calling to
gether the chief of the Roraan Jews ! Surely Luther did not
take It easy -with Jewish wickedness ; and it certainly may be
doubted whether any other teacher of the Church has so deeply
felt and sympathized with this excess of Jewish sin as our
Luther. But what are this grief and experience when compared
with St Paul's sufferings among his brethren, and with his deep
grief on account of the separation between his people and his
Lord I And all this bitterness and grief have been concentrated.

344 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME— THE END.
and have reached thefr full measure, during his last stay at Jeru
salem ; and during the wide and long voyage, he had still to taste
and digest this cup of suffering, the effects of which penetrated
through bones and marrow. In his deep silence, in his not
uttering the name of Jesus, this sorrow was manifested and over
come. How infinitely greater cause had St Paul to be done with
the Jews, than had Luther? But nevertheless he, even now, is
so far from giving them up, that, on the contrary, he makes anew
commencement, takes a fresh start "with them. For the Apostle's
zeal and anger on account of the perverseness and obstinacy of
the Jews are always of a spfritual nature, and do not, therefore,
in any way disturb or darken his position to Jesus Christ. It is
true that, on account of the enmity of the Jews, and of their
being given up, he is silent as to the name of Jesus ; but we
have seen that this sUence is connected with the most heartfelt love
and sympathy for the whole lost Gentile world, which can have
their foundation only in the living coramunion with the Lord and
Saviour of the whole lost human race. Let the Jews, therefore,
be as they choose ; let them do as they ever did, — before the
spiritual eye of the Apostle there stands Jesus the Christ, who
comes of the fathers, who is King and Lord of Israel to all eter
nity. In ever undimraed brightness, in fully unirapaired reality.
It is by this complete communion in which the Apostle stands
with the Uring Christ, that his love to Israel is a flame of
Jehovah which nothing can quench or drown (see Song of Sol.
riii. 6, 7), which, therefore, flashes up so much the more brightly
and gloriously, although, for a time, it may have been suppressed.
It is only from such a deep foundation of eternal love to his
people, that the Apostle's conduct, narrated in the passage before
us, is to be accounted for.
The dominant position which. In the Gentile Church, is
due to the Congregation at Rome, is once more supposed by our
narrative. For, in the existence of the Roman Congregation, St
Paul again perceives a preliminary close of the conversion of the
Gentiles, — a close which is coraplete when corapared with the
whole preceding development, — and has thereby acqufred a new
experience of the, coming in of the fulness of the Gentiles, and
hence, has also gained a new hope that hardened Israel might
be softened through jealousy of those who "were not a people.

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 345
From his pure and undiminished love to his brethren according
to the flesh, this ground of hope for Israel, which the present mo
ment presents, cannot escape the Apostle; and he Is at once
ready to seize upon that moment. And St Luke, rightly valuing
the iraportance of this conduct,— an importance with which we
also should be deeply impressed, when we bring to mind the later
development of the Church, — has not failed to commit to writing
the single important features In this, the Apostle's new contact
with the Jews, and to embody them in this iraportant section of
his history.
St Paul addresses the Roman Jews by the words dvBpef dBeX-
(j)oi (ver. 17), just as he had the Jewish people in Jerusalem (see
xxii. 1) This address, therefore, shows that the fearful chasm
which, in the meantime, had arisen, has now entirely disappeared
In the mind ofthe Apostle, and that he again entertains, before the
Jews In Rome, the same hope with which he once stood before the
Jews in Jerusalem; although, meanwhile, the unbelief of the Jews
has filled up its measure, and has called down the Divine judg
ment upon Jerusalem. But It Is just when we thus conceive of
St Paul again standing, fuU of hope, before the Jews, that we
can easily explain why he again begins by justifying himself
before them on account of his present position. For if he would
gain any influence over them, he must first of all strive to
remove that which, fi'om the very outset, would stand in his way
with every Jew. The whole appearance of the Apostle as a
prisoner made the impression of a man who had coraraitted some
crime in the Jevrish land. He had, moreover, just at Jerusalera,
been accused of acting vrickedly against the people of God and
thefr holy law. And as long as such an accusation was not
completely set aside, it could not fail to present an Insurmount
able obstacle to any spiritual influence upon the Jews. Hence we
can easily and fully conceive that, even before the Roraan Jews,
St Paul was so anxious, first of all, to clear himself frora the sus
picion of an apostacy from Judaism. The Participial clause : iya>
oiiBev ivavTiov Troiyaa'i np XaS rj tok 'ideal tok ¦n-arpwoi^ (ver.
17) must be understood as an adversative clause, and be thus
paraphrased : " Although I have committed nothing against the
people or customs of our fathers." But the principal clause : Bea-
fiio<; e^ 'lepoaoXvfiwv irapeBodyv et? Ta? X^^P'^'' '''^^ 'Posfiaimv

346 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
shows anew, how deeply the forraer prophecy of Agabus (see
xxi. 11) had sunk into the raind of the Apostle. For the manner
In which he communicates his seizure and imprisonment, point
back more to this prophecy than to what really took place. We
have already remarked that the prophecy of Agabus places in
view the repetition of the end which Jesus had In Jerusalem.
And it must have been just this parallelism, by which this "riew
and representation of the event was Impressed upon the Apostle's
mind so deeply as to be indelible. For, In one respect, his suffer
ing in Jerusalem appeared to him, with such a riew, as a commu
nion In the suffering of Christ, — a communion more highly valued
by him than aught else (see Rom. viii. 17 ; 2 Cor. iv. 10 ; Gal. vi.
17 ; Col. I. 24). On the other hand, with this view, the great
mercy of God which. In consequence of the prayers of the Gen
tile Churches, had delivered him frora death and granted him a
new Ufe, remained ever present to his mind. But St Paul Is not
only anxious so far to clear himself before the Jews, as to main
tain his Innocence before his Imprisonraent and trial ; he wishes
also to keep off from hiraself the suspicion of having coraraitted
anything against his people during the tirae that his cause was
under trial. For his appeal to Caesar might be viewed as an
accusation against the Jewish people for having maltreated him.
St Paul, therefore, expressly remarks that this appeal did not
bear an offensive, but a defensive character (ver. 18, 19). The
reraark, therefore, of Meyer concerning this declaration of the
Apostle is quite correct : " This notice completes the account of
Luke In xxv. 9. We must, therefore, thus conceive of the
matter : — After Paul's vindication in xxv. 8, Festus expresses
his "willingness to set him at liberty ; but the Jews oppose that
(xxrill. 19) ; and now Festus proposes that Paul should stand
his trial at Jerusalem (xxv. 9); whereupon Paul appeals to Caesar
(xxv. 11)."
After St Paul had thus removed the obstacle which stood in
the way of his influence, andj thereby, the erroneous thoughts
also concerning his imprisonment, he declares himself on the
subject of the principal cause of his present bondage ; and thus
opens up the way for passing over from his own personal affairs
to the proclamation of the Gospel in presence of the Jews. Con
cerning the grammatical and logical construction of ver. 20,

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 347
Meyer very correctly remarks: " eveKev ydp t^? e'XTrt'So? etc.,
contains the positive motive to TrapeKaXeaa vfid<;, while Sta rav-
ryv T^v aiTiav, which refers back to the preceding negative
statement, contains the negative motive." Of great and decisive
weight is here the very emphatic utterance of St Paul : eveKev
TTj'i eXTTiBoi TOV 'lapayX t^i" dXvaiv ravryv irepiKeifiai. Calvin,
it is true, is of opinion that, in this place, St Paul spoke?
much more than what St Luke here communicates, and that,
among other things, he declared to the Jews his faith in Jesus.
This opinion has its foundation In his overlooking and mis
understanding the thought expressed in the sentence under
consideration, and contains an indfrect charge against St Luke
of having passed over what is the main point, and of baring
communicated what is subordinate. Indeed, In the few words of
the passage, the whole position of the Apostle of the Gentiles Is
expressed according to that aspect which it bears when viewed from
the side of the people of Israel, and which has never yet, "with
entfre earnestness, been taken up by the Gentile Church, The
reason why St Paul bears the chain has been, fully and in detail,
brought before us in the whole course of events hitherto. It is
the testimony of Jesus, the Saviour of the Jews, but of the Gen
tUes also ; it is the proclamation of grace and Uberty which are
in Christ Jesus, and which are prepared, and offered to all men
in aU places. It Is this which has caused, and which has drawn
down upon him the implacable hatred of the Jews, and has de
Uvered him up to captivity in Rome, This cause of his bondage
which has already been clearly and distinctly laid before us,
St Paul here caUs y eXirh roii 'lapafjX. One would be disposed to
imagine that, under existing circumstances, he should have had
good cause to designate it by any other word rather than by this.
For the peculiar PauUne ministry had indeed its real cause in
the preceding apostacy of the Jews ; and its Issue was quite in
harraony with this cause, namely the bitter and deadly hostility
on the part of the Jews against the Apostle of the GentUes.
Hence it is that the GentUe Church has always been anxious so to
understand and designate the substance and the pecuUar character
of St Paul's proclamation, that nothing in it should be recognized
as having a reference to Israel. But the course and example of
the Apostle of the GentUes are here quite the opposite ; and it is

348 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
easily seen of what importance it Is that St Paul's friend and
historiographer has recorded StPaul's utterance just In that form,
in which it is fitted, at length, to direct the attention ofthe Gentile
Church to this her mistake.
By the hope of Israel, St Paul, of course, understands, in the
first Instance, the sum and substance of the Old Testament pro
phecies ; for, since he acknowledges that this hope Is well
founded, by declaring it to be the cause of his own sufferings. It
must rest on a Divine promise. Is then this designation a cfr-
cuinlocutlon only, it may be, for the history of Jesus, of His
sufferings and resurrection which, by the Old Testament pro
phecy, have been brought Into view (see xxvi. 23) ? Even
although such a "riew were, in itself, admissible, it would, under
existing circumstances, nevertheless, be impossible. For, we must
consider that St Paul is speaking to Jews, and that for the first
time. But, since we know with what wisdom and love he can
join hiraself closely to those who are at the moment listening to
him, how well he understands how to enter into, and sympa
thize with all their peculiarities, and with their position at the
time, we shall not be able to suppose that " the hope of Israel"
— a notion which, among the Jews, is by no means strange,
but, on the contrary, quite current, yea, expresses and desig
nates, better than anything else, their whole inward condition
and position — should have been used and understood by him
in any sense which, to those present, could not but be altogether
unintelligible and inaccessible. We know, moreover, from St
Paul's proceedings with the Jews in Jerusalem, to which he has
just referred, that he attaches the greatest weight to the hoping
of the Jews, and that In It he sees the possibility of coming to
an understanding with them (see xxiii. 6 ; xxiv. 15 ; xxvi. 6, 7).
Frora this we can infer with certainty that St Paul refers this
expression, " the hope of Israel," to the Old Testament prophecy,
not only in its objective aspect, but also in its subjective aspect,
viz., to the hope existing in the souls of the Jews then present.
In doing so. It is, of course, self-erident that St Paul separates,
from the hoping of the Jews, aU that which has, erroneously and
sinfully, been added to the Di"rine promise. The essential part
of this reference to the hopes of the Jews present is always the
acknowledgment that, in the history of the kingdom of God,

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 349
there is still something not yet fulfilled of that which is con
tained In the Old Testament prophecy ; and that that which still
remains to be fulfilled, coincides substantially with that which
the Jews hope concerning the future. But then the question
reverts : — How, on this supposition, can St Paul designate his
peculiar position and the cause of his suffering by such an ex
pression ? — or. In other words, How can he combine the procla
mation of Jesus the crucified, the Sariour and Redeeraer of all
sinners araong Jews and Gentiles, -vrith the hope of the Jews
for the establishment of a visible kingdom, the restoration of the
royal dignity and power of David, and the dominion of the
people of Israel, In such a manner as that he can comprehend
both under one term ? This can.be understood only by obserring
that, in the restoration of Israel, Paul recognizes the natural
working out and completion of that which has been founded by
the death and resurrection of Christ ; so that everything which, in
the kingdom of the Spirit, has been begun and wrought out, finds
its final completion and realization In this form of the Future,
The -riews of the Gentile Church and of the Synagogue on this
point, are, at present, contrary to, and exclusive of one another.
Whilst the Synagogue Is longing for the working out and com
pletion of the Kingdom of God, without caring for the sole and
etemal foundation of all working out and completion, and without
having In It a firm foundation, the Gentile Church holds fast this
foundation In such a manner that she narrows, or even altogether
deprives herself of the -riew of this necessary form, and final
appearance of the hidden substance and ground. The position
occupied by the Synagogue is, therefore, -vrithout a foundation, just
as that of the Gentile Church is without aim and end. In this
confession of St Paul, however, we have the right and equalizing
medium, — the living truth which is able to bring into connexion
these contrarieties, and to infuse life Into them. Of St Paul
we know most distinctly that he has his sole foundation and
new life in the depth of the Spirit, In the person of the Saviour
crucified and risen, but now removed into the inrisible kingdom.
But although this Apostle recognized it as his duty to neglect
and overlook that other aspect of the outward completion and
form of the kingdom of God, for himself, as well as for the
Churches which he was caUed to guide ; yet he never took up a

350 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
negative position towards this final development. Ha-ring, how
ever, arrived at that point of bis history, as well as of the develop
ment of the GentUe Church, which distinctly and with certainty
pointed to that end, it was, for this reason, as easy for him, as it
was by his vocation imposed upon him as a duty, to exhibit -with
all distinctness that aspect of its being worked out and externally
corapleted, as the necessary complement of that internal, spirit .lal
aspect, and as the Divinely ordained aim and end for which all
the preceding development was brought to a close. Here, as
well as in the discourse delivered by the Apostle for his defence
at Jerusalem, we shall, therefore, find, not so much a regard to
the Jews addressed, as something completely appropriate to his
position, as an Apostle, under existing circumstances. The
Gentile Church, however, has not contented herself with ne
glecting and losing sight of that final realization of the kingdom
of God, in order the raore and raore deeply to enter into, and to
receive within herself that spiritual foundation, but has even
gone so far as to deny that forra which Scripture has appointed
for the hope of Israel. In so doing, however, she has gone beyond
the raeasure and rule of her Apostle. But in this her exclusive
ness and perversity, the Gentile Church has this great and
essential advantage over the Synagogue, that she has the real
beginning of life, and hence, notwithstanding aU wandering, can
always correct that in which she has gone wrong ; while the
Synagogue, being destitute of that spiritual foundation, stands
without life, and hence has, at present, left to her only the possi
bility of receiving the life which comes to her from without.
No doubt, the Gentile Church cannot escape punishment and
suffering for having neglected and overlooked fhe aim and end
ordained for her by God. But, in such a time and condition of
her suffering, she will be prepared for, and made susceptible of
understanding her great Apostle In his conduct towards Israel,
and for being thereby translated Into her normal position for
attaining her own end and aim. Then she will be able, after
the example of her great Apostle, to turn, in the spirit of hope
and love, to the dead Synagogue, and to raise her from death to
life, at the time which the Lord has fore-ordained.
The Apostle has, thus, expressed to the Roman Jews the
whole position "v\-hich he occupied, and has done so in that form

.\CTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 351
ivhich was most acceptable to them, and which could most easily
find its way to their hearts. This we perceive from their answer
also. First, they declare to St Paul that, neither officially nor
privately, neither by letter nor orally, had they received from
Jerusalem any information regarding him which contained aught
to his prejudice (ver. 21). This declaration is Indeed surprising
and singular. One might, it Is true, easily adopt erroneous
notions regarding the relation of the Roman Jews to the cause
of St Paul, and thereby make this declaration more singular and
surprising than it is afready in Itself. On this point, the following
reraark of Meyer is as apposite as it is well founded : "1. Before
Paul's appeal, the Jews in Jerusalem had no motive for bringing
charges against him just before the Roman Jews ; because they
could not expect that Paul, who was imprisoned In Judea, and
whom they hoped to destroy there, would ever come in con
tact with their brethren in the far West. 2. After the appeal,
it was scarcely possible for the Jews In Jerusalera to send infor
mation to Rome, before Paul's arrival in that city. For the
transportation of Paul took place, at all events, soon after his
appeal (see xxv. 13 ; xxrii. 1) ; and, when it did take place, it
was already so late in the autumn, and so shortly before the
close of the navigation (see xxvii. 9), that it is most improbable
to suppose that another vessel had arrived in Italy earlier than
Paul hiraself, whose vessel had. In spring, after the opening of
the navigation, to make the short way from Malta to Puteoli
only, and. In this short voyage, was favoured by the wind (see
xxviu. 13)." By these reasons, the fact is indeed accounted for
that no official information conceming St Paul had been sent from
Jerusalem to Eome. With all that, however, it stUl remains a
very surprising circumstance that, during the two years in which
St Paul was imprisoned at Cesarea, no inteUigence whatsoever
should have reached Eome of the Immense excitement which
had arisen among the ralers and the whole people on account
of the Apostle, ever since his first arrival in Jerusalem, and
which, as we saw, continued for two years. But in aU this we
must be satisfied with the decision of Thiersch, that St Luke
expressly communicates the circumstance as something remark
able (see die Kirche im apostol. Zeitalter, S. 178), remembering
that as even so critical and sceptical an historian as NIebuhr

352 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME. — THE END.
remarks, what is improbable is not rarely that which is true. It
may, indeed, assist us a little in accounting for this singular
circumstance. If, "with Olshausen, we bear in mind the persecu
tion which, at the time of Claudius, had been inflicted upon the
Jews at Eorae (see xviii. 2), and of which the consequences may,
for a long time, have exercised an Injurious influence upon the
intercourse of the East with the Jews resident at Eome. But
the essential matter is, after all, the circumstance reported here,
that St Paul in Eome has to do with a Je"vrish Congregation
which, although established in the principal place In the world,
has, in a surprising manner, not shared In the general excite
ment of the enmity of the Jews against St Paul, and which,
therefore. Is still free from the decided prejudices of the Jews
against the Apostle which had arisen. For this reason, the
position of the Jewish Congregation at Eome just corresponds
to that position which the proceedings of the Apostle of the
Gentiles with the Eoman Jews occupy in the course of the whole
development of the primitive Church. For, after having been
compelled to leave the Jews in Jerusalem and Judea to thefr
obduracy, it was only on the ground that, in the meantime,
something decisive had happened, that St Paul could venture, so
shortly afterwards, again to address the Eoman Jews with the
proclamation of the Gospel. But St Paul has, in the meantime,
seen the Gentile Church at Eome ; and whatever decisive weight
may be wanting to this circumstance Is supplemented and made
up for by the isolated position of the Eoman Jews.
That St Paul has not been altogether mistaken and disap
pointed" in his new attempt in this place. Is at once seen from the
answer of the Jews, in which, in closing, they declare their desfre
to hear more of him ; " for, as concerning this sect" — so they
say — "we know that every where It Is spoken against" (ver. 22).
These words we must understand as meaning that, from the
very outset, the Jews are fuUy aware that St Paul belongs to
the congregation of the Christians; for, of course, they must have
made enquiries when St Paul called them together. And, as
regards the Christian congregation, they entertain an idea wliich
can easily be conceived of with Jews of that tirae. Astonish
ment has been expressed at the circumstance that the Jews in
Eome do not speak, more particularly and distinctly, of the

ACTS XXVIU. 15 — 31. 353
Eoman Congregation; and criticism imagines that. In this circum
stance, it has found a support, by no raeans slight, for its doubts.
But must we not. In thefr utterance regarding the sect of the
Christians, see a clear indication that, frora their immediate
neighbourhood, they have received Information concerning the
believers ? What else can at aU have directed their attention to
faith in Jesus, but the circumstance that there existed beUevers
in thefr immediate neighbourhood ? Tf we add to this the con-
sideration that the Eoraan Congregation consisted chiefly of
Gentiles, I, for one, do not know what else, and what more
particular, the Jews could have remarked of the Eoraan Congre-
tlon. Ajre we, perhaps, to wonder that, concerning the Christian
faith, they have not, long ere now, eorae to a fixed and settled
opinion ; but still express an inclination to hear from St Paul
what his thoughts are ? In a certain way they have come to a
fixed opinion ; for thefr declaration as to the fact that this sect is
every where. spoken against, — which, in the mouth of the Jews,
must certainly be understood of the general opposition of the
Jewish congregations towards the faithful, — must, no doubt, be
considered as an opinion that it ought to be rejected. The
cfrcumstance that they, nevertheless, do not shut themselves out
from the farther instruction of St Paul, may be accounted for by
the consideration that they have not as yet had any personal
contact "vrith the Christians ; at least, not such as could have
made upon them so powerful and winning an Impression as that
which had been made by their intercourse with the Apostle of
the Gentiles. They could not resist the turn which the Apostle
took in his address, — that the hope oflsrael was the cause of his
chains, — and they are the more desirous and anxious to hear
more in detail the thoughts and intentions of St Paul, that they
knew that the sect, to which St Paul belongs, everywhere
meets with contradiction on the part of the Jews. They are
anxious to know how it Is possible that St Paul should occupy a
high position in this sect rejected by all the Jews, and should
yet, at the same time, be bound with chains on account of that
which, to every Jew, Is highest and dearest.
In order to make the Jews stIU more willing, and better dis
posed, St Paul leaves It to them to fix a day on which he might
farther expound to them the thoughts of his heart (ver. 23) ; and
VOL. III. z

354 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PjiUL IN ROME  THE END.
he brings it about that not only the chief men of the Jewish Con
gregation return, but also others with thera (TrXetWe?, ver. 23)
came to him into his lodgings. The manner in which St Luke
describes St Paul's exposition before the Eoman Jews assembled
in his lodgings (ver. 23) is most characteristic. As regards its
extent, it must have been very detailed. Inasmuch as It lasted
from raorning till evening, — as St Luke expressly remarks.
Farther — we are told that, as the foundation of the exposition,
Moses and the Prophets were made use of. It Is true that, in
proclaiming the Gospel of Christ to Jews, such a proceeding is
necessary, and a matter of course ; but it is, notwithstanding,
necessary expressly to mention this, that we may not conceive of
this use of the Law and the Prophets In the unhistorical manner
so common araong us. Altogether, apart from everything else,
even the emphatic manner in which the Apostle had, in the pre
ceding raeeting, referred to " the hope of Israel," stands opposed
to such a notion. But that which is raost remarkable Is the two
fold division of the matter which St Paul expounded (i^eridero,
ver. 23) to the Jews ; for this exposition was, in one respect, a
testifying of the kingdom of God (BiafiapTvpofievoi ryv ^aaiXeiav
tov Qeov), and in another, an instruction about Jesus, with a
view to win his hearers, and obtain their assent (rreidayv re avrov'i
rd Trepl rov 'lyaov). This two-fold dirision of this exposition,
which St Paul intentionally observed, and which St Luke deli
berately pointed out, corresponds vei-3^ thoroughly with the whole
state of things. The Eoraan Jews, whose attention had been
excited and fixed by the Apostle's weighty word regarding the
hope of Israel, require, above all, a correct and scriptural testi
mony and exhibition of the kingdom of God. That which they,
as Israelites, hope for, is nothing else than the realization of the
kingdom of God. In the sameraeasure in which they are involved
in, and attend to outward things, they conceive of the kingdora of
God, as being in opposition to the present world, in which the
kingdom of God disappears, andthe kingdom of the world possesses
the power over the things of the earth ; but In the same degree also
the idea of the kingdom of God becomes external, and loses Its in
ternal foundation and essence. But since such is the prevailing
tendency of the Jews, Instruction regarding the kingdom of God
Is thatwhich is, above every thing, necessary ; and it is just this first

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 355
and chief want which the first discourses of our Lord also strove
to satisfy. But the more important and critical the moment is,
in which St Paul begins to deal with the Eoman Jews, the more
he is anxious to deal with them thoroughly ; and it is from this
anxiety that his intentionally entering upon the doctrine of the
kingdom of God is to be accounted for. Out of the Law and the
Prophets he shows to the Jews, that the indispensable supposition
and conditions of the kingdom of God are the mercifiil pm-pose
of God, and the faith and obedience of His people falling in with
this merciful purpose ; and that the reason why the kingdom of
God has lost its appearance and form on earth Is just this, that
the faith and obedience ofthe people of Israel, which were to fall
In with this mercIfiU purpose of God, began to fail. It Is true that
the Law of Moses, as well as the books of the Prophets know,
from the very beginning, of such a fate of the kingdom of God;
but they have, nevertheless, placed In riew, for the last time, not
a restoration of this kingdom only, but even the perfected reali
zation and completed form of it which have never yet existed.
But St Paul cannot have had any great difficulty In showing
that this last and final glory and completion could not be thought
of, until that indispensable condition and principle should again
exist among the people.
From this point, it must have been easy for the Apostle to
make the transition to the doctrine of Jesus, and to "vrin over
their hearts to His person and history. The Apostle has. In all
probability, proceeded from the account of Jesus' public mmistry,
sufferings, and glorification, and, afterwards, has shown that the
person and history of Christ are the only and eternal foundation
on which all realization and completion of the kingdom of God
rest. Out of the Law, as well as out of the Prophets, St Paul
raust have proved that this person is the only one araong all
those who have existed, or may still exist, which completely cor
responds with the gracious purpose of God, — the only one who
Is just (see xxu. 14 ; comp. -rii. 52) ; so that in this person, for
the first and only time, the indispensable and unchangeable
condition and supposition of the kingdom of God within the
human sphere have been completely and absolutely fulfiUed.
But, in closing, St Paul will not have omitted to prove, from the
Old Testament writings, that in the person and history of Jesus
z 2

356 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
are found all those signs and marks which constitute the essence
of the Israelitish office, and the realization of which can the less
remain unnoticed, that the whole Old Testament history shows
ever anew that it was for the general injury and perdition of the
people that the official quaUficatlon was wanting. But, since
the Just one is, at the same time. He who is able to take upon
Him, and to bear the whole weight and burden of the Old Tes
taraent office, that point is at last reached which is able to effect,
for the whole people, gratification and satisfaction. For, if the
Just Jesus be not only individually perfected, but, at the sarae
tirae, able for, and entrusted with the Israelitish office ; — ^if Jesus
be really the Christ, then the probability exists that the single
individuals, by His official substitution, not only obtain pardon for
the sins which they have hitherto committed, but, by His official
mediation, are made capable also of obtaining. In future, right
eousness and glory.
According to the intimations given to us, these must, in aU
probability, have been the outlines and principal features of St
Paul's exposition of his doctrine to the Eoman Jews. The
result, as in most cases in which St Paul appeared before the
Jews, was various ; " Some," it is said, " believed the things
which were spoken, and some believed not." The circumstance
that among these Jews there are any at all found who allow
themselves to be determined by St Paul's words, is a sure indi
cation that the power of obduracy must not be conceived of as
insuperable, even after what took place at Jerusalem. We see
from it that St Paul had a right to consider his ha"ring seen the
Gentile Church established at Eome as the ground of a new
hope for Israel, and to bring it at once Into application. But, on
the other hand, It w-ill naturally appear strange to us that St
Paul, as soon as he perceived that all did not agree with him,
but that there arose, on the contrary, a dissension among the
Jews, reminded those present of the hard word which was com
mitted to the prophet Isaiah at his calling (ver. 25 — 27). How
is It that St Paul passes, so quickly, so severe a sentence upon the
assembled Jews ? For although St Paul does not expressly
apply the words of Isaiah to those who are present, but only
points out their family and national connexion -vrith those whom
Isaiah addresses, the opinion exactly coincides with that of the

ACTS XXVIU. 15 — 31. 357
Evangelist John, who, at the close of Jesus' ministry among the
Jews, referred to the same utterance of the prophet Isaiah, in
order to explain their unbeUef (see John xU. 37 — 41). For, what
else should be the meaning ofthe minute description ofthe Israel
itish fathers, in this passage, on the part of St Paul, and Its com
munication by St Luke, than that the descendants, that is the Jews
present who are here immediately concerned, bear and exhibit,
in a lively manner, the features of this picture ? The close also
of St Paul's address (ver. 28) Is explained only on this suppo
sition. For In the clause, airol Kai dicovaovrai, not only is It
impUed that the Jews do not receive with attention and obedience
the salvation sentto them; but we know also that St Paul in general
considers Israel's hardening themselves against the Gospel to be
necessary for the transition of the message of salvation to the
GentUes (see Eom. xi. 14 — 30). It might, however, seem as if
the reference to this severe utterance of Isaiah would have been
much more appropiate on other occasions, where the Jews ex
hibited and manifested their hostility in a far more decided
manner than they did here at Eome, -vi'here a portion was turned
to the faith, and those who were not, abstained from all attacks
upon the Gospel, and him who proclaimed it. This severity,
indeed, cannot be accounted for, unless we consider what St Paul
was entitled to expect from the Roraan Jews, occupying, as he
did, that position of hope which the existence of the Roman Con
gregation had raised In him. For if the message of the Divine
salvation has, as the Jews themselves confess, created a congre
gation among the Gentiles In the metropolis of the world, then
the highest point of the Gentile world Is occupied by the kingdom
of God ; and St Paul was entitled to suppose that the speU of thefr
obduracy would be broken by the power of this Divine jealousy
towards those who were not a people. But since only a few
believe, and the others contradict, and manifest their unbelief
in a decided manner, this Is a sure sign that the obduracy has
not yet been removed. For, since, In Israel, the relation to God
is connected vrith all natural relations and conditions, we per
ceive In the history of Israel on the religious territory that which,
in the case of other nations, we see appearing on the natural
territory only, riz., the phenomenon, that In religious decisions
also, there appears a perfect unanimity of the whole people.

358 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
Thus we read that all Israel believed Moses (see Exod. iv. 31 ; xiv.
31) ; that all Israel repented and humbled themselves before the
Lord at Mizpah (see 1 Sara. rii. 5 — 6) ; that allIsrael,fromHamath
unto the river of Egypt, rejoiced before the Lord seven and seven
days (see 1 Kings vin. 65). From these events and precedents
which, as we remarked, have their foundation in the original pecu
liarity oflsrael, it maybe expected that the final crisis in the history
of Israel, i.e. their complete conversion to God, wiU also be quite
general and comprehensive of aU the indiriduals. The Prophets
who, ever since Moses, point to this great and closing decision,
suppose this generality as a matter of course ; and as regards St
Paul, we kno"w, moreover, beyond any doubt, that he, too, wishes
us to conceive of this final and closing crisis as total, and in con
trast to all the preceding partial ones ; for in contrast to the eKXoyy
(see Rom. xi. 7), — to the Tti'e? (see Rom. xi. 14), — to the dno
fiipovi (see Rora. xi. 25), he says, as regards the final crisis : koi
ovTWi Tra? 'lapayX aadyaerai (see Rora. xi. 26). When mea
sured by this standard, the result which St Paul sees, from his
day's work with the Roman Jews, evidently shows that the last
conversion of Israel, which is to be effected by thefr being roused
to jealousy by those who were not a people, has here not yet
taken place. But In that case it is also certain that the time of
the general obduracy still continues. Although, however, one
part of the assembled Jews harden themselves against the evan
gelical word of the Apostle, yet no new crisis thereby arises. But
how is it, then, that St Paul finds cause for the application of the
cutting and terrible word of Isaiah to the present circumstances ;
while it would appear that, on other occasions, where the hostUity
manifested Itself directly and distinctly by deeds, he must have
had far greater cause to be reminded of this word ofthe prophet ?
That, however, which Is here of Importance and significance, is
contained In the peculiar circumstances of time and place ; and
It Is this which has induced the Apostle to employ the word of
the prophet. The proclamation of Jesus Christ before the Jews
In Rome, by the mouth of the Apostle, is the highest and last
which the Apostolic Church can do for the lost sheep of the
house of Israel; just as the revelations and discourses of Jesus,
during His last stay at J erusalera, are the highest and last which,
during His existence on earth, the Lord could bestow of raercy

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 359
and love upon Israel. Since in neither case is Israel softened,
or humbles luraself vrith his whole heart before his God, it Is seen
more plainly than ever, that the word concerning Israel, by
which the prophet Isaiah was called. Is Divine truth. This
reference to the word of Isaiah, however, must not be understood
as if the truth of the word which Isaiah once uttered concerning
the conduct of Israel, were confirmed by the unbelief with which
the Jews receive the closing proclamation by Jesus, as well as by
St Paul. On the contrary, it Is only by the proclamation both
by Jesus and by His Apostle, that that commission which the
prophet received concerning Israel, Is ftiUy and finaUy carried out.
For, Isaiah was sent to Israel In order to harden them ; and we
have afready, on a former occasion, remarked that he discharged
that commission by announcing and making known the salvation.
But inasmuch as the word of salvation ^'^¦hich Isaiah had to
announce was not yet exhausted by his ministry, but Is fully dis
played and manifested in the evangelical proclamation only (see
1 Pet. I. 25), the commission given to Isaiah must likewise be
conceived of as continuing beyond its time and limit, as specially
resumed In the time of the revealed Gospel, and as being, here
only, fiUly carried out and brought to a close. If thus the mission
of the prophet Jonah to the Gentiles be resumed by Jesus, and
completed, by the power and Influence of the Risen One, in the
Apostle Paul ; the mission of the prophet Isaiah to Israel Is like
wise resumed by Jesus, and Ukewise completed, through the
power of His omnipotent Spfrit, by the Apostle of the Gentiles.
By this it is stUl more clearly seen, how the Apostle in this place
was, by necessity, led to that comraission of the prophet Isaiah.
We are thus so minutely and emphatically referred to the power
ful word of God at the calUng of the prophet Isaiah, in order that
we may be convinced that this last and, in Itself, most successful
effort of the Apostolic Church for the conversion of Israel has, in
the same manner, tumed to the opposite, as has every proclama
tion of salvation since the time of the prophet Isaiah. The work
of "winnine love towards the people has had the effect of harden
ing them and making them obdurate ; and thus, at this place and
moment, the work of their being by God concluded in unbelief is
completed (see Rom. xi.,32). This fact, at the close of our Book,
thus reflects a clear Ught upon the whole course which the de-

360 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL AT ROME — THE END
velopment of the Church has taken. At the close, we see here
anew that the course of the Gospel, In Its whole first stage, could
be none other than that It should tum away from Israel, and that
this turning away should more and raore decidedly come out, and
at last be completed. And this we must, at the close of our Book)
see more distinctly than we ever coiUd before, just because the
height on which we are here placed overtops aU the former points
ofthe development.
It is true that the condition of Israel, when riewed in the light
of this prophetical word, appears in aU its fearfiilness ; for this
declaration of Scripture puts the Divine seal upon the fact that
the unbelief of Israel is an abiding condition, decreed in the
counsel of God. But, on the other hand, this very Dirine Ught,
which shines Into the abyss of Israel, points out the only exist
ing way of escape. Even Isaiah, when beholding the fearful
condition which was described to him, and which he was to bring
about by his own ministry, had put the question : — How long was
this condition of his people to last? (Isaiah ri. 11). Upon this
question. In which it Is undeniably implied that this condition
must come to an end, because the hope of the final salvation of
Israel cannot, and must not, be given up ; — upon this question,
a satisfactory answer was given to the prophet, in which the
expectation Is not only confirmed, but the fulfilment of that
hope is indicated in a few short sentences (see Ts. -ri. 13).
But from many undoubted features of St Paul's history, we have
obtained the certainty that St Paul entertains the sarae love
and disposition towards his people as Isaiah did, — that the
Apostle can, as little as could the prophet, rest, and resign
hiraself to the thought of Israel's hardening and obduracy.
We may, therefore, also assume "with certainty that, when the
Apostle refers to the calUng of Isaiah, that featm-e of hope is
to him something altogether essential, and not to be forgot
ten ; yea, that St Paul caUs to mind that dark aspect in the
calling of Isaiah, only In such a way that he can, at the same
time, look to the bright aspect. And from the raanner in which
the Apostle Introduces the prophetic word, we at once see that,
with the whole sympathy of love and hope, he holds fast the
people of Israel ; for they to whom the word of Isaiah Is, in the
first Instance, addressed, are designated as irarepa's yfiwv (ver.

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31. 361
25), P'or the reading, yfi&v, Is found In the greater number of
MSS,, and is no doubt preferable to the other reading, vuwv,
which is found in Cod, A, and a few other Codd., and which
Lachmann has received ; because vfiwv could be substituted, not
so much for grammatical reasons, as Meyer thinks, as upon
logical grounds. For It seems. Indeed, to comraend itself very
much, that St Paul, when uttering the hardest words against
Israel, cannot well include himself In thefr communion, but
must proceed upon his being distinct from thefr communion.
And how should the first transcribers have had a distinct idea
of that, of which, even now, very few theologians have any con
ception, "riz., the unfathomable, inextinguishable love of the
Apostle of the Gentiles towards his o"wn people I If, then, we
read yfiwv, St Paul includes himself in this judgment of harden
ing, and his own conversion Is to him a most obrious and cer
tain proof that the Di"vinely decreed and sealed hardening of
Israel also may, and shall be overcome by another power, "riz.,
the grace of God (see Rom. xi. 1). And, indeed, St Paul gives
also a distinct view of what the prophet has merely hinted at,
regarding the future change for the better. Of the tree of
Israel — so the prophet says — a stem only shaU remain at the
time of this judgment (see Is. vi. 13) ; and this figure is
afterwards still farther Ulustrated when he speaks of the house
of David, the principal support of Israel. For, resuming that
word by which he was called, the prophet designates the Future
of the house of Darid as a trunk, the roots of which alone re
mained of the high glorious tree of the Davidic kingdora (see
Is. xi. 1). By this " stem," by this " trunk," Isaiah points to
the Future of Israel ; for the stem is a holy seed (see Is. vi. 13),
and the hidden root of the trunk shaU send forth a new branch
(see Is. xi. 1, 10). As regards these prophetic intimations. It is
common to limit the riew to the person and history of Jesus, in
so far as they refer to the Gentiles ; but, in doing so, it Is impos
sible to hold fast the connexion of the cause of salvation with
the past history of Israel, whUe the Future of Israel, to which
these prophetic representations llke"wise point with equal dis
tinctness, is entfrely lost sight ofi But if we "riew St Paul's last
word to the Jews in connexion with St Paul's mode of thinking,
that which otherwise is neglected and lost, is here supplemented.

362 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL AT ROME — THE END.
For It Is only the first feature in the "riew opened up by the
words, ai^To^ Kai aKovaovrai, which is to be conceived of as a con
trast to Israel ; while the second feature, according to the doc
trine of Scripture, and of St Paul especially, is this : — that
thereby Israel's return, and thefr reception of salvation, are effected.
For as soon as the faith and obedience of the GentUes are com
pleted upon the whole, and on a large scale, — as soon as, accord
ing to St Paul's expression, the fiilness of the GentUes has come
in, hardened Israel also can no longer resist this last and raost
effectual operation of the mercy of God. And when we ask for the
continuity from the old to the renewed Israel, it is, according to
this view, implied in the person of Jesus, — In that Israelite who,
by means of the election obtained out of Israel, establishes him
self in the midst of the Gentile "world in such a form that, in
this election itself, as well as In Its ApostoUc organism, every
thing Israelitish vanishes out of sight. The history of Jesus
Christ, and the Apostolic Church, are the abiding, internal
foundation and beginning of the Gentile Church. Whatsoever,
therefore, the Gentile Church afterwards works_ and creates,
that she works and creates by means of this foundation, and
in consequence of this beginning. And if, in some future tirae,
she, being herself corapleted, shall effect the great and final crisis
in the history of Israel, this highest power and efficiency of the
whole Gentile Church must likewise be reduced to this founda
tion and beginning. When viewed in this light, the concealment
and invisibility of all that is Israelitish in the Gentile Church, is
the concealment of a grain of seed which lies In the ground, and
the invisiblUty of a root covered by the earth. The seed "will
generate and produce something visible, which, although in its
appearance opposed to it, will bring to completion Its own nature.
The root will produce a branch, which, although as yet growing
just In the opposite direction, will, the higher it grows, the more
fulfil the destination of tbe root striving downwards. Accord
ingly, the closing word of St Paul to the Jews contains as ranch
of a proraising element, as did the threatening word in the caU of
Isaiah ; and, here as well as there, the promise is implied In the
threatening itself. A comparison with the discourses of the Lord
himself, when parting from His people. Is here involuntarily sug
gested to us. In one respect, Jesus' discourse to the people of

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31. 363
Israel in Jerusalem is quite the same as that wherewith St Paul
takes leave of them at Rome: Aid tovto Xe7«B vfiiv, on dpdy-
aerai deft vfiwv y ^aaiXeia rov deov, Kai Bodyaerai edvei rroiovvn
ToiK KapTrov<: avTy<; (see Matt. xxi. 43). On the other hand, how
ever, Jesus has left to them a farther word stUl,in which the hope
of Israel is spoken of, not negatively merely, but expressly and
positively ; and this promise has respect both to the external and
internal position of Israel. The Lord announces to the city of
God, and to the holy centre of aU IsraeUtish law and life, that
they shall be destroyed and trodden down of the Gentiles (Tra-
Tovfievy, comp. Eev. xi. 2) ; but, by adding imraediately : dxpi
nrXypwd&ai Kaipol idvwv (see Luke xxi. 24). He not only puts
a limit to the dominion of the Gentiles, but also to the devasta
tion of the holy city. There shall thus, — so it is implied in
the riew opened up by the Lord at the close of His rainistry
in Jerusalem, — there shall thus, after the times of the Gentiles,
eorae again a time of Israel, and in this time of Israel, the city
beloved by God shall be restored again. The holy mouth of the
Lord, however, Is a sufficient guarantee that this outward restora
tion ofthe people cannot be separated fi-om their spiritual restora
tion, — that, on the contrary, the former can be conceived of and
understood as the corresponding manifestation and consequence
of the spiritual renovation only. But the mouth of the Lord has
not even omitted expressly to point out, in the sharply marked
parting discourse to the Israelitish people, this spiritual aspect of
the last Future of Israel. For St Matthew reports the following as
the last pubUc word : 'IBov, dtfyierai vfiiv 6 oIko<; vfiwv epypto^' Xe7&)
ydp vfiiv,ovfiyfie 'iByTed-Tr' dpn,ea)<; dv e'lTTyre' EvXoyyfievo<; oipxo-
fievo<i iv ovofian Kvpiov (see Matt. xiii. 38, 39). In these parting
words, there Is undeniablyand undoubtedlyimplied an intimation,
that the Lord will, at some future time, meet again with His
people. But this meeting is raade to depend upon His being
soleranly greeted and blessed by the people. Since the words of
this salutation and blessing are quite the same as those with which
He had been received by the people in those days when He held
His solemn entrance (see Matt. xxi. 9), the meaning of this inti
mation cannot be doubtful. There cannot be any doubt, and it
has, moreover, been witnessed by express words (see Matt. xxi.
15, 16), that the Lord was well pleased with the celebrating and

364 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL AT ROME  THE END.
adoring meeting and salutation with which the people received
Him. The joy ofthe whole people, the excitement of the whole
city of Jerusalem, on account of the royal son of Darid holding
His entrance on the back of an ass, is like the flashing up of the
Divine spark which is dormant In this people of Jehovah, But
He who knows what is In man not only sees the deeply concealed
connexion of this bright ray of joy with the Divine nature and
destination of this people, but also that this ray shall at once be
again subdued and taken away by the carnal nature which is
stUl unbroken, — ^^just as a flash of lightning only serves to make
the darkness of the night so much the more visible. But since,
besides this, the Lord knows, like all the prophets, that Israel
shall be redeemed from all thefr iniquities (see Ps, cxxx. 8), — that
all the effects and power of the flesh shall at length be overcome
by the Divine nature created In thera, and by the Divine caU ; —
that joyftd exciteraent and expression are to hira a sign in the
Present which points to that final Future, in which there shall be
fully realized and completed that which, at the tirae of the royal
entrance of Jesus, was raanifested as a kind of intimation only.
The manner in which the Lord takes leave of the Jews in
Jerusalem reflects light on the farewell of the Apostle of the
Gentiles to the Jews at Eoirie, We find a great resemblance
between these two parting scenes ; and with respect to the differ
ence, we shall be obliged to acknowledge that It is quite In keep
ing with the difference between the two persons. If Jesus does
not take leave of the Jews without expressly pointing to their
last blessed Future, this is quite appropriate to the lilng of Israel
— to the Divine Bridegroom ofthe virgin of Zion, But it corres
ponds as well with the position of the Apostle of the Gentiles
towards the people of Israel, that he gives to the Jews only a hint
regarding their last Future, the promising element and Future of
which they will be able to comprehend, in so far only as they have
overcome his threatening by the Spirit, and by faith. It Is true
that St Paul has also to give a farther and more express dis
closure regarding the course of Israel's Future, and Its last turn ;
but the Apostle of the Gentiles does not give this disclosure to
the Roraan Jews, but to the Christian Congregation at Rome, in
order that she, as the height of the Gentile Church, should, fi-ora
the very outset, keep In view her last aim and object, viz., the

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31, 365
conversion ofthe Jews, And, indeed, through the Instramentality
of St Luke, the Gentile Church is far more benefited than the
Synagogue, by St Paul'spointing to the Future of Israel, just when
parting from the Jews ; for the Synagogue has long ago forgot
ten the parting words of the Apostle of the Gentiles, but the
Gentile Church neither "vrill nor can ever forget them. She is
able also to value and to lay to heart the whole weight of them ;
just as she "vrill have the calUng, at some luture time, to open up
and to seal to the Jews that which, at that tirae, in Rorae, they
did not comprehend and lay to heart.
With the following words: /cat ravra avrov etTrwTO?, drryXdov
ol 'lovBaioi, TToXXyv exovre'i ev eavroK av^yryaiv (ver, 29), St
Luke, and accordingly sacred history, dismisses the Jews, and
now sUently leaves them to their fate,— by which he gives us to
understand, that it is only now that there is completely fidfiUed
that which Jehovah had once threatened to His people : " I wUl
hide my face from them, I will see what their end shall be" (see
Deut, xxxU, 20), Thus, formerly, the Gentiles were dismissed
by sacred history ; just as God permitted them to walk In their
own ways, "without God in the world (see Deut, Iv, 19; Acts
xiv, 16 ; Ephes, ii, 11), the Holy Spirit also has, from Gen. x,,
passed over their ways and works in «Ilence, On account of the
Importance of this passage, I have therefore no doubt that St
Luke intends to give a hint to the Church of God, In his remark
about the condition of the Jews when they parted from Paul,
For we are to learn fi-om this remark-that, although the Jews
tum away from the word of God -with deaf ears, and blind eyes,
and hard hearts, they are not by any means to be conceived of
as being altogether indifferent and dead in matters of faith and
ofthe Divine Ufe,— that, on the contrary, with aU thefr obduracy
and determination against the truth of God, they cannot come to
rest about Di-vine things, but must continue In manifold uneasi
ness and excitement about them. In this Is also intimated the
possibUity, in consequence of which, at aU times, single Indiriduals
have come from the Synagogue to the Gentile Church, even in
her Imperfect and incomplete form. For, with these single
indi-riduals, the general restlessness, and the internal strife of the
Jews left to their own darkness, have had the effect that, in their
seeking for Dirine truth, they have found the heavenly light

366 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL AT ROME — THE END.
which has been entrusted to the Gentile Church. Tn this rest
less inquiry and reasoning of the Jews, that farther quality is
contained, by means of which they are able to perceive every
great progress In the Gentile Church — as we had formerly occa
sion to remark in reference to the Reformation ; — and finaUy —
and this is the main point — not to overlook the great crisis by
which she will attain to her completion in the whole world.
When God dismissed the Gentiles, aUowIng them to walk In
their own ways, and Scripture, in correspondence with that,
began to observe a silence regarding the ways and wanderings
of the Gentiles, God began to found that Kingdom which is
intended and called at sorae fiiture tirae to gather again all the
Gentiles who have gone astray, and bring them back to thefr
God ; and, closely foUowing this counsel and work of God,
Scripture begins with the history of Abrahara. We shall, there
fore, not wonder that Scripture does not leave the people of God
without pointing out, immediately after their dismissal, the way
in which Israel, abandoned to their last fate, are to be turned and
brought back to thefr God. This is the signification and import
of the closing sentence of the Acts of the Apostles ; and although
they are great and powerful things which our narrative discloses
to us ; — and although we have found that the form in which St
Luke communicates his materials, is in perfect harmony with the
great contents, yet we must confess that this close, if it have the
sense which has been pointed out, joins Itself, In a manner in
every way worthy, to the whole as the perfect summit.
The first thing which is necessary, is to see what our closing
period says in its particulars. It Is said that St Paul dwelt two
whole years In Rorae, In his own hfred lodging (ver. 30). So
much does every hindrance and obstruction in the captivity of
the Apostle disappear to St Luke, that he speaks of the Apostle's
stay in Rome as if it had, fromthe outset, been one spontaneously
chosen ; and his residence he describes as one selected and fur
nished according to his pleasure. The duration of this stay of
two years reminds us at once of the Apostle's residence of two
years at Cesarea (see xxiv. 27). It Is true that In Cesarea, too,
the Apostle had sorae Uberty (see xxiv. 23) ; but he was, and
reraained, after all, bound to the prison in the Praetorium of
Herod (see xxiii. 35) ; and that alleviation he did not, by any

.-VCTS XXVUI. 15 — 31. 367
means, owe to the Influence of his compatriots, and of his native
land, but solely to the Roman Magistrate who protected the
Apostle against the hatred of the Jews in Cesarea, as formerly
he had done in Jerusalem (see xxiv. 23). In the sarae relation
in which the Roman law and order in Cesarea — the capital of
Judea according to the Roman Constitution — stands to the centre
of all Romanism, — in the same proportion also stands the relief
which the prisoner St Paul obtained at Cesarea, to the liberty
which he enjoyed at Rome. Whilein Cesarea the power and Influ
ence of the Jewish hatred against St Paul appear to be stopped,
they are so broken by the power of the Roman Constitution,
during the Apostle's residence of two years at Rome, that they
can no more prepare an obstacle to the Apostle's ministry. Even
in this chronological statement, the contrast between Jerusalem
and Rome is reflected ; and even in this comparatively trifling
remark, the victory of the Ronian law and order over the Jewish
is, in the course of the development of the Church, reflected in a
pecuUar manner. Even in answering the question, why St
Luke has not extended the thread of the narrative beyond the
first two years of the captlrity at Rorae, this parallel wiU be of
serrice to us. For when we look back upon the course of our
Book, we shall, a priori, be convinced that no personal regard to
the Apostle can prevail in this circumstance, as many have sup
posed, and have thereby rendered It impossible to themselves to
answer the question. But when reviewing the course of the
development of the Church which has been pursued in our Book,
is there not an object attained, If the two years of the bondage
at Cesarea are compensated by the two years of the liberty at
Rorae ?
The liberty granted to him during his captivity at Rome, the
Apostle makes use of to receive all that come in to him, and to
preach to them the Gospel. As those who carae in to him are
not designated more particularly, and as the proclamation of
the Gospel, as we shaU immediately see, was of an elementary
character, we cannot but hold that such Romans carae to St
Paul as did not yet know anything of Christ; and the'se, accord
ing to the context, in no smaU numbers. Moreover, If they who
came had been members of the Church, the evangeUcal actirity
of St Paul towards them was a matter of course ; and St Luke

368 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL AT ROME — THE END.
would scarcely have made any mention of it at all, at least not in
so significant a place as at the close of the whole Book. This
mention is appropriate to such a place, only If the proclamation
ofthe Gospel have that character of extension, to which the whole
plan and progress of our Book point. In this case, those who
came in to St Paul are such Gentiles in Rorae as had their
attention directed and attracted towards the Apostle by the
intelligence which, in the various circles of the metropolis, was
spread by the Centurion Julius and his soldiers, by the merabers
of the Roman Christian Church, and, finally, by the repre
sentatives of the Jewish congregation. As this power of attrac
tion could not fail to increase more and more, both extensively
and intensively, by the experience which these first made of the
power of the Spirit in the Apostle, we may indeed expect that,
' during these two years, all those gradually carae In who, in the
Roman metropolis, knew and felt some religious want. We may,
therefore, well conceive also that, during this two years' ministry
of the Apostle in Rome, an internal close also for the evangeUcal
proclamation was formed.
That -syhlch St Luke remarks regarding the manner of the
Apostle's evangelical proclamation at Rorae, likewise corresponds
fully to the designated present situation. With respect, in the
first place to the contents, — they are designated as y jSaaiXeia toO
©eoC, and Ta rrepl rov Kvpiov 'lyaov Xpiarov. We thus here
meet not only the same characteristic twofold dirision as regards
the contents of the Apostolical proclamation, which we found, in
so significant a raanner. In St Paul's dealings with the Roman
Jews ; but the second — the Christological dirision — Is made pro
minent in a still more solemn manner. We are fiUly entitled to
Infer from this circurastance, that. In his preaching to the Roman
Gentiles also, the Apostle proceeded with a conscious effort after
completeness and connexion. Tn this again, we perceive the
Apostle's consciousness ofthe high and comprehensive importance
of the place In which the proclamation was made. And surely
this circumstance is also the reason why the Epistle to the
Romans Is planned and executed in a manner which comprehends
the whole territory of the Apostolic doctrine, while the single
portions are closely connected with each other, — a plan which
is not adopted In any other of the Epistles of St Paul. Tf, as re-

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31. 369
gards this Epistle, we are right In referring, to this locality of the
city of Rome, the grand and lofty style In which St Paul, in it,
views and carries out his evangelical proclamation, we shall, as re
gards the passages before us, not readily be raistaken if. In carrying
out the fundaraental thoughts mentioned, we suppose a regard to
the peculiar circumstances prevailing in Rome,just as we supposed
this In his proclamation in presence of the Jews, and found it,
sirailarly, in StPaul's discourse on the Areopagus. And, Indeed, it
is quite as natural to refer the comprehensive expressions men
tioned, to the general and public relations of the Roman metro
poUs, as was the case with the same expressions before the Jews.
How could St Paul proclaira the kingdom of God In Rome, and
before Roman Gentiles, without paying regard to the kingdom
of the world which had, just at that tirae, and In the metropolis
of the Roman Empire, raised itself to its highest point ; and
this so much the more, that, according to the history and doctrine
of Holy Scripture, these two spheres stand, from first to last,
in direct and thorough antagonism to each other ? Beholding
the outward power and glory, the abundance of goods and en
joyments of the Roman Empire, St Paul must have described the
kingdom of God as a kingdom of the Spirit, whose nature and
firuit are Internal, viz., love, joy, peace, long-suffering, gentleness,
goodness, faith, meekness, temperance (see Gal. v. 22) ; which
is not meat and drink, but righteousness, and peace, and joy in
the Holy Ghost (see Rom. xiv. 17) ; and which, finaUy, does not
consist in any outward word, but in the innermost hidden power
(see 1 Cor. iv. 20). But, on the other hand, he raust have
described to them this kingdom of the Spirit, as a great whole
comprehending the world, which can, as little as the Roman
Empfre, display and exhaust Itself in the individuals, or in a com
munity, or even In a people ; but just as Eome has domipion
over the world, so it also comprehends the world, encompassing
lands and seas, and ruling over the nations. Frora the procla
mation of the Inward power and glory, greatness and raajesty of
this kingdom of God, St Paul passes over to the doctrine of
Jesus. And even for this second division of his Apostolic word,
there is no want of points of connexion distinctly developed. For
is there not. In the Eoman kingdom of the world also, a person
In which, as in a comprehensive and all overraling height, the
VOL. IIL 2 A

370 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
whole cosmic variety and fulness of all the elements and powers
existing in the world, flow together and are raised ? The
Emperor is this summit of the Eoman Empire, overtopping, and
overruling all. In the Apotheosis of the Eoman Emperor, that
is completed which Nebuchadnezzar afready exhibited as the
decisive mark of the flrst kingdom of the world, — namely, the i
absolute submission of all nations, tribes, and tongues of the
Empire under the -vrill of one ruler. How distinct and Instruc
tive a contrast to the central position of Jesus Christ in the king
dom of God ! Jesus Christ is the Uring, huraan, and Di-vine
centre, around whom every thing moves in the kingdom of God,
— the great and sniall, the whole and the parts. It is the Lord
before whom all the merabers of the kingdom must bow down ;
and it is for this reason that St Luke here very expressively
writes, irepl rov Kvpiov. But although the position of the two
Lords and Heads, each to his kingdom, is altogether the same ;
yet these two persons are quite different from one another, — just
as different and opposite as are the two kingdoras to one another.
The antithesis of the two Lords in the two kingdoms is most
clearly seen from the manner in which each carries out his wiU
in his kingdom. For the dominion. In the case of both, consists
In this, that the will of each Is the highest law in his kingdom ;
but the way In which the will of these two obtains sway In the
two kingdoms is altogether opposite. The Eoman Emperor is
the highest completion of huraan self-wiU. For human -vriU has,
from the very beginning, rebeUed against and opposed the Di"vine
wiU, by making that which In hira is external, — i.e. the wiU of his
flesh, — his basis, and, by resting on it, has rejected the "wUl of
God. The farther consequence of this self-will is the tendency
to bring more and more the sphere of the outer world into the
sphere of the vriU resting on the flesh ; and its aim and end is to
extend over the whole world, and to enforce upon it this decision
of the carnal -will. Inasmuch, then, as the ruler of the world is
a man to whom is given power over aU the relations of the world,
there is here room for the efforts of the self-will to attain to its
ultimate aim and object. But how different is it with the
dominion of, and submission to the will of the King of Israel, the
Lord -within the kingdom of God I Here there is just the direct
opposite to that first decision of the self--wiU by which every thing

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 371
afterwards is influenced and governed, viz., a coraplete denial
of the self-wIU, pervading the whole life of man (see John v.
¦ 30 ; Matt. xxvi. 42), the complete giring up and offering up of
the flesh by the Spirit in the midst of an ungodly world (see
John vi. 51 ; Heb. Ix. 14 ; Matt, xxvii. 46). Within the con
dition brought In by the first decision of the carnal will, there is
here the human will again, unconditionally and without reserve,
subjected to the wiU of God ; and It Is just on this that the power
and dominion of this human wUl, which has become Divine, is
based. For, according to the original Dirine decree, the dominion
over the world is given to man. Where, however, man stands
in fiiU harmony and agreement -with the Divine will, there exists,
undeniably and incontrovertibly, the power and dominion over
the earth, and over every thing which is on it. To all those,
then, who acknowledge and recognize this original and Divine
wUl and decree as that which is alone the law and rule ; — ^who
accordingly, know that, in consequence ofthe first decision ofthe
self--wUl, a deviation from this original wiU and decree has taken
place, and also that in Jesus the human wUl has been brought
back to the sole determination ofthe Divine "vrill; — all such must
be convinced that in Jesus Christ there is the only fountain of
power and dominion in heaven and earth — that He is the Lord
for the glory of God the Father. AU these, of course, are they
also who place the joy of the Spfrit above the joy of the world,
glory with God above glory in the eyes of men, the power of
the holy "wiU above the arm of the flesh. They are they who Uve
in the kingdom of God. And now we see clearly how all these
form a kingdom, inasmuch as aU of them view and submit to the
dominion and "wUl of Jesus Christ as the highest law which
governs aU things. They who do not come beyond the territory
of the flesh are, of course, subject to him who has the power in
this territory, and acknowledge and recognize the Eoman Era
peror as the only Lord. But, in Uke manner, they who are
living and mo"ring In the territory of the Spirit, see, in Jesus
Christ, their Lord, and are subject to Him in every thing.
But St Paul cannot, probably, have stopped with this anti
thesis, as it appeared in the Present. He must have exhibited it
in the Ught of the Future, and in this light have shown to them
that, at the end of the world, the mler of this world, with all
' 2 a2

372 SECT. XXXVI. preaching OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE EN1>
those who recognize, in him, the highest and last decision, shall
be deprived of the power against God which he has in the world ;
while the Lord Jesus shall make manifest His power and.
dominion, which, in consequence of the original, decree of God,
He now already possesses in concealment, and shall give a share
in His dominion, and honor, and blessedness, to all those who now
deny themselves, and follow Him in humility and meekness.
It may be in such features that St Paul displayed his preach
ing ofthe Divine kingdora, and his doctrine concerning Jesus
Christ, before the Roman Gentiles, and In the face of the Eoman
relations and conditions. In the lofty style of this proclamation,
which is manifested in the short statement of the contents. It is
already implied that this evangelical ministry of the Apostle was
carried out In great joy and confidence. Nor can we, since the
spell of silence has been removed from the lips of the Apostle,
expect anything else, than that the stream ofthe Apostolic procla
mation should flow with full power, after a deep and level bed had
been digged for it, as we see in the account of the voyage. But
although this could not well be conceived of in -any other way,
yet St Luke has thought It important expressly to remark that
St Paul delivered, with all confidence (fierd irday^ irappyala';),
this message to all the Gentiles who came to him in Eome.
From PhU. 1. 20, we see that St Paul himself designates the rrdaa
rrappyaia as the highest, and most desirable and longed for object.
We, therefore, infer that St Luke means to intimate, by this
reraark, that even the manner of St Paul's preaching at Eome
was altogether normal and perfect. At the sarae time, we must
not, In this statement of St Luke, overlook the circumstance
that this fulness of confidence gives to the discourses of St Paul
the entire character of public discourses, and deprives them of
all similarity to conventicle discourses,^ although they were
delivered in his lodgings, and before private individuals only.
St Luke closes his short account of the characteristics of the
two years' ministry ofthe Apostle ofthe GentUes, before the Gen
tUes of the Eoman metropolis, with the significant addition, dxo-
Xi^TO)?. The more that the preaching and teaching of St Paul
»
' Conventicle is, in Grermany, the official name for private prayer
meetings not authorized by the State Church.— [IV-.j

ACTS XXVIII. 15— 31. 373
were comprehensive, the greater the confidence and joy with
which they were carried on, the more It was to be expected that,
in the metropolis of the kingdom of the world, obstacles would be
thrown in his way. We are, of course, so much the more
anxious to learn how the unreserved proclamation of the king
dom of God, and of its heavenly King, will be regarded and
treated by the public authorities of Eome ; inasmuch as our
Book has. In the liveliest and most varied features, brought before
our eyes how the person and rainistry of St Paul, in thefr most
winning and attractive form, have been bitterly hated, and per
secuted to death by the public power In Jerusalera, the city of
God. For this reason the a/coXvTcB? is so ranch the raore sur
prising and expressive. It is a final seal, that, as regards the
kingdom of God, the original relation between Jerusalera and
Eorae has been completely changed, — that the course of the
development of the Church from Jerusalera to Eorae is not only
to be thus understood : — that the direction of this course is from
Jerusalem to Rome ; but thus also : — that the Church of Christ
leaves Jerusalftn, In order to be tran.splanted/to Rome, — that
Rome has taken the place of Jerusalem. Tt is true that this
crisis is no more unexpected by, and sudden to us. On the con
trary, when riewing the course of the Church's development in
the light of our Book, It has gradually and spontaneously come
out ho"w we have to consider this crisis, and how we are to con
ceive of its origin. We have seen that the mUitary constitution
of Rome, which Is as hard as Iron, has, from the very outset, the
tendency of being an Instrument fitted for the corapletion of
huraan self-vrill, and hence of developing the enmity of man
agamst God into a kingdom comprehending the world. But we
have found, in the course of our history, that this hostUe character
ofthe Roman Empire is put an end to, whUe, on the other hand,
that which, in this Empire, is the original Divine appointment
and creation, viz., law and right, stands above the will of indivi
duals, and claims obedience, and Is enforced, and is so for the
good and protection of those who beUeve In Jesus ; so that the
faithful meet with hatred and persecution in the kingdom of
Israel, although it is expressly formed and prepared for the
kingdom of Jesus, whUe, in the Roman Empire, they find pro
tection and promotion against the attacks of the Jews. We have

374 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME — THE END.
seen that this protecting and promoting position of the kingdom
of the world towards the kingdom of God, — this highest victory
of Jesus Christ in the midst of His enemies, — must be ascribed to
the prayers and wrestlings of the Apostle of the GentUesj and of
the Gentile Churches.
If, then, we look back to the beginning of our Book, must we
not recognize, in this fact, that the Apostle of the Gentiles
preached and taught, vrithout restraint, for two years in the
Roraan metropolis, under the protection of the public powers, —
must we not recognize, in this fact, the very end to which the
-riew opened up at the beginning of our Book pointed ? The
Lord Jesus is taken away from the Mount of OUves, and trans
ferred into the heights of heaven ; and St Peter finds, in this
fact, the confirmation of the word In the Psalms : " Sit thou at
my right hand" (see Ps. ex. 1 ; Acts U. 34). But the aim and
purpose of this sitting at the right hand of God in the height of
heaven is, according to the explanation of the sarae Psalra, which
is advanced by St Peter, too, in the passage quoted, that the
enemies ofthe Lord shall be made His footstool hf God. Accord
ing to this explanation, the enemies are not to be kUled and
destroyed, but, in aU which they are and have, they are to serve
solely for the glorification of the Lord. St Paul's preaching at
Rorae proves that this, precisely, has been attained. For, in the
sense of the Old Testament, the enemies of the Lord are they
who are the possessors of the kingdom of the world, and such are,
in the highest and last sense, the rulers of the Roman Empire. If
these, then, are to eraploy their power and law In order to ren
der innocuous the deep wound, and the raost severe loss in the
kingdom of God, "riz., the apostacy of Israel, the Roman enemies
of Jesus are thereby made His footstool. And since this is
to take place whUst the Lord Is sitting at the right hand of God,
In the heights, and not whilst He Is fighting against His enemies
on a war-horse, this raanner, too, fully agrees with what our
narrative has shown. For all and every thing which the Acts
of the Apostles report to us, regarding the beginning and progress
of the kingdom of Jesus, is done absolutely and exclusively in the
power of the Holy Spirit, whora the exalted Lord has poured out
upon His Church, and whom He continues to bestow upon Jews
and Gentiles. And farther — since our narrative everywhere

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 375
shows that no change has been going on in the external condition
and cfrcumstances of the world, the change in the position of the
kingdom of the world towards the kingdom of Jesus must have
been accomplished exclusively in the way of the Spfrit.
One question only here arises, viz., whether that which here,
at the close of the Book, we are told about the stay and
ministry of the Apostle Paul at Rome, is really the highest and
last which we can be entitled to expect, in the way which that
view opened up to us. For it is only in such a case that we
reaUy have in our narrative a close which is completely satisfac
tory. If, however, there be a stUl higher stage of the develop
ment than has been exhibited to us by our Book, in the course
of the Church's progress from Jerusalem to Rome, weTshould
then feel ourselves forsaken by the canonical, normal history of
the Church, as regards this higher stage of the developraent, —
and the Acts of the Apostles would not completely ftilfil thefr
purpose. We should Indeed, in such a case, have found an end
at the close of our Book, but not that end to which the extended
and lofty "view of our Book pointed. Now, there exists a view
of the development of the Church — a riew as generaUy spread,
as it is deeply rooted — that such a higher stage of the develop
ment of the Church is not only demanded, but even supposed, as
being long ago reached and in existence. For It is generally and
very seriously demanded that the order and power of the State
should not only spread over the doings of the Church a protec
tion and shield against wrongs and violence, but should also place
its influence and authority within the sphere ofthe Church ; just
as, on the other hand, the State should receive within its own
territory the ordinances and laws of the Church ; and it is only
this placing into one another of the ordinances and laws of the
Church and State which is considered as the completed victory of
the Gospel in the Roman Empire, just as, in the existence of it,
people Imagine that they possess the greatest treasure in the
Present. If this view be as correct and true, as It Is universally
spread, and has entered deeply into men's convictions, then the
signiflcant aKoXvrox;, at the close of our Book, designates only a
stage of the development of the Church, stIU very subordinate,
and the thought of a TptVo? X070? might well arise In us, — a
thought which has been entertained by so many critics and

376 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF STPAUL IN ROME — THE END.
expositors of Scripture. But since, in that case, we should not
have in our Book that which we imagined that we had in it,
both according to the view stated, and according to the course
of the developraent before us ; and since, farther, that t/sito?
X070? is altogether wanting, — this "riew comes Into opposition
with the condition of our Book, as well as with the fact that this
is the exclusive and only history of the Church in the New Tes
tament Canon. For these reasons, we cannot avoid a short
examination of this view ; not as if we Intended to give counsels
for the present condition of the Church, — a thing altogether
improper and out of place — but In order to show that the close
of our Book really contains the canonical close of the first period
of the Church, the normal close for the whole Gentile Church.
We saw above that, hitherto, the Gentile Church, even in
her most glorious epoch, has not given to the people of God the
standing which, according to Scripture, is due to them. If, then,
we are able to show that this violation of the Divine right which
is due to the Jews is closely and indissolubly connected vrith this,
the mixing up, just pointed out, ofthe order of Church and State,
then the current view of the Christian State, and of the State-
Chiirch, is thereby condemned as anti-scriptural. And Indeed
the obstinate denial and withholding of the right due to the
Jews, in consequence ofthe Divine promise, has, in the Gentile
Church, its ultimate reason In the circurastance that she erro
neously clairas for herself that position which Is due only to the
converted people of God. Luther supports his adrice to burn
the Synagogues of the Jews, by simply referring to the prescrip
tion of Moses in Deut. xiii. 16 : — that when a town commits
idolatry, it should be entfrely destroyed by fire (see Walch xx.
2478). In this, there Is impUed the fundamental supposition,
that the kingdom of the Saxon Electors Is the continuation of
the Israelitish kingdom. But if such be simply supposed, and
form the fundamental view — as Is clearly seen in the passage
quoted — then, of course, there does not remain any hope and
place for lost Israel, and It is self-evident that the Jews must be
exterminated. The same fundamental error manifests Itself in
the similar, Instructive context, where Luther makes the Chris
tians responsible for the wickedness and blasphemies of the Jews,
" because " — so he expresses himself — " it is done in the place

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31. 377
over which we have the power " (see 1. c. S. 2499). For in
what other way can Christians " have power over the place,"
than by forming an outward kingdom which has a territory ?
Luther, indeed, had not yet that external, territorial notion of
the Church, when in 1521 he wrote the foUowing: "If the
Article of the Church in the Apostolical Creed be true, it follows
from it that no one can see or feel the Holy Christian Church,
and that we cannot say : — ' behold ! here or there she is,' for
according to Heb. xi. 1, we do not see and feel that which Is an
object of faith, and that which we see and feel, is not an object
of faith." For this reason, he could also. In 1523, as we saw
shortly before, still entertain a hope for the lost sheep of the
house of Israel. From various utterances regarding the Jews,
which occur in his earlier writings, and In which the hope of
Israel is not yet rejected, we see also quite clearly how far Luther
was, at that tirae, frora all and every notion of an external Chris
tian kingdom among the Gentiles, formed after the fashion of
the State. He modestly calls the Gentile Christians, Gentiles,
and affirms that they are no more, and wUl be nothing raore.
Thus he writes 1. c. xx. 2232 : " And how much soever we boast,
yet we are Gentiles, and the Jews are of the blood of Christ."
He conceives of the beUevers among the Gentiles as indiri
duals and not as nations, far less as states, when he "writes :
" For we ourselves are not yet all at it, far less beyond It "
(see 1. c.) ; and In the same Treatise, at another place : " Surely
aU of us are not good Christians either" (see 1. c. S. 2265);
just as Jonas, in the preface to the translation of the same
Treatise, feels himself constrained to confess : " Let us pray for
this people ; and the more so, that not aU of us who bear the
name are good Christians either" (see 1. c. S. 2266). This posi
tion in his view of the Gentile Church, Luther could not main
tain, although it Is founded on truth and humility, because the
opposite view had, for many centuries before, taken too deep a
root in the GentUe Church. This fundaraental view of the
Gentile Church took its rise when the Roman Emperor began to
bow before the majesty of the heavenly King. At that period,
it happened for the first time, that the Imperial Majesty and the
power of the State acquired an immense weight and influence for
the order of the Church ; just as, on the other hand, the Church

378 SECT. XXXA'I. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN EOME — THE END.
brought her laws into authority and practice for the order of the
State. Here also, in the position of the Gentile Congregations
towards the Jews, It is at once seen, that this great crisis In the
whole existence of the Gentile Church Is based upon an usurpa
tion, "viz., that the Gentile Church is the completed kingdom of
Israel. How hard, and how different from St Paul's, are the ex
pressions which Bishop Ambrosius, in his 29th Letter to the
Emperor Theodosius, employs when speaking of the Jews I
Farther — the Apostle John has estabUshed and sealed the hope
of the complete restoration and completion of the kingdom of
Israel, in the definite prophecy of the miUennial reign of Christ,
and of His people on earth. In her poverty and bloody persecu
tion, the suffering Church had been comforted by this view ; and,
in consequence of it, she, notvrithstanding all her tribulation, did
not allow her riew to be darkened and narrowed. It is true that,
in this hope, the suffering and persecuted Church did not always
maintain biblical clearness and purity, and, especiaUy, not the
Israelitish element which, according to the "writings of the Old,
as well as of the New Testament, forms the centre of it. But
the essential fact brought into view by this hope, is, after aU,
acknowledged. When, however, the Roman Emperors began to
introduce the law of Christ into the order of the Roman State,
people in the GentUe Church, notwithstanding raany suspicious
signs, insisted upon recognizing. In this Christianized form of the
Roman Empire, — i. e. of the fourth and last kingdom of the
world, according to Scripture, — the restoration of the kingdom of
Christ, of which the Apostle had prophecied, and for which the
persecuted Church had been hoping. Thus It happens that
Jerome writes in Dan. vii. : " P^acessit fabula mille annorum ;"
and Augustine, de Ci"ritate Dei, xx. 6, 7, by splrltiializing, dis
sipates and dissolves the biblical hope of the Millennial Kingdom.
And, in doing so, the GentUe Church has deprived the lost
people of Israel of the hope and standing which the New Testa^
ment prophecy had. In the most distinct manner, secured to thera ;
and we need not wonder If the Crusades, in which this funda
mental error of the Christian Church — this hereditary sin of her
pride — was heightened Into an universal fanaticism, opened with
a cruel slaughter of the Jews,
After these facts, we can so little recognize any progress point-

ACTS XXVIII. 15—31. 379
ing beyond the close of our present course of the development,
in that great change in the GentUe Church, which first takes
place in the time of Constantine, and which is afterwards resuraed
in the Reformation, that, on the contrary, we find ourselves com
peUed to recognize in it an essential aberration of the Church
from her right course, — an aberration which, among other things,
can and must be recognized from the authoritative close of our
Canonical Book, But, in order to meet a misunderstanding to
which such an assertion is readily exposed, I remark expressly
that I do not, for a moment, hesitate to admit that, not-with
standing the twice repeated aberration, this Invasion of the Gen
tUe Church into the territory reserved for the Future of Israel,
has been connected with raany good and beneficial consequences
to Church and State ; yea, I even express my conviction that. In
both cases, this aberration was not made without faith, and, in so
far, not -without God, Thus Abraham sought the seed of God
from the Egyptian handmaid, Hagar ; and for this reason
Ishmael was blessed, and that, even earlier than Isaac, But
Abraham was obUged to come to the conviction that he had
sought the seed of God in the wrong way. The very conse
quences of his o-wn aberration, which he had made In faith,
brought him to the knowledge that he had gone wrong ; and In
this knowledge he was himself obliged to send away the seed
which he had sought in a wrong way, before he could enjoy the
seed given to him by God, The GentUe Church also must suffer
frora the consequences of her aberration. Her own conscience,
and the holy incorraptible voice of the Divine word, ever anew
give the Ue to her thoughts ofthe Christian state, and of Chris
tian nations. And when she looks outward, she knows that she
is called to bring ia the fulness of the nations into the kingdom
of God ; and how much soever she labours and toils to perform
this task, she must yet confess that. In the raanner hitherto pur
sued she is able, indeed, to convert single indiriduals from among
the nations, but never the nations themselves. These her in
ward sufferings she wiU have to bear untU she abandon her lofty
thoughts of her own greatness and dignity, and descend to the
measure appointed for her by God and His word.
The Apostle of the GentUes wished to preserve his congrega
tions from boasting, from high-mindedness, and from being wise

380 SECT. XXXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL IN ROME  THE END.
in their own eyes ; and therefore he communicates to them the
mystery regarding Israel's Future (see Rom. xi. 18, 20, 25).
But because they did not heed and lay to heart this mystery, they
have unavoidably become a prey to false glorying, high-minded
ness, and conceit. But the Spirit of the Lord will not cease to
reprove thera, until they see theraselves to be what they really
are, the gathering of the faithful and of saints from among the
Gentiles, elected and called from eternity. And if the GentUe
Church, divested of her pretended greatness and dignity, descend
to the position appointed and decreed for her by God, she wUl not,
for a moraent, want the true, pure, and Divine power. For it is
only in this her humble position appointed for her by God, that
she will completely and thoroughly understand what is the posi
tion ofthe people of God. At present, in the mist and fog of her
thoughts regarding Christian nations, she is unable to realize it.
And It is when she recognizes what the people of God are, that the
Gentile Church will learn to understand and appropriate to herself
the idea of nationality in its Divine right ; and then the beneficial
effect will be that the single believers and saints shall Inwardly,
In the Spirit of Christ, join with these people, and be, thereby,
enabled to form the true fulness of their people. After such has
been done, the Congregations shall also have power to work out
wardly, and to bring in the fulness ofthe Gentiles Into the kingdom
of Christ. For it Is only when the missionaries, by means of the
Spirit of Christ, stand in thefr own nationality, that they are able
so to convert the individuals in another nation, that they remain
in an inward communion with their nation, and, hence, are able
again to influence their people in the Spirit of Christ. But when,
— as now the rule is, — a German, e.g.. Is separated from his own
people, he raay indeed convert a Hindoo; but the converted
Hindoo will be as much a stranger to, and without influence upon
his people, as the master is to his own ; for the disciple Is not
above his raaster. But when the Gentile Church, after baring
inwardly appropriated to herself the holy nationality of Israel,
and after the individual raerabers of the Church have joined
theraselves to their own nation, begins to spread the Gospel out
wardly, her missionaries wIU, In the original Apostolic manner,
view the whole of the nations created by God ; and, entering Into
their language and history, will take possession of the spirits of

.A,CTS XXVIU. 15 — 31. 381

e

the strange nations, and from this standing point, convert th
single individuals to God. And these single individuals will
thereby be brought into such a position, that they, likewise, wUl
consider themselves as called upon to exert thefr influence upon
the whole of their people, and will not desist until the fulness of
it shall be received into the kingdom of God. Now, we have the
promise that this effort of the Church to influence the nations as
a whole shall be crowned with success. In such a manner that the
fulness of the GentUes, i.e., all that which, according to Dirine
creation and appointment, constitutes the essence ofthe Gentiles,
shall enter into the kingdom of God. But as soon as this takes
place, another effect, as comprehensive and as thorough-going,
wUl not, according to the same promise, fail. For, when the
Gentile Church shall be estabUshed among all the nations, and in
all lands and isles, in this manner which Is as free and spiritual as
it is comprehensive and grand, then Israel, scattered to all the
four winds, shaU, on the one hand, no more be offended by the
usurpation, on the part of the Gentile Church, of a position ex
clusively due to the people of God ; and, on the other hand, they
will be attracted by seeing, evidently and undeniably, that the
living God dwells in the Gentile nations on the whole globe.
And we know that It is this universal and thorough attraction by
the GentUe Church which St Paul had in view in his last closing
word to the Jews, and that by It, the obduracy oflsrael shall, at
length and for ever, be broken, although It has lasted for thou
sands of years. But when this great event shaU have taken place,
— an event which must be regarded no less as a mfracle of God,
than as the last result of the whole history of the nations, — then
the whole form ofthe Church must, necessarily and essentially, be
altered. From that moment, converted Israel forms the centre
of the Church of Christ, and, with it, the Church also must as
sume the form of a people and kingdom. She must change her
position ; and while, hitherto, she was Intemal and hidden, she
must then become external and visible. But when the people of
Israel have again been brought to light out of the depth of the
abyss by the influence of the Divine Spirit in the Gentile
Church ; and when this people are again, for the whole world,
the centre of the kingdom of God, around which all other Gen-

382 SECT. XXVI. PREACHING OF ST PAUL AT ROME — THE END.
tile nations, brought unto God, are crowding, — how then should
the King of this people, and the Head of this kingdom, still longer
dwell in the depth of heaven, and not rather show himself as He
who has, by His all-powerful love, created and founded all these
works and wonders, — who is the A and the fl, the first and the
last ?
We now see that our Book really carries on the course of the
development of the Church to that point, at which, according to
the view opened up at the coraraenceraent of it, a complete change
of all the cfrcumstances of the Church of Christ must take place,
and at which the prophetical Book ofthe New Testaraent resuraes
the thread of the history, in order to represent to the Church of
Christ the last struggles and sufferings, in which the consolation
of God will be, more than ever, necessary to the members of His
kingdom. The Gentile Church, by thus imagining that she is
afready long ago beyond the closing point of the Acts of the
Apostles, and that she has already reached a higher stage of ex
istence, shows only that she has not sufficiently kno"wn herseff and
her aim. She "wUl be obliged to adrait that that condition which
we here find at the close of the Acts of the Apostles, — that
condition, namely, where the spheres of State and Church are
co-ordinate, and side by side "with each other, — is the normal con
dition which, as In the metropolis of the world, must find applica
tion in the whole extent of the kingdom of the world, in aU the
lands and isles of the world. Tn order to acquire again the
original form which is appointed for her by God, and which Is
well pleasing to God, there is Imposed upon her the duty of put
ting an end to the mixing up of the two spheres into which she
has, in manifold ways, faUen, — to put an end to it, not Indeed in
the way of the flesh, by passionate impatience and self-working,
but in the way of the Spirit, by repentance and faith, by watching
and praying. But, if thus it appears that. In this most significant
and instructive close of our Book, the Gentile Church has Ughtly
and carelessly overlooked the main point, it foUows that with the
whole Book — vrith its beginning and progress which everywhere
point to this end — she must have been as Uttle in earnest. Tt wUl,
therefore, be high time that the Church should bestfr herself, and
at length give dUigence that she may better study and under-

ACTS XXVIII. 15 — 31. 383
stand this sacred Book, and more faithfully follow up its direc
tions, in order to acquire again that light which, in the difficulties
and troubles in which she is at present involved, and under which
she is groaning, is ready to lead her to heavenly light and Divine
power.

THE END.

NIfW WORKS

PUBLISHED BT

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS,
EDINBURGH AND LONDON.

FIRMILIAN; OR, THE STUDENT OP BADAJOZ.
A SPASMODIC TRAGEDY. By T. Percy Jones. Fcap, Svo, price 5s.
** Humour of a kind most rare at all times, and especially in the present day,, runs through every
page, and passages of true poetry and delicious versification prevent the continual play of sarcasm from
becoming tedious." — Literary Gazette.
"With these three brilliant portraits— /rom the life and to the life— close we our notice of Firmi-
LJAS ; grateful to the humorous author of the volume for having (as we are sanguine that time may
prove him to have done), through this one laughter-moving Tragedy, given a death-blow with hia
dagger of satire to the whole school of the Spasmodics." — The Sun.

SIR ARCHIBALD ALISON'S HISTORY OP EUROPE,
FROM THE FALL OF NAPOLEON TO THE ACCESSION OF LOUIS NAPOLEON
Vols. I. to III. Price 15s. each.
Volume III. contains:— Asia Minor, Greece, Turkey, in 1821. — The Greek Revolution,
Battle of Navarino, and Establishment of Greek Independence. — The "War
between Russia and Turkey, 1827-1829. — France to the Revolution of 1830. —
Domestic History of England to the Monetary Crisis of 1825, &c. &c.

LIEUT. VAN DE VELDE'S SYRIA AND PALESTINE
IN 1851-1852. 2 vols. Svo, with Map of Route, Plan of Jerusalem, &c., 30s.
*' From first to last, indeed, Lieut. Van de Velde never sees his own shadow between himself and the
sunshine, never is oppressed by his own claims to be looked at — in fact, is not troubled whether you
look at him at all, but demands of you, most distinctly, to look at his picture, and claims from you an
interest in it equal to his own. With strong religious feelings, and a mind deeply leavened with Gospel
truths, abd the Gospel history of which this soil is redolent, our pilgrim travels onward, not without
perturbations, yet full of confidence in the special protection of God, and everywhere, a single-hearted
Christian, seeks his.own • edification,' and to promote the edification of otheTB."^Blackwood's Magaxme .
** It may be used in a great measure as au itinerary of the Holy Land. The author never loses an
opportunity of verifying the geography of the country. He never passes a spot consecrated by a passage
of Scripture. He has contributed much to the knowledge of the country, and the unction with which
he speaks of the holy places which he has visited will commend the book to the notice of all religious
readers."— Z*a«?2' iVews.

itXe^Sti i3IacltEDOoti'0 PulbKcation^.

PROPESSOR JOHNSTON'S CHEMISTRY OP COMMON
LIFE. The First Volume is now published, and contains — The AIR we Breathe, and the
WATER WE Drink. — The SOIL we Cultivate, and the PLANT we Rear.— The
BREAD we Eat, and the BEEP we Cook.— The BEVERAGES wb Infuse. — The
SWEETS WE Extract.— The LIQUORS we Ferment.— Bound in cloth, price 53. To be
completed in 2 vols.
*' We must award the highest and most unreserved praise to the'succinct, intelligible, and instructive
form in which the treatises before us have placed subjects which, to the novice, were hitherto surrounded
by a mass of technicalities frequently intricate and forbidding beyond his courage and perseverance. It
is a book which should find a place in the library of every man of science, on the table of every student,
and in the school-room of every educational establishment." — Sunderland Herald.

PROFESSOR JOHNSTON'S AGRICULTURAL CHEMIS-
TRY and geology, viz. :—
Thirty-seventh Edition.
I. Catechism of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. Is.
Sixth Edition.
II. Elemrnts of Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. Fcap. 63. 6d.
Second Edition.
III. Lectures on Agricultural Chemistry and Geology. Svo. 243.
*' A valuable and interesting course of lectures." — Quarterly Review.
*• The most complete account of agricultural chemistry we possess." — Royal Agricultural JourTial.

On an Imperial Folio sheet, beautifully printed in colours, with Explanatory Letterpress,
price IDs. 6d.
THE GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OP MAN,
ACCORDING TO RELIGIOUS BELIEF. A Moral and Statistical Cliart. By Albx
Keith Johnston, F.R.S.B., &c. &c., Author of " The Physical Atlas," &c

On an Imperial Folio sheet, beautifully printed in colours, with Letterpress, price 10s. 6d.
THE DISTRIBUTION OP MARINE LIPE.
By Edward Fobbes, F.R.S., Professor of Natural History m the University of Edinburgh
President of the Geological Society.

PROPESSOR PILLANS' ELEMENTS OP PHYSICAL
AND CLASSICAL GEOGRAPHY. Price 4s.
" One ofthe best school-books on the subject."— JoAn Bull.
" This little volume possesses some features altogether new, which, with its general merits of plan and
"^luman ' '""' ^"'"'''^ ™™™ '" " " P™''^™"™ »^" «very work of the kind hitherto published."-n«

i«essr« jaiacltiDooti's i^ublttationg.

MR FINLAY'S HISTORIES OP GREECE AND
BYZANTIUM, viz. :—
I. Greece under the Romans, B.C. 146 to A.D. 717. Svo, 16s.
II. The Bv2ANTmE Empire, 716 to 1057. Svo, 12s.
III. The Byzantine and Greek. Empires, 1057 to 1453. Svo, Ifis.
IV. Medi.-eval Greece, 1204-1461. Svo, 12s. 6d.
•* The four volumes, in which Mr Finlay has now completed his survey, form a very valuable and
successful series. Extensive knowledge and careful research, under the guidance of a sound judgment
and a discriminating perception, combined with literary skill of a classical yet independent cast, have
filled up a vacuum in English literature, which was not felt till it was occupied, "^i^ecta^or.

PROPESSOR WEISS'S HISTORY OP THE FRENCH
PROTESTANT REFUGEES, FROM THE REVOCATION OF THE EDICT OF
NANTES TO THE PRESENT TIME. Translated by F. Hardman, Esq. Svo, 14s.
** This history is a valuable work. Mr Weiss bring:i to hia task special research, a varied knowledge,
and considerable impartiality." — The Spectator.
** When we reviewed at length the important work of M, Weiss we were unaware that so able a
translation was in progress. We have now only to direct attention to it, and to express satisfaction
that so interesting a work has found so competent a translator." — London Guardian.
" We do the very least to which our satisfaction with the work prompts us, when we commend It as
the most acceptable piece of history, in a comparatively new walk, that has appeared for many years."
—The Critic,

MR OLIPHANT'S RUSSIAN SHORES OP THE BLACK
SEA. Fourth Edition, Svo, 143. With Map and other Illustrations. :
** The latter part of Mr Oliphant's route lay through those districts of Russia and the Principalities
on -which the eyes of all Europe are now so anxiously fixed. This book will be found to fulfil the
expectation raised by its subject. It is the production of a sound, sensible, acute, and experienced
observer — careful in his statements, moderate in his opinions, and eminently practical in his conclu
sions."— ^din&ur^A Courant.

DR BROWN'S HISTORY OP THE PROPAGATION OP
CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE HEATUEN SINCE THE REFORMATION. A New
Edition, being the Third. 3 vols. Svo, 36s.
" This is the third edition of a well-established work, which we are bound not to overlook, because It
haa undergone laborious revision, and has merits of the most substantial character. It is free from
all extravagance of the sectarian or mere blind propagandist. Nothing could be farther removed from
the puerile and inconclusive sort of detail, with which missionaries and their friends too liberally plague
the public, than these sober and excellent volumes. Dr Brown has set himself to the task of glorifying
no man in particular, but of telling truthfully, in all its lights and shades, what is In fact a really noble
story. He has condensed, collated, arranged, and digested all his matter, in the spirit of a man who
understands the dignity of history. He does not flinch from work, he makes no hasty statements, he
applies for information to the best authorities, he carefully cites them, and, in addition to all this, he
writes with a clear style  It forms, in fact, a library book thoroughly respectable in
character." — Bxaminer.
"Volumes which delineate the most momentous movement of modern times  Dr Brown
has done his work in a manner which leaves nothing to be desired ; he has brought to his task every
gift and every grace necessary to its performance."— Br»(t»A Banner.

NEW WORKS

PREPAEINQ FOR PUBLICATION BT

MESSRS BLACKWOOD AND SONS.

THE RURAL ECONOMY OF ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND
IRELAND.
BY LEONCE DE LAVERGNE.
Translated from the French. With Notes by a British Agriculturist.
1 Vol. Svo.

INSTITUTES OF METAPHYSIC; THE THEORY OF
KNOWING AND BEING.
BY JAMES F. FERRIER, A.B., OXON.,
Professor of Moral Philosophy, St Andrews.

AN INTRODUCTORY TEXT-BOOK OF GEOLOGY.
BY DAVID PAGE, F.Q.S.
Crown Svo, with Illustrations.

A CATECHISM OF PRACTICAL AGRICULTURE.
BY HENRY STEPHENS, P.R.S.E,,
Author of the " Book ofthe Farm," See.

WORKS IN THE PEESS.

A SCHOOL ATLAS OF ASTRONOMY.
BY ALEX. KEITH JOHNSTON, P.R.S.E.
Author of the " Physical Atlas," &c.
Edited by J. B. HIND, F.R.A.S.
Uniform with the Author's." School Atlases of Physical Geography," &c. &c.

THE FIFTH VOLUME OP

MISS STRICKLAND'S LIVES OF THE QUEENS OF
SCOTLAND.
CONTAINING THB CONTrNOATION OF THB
LIFE OF MARY STUART.
[/» November.

THE QUIET HEART.
By the Author of " Katie Stewart."
Post Svo.

lln November

EX EREMO:
POEMS CHIEFLY WRITTEN IN INDIA.
BY H. G. KEENE.

A NEW AND ENLARQED EDITION.
THE PHYSICAL ATLAS;
A SERIES OP ILLUSTRATIONS OF THB DISTRIBUTION OP
NAT ORAL PHENOMENA.
BY ALEX. KEITH JOHNSTON, P.R.S.E., F.R.G.a.
To be completed in ]2 Parts. Imperial folio. Parts I. to IV. are published, price 2l8. each.

THE SECOND AND CONCLUDING VOLUME OF
THE BOOK OF THE GARDEN.
BY CHARLES M'INTOSH,
Late Curator of the Royal Gardens of his Majesty the King ofthe Belgians at Claremont and
Brussels, and now of those of his Grace the Duke of Buceleuch at Dalkeith Palace.

WOKKS IN IHE PRESS.
¦  f 
AN INDEX
TO THE FIRST FIFTY VOLUMES OF
BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE.
In 1 Vol. Svo. [.In November.

MISCELLANIES;
CRITICAL, IMAGINATIVE, AND JURIDICAL.
Originally contributed to ** Blackwood's Magazine."
BY SAMUEL WARREN, D.C.L., P.R.S.
One of Her Majesty's Counsel.
In 2 Vols, post Svo. Un Novemtier.

A NEW EDITION.
THE LIFE OF JOHN DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH.
BY SIR ARCHIBALD ALISON, Bart., LL.D., &c.
A New Edition, being the Third. In 2 Vols, demy Svo.

A GEOLOGICAL MAP OF THE BRITISH ISLES.
INCLUDING THE PAL.aEONTOLOGY.
BY PROFESSOR EDWARD FORBES,
Ofthe University of Edinburgh, President ofthe Geological Society ;
AND
ALEX. KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E., &c.
BEVISED TO THE PRESENT TIMB.
On Two Sheets imperial folio, printed in Colours, with Letterpress, price 21s.

A NEW MAP OF EUROPE
On Four Sheets, engraved and coloured in the finest style of Chartograpliy,
AND CONTAINING THE LATEST RECTIFICATIONS.
BY ALEXANDER KEITH JOHNSTON, F.R.S.E.
Geographer to the Queen, Author ofthe " Physical Atlas," &c. dec.

WILLIAM BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBURGH AND LONDON.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 08837 5192