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THE HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

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THE HISTORICAL
NEW TESTAMENT
BEING THE LITERATURE OF THE NEW-
TESTAMENT ARRANGED IN THE ORDER
OF ITS LITERARY GROWTH AND ACCORD
ING TO THE DATES OF THE DOCUMENTS

Jt $Uta translation

EDITED WITH PROLEGOMENA, HISTORICAL TABLES,
CRITICAL NOTES, AND AN APPENDIX,

JAMES MOFFATT, B.D.

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET
I 90 I

The historical rather than the dogmatic character of Christianity, its trans
mission at least to us in an historical form, is becoming more and more evident.
If this be so, how are we to make it yield its voice to the human conscience and
to human hopes ? "We cannot use it as an oracle. We must take possession of
it as a history, before we can construct it as a system. Thus to pass behind the
veil of antiquity is the only method of rising to a genuine appreciation of the
mind of Christ, or of attaining a clear vision of the perfect religion whieh it
enshrines. — Martineau.
Chaque livre de la Bible, appele a son tour, devra marquer sa place dans
l'histoire et reveler a la conscience spirituelle son degre de l'inspiration.
Suivant les reponses qu'il aura faites, une part plus ou moins direote lui sera
d-volue dans l'ceuvre de reconstruction du fait de la revelation, a l'aide des
sources historiques du canon. Et c'est alors, mais alors seulemeut, que l'on
pourra tenter, avec quelque chance de succes, d'ecrire sur la doctrine chretienne
un livre qui r^ponde a la re"alite. — Westphal.
Ich bin uberzeugt, dass die Bibel immer schoner wird, je mehr man sie
versteht, d.h. je mehr man einsieht und anschaut, dass jedes "Wort, das wir
allgemein auffassen und im besondern auf uns anwenden, nach gewissen
Umstanden, nach Zeit- und Ortsverhaltnissen einen eigenen, besondern,
unmittelbar individuellen Bezug gehabt hat. — Goethe.

TO
MY FATHER and MY MOTHER
IN GRATITUDE AND LOVE AND PPEVERENCE
r DEDICATE
WHATEVER OF MY OWN WITHIN THESE PAGES MAY BE TEUE AND WISE
FOR IT IS THEIRS

Autrement on l'accuse de ne rien dire de nouveau. Mais si les matieres
qu'il traite ne sont pas nouvelles, la disposition en est nouvelle. Quand
on joue a la paume, c'est une meme balle dont on joue l'un et l'autre ; mais
l'un la place mieux. — Pascal.

CONTENTS

PAGE
Preface . . . . xiii
Principal Abbreviations employed . . . xxv
Prolegomena —
The idea of the present edition .... g
The " historical " method : its double bearing ... 3
The N'T literature to be re-arranged in the order of its growth . 4
Twofold need for this : in — . . . . . . 4 f.
(i.) general nature and requirements of historical study 5
(ii.) special uature of NT canon . . . 5
I. Significance of interval between the dates of a narrative's subject
and of its composition ..... 6
The meaning of a " contemporary " document . . 7
Instances from OT ... . . 8 f.
Bearing of this upon the apostolic age and our knowledge of Jesus 9
Every narrative contains a standpoint as well as a subject — "the
contemporary equation " ... 9
Any period and its literature mutually illuminating — reflex
influence ....... 10
The question raised primarily in relation to the gospels . 11
Origin and function of gospels — lapse of time between the life
of Jesus and their composition . . . .12
This interval inevitable — its significance for character of
gospels : advantages and drawbacks . . 13 f.
Gospels not chronicles — their selective, interpretative element 19
Coloured by contemporary tendencies .... 20
"Witness indirectly to beliefs and feelings of apostolic age . 21
Their variations and idiosyncrasies . . . 22 f.
Their personal element and didactic aim . . 25 f.
Historical narratives are thus a double witness, to past and present,
e.g. the fourth gospel . . . . 31 f.
The gospels and the epistles : their rise and mutual relations . 39
The fact of distance an axiom of research to be recognised, for — . 44
(a) sense of order and progress in age .... 45
(i) intelligibility of literature ..... 46

CONTENTS
Use and limitations of this method for and with the historical
imagination . ....
The NT literature to be taken in its sequence
Resultant insight into early Christian modes of thought and life

,, UK. A historical map of early Christian literature
II. The NT in its order of growth and sources : — .
Table IV. A genealogy of the NT literature
,, V. A diagram and genealogy of early Christian
literature
VI. The sources of the NT literature

49
51
52

II. Canonical order of NT varying and unchronological
Its object usually practical and devotional . . 55
Apt to mislead and hinder historical research . 56
Its inadequacy for strict investigation . 56
Need of a fresh arrangement of the literature on a different
principle . 56 f.
III. Explanation of present edition : its objects, limitations, possibility.
Does not imply — ...... 57
(a) organic relations necessarily between certain docu
ments, e.g. gospels and Pauline epistles . . 57
literary dependence in relation to chronology of
documents . ... 57
the place of Paulinism in early Christian develop
ment . 58 f.
(J) dogmatic purpose . . . 61
or orderly development — . . 62
the deceptiveness and inadequacy of chronology . 62
(c) undue literary prominence of Pauline epistles — . 63
two considerations : (i. ) early Christian letters 63
and evangelic collections,
previous to 70 a.d. . . 64 f.
(ii.) unrecorded life, contemporary
with Paul ... 66
Limitations of this edition ... 66
The preliminary character of a chronological arrangement — what is
a "date"?. ...... 67
The possibility of such an attempt in the present state of NT
criticism ... . 69 f.
The general legitimacy of NT criticism . 71 f.
Historical Tables —
I. The NT in its historical and literary environment : — . 77 f.
Table I. 180 B.c-30 a.d. . 79 f.
II. 30 A.D.-100 a. n. . . . 83 £
,, III. 100 a.d. -190 A.D. . 89 f.
Ma. Outline of the Asmonean and Herodiau dynasties 95 f.
98 f.

100 £
100 £
102 f.
104 £

CONTENTS

xi

text

III. The NT in its canonical arrangements :
Table VII. Four catalogues
,, VIII. Versions .
„ IX. MSS.
, , X. Eastern church
,, XI. Western church
,, XII. Some later catalogues
Text and Notes—
The epistles of Paul : general note .
To the Thessalonians { 1,: text
ui.i note and text
,, ,, Galatians: text. r I.: text .
„ „ CorinthiaiJAninte,rmediatelettei'(n-10- and text
*• II. (1-9, 1311"12) :
,, ,, Romans (1-15, 1621"-7) : text
,, Ephesus (Ro 161"20) : note and text
,, the Colossians : note and text
,, Philemon: text
,, the " Ephesians " : note and text
,, ,, Philippians: text
The epistle of Peter (i.) : note and text
The synoptic gospels : general note
Mark (1-168) : text
Matthew : text .
The epistle to "the Hebrews " • note and text
Luke : text
Acts of the Apostles : note and text
The apocalypse'of John : note and text
The fourth gospel (1-20) : note and text .
an appendix (21) : text
The epistles of John : general note
I. John : text .
II. John : text .
III. John : text .
An evangelic fragment [Mk 16lJ-M] : note and text
The " pastoral " epistles : general note
n. Timotheus : text
Titus : text ....
I. Timotheus : text
The epistle of James : note and text
The epistle of Judas : note and text
The epistle of Peter (n. ) : note and text

. 107 f.

. 109 f.

. in r.

. 113 f.
116
117
. 121 f.
. 138 f.
. 142 f.
150 f.
. 156 f.
°) : note
. 174 f.
. 184 f.
192 f.
209 f.
. 214 f.
223 f.
225 f.
237 f.
. 242 f.
258 f.
275 f.
. 300 f.
344 f.
367 f.
412 f.
459 f.
491 f.
532 f.
. 534 f.
539 f.
546 f.
548 f.
550 f.
556 f.
564 f.
568 f.
571 f.
576 f.
589 f.
596 f.
Appendix: "On the hypotheses of interpolation, compilation, and
pseudonymity, in relation to the NT literature " .
603 f.
XU CONTENTS PAGE
Addenda ... .... 709
Index : (a) Subjects and Contents ..... 711
(b) References and Authorities .... 714
(c) Passages cited from OT and NT . . . .721
(d) Jewish, Early Christian, and Classical Citations . 725

PREFACE

Apart from the translation, the main feature of originality
within these pages consists of the leading idea which domin
ates the volume, and of the way in which this idea has been
executed. The critical materials constitute what either are
or ought to be more or less familiar positions upon the lines
of modern NT research ; but they are grouped under a scheme
which, so far as I am aware, is quite unique.1 Briefly put,
the design is to arrange that selection of early Christian
literature which is known as the " New Testament " in the
order of its literary growth, and at the same time to indicate
the chief grounds upon which such an order may be deter
mined or disputed. This aim, with its difficulties, utility,
and limitations, I have discussed in the Prolegomena.
The Historical Tables will explain themselves. Most of
them represent an endeavour to further one of the subsidiary
objects for which this edition has been prepared, namely,
the need of seeing and setting the NT writings in vital
connection with one another and with the main currents of con
temporary thought and history. Occasionally this connection
becomes obvious at a glance. Sometimes it is indirect. Often
it may be a matter of interest rather than of relevance. But
1 When my work was almost completed, I came across the following
sentence quoted by Dr. "Walter Lock from a friend's letter (The Exegesis of the
NT, 1896, p. 19) : "You don't want to know about animals and plants and
musical instruments ; the real Bible is overlaid and smothered by all this . . .
I should like to see an English NT with tlie contents in a different, i.e. a
chronological order,"

xiv PREFACE
upon the whole the significance of a NT writing is never
reduced — now and then it is immensely heightened — by
juxtaposition with its antecedents and context, even in
the outlying history and literature which are lightly named
" pagan " and untruly judged as alien. To approach and
analyse the NT in the sphere of the unconditioned, is an
indefensible mistake : unfortunately it is a mistake which
has been hitherto confessed rather than avoided in several
schools of criticism. The NT may stand by itself ; but the
full secret of its genius will be yielded only to the research
which goes patiently behind and outside tbe limits of the
canonical collection. Of all unhistorical or semi-historical
methods, none has operated so disastrously upon the inter
pretation of the NT as the tendency to insulate its form
and contents ; and it is to supply some materials for a mental
impression that may counteract such an error, that these
Tables have been compiled. In the Jewish and early
Christian literature (it is only fair to add), while the various
documents have been dated in view of the most recent and
reliable criticism, one cannot hope to assign much more than
an approximately accurate position to a number of the
records, where so considerable a portion of the field is dis
putable and disputed.
As the printing of the NT text has reduced the avail
able space, I have been obliged substantially to cut out a
Historical Introduction written to accompany the Tables, in
which the origin and development of the NT literature
was sketched from 30 to 150 a.d., in relation to the
external context of the Eoman Empire as well as to the
inner forces at work within the Christian Communities.
Some paragraphs from this have been incorporated in the
Prolegomena and Notes, and its outlines are reflected through
out the volume. But I wish to take this opportunity of
reiterating the need for treating these subjects in connection

PREFACE XV
with each other, since the impression often left upon most
people's minds by the average NT Introduction is that the
literature in question lies unrelated and accidental, resembling
either A lonely mountain tarn,
Unvisited by any streams,
or a series of deep scattered pools, one book or group of books
coming after the other in a more or less haphazard fashion.
Such a dead and spiritless disconnection is to be strenuously
repudiated. It is essential for the modern reader to detect the
running stream of life that winds, for all its eddies and back
waters, steadily between and through these varied writings.
They possess remarkable cohesion. But it is a cohesion
which is either misinterpreted or wholly invisible until you
stand beside the life they presuppose, and out of which they
rise. In fact, NT Introduction and the History of early
Christianity are two departments of research which cannot
be prosecuted with entire success, so long as they are held
apart. Each gains in vitality as it approaches the other.
For similar reasons of brevity, the critical Notes are
limited to what is practically a condensed statement of
results, pinything like a detailed or continuous account of
the processes of argument which lead up to the conclusions
underlying the printed text, has been impracticable. I have
merely attempted to collate some of the chief results of
modern research upon the NT along its literary and
historical sides ; although even there many details have been
left unelaborated, and some almost untouched. At one or
two points, I am afraid, this lack of space and scope in which
to deploy argument 1 has given an appearance of summary
1 The compression will be felt most where affinities of language and style
come up for discussion. These factors often contain important criteria for
dating or placing a given document, and their evidence is repeatedly used
throughout the Notes. But the complete grounds for one's judgment in this
class of problems are so delicate and various that they cannot be stated, much

XVI PREFACE
treatment or of arbitrariness : but in order to partially
obviate this defect, the Notes have been drawn up in such a
way as to include copious references to the bibliography of
recent criticism. What is offered is no catena or inventory
of opinions. It is merely a conspectus of relevant authorities,
together with a note of the main arguments in support of each
position. One hopes thus to be able to take a line of one's
own, without producing an unfair impression or incurring
censures like that once passed by Bacon upon tradition
and knowledge " which is for the most part magistral and
peremptory, and not ingenious and faithful ; in a sort as may
be soonest believed, and not easiliest examined." Whereas,
he rightly proceeded, " in the true handling of knowledge men
ought to propound things sincerely with more or less assevera
tion, as they stand in a man's judgment proved more or less."
My plan, then, in the Notes has been to indicate in a handful
of sentences the leading data for each book's origin and
object, the division and preponderance of authorities upon the
question, and finally — by means of sifted references — the
select literature. The latter includes for the most part what
has proved of chief service in my own work ; but the plan
also involves a series of references, as any trained observer
will detect, to some works which are to be regarded in
the main as landmarks and beacons for progressive study.
The wealth and the complexity of modern literature upon the
NT make selection and economy imperative in drawing up
Notes of this kind. But although the method becomes now
and then depressingly utilitarian, it will always serve to
less discussed, except at a length which would unduly distend the volume.
The result is, one has had to rest content with merely indicating the more
salient linguistic parallels upon which the position adopted in the text
depends. The whole argument from such parallels and affinities in regard to
the filiation of early Christian literature is one of several problems that still
await discriminating treatment. Hitherto its use has been mainly character
ised by arbitrariness and artificiality, and in this respect the critical and the
conservative wings of scholarship are equally to blame.

PREFACE XVli
furnish materials by which the view adopted in the text may
be corroborated or modified or refused. Both in the Notes
and in the Appendix one has constantly felt, indeed, as the
translators of the AV put it in their shrewd and neglected
Preface, liable " to weary the unlearned, who need not know
so much, and trouble the learned, who know it already." As
it is never easy to know how far an acquaintance or sympathy
with the subject can be presupposed, and to what extent
critical processes in this particular department are as yet
naturalised, it is hard to judge what materials should be
inserted or omitted. However, it is annoying to find that
authoritative references are sometimes as inaccessible as the
accessible are unauthoritative, and I have therefore chosen in
the bibliography to err upon the side of fulness ; all the more so,
seeing that the present state of NT criticism in this country is
still marked by immaturity in many vital sections. Not a few
of the arguments in this volume, and indeed whole pages of it,
would have been gladly omitted, had there been (for example)
any modern and thorough NT Introduction to which an
English student could be referred with safety or satisfaction.
The lack of such a volume is only one of many desiderata felt
at every turn by the English worker in NT research. Here,
perhaps more than in most branches of historical science,
investigation continues to be hampered by the resurrection of
the obsolete, the survival of the unfit, and the prominence
of the irrelevant ; as if the subject itself did not bring with
it sufficient obstacles and problems. It is devoutly to be
hoped that in the next century some of the enterprise
and enthusiasm which have made the OT blossom like the
rose during the past fifty years, may be spared by English
scholarship to the task of handling with truer reverence and
courage the more central problems raised by the NT litera
ture. Few of these are solved ; some are scarcely stated yet
in proper form. Indeed, for some time to come it is to be
b

XVIII PREFACE
feared that the prospects of free and full NT criticism in
this country will be hampered by the fact that not all the
results already gained seem to have been perfectly assimilated,
while the very methods by which alone conclusions can be
formed or adequately tested are often misunderstood or sadly
misapplied. Conditions such as these, to say nothing of the movements
within criticism itself, make any enterprise like the present
extremely tentative. But I believe it is timely. Unpre
judiced treatment of the historical element in Christianity is
one of the most immediate needs for faith and truth alike.
For if holiness has not its sources in history, the supreme
expression of religious thought and conduct has come to us
in a historical form, and any intellectual neglect of that form
is an error which cannot long be harboured with impunity.
More things than wisdom are best left to be justified by
their works, if they are to be justified at all. But a word
must be added here upon the translation ; especially as that
has been an after -thought, or rather an after-necessity.
Owing to the difficulty of securing permission to reprint the
BV, the only practicable course was evidently to under
take the preparation of an independent version, and it is the
result of this difficult and audacious attempt which is now
offered to the reader, with extreme diffidence. It is neither a
revision nor an adaptation of any previous translation, but
has been made directly from a critical study of the literature
itself. The task originally lay as far outside my plan as it
has proved beyond my powers. Still, I am in hopes that,
despite its many drawbacks, the present rendering will con
tribute something to that mental impression of change and
progress in the NT literature which it is the aim of the
whole edition to accentuate. Translation, like peace-making,
is always a delicate and often an ungrateful business. The
translator pleases nobody, not even himself. But his task

PREFACE XIX
in Biblical literature is additionally severe, as three-fourths of
his readers instinctively compare his version, not with the
original, but with an English classic which has unrivalled asso
ciations of literary rhythm and of religious experience. The
one claim of the present version is faithfulness. I have tried
to make it accurate and idiomatic, besides presenting, to some
extent, the nuances of individual writers. At the same time,
I see very little literary or religious gain in making a fetish
of over-precision in the verbal reproduction of the original.
There is no obvious reason why the translator should not be
allowed to exercise his right of inheritance to something of
the same freedom that would be granted him if he were deal
ing with a Greek classic. Accordingly, while I admit that
any version of the NT must incline to be literal, the follow
ing pages are not intended for the purists who expect to find
in a translation those complete materials for stylistic and
grammatical research which only a lexicon can properly
afford. If a translator's first duty is to reproduce his text as
exactly as possible, his final duty is to write English. As I
conceive it, he is not bound to dislocate style in the pedantic
attempt to eschew a reasonable use of English synonyms, or
to rehearse at any cost Oriental and Hellenistic idioms that
come uncouthly to the modern ear. Transliteration is not
translation ; nor is a paraphrase. The latter tends to loose
ness and weakness, while an absolutely literal version is often
the most inaccurate, as it is sometimes the most hideous thing
in the world. To be crabbed is the temptation of the one ;
to be diluted, of the other. If I have in any degree attained
the ideal of my conception, it has been by steering between
these two shoals. Attention has been carefully paid to the
more recent investigations by Hatch, Kennedy, and Deissmann
into the linguistic features of the Koivr], as well as to a series
of grammatical studies in Hellenistic Greek by Viteau, Blass,
Jannaris, and Schmiedel. I have further attempted, with

XX PREFACE
some hesitation, to reproduce, so far as that is possible or
desirable in a translation, one or two of the rhythmical and
rhetorical features (a-^v^a^a) that mark the structure of the
NT literature. These are due, in the main, to either of two
influences. One is the gnomic method of parallelism, anti
thesis, and climax, pervading the older Semitic poetry, and
especially the Wisdom-literature, upon which the NT writers,
in company, e.g., with the author of 4th Esdras, have drawn in
form and spirit to a much larger degree than is commonly
suspected. Along with this influence (discussed by Jebb and
Wilke) another falls to be placed, due to the rhetorical and
artistic spirit of the later Greek and Boman prose, which
had a vogue not merely in oratory but in the philosophical
compositions of the period (Norden, Lie Antike Kunstprosa,
1898, Anhang I., " TJeber die Geschichte des Beims"; and
Wendland, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophic
... Religion, 1895), where, as in the older Hebrew literature,
poetry never lay far from what we should to-day distinguish
as prose. It would be artificial, indeed, to rigidly reproduce
all these strophic features in print. Some, like assonance,
live only in the original. Some have to be felt rather than
exhibited. Others again appeal to the ear more subtly than
to the eye. Still quite a number of them are obvious, as
Heinrici, Blass, and J. Weiss have seen in Paul, D. H. Muller
(Die Propheten in ihrer ursprung. Form, 1896, 1, p. 216 f.), and
Briggs (Expository Times, viii. pp. 393 f., 452 f., 493 f., ix. p.
69 f .) in the gospels ; these it is well to mark, so far as is
legitimate, in order to preserve the freshness of their literary
charm, no less than for the sake of their occasional bearing
upon the larger questions of exegesis and interpretation.
The translation is substantially based upon the critical
text which Professor Eberhard Nestle has recently edited
with accuracy and success (Novum Testamentum Graces cum
apparatu critico ex cditionibus et libris manu scriptis collecto,

PREFACE XXI
Stuttgart, 1898; Zweite Auflagc, 1900). Wherever I have
been obliged to adopt a different reading, the departure is
noted at the foot of the page. I am also responsible
myself for the arrangement and punctuation of the text.
Passages within brackets denote either displaced sections or
interpolations belonging to a date subsequent to that of
the writing as a whole. Single brackets imply that there
is no MS evidence for the interpolation, while double brackets
are used when such external evidence does exist. Darker
type denotes a passage incorporated from some earlier
source, and phrases or quotations from the OT are
printed throughout in italics, although it is rather difficult
in many cases to ascertain whether the use of OT
language is due to direct reminiscence, to indirect allusion,
or merely to the current religious vocabulary of the age.
For the evidence upon most of the bracketted passages,
as well as for a discussion of some critical points raised
throughout the Notes, the reader is referred to the Appendix.
The plan of the edition has not permitted any statement
of the grounds upon which the Greek text has been
determined. As I have explained in the Prolegomena, one is extremely
conscious of the limitations which beset a pioneering edition like
the present, both in idea and in execution, particularly when
it has to be done practically single-handed. At point after
point one has felt the lack of that width of survey, that minute
ness of research, that balance of judgment, which are essential
to any valid advance in a subject so wide and complex. Most
of the volume also has been written and re-written at some
distance from libraries, and apart from errors it is more than
possible that some important literature has slipped through
the editorial meshes, just as some has unfortunately proved
inaccessible. I hope that such gaps or slips will not seriously

XXII PREFACE
interfere with the utility and use of the volume.1 Under the
Spartan maxim, Tout bien ou rien, it could not have been pro
duced. But I am confident that it is upon the right lines at
any rate, and that its general plan will be serviceable even to
those who may dislike its presuppositions or dispute several
of its particular results. Such as it is, it is offered as a
secondary aid to the more exact appreciation of that early
Christian literature, the study of which is bound up with so
many vital problems in our modern faith.
My warmest thanks are due to those who have aided
me during the preparation of this book with literature or
suggestions. I wish particularly to thank the following
scholars who have revised different parts of my translation :
Professor Denney and Dr. H. A. A. Kennedy, who have read
over the Pauline epistles (with the exception of 1 Corinthians,
which has been undertaken by Bev. David Smith, M.A.) ; Dr.
Marcus Dods (Hebrews and the Catholic epistles) ; Bev. Canon
I. Gregory Smith (Mark) ; Eev. E. F. Scott, B.A. (Matthew) ;
Bev. LI. M. J. Bebb (Luke and Acts) ; Dr. George Keith (the
Johannine literature) ; and Professor Walter Lock (Pastoral
epistles). To these scholars I am indebted for the time and
care they have generously bestowed upon another man's
work. It is only right to add that they are not to be held
responsible for any opinion or position expressed through
out the course of the volume, or even for the final shape
in which the translation now appears. Mr. Scott and Dr.
Beith have done me the further service of reading most of
the proof-sheets.
1 I specially regret that my edition has to appear before the completion of
such important critical enterprises as Dr. Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible,
the Encyclopaedia BMica, edited by Dr. Sutherland Black and Professor Cheyne,
and the Expositor's Greek Testament. For some literature which has come to
hand or appeared during the printing of this volume, the reader is referred to
the Addenda on pp. 709-710.

PREFACE XXlli
I should not like these pages to appear without also
acknowledging how much they owe to the late Professor
A. B. Bruce, without whose impulse and direction they would
hardly have been written. Some years ago he was kind
enough to look over the sheets and give me the benefit of
his advice as the MS began to take shape. But one is
indebted to him for much more than even the characteristic
generosity which he showed to his old pupils and the
demands for work with which he honoured them. His
abiding service was one of stimulus ; he naturalised critical
processes, and with singular open-mindedness resisted tradition
and intellectual torpor in handling the NT as a subject
either for writing or for preaching. Few of us can take
many steps in this department of study without realising
more and more keenly that the very possibility of such an
advance in this country is largely due to the work done by
our old master upon these lines. Where he ventured, others
follow. Both by teaching and example he has rendered to
many in this generation a timely service of liberation not
unlike that which in another sphere America is said by
Lowell to have gained from Emerson : " He cut the cable
and gave us a chance at the clangers and the glories of
blue water." Dr. Bruce's work thrust his students upon
the responsibilities of freedom. It awakened them especially
to the subtle and comfortable peril of antiquarianism in
dealing with the Christian facts, while at the same time
it steadied them on the conviction that no genuine faith had
ultimately anything to fear from strict and fair enquiry.
This was conspicuously brought out in his treatment of the
historical basis and element in early Christianity ; within
that department of theology, those who remember his un
sparing methods of research will be the first to feel that
the truest loyalty to their distinguished teacher lies not in
the slavish repetition of his own ideas or in the reassertion

XXIV PREFACE
of his own positions — little he cared for echoes, and least
of all for echoes of himself — but in continuing to employ
those methods with something of his spirit, sharing his
reverent and brave conviction that even the faults and
mistakes of candid enquiry somehow work together for the
truth, that truth is the surest defence of faith, and that
faith is the justification as it is the germ of real criticism.
Historical truth and genuine religion were to Dr. Bruce
inseparable allies. He wrought this vital conception into
his pupils, with the result that any effort upon their part
to carry out this principle in its details is naturally felt by
them to be primarily derived from his instruction and in
centive. Certainly none of them can prosecute enquiries
into the development of early Christianity without being
sensible of a recurring debt of gratitude, not so much for
the actual results of their master's criticism, though these
were often fresh and independent, as for the spirit which
he habitually inculcated in dealing with that period and with
its literature. Under such obligations to him, personal and
general, this volume lies. Yet, after all, they form but a
single item in the long fragrant debt which, in common
with the rest of his pupils and those wider circles who knew
him mainly as an author, one is conscious that one owes to
the personality of a great Christian scholar, who has done
more than almost anyone throughout this country during the
last quarter of the present century to make the knowledge of
Jesus and his Christianity welcome and rich and reasonable.
A te principiam, tibi desinet !
JAMES MOFFATT.
Dl'nboxald, Ayrshire.
December 1900.

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED

AA . . History of the Apostolic
Age —
McGiffert, A History
of Christianity in ihe
Apostolic Age (1897).
AVeizs'-icker, Eng. tr. of
Das Apostoliselie Zeit-
alter der Cliristlichen
Kirche (2nd ed.).
J. Vernon Bartlet, The
Apostolic Age, its Life,
Doctrine, Worship, and
Polity (1900).
AJT . . The America/ii Journal
qf Theology.
BI . . A Biblical Introduction
(1899). The NT sec
tion, p. 275 ff. by Prof.
"W. F. Adeney.
CGT . . . The Cambridge Greek
Testament for Schools
and Colleges.
Chron . . W. Bruckner, Die chrono-
logische Reihenfolge in
welcher die Briefe des
NTverfasst sind(\890).
Clemen, Die Chronologic
der Paulinischen Briefe
(1894).
Harnack, Geschichte der
altchristlichen Littera-
tur bis Eusebius. Zweiter
Theil : die Chrono-
logie der Literatur bis
Irenaeus (1897).
Class. Rev. . The Classical lie view.
CE . . . The Critical Review (ed.
Principal Salmond).
ORE. . . Prof. W. M. Ramsay,
The Church in the
Roman Empire (5th ed.
1897).

DB . . . A Dictionary qf the Bible
(1898-1901), ed. Dr.
Hastings.
Einf . . . Einfiihruny in das Grie
chische NT (Zweite,
vermehrte und verbes-
serte Auflage 1899),
by Professor E.
Nestle.
EB . . . Encyclopaedia Britannica
(9th ed.).
EBi . . . Encyclopaedia Biblica
(1899- ), ed. J.
S. Black and T. K.
Cheyne.
Einl. . Einleitung in das Ncue
Testament —
Hilgenfeld (1875).
Mangold-Bleek (1886).
Holtzmann, H. J. (3rd
ed. 1892).
Jul-cher, A. (2nd ed.
1894).
Zahn, Th. (1897-1899).
Trenkle, F. S. (1897).
Schafer, Aloys (1898).
EWK . . Ersch und Griiber, Allge-
meine Encyklopddie der
Wissenschaften und
Kunste.
ExGT . The Expositor's Greek
Testament (1897- ).
Exp . . . The Expositor (ed. Dr.
Nicoll. Small superior
numbers 2> s> 4> 5' 6 refer
to the series).
Ei-pT . . The Expository Times (ed.
Dr. Hastings).
GGA . . Gbttingische Gelehrte An-
zeigen.
GK . . . Geschichte des NT Kanons
(Zahn), 1888-

XXVI

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED

Hausrath

IIC

IID

HJP.

ICC . .
IH . .
INT . .

JpTh .
JTS
KAP
Keim (i.-vi,
LaurentLC
-Meyer .
NTTh

Hausrath's Neutestament-
l iche Zeitgtsehiehte( Eng.
tr. of 2nd ed. 1895 :
"The Time of the
Apostles ").
Hand - Commentar zum
Neuen Testament (H. J.
Holtzmann, Schmiedel,
Lipsius, and von Soden).
History of Dogma, Eng.
tr. of Harnack's Dog-
mengescJiichte, (1894-
1899).
Eng. tr. of Schiirer's
Geschichte des j iidischen
Volkes im Zeitalter Jesu
Christi 2 (1886-1890),
entitled, "A History
of the Jewish People
in the Time of Jesus
Christ."
The International Critical
Commentary.
International Handbooks
to the NT (ed. Dr.
OrelloCone), 1900- .
, Introduction to the New
Testament.
Weiss B. (Eng. tr. of
Einleitung in das Neue
Testament,2 1886).
Davidson S. (3rd ed.
1894).
Salmon G. (8th ed. 1897).
Godet, Introduction au
Nouveau Testament — 1.
Les Epitres de S. Paul
(1893). Eng. tr. 1894.
II. (div. 1) 1899.
Jahriiicher fiir protestant.
Theologie.
, Journal qf Theological
Studies.
Die Apokryphcn ...
Pseudepigraphen d.
Alten Testaments, ed.
Kautzsch (1898-1899).
) Eng. tr. of Geschichte
Jesu von Nazara.
Ncntestamentliche Studien
(1866), by J. C. M.
Laurent.
. Literarisches Centralblatt
(ed. E. Zarncke).
. Meyer's Commentar zum
NT (latest editions).
New Testament Theo
logy—

NTTh . . Weiss, Eng. tr. of 3rd
ed. (1888).
Bovon, Theologie du NT
(1893) : deux tomes.
Beyschlag, Eng.tr. (1896).
Holtzmann, Lehrbuch
der Neutestamentlichen
Theologie (1896).
Stevens (1899), Interna..
Theol. Library.
PG . . . Philology of the Gosjiels,
Blass (1898).
P2I Protestantisehe Monatshefte
(1897- , ed. Websky).
Reuss . E. Reuss, Geschichte der
heiligcn Schriften NT
(Eng. tr. of 5th ed.
1884).
Reville . . A. Reville, Jesus de
Nazareth : itudes cri
tiques sur les antecedents
de Vhistoire ivangdiqm
et la vie de Jisus (1897,
deux tomes).
RLA . Prof. E. de W. Burton,
Records and Letters of
the Apostolic Age (1895).
RTK . Real-Encyklopiidie fiir
protestantisehe Theologie
nnd Kirche (ed. Hauck)
1896- .
SBBA . Sitzungsberichte der konig-
lich preussischen Akad-
emie der Wissen-
sehaften zu Berlin.
SK . . Studien und Kriliken
(ed. Kostlin and
Kautzsch).
SPT . Prof. W. M. Ramsay, St.
Paul the Traveller and
the Roman Citizen
(1895).
Syr-Sin . The Four Gospels trans
lated from the Syriac
of the Sinaitic palim
psest (Lewis, 1894).
TQ . . . Tlicologisehe Quartal-
sehrift.
TR . . Theologisch: Rundsclum
(ed. Bousset).
TU Texteund Untersuchungen
zur Geschichte der alt-
christlichen Literatur
(ed. Harnack and Geb-
hardt).
ThA . . Theologische Abhand-
lungen C. von Weiz-
si'icke.r gcicidmet (1892).

PRINCIPAL ABBREVIATIONS EMPLOYED xxvii

ThLz . . Theologische Lite rat ur-
zeitung (ed. Harnack
and Schiirer).
ThS . . . Theologische Studien
Herrn Prof. D. Bern-
hard Weiss dargebracht
(1897).
Urc ¦ . . Das Urchristenlhum —
Pfleiderer, Das Urchris-
tenthum (1887).
Spitta, Zur Geschichte u.
Litteratur d. Urchristen-
thums (1893-1896).
WH . . . The New Testament in
Greek, Westcott and
Hort.

ZKWL . . Zeitschrift fiir Kirchlichr
WissenschaftundKirch-
liches Leben (ed. Luth
ardt).
ZNW . . Zeitschrift fur die neu-
icstamcntliche IVisscn-
schaft und die Kunde
des Urehriste nlums (ed.
Preuscheu).
ZSchz . Theologische Zeitschrift
aus der Scliweiz (ed.
Meili).
ZThK . . Zeitschrift fur Theologie
und Kirche.
ZwTU . . Zeitschrift fur wissen-
scliaftliche Theologie
(ed. Hilgenfeld).

The other abbreviations employed throughout the volume are either
obvious or familiar. In addition to what has been already said, however, upon
the types employed in the translation (p. xxi), the reader is requested to
observe that where OT quotations occur in the body of an earlier source (e.g.
pp. 189, 295), they are always printed in italics, as elsewhere throughout the
volume, although they must in these cases be strictly regarded as part and
parcel of the darker type which forms their immediate context. Also, in
Tables IV.-V. the straight lines represent more or less direct literary filiation ,
while mere affinities or indirect influences are marked by means of dotted
lines.

PROLEGOMENA

It may be said of all that is told of Jesus Christ, that it is written as a
lesson for us. That is a consideration which in our controversies is often unduly
overlooked ; but it is in keeping with the object of the oldest writers, and the
practice of the oldest teachers. In matters of religious tradition it is the
peculiarity of much that passes for historical, that the spiritual meaning to be
found in it is its most important feature. "Where something is maintained as
an historical fact, it is more often than not a defence of the article of faith
bound up with it. — Harnack.
Just as the mind which comes to the New Testament has grown historical,
it has become more historical to the mind, i.e. the mind has been able to
discover a more historical character in the literature. — A. M. Fairbairn.
Criticism is part of historical exegesis. Criticism is the effort of exegesis to
be historical. The effort can never be more than partially successful. But
though there may be many failures, the idea of historical exegesis is valuable,
because it gives us the right idea of Scripture, which is the reflection of the
presence of the living God in human history. — A. B. Davidson.

PROLEGOMENA
This edition of the NT literature has been planned with
the single purpose of exhibiting the documents in a special
arrangement, which may be called "historical." The term
is slightly ambiguous, but it has been chosen in default of
one more suitable. As employed in the title it bears upon
the order of the writings, not of the events, and in this way
comes to possess a double reference. Primarily it denotes
that one after another the books are consistently arranged as
they were composed. In this aspect " historical " becomes
practically equivalent to " chronological," when that term is
taken in a literary sense ; so that a " historical " order
amounts to the same thing as the successive and natural
order of the writings, when these are considered as literary
products. Such a principle has its own value and interest.
But from it flows a further inference. Writings thus
arranged seriatim reveal themselves more vividly than before
as expressions of a contemporary and continuous movement
in thought, action, and feeling, for which again they furnish
indirectly much evidence. Now in this sense also the
"historical" principle has helped to determine the present
edition. Here the NT writings are viewed and sorted in
their original sequence as a collection of evidence for the
history of early Christian reflection and experience. Take
any writing as a historical document in this light, and three
elements have to be adjusted — (a) the directly retrospective
reference of the book to the period of which ostensibly it
treats ; (b) the semi-retrospective reference, which it implicitly

4 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
contains, to changes in the social and inward situation of things
between that period and the date of the book's composition,
along with (c) the contemporary reference of the writing —
always indirect but often of supreme value — which helps to
expose its own surroundings, authorship, and motives. The
last - named is the starting - point of historical research.
Criticism always requires to have access to this standpoint
as a subsidiary base, and it is partly in order to facilitate
such access that the present arrangement of the literature
has been compiled. " Historical " study in this, no less than
in the other, sense of the term has been intended and in
cluded in the following pages.
The special advantage which is claimed for this principle
of arrangement, is that it preserves one of the vitally signi
ficant features in a NT writing, namely, its witness to the
period and situation at which it happened to be composed,
and into which it is able, when properly interpreted, to throw
some rays of light. This correspondence of book and period
requires to be emphasised in historical research, particularly
as neither the devotional nor the dogmatic use of the _\T
suggests it, although in reality both rest upon it. The
historical spirit has this task placed before it in the field
of the NT literature, to examine and determine the success
ive forms of the Christian consciousness with their change
and flow and sequence, so far as these are consecutively pre
served by the extant records, in order that through the
literature, as Mommsen somewhere remarks upon the evidence
for the provincial life of the early Boman Empire, one may
" work out by means of the imagination— which is the
author of all history as of all poetry — if not a complete
picture, at any rate a substitute for it."
Hence the project of presenting the NT 1 literature as
far as possible simply in the order of its literary growth,
1 "New Testament,'- of course, is a phrase which rises out of a later
ecclesiastical terminology not long before the age of Tertullian. Strictly speak
ing, one has no right to use it in a historical discussion of the writings in
question, especially as it is associated with ideas of formality and exclusiveness
which are foreign to the literature grouped under its title. Still the term may
be retained, like "gospel," for the sake of practical convenience. It must

PROLEGOMENA 5
any given book being placed not according to the time of
the event which it records, but purely with reference to the
date at which that record is known to have been substantially
or finally composed. Chronology of documents is the leading
concern. Each writing is allowed to lie in its locality, or as
close to its original venue as can be ascertained from the
extant data. This order of the books in point of composition
furnishes, I believe, a fairly good order for not a few purposes
of study, and the practical compensations of naturalness and
reality must be allowed to outweigh the loss of elegance and
symmetry. The idea is to set out the various strata of the
literature as these indicate themselves to have been laid
down. One after another, as the history proceeds, the
records are found to have been deposited in a certain
structural order, neither uniform nor — as we handle them
usually — undisturbed from their original position, but show
ing traces of process and accumulation. This is acknow
ledged upon all hands. Why should it not be expressed ?
To some degree the very fragmentariness which occurs in
the geological record of organic life is paralleled by gaps and
fractures in the extant expression of early Christian thought
and feeling ; but it is common sense to recognise at any rate
what may be described as the stratified character of the
latter, admitting, e.g., that the Galatian epistle precedes that
to the Colossians, and Colossians again the fourth gospel, just
as one places the Cambrian formation below the Devonian,
the Devonian under the Cretaceous, and the Pliocene over
all three. Some such rearrangement, it has been felt, is among the
present desiderata of NT study. The practical necessity for
it rests upon two grounds : the general considerations in
volved in historical research, as well as the special character
of the ordinary canonical collection of the writings in
remain one of the paradoxes in this subject, that the age commonly named
"the New Testament times" is precisely the age in which no New Testament
existed. A similar proviso attaches to the employment of "Mark," "Matthew,''
"Luke," "John," throughout the following pages. They are used merely as
convenient titles for the canonical gospels, and have no reference to the supposed
authors or compilers of these books.

6 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
question. These requirements now fall to be successively
discussed.1

In common with any other period, the apostolic age calls
into play that faculty of sympathetic judgment, comparative
analysis, and historical appreciation, by the exercise of which
the relevant literary expression and evidence 2 become trans
formed into an uncoloured window looking out directly upon
the actual field and horizon of the time. One primary
principle of such research is a careful and clear recognition
of the difference which may exist between the literary date of
a writing and the period of time to which its contents
principally refer. The two certainly reflect upon each other.
Not infrequently their positions are determined through a
comparison of their relative aspects. But initially and
ideally they must be held separate. Any document may be
avowedly a witness to previous facts and feelings. Uncon
sciously and as really, however, it carries now and then traces
of its immediate environment ; and it is with this latter,
secondary, and indirect relationship that historical criticism
has to begin its work. In some cases a NT writing is almost
exactly contemporaneous with the period of which it treats :
the epistle to the Galatians and that to Philippi are ex-
1 In a recent novel (of all places !) by Thomas Hardy, the idea has been
curiously and roughly anticipated. "Jude, will you let me make you a new
New Testament, like the one I made for myself at Christminster ? " "Oh yes.
How was that made ? " "I altered my old one by cutting up all the epistles
and gospels into separate brochures, and rearranging them in chronological
order, as written, beginning the book with Romans, following on with the early
epistles, and putting the gospels much further on. My University friend, Mr.
 , said it was an excellent idea. I know that reading it afterwards made it
twice as interesting as before, and twice as understandable " (Jude the Obscure,
p. 187). 2 Heinrici, Theologische Encyklopadie (1893), pp. 51-53. On the use of
historical method in relation to documents, see Hatch, Organisation of Early
Christian Churches (1882), pp. 2-17 ; and, for the importance of source-
criticism in modern research, Professor J. B. Bury's edition of Gibbon, vol. i, pp.
xiv, xlvi. " We have lived to see an age of source-criticism," says Preusehen,
referring to NT research, ' • which can only be compared to the morphological
and biological investigations of natural science " (ZNW, 1900, p. 3).

PROLEGOMENA 7
cellent instances. Indeed, taking the word in a fair although
somewhat loose sense, we may argue that all the epistles, as
well as the sources which underlie the synoptic gospels and
the Acts, are " contemporary." * In this respect they com
pare not unfavourably even with most ancient histories, as
will be seen from the appended table, which roughly gives
some instances of the relative distance between events and
their record in the older Jewish and classical literatures.
In fact, judged by ordinary standards, the bulk of the NT

Book.

Date of
Composition.

Interval.

Main Period of
Reference.

Thucydides, .

403-396 B.C. (?)

32-15 years

435-409 B.C.

1 Maccabees, .

90 B.C. +

85-45 ,,

175-135 B.C.

2 Maccabees, .

c. 80 B.C.

95-80 ,,

175-161 B.C.

Josephus, " Wars "

(bks. 2-7), .

75-79 a.d.

10-5 ,,

66-71 a.d.

260 years and
-161 B.C. (bks.
upwards
1-12)
, , " Antiquities, "
93-94 a.d.
260-100 years
\
161B.C.-6A.D. (bks. 13-17)
100-28 ,,
6 A.D.-66 A.D.
(bks. 18-20)
Tacitus, "Annals,"
115-117 A.D.
(published)
130-50 ,,
14 B.O.-68 A.D.
, , " History, ''
103-106 A.D.
35-10
69-96 A.D.
„ "Agricola,"
97 A.D.
57-3
40-94 a.d.
Suetonius, ' ' Vitae
XII. Imperatorum, "
c. 120 A.D.
180-24 ,,
60 B.C. -96 A.D.
Mark, .
65-75 a.d.
45-40
26-29 a.d.
Matthew,
75-90 a.d.
80-60
6 B.C. -29 A.D.
Luke,
80-90 a.d.
90-60
3} - 3
Acts,
90-100 a.d.
65-35
29 A.D.-62 A.D.
Fourth gospel,
95-115 a.d.
85-80
26-29 a.d.
literature affords a fairly direct and clear witness to its
period. Still, even here, with so remarkable a measure of
historic credibility (though trustworthiness does not necessarily
increase as the gap between fact and writing diminishes),
1 In a note to chap. iii. book iv. of his History of the Conquest of Peru,
Prescott incidentally defines "contemporary" evidence. Speaking of Herrera,
the author of Historia General de las Indicts, he points out that this Spaniard's
evidence is "little short of that of a contemporary, since it was derived from
the correspondence of the Conquerors, and the accounts given him by their
own sons."
8 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
between the period recorded and the recording literature
some space does intervene, varying from a few years up to
nearly a century. Any of the historical writings, then, may
be considered with some reason to represent a more or less
extended period which has elapsed between the time of its
historical reference and the date of its composition. This
factor of distance between the life and the corresponding
literature is cardinal, and it is necessary to get a sight and
sense of it. The difference of time is always significant, though
not always to the same degree : it demands in any case to be
estimated and weighed. By all scientific research, indeed,
this feature is steadily presupposed, while its consequences and
bearings upon questions of accuracy, historicity, subjective
characteristics, and the like, are paramount and abundantly
obvious. It is worth while to start from the very clear and
accepted instances of this principle offered by OT criticism.
To take an extreme case, the books of Chronicles are signi
ficant, not merely for the period of the monarchy, but also and
especially as witnesses to certain ideas and feelings in regard
to the law and history of Israel current some five or six
hundred years later in the age between the Eeturn and the Mac
cabean Revolution. In P, the priestly document of the Hexa
teuch, we obtain not (some would prefer to say " not only ") a
record of primitive history, but, to some degree, the hopes and
religious emotions of an author who wrote in the later
monarchy or under the actual shadows of exile and captivity.
Similarly the book of the Judges, as we have it, presents a
conglomerate of narratives which have been finally recast in
the Deuteronomic spirit fully six or seven centuries subse
quent to the date of the events which it professes to record.
The period of the NT is considerably smaller than that
covered by the OT, barely extending beyond a century and
a quarter at the most. But its phases, none the less, are
varied and successive ; and if they are to be defined with any
historical lucidity, the above-noted principle must be carried
into the criticism of the NT literature and fairly tested there.
This need is patent at the very outset. To the historical

PROLEGOMENA 9
student who is engaged in working back, by aid of sources, to
the facts, the Christ of the apostles is the forerunner to the
Jesus of history- Through the witness of the one we reach
the presence of the other. Even with the help of the vivid
emotion and imagination current in the apostolic age, we see
the central figure as through a glass darkly ; but without
that age and its memorials we would not see him at all.
Certainly the primary question in regard to early Christianity
is not what the early Christians believed about Jesus, but
what Jesus himself believed. His faith, not faith in him,
forms the spring of his religion as a historical force (Meyer,
Die moderne Forschung il. d. Geschichte des Urc. 1898, p. 1 f.).
Yet for the investigator the faith of Jesus is only accessible
through a preliminary survey of the faith which others had
in him. Personally he left no written statement or expres
sion of his views and deeds. For these, as well as for the
sense of his personality, we are absolutely dependent upon the
reminiscences of an after-age, together with the impression
produced by him on one or two men of exceptional ability
who subsequently joined his cause. Jesus is the author and
finisher of the faith. But to arrive at any historical estimate
of his conceptions and character, the inquirer must first of
all be prepared to spend no slight research upon the
materials furnished by the writings of the apostolic age.
These are the indispensable record of the ways by which
the early Christian faith was formed, transformed, expressed,
and propagated.
The sense of confusion, which commonly rises in this
mental passage from the naive to the scientific conception
of the NT writings, is due for the most part not to the
discipline itself so much as to the fact that it is a com
paratively unpalatable and unfamiliar task for us to take into
account this very factor of retrospective reference. Each
document, we now discover, contains a standpoint as well as
a subject. In using the records, one has to keep oneself alive
to that, and to be ready to make allowance for what may
be termed " the contemporary equation." The trial-task of
criticism is in fact to comprise not only tbe direct reference

10 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of a book to some previous period, but also such delicate and
elusive, though not unsubstantial, considerations as those of
the place and time in which, the motives for which, and the
author by whom, it was composed. For the sake of book and
period alike, a just estimate refuses to leave out of account
these contemporary tendencies and conditions. Historical
inquiry seeks, often and chiefly from the data of the book
itself, to determine the precise extent and unravel the actual
character of the influence exerted by any particular period
upon its literary products. By this means it is enabled to
work back to some keener insight into the period itself, while
at the same time it becomes competent to estimate with finer
accuracy the varying value of the evidence which the writing
in question offers with regard to the earlier period of which
it treats. This procedure is legitimate, healthy, and remunerat
ive. Tendency-criticism has become a detected idol. It
stands exposed as a fanciful and arbitrary method of research.
But it is quite another thing to ascertain the mental and
social latitudes in which an author seems to have written, to
use his work in common with other aids for the discovery
and illustration of these latitudes, and again to use these for
the elucidation of the book itself. This reflex method of
study forms a delicate and necessary practice. Between a writ
ing of the NT and the period at which it was finally composed
there exists a more or less direct correspondence. To some
extent any writing is moved by its atmosphere, while the
period in its turn is set off and indicated by the contemporary
writing — " Like as the wind doth beautify a sail,
And as a sail becomes the unseen wind."
The classic and abused instance of this relationship has been
the book of Acts ; but when fairly employed the principle
touches almost the whole collection. Paul's writings are the
most objective. Their standpoint and subject are practically
one, and the date of their composition falls not far from the
period of their historical reference. All that needs to be
done, as a rule, is to put them in chronological order. That
determined, they lie actually parallel to the life which thus

PROLEGOMENA 11
tells its own tale. On the other hand, the more historical
narratives point often this way and that ; their standpoint
is considerably later than their subject, and sometimes different
from it. In the criticism of these books — more especially of
the synoptic gospels — the real problem is raised. Each falls
to be read in its own character and circumstances ; and the
consequence is that as books they have all to be placed far
down the history, considerably later than the events which
they discuss and narrate, subsequent even to the Pauline
letters. The best defence of this arrangement is an explana
tion of its significance for the study either of the literature
itself or of the age, along with some account, given in
suggestion rather than in detail, of the character and functions
which actually belong to the gospels as historical records of
the NT. The conception of Jesus in the gospels represents not
only the historical likeness so far as its traits were preserved
in the primitive evangelic tradition, but also the religious
interests of the age in which and for which these narratives
were originally drawn up. It is in the balance and adjust
ment of these two elements that one real problem of NT
criticism will always lie. For while such interests were in
part created by the original and impressive personality of
Jesus as his spirit continued to work upon receptive natures
in the church ("ut quisque meminerat, et ut cuique cordi
erat," Augustine), some of them (and in particular the
Messianic idea) are also to be viewed as later and partially
independent reflections ; for all their filiation to, or sympathy
with, the primitive Christian consciousness, these cannot have
exactly corresponded to it in every feature, and therefore may
be conjectured to have inevitably coloured in some degree the
delineation of its contents. Year by year the spirit of the
historical Jesus went on quickening his receptive followers,
and shaping 1 in them a life of wider and wider capacities.
1 This obvious and practical interest prompted the composition of early notes
which contained sayings or deeds of the Master. But there is no evidence to
prove any similar interest in the primitive apostolic deeds and speeches. These
were occasional, not authoritative, and had no special importance at the

12 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
They remembered him, and they awaited him. Tradition
was the main channel through which this force came to be
transmitted. Christ's words were a law, his service and
reign a life. The disciples, realising more freshly and fully
than ever as the years passed, the contents of their original
faith in him, turned ultimately back to reflect with increas
ing solicitude upon the facts of its historic origin. The
reflection had to be put into writing. To preserve these
recollections was quite a spontaneous form of literature,
and it was from such rudimentary sketches and reminiscences
that the first gospels germinated by a process whose inter
mediate stages are no longer articulate. " La plus belle
chose du monde est ainsi sortie d'une elaboration obscure
et completement populaire." Dr. Abbott (Common Tra
dition of the Synoptic Gospels, p. xi) suggests an interesting
parallel in the oral tradition of the Mishna, whose contents
have been handed down in a concise and even elliptical form,
obscure through its very brevity. If the original evangelic
tradition was transmitted by notes compiled in so condensed
a fashion, and occasionally requiring some expansion to
render them intelligible, a clue might be got to explain the
divergent interpretations of the same incident or saying in the
synoptists. Some passages, at least, are cleared up in this
way (op. cit. pp. xxvii-xxxix). And in any case the Mishna
throws light upon two facts — (a) the retentiveness of
memory, and (b) the persistence of oral tradition, among
the contemporaries of the evangelists. Whatever may have
been the steps, however, in the process of this literary
evolution whose results lie before us in the synoptic gospels,
the point is that its motives and surroundings differed
seriously from those which would have belonged to the
environment of a similar attempt some thirty or forty
years earlier. It stands to reason that the outcome of the
moment for their contemporaries. Consequently one must differentiate be
tween the disciples' careful memory for Jesus and the subsidiary interest
and impression produced by the early disciples themselves upon one another.
That is to say, one cannot fairly argue from the early composition of
"logia" to the equally early composition of notes and reminiscences like
Ac 1-5 (16).

PROLEGOMENA 1 3
apostolic age did not take tbe form of what a diary com
posed by a contemporary and companion of Jesus would
have been. Yet at the same time this difference is not
necessarily a drawback. For in observing the lineaments
of Jesus, the right focus was given not by his death nor
even by his departure, but in the subsequent discipline of
memory and obedience among his followers. Their increas
ing distance from the object tended in some degree to correct
earlier mistakes of judgment in the direction of exaggeration
or of undervaluing ; by removing certain obscurities the very
lapse of time helped to purify and widen in the Christian
community the powers of accurate appreciation. Hence the
character and date of our extant gospels. Just as the full
significance of the traits and issues bound up in the faith of
Jesus could not be grasped by his original disciples until
he ceased to move beside them — he left them and they
knew him — so it proved practically an impossibility for
them, even after their subsequent experience of reflection
and reminiscence, to achieve the task of creating a final
and adequate record. For that they could merely supply
materials. It was enough in this for the disciples to be
as their Master. Like Sokrates and Epiktetus, he was no
author. He wrote once — and that upon the dust. His real
epistles were to be found in the character and experience of
his followers (2 Co 33). Nor was it otherwise with them.
For other hands than theirs the work of evangelic composition
was reserved. It was completed, as perhaps it only could
have been, by the epigoni. Even those who had received
the tradition of the historical Jesus, Kara atipica, from his
personal companions, found that his life in subsequent years
opened out for them (Jo 1216 14'26 161S); it
"Orbed into the perfect star
They knew not, when they moved therein."
But this insight of a second generation was not necessarily
inferior at all points. On the contrary, it had some in
valuable advantages. In the strict sense of the word, the
gospels are not contemporary records. Even the earliest of

14 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
them implies an interval between the facts and their record
— bridged though that interval may be by continuous tradi
tion and surviving witnesses. But so far from this distance
being an altogether regrettable defect, it is in some aspects a
profit. Until development has reached a certain stage,
analysis will always remain inadequate ; indeed, it is hardly
possible for it to exist. Lapse of time is essential to a real
conception of this as of any other history, for it is only after
such an interval of experience and reflection that the mean
ing and bearings of the life in question come out in their true
and sure significance. Interpretation is not bound fast to the
contemporary standpoint. It requires facts, but it requires
them in perspective. The gospels in reality do more for us,
written between 65 and 105, than they would have done if
composed before 35. Drawn up after at least one generation
had passed away, and written in a world rich with religious
passion, speculation, and achievement, these writings give a
wider and deeper account of their subject than any that would
have been afforded by records composed in the morning of the
Christian religion. During the actual lifetime of Jesus, or
even immediately after his death, the vital principle of the
Life was not to be grasped in its real unity and relationships.
Paul understood the secret of Jesus more thoroughly than
many who had trodden the roads of Galilee in his company,
and listened to his arguments and teaching in the syna
gogues ; and the writers of the Christian biography were not
necessarily placed at any serious disadvantage for their task
and mission by the fact that their vision was one not of sight
but of insight, not of memory but of sympathy. " The living
do not give up their secrets with the candour of the dead;
one key is always excepted, and a generation passes before
we can ensure accuracy."1 That canon applies most forcibly
to the synoptic gospels,2 and their subject. Their best
1 Lord Acton, The Study of History (1895), p. 4 ; cp. Caird's Evolution of
Religion, vol. ii. pp. 215-228.
2 If we qualify its second statement, Keim's remark apropos of Matthew (in
his view, the earliest gospel) holds true of all the three synoptists: "The
interval was too short really to sweep away a historical life, the circles' of
Judaism and Christianity were too disciplined and sober to replace facts by

PROLEGOMENA 1 5
purposes were excellently served by this interval of years ; in
fact, it was essential to their value. Letters are immediate
and contemporary ; they touch directly the things of the day.
Histories can only be written from materials gathered close
to the period and subject, but they cannot be written until
after the lapse of years, during which the past has come to
be seen in its true bearings and intelligently construed.
Thus, while the materials for this history consist in part of
contemporary evidence, furnished by the quick and eager
memory of the church,1 the handling of them belongs to later
days. Working with a sympathetic conscience and a religious
aim, this age could best produce due records of the earlier
period. They are not primitive, indeed, but they are primary.
In their present form the synoptic gospels are not the work
of men who were originally disciples of Jesus. The latter,
with their Jewish habits and Christian hopes, were evidently
ill adapted for a task which rightly fell to the activity and
insight of a later generation, whose very position of remote
ness turned out to be in some respects a vantage-ground for
appraising the great Past. Upon the whole the age of Jesus
was understood, its essence grasped, its significance reached
by means of the refracted light thrown by its issues and
expression across the institutions and character of rising
Christianity, more adequately than it would have been at a
time when its inner nature had only the promise and rudi
ments of life in which to reveal its inner self. Had it not
been for the experience of the church,2 the character of
dreams, an Eastern memory was naturally too tenacious, and, moreover, witnesses
of the life of Christ still lived " (i. 78). Revilfe's discussion is in the main
quite fair and accurate (i. p. 255 f.).
JCp. Zahn on "the unwritten gospel" (Einl. ii. pp. 158-172). The
allusion "to this day" (Mt ll12 278 2815) betrays accidentally, as in the case
of Deuteronomy (2s2, etc. ), th e lapse of time between the period and its record in
literature. 2 This general atmosphere of early Christian experience is as important for
the criticism of the gospels as are the idiosyncrasies of the individual evan
gelists. Even were the personalities of the latter better known than they are,
the transmission of Christ's words and deeds, upon which they all depend, is
affected in the first instance by the experience, needs, and aims of the apostolic
communities rather than by the special cast and colour of particular reporters.

16 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
Jesus, we may say, would not have been portrayed with such
sympathy and understanding. It needed the four decades
between 30 and 70 to render the period before 30 luminous.
Facer e cclebranda and celebrare facta are two different forms of
human energy. It is not often given to one age to accomplish
both, and certainly it was not given to the first three decades
of our era.
On the other hand, the possibility of such an interval
developing less desirable qualities in the tradition (Iren. in.
2. 2, 12. 12) must also be admitted. For example, the two
main requirements for the genesis of what is supposed to have
been the mythical process, are (a) the Messianic and miracu
lous * conceptions of the early Christians, and (b) a certain
time to allow of these ideas passing 2 into concrete form as
incidents and stories (for a list of passages, cp. Stanton, Jewish
Indeed, the position of the gospels as compositions in and for the apostolic age
supplies one of the most valid criteria for distinguishing the words of Jesus
from those of his reporters. That the latter have given a trustworthy and
accurate impression of his life is outside reasonable doubt. But the large
amount of material which authenticates itself as genuine is bound up with
materials which are as patently evidence for the mental and moral inferiority of
Christ's reporters to himself. Such inferiority occasionally has caused mis
apprehension in the record, but on the whole it ensured a good report, better
perhaps than would have come from men less impressed by their own subordin
ate ability, and therefore more apt to have given rein to the activity and
inventiveness of their imagination. The profile of Jesus is clear in the gospels,
chiefly because the writers were content to view it from below.
1 The supernatural excitement of the first century seems to have made the
rabbis who lived towards its close extremely shy of miracles as a religious
proof (vide Schechter's Studies in Judaism, p. 230 f.).
2 On the quick transformation of fact in Eastern popular tradition, and the
bearing of this upon the historicity of the XT, Professor Ramsay has a good
statement (SPT, pp. 368-370). The miracles of Thomas a Becket are a
suggestive illustration of this rapid growth under different conditions. Some
of these miracles, as Freeman has shown, were chronicled at the very moment
of their occurrence, several within half a dozen years after his death. For a
recent discussion of this quick legendary growth in its relation to historic
testimony, especially upon the NT, see Dr. E. A. Abbott's Kernel and Husk,
pp. 158-224, and his St. Thomas of Canterbury (1898) ; also Mackintosh's
Natural History of Christian Religion (1894), chaps, xi-xiii, and R<.ville's,
chapter ii. pp. 61-85. More conservative statements upon the miraculons
elements in the woof of the gospels are given by Bruce, Miraculous Element in
Gospels2 (1890), pp. 79-153, and Steude, Der Bewcis d. Glaubens (1897), pp.
89 f., 138 f., 189 f.

PROLEGOMENA 17
and Christian Messiah, pp. 368-370). " The simple historical
structure of the life of Jesus," wrote Strauss, " was hung with
the most varied and suggestive tapestry of devout reflections
and fancies, all the ideas entertained by primitive Christianity
relative to its lost Master being transformed into facts and
woven into the course of his life. The imperceptible growth
of a joint creative work of this kind is made possible by oral
tradition being the medium of communication." The modicum
of truth which underlies this exaggerated estimate is not
visible until the age and conditions of the gospels are under
stood. It was not a pre-dogmatic age. The Jews brought
many dogmas into the Church, including scenic, semi-material,
Messianic categories, and the evidence shows us how much
activity in primitive Christianity was devoted to fixing the
relations between the old dogmas and the new experience (cp.
Cone, The Gospel and its Interpretations, 1893, pp. 138—151).
The fresh movement triumphed by mastering its inheritance
and developing original forms for itself under the limitations
of that inheritance. For the nascent religion had to formu
late itself. Intuition turned to reflect and justify itself, and
by the time that the gospels and even the Pauline letters
were composed this tendency had been widely felt in most
quarters of Christendom. So with the didactic aim. This
again did not necessarily involve any deliberate looseness in
reporting facts of history; but it seems to have fostered
methods of adapting or creating * narrative, according to the
1 "Can we conceive of an evangelist stepping out of the actual into the
possible, in order that he might have ampler scope for the embodiment of his
conception of Jesus than the grudging data of reality supplied, especially in
the case of a life of so short duration ? . . . Viewing the matter in the abstract,
we are not perhaps entitled to negative dogmatically as inadmissible such use
of ideal situations for evangelic purposes" (Bruce, Apologetics, pp. 459, 460).
The question is one of the subtlest problems in NT criticism, either as an
inquiry into the deliberate aims of the evangelists or as an analysis of the
unconscious tendencies under which they worked. Upon the intellectual
temper in these days and its relation to religious truth, see Dr. Percy Gardner's
Exploratio Evangelica, pp. 148-158 ; also, for the influence of subsequent ideas
upon the narration of facts and events, Dr. A. B. Davidson in Exp* i. p. 16 f.
The Alexandrian temper and spirit probably affected even the earliest synoptic
tradition to a larger extent than is commonly suspected or admitted. The

18 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
predominating tendency of the Oriental mind to cast argu
ment and counsel in the form of stories. The extent, nature,
and limits of this feature belong to the inner criticism of the
gospels (see Carpenter's First Three Gospels, chaps, v., vi, an
outline of competent and serious treatment ; also Dr. G. L.
Cary, in IH, i. pp. 74-77). It embraces the origin of the
" doublets " — one incident existing in two slightly different
forms, and finally shaped into two separate events — the
phenomena upon which the mythical hypothesis rests, and
also the three verce causce which, as even Dr. Sanday allows
(BB, ii. 625), were "to some extent really at work" in
shaping the miraculous narratives : (a) the influence of
similar OT stories which naturally prompted the disciples
to imitate them as they recorded the life and wonders of
Jesus ; (b) the translation of metaphor into fact, or of
parable into the clothing of external reality, by which
misunderstandings of language are the origin of certain
synoptic account of the baptism of Jesus is a ease in point. Here the endow
ment of Jesus with spiritual power at this initial crisis of his career is ex
plained pictorially by the descent of the holy Spirit in the form of a dove. So
naive a way of representing a religious experience was more than a popular
conception ; it formed an accepted category of thought in current Hellenistic
and Rabbinical Judaism, where, as in Philo (Usener, Religionsgeschiehte, i. p.
50 f. ; Holtzmann, HC, i. pp. 62, 63; Conybeare, ExpJ ix. pp. 451-458;
Dr. G. L. Cary, IH, i. 59, 60) wisdom or the divine spirit (Adyo.) was
symbolised by a dove. In the third gospel the metaphor is more pointedly
transmuted into fact. But evidently the process had already begun before the
evangelic tradition acquired its most primitive form (Mk) ; which is an instruct
ive piece of evidence for the mental atmosphere in which the sources and
traditions ofthe gospels, no less than the gospels themselves, germinated. This
method of representation, however, is analogous to the Eastern love of an
apologue, with its circumstantial narrative, as the most suitable means of con
veying instruction. To present the idea is the main point. "The Kabhi
embodies his lesson in a story, whether parable or allegory or seeming historical
narrative ; and the last thing he or his disciples would think of is to ask
whether the selected persons, events, and circumstances which so vividly suggest
the doctrine, are in themselves real or fictitious. ... To make the story the
first consideration, and the doctrine it was intended to convey an afterthought,
as we, with our dry Western literalness, are predisposed to do, is to reverse
the Jewish order of thinking, and to do unconscious injustice to the authors
of many edifying narratives of antiquity " (C. J. Ball : Speaker's Commentary,
Apocrypha, vol. ii. p. 307. See also Cheyne on "the unconscious artists of
the imaginative East," Hallowing of Criticism, pp. 5-7).

PROLEGOMENA 1 9
narratives (a good example, e.g. in the cursing of the fig-tree,
Mk ll12"1*- 2°-26 with Lk 136"9); (c) the exaggeration of
what were originally quite natural occurrences. However
such phenomena be estimated,1 they are not intelligible
unless the writings are set in their true place as influenced
by the dogmatic and didactic aims of a later age. Their
contents must be judged from their function and atmosphere,
as well as from the interval elapsing between their subject
and themselves.
It appears, then, that under this common historical law
the interval between the subject and the composition of a
writing such as any one of the gospels, involves two aspects
of reference — the retrospective and the contemporary. These
do not in every case conflict, nor is the proportion between
them uniform. It varies, and varies above all with the pre
cise nature of the interval in question. For the significance
of this interval is not to be estimated simply by the number
of its years, any more than contemporaneousness is to be
made a test of credibility (cp. Eobertson, Early Religion
of Israel, pp. 46, 47). It depends rather upon the aggre
gate and importance of the changes in belief, feeling, and
situation which have occurred within the period. These may
be as revolutionary in five years as in fifty, so that the mere
space of time gives no proper clue to the inner spirit of the
intervening age. But whenever any of the more serious forms
of change occur, be it in manners or opinion, one consequence
is that the past is rendered thereby less intelligible than ever
to those who now live upon the other side of the gulf. The
book of Acts is a case in point. Here the antagonisms of
the early Church are sketched in a smoother and less violent
form, so much so that the atmosphere of distant reflection
tends occasionally to blur the sharp outlines of the past.
' But this feature proceeds not so much from conscious purpose
\ or from ignorance, as from the inevitable change of interests
) which takes place whenever any movement is passing — as
; 1 Nothing better has been written upon the correct standpoint for such an
i estimate than Harnack's few paragraphs in Das Wesen des Christentums (1900),
pp. 16-19.

20 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
undoubtedly Christianity did from between 50 and 80—
through rapid and urgent phases of development. The
completer the development, the sharper the cleavage,
the less able in proportion are posterity to realise with
proper sympathy and accuracy a situation which already
lies at a comparative distance from their surroundings and
even their immediate antecedents, so rapidly has time turned
it into what is almost a foreign memory. Thus the value of
any historical reconstruction, like that offered in a gospel,
varies rather with the character than with the area and the
extent of its retrospect. The elements of that value consist
in (a) the veracity, object, and opportunities of the author : Q>)
the psychological climate of his age, especially the relation,
continuous or interrupted, between itself and the period which
is being treated ; (c) lastly, and only lastly, the amount of the
intervening years. The framework of chronology is apt in
this connection to become misleading; it does not correspond
unerringly to the real historical " distance." The fact is, no
truth is more general in historical research than that a term
of years may possess a real content quite other than that
suggested by the space it occupies upon the printed page.
When account is fairly taken of this factor of " interval,"
any one of the historical narratives discloses itself at once
as, in some scale and shade at least, a work of contemporary
reference. It has been written at a certain distance from
its subject, after the lapse of more or less significant changes,
in a period of characteristic feelings and facts, by an author
of certain sympathies and capacities. Put these elements
together, and they throw upon the narrative a light of their
own. Alongside of the primary retrospective aspect, they
bring out the somewhat elusive " contemporary " aspect of it-
pages. This latter is set out with special emphasis when a
gospel is dated according to its composition. Written not as
abstract treatises, but for the practical requirements of their
age, the gospels — even Luke's, which most nearly resembles
a biography of Jesus — indirectly witness here and there to
the circumstances and conditions of the situation in which
they originated. They are very far from being theological

PROLEGOMENA 21
pamphlets. The purely objective interest of the life they
portray must have been absorbing in the highest degree. Yet
even this could not altogether obliterate the reflection of that
religious and social background,1 with its interests, oppositions,
changes, developments, and beliefs, during the years 65—105 ;
this the gospels, along with the other Christian documents
and the Jewish literature, enable us to fill in with some
detail of historical acquaintance. The synoptic narratives
carry us into the life lived by Jesus among men. They also
carry us into the life men set themselves to live " in Jesus,"
a life moulded by his sayings and directed by his spirit, yet
including ideas and experiences which could not have existed
previously to a.d. 30.
The gospels, then, are not relentless automatic photographs.
They are pictures, or rather portraits. Adequate justice is
not done to them by resting, as we commonly and naturally
tend to do, upon them as objective records which represent
with substantial accuracy the life and teaching of Jesus. They
are that, first and especially. But they are something more.2
In all of them lies an element due to the questions and move
ments of the age in which they rose. It was their function j
not only to exhibit conceptions of Jesus which were dominant ^
in the primitive communities, but also to present these im- '
pressions accurately and vividly in view of the religious and I
moral needs which pressed upon various circles of Christen
dom at the time of their composition. From and for the
church of the second generation they were compiled.3 In
1 Vide, for example, Holtzmann, Die Syncptischen Evglien. chap, v., "Die
s. Evglien. als Geschichtsquellen," especially §§ 26-28, and HC, i. pp. 18, 19 ;
Weiss, NTTh, ii. pp. 161-166, 283-310; Bovon, NTTh, i. pp. 47-198;
Harnack, HD, i. §§ 3, 4 ; and Gardner, Explor. Evangelica, p. 478 f.
2 Especially in the fourth gospel, it is not easy to determine always where
the record ends and the interpretation begins, either in regard to the sayings or
to the events. For the latter, cp. a significant concession from the conservative
side by Dr. Sanday (Contemporary Review, October 1891) ; also his articles in
Exp.4 iv., v., in reply to Schurer's Vorirag.
3 For their use as addresses in the church of the second century, cp.
Justin Martyr's Apol. i. 67. On this "historical" element and its religious
significance for modern faith, cp. Prof. Mackintosh's Essays tow. New Theology,
pp. 384-396, and Herrmann's Verkehr (Eng. tr.), pp. 56-64, 177-183, with his

22 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
this factor of contemporary and practical reference, partly
deliberate and partly unconscious, are involved the selection,
omission, alteration, and addition of incidents and sayings in
the tradition of Christ's life, possibly the creation of certa.ii
scenes, the naive and actual attribution to him of ideas which
were ultimately due to his spirit (as the later OT writers
anticipate the course of development, and attribute to the
pioneers and founders of Israel institutions and ideas which
actually represent the later issues of their influence on the
nation), the standpoint from which he is viewed in relation to
Jew and Gentile, the hopes and experiences by which his life
is coloured, and finally, the arrangement of the whole story.
In many cases the authors could not help being subservient
to the general tone and spirit of their age, or of the particular
circle in which they moved. In some cases we can see they
did not care to be indifferent. Even the opening words of
Mark are a reminder that the evangelic motive 1 in composition
was devotional and didactic (to narrate history as " a normal
precedent for religious belief and conduct " : Zeller), and it
was natural — indeed necessary — that the visible and pressing
interests of the church should occasionally dominate and
modify their minds 2 as they worked upon the materials of
the record. They express and they interpret. As will he
noticed below, the variety of the synoptic gospels implies
even more than this general atmosphere. Either their sources
existed in very divergent forms — that is to say, different re
censions had come into circulation under the memory and
creative spirit of the primitive church to meet varied require-
article in ZThK (1S92), pp. 232-273. The topic is often discussed in contem
porary Ritschlianism. Also Kahler, Der sogen. historische Jesus u. der geschicht-
liche, Ublische Christus, " Die Evangelienalsbiographische Quellen," pp. 14-127.
1 Renan (Les Evangiles, p. 441) : Ecrire l'histoire ad narrandum, non ad
probandum, est un fait de curiosite d_sint<.ressee, dont il n'y a pas d'exempleanx
<_poches creatrices de la foi. Cp. the important paragraphs in von Soden's essay,
" Das Interesse des apost. Zeitalters an der evang. Geschichte " (ThA, pp.
135-165), and Rcischle's article, ZThK (1 5 97), pp. 171-261.
2 The failure to make tangible allowance for this reflex influence exerted
upon the gospels by the age of their composition, is one flaw in Keim's great
study of Jesus. No attempt to understand the age of Jesus or the age of the
apostles will prosper if it uses the gospels as absolutely achromatic documents.

PROLEGOMENA 23
ments — or the insight of criticism must be carried further on,
past the common atmosphere, to clear up the individual char
acteristics which are prominent in each gospel. This latter
method of research into their idiosyncrasies and predilec
tions holds true, quite apart from questions of their author
ship. Unless these extant peculiarities are merely differences
which have previously grown up in a varied tradition, and
been more or less unconsciously transcribed by an editor from
his sources (as, e.g., Weizsacker inclines to imagine, AA, ii. pp.
32-71), they must be due chiefly to his own initiative and
personal intuitions. The motives of this initiative are often
hard to discover. But the variations 1 can usually be explained
by considerations of the unconscious affinities and conscious
prejudices of the writer through whose mind the truth was
filtered, the special requirements of the circle for which he
was writing, and the character (not to say the amount) of the
sources to which he had access, and in the use of which he
exercised his own discretion. Several of these prepossessions;
are quite patent, e.g. Matthew's delight in making Jesus ful-j
fil the Messianic role (Baldensperger, Selbstbewusstsein Jesu2.
pp. 46—67), his antagonism to the libertine tendencies of
Gentile Christians (722 1341 2412) in Asia Minor, and his
general reflection of a more liberal Jewish Christianity, such
as that for which Peter furnished the prototype ; along with
Luke's («) palpable interest in the Twelve who become
1 Every historian works by a similar process of sifting and selection, which
is regulated partly by his own point of view, partly by the materials which he
has at his command. He chooses certain definite aspects, brings the central
elements into prominence, and keeps the ancillary in due subordination. For
a brilliant and sane discussion, in English, chiefly of the Lucan variations and
characteristics, cp. Professor Bruce's Kingdom of God (5th ed. 1893), espec.
pp. 1-37 ; Carpenter's First Three Gospels (2nd ed. 1894), a careful, lucid sketch,
written mainly from the standpoint of Pfieiderer's Urchristenthum, covers a
wider field. Havet's paragraphs are dominated as usual by an ultra-radical
scepticism (Le Christianisme et ses Origines, iv. pp. 225-296), and add little or
nothing to the classical discussion in Weizsaeker's Untersuchungen uber die
evangeliscke Geschichte2 (1891), erster Theil. In a recent work, Horae
Synopticae (1899), the Rev. Sir John C. Hawkins, Bart., has made a candid and
original attempt on scientific lines to exhibit statistically the linguistic evidence
of tho synoptic gospels, with its characteristics and implicates ; and Wernle's
Synoptische Frage (1899), pp. 1-108, is a reliable summary of the whole case.

24 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
" apostles " in his pages, and are less unflinchingly treated
than in the preceding gospels (cp. the omission of Mk IO35,
Mt 2020, and the insertion of airo tjj? Xvttt??, Lk 2245b),
his (b) more frequent use of the term "Lord" (/cvpoos) for
Jesus upon earth, and (c) his abridgment of Christ's polemic
against contemporary Pharisaism. But explicit or not, the
fact of variation in temper and attitude among the synoptists
is conspicuous and irrefragable. Instances are too numerous
and familiar to require quotation. They can be found in any
good edition of the gospels. Still it is of essential importance
to keep the general principle steadily in mind as one reads
the historical narratives, so as to understand by dint of
legitimate inference the bent and motive of the author. Each
gospel has a cachet of its own, as it gives not a mere repro
duction of external objects and past events, but the writer's
attitude to these and his impressions of them. Each is looking
back into the previous history. But the way in which each
looks on things necessarily qualifies the character of the
narrative ; and the amount of qualification that is due to this
refraction, whether serious or insignificant, is far from being
uniform. The relationship between each writer and the
subject varied with the personal endowment and environment
of the former. Their common business was to exhibit the
actual life of Jesus impressively, to stir the inward vision, to
raise the mind, to discipline the conscience ; yet none could
carry througli the task without allowing some characteristic
infusion of personal hopes, convictions, and experiences to
affect the form and even the contents of the narrative (cp.
Holtzmann, NTTh, i. pp. 28-110, 399-453, and Brandt's too
radical discussion, Die evangclische Geschichte u. der Ursprung
des Christenthums, 1 8 9 3, pp. 5 1 2-5 5 0 ; also M. Arnold's litera
ture and Dogma, chaps. v.,vi. ; Toy, Christianity and. Judaism,
chaps, ii., iii. ; and Cone, Gospel Criticism, 1891, pp. 291-336).
A partial illustration of the same process can be found in
Paradise Lost. Milton's epic is no political pamphlet, nor is
it a religious treatise. Yet it is impossible to miss in its
dialogues and descriptions either the theology of current
Puritanism with its controversies and abstractions, or the

PROLEGOMENA 25
republican tendencies by which the author's conceptions of
government were shaped, or finally his instinctive distrust for
the intellectual passion wakened by the Benaissance. These
elements could not be kept out. They do not form a cardinal
feature of the poem, but they cannot be neglected by any
one who wishes to frame an estimate either of the epic or of
its age. A history of the NT, then, would be simply unintelligible
if it were severed from any conception of the tendencies and
habits existing in that Christian society of which the NT
literature is at once an outcome and a reflection. To become
legible these books need the context of the religious situa
tion. The significance and connection of the writings cannot
be fully grasped until these are approached with some
adequate idea of the whole Christian movement during the
first and second centuries. From the historical standpoint,
Luther's touchstone for an apostolic writing, namely, " Does
it preach and urge Christ ? " hits off more accurately than
many pseudo-literary standards the essential characteristics of
the literature ; for that literature sprang from the memory
and devotion of a Christian consciousness which was at once
the product and the partial expression of the self-conscious
ness of Jesus. This is true of gospels and epistles alike.
When those early Christians wrote of themselves and to
themselves, they reflected him. When they reported and
pictured him, they revealed their inner selves in hints and
stray suggestions. The epistles presuppose this personal
relation and religious motive, rising as a rule out of previous
intercourse between writer and readers, and forming the
substitute for that (2 Th 22 314 ; 2 Jn 12, Jud 3).1 But
. a similar characteristic is not absent even from the historical
i narratives, which have their affinities with the epistles
1 It is hardly correct to define the post- Pauline epistle as the literary form
; of an evangelical writing in which an unknown writer came into relations with
an unknown public comprising practically the whole of Christendom. It is
|[ certainly nearer a religious treatise than a letter ; but the epistles preserved in
li Apoc. 2-3, to say nothing of Heb 13'-end and 2-3 John, demand a closer
ti definition. On the epistolary form of the NT letters, see F. Zimmer's careful
' analysis, ZKWL (1886), 443-453.

26 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
pretty much as the books of Samuel and Kings are ranked
among the early Hebrew prophets; they interpret, urge,
comment, explain.1 In no case is their object merely the
presentment of an impersonal record or chronicle, written by
a man out of close touch with contemporary life. As it
has often been remarked, their motto- might be the words, etc
¦n-Lo-Tewc; 6.9 -tticttiv. Their general purpose is not to convert.
On the contrary, presupposing a certain knowledge of Jesus
and faith in him, they aim at developing these by portraying
Christ's words and deeds with especial reference to the
homely and practical exigencies of present life : 2 —
"Where truth in closest words shall fail,
When truth embodied in a tale
Shall enter in at lowly doors."
The third gospel bears on the face of it a personal and
didactic aim (Lk l1-4, Ac l1-2), and this applies to its sequel
(cp. r)fia$ Ac 1422). The fourth gospel also was composed
for the religious needs of a circle whieh was definite and
familiar to the author (Jo 2030-31; cp. also the traditions of
its origin, Euseb. HE, vi. 14, and the Murat. Canon). Mark
and Matthew lack any formal indication of such a purpose.
But as far back as the stream of tradition can be followed, it
is remarkable that both are made to depend upon original
sources which share this very characteristic. Mark, the com
panion and interpreter of Peter, is reported by Papias to have
put into writing the reminiscences of that apostle as these
were addressed to the Boman Christians and adapted to their
religious needs (o? irpb<; tc\<; -^pela^ i-Trotelro t«? 8i&acnca\la<;,
Euseb. HE, iii. 39). To this report Clement of Alexandria
1 The strange occurrence of "you'' in a professedly historical writ.Dg
(Jo 1935 2031) implies an audience, though the corresponding "I" is never
expressed. "It is the speech of the preacher before an assembled church"
(Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 467, 476).
2 On the priority of the moral and religious interests to the historical,
Jowett has some sensible remarks : Plato, vol. iii. pp. xxxvii-xxxviii. A
similar motive dominates the Nikomaehean Ethics (I. 2, 5, it. 2, VI. 5),
where Aristotle repeatedly explains that his aim is to determine conduct as well
as to propound theory.

PROLEGOMENA 27
adds " a tradition of the former presbyters," that Mark wrote
thus at the direct instigation and request of many of Peter's
hearers, to whom the gospel was subsequently delivered (Euseb.
HE, vi. 14). Matthew, according to Eusebius (HE, iii. 24),
preached formerly to Hebrews : " When he was about to go to
others as well, he committed to writing his gospel (rb Kar avrov
evayyeXiov), and thus, by his writing, filled up the want which
his absence made among those he left behind." These frag
ments of evidence drawn from the traditions upon the origin
of the gospels or from the gospels themselves, corroborate
the view by which these writings are regarded as immediately,
and in the same sense, if not to the same degree or in the
same form, as the epistles, the outcome and transcript of a
definitely religious situation. Their raison d'etre lay in the
authoritative and binding power exercised by the words of
Jesus over the primitive community from the very beginning,
as well as in the need, stirred by exigencies of time and
place, for possessing that standard in an accessible and fairly
uniform shape, for the purpose of personal conduct, missionary
enterprise, and religious nourishment. The gospels, in fact,
are the first Christian creed : they are the naive expression
of the creed in history.
This aspect of the gospels requires to be thrown into
relief. Historical writing implies inquiry behind it, and
inquiry is the outcome of certain needs. It was not that
the evangelic writers composed their stories with a moral.
The story itself was the moral. The general end for which
they wrote was invariably the same ; they undertook the
task, not as chroniclers reporting a series of past events,
nor as literary artists sketching a picture of action,
nor even as pupils reproducing a master's words and
orders, but simply to train and foster the faith of men in
Jesus. There was no thought of gratifying curiosity, still
less of formally putting before the world trustworthy records
of that faith or of presenting disquisitions upon its issues and
origin. The audiences of the evangelists had other needs.
For them Christ's words were the primary religious authority.
They required to possess these words in a form at once

28 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
intelligible, reliable, and applicable to common life; and as
they could not love and obey an unknown being, however
heavenly and glorious, Jesus had to be set before them as a
human character, whose actions and interests were the main
channel of his self-expression. How were Christians in the
apostolic age to behave to the Jewish authorities, to the
current standards and practices of religion, to civil require
ments, to outsiders in their district, to their families, to the
state ? How were they to conduct themselves in mission-
tours, when arraigned before magistrates, in view of the
Jewish law ? Answers to these and a host of other more
theoretical questions were sought and found in what Jesus
was reported to have said and done. Yet in a large number
of cases the precise questions and problems took a form
which could hardly have existed except in the experience of
the apostolic age, when the early Christians were thrown
upon their own resources in view of an unlooked for future,
and confronted with the task of energetic propaganda.
Written thus, from and for the practical religious interests of
the Church, it was inevitable that this characteristic should
in a measure affect the contents of the gospels.1 It is
satisfactory to find this frankly recognised even in Mark by
so moderate a critic as Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 248, 249, "Die
Biicksicht auf die Erbauung und das Streben nach Verdeut-
lichung schliesst die peinlich genaue Wiederholung der vor
Jahren unter ganz anderen Verhaltnissen gesprochenen Worte
Jesu aus"). He notices ical evetcev rod evayye\iov (835 IO29),
227 838 91 103o_ 13i_ 1458; and particularly 9" (or. Xptcrov
eare) ; sayings in all of which we hear the voice of the ^
1 Even the structure of a gospel like Matthew shows traces of numerical
arrangement (fives and sevens, e.g.), introduced in order to facilitate its use as
a catechism, or simply preserved from sources used for such a purpose (cp.
Horae Synopticae, pp. 131-136, for instances of this Jewish habit). The aim of
furnishing a code or series of regulations upon various points of Christian
conduct is reflected in passages such as Clem. Rom. xiii. ; Did. i. Reville calls
attention to the didactic and sevenfold grouping of the speeches in Matthew :
(i.) the new law, 53-727 ; (ii.) apostolic instructions, g37"38 IO5"16- 33-"2 ; (iii.) foes,
n7-i.. -i-ao 12!4-__. ... so. 37-39 . {iv) parables of the kingdom; 131-52 . (y.) relation
ships within the kingdom, IS2"7- J"-23 201"16 2123"27 221'6- 8"14 ; (vi.) woes, 23;
(vii.) eschatology, 2411"12- 26"28- 37"5i 25.

PROLEGOMENA 29
apostolic preacher or church, the echo of the years that followed
Christ's death, not the very voice of Jesus. Zahn attributes
these less to inexactness upon the part of the writer of the
gospel, than to the free reproduction of Christ's words in the
apostolic preaching upon which the author drew, although he
must be considered to have more than once abbreviated his
sources (e.g. at l13). Such examples of free handling are
obvious and familiar ; they may be safely taken as an irre
ducible minimum. Indeed, without falling into arbitrariness,
criticism may add, as it has often added, considerably to their
number and extent. And if this be the case with Mark,
the most primitive and free from tendency among the gospels,
how much more likely is it that such features are to be found
in the later books. " Even Luke, who, of the three, stands
nearest to us children of the West and of the new age, in
virtue of his more national talent, education, and purpose,
even he could not have said of his work, tov crvyypacpiais
epyov ev cb? kirpcvyQrj elrrelv (Lucian, Hist. Conscr. 39)."
See further, Zahn's essay in ZKWL (1888), pp. 581-596, on
" Der Geschichtschreiber und sein Stoff im NT." As for
Judaism, Mr. Schechter observes, it " bowed before truth, but
it never made a covenant with facts only because they were
facts. History had to be re-made, and to sanctify itself
before it found its way into the sacred annals " (Studies in
Judaism, p. xxv).
This fact of their practical motive helps also to explain
why the personal element appears to have been blanched
away from the gospels. " We cannot discover any expression
. of interior feelings which the writers experienced in painting
the life of their Master. There is no enthusiasm, no cry of
admiration, no private reflections" (Didon). As we read
their pages, it requires some effort to think of their authors
at all. They are not readily conceived as compositions
skilfully drawn up and executed. While characteristics and
tendencies are betrayed in each, betrayed sometimes without
very much disguise, none of them gives any direct clue to the
individuality of the author's mind. When the Johannine
authorship is accepted, the fourth gospel forms a doubtful

30 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
exception; but there can be no mistake about the others.
Even in the case of the third gospel, where tradition has
done most, not only for the question of the authorship, but also
for the personal traits and character of the author, the stand
point, notwithstanding, is hardly less objective than in its pre
decessors. This apparent absence of personal colouring points
back to one cause. It is not due to the overmastering
impression of the contents, nor to any supposed transmission
of Divine truth in its highest phases through channels which
must lie apart from the media of human f eelings and ideas, as
though reflection were alien to inspiration ; nor are the authors'
names concealed as were those of the Gottes Freunde in the
fourteenth century, lest pride of authorship should form a
spiritual peril. These anonymous gospels 1 simply represent to
a large extent the final shape given to collections of evangelic
matter which had been previously composed by and for mem
bers belonging to the general body of the Christian societies.
The evangelic writings, as a consequence, are almost entirely
lacking in the personal interest which attaches to individuality
of authorship. Their object and environment told against it.
But they are personal in a wider sense. They can all be
identified with the utterances of reflection, emotion, and
practical experience throughout the circles of early Chris
tianity, as these were stirred by the person and the spirit of
Jesus (cp. especially Holsten's Die syn. Evangelien nach der
Form Hires Inhalts, 1886).2
Thus, either as historical narratives or as letters, the NT
writings are an explicit result of living intercourse and
mutual service within the Christian communities. Ua/.acW..
and /jtaprvptov are the two words that characterise their con-
1 For some early difficulties (quod nee ab ipso scriptum constat nee ab
eius apostolis, sed longo post tempore a quibusdam incerti nominis viris) raised
by this feature of the gospels, see the interesting correspondence of Augustine
and Faustus (especially xxxii., xxxiii.).
2 Holsten's particular views, however, are less convincing than his general
method of treatment. The dogmatic principles which differentiate the gospels
are, in his opinion, threefold— (a) the Pauline ; (b) the Jewish-Christian ; and
(c) the anti-Pauline ; but recent criticism has moved away from such emphasis
upon tendencies within the early church.

PROLEGOMENA 31
tent. The literature represents, as it were, a further and
supplementary phase of that social vitality in which the
few were called upon to supply instruction and personal
stimulus for the rest. In this respect the NT literature
attaches itself to the prophetic sections of the Hebrew Canon.
So far as the character and motives of the writings are con
cerned, the religious continuity is genuine. Old and new
alike specify a life, with its complex of relationships and
responsibilities, in which recourse to authorship occurs neither
along the line of a merely literary impulse, nor among the
initial and primary conditions of the religious movement.
Consequently there is significance even in the gaps which
precede and divide the groups of writings. They excite legiti
mate conjecture and surmise. They indicate the presence of
tendencies and forces not yet articulate, apart from which the
subsequent literature is inexplicable. The epistles, and more
especially the gospels, are results. Like the silence of the
persons now and then in the dramas of Aeschylus, the very
absence of historical expression (for example, in the first forty
years of the Christian religion) is pregnant with meaning.
Little is articulate, yet much is being done. A full and fair
estimate of this unrecorded period conduces greatly to the
appreciation of the subsequent writings, which at once
presuppose it and throw back light upon it; they become
intelligible when they are viewed as the outcome of a process
and progress which is suggested by the very appearance of
their origin.
The synoptic gospels, then, are the resultant of several
factors. They represent not merely the contemporary feeling
and opinion actually abroad within Christian circles between
70 and 100, but also the processes of reflection, the dominant
interests and activities of faith, the mental and devotional
attitude to Jesus, which must have been current through the
: memory and teaching of the early Christians during the years
that intervened between 30 and 70. And this, not ex-
', clusively in the primitive Jerusalem or Palestinian circles.
, The claims of realism and the historical Jesus were evidently
^ felt even by some who were in sympathy with the main

32 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
positions of Paulinism.1 It is natural to regard Paul " in his
passion for ideas and apparent indifference to biographic detail,
as an exception, and to think of the majority of his followers
as men who, while sympathising with his universalism, shared
in no small measure the common Jewish realism" (Bruce,
ExGT, i. pp. 13-15). This is a valid and attractive supposi
tion, though it lacks definite evidence. It is doubtless a
shrewd surmise, like the similar suggestion of Weizsacker, that
Paul had collaborateurs, Barnabas, Apollos, and others, whose
independent but allied work in the sphere of dogma helped
the later fusion of Jewish-Christian and Gentile tendencies.
Certainly there is significance at least in the tradition which
attributes the earliest narrative of the historical Jesus to
one (Mark) who was a coadjutor and adherent of Paul, and
the third gospel to his companion and physician Luke.2 But
whatever may have been the extent of this retrospective
interest, its surviving products are to be viewed as authorities
for the apostolic age; they give evidence of a widespread
instinct which had arisen for the historical Jesus, and also of the
1 On the "historical Christ" of Paul, see especially Dr. Matheson's
suggestive papers, Exp.2 i., pp. 43 f., 125 f., 264 f., 352 f., 431 f. ; ii., pp. 27 f.,
137 f., 287 f., 357 f. ; Schmoller's essay, SK (1894), pp. 656-705, and the mono
graph by Roos (Die Briefe d. Apostels Po.ul. wad die Reden Jesu, 1887). It is
unfortunate that a passage like Eph 42"-21 ("as the truth is in Jesus") cannot
be safely used as evidence for Paul's ideas, since it would in that case prove
that he felt the need of emphasising the decisive authority of the historical
Jesus. Otherwise, if sub-Pauline, it corroborates the far from imaginary
danger prevalent in spite of the synoptic tradition, by which Jesus came to be
evaporated into a metaphysical and shadowy abstraction (2 Jn 7, 1 Jn 42> 3, etc.).
Hence the need of historical records. It is true that much later again Doketism
and historical composition became allies (_. g. the gospel of Peter), but there can
be little doubt that this subsequent disposition to record and yet undervalue the
humanity of the actual Christ was kin to the earlier tendency which found
little gain in preserving any connection with the historical base of Christianity.
2 Modern estimates of Luke as an author vary from eulogy to depreciatory
criticism. A rather sensible and moderate view of his learning is that of Blass:
Mutatis mutandis fere de eo diei poterit quod de Sophocle dixit Ion Chius : .&
iroXiTLKa. (in rebus ecclesiae) oijre crowds oi/re beKr-qpios fy, d\X' ... &.v tis ets ruf
XfinarCiv 'A.6nvaiuv (Christianorum) . . . omnino, cum ad minora minimaque
descenderis, evanescit ars, apparet saepe incuria ; nam perpolitus scriptor neque
est Lucas neque esse voluit. The last three words, however, are somewhat
gratuitous.

PROLEGOMENA 3 3
chief tendencies which that instinct was obliged to satisfy or
to correct. The gospels were not composed in the interstellar
spaces. They are derivative and expressive. They betray, on
page after page, their age and situation in a breathing world
of human facts and feelings. In the phrase of the old Jewish
theosophy, the upper Light never comes down unclothed ; and
even the gospels, which transmit the light of lights, are clothed
upon.1 In their pages the period of Jesus and the period of
the growing church meet : 2 to unravel the one it is necessary
to use inferences drawn from the other. It is for reasons and
objects like these that the gospels have been placed in this
edition strictly in accordance with the principle of their
literary growth. Such general considerations as have been
adduced or remain to be noticed, justify, it is thought, the
printing of these evangelic records after the Pauline epistles,
in spite of the fact that the latter presuppose the main
events and ideas which find expression in the former.
Admittedly there is a slight embarrassment in reaching
and maintaining this attitude. A set of (evangelic) facts,
A, is followed in the order of time by a set (apostolic), B ; but
the literary record (a) of A may be composed subsequently to
A
that (/3) of B. Hence the series should come to be B P,

1 See Martineau's chapter, "The Veil Taken Away," Seat of Authority, pp.
573-601. 2 The work of distinguishing these is the great problem set to the historical
sense in dealing with the gospels. Martineau (Seat qf Authority, p. 577) lays
down three canons to be applied by competent historical feeling: (1) "When
ever, during or before the ministry of Jesus, any person in the narrative is
made to speak in language, or refer to events, which had their origin at a later
date, the report is incredible as an anachronism." (2) "Miraculous events
cannot be regarded as adequately attested, in presence of natural causes
accounting for belief in their occurrence." (3) "Acts and words ascribed to
Jesus which plainly transcend the moral level of the narrators authenticate
themselves as his ; while such as are out of character with his spirit, but con
gruous with theirs, must be referred to inaccurate tradition." It is obvious,
however, that the whole value of these rules depends upon their definition and
application. They will always be taken according to the presuppositions of
each critic, and are apt to be used in a rather subjective fashion. At the same
time, their general standpoint is of course unimpeachable.
3

34 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
if the strict chronological order of documents is to be pre
served, and the fact disengaged from its record. The
apparent confusion thus occasioned has simply to be reckoned
with ; its adjustment is part of the mental discipline required
as a preliminary to historical study. In regard to the NT
where a = the gospels, and j3 (roughly) = the epistles of Paul,
the church rightly and naturally has reverted to the scheme
A a
— , practically ignoring the documents upon the side of
B /3
their literary birth. The difficulty thus occasioned and
increased by the canon will be noticed later on. Meanwhile
it is enough to remark that historical study cannot dispense
A
with the scheme B /3. Its earnest endeavour at the outset
a
is to consider each writing, especially if it be directly
historical, in the atmosphere of its own age, and as a possible,
though never a very minute, clue to contemporary life. That
determined, it can venture to proceed back and use the book
as a guide to previous events. A writing is never intelligible
unless we read it as close as possible to the situation
at which it was composed. Then the significance of its
contents appears — the omissions which at first surprise us,
the selection of incidents, the grouping of sayings, the stress
put upon this crisis and that, the pragmatism, the general
idealisation. Hence the value of this historical method in
two directions. To ascertain the contemporary reference is
of service not merely for its own sake, for the light thus
gained in the task of deciphering the conditions of the age,
but also for the sake of the retrospective reference. De
pendence can be placed upon the historicity of a writing only
after one has thoroughly weighed and allowed for the amount
of later tendency which may have affected it. A classic
instance of tbe former gain is to be seen (Weizsacker, AA,
ii. pp. 32-69, etc.; Hausrath, ii. 147-156; Beville, ii. p.
149 f., etc.) in the partial reconstruction of the earlier
apostolic age, 30-70 A.D., out of the materials presented in
the synoptic gospels. The latter gain is most obvious,

PROLEGOMENA 35
perhaps, in the case of the fourth gospel, which contains a
reflection of traits and tones in the stir and drift of Asiatic
Christianity towards the close of the first century,1 under
the pressure of Hellenistic speculation and of Judaistic con
troversy. The book is intelligible as a reproduction of the
primitive tradition only when it is taken upon the basis of
a careful estimate of that reflection. Put in a diagram, the
result comes out thus : —
\90 4- 110 y
29 A.D. - ~ Fourth Gospel

/90 4ll0\

This environment of the fourth gospel embraces points like
these : the controversy of Christianity with Judaism upon
the OT as a religious codex and creed, accentuated between
70 and 150 (103S_S6, etc.) ; the general rivalry2 with Judaism
upon the score of authority and prestige ; the relation of
Christianity to John the baptizer and his followers (19£- 322f-,
etc.) — a practical problem 3 which had already agitated the
church (e.g. Ac 191-10) — the relation of Christianity to the
Samaritans (Lk, Ac, Jo 4), with their tradition and religious
1 Cp. Westcott, Gospel of St. John, Introd. pp. xxxv-xl ; Wrede, Ueber
Anfgabe «.. Metliode der sog. NTTh (1898), pp. 33-41, 73-76 ; Weizsacker,
Untersuchuncjen2 (1891), erstcr Theil, AA, ii. pp. 206-236; Havet, Le
Christianisme et ses origines (1884), iv. p. 345 f. ; Bruckner, Die vier
Evangelien nach dem gegenwartigen Stande der Evgiien.-Kritik (1887); and most
recently Holtzmann, NTTh, ii. pp. 351-389, besides the full discussions in
Thoma, Die Genesis des Johannes-Evangeliums (1882), pp. 771-784 ; Wendt,
Das Johannes- Evangelium (1900), pp. 216-228 ; Wernle, ZNW (1900), pp.
52-64 ; and Cone, The Gospel and its Interpretations, pp. 267-317.
2 The deftness with which the Jewish opponents of Jesus are made to
further his dialectic triumph (especially in chaps, v.-ix.) reflects the contem
porary polemic of the author and his age. It has been rightly compared to the
similar phenomenon in the Sokratic dialogues of Plato, where "the opponents
of Socrates are usually lay figures skilfully arranged as a foil to set forth the
method and the teaching of the great philosopher " (Dr. Gardner, Explor.
Evang. p. 165).
3 A point worked out with conspicuous ability, though not without some
exaggeration (Holtzmann, ThLz (1899), 202 f.), by Baldensperger in his Prolog
des vierten Evglms. Scin polemisch-apologetische Zweck (1897).

36 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
propaganda ; to Hellenism with its philosophical temper,
especially — as the mention of Philip implies (1222) — in Asia
Minor (Euseb. HE, iii. 31. 3, v. 24. 2); also the questions of
baptism (3) and the Lord's supper (6). These and numerous
other burning topics of interest and difficulty in the early
church are reflected, as the first century drew to a close, in
this notable philosophy of early Christian religion,1 "a
treatise illustrated by history " (Liddon), and are essential to
its interpretation. Hawthorne warns the readers of his
Twice-Told Tales, that if they would see anything in the book
they must read it " in tbe clear brown twilight atmosphere
in which it was written ; if opened in the sunshine, it is apt
to look exceedingly like a volume of blank pages." The
fourth gospel also must be read in the light of its age and
environment : not as an attempt to write a concrete biography
of Jesus, but as the outcome of reflection upon the past in
the evening of primitive Christianity.
The point to be pressed then is, that the principle of this
historical method is sound, and that it is silently and necessarily
assumed as a criterion in all serious work upon early Chris
tian life and literature. What requires to be brought out is
the need of mental adjustment to the preliminary and some
what subtle task of regarding not merely the epistles, but also
the NT historical narratives (more specially the gospels), not
as they superficially stand, but as successive although indirect
records of an experience and consciousness within the early
church, which has itself to be partially deciphered from their
contents. Curiously enough, it is within this consciousness
again that one of the supreme clues lies for determining the
situation and significance of these very records. Such an
aspect, by which book and age are correlated, is not the point
of historical research. But it is one point in it, and a point
1 But the fourth gospel was not the sole reservoir of this novel method of
teaching. Outside of it, before as well as subsequently, a tradition flourished
which may be called "Johannine," i.e. a circle of expressions and ideas of which
traces are to be found in the synoptists no less than in Ignatius and the pastoral
epistles. This evidence points to a common phase of thought of which the fourth
gospel was the supreme and classical product, but not to a literary connection
between such different writers (von der Goltz, TU, xii. 3, pp. 118 f., 168 f.).

PROLEGOMENA 37
that requires attention. Pound an author in those days were
living men and women. He wrote of the past, indeed, with
a straight and high purpose in his mind. But he wrote for
this contemporary circle, with its pressure and its tendencies ;
the truer he was to his function as a writer, the less he could
be indifferent to these.
At the same time the bearing of this principle upon the
NT writers as a source of deviation, is considerably less than
might be looked for. It is not nearly so much, at any rate, as is
evident in the case of their contemporaries, Tacitus and Josephus.
The difference between them, indeed, is so great in degree, that
it becomes almost a difference in kind ; a fact which lends some
plausibility to the position of those who object to ranking the
NT historians within the same class as those or other ancient
writers. It is tempting, certainly, to isolate them, and apply
different standards to their productions. For, as one may be
reminded, the relation of a narrator to the subject of his
narrative has two possible phases. In the one case he has
facts ; then the main problem concerns his method of treating
them. In the other, he is often dependent upon imagination
and inventive power for even the so-called facts which under
lie his pages. We are familiar with instances of the former
class, in which, through passion or prejudice, ancient writers
failed to do justice to their subject (Tacit. Ann. 1), or in
which the work of modern historians has been perceptibly
dominated, not so much by a strong interest in the past for its
own sake, as by an irrepressible desire to covertly exalt, or
warn, or vilify some aspect of the men and things by which
they were themselves surrounded. Good instances of the
latter class again are to be found even in the later Jewish
apocrypha and apocalyptic. In that field authors seem to
have used the licence of imagination in order to freely handle
past events, and thereby clothe, or prove, or support ideas
and tendencies which belonged to their own age. By neither
propensity can it be fairly said that the NT historical writers
were unduly biassed. Their world and work indeed lay
within the sphere of conditions which made excesses of that
kind possible ; but their very juxtaposition with such forms

38 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of literary violence and vagrancy shows the almost infinit
esimal extent to which their writings were affected. Infinit
esimal, that is to say, when one speaks comparatively. For the
amount of such a contemporary legitimate influence, even if it
be small, is real ; 1 and the demand for an estimate of it is
compatible with a desire to do the fullest justice to the
historicity and trustworthiness of the total narrative. Many
estimates of the gospels and their contents really remind one
of the phrase with which it used to be said the older school
of political economists opened their argument : " Suppose a
man upon a desert island." No discussion on the gospels will
lead to satisfactory results by any similar isolation of the
literature from the interests and activities of the apostolic
age. The histories of the NT are no abstract pictures of the
past, and their contents are to be rightly orientated only by a
criticism which stands between and beyond the conception of
1Cp. Bruce, Apologetics, pp. 448-465 ; Cone, Gospel Criticism, pp. 337-353;
and Julicher, Einl. §29, "Der Wert der Syn. als Gesehicht_quellen," a well-
balanced discussion : also Zahn (Einl. ii. p. 220 f.). After praising Matthew's
gospel for the magnitude of conception and the able management of a great
theme, which make it superior to any other historical work in the OT or the
NT, or even in the literature of antiquity, the last-named proceeds to point
out with equal justice that it does not represent a historical work, in the Greek
sense of the term. " Was man Geschichte erzahlen nennt, versucht Mt kaum."
Cp. his instances (pp. 286-289), from Matthew's treatment of the stories and the
payings of Jesus, quoted to illustrate the author's free handling and polemical
purpose. "The work is a historical apology of the Nazarene and his church
against Judaism." Such a positiou is true, so far. But it requires to be supple
mented (a) by a widening of the writing's scope. The audience in view probably
embraced much greater variety of feeling and opinion than was to be found in a
purely Jewish-Christian circle, (b) Also the sovereign freedom with which the
author handled his material, is considerably more thorough and detailed (e.g.
Weizsacker and Jiilicher). for a standard discussion of the whole subject, cp.
Holtzmann's Synopt. Ecglica. pp. 377-514, and for an essay upon the gospels
as the outcome of early Christian apologetic, Wernle, ZNW (1900), pp. 42-65.
AVendland (Beitrijgc, "Philo und die kynische-Stoische Diatribe," pp. 1-6), after
defining "Diatribe" as "die in zwanglosen, leichtem Gespraehston gehaltene,
abgegrenzte Behandlung eines einzelnen philosophischen, meist ethischen Satzes,"
proceeds to point out that the polemic and conversational tone easily led to the
sermon or address. "Und wenn neutestamentlichen Schriften manche Begriffe
und Ideen, Stilformen und Vergleiche mit der philosophischen Litteratur ge-
meinsam sind, so ist es nicht ausgeschlossen, dass die Diatribe schon auf Stiicke
der urchristlichen Litteratur einen gewissen Einfluss ausgeiibt hat, den man sich
nicht einmal litterarisch vermittelt zu denken braucht."

PROLEGOMENA 39
them as mere annals, and the equally crude notion that they
are the free products of an inventive imagination.
It follows that if the favourite paradox be legitimate —
" the epistles are also gospels " — there is equally a sense in
which it might be said that " the gospels are also epistles."
As the preface to the third gospel openly indicates, the
immediate instruction and impulse which it was the function
of the oral teaching (and consequently of the epistles) to
supply, tended to pass into another religious need, namely,
acquaintance with the events and teaching which formed
tho basis of the faith. This need was finally met not by
catechists, but by authors. The epistles were reinforced by
the gospels in the common task of religious edification, and in
the latter writings traces of their audience and object are still
to be discovered, e.g. the comments of the evangelist (Mk 330
719, etc.), their explanations and notes, their obvious wish to
correct misunderstandings and prevent misconceptions, their
selection of homiletic material, their grouping of narratives
and sayings to throw light on contemporary difficulties and
facilitate mnemonic retentiveness. The recollection of this
intrinsic element will serve to correct any extravagant use
of a popular and modern theory which plays off the gospels
against the epistles, the former being hailed as undogmatic,
impervious to theological reflection, the undefiled sources of
genuine Christianity. This tendency has sprung, it is true,
from a natural and wholesome reaction. But the reaction
has gone quite far enough, when the gospels are practically
regarded as if they were records composed during the life
time of Jesus, or as if they contained an absolutely objective
representation of his teaching, and could be compared — in
point of value and authority — with the other writings of the
NT, considerably to the disadvantage of the latter. There is
a sense in which a primal facie view like this has a truth of
its own. But it is a mischief and disaster to imagine that
even the gospels are insulated from contemporary extraneous
influences, or that their world is inherently different from
the world of the epistles. Gospels and epistles alike are
children of what is substantially the same age. They worked

40 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
for similar ends. They differ utterly in form, but it is a
historical rupture to make out of this difference a clever and
false antithesis, finding in the one the religion of Jesus Christ,
and in the other the Christian religion. Apart from the fact
that the extant gospels, and even the main sources from which
they derive, were not composed until at least nine or ten of
the chief epistles had been written, the facts of their age and
the feelings of their authors could not be wholly obliterated
from their pages; and certainly they cannot be passed over
in a study of these pages. In undervaluing or absolutely
ignoring their subjective and didactic elements, there is neither
faith nor philosophy. One might even say, for example, that
Peter speaks through Mark's gospel no less than through his
own epistle, certainly as authentically as in the speeches
attributed to him in Acts ; also that the third gospel, no less
than the Thessalonian epistles, has in its pages something of
the breath and mind of Paul. In fact, the slightest con
sideration of the circumstances in which the epistles and the
gospels were composed, will keep in check a method which
is a specious and well-intentioned endeavour to conserve the
essence of Christianity, and yet implies an unhistorical divorce
between two correlative portions of the NT literature.
The form and substance of these literary products in the
dawn of Christianity was determined by the nature of their
aim. As the Christian preaching began to extend not only
to a seeond generation, but even previously to non-Jewish
audiences and the region of pagan difficulties, the simple
evidence of eye-witnesses had to develop fresh methods. Two
of these predominated, and survive in different forms. One
consisted in exhibiting the historical record of Jesus' words
and life. By means of this, some credible and plain evidence
was afforded for the historical basis underlying the new faith.
Every catechumen and convert would receive some such
instruction, and be taught to find within the words of Jesus
laws for his own conduct. This evangelic tradition expanded
in subsequent years, and from it the gospels rose. But the
other method proved a salutary supplement. It contained
the appeal to experience, the exhibition of the new faith as a

PROLEGOMENA 41
spirit and a character produced and sustained alike by God's
grace in human nature. The statement of this attitude was
due primarily and distinctively to Paul. When information
about Jesus reached the pagan world, or, for the matter of
that, the colonial Jews throughout the empire, " would it not
come," as Dr. Crozier graphically argues, " like a sudden
illumination in the darkness, which would leave behind it
dim visions of something that would haunt the memory ?
And yet what proof that there was any truth in it ? . . .
As the actual eye-witnesses [1 Co. 15°] sank one by one to
their rest, the belief which had arisen in a natural way with
them would have died out with them. At each remove the
tradition would have become fainter, the evidence more and
more hollow and uncertain — the faith of the original believers
being more and more untransferable to their descendants
of the new generations — until soon it would have been
swallowed up again in the great Pagan night that surrounded
all." x The secure method of propagating the faith was to set
forth its inner contents ; and it is this aim which prompts
the epistolary form and didactic substance of these, the earliest
documents of Christianity. The evangelic tradition is pre
supposed. But it is not prominent. The formal historical
base (Lu l1-4) is absent,2 partly because it was implied, or
could be taken for granted, partly owing to the idiosyncrasies
of the author, but chiefly on account of the special apologetic
emphasis which Paul laid upon the divine Spirit and self-
1 Hist. Intell. Developm. i. (1897) p. 339. Cp. Mackintosh (Nat. Hist, of
Christian Religion, p. 338) on the service of Paul in winning entrance for the
ideas of Jesus to the average and sensuous understanding (?).
A brilliant sketch of Essene and Orphic influence, and indeed of the ethnic
religious situation at the dawn of Christianity, is given by Zeller, ZwTh (1899),
pp. 195-269. For a sympathetic study of Epiktetus, cp. M. F. Picavet, "Les
rapports de la religion et de la philosophic en Grece " (Revue de Vhistoire des
Religions (1893), pp. 315-344). A readable summary of the Hellenic and Oriental
environment may be found in Dr. Gardner's Explor. Evangelica, pp. 325-357.
2 Paul definitely recalls his readers to the remembrance of the historical
Jesus (e.g. 1 Co ll23- 24). Yet upon the whole his writings bear out the esti
mate which views him as translating the Christian principle "into terms of
theology, and so, as it were, writing it in large letters on the clouds of heaven "
(Caird, Evol. Religion, ii. pp. 200, 201).

42 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
sufficiency of the faith. In his earliest paragraph he stands
upon history ; but it is the history of the Spirit in Thessalonika
(1 Th l5~s), not of Jesus in Palestine. Here, as in his subse
quent writings, the distinctive note is an endeavour to ground
the guarantee of faith in its moral implicates, along with the
argument that these implicates are finally accessible, not in
memory, nor in historical research, but in the contemporary
Christian experience. He would not have understood the
difference between " Jesus " and " Christ in heaven " ; but
from the modern standpoint it is perfectly true to say that
Paul's reasoning rests not on memories of the Galilean Jesus,
but on a direct and immediate intuition of that living and
exalted Christ, whose holy land is in the human spirit.
The two movements, however, are not independent.
Almost parallel to the composition of the Pauline * letters ran
the transition from the spoken to the written gospel. It must
have been gradual : it remains obscure. It was gradual : for
the oral teaching subsisted long after the first gospels were
put into writing ; indeed, the latter were supplementary to it,
and did not by their prestige and use supplant it. It remains
obscure : for no accurate record of its motives and stages was
preserved by an age which could hardly be conscious of the
significance attaching to what was being slowly finished under
its eyes. Between the early and the final stages of the
transition the epistles lie. Their atmosphere is that of the
gospels, in the sense that they presuppose the rudimentary
teaching of the narratives which came to be worked up into
these histories. It is true that the epistles get the start of
the gospels in the order of written composition. But this
fact has to be qualified, not only by the consideration just
mentioned, but also by the other fact that this slowness to
commit the history of Jesus to writing was due less to a sus
picion of the written word as an adequate representation, than
to the value attached in that age to the spoken and taught
1 Schiirer (HJP, ii. iii. p. 196) notices the languid interest felt by Pharisaic
Judaism in history. "It saw in history merely an instruction, a warning,
how God ought to be served. Hellenistic Judaism was certainly in a far higher
degree interested in history as such."

PROLEGOMENA 43
word as the means of training and informing the mind. The
well-known remark of Papias (ov ydp rd etc rwv ftifiXlwv
roaovrov fie dxpeXeiv VTreXdfiftavov, oaov rd irapa fewer?;? <j>a)vf}<;
teal /Aevovavs1) is characteristic of Christianity in the first
century as a whole. Men felt nearer to the central facts of
the faith as they listened to the teaching and reminiscences
of the older disciples, than through the medium of any record
or composition by way of litera scripta. Still, the reason
of this preference lay in a deeper instinct. For the religion
of one who himself wrote nothing and centred everything in
the spirit and society of his followers, writing (it was probably
felt) must after all be secondary. Before the close of the
first century, it is true, Paul's epistles seem to have acquired
by their extensive circulation a position of recognised import
ance and authority, at least in Corinth (Clem. Horn, xlvii),
where Zahn (GK. i. pp. 811-839), partly resting upon his
absurd date for 2 Peter, argues that a collection of these
writings existed by the ninth decade of the century. But
even were this established, it would not materially alter the
fact that the communication of influence and the maintenance
of tradition remained for long oral, so far as its main phases
were concerned. Not until far on in the literary develop
ment does the beatitude for the reader occur (Apoc l8), or
the emphasis upon a scripture's authority (Jo 2124); naturally
it is still later when the Christian writings take their place
beside the Hebrew scriptures as topics of discussion and
reflection (2 Ti 316, 2 Pet 316). Even the two latter passages
are entirely occupied, it is to be noted, with the definition
of the writings upon the side of their practical bearing and
authority within the Christian societies. The whole move
ment towards this emphasis upon the written scriptures was
accelerated by the parallel tendency in contemporary Judaism,
1 Compare the remark in Plato's epistles (vii. 341 c. ), where lie vindicates
personal stimulus and instruction as the best means of learning philosophy :
ck iroXkys o-_po__-.a. yiyvo/j.4vns irepl rb irpay^a airrb Kal tou o-v^rjv i£a.l<pvns oiov airb
wvpbs iri]Sriao.vTos e^acpBh 0_-s ev t% ip\>XV yevbpLevov ai) ti. eavrb tfdn rpi<pei. But
the defensive tone of Papias rather suggests that his adherence to oral tradition
required some explanation at an age when the written gospels were coming more
and more into prominence.

44 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
which, after 70 a.d., became more crystallised than ever round
the OT canon as its religious standard (cp. the famous
passage in 4 Esdras 1421-48). But the comparatively tardy
genesis of the historical instinct in the literature of early
Christianity was in no sense an uncongenial or surprising
feature. It is explicable as we bear in mind the universal
adherence to systematic oral testimony, to the reminiscences
of eye-witnesses and older men, and not least to the organised
worship and social texture of the young Christian societies.
That adherence formed the central thread in the strand of
early Christianity. As the years passed, however, oral testi
mony became more and more inadequate, and the task of
supplementing it fell to the two great forms of Christian
literature, the epistle and the gospel. Both presupposed tra
dition. Both were the fruit of religious intercourse within the
various societies. But in the nature of the case the former
had a freer scope ; with its superior flexibility and simplicity
it established itself as prior in time throughout the churches.
When attention is directed to facts like these, it is brought
home to the mind that the NT literature has to be taken as
it rose, not symmetrical, monotoned, adamant — " one entire and
perfect chrysolite " — but out of a historical process, shaped
by varying hopes and needs, and drawn from this or that
circle of antipathies and affinities. One palmary inference
follows, namely, the need of surveying the mental and social
conditions under which the different books were composed,
as well as of using the books for that survey.1 Here, as else
where in literature (Heinrici, " Die urchristliche Ueberlie-
ferung u. das NT," ThA, pp. 323-339), the surrounding of
a document is valuable, no less than its subject. Just as a
1 A writing may actually become a reliable witness to its contemporary
period although its references to an earlier period are found to contain some un-
historical traits. The historic value of a document does not depend altogether
upon its trustworthiness. The primary question is not, " Are its contents true,
or false, or mixed ? " but "How did this writing come to be credited and pro
duced at this particular time ? What elements in the age made this literary
product natural ? " The fact that a writing, B, gives an idealised picture of some
early period, A, may forbid the complete and unhesitating inferences which
might be drawn as to the nature of A ; but for all this lack of historicity, it
throws fresh light upon the period of B's composition and its relation to A.

PROLEGOMENA 45
conception of the satiric spirit in its numerous forms is
essential to the right understanding of authors like Petronius,
Juvenal, and Tacitus, who drew breath in it during the latter
half of the first century ; just as the historical writers of the
Empire were liable to be affected by the habit of recitation
which helped to create for them a literary climate ; so is it
with the historical narratives of the NT. Their characteristics
are intelligible only in the light of the distinctively " religious "
tendencies current in the latter half of the first century (cp.
Norden, Antike Kunstprosa, pp. 451— 479), for the satisfaction
of which they were composed. Consequently some account
has to be taken of these as well as of the less obvious features
of their mental climate — the prevailing ethnic and Jewish
beliefs in the miraculous, the cosmic and psychic ideas of
angelology,1 demonology, and cosmogony, the relation of the
material and the spiritual, the Messianic conceptions, the
tendencies of current ethics, the popularity of the OT, the
apocalyptic effluvia of Judaism, and so forth. Otherwise
one will be missing at point after point what ranks as a
primary requisite for the study of the NT. For before this
life and literature can be strictly estimated, one must look
into them and win some feeling of their range and limits, of
the successive light and shade, the run and clip of the slopes,
the general outlines and broader characteristics of usage and
opinion, which are suggested in the extant records. To secure
and sustain this mental habit is the sesame of vision and
advance. Apart from it, study is generally dull and fre
quently trifling. Nor is there anything in the method which
can be said to be specially elaborate or irksome. Even in the
least local writings there is usually some help yielded to
the patience and insight of a modern mind bent on reaching
the actual incidents and ideas which were at the con
ception of the writing, or on extricating its antecedents, its
relationships, and its neighbourhood.2 Obviously this method
1 The influence of Jewish angel-worship on early Christianity is traced hy
Liiken in his recent monograph on Michael (1898).
2 Once for all, by way of summary. To realise that the central materials of
the gospels were mainly drawn up and collected during the three or four decades

46 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
makes for the intelligibility of the NT as a religious
authority, just as it is an axiom of the expositor. But our
concern here is mainly with its value for presenting the NT
as a series of historical documents. The method puts the
reader unequivocally at the right standpoint, and prompts
him to ask the right questions. The inquiry must be not
only, " What do these pages mean ? " but — Try re avvearn ml
ort-rj Kal oVw? — " Why was this book written in this particular
way, at this particular time ? Why now and not earlier ?
or not later ? Why precisely in this temper, style, spirit ?
Is there any special significance in its method, omissions,
date, character ? and if so, what ? " Questions like these have
often to be left imperfectly or dubiously answered. They
bring more in some quarters than in others, and it is hardly
possible to be explicit anywhere on detail after detail. Some
writings have a flavour of the soil in them, due either to the
connection of their author with his time, or to the contem
porary nature of their subjects. Upon occasion a book
actually dates itself and illuminates its period. But other
writings seem, at least on a first impression of their contents,
to be in the air.1 Others, again, are more definite, yet exhibit
which followed the death of Jesus, and that the gospels themselves were not
composed until the period 65-105 ; to realise these facts will show — (i.) that the
gospels are not purely objective records, no mere chronicles of pure crude fact,
or of speeches preserved verbatim ; (ii. ) that they were compiled in and for an
age when the church required Christ not as a memory so much as a religious
standard, and when it reverenced him as an authority for its ideas and usages ;
(iii) that they reflect current interests and feelings, and are shaped by the
experience and for the circumstances of the church ; (iv. ) that their conceptions
of Christ and Christianity are also moulded to some extent by the activity and
expansion of the church between 30 and 60, by its tradition, oral and written,
and by its teaching, especially that of Paul. The interval between the death
of Jesus and the earliest date at which it can be seriously maintained that a
deliberate record of his life existed (.. 65 a.d.), almost exactly corresponds to
the interval between the death of Francis of Assisi and the issue of his author
itative biography by Bonaventura, who wrote for practical purposes and under
contemporary influence.
1 Allowance must be made for the element of timelessness in some of these
early discussions and records. A NT writer was not always keeping his eye on
some contemporary phase of thought or action. Also, it is irrelevant to expect in
the early Christian literature allusions to events within the Empire which bulk
largely in the common history of the age. For example, because an earthquake

PROLEGOMENA 47
conflicting signs of their day and atmosphere, pointing this
way and that. Still, although it cannot always be said of a
NT writing, -r) \a\id crov 8r/\6v o-e -rroiel, this method of
historical interrogation, seeking the period as well as the
literary product, is richest in apergits and results, however
often it may be baffled. Certainly in the field of NT litera
ture one cannot hope to hear the grass growing. The utmost
that can be reasonably expected is to catch and preserve some
sense of development upon the whole, and in its more pro
minent stages. But the method seems to be the one avail
able mode of rendering the history of early Christian thought
something better than the mere series of loosely joined
enigmas which it too often resembles in current text-books.
This literature is not a succession of dark lonely pools ; and
to take up the books of the NT as isolated pieces of theology
or history, to group them on any artificial or a priori
principles of criticism, is to court gratuitous error, and often
to make such knowledge as may be actually secured, both
vain and vague.
One outcome of this method is that a writing has to be
taken as a problem before it can be expected to resolve itself
into a picture. Primarily, though not exclusively or even
chiefly, its function is to give evidence of a stage in the
process by which the great movement of thought and ex
perience went forward. How suggestive a clue to the
experience and hopes of people at any period is furnished
by their literature — the books they produced, the writings
they enjoyed, the records on which they were sustained !
These, we may be sure, were no mere jeuz d 'esprit, isolated or
capricious. They give a transcript of their origin and vital
is said to have taken place in the Lycus valley during the seventh decade, it is
deduced by many scholars that Colossians and the Apocalypse (2-3) must have
been written either just before or long after that catastrophe, as it would have
been alluded to in these writings if they had been sent to the district shortly
afterwards. The inference is untrue. Early Christian writers were not
interested in physical geography, nor ought we, in all fairness, to expect
from them information upon the outward details of their age. The man who
is absorbed in gazing at the stars grows oblivious to the wind upon his face ami
the mud and insects at his feet.

48 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
function. And what significance, in turn, lies within that
experience for the proper understanding of the books in
question ! That a book like Acts, for example, was probably
composed under the Flavian regime, is a fact that speaks
volumes.1 What a satisfactory criticism should attempt to
do, is to fairly analyse the meaning of such a fact, to infer
from it some of the troubles and triumphs of early Chris
tianity within the Empire, and to detect the precise con
ditions of internal and external life which prompted the
composition of the book there and then. After this historic
scrutiny of its antecedents and environment, the book can be
used more freely and safely as evidence for the earlier age
sketched in its pages. A similar test has to be applied in
the case of the other histories in the NT. Each has the
signs of its time. Occasionally they are difficult to read, but
they are there in greater or less numbers. And if anything is
calculated to stir and direct the historical imagination, it is the
presentation and study of the relevant documents springing
one after another from an underlying life which might
otherwise pass undetected or lie misunderstood; just as the
charm and fascination of Oriental cities partly consists in
the freedom of observing the naively open activity and manu
facture in street and in bazar. One feels present at the
making and shaping of things. It is the engrossing sense of a
process, and of a process seen at work. For this the records
may prove defective. But although the historic instinct has
the duty of supplying carefully the gaps in the rise and course
1 Similarly the developed state of the Christian churches at that epoch helps
to explain the author's omissions as well as his choice of incidents and
emphasis upon certain points (e.g. the name "Christian," ll26) which had
acquired in subsequeut years especial prominence. The varied degrees of
historicity in Acts are patent enough, but they do not interfere with the total
impression of purpose and function which the book bears upon the mind. It
is a narrative, accurate upon the whole, written by one who endeavoured to
state the facts honestly and impressively so far as they bore upon his main
design, but who had probably to depend upon secondhand, inferior tradition at
various points in the course of his story. It is scarcely fair to take passages
like l18- 19 25"n 51"11 192-7.11-21^ as characteristic and representative. Like the
similar series in Matthew (22"12 828"33 1240 17W-27 212-5 2651"53 2751"53- 62'e6 28H"1S),
they rather correspond to the dark lines in the spectrum.

PROLEGOMENA 49
and change of institutions or ideas, a prompted imagination 1
— together with a sense of real if half-hidden order — can
readily be disciplined till it becomes the very eye of accurate
research. Only, its materials need to be arranged, and
arranged (as far as possible) naturally. It is always some
thing to be looking at them unwarped. The NT literature
constitutes in itself a series of ranged results and successive '
reflections. It is that, even when — as in the historical
sections — it is infinitely more. The consequence is that
when the writings are taken thus as an outcome of life, the
scheme of their arrangement affords some aid in the work of
correcting one's first impressions into greater exactness : the
result being that in this supremely difficult field of early
Christianity the mind is able to trace with less and less
obscurity the dim processes of thought and half-suppressed
transitions that over and again occur between phases
apparently broken and writings superficially dissimilar.
This habit of reading oneself into the continuity of a
period of history by means of sympathetic and accurate
insight is in any case hardly won, nor does it become
altogether simple in regard to the NT. There also one has
to win at the outset a view of the records and documents in
their separate rise and relative positions. One by one they
come up on the horizon, coherent and successive. It is
imperative that their inclusive life be rendered visible and
distinct. But the amount of that distinctness will depend
largely upon a previous, comparative study of the literature
which contains all that is extant of the life's expression.2
1 "By veracious imagination, I mean the working out in detail of the
various steps by which a political or social change was reached, using all extant
evidence and supplying deficiencies by careful analogical creation. How
triumphant opinions originally spread — how institutions arose — what were the
conditions of great inventions, discoveries, or theoretic conceptions ; ... all
these grand elements of history require the illumination of special imaginat
ive treatment " (George Eliot, Leaves from a Notebook).
2 Literary criticism and historical criticism, it is plain, are correlative. In
the balance of both lies the only method of attaining anything like reasonable
certainty. Exaggerate the latter, and you are liable to read into the writings
a priori tendencies which impose on each document a place and purpose in
some preconceived scheme. Exaggerate the former, and you are at the mercy of
4

50 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
The point is to work with the documents, and to work with
them in some reliable scheme or sequence. Method, order,
system — that is an essential of research. Work done in
the atmosphere of order develops insensibly a mental justice.
It produces a trained and accurate sense for understanding
the details and mastering the broad lines of a subject, as in
this way the various departments come to offer less and less
difficulty or embarrassment to the imagination and the judg
ment. This faculty of determining the place and worth of
any fact or phase in the historical development, and of ascer
taining and arranging what are the really salient points, is a
cardinal element in all critical inquiry, and it particularly
applies to NT criticism. To be put en route with these early
Christian writers is the pressing need for their interpretation.
Consequently it is clear gain to have some reliable scheme of
the literature kept before the mind until we come to think
instinctively along its lines, while the figure of it rises to the
historical imagination, unsought and indispensable.
All this is introductory, but there is truth and fruit in
it. No amount of acquaintance with the verbal contents of the
literature can avail unless it is capable of finding the various
documents in natural contact with the periods and crises
from which they actually emerged. Contemporaries under
stood these writings from their age. So, in a sense, do we.
But, on the other hand, whatever knowledge we possess of
the age is usually due to our study of the writings. Mainly
from their own evidence, partly from the general non-
Christian literature of the period, partly from the available
inscriptions, this reconstruction has to be contrived. But
verbal arguments and the insufficient evidence ef style, while the historical
situation lacks definiteness and content. The latter is perhaps the bias to he
feared in modern criticism. As Gunkel puts it, though for another purpose,
die AVelt besteht nicht nur aus Menschen, die Biicher schreiben, und die sie
abschreiben. Die moderne Kritik hat bisher die Bedeutung der miindhch-n
Tradition vielfach iibersehen und ist allzu geneigt, bei jeder Beriihruiig zweier
Schriften auf litterarische Abhangigkeit zu schliessen 'Schopfv.ng und Chae$,f.
58). See Wrede's arguments in GGA (1896;, 517 f., and Ueber Aufgaheu.
Metlwde der sag. NT Theologie '159S), pp. 25-34, 49-51; also Preuschend
article (ZNW (1900), pp. 1-15), "Idee oder Methode?" and the essay by
Bousset (TR (1699), pp. 1-15;.

PROLEGOMENA 51
the two latter methods presuppose the first ; and the first
involves this need and practice of accurate chronological
handling. To ascertain the relative order of the NT writings
in general, to take them up one by one as they were given 1
to the early Christian communities, to approach a document
as it lies, warm and alive, within its special period, to let
each successively make its characteristic and precise impres
sion upon the mind, to follow the varied courses, thus lighted
up, of the early Christian reflection as it worked upon the
facts of the evangelic consciousness, to trace the varied
implicates of the Christian spirit in their evolution — this, a
mental discipline to start with, is an invaluable apprentice
ship for acquiring some keener insight not merely into the
individual contributions and traits of special writers and
writings, but also into the sweep and scope of what is
" beyond question the most momentous fact in history, the
effect produced by the teaching of Jesus and his disciples," 2
so far as that effect falls within the scope of the NT
literature. Such a rearrangement of the literature as that offered in
this volume is therefore intended to serve as a sort of map.
With its aid the reader will be enabled more successfully to
make his way into and throughout the varied phases of the
apostolic age in natural succession, as well as to gain a stand
point for any further surveys of its theology or organisation.
A distinct effort is needed if the modern mind is to realise
the situation of any NT document. There is always work
to be done in the way of rendering explicit circumstances and
conditions which are vitally important for the interpretation
1 One must demur, however, to descriptions of the NT literature as "the
documents formally put before the world by a society — as adequate accounts of
its own origin, and tests of its future teaching and practice" (Lock, Exegesis
of the NT, p. 10), or of an individual book like Acts as "an authorised account
ofthe deeds of apostles" (Robinson, EBi, i. 675). This is the ecclesiastical or
canonical standpoint, not the historical. It reflects the mind not so much of
the original writers of the NT literature as of the later generations who used
that literature for the wider purposes of the catholic church.
2 Goldwin Smith. On the richness of present NT research in the matter of
historical points of view, see Harnaek's remarks, Contemp. Rev. (1886), pp.
221-225.

52 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of a writing, and yet are mostly taken for granted in its
pages. To bring these assumed, sub-conscious facts together
is a task awaiting the historical imagination at almost every
step, part of its province including the mastery of those facts
and relationships which are implied in the structure and con
nection of a given record, and with which one must sedulously
learn to feel at home. A subsidiary and provisional aid to
this can be furnished often by a study of the documents in
question. History, as Niebuhr used to declare, has two
methods for supplying the deficiencies of her sources ; she has
criticism and the divining faculty. Plainly, both must work
together. Indeed, in exegesis and interpretation, criticism
constantly depends upon the faculty of intuition. But, on the
other hand, the divining power of the historical imagination
cannot see to contribute its final and special gift of recon
struction until criticism has attempted as far as possible to
discharge its preliminary task and arrange the materials in
some approximately reliable scheme. Appreciation of past
ages is frequently hindered by nothing more serious than
some trifling amount of obscurity which has been allowed to
remain secreted in the traditional presentment of the materials
for modern study. An equally slight alteration of position
will occasionally put the observer in the way of considerable
results. That is the hope and aim of the present edition
with regard to the NT. Here, no less than elsewhere, the
very sequence of writings is at times full of significance;
any literary method which promotes the comparative study
and use of these writings has a value of its own for the larger
work of historical and religious appreciation, in forcing atten
tion to some aspects and relations of the NT which lie in
shadow, as well as in bringing the mind closer to the original
design and actual shape of the literature in question. Within
the NT, of all places, one cannot afford to dispense with any
plain mechanical assistance to the imaginative faculty,1 as it
1 " If the critical education of the historian suffice, he can lay bare, under
every detail of architecture, every stroke in a picture, every phrase in a writing,
the special sensation whence detail, stroke, or phrase had issue ; he is present
at the drama which was enacted in the soul of artist or writer ; the choice of a

PROLEGOMENA

exercises its function of quickly reaching, carefully decipher
ing, and accurately following these modes of earlier and
different thought. Voir c'est avoir. Even an optical aid
may prove at times of curious service to the mind.

II
What is required, then, is some displacement within the
canonical stereotyped order of the NT. As it stands, in
either a Greek or an English edition, this order was compiled
for different purposes and on different principles from those
of modern historical research. The object was palpably
didactic. The churches naturally endeavoured to arrange the
literature in order to bring out the rise and progress of the
Christian spirit and society. From the third council of
Carthage in A.D. 397, a general arrangement appears to have
prevailed, which has been reproduced from Jerome's Vulgate
in our English Bibles, with one great change. Three unities
or groups of writings — the " gospels," the " epistles of Paul "
with or without Hebrews, and the " catholic epistles " —
were massed together, closed by the Apocalypse. Eoughly
speaking, this may be described as the dominant order. The
chronological principle, so far as it was considered at all,
evidently referred to the order of the events narrated or pre
supposed ; hence, e.g., the book of Acts often came between
the gospels and the following epistles. Still, it was usage,
not law, that really determined the sequence. East and West
differed considerably upon this as upon weightier topics ; and
the scheme remained unfixed, indefinite. For a long time,
indeed, one or two books seem to move up and clown the canon
in quite an arbitrary fashion.
These and other variations, however, in the canonical order
word, the brevity or length of a sentence, the nature of a metaphor, the accent
of a verse, the development of an argument— everything is a symbol to him ;
while his eyes read the text, his soul and mind pursue the continuous develop
ment and the everchanging succession of the emotions and conceptions out of
which the text has sprung " (H. A. Taine).

54 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of the NT writings belong to the history of the canon1
rather than to a study of the writings themselves. They
represent interests and tendencies quite other than chrono
logical. In the group of the gospels, e.g. Matthew and John
are occasionally put first, as their authors were considered to
be personal disciples or apostles of Jesus. The connection of
Mark and Luke with the historical Christ was secondary;
they were merely apostolic men, and as a result their gospels
were put later (Tertull. adv. Marc. iv. 2). Other variations
are less obvious in motive. In the group of Pauline letters
it is not certain, even in Marcion's arrangement, whether a
chronological principle is at work at all. Other interests, at
any rate, predominate in his and other catalogues, as in the
Muratorian fragment, where Paul's epistles to the seven
churches are grouped together in order to precede those
addressed to private individuals. Similarly with the phalanx
of the " catholic epistles." The fairly common order — James,
1 Peter, John — may be a reflection of (Gal 29) the relative
rank assigned to the trio of supposed authors in the judgment
of the early church. In other cases the arrangement — Judas
preceding James — probably echoes the successive admission
of each to canonicity. Among the groups themselves, the
Pauline epistles and the " catholic " change places between
Acts and the Apocalypse, while the last-named may be said
almost invariably to close the NT canon,2 a position
'Gregory's "Prolegomena to Tischendorfs XT," III. 1. pp. 131-140, _5.
librorum ordine ; Laurent, p. 41 f. ; Zahn, GK, i., pp. 60-80, ii pp. 343-
383 ; S. Berger, Histoire de la Vulgate 'pendant les premiers siecles du moyen age
(1893), pp. 301-306, 331-342; Westcott, History of NT Canon (Appendix D) ;
Stu/lia Bibliea, iii. (1891), pp. 217-325 ; Julicher : Einl. pp. 349-357 ; Nestle,
Einf. pp, 128-132 ; also the closing essay in Bovon's Jesus et I'Eglise des
premiers jours. The lingering indefiniteness of the canonical order is curiouslj
illustrated by a phrase of Athanasius (Festal, epp. xxxix.), who introduces his
arrangement of the biblical literature with the words xp-qaoaai irpbs siuriwai
tt)- ./iairroO r6\y.vs kt\.
2 At the close of Dante's pageant of the NT writers (Purgalorio, xxix.)
there appears — ' ' Behind them all,
One single old man, sleeping as he came,
With a shrewd visage " ;
i.e. John, the author of the Apocalypse.

PROLEGOMENA 55
naturally suggested by its contents and the aptness of its
conclusion (Apoc 221S-19).
In short, hardly any attempt seems to have been made to
arrange even the letters of Paul in chronological order, much
less to determine the date of each writing separately. When
all had come to be gathered into a whole, the principle of
arrangement varied : a desire to separate controverted and
accepted writings (as in the Muratorian fragment), a specific
ally theological intention,1 some regard to the relative length
of the epistles, or to the dignity and rank possessed by the
different churches to which they were addressed, probably
some idea of parallelism to the OT or symmetry with it,2
possibly considerations of authorship. The usage throughout
the churches was quite inexact : the principles that determined
it divergent.3 In view of the practical ends of the canon, little excep
tion can be taken to this procedure of the church. So far, a
modern reader might cheerfully acquiesce in the dictum of
Spinoza : documentorum causas nihil curamus. But when the
question comes to be one of analytic criticism as a prelude to
some historical synthesis, it is no longer an adequate method to
take the literature exactly as it happens to stand. To acquire
any grasp of the problems of origin, composition, and independ
ence, some critical base is required, and this must be sought
in a rearrangement of the documents. Otherwise, investiga
tion is simply handicapped. It is lured to ignore the
relative positions of the leading records, and thus to miss the
sense of their order and proportions. For the canonical
order of the NT is not even a neutral medium for such study.
*For subjective reasons, e.g. Luther, followed by Tyndale, placed Hebrews,
James, Judas, and the Apocalypse disapprovingly at the end of the N.T. after
"the true and certain capital books."
2 Sicut post legem prophetae, et post prophetas hagiographi, ita post
Evangelium apostoli, et post apostolos doctores ordine successerunt : Hugo de
S. Vict. De Script. 6, though "doctores" carries us beyond the NT canon.
3 A curious arrangement seems to occur in the Apostolic Constitut. (ii. 57) :
"Let our acts be read, and the letters of our fellow- worker Paul . . . and
afterwards let a deacon or presbyter read the gospels." But this is probably
a mere ecclesiastical injunction.

56 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
Occasionally it becomes a positive and plentiful hindrance.
Even for a trained and alert intelligence there is a certain
effort in reading, say 1 Thessal., and at the same time refusing
to allow the intrusion of ideas developed in the Galatian and
Eoman letters which precede it in the printed Testament.
How arduous, yet how necessary, to read the Apocalypse
before the fourth gospel, or again to study Hebrews and Acts
without being swayed by the previously printed and subse
quently written pages of John ! x These are but instances of the
blurring effect produced by the canonical order, with all its
excellence and convenience. Nor is there any reason why such
an effect should not be obviated. Print may be made to serve
the mind instead of misdirecting it, and the service is greatly
to be desired. True criticism of the NT is like science, it
becomes " a precious visitant " only when it has been trained
in the methods of historical evolution,
" Taught with patient interest to watch
The processes of things, and serve the cause
Of order and distinctness."
Part of this teaching is to have the imagination impressed
exactly and vividly with the recurring sequences of thought
and feeling. But these, again, to be lucid, must be exhibited
in the natural order of their expression ; and they can
readily be thus exhibited. Under the most favourable circum
stances, a taxing effort is required to realise the NT facts
and conceptions with anything like consecutiveness and
coherence. To reduce some of the initial and avoidable
obstacles, and to help the mind past these to a scrutiny and
appreciation of the matters which are really at issue in NT
criticism, constitute one aim of the present edition, and
furnish the justification of its divergence from the canonical
order. It is offered as a minor contribution to the study of
the records, on the principle that some light is often to he
1 To this in part may be also due the unhistorical presuppositions which
treat the minor writings of the NT unfairly by reading into them or expecting
from them more or less systematic developed conceptions. Cp. Deissmann's
spirited protest in regard to the mishandling of the catholic epistles, ZThK
(1893), pp. 133, 134, with Wrede's equally judicious discussion, Ueber Anfgate
u. Methode dersog., NTTh, p. 17 f.

PROLEGOMENA 57
found in the mere knowledge that one book comes after
another, especially when that knowledge is stereotyped in
black and white. The customary arrangement fails to entirely
conceal or express this truth of succession. Consequently
these pages will do their work as they present, in some more
adequate form, the materials for that regular survey apart
from which the process of critical research is apt to find
itself misled or hampered.

Ill
One or two sentences fall to be added by way of ex
planation. The priority of the Pauline epistles to the gospels
suggests three considerations which are extremely important
for a proper attitude to the whole subject — (a) Their priority
does not ipso facto support, although it certainly suggests, a
theory of literary dependence between these writings and,
say, the third and fourth gospels. The final proofs of such
filiation are internal. There is a natural temptation to lay
almost peremptory stress upon the external positions of
books, and this delusion is encouraged by the printed form
of a modern edition. But such unscientific assumptions must
be ruled out of court. In this case, as in the case of other
NT groups, the literary relationship between an earlier and a
later document (when their relative position can be independ
ently fixed) depends upon a far wider and subtler range
of facts, such as the extent to which any writing may have
circulated 1 during the first century, beyond its originally local
scope (an extent which varies, of course, with its subject and
form), and also the amount of organic connection which may
be presumed to have existed between one writing and another
1 Classical literature furnishes some analogies for this. Christian writings
may have been (a) reproduced by means of written copies, a method which
would be at best limited, or (b) read with comments to various circles of
listeners. Probably the latter method was more common in the early days of
Christianity (1 Ti 413, Apoc l3, pi.aKa.pios b avayivilio-Koiv Kal ol aKovovres robs
\6yovs rrjs irpocpyTelas, etc.). Pliny's correspondence is full of references to the
custom of "publishing " a book by reading it aloud to a group of friends.

58 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
under the ascertained literary methods of the age. The order
of documents in time, as that is exhibited in a printed scheme,
does not necessarily involve the dependence of the later on
the earlier. Apart from a further scrutiny of the conditions
under which the writings were composed and of their contents,
the assumption is unwarranted. The precedence of one writ
ing over another in the matter of years may or may not imply
literary dependence. Print at any rate can merely afford a
basis for the discussion of such problems, and it is only in a
minority of cases that the date of a NT writing cannot be
established with some measure of security apart from the
question of its literary connections.
The special relation of Paulinism to the literature and
life of the next generation forms, however, a problem of
great moment for the study of the apostolic age. After
Philippians, the early Christian literature represents a de
velopment which is merely semi-Pauline, so far as it can be
termed Pauline at all. The distinctive principles of Paulinisni
were too characteristic and individual to form a basis for the
general Christianity of the churches as a whole ; although
these were largely indebted for their emancipation from
Judaistic Christianity to Paul's vigour, yet their relation to
Jesus, the Law, and the OT, and their conceptions of faith, sin,
and righteousness, were for the most part only verbally akin
to those of the great apostle. The sharp antithesis of the
earlier conflict waned. Paul's general universalism passed on
to find analogous elements in the more liberal phases of Jewish
Christianity, and from these under the prevalent Hellenism
of the age grew the " Catholicism " which stamps the sub-
Pauline literature. The original Paulinism, however, in its
religious idiosyncrasies of thought and feeling, was buried
with its author, or survived merely in his epistles. Outside
of these it never lived in its entireness and individuality.
Paulinism touched more or less deeply all subsequent
Christian writers, for without it they could hardly have
written at all. But none was a Paulinist, in the strict sense ;
none even an anti-Paulinist. For them and their age, as
even Clem. Eom. proves, the Pharisaic world of Paul had

PROLEGOMENA 59
little interest or attraction. It merely represented a special
phase in which the principles of catholic Christianity had
first won a final triumph. The great " pathologist of Judaism "
was the pioneer, not the founder, of Gentile Christianity as it
rose after 70 a.d. into a denationalised and broad organisation
of communities throughout the Empire. His main contribu
tion was to build the bridge from Semitic monotheism to
those Hellenistic conceptions which were needed to develop
the essential spirit of the new faith. As for many of his
arguments and antitheses, his theological categories, solutions,
and methods of interpretation, they proved of little or no
service to the majority of later Christians, whose early train
ing and altered circumstances demanded help from quite
another standpoint. The presuppositions of the later
Catholicism or general Christianity of the sub-apostolic age
did not lie in distinctively Pauline conceptions. The Gentile
Christians who formed the large majority in most of the
Christian communities, were susceptible less to the idiosyn
crasies of Paul's great genius than to the influences making
for monotheism and morality which his preaching shared with
the liberal Judaism of the Diaspora, Hellenistic ethics, and
the social aspirations in the Empire. These ideals and dis
positions converged to create a situation which formed a
vantage-ground for what proved to be the permanent shape
of the new faith. Law to these Christians was a different
thing from what " the law " had been to Paul or to the
Palestinian nationalists within the church. Such essential
principles as the universalism of the gospel — an idea of Jesus
which Paul had the honour of being the first to enunciate
and urge — the abolition of national distinctions, the supre
macy of Jesus as a revelation of God, — these and the like
passed into the average consciousness of Christianity. But
the deep postulates upon which Paul based his religious
psychology failed to win a similar recognition. The con
ceptions of faith and redemption, the idea of the Christian's
. union with Christ, the principle of the Spirit, are instances of
, elements unassimilated by a later age, which even in employing
: tbe same language failed to use it with the rich thought and

60 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
feeling of the great apostle. It is a complex and important
problem, this whole question of the relation between early
Christianity and its great figure who was second only to Jesus.
To what degree each of the subsequent writings has been in
fluenced by the style and conceptions of Paulinism, how far
such influence — when it can be traced — was conscious, or
due to the general atmosphere of the age which had absorbed
many of the Pauline phrases, how far also such apparent
resemblances may be the result of a common pre-Christian
consciousness, to what extent Paul can be taken as a far-
exponent of average Christianity, — these are among the chief
inquiries which fall to be answered before the early Christian
development can be historically traced.1 Especially vital is
the question of how far the Pauline epistles can be regarded
as representing even the common Christianity of their own
period. The loss of any other documents directly springing
from that period, and reflecting some of the varied phases of
early Christian development during these decades between
30 and 70, is quite irreparable. How different, for example,
would be our conception of the Eeformation did we merely
possess the writings of Luther without a vestige of Zwingli,
Carlstadt, Melanchthon, Hutten, or Erasmus ! But in any
case there was nothing in the development of post-Pauline
Christianity which exactly corresponded to the revival by
which Isaiah's ideas were carried forward to a central and
dominant place in the Deuteronomic phase, after the bitter
reaction which followed the great prophet's death. The
heroic spirit of Paulinism2 met with no reaction and no
revival — inside the limits covered by the NT literature.
1 A recent editor of the Book qf Jubilees (W. Singer, 1898) has actually
assigned it to the years 58-60 a.d., treating it as a Pharisaic manifesto against
the lax method of Pauline Christianity with reference to the law, and as a sharp
recall to the exclusiveness and rigidity from which many were being seduced,
Similarly, Headlam, DB, ii. 791. Feme (Das gesetzesfreie Evangelium da
Paulus, 1899) tries to show that Hellenistic Judaism only influenced Paul
after his conversion, and that the apostle's pre-Christian consciousness was
rigidly Pharisaic, but already superior to the position of the original apostles
relatively to the law.
2 See Dr. Denney's finely sympathetic paragraphs in ExGT, ii. pp. 572-575, and
Harnack's recent appreciation in Das Wesen des Christentums (1900), pp. 110-118,

PROLEGOMENA 61
The rest of that literature may be said to lie in the wake
of Paulinism, but only in the qualified sense already noted.
None of the writings can be described as directly derivative
from it.1
(6) A cognate reflection, arising from what has been
already urged, is that the printed order of the writings must
not be hastily identified with a dogmatic or religious progress.
For example, the chronological arrangement is not a diplo
matic attempt to exaggerate, by a sort of revived Marcionitism,
the value of Paul's epistles, or to displace the gospels from
their premier position as Christian sources. The connection
between the Pauline letters and the gospels is too delicate a
problem to be solved on purely chronological presuppositions.
How far the facts and sayings in the synoptics have been
affected 2 by the statements of the epistles or the influence
which they exerted, is a question which really lies outside the
province of the present attempt. Bias against such a theory
or in favour of it, does not enter into one's commission.
Here documents are treated as documents. The scientific
study of the NT must begin — wherever it may finish — with
the serious and thorough estimate of its extant records, and
it is exclusively for the sake of this that the present arrange
ment has been compiled. To call attention to the facts —
which in this case include the literary priority of the Pauline
epistles — is the sole business of literary chronology. An
1 There is a growing disposition in the best criticism of to-day to discount
either anti- or pro-Pauline tendencies even in the synoptic gospels. By the
time that these came to be written it is probable that the nascent Catholicism
of the early churches formed a prevailing atmosphere in which the earlier
Paulinism only survived as one of several elements. Besides, a number of ideas
and expressions may have been the common possession of early Christianity
previous to 60 a.d., though from the accident of their preservation solely in
the Pauline letters we dub them specifically "Pauline."
2 Tendency-criticism, as I have already said, is a detected idol ; but so is the
literalism which would read the NT out of all connection with its period.
Beyond dispute, the whole meaning of historical criticism implies the existence
of such forces and feelings as those which the older critics of the Tubingen
school shaped into too rigid a mould. Their main error lay in neglecting
personalities for ideas, and in ascribing to deliberate volition what was for the
most part either the unconscious effect of prepossession, or the outcome of
p.pular prejudice shared by a large body of the early Christians.

62 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
estimate of that priority, in its bearings and limitations,
belongs to other methods of research, and to another pro
vince of inquiry. As regards the idea of a logical progress
of development, the Pauline epistles illustrate again the
truth of that inevitable and familiar axiom, that succession
does not necessarily coincide with a progressive or a retro
grade series. Priority is not equivalent to superiority. The
NT presents no graduated scale upwards or downwards.
Development, here as well as elsewhere, is not synonymous
with ordered and orderly advance on every side. "While
the Pauline letters apparently give the keynote to the whole,
in reality the subsequent literature indicates a wealth of
thought and experience which can be construed neither as an
expansion of Paul's original conceptions nor as a declension
from them. The same is true of the other groups. Further,
the printed order is apt again to hide the fact that phases of
thought may have been for some time in existence before any
expression of them occurs in literature. The synoptic gospels
and the fourth gospel are instances in point. That one book
is dated some years after another does not prove the greater
maturity of the former. Nor — to take an opposite illusion —
does the religious authority of writings in the NT vary ab
solutely with their proximity to the third and fourth decades
of the first century. It is often difficult to conjecture why one
book came to be written so early as it was actually written,
difficult also to imagine how another was not composed at a
much earlier period. Metaphors are notoriously unsafe ; but
one is tempted to compare the cognate writings of the XT
not so much to the locks of a canal, or to the waves of a
flowing tide, as to the various branches of a delta. To speak
without figure, it is risky to base judgments of development
and maturity upon arguments which are mainly drawn from
chronological appearances. Affinities of thought and feel
ing do not necessarily accompany chronological proximity.
Writings that belong to the same school of experience and
reflection may be separated by years, even by whole decades,
from one another ; while, given conflicting interests and a
scattered area, a single epoch will often produce works of

PROLEGOMENA 63
quite a divergent spirit, reactionary as well as progressive.
One of the most salutary items to be remembered in this
connection is that the Apocalypse, Acts, and the epistle
of Clem. Bom. are substantially contemporaneous documents ;
which is almost as significant as the fact that in the OT
literature, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Deutero -Isaiah, with their
deviating ideas and conceptions, represent what are practic
ally contemporaneous phases of Jewish religious development.
(c) Finally, the form of such an edition as this might
convey the impression that the letters of Paul were the
literary pioneers of Christianity — as though, like Coleridge's
mariners, they were —
" The first that ever burst
Into that silent sea.''
Undoubtedly their value is capital. For all intents and
purposes these letters give what is practically the earliest
and most adequate expression of the new faith as it shaped
itself in the mind of many during the first generation. But,
as has been already remarked, the precise relation of
Paulinism to contemporary Christianity is another of those
questions in the discussion of which a chronological arrange
ment of the literature fails to supply a complete answer
by itself, and indeed may prove somewhat misleading.
Two facts have to be borne in mind, (i.) While the Paul
ine epistles were the first and incomparably the finest,
they were not the sole literary products between 30 and
6 0 a.d. These years cannot have been altogether a " silent
sea." To say nothing of apocalyptic fragments and early
Christian songs, there are indications that, although hardly
any definite traces have been preserved, letters must have
been gradually employed during this period as a means
of strengthening Christian intercourse and intelligence.
Evidence for this is to be found, e.g., in allusions to
eirtaroXaL avararucai (2 Co 31), letters of commendation
or introduction, as a feature of church-life (Ac 1827) which
Paul found in existence.1 This primitive Christian literature
1 A specimen is preserved in Ro 161-20 (cp. below). For an interesting Jewish
instance of the practice, cp. the epistles of credit and authority given by the

i.

64 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
was, like the primitive ceramic art of Hellas, comparatively
private. Upon vases intended for the household's use, paint
ing first lavished its grace and skill ; and in letters for the
quieter purposes of intercourse,1 the literary spirit was
employed by Christians before the aim and scope of it be
came enlarged. In the nature of things, the use of epistles,
taken over from the habits of Judaism, and especially
Alexandrian Judaism (e.g. Jer 291-25-31, epp. of Jerem. and
Baruch, also 2 Mac l1- 10),2 preceded evangelic narratives.
The former were occasional and immediate in character,
the latter — Xoyia, hi-qyrjaeK, a-Trofj.vrjfJ.ovev/Mara — imply a
rather more advanced epoch, when the early advent of
Jesus was no longer a momentary expectation, and his
life had come into greater importance and prominence.
Nevertheless, by 60 a.d. at least, such notes and collections
may have begun to exist in rough form. The current was
at any rate setting unmistakably in that direction. Possibly,
during the time of Paul's later literary activity, written
evangelic narratives were in existence here and there, especially
within the primitive Palestinian churches. The primary
need for these is to be found in the fact that a new genera
tion was rising, dependent for their acquaintance with the
history of Jesus upon a fast-diminishing company of eye
witnesses, in the rapid extension of the Christian commun
ities, and even in the mission activities of the Palestinian
disciples. To these impulses there must also be added another
which sprang from them before long, namely, the need of
Jewish leaders in Jerusalem to Paul (Ac 9- 225). The term "epistle," how
ever, is as inadequate to express the contents of writings like Romans and
Ephesians, as is "satire" when applied to the poems of Lucilius or Juvenal.
1 On the desire for instruction, at a later epoch, cp. Polyk. ad Phil. iii. 2,
xiii. 1, 2. Up to the close of the canon the epistle retains its place as a means
of enforcing discipline (3 Jn), and of conveying religious instruction (Jud 3).
Cp. Batiffol, Anciennes Lilt. Chriliennes, "La Litteratur Grecque," pp. 1-24,
and Deissmann, Bibelstudien, pp. 190-252.
2 E.g. Ac 2821, Ve.. oiire ypap.p.ara irepl aov iSe^apccBa airb rfis 'lovbalas. The
Christian use in Ac 15, 164 ; Clem. Rom. lxiii. The famous epistle of Arista
to Philokrates has been called ' ' a predecessor, in form, of the larger NT
epistles." On the other hand, the original literary form introduced by Chris
tianity was the gospel.

PROLEGOMENA 65
translating the tradition from the original Aramaic ver
nacular into Greek. That attempts must have been made
to meet such requirements is inherently probable (Blass,
PG, pp. 21-24; Wright, Composition ofthe Four Gospels, pp.
1-31). It is also corroborated by the surviving gospels.
Even the earliest of these leaves no impression of tenta-
tiveness on the mind ; there is nothing of that comparative
lack of precision and definite outlines which is often felt
in the pioneers of any department in literature. They
represent the midsummer, not the spring, of their literary
cycle. The subject had been already- — perhaps often —
handled, even before Mark's gospel took its present shape ;
although these earlier narratives, like the sources and
authorities of Tacitus in the Annales, have disappeared.
Luke's preface proves that our first three gospels are " first "
for us, not absolutely " first." They were the best, not the
only narratives. It is still far from being probable that the
literature, of which they are the survivors, and which they
seem to have speedily antiquated, could have existed as far
back as the sixth decade ; nevertheless, upon any reasonable
criticism of the synoptists, their sources and substance must
have partially existed in written form by the opening of
the seventh decade. " Mox etiam libros de Jesu compositos
esse puto, vel in eosdem usus vel Theophilis (qui profecto
multi fuerunt) destinatos, ut intra viginti fere annos a
Christi excessu jam copia quaedam talium librorum exstaret.
Erat enim aetas ilia litterarum plena, novaque religio minime
intra illiteratam plebem manebat." 1 This is probably to
push matters too far back. But there is evidence sufficient
1 Blass (Acta Aposlolorum, p. 5), who recently has argued for the composi
tion even of Luke's gospel (!) before 60, and of written narratives before 50 a.d.
(vide his editions of "Acts" and "Luke," PG, pp. 31, 33-52, and article
in Exp. Ti. vii. 565). Dr. Sanday (Bampton Lect. p. 283) and Professor Bruce
(ExGT, i. 24, 25) seem inclined to agree that the great central portion of the
tradition in the synoptic gospels existed in some fixed shape before the fall of
Jerusalem. " Die Evangelien gehoren ihrem wesentlichen Inhalte nach noch
der ersten, jiidischen Epoche des Christenthums an, jener kurzen Epoche, die
wir als die palaontologische bezeichnen konnen," Harnack, Das Wesen des
Christentums (1900), p. 14).
5

66 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
to prove that during the Pauline period early Christianity
had produced sporadic forms of epistolary literature, and
at least the embryonic phases of what subsequently came to
be wrought up into evangelic narratives, (ii.) Together with
this feature, another must be reckoned. About twenty years
elapsed between the crucifixion and the earliest of Paul's
epistles. During this time, and even previous to his con
version, a Christian life was active, which did not owe its
origin to him. He found churches in existence when he
became a Christian, and alongside of his activity other agents
worked more or less independently of his principles. These
factors, and others like them, have to be taken into account
in forming an adequate estimate of the period between 30
and 70. The accident that only Paul's theology survived
in literary products, and that the minor contemporary currents
failed to win any equal or at least immediate record, ought
not to be allowed to distort the historical view into an undue
exaggeration or depreciation. This is one of those cases
where again it must be said that the written expression of
an age needs to be corrected and supplemented by the recol
lection that the real importance of any movement is not
to be adequately measured by the literary memorials whieh
it afterwards secured. Before and through and round the
Pauline letters, the mind's eye has to see much that cannot
be set down in black and white.1
Facts like these bring out very forcibly the introductory
and limited character of a chronological edition. To know
the birthday of a book, as Dr. Martineau insists, is still a
long way from a settlement of its parentage. A longer way,
1 On the relation of Paul's theology to the teaching of Jesus, there are very
fine essays by Wendt (ZThK (1894), pp. 1-78) and Gloatz (SK (1895), 777-800).
Generally speaking, we may say that in investigating the facts and beliefs that
lie between 30 and 45 (or even 65), we are peering through a haze which
renders their outline uncertain at many points, and occasionally prevents
us from being sure whether we are viewing a given object in its true pro
portions, or whether indeed it is not an unsubstantial illusion. No contem
porary documents exist. The main guide is inference based on later writings
and developments, from which the historical imagination argues back with
more or less penetration to the course of anterior events.

PROLEGOMENA 67
one might add, from decisive conclusions upon its value and
trustworthiness. Certainty on the date does not win every
thing at once. The supreme adjective for chronology is
" preliminary," and few will be so hasty as to imagine that,
even were the question of dates more settled than it is at
present, a corresponding assurance would have been thereby
attained with regard to the historical contents and connections
of the records. Their historicity and inner relations are
always further problems, although it is upon these more than
once that the question of the date partially depends. Con
sequently, while it is possible to tabulate luminously and
honestly what seem to be results of thorough criticism —
though provisional, they need not be indefinite — the attempt
must be prefaced by the reminder that they do not form the
whole, seldom even the major part, of the critical business.
Beyond them lie the burning questions.1
For the most part a similarly provisional character
attaches even to the " date " of a document. That also has to
be taken in a somewhat loose sense. Usually it is equivalent
to a circa of one or two years, occasionally to a larger period,
during which the writing is first known to have been in cir
culation.2 Only in a few cases, like those of the Thessalonian
and Corinthian letters, can the exact year, and even the month,
be determined.3 The fact is, a consensus of opinion is to be
1 At the same time, exception must be taken to the unqualified remark that
"the doctrinal contents of an epistle may be correctly and adequately exhibited,
whatever view be held respecting its author or its date" (Stevens, NTTh,
p. 248). Surely, e.g., the epistle of James is one thing in the pre-Pauline
period, and a very different thing in the post-Pauline. 1 Peter becomes in the
seventh decade a writing of such spirit and significance as are considerably
altered when it is taken some twenty or sixty years later. Change the locus of
an epistle, adopt one view or another of its authorship, and the lights inevitably
shift. In fact, the more accurately a writing is understood in connection with its
age, the more vital to its interpretation are the problems of authorship and date.
They seldom become altogether accessory or subordinate, nor are they in any case
quite a matter of indifference either to the interpreter, or to any one who endeav
ours to use such a document carefully in his reconstruction of early Christianity.
2 The later ecclesiastical term dcbrifioaiev/iivat ypa<j>ai (Origen) suggests mainly
the public reading of the writings in church (=publicari).
3 In dating the OT writings upon a similar scheme, the dialects and idioms
of Hebrew are of large service (cp. Margoliouth, DB, iii. p. 33 f). A change in

68 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
gathered from the conflicting special investigations of scholar
ship only by some such self-denying ordinance of abstinence
from minutiae. Fortunately, for most practical purposes it
is not necessary to go further into details. As a rule the
relative date of a writing is sufficient, i.e. its place in the
general scheme before or after certain other books, previous
or subsequent to some fixed point in history. More than
this often cannot and need not be demanded. In NT
criticism, as emphatically as elsewhere, the Aristotelian canon
holds : Be content with attaining so much precision and
accuracy as the nature of the subject in hand allows. Gener
ally, with the exception to which I have referred, it is a
matter of small moment to know the exact month or even
year in which a writing was composed, and the mere passion
for a date, as for a theological label to a writing, is easily
carried over the bounds of healthy scholarship. Beyond
a certain point, absorption in such minutiae becomes a
distraction. It is not impossible — witness certain lines of
hypercriticism — to neglect the cedar of Lebanon through the
amount of wasteful attention paid to the hyssop on the wall.
The balance needs to be more correctly struck in many cases.
In fact the purposes of interpretation are excellently served,
as a rule, by assigning to the various writings of the NT and
their dates a range which refuses to be unduly precise, and
is content for the most part with ascertaining their relative
order. One might almost declare with Dr. Bosanquet, that
vocabulary and syntax can be felt as one passes, e.g., from the older narratives of
Sam-Kings to Deutero-Isaiah and the memoirs of Ezra-Nehemiah ; similarly,
to the criticism of writings like Ecclesiastes, Daniel, and Esther, the linguistic
evidence of Aramaisms proves at many points invaluable. Unfortunately this
aid of language fails in the criticism of the NT almost entirely. Differences
can he traced between the Greek of one writing and another, but the scale of
the literature is too confined and the , time too brief for such idiosyncrasies
to afford reliable data towards determining the chronology of the writings.
Hellenistic Greek, as employed in the NT, does not fall into periods. Its varied
elements help to differentiate one group of writings from another ; but Latin-
isms or Hebraisms seldom if ever yield any sure materials for fixing or even
verifying the relative position of this book and that. The principle upon which
stylistic features can be safely used as a criterion for the date or grouping of a
writer's various compositions, are stated carefully by Zeller, Archvo fit
Geschichte der Philosophic, neue Folge, iv. 1. pp. 1-12, " Sprachstatistisches."

PROLEGOMENA 69
occasionally it is something at least " to know when they
were not written." l
Just as these limitations do not interfere with the genuine
advantage and aim of a chronological order, neither is that
order disqualified by the fact that the grounds upon which it
rests are partially tentative. To some extent, it is true, criti
cism has cleared the area of debate and sensibly reduced the
more extravagant theories. There are signs that the trouble
of the documents at least is abating. But this does not apply
to every point or side of the question. To write with any
thing like justice and accuracy upon the criticism of the NT,
even in regard to the dates of its literature, one is often
obliged to employ a staccato and chilling repetition 2 of
" perhaps " and " probably " ; while to take any line of one's
own means opposition here and there to a more or less
weighty body of critics. Several of the writings still abide
our question. Indeed, in almost every department of research
upon the beliefs and customs of the early Christian age, gaps
are discovered, points between which no connection is easily
visible, intermediate stages that must have once existed and
cannot now be reconstructed with sureness, blanks in the
course and sweep of life which only the historical imagination
can be relied on to fill up. All this affects the arrangement
of the literature. Such employment of surmise and hypo-
1 "How to read the New Testament," Essays and Addresses (1891), p. 159.
Op. Rainy, The Bible and Criticism, pp. 14-23. Some of the more recent move
ments in criticism are occasionally described as a "retreat from the second
century " ; but this phrase needs considerable qualification, and certainly does
not support the vague impression which seems to prevail in some circles, that
to assign a document to the second century is to stamp it as second-rate. Such
an idea is an unhistorical misapprehension. No evidence exists to prove that
about the year 100 a.d. a night of unclean and inferior things descended upon
early Christianity, when the "good things of the day" began "to droop and
drowse." 2 Though this is often practised to quite a needless extent. It is useless to
follow the first part of Cicero's well-known maxim for the historian — ne quid
falsi dicere audeat — without adding courage to caution and proceeding — deinde
ne quid veri non audeat. Much more is definite in NT criticism than is com
monly allowed, and the affectation of reticence and hesitation is due as often to
intellectual looseness or incapacity, as to a proper desire to be scrupulously
fair and accurate in judgment.

70 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
thesis puts the literary problems on conjectural ground; it
forbids robust and unambiguous statements, and frequently
makes any approach to unanimity impossible. Still, this is
a risk that has to be taken and will have to be taken with
any arrangement and at any time. Besides, it must be added,
recent movements in NT criticism have made such an attempt
at a chronological order much more feasible than has hitherto
been the case, by clearing up one or two difficulties to the
verge of actual probability. The days are past when the
beginning of knowledge in many quarters seems to have been
contempt for Eusebius and his authorities. Tradition is being
wonderfully, though far from entirely, rehabilitated, and that
implies a wider province of common agreement x upon the
individual and relative positions of the NT writings. This is
true even when one hesitates to accept in toto Harnack's seduct
ive and exuberant vindication of tradition,2 or the particular
theories which he applies to the NT writings. There can be
no doubt that by this critical tendency, of which his famous
1 From the standpoint of an intelligent and dispassionate outsider, the late
Mr. G. J. Romanes was on the whole justified in claiming that the outcome of
the great battle upon the Christian texts had been, "impartially considered, a
signal victory for Christianity." As he pointed out, " prior to the new [biblical]
science, there was really no rational basis in thoughtful minds either for the
date of any one of the NT books, or, consequently, for the historical truth of
any one of the events narrated in them. But now all this kind of scepticism
has been rendered obsolete" (Thoughts on Religion (1895), pp. 155, 156). At
the same time, as the Notes and Appendix will show, there are several
points at which the need is to follow up tracks of fresh inquiry rather than to
halt in any final conclusions.
2 In the Vorrede to his "Chronologic" (1897). It is unnecessary to quote
the well-known sentences, particularly as their foundation has been rather
shaken by the subsequent discovery of compositions like the Coptic "Acts of
Paul" (cp. Dr. Schmidt, the editor, in ThLz (1898), 316, and Harnack himself,
ibid. (1897), 629). That a work of this kind should be accepted by sub-
apostolic tradition does not tend to increase one's confidence in that tradition,
and certainly warrants any cautious investigator in refusing to accept statements
simply because they are current in the church by the time of Irenaeus.
Tradition, as an accurate channel for the transmission of genuinely canonical
literature, does not deserve the blank certificate which Harnack seems or seemed
inclined to award it. Further, the standpoint of his scheme with regard to the
NT literature cannot be said to be exactly representative, nor does it afford any
adequate grounds for the belief that it implies a conservative reaction in NT
criticism.

PROLEGOMENA 71
volume is one of the most outspoken representatives, the
outlines of the NT literary order have been brought into
greater distinctness, and now approximate more nearly to
finality. The limits within which doubt and guess are tenable
have been sensibly contracted ; and in this way an attempt
like the present cannot be pronounced either premature or
illegitimate, although several of its problems still remain
complex and unmapped. Of the individual documents, the
majority bear so plainly the date and character of their
origin, that there is little risk of an uncertain answer to the
question, " Whose image and superscription is this ? " It is only
the minority that resemble defaced coins upon which the
marks of place and time either have turned illegible or else
have never been cut at all. In the order adopted in the
present edition, were Ephesians and 1 Peter put (say) ten or
twenty years later, Acts brought down nearer to the opening
of the second century than I have been able at present to
place it, and Matthew (Luke ?) similarly thrown back, these
slight changes would be almost sufficient to represent an
arrangement of the NT literature upon which a large body of
liberal criticism at the present day is agreed with practical
unanimity. The prospects of such a healthy state of matters in NT
criticism depend, however, upon the straightforward rejection
of any eirenicon like that whieh is occasionally offered in this
country by some influential writers (e.g. Gore, Lux Mundi,10
pp. xvii f., xxixf., 240 f., 258 f., etc.; and Driver, Introd.
lit. OT,2 p. xviif.), who, conceding the rights of criticism
within the province of the OT, decline to admit the legitimacy
of similar historical research in the NT literature, upon the
ground either that the latter collection possesses certain
qualities of finality and authority which exempt it from being
judged by the canons of ordinary treatment, or that it was
" produced under very different historical conditions." This
role of the theological Canute is due to excellent motives ;
but it must be pronounced not merely indefensible but in
jurious to the best interests of faith and truth. The com
promise rests on a misapprehension, and is as unnecessary as

72 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
it is illegitimate.1 It has no basis in the facts which come
under discussion. The condition of early Christianity in the
first and second centuries, it is true, was such as to render
the limits within which tradition could be modified consider
ably less than in the older Semitic literature. In the latter
we often deal with centuries where in the former the unit is
a decade. Besides, the contexture and vitality of the early
Christian communities naturally made testimony upon the
whole less ambiguous and remote than in the long spaces of
Hebrew development. But the comparative brevity of this
period and its internal excellence do not imply that its record
must ipso facto be strictly historical, nor do they absolutely
preclude the activity of such influences as elsewhere modify,
develop, and transmute existing traditions under recognised
tendencies of human life. As any tyro in NT criticism is
aware, during the period between 3 0 and 130 a.d. such influ
ences were particularly keen, owing to the mental atmosphere
of the time and the religious ferment excited by the new
faith. Between the quality of the testimony in the OT and
that of the NT the difference is patent and material; still it
is a difference not of kind but of degree. The principles
and standards of historical proof are the same, whatever
literature be the subject of inquiry, although the scale of
application naturally varies in proportion to the character of
the materials. Early Christianity does not indeed require
the same elaborateness or methods of literary science as are
demanded by the condition in which the OT documents have
reached the modern scholar ; but unless the character of the
first and second centuries a.d. be estimated by historical
methods, in as thorough and free a spirit as the age of
Samuel or Isaiah, it will continue to remain a province for
arbitrary guess-work, and to present the average reader with
a series of writings whose sense and connection lie at the
1 Hort, as usual, occupies the correct standpoint (Hulsean Lectures, 1894, pp.
175, 176) : " No line is possible between what has come to men, and their
interpretation of what has come to them. . . . The words and facts of gospel
history and of apostolic history, as historical and literary phenomena, demand
to be subjected to historical and literary criticism."

PROLEGOMENA 73
mercy of dogmatic or devotional fantasy. Similarly, to hold
that the religion enshrined in the NT is final in substance
and supreme in quality, does not require its adherents to rail
off that literature nervously and sharply as ex hypothesi a
sacred enclosure, nor have those who do so the right of
assuming that this is an essential or permanent position.
Unique contents do not imply unique setting, any more than
piety of character carries with it physical, moral, or mental
perfection. 'E%o/j.ev rbv drjaavpbv rovrov iv barpaKtvoK
o-Kevecriv. The historicity of the tradition embodied in the
NT literature is far too solid to require privileged treatment
or to need exaggerated claims on its behalf. Indeed, its
excellence becomes visible and intelligible only as the forms
in which it has been preserved are allowed to pass the test
imposed by the ordinary canons of historical and literary
science when these are fairly applied ; any attempt to pre
clude this analysis as irrelevant or dangerous must be firmly
set aside. Such attempts read more or less into the litera
ture : they do not read it for itself. A concern to establish
the historicity and continuity of the faith is praiseworthy ;
but when it assumes the advocate's garb and intrudes upon
the study of early Christian literature, it is apt to bring a
leprosy of incompetence which taints even work that is pro
fessedly written upon critical principles (cp. ICC, " Bomans,"
p. xii, " Luke," p. v). For the historical student of that
literature it is safer to assume that the categories of the three
great C's do not exist. His work is merely with the pre
suppositions and embryonic phases of church and creed and
canon, nor can even the first of these be postulated by
him except in a most modified and unmodern sense. As the
facts that lead to these emerge, his task draws to a close.
To drag them back into the fabric of that early age is not
merely to naively beg the whole question at issue, but to court
anachronisms and solecisms on every side, and to conclude
with results which are almost as pathetic and incongruous as
those produced by Voltaire's application of the French
" unities " to the Shakespearian drama.
It is by steering clear of such errors that liberal criticism

74 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
is alone able to reach a position in regard to the NT literature
which satisfies the interests alike of faith and scholar
ship. In pursuance of this course, the following edition
has been arranged. On a first glance, probably, the impres
sion left by it may be disconcerting and chaotic, a bewilder
ing sense of eddies and currents running vaguely through
those early years ; but this feeling of discomposure is inevitable
in the nature of the case. It proceeds not merely from the
contrast and familiarity of the canonical order, but also from
the fact that the real connection of the writings, as well as
the historical movement in which they appeared, both lie
below the surface and must be made out from a study
and comparison of the records. Besides, literature is like
the life of which it forms one expression : neither is apt to
be symmetrical. History seldom moves in the rhythm of
dialectic, and it is not customary for vitality of belief and
action to show itself in a neat elaborated series of pamphlets
and discussions. The real growth of such an age as that of
early Christianity is to be sought in the confusing and ap
parently conflicting phases of energy, belief, and morals,
whose very richness surges up in records like the XT
documents, diverse and scattered. These in their irregular
sequence are simply the proof of a wealthy and developing
genius in the religion they delineate, a religion which was not
less heterogeneous than the Judaism out of which it rose.
As the initial feeling of awkwardness passes, however, it
is hoped that some clearer insight into the NT will accrue
from the use of this edition along with the canonical order.
The alteration of the conventional focus should be justified by
such gains as a more genuine and tenable impression of the
unity within the NT, and of its advance in institutions,
ethics, and ideas, a sense of the larger sky behind the church,
a vista of the variations and discrepancies within the
apostolic consciousness, decreased liability to error in some
lines of research and interpretation, a truer orientation of the
documents, and the new mental possession (afforded by print)
of some conclusions in regard to the NT which have already
commended themselves by their own sense and force. It is

PROLEGOMENA 7 5
for results like these that one looks in this genetic order of
the literature as it lies beside the history. Even if in out
ward form the arrangement seems rather an unshapely mass,
like the body of Oedipus, " not goodly to the sight " (ov
arovhalov ek Sifriv), perhaps it may be added ultimately of
the one as of the other in point of practical effectiveness,
" but the gains from it are better than beauty " (rd Se KepSrj
irap' avrov Kpeicraov fj fiopcpr) koX-tj).

HISTORICAL TABLES

Chronology enters into the important parts of history as one of the main
conditions under which history itself is intelligible, or under which history
makes other things intelligible for any profitable purpose. Chronology either
combines with the facts of history, so as to create them into a new life, and to
impress upon them a moral meaning, such as nakedly and separately those
facts would not possess ; or else forms a machinery for recalling and facilitating
the memorial conquest of historical facts in their orderly succession. — De
Quincey. It is impossible to separate the religious phenomena from the other
phenomena, in the same way that you can separate a vein of silver from the
rock in which it is embedded. They are as much determined by the general
characteristics of the race as the fauna and flora of a geographical area are
determined by its soil, its climate, and its cultivation. They are separable
from the whole mass of phenomena not in fact, but only in thought. We may
concentrate our attention chiefly upon them, but they still remain part of the
whole complex life of the time, and they cannot be understood except in
relation to that life. — Hatch.
In Sprache und in Ausdrucksweise, in Cultur und Sitte, im Denken und
Empfinden, weisen die Schriften fiber sich hinaus und verlangen zu ihrer vollen
Wiirdigung und zu ihrem rechten Verstandnis die Heranziehung und Ver-
gleichung des Culturbodens, auf dem sie entstanden sind, der grossen geistigen
Bewegung, die in der Periode nach dem Zusammenbruch von Alexanders
grossen Planen als die geistige Frucht seines Wirkens heranwuchs. Wer
darum das neue Testament fordern will, dart' an den Zeugen der geistigeu
Cultur jener Jahrhuuderte nicht voriibergehen. Jedoch bedarf das Bild auch
nach einer andern Seite hin noch der Vervollkommnung. Um einer historischen
Grosse vollig gerecht zu werden, ist es notwendig, sie nicht nur in ihren
Voraussetzuugen zu studieren, sondern auch in ihren Folgen zu begreifen.
So wird es notwendig sein, auch die Frage zu erwiigen, was sich aus der
folgenden Entwicklung der christlichen Zeit fiir ihre Anfange lernen lasst.—
Preuschen.

7S

TABLE I. — 180 B.a-30 a.d.

Die Aufgabe der biblischen Theologie des Alten Testaments hat zu schildern,
wie aus der Religion Israels in Folge der Predigt der Propheten und der
eigentumliehen Geschichte dieses Volkes sich das Judentum bildet, und die
Entwicklung dieses zum Auftreten Jesu klar zu legen. Ja soil die Darstellung
einen Ruhepunkt finden, so wird als Abschluss der ganzen Entwicklung die
Predigt Jesu in kurzen TJmrissen zu geben sein. In dieser finden alle die
Fragen ihre Beantwortung, mit denen sonst die Darstellung in unbefriedig-
endster Weise schliessen miisste. Wer das religiose Lebeu des Judentums in der
neutestamentlichen Zeit in ersehopfender Weise zeichnen will, hat so notwendig
die Predigt Jesu in die Gesammtdarstellung einzuzeictmen, wie derjenige,
welcher die Predigt Jesu deutlich zeichnen will, jenes als des Hintergrundes
hedarf. Fiir die theologisches Betrachtung ist die Predigt Jesu so gut die
Schlussstein der alttestameutlichen Entwicklung, wie der Ausgangspunkt fiir
die biblische Theologie des Neuen Testaments, fiir die Kirchen- und Dogmen-
geschichte. — Stad e.
There was in the world much of the noble heritage of past centuries and an
infinite abundance of pomp and glory, but little spirit, still less taste, and least
of all true delight in life. It was indeed an old world; and even the richly-
gifted patriotism of Caesar could not make it young again. The dawn does not
return till after the night has fully set in and run its course. But yet with him
there came to the sorely harassed peoples on the Mediterranean a tolerable
evening after the sultry noon. — Mommsen.
It is a mistake to think that ages of transition, like that immediately
preceding the appearance of Christianity, are simply times of decay and dis
integration, when all spiritual and religious life is completely moribund. . . .
Where an old system decays we may be sure it is because the new truth which
is to succeed it is already there ; the old would not decay if the new had not
arrived, be it but in germ, and been long labouring to undermine and eat away
the existing structure. — Baur,

'dl

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

TABLE I.-.

B.C. 180

Istrian war, 178-177.
Romans at war in
Greece, 170-146.
Third Punic war,
149-145.
Numantine war,
143-133.

Death of Hannibal, 183.

Battle of Pydna, 168.
Sack of Corinth, 146.
Achaia, Bom. prov.
Letters from Rome to
East in favour of Jews,
138-137.

The Gracchi, 164-121 Servile War in Sicily,
134-132.
Sempronian laws, 133-123.
Death of Scipio, 129. Transalpine wars.

Judaea.

Antiochus Epiphanes) 17- ,fin Desecration of
The Maccabees f i/0 iDU' the Temple
168.
Judas Mace, recovers Restoration of Temple-
Jerusalem, worship, 165.
Judas Mace, alliance with Rome, 160 c.
Jewish overtures to Rome. Judaea independent. 143
The Asmoneans, 135-63.
John Hyrcanus, 135-105.
Pharisees. Sadducees.
League with Rome, 128. Subjugation of Idumaea
and Samaria.

Marius, 155-
Sulla, 138-78.

Gallia Narbonensis,
Rom. prov.

Sumptuary laws, 115.
Jugurthan war,lll-106.
Numidia, Rom. prov.
Marius defeats Teutons 106.
and Cimbri, 102-101. Cllicia, Rom. prov. 102.
Schools of oratory in Sec. Servile war, 103-
Rome, 98. 101.
Social war, 90-88. Exile of Marius, 88-86.
Athens captured by Sulla, 86.
Sertorius in Spain, 83- Sulla in Rome, 82-79.
72. Cicero in East, 79-78.
Spartacus and Mithridates conquered, 73-71.
Lucullus in East.

Pompey, 106-49.
Cicero, 106-43.
Pompey in the East.
Catiline's conspiracy
65-63.
Clodius, 62-61. Oriental religions

Syria, Rom. prov. 65.

Growth of Nabatean
kingdom. Essenes. Revival of Hellenism.
Aristobulus I., 105-104.
Alex. Jannaeus, 104-79.
Egyptian invasion Tyranny and defeat of
of Palestine. Pharisees.
Triumph of Jannaeus
at Jerusalem, 82.
Salome, 79-69.
Pharisaic reaction, 78 f.
Strife of parties.
Birth of Hillel, 75. Birth of Herod the
National education Great, 72.
established, 70.
Aristobulus IL, 69-63.
Nabatean invasion.
Pompey in Jerusalem ; siege and capture, 63.

60

A.D.

and Jews in Rome.

Caesar, 100-44.
in Gaul, 58-51.
in Britain, 55-54.
Civil war.
Reform of Calendar,
46.
Cleopatra, 69-30.
Parthian wars.
Agrippa crosses Rhine,
37.
Death of Cleopatra, 30.
Octavian supreme.
Augustus, 30 B.C.-(19
August) 14 A.D.
Gates of Janus closed,
29, 25.
Augustus in Gaul and
Syria, 27-24.
Social reforms, c. 21.
Augustus in East,21-19.
Secular games, 17.
Tiberius exiled in
Rhodes, 6 b.c-2 a.d.

First triumvirate, 60.
Cyprus, Rom. prov. 57.
Gaul, Rom. prov. 50.
Caesar in
Suicide of Cato at
Utica.
Second triumvirate, 43.
Battle of Philippi, 42.
Battle of Actium, 31.
Egypt, Rom. prov. 30.
Pantheon built in Rome,

Tiberius, 14-(16 March)
37.
Musulamian war,
17-24.
Sejanus, (fl. 23-31).
Drusus poisoned, 23.
Tiberius at Capreae,
26-37.

Galatia, Rom. prov. 25.
Campaign against Ethi
opians, 24-22. Visit of Aug
Conquest of Spain.
German wars.
Birth of Seneca, 7.
Campaigns in Pannonia
and Dalmatia, 6-9.
Quirinius governor of
Rebellion of Arminius,
9-19.
Germanicus, 14-19.
Jews banished
Pontius Pilate,
War in Thrace, 25-26,

Hyrcanus II., 63-40.
Insurrection.
Revolts of Aristobulus, c. 56,
Crassus plunders the Temple, 54.
Antipater, procuratorof Judaea,47.
Syria, 47.
-VI, Antonius in Syria, 42.
Antigonus, 40-37 ; with aid of
Parthians.
The Idumeans. Herod the Great, King of Judaea,
37-4 ; with aid of Romans.
Hillel in Jerusalem, 36.
Attack on Sanhedrin.
Rise of Herodians, 28.
Samaria rebuilt, 27 (?). Hellenizing of Judaea.
Theatre built in Jerusalem.
Famine and plague,
25-23.
Caesarea built, 22-10 b.c. Enlargement of Herod's
territory.
ustus to Syria, 20.
Temple rebuilt, 20 f. _ ¦»
Intrigues in Herodian family, 14 f. [^
Birth of Jesus, 6b.c.±. Popular revolt under
Rabbis Judas and
Matthias, 4 b.c.
Herod Antipas, tetrarch, 4-39 a.d. Anarchy.

Syria : the census, 6-7.
Annas, h-priest, 6-15.

Judas the Galilean.
Revolt) of zealots.
Defeat)

Caiaphas, h-priest, 18-i
from Rome, 19.
Mission of John the Baptizer, 25-26.
procurator, 26-36. Insurrection,
Tiberias built.
Baptism of Jesus, 27 c. Death of John, 28.
Crucifixion of Jesus, 29.

HISTORICAL TABLES

180 B.C.-30 A.D.

Jewish Literature.

Greek and Latin Literature.

Ur-Ecclus. (Heb.), 180.

Maccab. psalms.

Diogenes, c. 200.

Porcius Cato, 234-140.

Enoch (epp. 1-36), before

Apollonius of Rhodes,

Plautus, -184.

170.

181.

Q. Ennlus, 169.

Prayer of Manasseh.

Carneades (phil.), 213-

Caecil. Statius (corned.),

Eupolemus (hist.)

129.
d. 168.
Aristobulus (phil.), 170-
Book of Daniel, 165.
Polybius, 204-122.
Terence, 184-159. "Phor-
150.
Greek transl. Daniel, bv
Nicander, c. 160.
mio," "Eunuchus," 162.
Jason of Cyrene,
150.
Aristarchus, fl. 156
L. Titinnius (com.).
Sibyllines, bk. iii. (97-
"Esther," 150-130.
(gramm.).
M. Brutus, "De jure
S17), 140 c.
Psalter complete, 141.
Moschus, 154 c.
civili."
Book of Judith, 130-105.
Hipparchus (astron.),
Sempronius Asellio (hist.).
Enoch (epp. S3-90).
160-145 fl.
Wisd. Seirach (Greek),
Philo (epic poet) ?
Panaetius (phil.), 150-
M. Pacuvius, -129.
130 c.
120 fl.
C. Lucillus, - 102.
Cleodemus (Malchus).
Apollodorus of Athens :
Hostius, " De bello Istri-
Greek additions to
Theodotus (poet) ?
Ptolem. Euergetes.
co," 125.
Daniel, before 90.
L. Caeliue Antipater (hist).
III. Esdras, 170-100.
Ezekiel (dram.)?
Apollonius Molon, c. 120
Artapanus (hist.), -100
(anti-Semite), Iva-snv?,
(Tltp) 'IovSot/_-»v).
xccra, 'lov^ociwv.
Chronicles of Hyrcanus.
Agatharcides (geog.).
L. Afranius (corned.), c. 94.
Enoch (epp. 91-104), be
Clitomachus.
Accius(traged.), —94.
tween 134 and 95 b.c.
Theodosius (math.).
Sextus Turpili us (corned.),
- Aristeas (11^) 'IouSoi/ajv)?
Antipater of Sidon (epigr.)
. Q. Mucius Scaevola
I. Maccab., ± 90.
(lawyer).
Letter of Jeremiah (?).
Hero (math.), c. 103?
M. Aem. Scaurus (orat.).
Wisd. Solomon, 90,
Posidonius (phil.), 110-
C. Licinius Macer, -G<5.
later.
50 li. (" History ").
Letter of Aristeas (96-
Scymnus (geogr.), c. 90.
Q. Hortensius (orat.),
_ 63?).
Parthenius (gramm.)
114-50.
Enoch (Similitudes, epp.
Schimeon ben Schetach.
Greek art and science in
Valerius Cato (poet), c. 80.
37-70), 95-65.
Rome, fl. 81.
': II. Maccab. (between
Activity of Scribes.
Diotimus the Stoic, 80 c.
Claudius Quadrigarius
150 and 50) ?
(hist.), 100-78 fl.
Collection of Sibyll. orac.
Sisenna (hist.).
Greek additions to Esthei
?
c. 75.
Lucretius, 99-55, "De
. Alexander Polyhistor,
rerum nat.," publ. 56 c.
80-40 (flipi'Iouda,!™).
Meleager (eleg.), 70 c.
Catullus, 87-54.
Lysimacbus (anti-Semite)
Nigidius Figulus (phil.).
Tobit, before 25.
Pseudo-Phocylides ? ?
Artemidorus (geogr.).
Quintus Cicero.
Metrodorus.
T. Pomponius Atticus,
Psalt. Solomon (part),
109-32.
63-48.
Menippus. Philodemus.
Dec. Laberius, 107-43.
Book of Jannes and
Cicero, 106-43.
Jambres (?).
Castor (" Chronicle ").
Caesar.
Book of Noah (?).
Sallust, 86-35.
Apocalypse of Elijah (?).
Alexandrinism.
Varro. Hirtius.
"Two Ways" Catechism
Didymus of Alexandria.
O. Cornelius Gallus, 66-26.
(Did. i.-vi.)?
M. Junius Brutus.
Sibyll., bk. iii. (1-62),
Tyrannion (elder), 115-25.
Cornelius Nepos, 99-24.
40-30.
Sosigenes(phiL), c. 46.
Dellius (hist.). P. Svrus.
Menachem.
Antipater of Tyre.
L. Varius Rufus, 74-14.
Hillel, 70 b.c.-6 a.d.
Timagenes (hist.).
Vergil, 73-19 ("Aeneid,"
29-19).
Conon (mythographus).
C. Asinius Pollio, 70-
'" Commentaries" of
Shammai.
4 A.D.
* King Herod ?
Nicolans Damascenus
Tibullus, -19.
,Book of Jubilees, 40-10.
(hist.), 64-.
Propertius.
"Pirke Aboth," 70 b.c-
Diodorus Siculus (hist.).
Horace, -8 ("Odes," i.-
170 A.D.
iii., 23 b.c).
Philo born, c. 20.
Hypsikrates (hist.).
Aem. Macer.
Dionysius Halicarn.,
Vitruvius Pollio (archit.).
¦'
" Roman Archaeo
Livy, 59 B.a-17 a.l*.
logy," 8 B.C.
Messala, 64 b.c-9 a.d,
Hyginus.
i
Targums, nucleus of, 1-
Theodorus of Rhodes
Juba.
¦
200 A.D.
(rhet.), b.c. 6-a.d. 2 fl.
Trogus Pompeius.
¦Paul born?
Lesbonax.
Ovid, "Art of Love," 2-1
Assumptio Mosis.
Dionysius Periegetes.
r,.c. ; banishment, 9 a d.
Test. XII. Patriarch.
Strabo, 54 B.C.-24 a.D-
" Monumentum Aney-
(groundwork ?).
(hist. geogr.).
ranum."
Ptolemy of Ascalon,
Manilius, " Astronomica."
1
"Life of Herod"?
Apollonius Sophista, c. 20.
L. Fenestella(hist.).
t
Antonius Musa (med.).
ySnoch (Slavonic), 1-50.
Apion, "Egyptian his
tory."
Celsus (med.).
Phaedrus.
/—  . 
Valerius Maximus (hist.).
TABLE II. — 30-100 a.d.

The struggle between the Christian principle and Jewish tradition was
bound to arise. The new seed sown in that ancient soil could not germinate
without rising in it and in places breaking up the rich hard crust. In
the books of the NT that have preserved to us the picture of that first and
powerful germination, side by side with the principle to which the future
belongs, we necessarily find old things that are on the way to death.—
Sabatier. The world was then undergoing a moral improvement and an intellectual
decline . . . Greece fortunately remained faithful to her genius. The pro
digious splendour of Roman power had dazzled and stunned, but not
annihilated it. But at this period Greece herself was passing through one
of her intervals of lassitude. Genius was scarce, and original science inferior
to what it had been in preceding ages, and to what it would be in the follow
ing. The space from the death of Augustus to the accession of Trajan must be
classed as a period of temporary degradation for the human intellect. The
ancient world had by no means uttered its last word, but the bitter trials
through which it was passing took from it both voice and courage. When
brighter days return, and genius shall be delivered from the terrible sway of
the Caesars, she will take heart again. — Renan.
The history of the gospel contains two great transitions, both of which,
however, fall within the first century : from Christ to the first generation of
believers, including Paul, and from the first, Jewish Christian, generation
of these believers to the Gentile Christians ; in other words, from Christ to
the brotherhood of believers in Christ, and from this to the incipient catholic
church. No later transitions in the church can be compared with these in
importance. — Harnack.

84

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

TABLE IL—

Judaea and the East.

Fall of Sejanus, 31.

Financial crisis at
Rome, 33.
Caligula, 37-(Jan. 24) Pilate recalled to Rome.
41. Persecution of Jews
in Gaul and Bri- Apion in Rome, 39.
tain, 39-40. Philo's embassj- to
Lucan in Rome, 40.
Claudius, 41-(Oct. 13)
54. Seneca in exile, 41-49.
Romans in Britain, Lycia, Rom. prov.
43.
London founded by Expulsion of Jews from
Aulus Plautius, 47. Rome, 48(?).
Secular games (6th), 47. S. Britain, Rom. prov.
Nero adopted, 50. Caractacus defeated,51.
Trajan born, 52. Afranius Burrus, pref.
Praetor, 51-62.
Pallas, 52-55.
Nero, 54-(June 9) 68.
Burrus and Seneca Parthian and Armenian
in power, 65. wars.
Birth of Tacitus, 55.
Death of Britannicus,
55.
Corbulo in Armenia,
57-59.
Suetonius in Britain, Festus
59-61.
Boadicea defeated. Albinus,
Tigellmus, Poppaea, in Martial reaches Rome,
power, 62 f. c. 63.
Josephus in Rome.
63-64.
Paul in Rome.

I Death of Stephen
Judaea.

Aretas TV. rules Naba-
taeans (9 b.c-40a.d.).
Persecution of Christians in

Paul a Christian, 30(31)
Caiaphas deposed, 36. Paul in Arabia, -34,
Herod Agrippa I. ,
king, 37-44.
in Alexandria, 38.
Attempt to place Cali
gula's statue ii
Temple.
Rome, 40.
Revival of Pharisaism.

Birth of Josephus, ±37,
Earthquakes in Ant
ioch, 37/.

Paul in Syria and Asia
Minor, 34-48.
Zealots in Judaea.
Martyrdom of James
the son of Zebedee.
Revolt of Theudas. Judaism in Adiabeni.,
c. 44.
Famine, 44 c.
Cumanus, procurator, Paul's first tour.
48-52.
Revolts in Palestine. Council at Jerus., 49,
Agrippa II., 50-100. Paul's second tour,
49-52.
Simon Magus.

procurator, 52-(59).

Burning of Rome, 19th July
Persecution of Christians

Gessius

Increasing turbulence. Josephus among
Essenes, 53-56.

Paul's third tour, 52-56.
Paul's arrest, 56.

Sicarii.
Popular tumults.
procurator, 59. Earthquake in Lvciis
Valley.
Martyrdom of James Paul's voyage to Rome,
in Jerus., 62 (61). 59-60.
procurator, 61.

Epiktetus born in
Hierapolis (?).

Plague in Rome, 65.
Deaths of Lucan and Seneca ) p„
Conspiracy of Piso. f "°
Revolt of Vindex in Nero in Greece, 66-67.
Gaul.

Florus,pl.ocurator,6«6.T-P';i(!tnediJ^» Florus abandons Jeru
salem.
Josephus, governor of Massacres of Jews in
Galilee. Syria and Egypt.
Romans driven from John of Gischala.
Jerusalem, 66.
Roman campaign : Vespasian in Galilee
Judaea, 67.

[Continued on

HISTORICAL TABLES

85

30-100 a.d.

Jewish and Christian Literature.

Ill Mace. ? ?

Philo.
Gamaliel L, 30-40 a.d.
Philo "contra Flaccum."

Greek and Latin Literature.

Decline of
Greek literature.

Xenocrates(med.), v. 30.

Caligula-apoc? (Apoc. 13),
"Legatio ad Gaium."

Letters of Heracleitus (?).

IV Mace, 30-70.

Eldad and Modad (?).
Abba Chilkijja.
Abba Scha'ul.
Ascensio Isaiae (2!-312
52-14)?

Thess. epp.

Galat.Corinth. Rom. etc.

epp.

Apoc. Baruch (27-30,
36-40, 53-74) (bef. 70).

Development of
Apocalyptic

Coloss. Phlm. )
[Ephes.] f- epp,
Philipp. etc. )

Literature.

1 Peter (?)
MegillathTaanith??

C. Velleius Paterculus
(hist.).
" Cyclopaedia " of Celsus,
35.
Afer Domitius (orat.).

/"(DeTranq.,'; "DeIra,""De
Seneca, Brevit. " = 49-
7 B.c.-65-l 54.
a.d. , " De Clem.,'
"DeBenef." =
V 54-62.
Persius, 34-62.
Cn. Lentulus Gaetulicus
(poet, hist.), d. 39.
Babrius, " Fables," fl. 40? Lucan, 65. Scribonius
Largus (med.).
M. Valerius Probus.
Nikomachus Gerasenus, Q. Asconius Pedianus
c. 50. (fl.), 42. Comm. on
Cicero's speeches, 55.

Onosander (milit.), 50 c. Pomponius Mela (geogr.).
Antipater of Thessalonika, Q. Remmius Palaemon
50 c. (gram.).

Chaeremon (phil.).

Columella (agricult.).

' h.iyvvTta.x.vi itrrapict. Calpurnius Siculus.

Probus of Berytus(gram.)
Petronius(satir.), -66.

PamphilS.

Dioskorides (med.).
Erotianus,
Andromachus of Crete Pliny (major), 22-79.
(med.), 54-6S.

Leonidas of Alexandria.

Dionysius of Alexandria. CassiusLonginus(jurist.), 50-80.
Ammonius. Sextus Julius Gabinianus
(orat.).
" Periplus Maris Ery- Musonius Rufus (phil.
thraei." Gk.).

[Continued on p. 87.

8G

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

TABLE IL—

Rou-e.

Judaea and the East.

Death of Nero ; Civil
war, 68.

Famine and floods at
Rome, 68-69.

Galba, Otho, Vitellius, 69 ; Vespasian, 69-79.
Apollonius of Tyana.

Burning of Capitoline
Temple, 69.
Stoics banished from
Rome, 70.
Triumph of Titus
Temple of Janus closed
Bernice at Rome, 75.
Colosseum built, 70-
80.
Epiktetus in Rome.
Titus, 79-(13 Sept.) 81.
Agricola in Britain,
78-85.
Great fire in Rome, 80.
Domitian, 81-(18 Sept.)

Revolt of Civilis in
Germany, c. 70.
Rhetoric- teachers en
dowed in Rome.
Dacian revolts.
Herculaneum and Pom
peii destroyed, 79.

Josephus resident in
Rome, 70-100.

Domitian's triumph in
Gaul, 83.

Severe polic}' to Jews.

Severe policy to Chris
tians.
Defeat of Caledonians at Mons Grampius, 84.
War against Daci, 86-90.
Revolt of Saturninus Tacitus, praetor, 88.
in Germany, 88.

Secular games, 88.
Philosophers expelled from Rome, 94.
Nerva, 96-(27 Jan.) 98. Tacitus, consul, 97 (98)
Trajan, 98-(Aug.) 117. Free constitution.
Pliny's "Panegyric,'
100.

Idumaeans massacre
priests in Jerusalem,
68.
Lull in war, June 68-
April 70.
Appearance of a false
Nero in East, c. 69.
Siege and sack of
Jerusalem by Titus, 70.
Fall of Masada, 73.

Zealots masters of Jeru
salem.
Flight of Christians to
Pella.
Birth of Polykarp, 69.

Extermination of Zea
lots.
End of Sanhedrin.

Rabbi Jochanan (d. 100). Bethar, a Jewish centre,
at

Rabbinic school
Jamnia.
A false Nero on the
Euphrates.

Gamaliel II. (80-117).
Rising of Jews, 85-86.
Devotion to the " Law.'

Jewish settlements in
Babylon, Parthia,
and Armenia.
Philip and his daugh
ters in Hierapolis.

Nazarenes (Ebionites).

Romans prohibit conversions to Judaism.
The Pharisees para- Desposyni in Palestine,
mount.
A false Nero among
Parthians, c. 88.
Synod of Jamnia, 90 : John in Ephesus.
Settlement of OT
canon.
Eleazar ben Hyrcanos. Cerinthus.
Growing antipathy of Polykarp in Smyrna.
Jews and Christians. John the Presbyter.
Menander, disciple of Simon Magus.
Eleazar ben Azarja.
Eleazar ben Zadok.

HISTORICAL TABLES

87

^•continued.

Jewish and Christian Literature.

Josephus, 37-100.

Apoc. Hi-is (?).
Apoc. 12 (?),
Gospel of Mark, 65-75.
Ascensio Isaiae (S^-S1),
50-80 a.d.
Apoc. (17).

Bk. of Baruch (11-3
Joseph. " Wars of Jews," 75 (after).
Justus of Tiberias, fl. 65-100 (" Chronicle").
Sibvll. bk. iii. (63-92), Gospel of Matthew,75-9C
75-80. Sibyll. bk. iv. 80 c; bk. v. (52-531) bef. S0(?),
" Hebrews" ep. u. 80.
Apoc. Baruch, 1-26, 31-
35, 41-52, 75-87 (pt.
after 70).
Bk. of Baruch (38-59) (?) Gospel of Luke, 80-90.
Acts.
IV Esdras. Joseph. "Antiquities of Jews," 93-94.

Pseudo-Philo, Apocalypse of John.
"de biblicis antiquitatibus."
Hystaspes (Sibyll. orac.)?? Clem. Rom. i. epist. c.97.
Josephus, "Against Apion "(?).
Gospel of Hebrews (be
fore 100).
Fourth gospel, 95-115.
Joseph. "Autobiography," 100 (after).

Greek and Latin Literature.

Cornutus (Stoic) ? ?

Heraklides ("allegoriae
Homericae")??

Aretaeus (med.), c. 70.

Demetrius (cyn.).

Epaphroditus (gramm.).
Quintus Curtius (hist.).
Commentaries" of Ves
pasian.
Antonius Julianus (hist.).
Silius Itali- "Punica,"
cus, fl. ±90.
Pliny, "Naturalis His
toria," 77.
Fabius Rusticus (hist.).
C. Valerius Flaccus,
" Argonautica."
Verginius Rufus.

Dio Prusaeus.

Niketas of Smyrna.

P. Papinius Sextus Julius
Statius, Frontinus,
45-96. 70-106.
Turnus (satir.).
Martial. "Epigrammata,1
83-101.
Arruntius Stella.
Juvenal.

Epiktetus, banished from Tacitus,
RometoNikopolis,89A.D. 55

' de Oratori-
bus," c. 80.
' Agricola, 97-

' Germania.'

Plutarch, 48-320.

Isaeus (sophist).

Siculus Flaccus.
Terentius Maurus
(gramm.).
Quintilian (born, 35 a.d.),
Instit. Orat. 93 ±.

TABLE III— 100-190 a.d.

In the eyes of the Pagan historian, the period from the accession of Nerva,
in 96 a.d., to the death of Marcus Aurelius, in 180 A.D., is memorable as a
period of uniform good government, of rapidly advancing humanity, of great
legislative reforms, and of a peace which was very rarely seriously broken. To
the Christian historian it is still more remarkable, as one of the most critical
periods in the history of his faith. The Church entered into it considerable
indeed, as a sect, but not large enough to be reckoned an important power in
the Empire. It emerged from it so increased in its numbers, and so extended
in its ramifications, that it might fairly defy tlie most formidable assaults. —
Lecky. After the silver age which ended nobly with Tacitus and the younger Pliny,
Latin pagan literature almost ceases to exist ; and the falling off in the form
is not more striking than in the value and quality of the contents. All super
stitions revived and flourished apace in the ever-waning light of knowledge.
A shudder of religious awe ran through the Eoman world, and grew more
sombre and searching with the progressive gloom and calamities of the time.
A spirit wholly different from the light-hearted scepticism ofthe Augustan age
and later Republic stirred men's hearts, and the strongest minds did not
escape it. — Cotter Morison.
Parallel mit dem langsamen Einstrbmen des gricchisch - philosophischen
Elements gingen auf der ganzen Linie Versuehe, die man kurzweg als "akute
Hellenisierung " bezeichnen kann. Sie bieten uds das grossartigste geschicht-
liche Schauspiel ; in jener Epoche selbst aber waren sie die furchtbarste Gefahr.
Das zweite Jahrhundert ist das Jahrhundert der Eeligionsmischung, der
Theokrasie, wie kein anderes vor ihm. In diese sollte das Christentum als ein
Element neben andcren, wenn auch als das wichtigste, hineingezogen werden.
Jener "Hellenismus,'' der das versuchte, hatte bereits alle Mysterien, die
orientalische Eultweisheit, das Sublimste und das Absurdste, an sich gezogen
und es durch das wie versagende Mittel der philosophischen, d. h. der alle-
gorischen Deutung in ein schimmerndes Gewebe versponnen. _STun sturzte
er sich — man muss sich so ausdriicken — auf die christliche Verkiindigung. —
Harnack.

90

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

TABLE III.-

Judaea and the East.

A.D 100

First war with Daci- Hadrian, quaestor.
ans, 101-102.
Second war with Daci- Conquest of Nabataean
ans, 105-106. kingdom, 106.

Agrippa II. dies, 100 Jehoshua ben Chan-
a.d. anja.
Justin Martyr, born Flavia Nea-
polis, 103 a.d. ?
Pagan reaction at Ephesus.

Martyrdom of Symeon, 107.
Elkesaites.

Column of Trajan, 113.

Persecution of
in Bithynia,
Death of daugh
Roman Empire at its
largest extent.
"War with Parthians,
± 115. Martyrdom
Conquest of "W. Par-
thia, 116.
Hadrian, 117- (10th July) 138.
Travels of Hadrian, in Britain, 119.
M. Aurelius born, 121. Rom. wall in Britain,
122.
Hadrian in Athens, 123-126; his rescript
to Minicius on the Christians, 124-125.
"War with Picts and Scots, 120-138.

Pompeius Falco,
gov. Judaea,
107f.
Christians Hemerobapt- Schimeon ben
c. 112. ists. Azzaj.
ters of Philip. Rabbi Jose.
Ebionites.

of Ignatius, ± 115.

Revolt of Jews in Egypt, Cyprus, Cyrene, etc.
Massacre of Greeks.

Hadrian in Eg3"p'c and Birth of Irenaeus, bef.
Syria. 130.

Second tour of Hadrian, 129-134. Hadrian re
Hadrian in Alexandria, 131.
Arrian, governor of Capp;

Apotheosis of Antin-
ous, 133.
H.'s rescript to Servian on the Christians,
134. Hyginus, bish. R. 136-
140.

Antoninus Pius, 138- (7th March) 161.
Lollius Urbicus' campaign in X. Britain,
139 f. Development of civil
law.
Pius, bish. R. 140-155.
Wall of Antoninus— Forth to Clyde,
begun 142.
M. Aurelius converted to philosophy, 145.
M. Aurelius co-regent, 147-161.
Secular games, 147.
Anicetus, bish. R. 155- Martvrdom of Polv-
166. kafp, 23rd Feb. 1',:.,
Pestilence and famine
in Rome, 161-166.

builds Jerusalem, 130 f.
Death of Rabbi Joshua,
c. 131.
docia, 131-137.

Rabbi AMba.

Insurrection : Revolt and Defeat
of Bar-Kokhba: 132-135. Sack of Eethar.

Aella CapitoUa founded
ou site of Jerusalem,
136.

Circumcision pro
hibited.
Jewish relief.
New Sanhedrin at Rim-

Disturbancf-s in Asia
Minor : Persecution
of Christians.

Severity of Romans.
The martyrs of Lydda.
Schimeon ben Jochaj.
Mishna, 70-170.
Rabbi Meir, at Usha.

Montanus in Phrygia ;

Aquila (?).
Tertullian born, c. 150.
Jehuda ben Ilaj.
Theodotion (?)•
Clem. Alex, born, c. 155
(in Athens?).
Jose ben Dosithaj,
"Seder Olam "(?)
Maximilla and Priscilla.

[Continued mi p. 92.

HISTORICAL TABLES

91

-100-190 A.D.

Early Christian Literature.

Greek and Latin Literature.

1 ep. John. As- Development of

Nikarchus (epigr). (103-106) "His

censio Isaiae (61- Gnostic systems.

tory " of Tacitus.

HI 1123-40).

Pliny the 3rounger*s

2, 3 epp. John the Chiliasm.
presbyter.

Aelianus. letters, 97-109.

2 Tim. -v
Titus. \ 95-125. Cerinthus.
1 Tim. J Naaseni.

Aristides Quint. Annaeus Florus

(mus.). (hist.).

Isaeus.

Editing of gospels. Rise of apologetic Simonians.

Dio Chrysost. Pliny the younger

Roman Symbol (?). literature.

(rhet.). (born, 61 a.d.).
Moschio, (.. 110. His letter to

Ep. James.

Ignatian \ Ophites.

Trajan, 111-113.

epp.(?) lno_125

(115-117) "Annals"

Ep. Polv- j D*

of Tacitus.

karp(?) J

Hyginus Gromati-
cus.

Protevangel. Ep. to Diognetus, Appeal to tradition.

Apollodorus Polior- Suetonius, "Lives

James (?). c. 117.

ketes. of 12 Caesars,"

Didach6 (pres.

Draco (gramm.). c. 120.

form), c. 120.

Theon of Smyrna

' ' Preaching of Study of NT

(arithm.).

Peter," 100-130. literature.

Phlegon (" Chro- Terent. Scaurus

Gospel of Egypt

nica"). (gramm.).

ians, before 130. Basileides (in Alex-

Antonius Polemon Jabolenus Priscus

Ep. Judas, before andria, 120-125):

(rhet.) ? (lawyer).

130. Sibyll. bk. Quadratus in Athens, i&iyviTixoL.
v. (1-51)? 125-126.

Renaissance of

Greek literature.

Epist. Barnabas, Agrippa Castor, UocpuSoosis Mardiou.

Artemidorus, c. 130.

130-131. 'tkty%os xcltk. (3a.-

Diogenianus.

ffiXtiTiou,

(Herennius) Philo.

Papias of Hier- Saturninus in Ant-

Byblius (n_/>) 'low

f apolis, 70-150 (?). ioch.

ha,lav).

elwyvio'is Xoyiuv xupi- Karpokrates.

Zenobius.

Oxyrhynchite Logia Ep. to Diognetus Gnostic literary ac-

Sextus Pomponius

(bef. 140)? (i.-x.)±135. . tivity, composi

(lawyer).

tion of gospels,

Arrian (hist.). Aulus Gellius,

acts, apocc, etc.

Moeris (gramm.), (?). " Noctes Atticae.'

Rest of Words of Baruch, u. 136 (Jewish?).

Atticus Herodes M.Cornelius Fronto

"Apocalypse of Cerdo in Rome.

(rhet.), 104-1S0. (rhet.), 100-175 ;

Peter," bef. 150.

"Panegyric,"

"Shepherd" of Aristides, 138 after : Marcion in Rome,

Appian (hist.). -140.

Hermas, c. 140. c. 140.

NT canon formed " Apology," 138-147.

Marcellus Sidetes.

by Marcion.

Aristo of Pella, Valentinus in Rome,

Apollonius Dysco- Justinus, "Epi-

c.145. 140-160; letters,

lus (gramm.), 117- tome " (?).

" Dialogue " of Ar- psalms, homilies.

161.

isto, 130-170. Epiphanes. Marco-

Aetius : Placita Salvius Julianus

sians.

(pseudo-Plut.) ? (lawyer), c. 150.

2 ep. Clem. (?). Justin Martyr, Marcion, " anti-

CI. Ptolemaeus Granius Licinianus

2-ep. Peter, bef. 170. 145-162 fl. ; theses " ; kxow

(astron. geogr.), (annal.).

Gk. apoc. Baruch, a-OvTcx.yfMx., etc. ; Xixov.

130-160.

after 140 (Jew- "Apology," e.153 ; Herakleon, com-

Hephaestio

ish?). "Dialogue with ment. on 4th

(gramm.).

Acts of John (?). Trypho." gospel, etc., 160.

Celsus, Xoyos Junius Rusticus.

Ep. of Smyrna Ptolemaeus, ivo-

kkrfas (177-180).

church, after 155. /Lcvfiftxrx,.

Acts of Peter (?). Tatian, Aoyos -rpos Tatian, -175.
Polyaenus of Mace- Lucius Appuleius
"ExXwks, ± 160;
donia (milit.). (phil.).
UpofiXvjft o.to)v
fitfiXioy, etc.
{Continued on p. 93-
92

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

TABLE III.-

Rome.

Judaea and the East.

A.D. 160

Marcus Aurelius, 161- (17th March) 180.
Parthian war, 162-166.
Triumph over Parthians, 166.

Hegesippus journeys Jischmael ben Joch-
to Rome. anan.
Quarto-deciman con- Syriac version, -160.
troversy. Martyrdom of Justin and others, 163-167.

Wars with Quadi, etc., 165-175.
Soter, bish. R. 166-174.

The "alogi."
Montanist prophets
and martyrs.

Old Latin version,
African, -170.

Aurel. in Asia, Egypt,
Greece, 175-176.

Tatian in Syria.

War in Pannonia, 176-
180.
Eleutherus, bish. R. 174-189. Persecution of Chris
tians : Lyons and
Vienna, c. 177.
Irenaeus in Lyons.
Revolt of Cassius in
Syria, 175-176.
Death of Maximilla,
179.
Coptic version ("?)¦
Commodus, ISO- (31st Dec.) 192.
Scillitan martyrs in N.
Africa, 17th July 180.
Rabbi Jehudah ha-
Nasi.
End of Tannaim.
Martyrdom of Apollo
nius, 180-185.
Conspiracy of Lucilla,
183.
Successes in Britain, by
Ulpius Marcellus.
Birth of Caracalla, 188.
Victor, bish. R. 189-198.
Muratorian fragment
Symmachus (?),
transl. OT,
i/cro/j,*ri/JwiTa.
Origen born in Alexandria, c. 186.
on canon, ^ 190.
Theodotus (Monarchian)
in Rome.
Serapion, bish. Antioch,,
190 f. 1
HISTORICAL TABLES

93

continued.

Early Christian Literature.

Greek and Latin Literature.

Clementine Homi- Aoyos ^raponvsTixk

Isidor (son of Basi-

Aelius Aristides, " Panegyric

lies, c. 160. cr/wff "Envois (?).

leides), v,0ixoi, etc.

on Rome," 160.

Gospel of Peter,

Spread of Montan-

Lucian. " Institutes " of

150-170. Miltiades, 161-169.

ism.

Gaius, 161.

Acts of Pilate

(Leucius Charinus?).

" De morte Peregrini," c. 167.

(pt-D?

Hegesippus, im- Philip of Gortyna.

Julius Cassianus,

Hermogenes (rhet.), 161-180.

fj.vhfjux.Toi.. Melito of Sardis,

srtpi tyxpoLTii OL? ,

Herodianus (gramm.).

Tatian's " Diates- Tpos 'Av-a>v7vav,

xtX.

Antoninus Liberalis.

saron," c. 170. etc., etc.

Dionysius of Cor
inth, epp.
"Acts of Paul" Apollinaris of Hier
Coptic gnostic
Pausanias.
(150-180). apolis, c. 172.
treatises, k-roxpu-
" Meditations" of M. Aurelius.
Musanus.
<fov laictwou J trotpicc.
Minutius Felix,
I'/jcou X/JjerToy ;
" Octavius," a
VpCCSlS JliTpOV.
dialogue.
Letter from Lyons Modestus.
Oppianus (kXuvTixx) c. 180.
and Vienna to Rhodon.
Apelles, ervXXoyitr/Mi ;
Aelian.
East, c. 180. Theophilus of Ant-
tpxvspojireis.
Pollux.
Acts of Carpos, ioch, Tlpk A_.ro-
Alciphron, o. 180.
etc. (?). xCxov, etc.
("Acts of Paul and Athenagoras of
Galen, 130-200.
Thekla"), 160-190. Athens, TlpBtrfci*
Numenius (phil.) of Apameia.
x-'pi xpiQ-Ti«.vm ;
Tlipt a.va.o'Tixcrza);.
" Ylpos '"EXXwc&s "
(pseudo - Justin),
180-240.
Pantaenus, in Alex- Irenaeus of Gaul,
Gnostic Coptic book
BoethUB (Uipi rav ffapa.
andria. Tlpk odpio-us, 180-
(Cod. Bruc.),l70-
I1XO.T6JVI OC7T0p6Vfi.i\/Ciiv).
"Acts of Apollo- 189(?); Ilspt ftov
nius." <x-PX,"*-s-> etc.
200.
Bardesanes, born
Maximus of Tyre.
Clement of Alex.,
at Edessa, 154 ;
155-215.
" Hymns."
Victor (Latin). Hermias, hia.o-upfM>s
Proclus (Montan-
Phrynichus (gramm.).
Caius (Rome). rSv 'i%w <piXoo-6<pojv
(??).
Tertullian, 150- Hippolytus of
ist).
Sextus Empiricus (phil.), v. 190.
Elxai.
Dio Cassius (hist.), 155-
220. Rome.
TABLE Ilia. — Outline of the Asmonean and Herodian
Dynasties.

The external splendour was much greater than the actual and true prosperity
of Herod's era. . . The nation felt itself offended in its inmost sanctity by the
reckless Hellenism which resulted in open breach of the law. Their mistrust
and aversion to Herod were as tenacious and unyielding as their national
faith, and the religious instinct of the nation broke through and severed all
the delusive glitter which disguised the revolt from religion behind the
profession of honour toward the national God which were made by the King,
and even by the Emperor, his court and his statesmen. . . . The day of
his death was, as he had foreseen, a Jewish festival : the kingdom came to an
end, it was divided and shattered : his sons finally ate the bread of exile, his
numerous family was extinct within a hundred years, and a curse lay upon the
house of Herod. — Keim.
The guides of the people sought above all to inculcate the idea, that virtue
consists in a fanatical attachment to fixed religious institutions. The per
secutions of Antiochus Epiphanes made this idea a passion, almost a frenzy. . .
The reigns of the last Asmoneans, and that of Herod, saw the excitement grow
still stronger. They were filled by an uninterrupted series of religious move
ments. Just as power became secularised, and passed into the hands of
unbelievers, the Jewish people lived less and less for the earth, and became
more and more absorbed by the strange fermentation which was working in
their midst. The world, distracted by other spectacles, had little knowledge
of what passed in this forgotten corner of the East. — Renan.
"Wahrend in der ganzen friiheren Geschichte Israels der Grundsatz festge-
halten wurde, dass die rechte Religiositat auch .die ausseren, staatlichen Ver-
haltnisse des Volkes am besten ordne, dringt jetzt das Bewusstsein davon
durch, dass Beschaftigung mit dem Staatswesen der Frommigkeit hinderlich
sei. Diese Erkenntniss war die Erucht der Geschichte der hasmoniiischen
Fiirsten. . . . Der Erfolg dieser ganzen Entwicklung ist nun fiir die Religions-
geschichte von hervorragender Bedeutung. Zunachst steigerte sich das
religiose Leben des Judentums unter dem Einflusse des tdharisaismus ganz
gewaltig. Nicht nur das Rabbinentum der spiiteren Zeiten, auch Christentum
und Essenismus haben ihre Pflanzstatte in diesem Boden. Weiterhin erkannte
man die Unvertraglichkeit des mosaischen Gesetzes mit den Anforderungen an
einen lebenskraftigen Staat. Das miisste entweder zur religiosen tlberwindung
des Gesetzes oder zum Verzicht auf ein eigenes Staatleben fiihren. Der
Gedanke einer Trennung von Religion und Staat wird hier also angebahnt. —
O. Holtzmann,

96

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

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HISTORICAL TABLES

97

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We possess a considerable number of writings and important fragments, ai
further important inferences here are rendered possible by the monuments
the following period, since the conditions of the first century were not changi
in a moment, but were partly, at least, long preserved, especially in certa:
national churches and in remote communities. It is therefore important ;
note the locality in which a document originates, and the more so the earli
the document is. . . . In all probability Asia Minor, along with Rome, was tl
spiritual centre of Christendom from about 60-200 ; but we have but few meal
for describing how this centre was brought to bear on the circumference. -
Harnack, Ist uns erst recht dunkel die Geographie der geistigen Geschichte. Es ii
anzunehmen, dass die Entwicklung in Korinth nnd in Antiochia oder i
Alexandria oder in der agyptischen Landschaft bemerkenswerte Versehiedei
heiten zeigte. Ebenso ist sehr wahrscheinlich, dass bestimmte Anschauunge
und Theologumena von einzelnen Punkten und Provinzen aus die ubrige Kircl
eroberten. — Wrede.

HISTORICAL TABLES

99

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Note. — The .ocicps of one or two documents is doubly given in brackets, where
the evidence is indecisive, or where a two-fold locality is involved. The following
authors and writings cannot be assigned to any definite topographical situation : —
Matthew, Roman Symbol, Agrippa Castor.
Luke, Ep. Diognet., Athenagoras.
James, 2 Clem., Minutius Felix.
For the dates aDd ecclesiastical positions of the writings and writers in.this rough
outline, consult Table III.

Die Spuren schulmassiger Pflege des Gemeingutes, welche die neutestament-
lichen Schriften aufwiesen, versetzen uns in eine Zeit des Werdens. Ihres
Heilbesitzes froh, ihrer Kraft sicher, der Ubereinstimmung in den Grundsatzen
sich bewusst, uneingeschrankt durch aussere Autoritat suchten die Berichten
und Briefen nach einem adaquaten Ausdrucke fur die "Wahrheit, welche sie als
das Licht der "Welt bringen. Die Bedingungen fiir eine solche Lite-atur
sind allein in den Anfangen einer epochmachenden religibsen Bewegnng
gegeben. Ihre Erzeugnisse stehen wie Stamme neben einander, welche ans
demselben Boden wachsen und ihre Zweige miteinander verschlingen.—
Heinrici.

100

HISTORICAL TABLES

101

TABLE IV. — A Genealogy of the NT Literature.

30-60-A.D. 0.T.
Palestinian Judaism Xoyoi Kuei'ou
TTafdftoms. ~'"--.^ TTacdftoois. (Pefrine) TTardfcoms

Apocalypse

Hellenistic or Alexandrian Judaism
TTafriooms _._-

Die erhabensten Gedanken werden uns in ihrer ganzen Grosse erst recht
deutlich, wenn wir sie in ihrem geschichtlichen Zusammenhang mit weniger
erhabenen vergleichen kbnnen, wenn wir sie von weniger grossen sich abheben
sehen. So erst wird das wirkliche Verstandniss fur den Reichthum erworben,
der in manchen Schriften des Neuen Testamentes aufgespeichert ist, und somit
auch fiir den oft geriihmten " Takt der Kirche" bei der Auswahl. — Kr'uger.
In order to perceive that the Pauline gospel is not identical "with the original
gospel, and much less with any later doctrine of faith, one requires such his
torical judgment and such honest determination not to be led astray in the
investigation by the canon of the New Testament, that no change in the pre
vailing ideas can be expected for long years to come. "What I refer to here is
the imminent danger of explaining one writing by the standard of another, and
so creating an artificial unity. . . . Strictly speaking, the opinion that the New
Testament in its whole extent contains a unique literature is not tenable.—
Harnack. Die neutestamentlichen Schriften kommen nicht als kanonische, sondern
einfach als urchristliche Schriften in Betracht. Dann verlangt offenbar das
geschichtliche Interesse, ailes das aus der Gesamtheit der urchristlichen
Schriften zusammen zu betrachten, was geschichtlich zusammengehort. Die
Grenze fiir den Stoff der Disziplin ist da zu setzen, wo ein wirklicber Einschnitt
in der Litteratur bemerkbar wird. Der Gesichtspunkt des religibsen "Wertes
ist dafur aber natiirlich nicht massgebend. Die Erage ist lediglich, welche
Schriften den Auschauungen und Gedanken nach iiberwiegend verwandt sind,
oder von wo an die Gedanken ein merklich neues Gepriige zeigen ? — Wrede.

HISTORICAL TABLES

103

TABLE V. — A Diagram and Genealogy of Early
Christian Literature.

30-60 A.D. OT.
Palesfinian Judaism Xdyoi Kvei'ov Hellenistic or Alexandrian Judaism
ITaf-ftO-is. "¦^-_TTQrQ-o(ns (Permit) TTafdJoais Tracd&o-i-.
Kcmt xnais ¦ KaTrl pais .
Pauls epp

60-93

A_censi_'"--PlMiae(_'i-5')

9O-l?0

Hennas
. Martyr Marcion

Clem. Rom.

Barnabas

"Wir miissen zufrieden sein, wenn wir fiir jedes einzelne NTliche Bucli
ungefahr angeben konnen, wann und fur wen es geschrieben ist, ob der Verfasser
unter eigenem oder fremdem Namen schreibt, was sein Hauptinteresse war und
wie es ihm gelungen ist, dies zum Ausdruck zu bringen, ob und inwieweit er
andere Quellen, schriftliche Vorlagen benutzt hat, und ob seine Schrift un-
entstellt resp. uniiberarbeitet auf uns gekommen ist. Das sind doch nur
Materialen fiir eine Geschichte des NT's, nicht wirklich eine Geschichte.—
Julicher.

HISTORICAL TABLES

105

TABLE VI. — The Sources of the NT Literature.

A.D.
30-45

45-60

60-75

75-90

90-105

Fragments of Caligula-apocalypse, pre
served in Apoc. John (espee. ch.
13 = 40 a.d. + ). (?)
The correspondence of Paul :
Thess. epp. 1 (2 ?).
Galat. ep.
1 Cor. ep.
Intermediate letter.
2 Cor. ep. Note to Titus (Tit
Rom. ep. 312- 13).
Note to Ephesus. Note to Tim. (2 Ti
413-10. 21-22a\
Coloss. ep.
Philemon.[Ephes.] ep. (?)
Philip]), ep. Note to Tim. (2 Ti
115-18 ^6-12. IS. ]fl \
After 60, " "We "—journal
(fragments preserved in
Acts).

The epistle of 1 Peter (?).
2 Thess. 21"12 (??).
Apocalyptic fragments preserved in
Apoc. John (chaps. 11, 12?).
Small apocalypse, preserved in Mk
13, Mt 24, Lk 21.
Interpolations: 1 Th 216*, Ro
11s- 10 etc.
Gospel of Mark (1-168). Ascensio Isaiae
(313-5!).
Apoc 17 (?).
Gospel of Matthew (substantially).
" Hebrews."
Gospel of Luke (substantially).

Acts of the Apostles.
Apocalypse of John (in present form)

Fourth gospel (before 115).

to Laodicea (Co
416).

lost letters of Paul (2 Th 3"). (?)
from Thess. to Paul. (?)
to Corinth (1 Co 59).
from Corinth to Germs of evan-
Paul (1 Co 71). gelic composition.
Notes of sayings
and deeds of
Jesus begin to
be collected in
Palestinian com
munities.
Jewish Christian
from Philippi to sources (pre-
Paul (?) served in Luke).
to Philippi (Phil Written sources for
history of primi-
Beginning of ac- tive community
tivity in collec- exist (used in
ting materials Ac 1-16). (??)
for, and in com
position of, evan
gelic manuals.
The " Logia" of Matthew, before 70.
[The Ur - Marcus, composed from
Petrine narratives.]

numerous lost gospels (Lk l1)

Gospel of Hebrews, before 100.

106

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

TABLE VI. — Continued.

A.D.
105-120

120-135

135-150

Appendix to fourth gospel (ch. 21).
1 epistle [of John]. Ascensio Isaiae
(6M11 ll23"40).
2-3 epp. John the presbyter.
2 Tim. (in present form).
Titus (in present form).
1 Tim. (substantially).
An evangelic fragment (Mk 163"20).
Epist. James.

Epist. Judas (before 130).

2 Peter (after 150).

A note of John the presbyter (3 Jo 9),
Final editing of synoptic gospels (in
Asia Minor ?).
Composition or incorporation of frag
ments or interpolations.

Incorporation of minor glosses and
additions in epp. noted in Ap
pendix (q.v.).

Collection and editing of NT scrip
tures.

TABLE VII.
Four Catalogues : Marcion. Murat. (Roman church).
Apost. Can. (Eastern ?).
Apost. Constit. (Eastern ?).

108

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

f. 3

o-c

5 S-.-d s

CP OJ
P. —

3^1)___|l-3

* 2 "S & *.
-I ^ *-3 0) (,
. «
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2*3 fc _

-_ a.

*H

hS

« 5

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^ o
So
3^

rt^__=
is. ^ o

o
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c.

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f_i
TO & S
Is'
o
rH
WOhDOhPh
A--H
&e-c.22:3
rt 0) O c M
m 3~ H «„
-5
a".l ."3
O
-Q 3 _ C j~ Q)
-2 .2 a. * q
S
ti,&OJB
.2^
,,
cumips ostolus
Pa prodecesso annis
ordi nominatim scribatore
OJ
to rt
O rt
-*.&.
__ -
Tp J=
= o
00*pp
^"2
ii
P c* - P_ P-
H _P __  P_ PP
IMBiHtlllllOt
a
'a
TABLE VIII.
Versions :
Peshitto. „ (Karkaph.).
Egyptian (Memph.).
Armenian (an).

109

110

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

== 3 ,_ 3 Ph O .1

'.' _= P- ~ <_
¦P ^ 3 -S pp

5^TO

Sj-S
»- =
W5? *ri
'w|f
7
oH,Ci-;
>
a a a -
S S2JP
a „ = So
-- ° -
" i o 3
TABLE IX.
MSS Catalogues : 4th cent. Codex Sinaiticus n.
5th cent. „ Alexand. A. Eastern Church.
4th cent. „ Vaticanus. B.
6th cent. ,, Claromont. West. Church.
4th cent. .. Can. Mommsen. „ „

112

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

X
I— I
p-i

P £
£"» -•
E « a

S S3
_ C CO

°1

rt ri n =

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m-°
r-i
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° "EH r**
° 01 O ~
g°ffio S^
« _- S - «>
c — ~ j»H "o.:^ ?
p^^y^HO^-^
SfrJ
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a- .2
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Q.
.2 o
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^H ZJ
3 ct>
W«!«S
Eh
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lo _: ECP a__^_H ^H____
l-?-=pj_H_;ai.o-H-=-H_HPH
-a
PP ® «
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5-S._.«
*-i-H^^
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Eastern Church :

TABLE X.

Council of" Laodicea:

Asia Min. ;

Greg. Naz.

Syria :

Chrysost.

Palestine :

Euseb.

Cyril.

„

Epiph.

Alexandria :

: Athanas.

Constant. :

Leont.

j >

Niceph.

114

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
TABLE X.

Casos 59 : Council j
of Laodicea,
c. 360 a.d. I

Greg. _N__j_ianz.,
325-390 a.d.

Chrysostom, 1 407 a.d.

ErsEBitrs, t 340 a.d.

Cyril,
t 386 a.d.

Gospels —
Matt
MarkLuke John

Catholic epp. —
James Peter 1, 2
John 1-3
Jud

Pauline epp. (14) —
Rom 1 Co, 2 Co
Gal
Eph PhilipCol
Thess 1,2
Heb
Tim 1, 2
Tit Philemon

So Joan. Damas-
. cen. (t 750 a.d.)
adding- at the close.
Apost. Canon.

Gospels —
Matt
Mark Luke
John (ovpac.v6$o'iTvts)

\idtS (t'2v o-O*^; a.-700-T.) ' Gospels —
John
Matt Luke
i Mark

•TTl Ol XU.I T
7ae,tVY,S f$t@}Ja.

Pauline epp. (14) Gospels

Gospels

Pauline epp. (14)
Catholic epp. ] —
James
Peter 1, 2
John 1-3
Jud

crtx.tr 014 i.Xu;-
ToCrav k%T0S

Pauline epp. (14)

Acts

Catholic epp.

Catholic epp. —

James

James

Peter 1, 2

1 Peter

John 1-3

1 John

Jud

(Apocalypse)

Catholic epp.-

JamesPeter 1, 2
John 1-3
Jud

Pauline epp. (li)
I (hrnr^payiffut 3.
rat sozricn, zx_
uetB^Tat « f_A'

tx. icn zuskx .

1 Amphilochius (of
Ikonium) : x*.do>jx-Zf
zCthttoX&v Tivts fj.\v
iTTCi. far.., ol hi rpus
u-fiva,- %0Y<va.t hixarueu.
Tr,', d' ' AiroxccXu^/i* TV-,*
'Itotzvitov iraXiv Tivls
,u.h syxpivoutriv, ot xXi-
iovS Si yt v68ov
/.iyovtnv.

i Among the f James
j.:TiX-you£vt*., J 2 Peter
'/-.'Mpiua. 5. ro7s | 2-3 John j
-rw.?.o]'3. 1 Jud

HISTORICAL TABLES
TABLE X.

115

Epiphanius, f 403 a.d.

Athanasius, Leontius,
t 373 a.d. f 020 a.d.
1

Nicepiiorus : in ms
STIOIIOMETRT, t82S a.d.

\TcIvtx, -T^yoi- tov tTiwrvjp-
tou.)

Gospels
Gospels
Gospels
Gospels
Pauline epp. (14)
Acts
Acts
Acts
Acts
Catholic epp. — ....
Catholic epp. —
Pauline epp. (14)
Catholic epp. —
James
Peter 1, 2
John 1-3
Jud
James
Peter 1, 2
John 1-3
Jud
JamesPeter 1, 2
John 1-3
Jud
Catholic epp.
Apocalypse Wisd. Solom.
Pauline epp. (14)
Apocalypse
Pauline epp. (14)
Apocalypse
/"Apocalypse of
xai oa&t 1 John.
T-r)% viocs J Apoc. Pet.
ocvti. I Barnabas.
xiyovrai. I Gospel of He-
V brews.
awl (roiffoiis a,ftXS>$ ypct-
fouS StiettS . . .
tffTi sax.) 'irspet (3i0Xi<x, tovtojv
t^cudev, OV XOLVOVlZ,b ft.lv ct (Av,
T£TUcrOJfl.ivot di TCtpX. TtoV iTtX-TS-
pasv ccvooytvutrxto-Bcci tois upri
tfpo<r$pxo[/,ivoiS xtx.) fiovXofxivots
xccTvixeiffdaii ™v T%s iltriftb'ia.s
Xoyov. Wisd. Solom.
Ecclus.Esther, Judith, Tobit.
DidacheHermas,
TcCVTO. tO'Tl TOC XXV0V-
i^ofcivx fitfiXiac, Iv ry
ixxX'/jtrttx.
XUA offa,
vices
OCTTOX- piKpCt.
TtpioTioS UtTpOV-
,, 'Itaoivvov-
, , @__.,u.a_ ¦
Gospel Of
Thomas.
Didach8.
Clem. epp. 1-2.
Ignat. Poly
karp.
Hernias.
So Anastasius Sinaita
of Antioch (t 599) ; but
omitting Apocalypse.
116

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

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HISTORICAL TABLES

117

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TEXT AND NOTES

'Et be iv tols /-i/-\oi. iripav t-xoi/crt rdijiv, dav/xaarbv ovbev eirel Kal oi
-rrpoqVrrrai oi duiSeKa ovk i<pe£r}s aXhyXoLs dvres Kara robs xpbvovs, dXXa tto\v
SietrrnKOres iW-r/Xoiv, iv Tr) twv plt^Xioiv t6%ei iipe^TJs elat Keipxvoi. . . Sam
ffuvTjfifiivoL iraffiv elatv iKeivots, &v roaovrov tQ xpbvw bieG-ryKatn.
Mnbeis 8b irdpepyov tovtov -qycio-dw rbv irbvov, p.t]db ireptepyias rrepirrys Tty
roiavrnv ipewav' o-wreXci ydp ryjOiv irpbs rd '^rrrovy.cva ov fUKpbv b tuv
imo-TokQiv xpbvos. — Chrysostom.
Multo autem dignior consideratu est ordo chronologicus. Eo constituto,
et historia apostolica et ipsae epistolae mutuam sibi lucem afferunt : et con-
gruentia noematum locutionumque in epistolis uno tempore super eodem rerum
statu scriptis cernitur : et incrementum apostoli spirituale cognoscitur.—
Bengel. If each Letter look dim, and have little light, after all study ; — yet let the
Historical reader reflect, such light as it has cannot be disputed at all. . . .
The Letter hangs there in the dark abysses of the Past : if like a star almost
extinct, yet like a real star ; fixed ; about which there is no cavilling possible.
That autograph Letter, it was once all luminous as a burning beacon, every word
of it a live coal, in its time ; it was once a piece of the general fire and light of
Human Life, that Letter ! Neither is it yet entirely extinct : well read, there
is still in it light enough to exhibit its own self ; nay, to diffuse a faint
authentic twilight some distance round it. By degrees the combined small
twilights may produce a kind of general feeble twilight, rendering the Past
credible ! Such is the effect of contemporary letters always. — Carlyle.

THE LETTEES OF PAUL
GENERAL NOTE
A year or two after the death of Jesus, one of the brilliant leaders in the
Jewish party of the Pharisees suddenly (KaTeXgp.(jidrjv \mb Xpto-rov) became
a Christian. Like John Knox, for the earlier part of his life Paul is
largely a mystery, and even after his change into the Christian faith a
serious gap occurs, unfilled by many incidents. But during the closing
decade of his life he had a brilliant crowded career which has left copious
and distinct traces of its effectiveness. The moral and spiritual change in
Paul turned out to be a crisis for the Christian society as well as for him
self.1 To many minds and hearts in that age he proved a veritable priest
of the wonder and bloom of the Christian faith. But even apart from the
new sweep given to the Christian spirit by his thought and practical
energies,2 his preaching brought to a head the conflict which had been
implied in previous discussions, especially in the matter of Stephen's
attitude, between the universalism of the Christian principle and the
time-honoured privileges of the \aos, the vop.os, and the aytos towos
(Ac 2128). His activity represents the expansion of the new faith into its
legitimate sphere and destined vocation. It implied from the outset the
enterprise of reaching the Gentiles, an expansion which came to be shaped
constructively in controversy, first with Judaic principles, then, at a later
period, with Hellenic speculation. These phases, especially the former,
come out in Paul's letters, and give them a large part of their historic
significance. In the mosaics of the Arian baptistery at Ravenna Paul is
represented beside the throne of Jesus carrying in his hand two rolls of
parchment ; and from the point of view of the NT literature this gives an
exact symbol of his position. Others may have written, but if so their
writings perished. Several of Paul's own letters have been also lost. But
even with those nine or ten which are still extant, graphic, pregnant, and
suggestive, he remains the chief literary witness to a remarkable side of
that church life in which he played himself so notable a part. He threw
himself upon his age with an energy of insight and practical service
which — the evidence amply justifies us in believing — was not equalled, as
it was hardly approached by any one of the original disciples or of their
immediate successors. In relation to the Christian faith, he performed two
signal services : reflection and expression.3 By means of his correspond ence,
1 " Here, if at any point in history, we may believe that the Spirit of the World,
if the world has a spirit, was at work " (Goldwin Smith).
2 Note an incidental proof of his immediate impressiveness and attraction
(Ac 92*, ol fzct6r,r»i «t-._y).
3 "The upshot of his meditation was a body of doctrine which for subtlety, pene
tration, harmony, and completeness, is unsurpassed in the history of religious
121

122 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
it is feasible to construct not only an outline of his characteristic person
ality, but also a sketch of the general situation within many of the early
Christian societies. Thanks to those writings which have survived, more
materials exist for gaining some inner knowledge of the Christian history
between 45 and 60, than for almost any other period within the first
century. These years at least are vocal. To step after step within the
whole of that period Paul is a contemporary witness in the same exact and
historical sense as (say) Andokides to the crisis of 415-390 B.C. in Athens,
Philo to the sufferings of the Jews under Sejanus and Caligula, or
Procopius to the African campaigns of Belisarius. His letters indeed are
transcripts of an individual mind. The " beautiful human Paul," whom
Steck so strangely misses outside x the pages of " Acts," can be recognised
most distinctly in his epistles. At the same time, the Pauline letters have
an even wider and more representative value. In many a passage they
reflect the common ideas and emotions that surged round himself and
other members of the Christian communities in that age under the pres
sure exerted by its civil and religious environment. Paul stood in the
mid-current of his time. He has gathered up in himself and expressed
not merely the activity and far-reaching views which characterised the
best Christianity among his contemporaries, but also its two features of
supreme interest and significance — the transition of Judaism into or
away from Christianity, and the earliest attempts of the new faith to
define its attitude towards the responsibilities and destinies involved in
a mature existence. It is this representative element that brings the
Pauline letters irresistibly to the mind as we read the vaster correspond
ence of a man like Bernard in the twelfth century. Lying at opposite
poles of conviction and interest, both mirror as they helped originally to
move, in its personal and social aspects, a religious force which spread with
flooding waves over contemporary life ; both also are the revelation of a
personal ascendancy quite unique in its range, and of a strangely isolated
influence over these communities and individuals who were drawn
within the circle of its passionate imperious devotion, to be swayed and
served. A scheme of Paul's life, with his work and works, lies outside the
scope of these pages. At this point there is only need and room for an
outline of the author's career that may serve as a setting for his writings.
To conceive of literary composition as anything like a predominating
interest, and thus to underestimate the absorbing claims of his practical
mission, would be as erroneous in a study of Paul as in an apprecia
tion, for example, of Ezekiel's career among the Jews in Babylon. But
there are two noticeable features upon the surface of his biography, (a)
Paul's literary productions — those at .least which have come down to us
—were evidently occasional. Within the closing decade of his life they
speculation. It bears the same relation to dogmatic Christianity that Platonism does
to Greek philosophy, being the source to which Christianity has had to return for
refreshment and renewal at every crisis of her history. It proceeds on the assump
tion that if Christianity is to be fitted for universal acceptance, it must rely on
something more tkau the mere testimony of eye-witnesses, or the demonstrations of
fulfilled prophecy— or even of such visions as he himself had had " (J. B. Crozier,
Hist. Intell. Developm., pp. 340, 341). (Havet, " Je ne dirai pas : Voila la th.ologie
de Paul. Je dirai : Voila la theologie !) Cp. also Wrede, Ueber A ufaabe u. Methode
d. sogen. NT Th. (1897), p. 64 f.
1 On the contrast between the Paul of Acts and the Paul of the epistles, see Dr.
Cone, Paul tlie Man, the Missionary, and the Teacher, ch. vi.., where most of the
chief points are thrown into sharp relief.

THE LETTERS OF PAUL

123

Bpring up to meet the moment's need, although they presuppose wide
thought and labour, and are the outcome of a lengthy deep experience,

A.D.
..30(31) 31-34 34
34-48

49

49-52

52-56

56-58

59-62

Conversion of Paul.
Three years in Arabia : Damascus.
Visit to Jerusalem (Gal l18=Ac 926'- ?).
Fourteen years in Syria and Cilicia
(Gal laI - 21) — with Barnabas in
Syrian Antioch — including also
Fiest Tour : with Barnabas through
Cyprus and S.E. Asia Minor (Ac
13t-1426).

Visit to Jerusalem :
Apostolic Council (Gal 21 -

Acl427-1535).

Second Tour : with Silas through
S.E. Asia Minor and Galatia — west
ward to Macedonia, Athens (two-
years), Corinth, T1- 2 (Ac lS36-^22).
Return to Syrian Antioch :
Dispute with Peter (Gal 211"21).
Third Tour : through Galatia and
Phrygian highlands — Ephesus, G O1
(two years at least), I — across to and
through Macedonia, C2, Tt11, Achaia
(Illyricum) — Corinth, R en (three
months) — return through Macedonia
— voyage by Troas and Miletus to
Tyre (Ac 191 21s).
Last visit to Jerusalem : arrest and
imprisonment for two years in
Caesarea (Ac 214-2632), T>d
Voyage to Rome — imprisonment there
for two years (Ac 27'-2831), C1 P™ E
Ph [Tn].

T. J-Z = l and 2 epp.
Thessalonika.

to

G = ep. to Galatia.
I = Intermed. letter.
C1- 2 = I. and II. epp. to
Corinth.
Tta = note to Titus (Tit
312. 13),
R=ep. to Rome.
eI1=note to Ephesus (in
Ro 16).
Tn = note to Timotheus
(2 Ti 413-16- 21-2-aY
0I = ep. to Colosse.
pm=note to Philemon.
E = ep. [to Ephesus],
Ph = epp. to Philippi.
Tn = note to Timotheus
.2 Ti 115-18 4.6-12.16-1.^

even in their most unpremeditated sallies. His writings were not the
true events of his life, nor were they intended to present his ordinary
teaching and average ideas. Like the rest of the apostles, he had a
mission first and foremost to teach and preach among the early Christian
communities. But —
"As mistakes arose or discords fell,
Or bold seducers taught them to rebel,

124 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
As charity grew cold or faction hot,
Or long neglect their lessons had forgot,
For all their wants they wisely did provide,
And preaching by Epistles was supplied :
So great physicians cannot all attend,
But some they visit and to some they send.
Yet all those letters were not writ to all,
Nor first intended but occasional —
Their absent sermons."1
(6) Further, he did not outlive himself as a writer. His last letter bears
no evidence of slackened force or wavering insight. We shut up the story
of his days with the impression of a mental and religious fulness which,
so far from being on the point of degenerating, seems rather to combine
the riper experience and grasp of age with something of a youth's vigour.
Paul dies at his work, and he dies in the increasing momentum of his
power. With all respect to its authors, the attempt to explain the style of
Tim-Tit by discovering throughout these writings evidence of Paul the
old man's looser, less sustained, less vigorous intellect,2 must he pro
nounced little better than a myth of desperate and needless conservatism.
It is not quite on a par with the similar attempt to explain the character
istics of 2 Peter from as imaginary a senility ; but it scarcely seems to
merit any more serious consideration. The difference between Galatians
and Col-Philippians is the difference between the earlier and the later
styles of a man for whom wider interests and maturer conceptions have
arisen, necessitating fresh expressions. The difference, again, between
Col-Philippians and the " pastorals " is almost the difference between one
world and another ; and the element of undoubted " Paulinism " in the
latter (both in idea and phrase) only serves to emphasise their perfectly
new setting and development. Besides, the interval in the latter case-
three years at the outside — would not be adequate to account for so com
plete an alteration, especially in a style like that of Paul, which, for all
its flexibility, had become well marked and characteristic. Neither the
length nor the contents of the period 60-64 (64-67) are at all sufficient to
meet the demands made by this hypothesis of senility. It is unnecessary
and unworthy. The apostle disappears from the NT with a message of
strenuous personal confidence (Ph 419 23) which contains implicitly a
note of quiet triumph 3 : aa-ird^ovrat vfias rravres ol ayiot, p.ahio~ra Si oi -K rrjs
Kalo-apos oik'ms. The words have a ring of satisfaction. His hope had been
realised. His work had carried the church into the heart of the empire,
and the consciousness that this aim had been successfully achieved
brought him a strange new joy upon the very edge of death.
The critical scheme of his epistles involves two questions, relating to
their order and their dates. A. Tlieir Order.
The consecutive arrangement of the letters, as printed in this edition,
is one which commands the support of a consensus of excellent author-
1 Dryden in The Hind and the Panther, part ii.
2 Dr. Stalker's happy comparison of Paul's style (Life of St. Paul, p. 89) to that
of Cromwell, in point of rugged effectiveness and a certain formless originality,
applies pre-eminently to the Galatian, Corinthian, and Philippian letters. They
were appeals struck out of crises, words for an emergency.
3 Cp. the close of his biography by the author of Acts, ch. 2830- 31. The cor
rect interpretation of s» _..<. tS *-pc_/.-if>._j (Ph 1I31 as the supreme court of judicial
authorities is given by Momms'en, SBBA (1895), p. 498 f.

THE LETTERS OF PAUL 125
ities. A different order, however, has often been adopted both in the
earlier and in the later letters, for which a case can be reasonably stated.
When reduced to its simplest terms,1 the whole question at issue
turns upon the relative position of (I) " Galatians " in the earlier, and
(II) " Philippians " in the later period.
I. The relative date of Galatians depends upon two questions — (a)
Did the Galatians addressed belong to the territory of northern Galatia,
a district inhabited by Kelts — especially to its chief cities, Ancyra,
Pessinus (Juliopolis .) Genua, and Tavium — or to the Roman province
of Galatia, which would include the southern cities, Derbe, Lystra,
Ikonium, and Pisidian Antioch ? The letter seems to imply two previous
visits (413, ebrjyysXio-dpgv vpiv rb irporcpov). As upon the northern Galatian
theory, these occurred during the second (Ac 166) and third (Ac 1823)
tours, the epistle — written shortly after the latter of these visits (Gal lc)
— was composed later than Paul's visit and epistles to Thessalonika.
Upon the southern Galatian theory, as the two visits took place on the first
(Ac 13-14) and second (Ac 161-6) tours, the epistle can be put much
earlier than in the northern Galatian theory. It is then possible to place
it either in the interval between the second and third tours, or in the
latter part of the second tour itself ; at any rate, it must be dated before,
not after, Ac 1823b (diepxop^vos Ka&tcgrjs rr)v Ta\ariKr)v Ywpai.), which refers
to a third visit of Paul.
Still, even these results do not close the question of the date. Upon
the northern Galatian theory, Galatians must be subsequent to 1 and
2 Thessalonians : it may be either prior or subsequent to 1 and 2 Corin
thians. Upon the southern Galatian theory, Galatians must be prior to
1 and 2 Corinthians : it may be either prior or subsequent to 1 and
2 Thessalonians. A fixed point is the composition of 1 and 2 Thessalonians
at Corinth, a few months after Paul's visit thereupon his second tour.
The southern Galatian theory puts Paul's second visit to Galatia in the
earlier part of this tour ; hence the epistle to the Christians of that
province may have been written between that visit and Paul's arrival
at Corinth. In this case it would be the earliest of his extant epistles.2
But while this position is favoured by the southern Galatian theory,3 it is
not necessarily involved in it. So far as the facts of the situation are
concerned, Galatians may have been composed either at Corinth after
1 The older theory (of Grotius, Ewald, Laurent, and — from his own standpoint —
Baur) which put 2 Thess. previous to 1 Thess. may be regarded as extinguished.
2 Thess. does not, it is true, refer (unless ii. 21=i. 417 ; cp. ii. 215) to 1 Thess., but this
is because it goes further back in order to elaborate part of the oral teaching which
preceded that epistle. The other grounds for the theory are even less conclusive, and
in fact the reversed order is not only needless but beset with additional difficulties of
its own creation. In the ordinary arrangement, from which there ia no reason to
depart, the first epistle lies close to the original founding of the Christian community
at Thessalonika, while, if the second be genuine, it presupposes au interval during
which matters had appreciably developed (cp. Johannes, Comm. 1 Tliessalon. (1898),
pp. 124-128).
2 So Hausrath, iii. pp. 188, 219 (dating Galatians in the autumn of 53, and
1 Thess. 54) ; Bartlet (AA, p. 113 f. ) ; Weizsacker (AA, i. 270-275), and Pfleiderer,
Urc. pp. 57-78 ; Rendall, Exp.* ix. 254 (from Corinth), and MeGiffert, AA, 226-230
(from Autioch, between Ac 1530 and 161).
8 For a concise statement of the theory and a list of authorities, cp. Ramsay's
article ou "Galatia," DB, vol. ii. pp. 89 f. Add, in favour ofthe position, Adeney,JS7,
pp. 372, 373. Mr. Askwith in his monograph (Tlie Ep. to the Galatians, its destina
tion and date, 1899) accepts the southern Galatian theory, but adheres to Light
foot's order of the epistles.

126 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
1 and 2 Thessalonians, or slightly later, during the interval between the
second and third tours (Ac 1823a, -rroigo-as xpovov riva), which Paul spent
at Antioch.1 The conclusion that 1 and 2 Thessalonians preceded
Galatians — an order which is imperative upon the northern Galatian, and
probable upon the southern Galatian theory — is corroborated hy the
internal evidence of the respective epistles, which is fairly decisive in
regard to the relative position of Galatians and the other three chief
epistles as well.
(b) The affinities of Galatians, in spirit and expression, are with
the Corinthian and Roman, not with the Thessalonian, epistles. ¦ The
latter stand by themselves, their theology is simple,2 their atmosphere
unvexed by .Judaistic agitation against the principles of the gospel,
or the mission of the apostle. It is true that Paul's relations with
Thessalonika were comparatively smooth and bright. The community
there drew upon itself none of the incisive strokes which fell from Mm
upon the vacillating Galatae. But even after a fair allowance has been
made for this difference in the character of the two churches, it seems
almost incredible that Galatians should have preceded 1 and 2 Thessal
onians by one or two years, leaving hardly a trace of its hot arguments
within these letters, and yet echoing subsequently in several of its moods
through the Corinthian and Roman letters. Psychologically this order
might be vindicated. But it would require clearer evidence than has yet
been offered to make the theory acceptable, especially when arguments
from other quarters tell decidedly against it.
With the exception of the hypothesis in regard to Galatians which we
have discussed and put aside, there _3 a wide agreement among scholars
that the similarities of the group Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Romans,
can be most satisfactorily explained if the four epistles are dated gener
ally within one epoch — and that, the third tour of Paul. Between his
arrival at Ephesus and his departure from Corinth (a period, roughly
speaking, which embraced four years), the letters were composed. Within
this group, 1 Corinthians and 2 Corinthians hang together. The former
was written from Ephesus (1 Co 16') ; the latter, at a later stage of the
tour, from Macedonia (2 Co Is). During th_3 interval neither Galatiai-S
nor Romans can be placed. Further, Romans is on all hands allowed to
have followed 2 Corinthians. In the former epistle he is on the point of
conveying to Jerusalem (Ro 1525) the proceeds of that collection made
1 E.g. Renan (S. Paul, chaps, x.-xi.), Burton, RLA, Ramsay, SPT, pp. 189-
192, 260 (with S-hmiedel's review, ThLz (1897), 609-613, adverse to the southern
Galatian theory), and Exp J June 1893. pp. 401 f., where, like Haupt (SK, 1900, pp.
137, 133j, he unfavourably criticises the recent attempt of Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 117-
145) to place Galatians early in Paul's first visit to Corinth (Ac 181). His whole
application of the southern Galatian theory to Galatians (Exp.s 1898, 1899, expanded
and reprinted in A Historical Comm. on Galatians, 1899), is a most persuasive and
vivid piece of historical writing. Volkmar, however (Paulus vcm Damascus bis zum
Galaterbrief, p. 31 f.), dates Galatians from Antioch at the close of Paul's second
missionary tour (Ac 18— j ; while Bartlet [Exp. October 1899, pp. 263-280, "Some
Points in Pauline History and Chronology"; AA, p. 83f.), dating Paul's conver
sion, 30-33, puts Gal. 48 (49)-49 (50) a.d. written from Antioch, or as Paul was od
his journey to Jerusalem to fight the battle of Christian freedom.
2 Menegoz. Le F'Zchi et la Redemption, pp. 3-9 ; cp. Holsten, Das Evangelium
<fes Paulus, viii. To Professor Bruce (St. Paul's Conception of Christianity, pp. 15-
25) the Thessalonian epistles represented the rudimentary teaching given by Paul to
a young Christian community : they were, in fact, a kind of Christian primer.
Certainly Paulinism, in the technical sense of the word, is as indistinct in the,
Thessalonian letters as the characteristic genius of Carlyle in his life of Schiller.

THE LETTERS OF PAUL 127
by the Greek churches which forms the subject of his appeals and praise
in the earlier letters to Corinth (i. 161, ii. 81 94). The latter epistles
were of course composed before he finally visited the city on the Isthmus.
Romans then falls towards the time of his departure (Ac 203) from Achaia,
and this date is corroborated by the fact that Sosipater and Timothy (Ac
204) were in his company then, and joined in his greetings (Ro 1621).
The result is that Galatians must fall either (i) before 1 and 2 Corinthians;
or (ii) between 2 Corinthians and Romans ; or (iii) after Romans.1
(i.) is the generally received order of the epistles : cp. Baur, Paul
(Eng. Tr.), i. 260-267 ; Renan, S. Paul, passim ; Weiss ; Havet, Origines,
iv. pp. 101 f. ; Mackintosh, Essays tow. N. Theol. 299-308 ; J. S. Black,
EB, art. "Gal."; Hilgenfeld, Einl. pp. 249-327; also ZWTh (1883), pp.
303-343 ; Sabatier, Paid (Eng. Tr.), pp. 135-211 : Holtzmann, Einl.
pp. 217-245 ; Sieffert (-Meyer) ; Jiilicher, Einl. 50-77 ; Holsten, Das
Evglm. des Paulus; Lipsius, HG, ii. ii. pp. 11, 12; Ramsay, SPT, pp.
189-192; Sanday and Headlam, "Romans" (ICC, 1895), pp. xxxvi,
xxxvii ; Warfield (Journ. Exeg. Soc, December 1884) ; Burton, BLA, pp.
212-216 ; Godet (INT), Reuss (pp. 76 f.), Menegoz (op. cit.) ; Professor
Bruce, St. Paul's Conception of Christianity, pp. 53, 54, etc. ; Bovon, NTTh,
ii. pp. 73-120 ; Vollert, Tabellen zur neutest. Zeitgesch. (1897), pp. 20-22 ;
Drummond, Ep. to Galat. (1892), pp. 17-22 (more vaguely, IH, ii. pp.
189 f.) ; Schiifer, Einl. p. 87 f, etc.
The strength of this theory is chiefly to be felt by a detailed exposi
tion of the separate writings in their connection and development, and
can only be shown from such an examination. It is an order which, it may
be argued, suits most accurately the controversial and dogmatic move
ments of Paul's mind, so far as it is possible to reconstruct those from the
extant sources ; but it is further corroborated by the evidence afforded
when each writing is isolated and placed according to its characteristic
references. Indeed, the latter line of argument is often more convincing
than the former. The style and inner development of thought through
out the letters cannot be said to give anything like reliable data for
determining precisely the dates and order ; they merely converge in
favour of an order which depends upon conclusions drawn from the
historical data of each writing separately viewed and sifted. Certainly
these forbid any long interval between the Christianisation of the Galatians
and this epistle. No situation suits the unequivocal language of Gal
l6 so naturally as the composition of these words at a period earlier than
that at which he wrote 1 Corinthians from Ephesus.
(ii.) has been held after Lightfoot (Galatians, pp. 36-56) by several
critics, including Hort, Farrar, Salmon, and Findlay, Galatians, Ex
positor's Bible (1891) : GB (1895), p. 362 ; cp. also Bleek, Einl. p. 548 f.,
and, upon the whole, S. Davidson (INT. i. pp. 73-83), with Adeney, BI,
pp. 374-375 ; Dr. Dods seems undecided (BB, ii. pp. 95, 96).
The really plausible 2 element in this theory is drawn from the
1 The curious opinion, prevalent especially in the Eastern Church, that Gal.
was composed during Paul's imprisonment (at Rome) was probably due to the
canonical position of the epistle close to Ephesians. From this several ancient
writers, from Eusebius of Emesa to Theodoret, naively concluded that it must have
been written very late in Paul's life, finding also in 420 an allusion to confinement
and suffering. Zahn quotes a modern rehabilitation of this fantasy upon slightly
different but equally impossible lines (Halmel, Ueber riim. Reeht im Galat. 1895).
2 Hartmann (ZWTh (1899), pp. 187-194), partly following Clemen, argues that the
reckonings of time in 2 Co 122 and Gal 21 imply that the passages were written in
that order.

128 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
admitted resemblances in style and subject which accompany the dis
tinctive features in the group of letters. Galatians, it is argued, takes up
the closing tone of 2 Corinthians, while in its turn it anticipates and ia
amplified by the tone of Romans ; consequently its place is not merely
with, but between, those writings. But, apart from the special considera
tions involved, this line of argument is too logical to be entirely human,
Romans, in some aspects (e.g. the ideas of the spirit and sonship, also of
works and the law) stands unquestionably near to Galatians, but the Corin
thian epistles need not therefore be dated before the others. The fact
may be admitted, and the inference denied. In his letters to Corinth the
apostle is largely preoccupied with local questions which inevitably
colour and shape the treatment of his main ideas. In Galatians he is —
to use the modern phrase — more objective, for all his versatile and urgent
personality. These writings to Corinth are not a reliable clue to the
exact and average nature of the ideas which possessed his mind. They
represent him at a most eager, energetic point, it is true ; but for the
time being, turned aside. Hence the similarity of attitude in Galatians
and Romans does not permit any safe inference as to the period of their
composition.1 Psychologically, it is quite reasonable to argue that
Romans carries forward the conceptions of Galatians after a brief lapse
of time, during which other and more pressing questions had kept these
comparatively latent in the apostle's mind.2 Besides, it may be disputed
whether the coincidences and affinities between Galatians and Romans
really form an important feature in either epistle. The divergencies are
far more noticeable. Pre-eminently among the Pauline epistles Galatians
has its special task and individual setting. Its contents are too isolated
to admit of reliable inferences being drawn from them to determine its
date through its connections and resemblances ; and the absence (in
2 Corinthians) of doctrinal controversy with the Judaistic emissaries
proves, not that his conflict with them was still in an inchoate stage
compared to that reflected in Galatians, but simply that the particular
conditions and local circumstances at Corinth demanded tactics of a
personal rather than a doctrinal nature. The special exposure in
2 Corinthians is not inconsistent with a previous refutation of their
principles such as is hurled out in Galatians.
(iii.) has been recently revived and ingeniously stated, not only for
1 As Rendall aptly remarks : It is one thing to note in two letters familiar work
ings of the same mind, and another to identify their dates on the ground of that re
semblance. The force of such a presumption depends largely on circumstances ; a
man may well repeat the same thoughts and the same expressions at considerable
intervals, if the intervening tenor of his life and his environment continue constant
(Exp* ix. p. 260). So too, I am glad to find, Mr. C. H. Turner (DB, i. p. 423) :
" Perhaps too much stress has been laid on such resemblances taken alone — as though
St. Paul's history was so strictly uniform that a given topic can only have been
handled at a given moment — and too little on the influence of external circum
stances to revive old ideas or to call out new ones." (On this point at least, though
apparently not upon the date of Philippians, he has broken away from the Lightfoot
tradition). Similarly and emphatically Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 143, 144, 358 ("Paulus
nicht der geistlose Schulmeister war, welcher zur Zeit und zur Unzeit seine Ein-
formigen Lehrsatze wiederholte ").
2 W. Bruckner (Chron. pp. 174-192), from a widely different standpoint, conies to
the same conclusion as Lightfoot upon the order of the epistles, dating them— Cor.
Gal. Rom.— however, in the years 61-62, and suspecting the historicity even of Ac
24, 25. But, like Menegoz, he heartily agrees that if 1 Thess. is to be taken as a
Pauline document it must be dated early in the apostle's life, previous to these four
chief epistles (ibid. pp. 193-199).

THE LETTERS OF PAUL 129
his own purposes and reasons by Steck,1 but also by Clemen (Chron. also,
SK (1897), pp. 219-270, " Die Reihenfolge der paul. Hauptbriefe "). His
scheme 2 involves a late date for the apostolic council, which is identified
not with Ac 15 but with Ac 21, and therefore placed in 54 a.d.
Previous to this come —
37. Saul's conversion (2 Co 122), two years after crucifixion.
40-45. First mission tour, chiefly in Galatia.
45-50. (Spring), second tour, through Greece, etc., to Ephesus.
47-48. Stay in Corinth (1£ years) (Thess. epp.).
49-50. First (lost) epistle to Corinth (1 Co 59), in early spring of 50.
50-52. Stay in Ephesus (2± years), including (1 Co, 2 Co 9) visit to
Corinth (2 Co 10-1310).
52-54. Third mission tour (2 Co 1-8, 13u-8Ild), in summer of 52.
52-53. Winter in Nikopolis (Tit 312-14).
53-54. Winter in Corinth (Rom).
54. Apostolic council in Jerusalem (Ac 20-2121), dispute at
Antioch (Gal).
58. Paul's arrest in Jerusalem.
The stress of the argument lies on the supposed increase of contro
versy with the Judaisers in Galatians as compared with Romans, for which
— on this hypothesis — the events at Antioch are required as the pre
liminary cause. But the greater probability is that the larger, milder
exposition of Paul's teaching on the law followed the sharper dialectic of
Galatians, and it may be held that passages like Ro 520 V show quite
as clear and decisive a standpoint in regard to the law as Gal 219.
Clemen's views mean development in the ideas of the law, righteousness,
the person of Christ, etc., but neither these nor his somewhat arbitrary
treatment of " Acts " have moved recent scholarship from adhering to the
old verdict pronounced by Baur's insight upon Galatians (see prefixed
note below).
There need be little hesitation, then, in accepting Galatians, Corin
thians, and Romans, as the proper chronological order of the writings ;
it has found wide assent among scholars, and, upon the whole, may be
considered as the hypothesis which is most successful in setting the facts
and feelings of the author's life in a reasonable and natural sequence.
II. The crucial point in the problem of the prison-letters is the
position of Philippians. Almost certainly, however, this letter is to be
ranked as the latest. It has always impressed editors as the final
expression of Paul's mind and heart, written by one who was conscious
of standing near the last step. This tone does not appear in the
1 Der Galaierbrief (1888), opposed in a special monograph by Gloel ; Diejiingste
Kritilc des Galaterbriefes (1890), and by R. J. Knowling, Witness of the Epistles
(1892), ch. iii. Zahn also refers to his own convincing article in ZKWL (1889), pp.
462-466. Steele's order is Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, all composed
between 120 and 140 a.d.
2 Cp. Kiihn, Neue kirchliche Zeitsehr. (1895), pp. 981-990, on the argument that
the evidence of the epistle agTees with the tone of Paul during the Caesarean
imprisonment, when he could not (42u) get away to visit his friends, and had been
maltreated (617) by the Jews (Ac 2132) ! Clemen's theory has been adversely ex
amined by Schmiedel, LC (1894), pp. 1129-1131, and especially P. Sieffert in an
essay (ThSt, pp. 332-357), "Die Entwickelungslinie der paulinischen Gesetzeslehre,
nach den vier Hauptbriefen des Apostels." Cp. also J. Weiss' review, SK (1895),
pp. 252-296, "Paulinische Probleme ; die Chronologie der Paulinischen Briefe,"
Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 142, 143 (especially on the incompatibility of Gal 210 with this
theory), A. Robertson (DB, i. pp. 485, 486), and Gercke (GGA (1894), 577-599).

130 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
Colossian (l29 43) or Ephesian (619) letters, which in all probability
preceded Philippians ; they indicate a less disturbed situation, in which
the writer's mind was free to deliberatelv expand. So Sabatier
(p. 250 f.), Weiss (INT, ii. pp. 131-137), God'et (INT, p. 427 f.), Reuss
(p. 106 f.), Ramsay (SPT, pp. 357-359), Lipsius (KG, ii. 2, pp. 210, 211),
von Soden (ibid, iii; EBi, i. p. 816 ; and "Der Philipperbrief " (1889)),
Klopper (in his edition of Philip. 1893), McGiffert (AA, pp. 364-393),
Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 380-391), Bovon (NTTh, ii. 73-120), Vollert (Tabellen,
pp. 32, 33), Adeney (BI, p. 401 f.), Bartlet (AA, p. 178 f.), Schafer (EM.
pp. 133-146), Dr. H. A. A. Kennedy (Exp. Ti. x. pp. 22-24), Bernard
(BB, iii. 833), Gibb (BB, iii. 841), besides those who, with Holtzmann,1
reject both Colossians and Ephesians. Still, neither the internal evidence,
which may be drawn from the character and prospects of the epistle, nor
the evidence sought in its relation to Col. -Ephes., is absolutely decisive;
although, in the absence of reliable data, they serve to make this
position inherently probable. In writing to the Philippians, Paul is
no longer supported by the companions who had been with him when
the earlier epistles were composed. Further, the letter gives the
impression of having been written at a time when the author's position
had become serious (l23-25 223- ii), so acute, indeed, that the immediate
future must end in a total change — death or liberation. This is scarcely
compatible with the continued imprisonment which would be required,
were Col.-Ephes. placed after Philippians.
Assuming, then, that Philippians and (as is highly probable)
Colossians and Ephesians were all written from Rome, one may conclude
that Philippians is subsequent to the others. The only argument on the
other side of any weight is furnished by the admitted excess of
dogmatic teaching in Col.-Ephes., and the apparent resemblance of
Philippians to Romans. These are more or less obvious facts. But they
do not necessarily imply chronological sequence, except upon the
untenable hypothesis that Paul was concerned to show himself a
careful and logical theologian. All three letters fall within less than a
couple of years. The differences between them involve no great internal
development of thought in Paul's mind. They simply arise from the
different objects and interests roused in the apostle as he confronted
the varying situations 2 in Asia Minor and Macedonia. Hence
Philippians follows Romans just as Galatians precedes it ; all these
carry forward a certain and coherent train of argument, hut im
mediately before as immediately after Romans, Paul finds himself
suddenly brought face to face with crises and controversies which, like a
living and versatile missionary, he turns aside to treat upon their own
lives. Col.-Ephes. intervene "after, as the Corinthian epistles before,
Romans. They spring from a campaign, with its quick phases and
unexpected transitions, in which the soldier has often to fight and
1 Philippians " ist .iedenfalls nach den 3 anderen geschrieben. ... Es ist das
Testament des Apostels, das wir vor uns haben " (Einl. p. 267).
2 Ramsay : " The tone of Col. and Ephes. is determined by the circumstances of
the churches addressed. The great cities of Asia were on the highway of the world,
which traversed the Lycos valley, and in them development took place with great
rapidity. But the Macedonians were a simple-minded people in comparison with
Ephesus and Laodiceia and Colossai, lying further away from the great movementa
of thought. It was not in Paul's way to send to Philippi an elaborate treatise
agamst a subtle speculative heresy which had never affected that church."
On the historical situation of Col.-Ephes. an adequate study is given in Kenan's
L' Antichrist, ch. iv.

THE LETTERS OF PAUL 131
move abruptly. It is much safer to take each upon its own merits as
a living product of Paul's mood and duty at the time being, than to
view them as documents which, for reasons of style and matter, are to
be plausibly but unnaturally classified in certain groups.
The main positive evidence for the later date of Philippians is drawn
from the length of time required for the relations which the letter
presupposes as existing between Paul and the Pliilippian church.
They learn of Paul's arrival, send him funds by Epaphroditus, and hear
of the latter's illness. Epaphroditus further is informed of their
anxiety, which naturally implies that he had somehow received definite
news from Philippi. All this requires a considerable time, and cannot
be crushed into a few months. Further, the developed state of
Christianity in the capital, with its propaganda and controversies, is an
effect which is distinctly traced by Paul (l12"14) as in part due to the
stimulus of his presence there, and cannot be wholly set down to the
previous exertions of the local Christians. The importance and ex
tension of the church, as these are represented in Philippians, demand
a space of time dating from the hour of Paul's entrance into the city,
and thus involve a considerable retrospect. On the more difficult evidence
drawn from the letter with regard to the particular stage of the trial at
which Paul wrote, see the recent examination by R. R. Smith, The Epistle
of St. Paul's First Trial (1899), where the epistle is placed at a somewhat
advanced point in the legal process, but previously to the verdict.
This place of Philippians in the series has been disputed by Light
foot 1 ("Philippians," pp. 30-46), Farrar (St. Paul, ch. xlvi), Hatch
(article " Philippians," EB), and Hort (" Jud. Christianity," pp. 115-129 ;
" Romans and Ephesians," p. 102). These, with some other critics
(including Renan), put it earliest, partly on the ground of its coincidences
with Romans, partly because the ideas of the church and of Christ's
person in Col.-Ephes. are considered to mark a further stage of
theological development. The former of these arguments has no more
weight here than in regard to the similar question of the relationship
between Galatians and Romans, and the latter epistle has equal affinities
with Col.-Ephes. The latter argument is inconclusive. In Col.-
Ephes. a distinct advance in theology is patent. Philippians does not
carry the theology to any higher expression, but this fact does not imply
that the latter epistle must have preceded the former. It is a priori
criticism to expect a graded development of thought in one epistle after
another, instead of a mobile, versatile personality. The different tone
of Philippians is perfectly credible when the change in Paul's situation
is taken into account, along with the specially private relation to
Philippi (225 418) which occupied his mind at the moment.
Colossians is certainly to be placed before Ephesians (when the last-
named is taken as genuine), though priority here carries with it very
little significance. Both letters were written about the same time, and
reflect essentially the same temper of mind ; but Ephesians, as the wider
expanded and less particular treatment of the topics, is more naturally
understood as a subsequent writing.2 Upon any theory of its relation
to Colossians, it presupposes that more concrete epistle.
1 So still Burton (RLA, 1895), Spitta (Urc, i. p. 34), Trenkle (Einl. pp. 49, 50),
and Dr. Lock (DB, i. pp. 718, 719, article " Ephesians ").
2 " On comprend qu'un catechisme general puisse etre tire d'une lettre par-
ticuliere, mais non qu'une lettre particuli.re puisse etre tire d'une catechisme
general " (Renan) ; Godet (INT, i. pp. 490-492) emphatically agrees.

132 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
The note to Philemon falls with the Colossian letter. Apart from
this connection there is no evidence forthcoming for its date. Julicher,
hesitating upon Ephesians, puts Philemon close to Philippians, i.e.
62-64 a.d. Weizsacker, on the other hand, persists in considering it,
with Colossians, as an allegorical product of the second century (AA, ii.
pp. 245, 383), and Steck (JpTh (1891), p. 571 f.) finds it is an imitation
of Pliny's ninth epistle, written between 125 and 150 a.d. But this
theory of Philemon has been finally superseded by the recent verdict
in favour of Colossians, and cannot be regarded as seaworthy.
To the period of Paul's imprisonment under Felix at Caesarea, some
of the Asiatic epistles have been occasionally assigned : Colossians -(-Phile
mon -f Ephesians (by Meyer, Laurent, Hilgenfeld, Sabatier, pp. 225-249,
Reuss, and Weiss x), Colossians + Philippians (part ) + Philemon (by
Clemen, Chron. p. 249 f.), Philippians (by 0. Holtzmann, ThLz (1890),
p. 177 ; Neutestam. Zeitgeschichte (1895), pp. 133-134 ; Spitta, Die A-postel-
geschichte, p. 281 ; Urc. i. 34 ; and Macpherson, Ephesians, pp. 86-94). The
difficulties of such hypotheses, however, have been rightly felt by the
majority of scholars to be insuperable. The few indications which
seem to refer to Caesarea are capable of being explained, without undue
forcing, upon the usual Roman theory ; and Rome gives a more
satisfactory background 2 for the total phenomena of the letters.
Negative and positive evidence alike point to the capital as the locus
of the prison - letters. From Rome Paul wrote, in all likelihood,
Colossians, Philemon, and Ephesians, certainly Philippians. He may
have taught in Rome, but he wrote for Asia Minor.
B. Their Bates.
Apart from the internal evidence, which is discussed in the respective
editions and Introductions, the chronology of the epistles depends upon
the chronology of the apostolic age, a matter which naturally did not
specially interest that age itself, and is but obscurely reflected in the
later sources. Here we have a question of considerable difficulty, in
volving the discussion of some half-dozen separate problems in Roman
and Palestinian history which bear more or less upon the main issue,
i.e. the rule of Aretas — the Nabataean monarch — in Damascus, the exact
date of the famine in Claudius' reign, his interference with the Roman
Jews, the period of Gallio's proconsulship in Achaia, the precise date of
Felix's departure and Festus' arrival in Judaea ; and finally the limits of the
Neronic persecution. These events touch here and there the biography
of Paul and the history of the early church. But while they might he
expected to yield several fixed points in the chronology, the misfortune
actually is that they themselves are not absolutely fixed. Even the
most crucial point of all — the date of the change in the proeuratorship—
1 So recently Haupt (-Meyer). But all the probabilities favour the Roman origin
of Philemon (cp. recently Bernard, DB, iii. p. 833). Paul was far more accessible
to outsiders in Rome than in Caesarea, and runaway slaves naturally took refuge
amid the crowds of the metropolis (Sallust, Catil. 375 ; Tacit. Annal. 1546). And
Philemon is contemporary with the others. Surely, too, had Col.-Ephes. been
written at Caesarea, some mention of Paul's friend Philip (Ac 218-14) would have
occurred among the list of his helpers and companions.
2 Philippians must be decisively placed in the Roman captivity, when l13 and
422 — to say nothing of other passages — are fairly read. The past extent of his
influence, his preseut situation, and his prospects, imperatively demand Rome as the
place where this letter was written (vide Hort, "Rom. Ephes." p. 100 f.).

THE LETTERS OF PAUL 133
lies in dispute. On one reckoning, that of the " accepted " chronology,
the recall of Felix falls into the period 59-61 a.d. ; on the other, that of
the "new" or "Eusebian" chronology, it is usually thrown back to 55 1
or 56. Broadly speaking, we may say that a range of four or five years
is thus possible for any of the chief dates in the life of Paul which
depend upon conclusions drawn from this event.
In the accompanying table the outstanding events of Paul's life are
arranged according to the various schemes of several prominent
authorities. Of these, the majority, it will be seen (in the main, apart
from questions of detail), represent the " accepted chronology " upon the
whole. Harnack and McGiffert, on the other hand, base their schemes
on data taken from the "Eusebian" chronicle, which practically puts
the arrival of Festus in the year Oct. 55-Oct. 56 a.d. This position has
been advocated by (among others) O. Holtzmann (Neutestam. Zeitgesch.
pp. 118-135), favoured by Blass (Acta Apostolorum, proleg. § 10,
pp. 21-24), and criticised more or less adversely by Batiffol (Bevue

February 1898, Nov.-Dec. 1899), and Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 628-639).
The accepted chronology is stated 2 admirably by Schiirer (HJP.
i. ii. p. 1821; ZwTh (1898), pp. 21-42), Sabatier ("'Paul" (Eng. tr.),
pp. 13-21), Beet (Corinthians, Dissertation iii.), or Wendt (-Meyer 8, Acts,
§ 10). Mr. Turner's study (BB. i. 415 f.) is by far the most lucid and
trustworthy discussion of the whole question which has yet appeared,
and to it the reader is referred for the detailed evidence and arguments ;
although exception might be taken — as I find has been done by Pro
fessor Bacon (Exp.e ii. p. 9 f.) — to the inadequate importance assigned in
that article to Jewish authorities and evidence, e.g. upon the calendar.
The results upon which the tentative chronology of this volume is
based, as compared with those of the earlier or Eusebian chronology,3
start from the crucifixion of Jesus in 29 a.d. The conversion of Paul
can be approximately dated a year or so later. The narrative of 1 Co
153f- certainly implies no long period between the earlier and later appear
ances of Jesus in the series, while upon the other hand some interval must
be allowed between the death of Christ and Paul's visit to Damascus in
order to admit of a sufficient development of Christianity. Hence the
date of his conversion may be put roughly as 30 (31) a.d. To date it in
the same year as the crucifixion is as unsatisfactory as to place it four
or five year afterwards. Later on, a fixed point is gained in the
accession of Festus, c. 59 a.d., which helps to determine some of the
preceding and subsequent dates in Pauline chronology. With the close
of Paul's imprisonment for two years in Rome, the curtain falls upon
his life. Any reconstruction of his further career depends largely
1 E.g., by Weber in his monograph, Kritische Geschichte d. Exegese d. IX. Kap.
d. Romerbriefs (1889), p. 177 f. A good conspectus of the whole question is given
by Votaw (Bibl. World, xi. pp. 112 f., 177 f.).
2 In a recent and careful monograph, which exposes blunders in Eusebius—
"Die Todestage der Apostel Paulus u. Petrus" (TU, neue Folge, vierter Band,
Heft 1, 1899)— C. Erbes fixes the arrival of Festus in Palestine and the journey of
Paul to Rome, 60-61 a.d.: the apostle lost his case, and died on the 22nd of Feb.
63 a.d. Peter suffered a year later. Cp. Zahn (Einl. i. p. 435 f., ii. p. 16 f.) for a
long defence of the traditional dates of Peter's and of Paul's martyrdom.
3 Besides one or two older scholars like Bengel, the adherents of this position
include a Roman Catholic critic, Kellner, who is quoted in support of the Eusebian
data (article "Felix" in Hergenrother's Kirchenlezicon, 2nd ed. iv. p. 1311 f . ;
Katholik (1887), p. 146 f. ; Zeitschr.f. hath. Theologie (1888), p. 640 f.).

134

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

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35(32) 38(35) 44-45 (45-46) 45(46) 49 49-52 52-57 57 60(spring) 67 B e
1 s er , "zurChron- ologie
des Paulus" (TQ, 1898, pp.
353- 379). The bracket ted dates are less pro - bable, but, in Belser's judgment, not
imposs- ible.He puts
the arrivalof Festus, 58 (59).

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35 38 44 46 51 51-54 54-58 Dr.'j. Drummond, Epistle to Galatians (1892), p. 39.

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1887-1888).

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29 31-32 34-35 46 47 49 49 52 56 59 61-62 Vernon Bartlet, A A, pp. xiii, xiv,and pas sim.
He places the visit of
Gal. 2i-io prior
to46, as aprivate visit previous even
tothe famine visitof that year, and passed over
by Acts onaccount of
its non- representative character.

c

32 (44) 45-47 48 49-51 52-56 56 59 65 (66)-68 Prof. G.H. Gilbert, Biblioth eca
Sacra (1898), p. 244f.;Life of
Paul, pp.
242- 259.

35 38 44 52 52 55 59 62i Weiss,
"iNT, i. p.
154f.Work man1
(Exp. Ti. xi.pp.
316- 319) argues from the
Jewish calendar
(Ac 279)thatPaul's voyage could not
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55, 58,61, but only
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THE LETTERS OF PAUL

137

upon conjecture and the vague inferences drawn from an inferior
tradition. As an expert does well to remind us, one of the greatest difficulties in
ancient chronology is to be met in the question of Pauline chronology,
namely, " the fact that in almost every case the reasoning which assigns
an event to a special year would be almost, if not quite, equally well
satisfied by the year next to it" (Ramsay, Exp.6 ii. pp. 88, 89). In
consequence, the whole arrangement of this period is uncertain in details,
and has been variously sketched. Fortunately, however, the divergence
of these chronological results does not preclude an attempt to exhibit a
general and relative chronology of the epistles.1 These, to some degree,
are independent of absolutely accurate conclusions upon several of the
points above noted ; hence it is possible to draw up a further table which
will represent some recent and varying lines of criticism on the literature,
and prove that the records can be approximately fixed in relation to each
other, if not to definite points in the history.
1 There is a monograph by Rovers (" De chronolog. volgorde der brieven van het
NT") in the Bxbliotheek van Moderne Theol. en Letterlcunde, xi. p. 487 f., which
I have not been able to see.

Clemen,
McGiffert.

Substantially,
Renan, Weiss, Holtzmann,
Lightfoot, Sabatier, Lau
rent, Godet, etc.

Jiilicher.

Harnack, Ramsay.

Zahn.

. Thess .

{• 47-48

52-65

±54

48-49

53 {^"f

48 : McG.

51-52: R.

\ Summer

>alat

54-55 46: McG.

55 : Lips. Sieffert.
56 ±68: Lgft. Salmon.

55-57

53: R.
50-53 51-52 : Rendall.

53 (beg.)

'. Cor .

V 50-52

57-58

f 56-58
\ 58-60

55: R.
53 56: R.

57

"torn

53-54 52-53 : McG.

58 59: Laurent, Holtz
mann
58-59: Lips.

60-61

53-54 56-57 : R.

58

Joloss .

\ 58

\
Philem
-phes .
J 56-58: McG.
59 : Laurent.
58-61 so von Soden ( —
Eph).
61-63: Lgft.
63-64
57-69 (—Eph.)
Early in 61 : R.
62
'hilipp .
56-58: McG.
62-63 63-64: Lips.
62-64
) Late in 61 : R.
63
There is nothing tame about these brief pages, nothing vague or indefinite ;
on the contrary, they breath a spirit of strong faith and overflowing life, and
above all, an ardour of hope destined before long to be extinguished. They
give a first sketch of Paul's doctrine, corresponding with that primitive period
when it possessed all its vigour without having as yet attained its fulness. . . ,
This early type of Paulinism is still closely allied in its general conceptions to
the preaching of the other apostles, but bearing within it already the new and
bold ideas to which it subsequently gave birth. It is admirably calculated to
serve as a transition and means of organic connection between the apostolic
preaching with which Paul set out and the independent conception of the gospel
to which he afterwards attained. — Sabatier.

I1 Greeting.
l"-313 Personal : thanksgiving for their Christian life : its
l2"10 origin,
21"12 connection with himself and his ministry,
213"16 endurance.
217-310 his anxiety for them : the mission and report of Timotheus.
310"13 his prayer for them.
4-1-S24 Counsels on : moral purity,
49"12 brotherly love and sober diligence.
the second Arrival of the Lord : in relation to
413"18 the dead.
51"11 the living — need of watchfulness.
512"15 social duties.
516"22 religious duties.
523"24 a prayer for them.
5_5-_8 Conclusion.

138

I. THESSALONIANS
1 Paul and Silvanus and Timotheus
to the Community of the Thessalonians in God the Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ :
grace to you and peace.
2 We always give thanks to God for you all when we make mention of
3 you in our prayers, as we remember without ceasing your active faith
and labouring love and patient hope in our Lord Jesus Christ, before
4 our God and Father. For, brothers beloved by God, we know that you
5 were chosen ; because our gospel came to you not in word only, but in
power as well, in the holy Spirit with much assurance (as you know the
6 kind of men we showed ourselves among you for your sake), and you
became imitators of us and of the Lord, and accepted the word amid
7 great distress with the joy of the holy Spirit, so that you became a
8 pattern to all the believers in Macedonia and in Achaia. For the word
of the Lord has sounded out from you — not only in Macedonia and
Achaia but in every place, your faith to God has gone abroad. We do
9 not need to speak of it at all. The people themselves acknowledge with
regard to us what kind of entrance we had to you, and how you turned
10 to God from idols, to serve a living and a real God, and to wait for his
Son from heaven, whom he raised from the dead, Jesus our rescuer from
the wrath to come.
_! 1 Brothers, you know yourselves that our entrance to you has not proved
2 in vain. Although we had already suffered and been ill-treated (as you
know) at Philippi, yet confident in our God we spoke the gospel of God
3 to you amid great conflict. For our appeal does not proceed from fraud,
4 or from impurity, nor does it work by guile ; nay, as God has held us
fit to be intrusted with the gospel, so we speak, to please not men but
5 God, who tests our hearts. For never were we found using either words
of flattery (you know that) or — God is witness — a pretext for covetous-
6 ness, or seeking human credit, either from you or from others ; we could
7 have claimed authority as apostles of Christ, but we behaved among you
8 gently, as a nursing mother cherishes her children. Yearning thus over
you, we were ready and willing to impart to you not merely the gospel
9 of God but also our very souls, since you had won our love. You re
member our labour and toil, brothers ; night and day we worked so as
not to be a burden to any of you, while we preached to you the gospel of
10 God. You are witnesses, and God is witness, how holy and upright and
11 blameless was our behaviour to you believers, how (as you know) we
treated each one of you as a father treats his children, comforting and
12 encouraging you, and charging you to walk in a manner worthy of the
God who calls you to his own reign and majesty.
13 And for this we also give thanks to God without ceasing, namely, that
in receiving from us the word of the divine message, you accepted it not
as men's word but as what it really is, God's word— which also is active

140 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [314-412
14 in you believers. For, brothers, you became imitators of the Communities
of God which are in Judaea in Christ Jesus, since you suffered also at the
hands of your fellow-countrymen in the very same way as they did at
15 the hands of the Jews — who killed both the Lord Jesus and the prophets,
and harassed ourselves, who please not God, and are against all men,
16 who forbid us to speak to the Gentiles for their salvation ; and all, that
they may fill up their sins evermore. [The Wrath has come upon them
at last.]
17 But when we were bereft of you, brothers, for a short while — distant
in person, not in affection — we endeavoured more and more eagerly to see
18 you with great longing. (We did desire to come to you, I Paul once
19 and again, yet Satan hindered us.) For who is our hope or joy or wreath
20 to exult in — who if not you — before our Lord Jesus at his arrival ? Tes,
3 1 indeed, you are our credit and joy. Therefore, unable to bear it
2 any longer, we preferred to be left behind at Athens by ourselves ; send
ing Timotheus, our brother and God's minister in the gospel of Christ, to
3 establish and encourage you for the furtherance of your faith, that no one
should be shaken by these distresses. For you know yourselves that we
4 are destined to this ; indeed we told you beforehand, when we were with
5 you, " We are to suffer distress." And so it befel, as you know. For my
part then, unable to bear it any longer, I sent in order to learn your faith,
in case after all the tempter had tempted you, and our labour proved in vain.
6 But when Timotheus reached us a moment ago from you, bringing us
the good news of your faith and love, and of how you always have a kindly
7 remembrance of us, longing to see us as we long to see you, then amid
all our trouble and distress we were cheered about you, brothers, by
8 your faith. This is life to us now, if you stand firm in the Lord.
9 Yes ! how can we render thanks to God for you, for all the joy we have
10 on your account before our God ? Night and day we pray especially
11 to see you and to supply the deficiencies of your faith. May our
God and Father himself, and our Lord Jesus, direct our way to you !
12 And may the Lord make you increase and excel in love to one another
13 and to all men (as we also do to you), to establish your hearts blameless
in holiness before our God and Father at the arrival of our Lord Jesus
with all his saints !
4 1 Well, then, brothers, our prayer and appeal to you in the Lord Jesus
is to excel more and more in walking, as you received word from us how
you ought to walk, so as to please God — and as, indeed, you are walking.
2, 3 You know the charges we gave you by the Lord Jesus. For it is God's
4 will that you be holy, that you abstain from fornication, that each of
5 you learn to possess his own wife in chastity and honour, not in the
6 appetite of lust like the Gentiles who know not God, to prevent any man
overreaching and taking advantage of his brother in this affair ; since,
as we told you before and testified to you, God is the avenger in all these
7 matters. For God did not call us to be impure ; his is a holy calling.
8 Therefore he who contemns this, contemns not man so much as God who
9 gives you his holy Spirit. But in regard to brotherly love you have no
need of anyone to write to you. You are yourselves taught by God to
10 love one another ; indeed, you act thus to all the brothers in aU
Macedonia. Still we exhort you, brothers, to excel more and more in
11 that ; also to make it your ambition to live quietly, to mind your own
12 affairs, and — as we charged you — to work with your hands, so as to
behave yourselves with propriety to those outside and be dependent on

413-528] I. THESSALONIANS 141
13 In regard to those who sleep, we would not have you ignorant,
14 brothers, that you may not grieve like the rest, who have no hope. If
we believe that Jesus died and rose, so also will God bring with him
15 through Jesus those who have fallen asleep. For by a word of the Lord
we tell you this : " We, the living, who survive until the arrival of the
16 Lord, shall not precede those who have fallen asleep. The Lord himself,
with a shout, with the voice of the archangel and with the trumpet of
God, shall descend from heaven, and first the dead " in Christ " shall
17 rise : then we," the living, "who survive, shall be caught up in the
clouds along with them to meet the Lord in the air. And thus we shall
18 be ever with the Lord." So comfort one another with these words.
) 1 But in regard to the times and the seasons, brothers, you have no
2 need of being written to ; you know perfectly well that the day of the
3 Lord comes like a thief in the night. When they are speaking of
" peace " and " safety," then sudden upon them destruction comes, as birth-
4 pangs on a woman with child ; and they shall not escape. But you are
not in darkness, brothers, for the Day'to overtake you like thieves.1
5 You are all sons of light and sons of the day.
We belong not to the night nor to the darkness :
6 Well, then, let us not sleep like the rest, but be wakeful and sober.
7 For sleepers sleep at night,
And drunkards are drunk at night :
8 But as for us who belong to the day, let us be sober,
Putting on faith and love as our coat of mail ;
And, for a helmet, the hope of salvation;
9 since God appointed us not to wrath but to possess salvation through our
10 Lord Jesus Christ, who died for us that whether we wake or sleep we
11 should live along with him. Therefore exhort one another, and let each
build up the other — as indeed you do.
12 Now, brothers, we pray you to respect those who labour among you
13 and preside over you in the Lord and admonish you ; for the sake of
their work esteem them with especial love. Be at peace among your-
14 selves. Also we appeal to you, brothers, to admonish the irregular,
encourage the faint-hearted, support the weak, be long-suffering to all.
15 See that no one renders evil for evil : always aim at what is good for
, 17 one another and for all men. Always rejoice, pray without ceas-
18 ing, in everything give thanks : such is God's will in Christ Jesus for
o, 21 you. Quench not the Spirit, despise not prophecies : test everything,
22 retain the good, abstain from every kind of evil.
23 May the God of peace himself sanctify you perfectly, and may
your spirit, soul, and body be kept entire, blameless at the arrival of our
24 Lord Jesus Christ ! He who calls you is faithful : he will do it.
26 Brothers, pray for us. Salute all the brothers with a saints' kiss.
27 I adjure you by the Lord to have this letter read to all the brothers.
28 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you.
1 Reading zA-a-.a..

II. THESSALONIANS
This letter purports to have been written shortly (216) after 1 Thessa
lonians, partly to give further encouragement to the Christians of that
city under their depressing trials, but especially to steady them against
a feverish outburst of excitement. Symptoms of unrest were visible
generally throughout the Empire at the time. But the particular and
immediate cause at Thessalonika was furnished by the idea of the second
Advent, the near approach of which had been proclaimed by several
teachers as a revelation from God. They had also appealed to some
written words of Paul himself.1 Against this delusion and its moral
consequences the epistle is written. It supplements the first epistle,
while at the same time it faces a novel development of the situation.
Paul had thought his friends did not require special instruction on
eschatology (1 Th 52). He now finds they do, and proceeds to give the
requisite explanation and information on the fundamental principles of the
last things. This is done, as the subject necessitated, in characteristically
Jewish form. The spirit is Christian and Pauline, but the writer has for
the time being become to the Jews a Jew.
The reasons which have made many scholars unsure of its authenticity
and disposed to look for a later date, vary in weight. Some are obviously
minor. The style of 2 Thessalonians is, on the whole, genuinely Pauline
(cp. besides Bornemann's copious discussion in Meyer, ad. loc., and Zahn,
Einl. i. pp. 181-183 ; Jowett, Epp. of Paul,3 i. pp. 70-76), and no stress
can be safely put on the linguistic arguments. The emphasis on Paul's
authority (" die betreffenden Wendungen haben ein mehr offizielles
Geprage," Spitta) is not unnatural in the circumstances, and cannot he
regarded with suspicion as exaggerated. The different motives for his
labour (1 Th 29, 2 Th 37) are not contradictory but correlative. In fact
the really crucial points which determine the question of the later date
lie exclusively in the eschatological features of the writing. An estimate
of these is decisive, and the other evidence must be used chiefly to
corroborate the conclusion reached upon surer grounds.
i. The idea of the Antichrist has been frequently taken as implying
the Montanist conceptions of the second century ; the commoner inter
pretation, however, finds in it a reference to the legendary return of
Nero after his death. This gives a good sense, but it is not a necessary
inference from the text. Nero's reappearance is merely one of several
1 Perhaps in 1 Thessalonians (51J1 216J, but not necessarily. Before the date of
that epistle Paul may well have written others, and even some (two) to Thessalonika
itself (as Professor Rendel Harris, Exp.5 viii. 1611, 401 f., has recently suggested),
which are no longer extant. At any rate, the reference to the admitted practice of
forgery (22 317) is no valid argument against the Pauline authorship (cp. Joseph.
Antiq. xvi. 10. 4) ; nor is there sufficient reason for supposing that the rumour was
unfounded and Paul's fear mistaken. The difficulty of 22 is not eased by Dr. Field's
ingenious conjecture, i. -•} i,pcm, "as pretending to be ours" (cum irrisione quadam
plerumque ponitur <-. -¦., Ast), Otium Norvicense, part III. (1899), p. 202.
142

II. THESSALONIANS 143
facts that suit the conception of Antichrist in this writing. If any
political significance had to be found for it here, then, as Grotius saw
long ago, the irreligious procedure of the madcap Caligula (Hausrath,
ii. pp. 31-74) with his claim to deity (24) would furnish an even apter
basis ; and it is to be noted that the coincidences between the Apocalypse
and this epistle mostly occur in passages of the Apocalypse (chaps. 13, 17),
where on other grounds critics have suspected an original apocalyptic
piece belonging to Caligula's reign.1 But the conception of an enemy of
God and his manifestation is really a dogmatic postulate 2 taken over from
the OT (Schiirer,8 HJP, n. ii. p. 164 f.). It required no one emperor
to suggest it. The whole scheme was prompted rather by the inner glow
of expectation for the future and indignation at the present, which
possessed the loyal heirs of the OT prophecies. Resemblances with
outer conditions might be traced, but the aptness of the prophecy's
repetition never depended altogether on its exact and detailed applica
bility to such conditions. Here, as in the Apocalypse of John, a certain
contentment with indefiniteness is one of the self-denying ordinances of
good criticism. Nor again has the reference of 2 Th 26- 7 to the restrain
ing influence of the Roman Empire, which still seems the most satis
factory view,4 any necessary connection with the individual Caligula,
much less with Vespasian. The tone agrees perfectly with subsequent
Pauline passages like Ro 131-7. It is the emperor officially not individu
ally, who is meant. Indeed, the disposition on the part of many critics
to assume a frequent reference to political affairs in Paul's epistles is often
little better than a modern conceit. Paul viewed the world largely sub
specie aeternitatis. He had by birth and training his apocalyptic categories
and possibly an apocalyptic tradition of Jesus (1 Th 415) from the early
church. These are quite sufficient of themselves to explain this and
1 On his attempted insult to the Jews, cp. Tacit. Hist. v. 9, " Jussi a Caio Caesare
effigiem eius in templo locare, arma potius sumpserunt : quem motum Caesaris mors
diremit." There is quite a case for dating 3 Mac at this period as a book of
consolation written for Alexandrian Jews.
'- In Ps Sol 1713"20, Pompey, the first violator of the temple, is _ «i.o^.j, his people
oi in/ut. Cp. passages like Ps 8823 and Dan 726 113B- 37, with their traditional
interpretation in Judaism (Gunkel, Schopfung und Chaos, p. 221 f.).
3 He will not accept the epistle as authentic (EB, article "Thessalonians "), but
the reference to Nero is not one of his grounds for that decision. Bousset's re
searches into the Antichrist tradition (Antichrist, pp. 115 f., 129 f. , 132 f.) throw
some light upon its history. His aim is to prove the existence of a Jewish tradition
going back to Herod's time or even to the later Maccabees, in which the ideas of a
tyrant who is God's opponent and of a false Messiah were not strictly distinguished
at all points. This originally unpolitical tradition (cp. his edition of Apoc. pp.
431 f.) would be reflected in the NT in 2 Th 2, the small apocalypse of the synoptic
gospels, and Apoc ll3"13. Cp. also Assumpt. Mos. 8-10 and Didache, c. 16.
4 Cp. Weiss, NTTh, i. pp. 305-311. In this event the obstinate malevolence of
Judaism underlies the "mystery of iniquity." Warfield, however (Exp.^ iv.
pp. 30-44), prefers to reverse the usual interpretation. He takes the man of sin as
representing the imperial line and its rage lor deification. The restraining power
is the Jewish state, which "hid the tender infancy of tbe church within the
canopy of a protecting sheath until it should grow strong enough to withstand all
storms." As a modern reading of the history, this has some truth. The question
is whether it would have occurred to Paul. It seems scarcely possible that he
would have subtly combined in one letter a polemic against Jewish obstinacy and
antagonism, and also a theory of their providential and unconscious service to the
Christian communities. For the eschatological atmosphere and vista of the epistle,
cp. Sabatier, pp. 117-123, and Denney, "Thessalonians" (Expos. Bible, 1891),
pp. 303-337, besides the catena of details in Bornemann's or Schmiedel's ex
cursus, and Klopper's paragraphs in the monograph cited below.

144 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
many other passages in his writings, without the importation of outside
allusions. Further, the general reference to the restraint of the Empire
is borne out by the Jewish character of " the man of lawlessness," who
plays in the main the rdle of a pseudo-Messiah J (4 Esdras 41) among the
Jews. The Antichrist is religious, not political. The secret antagonism
which the Christian faith had to encounter is in all likelihood the
hostility of Judaism both in Palestine and in the provinces, and the con
ception of Rome as a bar to this antagonism could hardly have survived the
seventh decade with its Neronic frenzy. If this interpretation be correct,
it helps to explain the almost cryptic and oracular vagueness of Paul's
reference to the removal of the restraining force. Allusions to an
emperor's death had of necessity to be couched in very guarded
language. ii. Even were the alleged contradiction between the views of the
two epistles upon the second Advent established, it would tell in favour
of the authenticity of 2 Thessalonians rather than otherwise. The dis
crepancy would be easier of explanation as the variation of one man's
mind, than as the work of a later Christian who ostensibly intended to re
produce Paul's ideas, and yet allows himself to openly dispute the apostle's
written utterances. But between passages like 1 Th 52 and 2 Th 23 there
is little discrepancy — except on paper. To be instantaneous and to be
heralded by a historical prelude, are not contradictory ideas (e.g.
Mt 2429'39, Apoc 33 = 6X l). The second passage represents another aspect
of the belief which Paul afterwards found it useful to press. Then, as
ever, he was more concerned for the practical situation of his readers than
careful to be strictly and verbally consistent with his past utterances.2
Apostasy as a prelude to the second Advent is neither to be taken as an
essential dogma of Paulinism up to the last, nor to be set aside as in itself
an impossible conception for the apostle. At this time he cannot have
had then any crystallised dogma — if he ever had — upon the contents of
the interval between the present and the finale. For practical purposes
it was enough to insist now on the unexpectedness of the Advent, now on
its possible delay, according to the trend of current notions upon the
subject. In reality the future outlook in both epistles is substantially
identical : the crisis is not localised in either, yet it is not far away.
Baur, who rejected both the Thessalonian epistles, dated the second
after Paul's death, c. 68-70, the Antichrist being Nero, the apocalyptic
1 This is corroborated if the scene of the beast's activity in Apoc 11 is interpreted
to be Jerusalem. So Bousset (Antichrist, ch. i.), who accepts the authenticity of
2 Thessalonians, "without, however, laying too much weight on this assumption."
He rightly quotes Jo 543 as a direct parallel to 2 Th 29'12. But one is less sure about
his theory of the personal pseudo-Messiah. This figure he traces back to the
dragon-opponent of God in the old myths, but without proving that such an incar
nation of rebellion must necessarily have been viewed as a false Messiah by the
Jews. At the same time, so far from being a political personality, he is "a purely
eschatological figure in every sense of the word," neither Simon Magus nor Bar-
Kokhba. 3 ' ' Dass P. immer viel iiber die Griinde des Verznges der Parusie nachgedacht
hat, ist selbstverstandlich, halb freute er sich desselben, halb war darob betriibt ; er
kann aber auch lebenslanglich bei der Anschauung von 2 Th 2 stehen geblieben
sein. Eine religiose Fundamentalfrage war es nicht, was vor der Parusie sich noch
abspielen musse ; die Katechumenen hat er daniber unterrichtet, an solche wendet er
sich aber nicht in seinen spiiteren Briefen, braucht also auf den Gegenstand nicht
einzugehen " (Jiilicher) ; cp. Clemen, Chron. pp. 41-43, also — from an opposite stand
point— Holtzmann, NTTh, ii. 190-192, and Dr. 0. Cone, Paul the Man, the Mis
sionary, and the Teacher (pp. 102, 103), Gospel and its Interpretations, pp. 348, 349.

II. THESSALONIANS 145
" beast " (Paul (Eng. tr.), ii. 85-97, 314-340), and Schmiedel (HG, n. i.) has
recently supported this date with much candour. On the later form of
this view, the epistle is an apocalypse x which desires to win Pauline
sanction for its conceptions, founding itself upon 1 Thessalonians and the
Corinthian epistles especially. If a later date than the usual one has to
be taken, certainly the close of the seventh decade is infinitely more prob
able than one in Trajan's reign, when the background of the writing
would consist of antinomian Gnostic controversies. The latter position is
held, after Hilgenfeld, by Bahnsen (" Zum Verstandniss von 2 Th 2,"
JpTh. (1880), pp. 681-705, the "restraint" being in this case the
episcopate), Pfleiderer (Urc. 77-78, 356-358), who considers it as a
pendant to the Johannine Apocalypse, composed not earlier than Trajan's
reign, and Bruckner, Chron. pp. 253-256. Havet (Origines, iv. p. 373)
thinks of Vespasian as the KaHx<ov (27), J. Weiss (SK (1892), pp. 253, 254)
assigns both epistles to Silvanus (" Der nutzmassliehe Schreiber oder
Inspirator des ersten Petrusbriefes die Thessalonicherbriefe zum
wenigstens mitgestaltet habe"), while C. Rauch again (ZwTh. (1895),
pp. 457-465) regards 2 Thessalonians as composed fifty years after Paul's
death, subsequent to the Apocalypse and previous to Barnabas, in order
to exhibit Pauline eschatology under Jewish-Christian conceptions. On
all these theories the letter is a revision of 1 Thessalonians. The writer
has worked over and remodelled that writing, using Paul's style as far as
he could, to convey later eschatological teaching through the medium of
Pauline traditions.2
Holtzmann closes his discussion (Einl. pp. 212-216), however, with
the significant admission, " The question at the present time is, not
whether the second epistle should be thrust clown into the post- apostolic
age, but whether, on the contrary, it does not reach back to the lifetime
of the apostle, and is not therefore authentic and written shortly after
1 Thessalonians, i.e. about 54 a.d." Upon this position the above-noted
lines of interpretation converge. Indeed, despite the inferiority of
interest and vigour of which so much has been made, the impression
of the letter's genuinely Pauline character has been spreading among
critics.3 Even Spitta, who is unwilling to accept its authenticity (Offen-
barung Joh. 497-590, Urc. i. pp, 111-153), feels bound to do justice to
what are its undoubtedly Pauline elements. The contents, he supposes,
with their somewhat formal and official strain, were not dictated to, but
rather composed in the name of the others (2 Th l1) by Paul's companion
Timothy, whose acquaintance with Jewish fables and scriptures is
inferred from the tradition embodied in the " Pastorals " (Ac 161).
More thoroughly the Pauline authorship and the 52-54 a.d. date have
been frankly accepted by Reuss (pp. 73-75) ; Grimm (SK (1850), pp.
753-816) ; Schenkel, Das Christusbild d. Apostel, pp. 68, 69 ; Renan, Saint
Paul, pp. 248-255 ; Mangold (-Bleek, § 143) ; Sabatier ; Weiss, INT, i. pp.
1 The dreaded outbreak being of course the return of Nero redivivus, and the
restraint the imperial power of Vespasian or Galba.
2 Weizsacker, AA, i. pp. 295-298 ; cp. von Soden, SK (1885), p. 263 f. ; and
S. Davidson, INT, i. pp. 250-265. The improbability of such a method after
Paul's death is brought out very forcibly by Zahn (Einl. i. p. 177 f.), especially in
its connection with Nero redivivus.
3 Especially among those who, like Haupt (Die esehatol. Aussagen Jesu (1895),
pp. 136, 137), and Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 159, 160, are able to accept the synoptic
eschatology, with its prediction of false prophets and apostasy, as a genuine deliver
ance of Jesus, e. 29 A.D., to which subsequent Christian teaching — as here and in the
Apocalypse — owes its initiative and justification.
IO

146 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
232-235, AJT, i. 338-344; Gloel, Biejiingste Kritik des Galaterbriefes,^.
40-42; Salmon, INT, pp. 365-369; Godet (INT, i. p. 164 f.) ; Jowett;
Sanday and Headlam, " Romans " (IGG), p. xiv ; G. G. Findlay (" Thessa
lonians," Cambridge Bible, 1891) ; Julicher, Einl. pp. 40-44 ; Clemen,
Chron. pp. 240-246 ; McGiffert, AA, pp. 257-253 ; and Adeney, BI, pp.
357-360. The most wealthy exposition is that of Bornemann (-Meyer) ;
there is a Dutch monograph by Westrik, " De echtheid van den tweeden
brief aan de Thessal." (1899), especially useful on the question of style,
and a skilful defence of the authenticity by A. Klopper, Theol. Stud. a.
Skizzen aus Ostpreuzzen, Heft 8, 1889. So too Monnet, "Les epitres aux
Thess." (These aux Montauban, 1889); Schafer, Einl. pp. 81-84; and
Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 160-183 ; also Dr. Drummond (IH, ii. pp. 6-13), who
decides that " the very passages which are relied upon as an evidence of
forgery are more surprising from a forger than from Paul." It is a pity,
however, to introduce the alien conception of forgery at all into the dis
cussion of such problems in ancient literature.
Of the three Pauline epistles which cannot be accepted without
scrutiny and hesitation, 2 Thessalonians perhaps comes next to Colossians
in point of genuine self-attestation. To a less degree than Ephesians it
ultimately justifies the doubt raised by a first survey of its contents and
allusions ; and this estimate is true, even although the result of investiga
tion is to leave it a problem as well as an authority for the study of
early Christianity.1
1 As I rewrite this note, the disorder produced by eschatological superstition in
Thessalonika (2 Th 3s '¦) is curiously paralleled by a recent instance of similar dis
organisation in Tripoli. Letters from that district (quoted in the Westminster
Gazette, Nov. 1899) " report an amazing state of affairs consequent upon the report
that the end of the world will come on November 13. The Israelites are sending
their wives to pray in the synagogues, and most workmen have ceased work.
Debtors refuse to pay their debts, so that trade is almost paralysed. On Monday
last one of the cases before the Tunis native court was that of an Arab who sued a
Jew for a small sum of money. The debtor acknowledged the debt, but asked for
fifteen days' delay to pay it. The Arab refused to grant the delay on the ground
that the world would be destroyed before it expired. The judge sent the debtor to
prison."

II. THESSALONIANS
The whole ofthe epistle is written under what may be termed "the feeling
of persecution " ; that is to say, the sense of resignation, on the one hand, to
the present will of God ; on the other hand, a sure and certain hope that ' ' times
of refreshment " were at hand. Such was the feeling of the apostle himself,
and he implies the existence of a similar feeling in the church to which he
was writing. Sadness and consolation, hope and fear, the array of glory and
of terror, were present with them or passing before them. A life thus divided
between this world and another was naturally liable to become a life of excite
ment and disorder. Times of persecution needed extraordinary religious sup
ports ; the withdrawal of those supports, the momentary clouding of the
heaven above, would from time to time lead to reaction. — Jowett.

I1"2 Greeting.
1--217 Thanksgiving and prayer for faith under persecution :
courage in prospect of the Lord's
second Arrival.
21"12 the time of the second Arrival —
Paul's apocalypse — " The man of
sin," "the mystery of law-

213'16 renewed thanksgiving
216"17 and prayer for them.
31-16 persona| : prayer asked for himself :
his wish and hope for them.
Warning against the disorderly and the idle-
a prayer.
31718 Conclusion.

II. THESSALONIANS
1 1 Paul and Silvanus and Timotheus
to the Community of the Thessalonians in God our Father and the
Lord Jesus Christ :
2 grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ.
3 We are bound to give thanks to God always for you, brothers, as is
fitting, because your faith is growing greatly, and the love of each one of
4 you all to one another is increasing, so that we ourselves exult about you
among the Communities of God for your patience and faith amid all your
5 persecutions and the distresses that you endure ; these clearly prove the
just judgment of God, namely, that you are to be held worthy of the
6 reign of God, on behalf of which you also suffer — seeing that God con-
7 siders it but just to render distress to those who distress you, and to you
who are distressed relief with us, at the revelation of the Lord Jesus from
8 heaven with the angels of his power in flaming fire, when he inflicts
punishment on those who know not God, and on those who obey not the
9 gospel of our Lord Jesus, men who shall pay the penalty of eternal
destruction from the presence of the Lord, and from the majesty of his
10 might, when he comes to be exalted in his saints, and to be wondered at
among all believers (because our witness did find belief with you) in that
1 1 day. Wherefore we also pray for you always, that our God may hold
you worthy of your calling, and powerfully accomplish every desire of
12 goodness and work of faith, so that the name of our Lord Jesus may be
exalted in you and you in him, through the grace of our God and of the
Lord Jesus Christ.
2 1 Now, brothers, with regard to the arrival of our Lord Jesus Christ
2 and our gathering together to him, we pray you not to be hastily dis
turbed from your sober mind, nor to be disquieted by a spirit, or by a
word, or by a letter (as if from us) to this effect, that the day of the Lord
3 is imminent. Let no one beguile you at all. For the apostasy must
come first, with the revelation of the man of lawlessness, the son of
perdition,
4 the adversary who uplifts himself over all that is called divine or
that is an object of worship,
and finally sits down in the sanctuary of God, giving himself out to
be God.
5 Do you not remember that I used to tell you this when I was still with
6 you ? Well, you know now what restrains him from being revealed
before his proper season.
7 For the secret of lawlessness is at work already ;
Only, it cannot be revealed until he who at present restrains it is
removed.
8 Then shall the lavjless one be revealed, 1.8

29-318] II. THESSALONIANS 149
Whom the Lord Jesus shall slay xoith the breath of his mouth.
And put down by his appearing and arrival —
9 The lawless one, whose arrival is due to Satan's force,
With all the power and signs and wonders of falsehood,
10 And with all the deceit of iniquity for the perishing,
Because they did not accept the love of the truth for their salvation.
11 Therefore God sends them a force of error,
So that they believe the falsehood,
12 That all might be judged who believed not the truth
But delighted in iniquity.
13 But we are bound always to give God thanks for you, brothers,
beloved by the Lord, because God has chosen you from the beginning for
salvation through sanctification by the Spirit and belief in the truth :
14 for this he has called you through our gospel, even to possess the majesty
15 of our Lord Jesus Christ. So then, brothers, stand firm, and hold to the
16 traditions that you have been taught by word or by letter from us. May
our Lord Jesus Christ himself, and God our Father who has loved us
17 and given us eternal comfort and good hope through his grace, encourage
your hearts and establish them in every good work and word !
3 1 Pray, then, for us, brothers,
that the Lord's word may speed on and be exalted,
even as it has been with you,
2 and that we may be rescued from those who are perverse and evil —
for the faith is not possessed by everyone.
3 But the Lord is faithful : he shall establish you and preserve you
4 from the evil one. We rely upon you in the Lord, confident
5 that 1 you are doing and will do as we charge. May the Lord direct
your hearts into the love of God and into the patience of Christ !
6 Now, brothers, we charge you in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ
to avoid every brother whose walk is irregular and not after the
7 tradition received from us. You know yourselves how you ought to
8 imitate us. We did not lead an irregular life among you, nor did we
eat bread at any man's hand for nothing, but with labour and toil we
9 worked night and day, so as to be no burden to any of you. It was not
that we lacked the right ; it was simply to set ourselves as a pattern for
10 you to imitate. We gave you this charge even when we were with you :
11 " If any man will not work, neither let him eat." Whereas we hear of
some who are leading an irregular life among you, not busy, but busy-
12 bodies. Such people we charge and beseech in the Lord Jesus to work
13 quietly and eat their own bread. As for yourselves, brothers, never lose
14 heart in well-doing. But if anyone obeys not the word we send by this
letter, note him, keep no company 2 with him, that he may be shamed.
15 Yet do not consider him as if he were an enemy : admonish him as a
16 brother. And may the Lord of peace himself ever give you peace
in every way !
The Lord be with you all.
17 The salutation is by the hand of me, Paul— it is a token in every
letter ; such is my way of writing.
18 The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you all.
1 Omitting [[*«!]]• 2 Reading svim«.y.WmirU,

This epistle places us in the midst of the great excitement of the critical
struggle which had begun between Judaism and Christianity, in the decision
of the momentous question whether there should be a Christianity free from
Judaism and essentially different from it, or whether Christianity should only
exist as a form of Judaism, that is to say, as nothing else than a modified and'
extended Judaism. . . . There can scarcely be any doubt with regard to these
Judaising opponents, that from the way in which the apostle opposed them,
the conflict was now being carried on for the first time. We see that this is
the first time this subject has been handled ; the apostle perceives that he is
absolutely obliged to give an account of how he was summoned to his apostolic
office, and he speaks of it in such a manner as he could not have done, if he had
ever before come in contact with these opponents in the same way. He puts
himself thoroughly in opposition to them ; as thoroughly as can only be done
when for the first time the full importance of a principle dawns upon a man,
and when the maintenance of this principle against a vexatious opposition con
stitutes the task of his whole life. — Baur.

i i-i" introduction.
1"_221 Personal: the independence of his gospel—
from God not man :
his early relations with the apostles, and especially Peter.
3-4 Dogmatic : the Law and the Spirit —
the Law provisional : the problem of Abraham and his
faith—
the Law superseded : the allegory of Hagar —
Christianity, final and free.
5-_6io Ethical : Christian freedom :
Paul's gospel a gospel of liberty,
but not of licence.
The ethics of the Spirit.
61118 Epilogue:

GALATIANS
1 1 Paul, an apostle not from men nor by a man, but by Jesus Christ and
2 God the Father who raised him from the dead, with all the brothers who
are beside me,
to the Communities of Galatia :
3 grace to you and peace from God the Father and our Lord Jesus
4 Christ, who gave himself for our sins that he might deliver us from the
5 present evil world according to the will of our God and Father, to whom
be the honour for ever and ever, Amen.
6 I wonder that you are going over so hastily from him who called you
7 through the grace of Christ, going over to a different gospel. — It is not
another gospel : only, there are certain persons who trouble you and
want to pervert the gospel of Christ.
8 But even though we or an angel from heaven were to preach 1 a gospel
contrary to that which we preached to you,
let him be accursed.
9 As we have said before, so now I say again :
If anyone preaches to you a gospel contrary to that which you received,
let him be accursed.
10 Now is that " speaking to conciliate men," or God 1
Trying " to please men " !
If I were still pleasing men, I should not be Christ's slave.
11 I tell you, brothers, about the gospel preached by me,
It is not after the manner of man :
12 I did not receive it from man, nor was I taught it ;
Nay, I had it by a revelation of Jesus Christ.
13 You have heard of my conduct at one time in Judaism, that I persecuted
14 the Community of God and made havoc of it beyond measure, and that I
advanced in Judaism beyond many of my contemporaries, zealot as I was
15 more and more for the traditions of my fathers. But when it was the
good pleasure of him 2 who set me apart from my mother's womb and
16 called me through his grace, to reveal his Son for me, that I might preach
him among the Gentiles, I did not immediately communicate with flesh and
17 blood, or go up to Jerusalem to those who were apostles before me. No, I
18 went away to Arabia, and returned once more to Damascus. Then, after
three years, I went up to Jerusalem to become acquainted with Kephas,
19 and with him I stayed for fifteen days. I saw no one else of the apostles,
20 except James the brother of the Lord. (Lo, before God, I swear I am
21 not lying in what I write to you !) Then I came to the regions of Syria
22 and Cilicia. And still I was personally unknown to the Communities of
23 Judaea which were in Christ. They only heard reports that " he who
24 once persecuted us, is preaching now the faith of which he once made
2 1 havoc " ; and they magnified God on my account. Then after
fourteen years I went up to Jerusalem once more, along with Barnabas ;
1 Omitting [[-/-"»]]. " Omitting [[o ..«]].
151

152 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [22-38
2 I also took Titus with me. Now I went up owing to a revelation. And I
laid before them the gospel I preach among the Gentiles — it was in private,
however, before those of repute — lest haply I might be running or might
3 have run, in vain. (But, Greek as he was, even Titus my companion
4 was not compelled to have himself circumcised. On account of the false
brothers stealthily introduced, men who crept in by stealth to spy out
that freedom which we possess in Christ, for the purpose of enslaving us,
5 we did not yield in the way of submission for a single hour ; in order that
6 the truth of the gospel might remain with you.) But from those of some
repute — whatever they were at one time makes no difference to me, God
regards no man's person : to me certainly they communicated nothing.
7 On the contrary, when they saw that I had been intrusted with the
8 gospel for the Uncircumcision just as Peter had been for the Circumcision
— for he who worked by Peter for a mission to the Circumcision, worked
9 also by me for the Gentiles — and when they recognised the grace given
to me, then James and Kephas and John, those who were of repute as
pillars, gave the right hand of fellowship to myself and to Barnabas, on
condition that we should be for the Gentiles, and they for the Circuni-
10 cision. Only, we were to " be mindful of the poor " — the very thing I
1 1 endeavoured to do. But when Kephas came to Antioch I opposed
12 him to his face. The man stood self-condemned. For, before certain per
sons came from James, he ate with the Gentiles ; but when they came, he
began to draw back and separate himself, as he feared those who belonged
13 to the Circumcision. And along with him the rest of the Jews also dis
sembled, so that even Barnabas was carried away by their dissembling.
14 But when I saw that their course was not straightforward, in line with the
truth of the gospel, I said to Kephas before them all, " If, Jew as thou
art, thou livest like the Gentiles and not like the Jews, how is it thou art
15 trying to compel the Gentiles to Judaise . " We are by nature
16 Jews, and not " sinners of Gentiles " ! Yet as we know that a man is not
justified by deeds of law, but only through faith in Christ Jesus, we our
selves believed on Christ Jesus, that we might be justified by faith in Christ
and not by deeds of law ; for by deeds of law no flesh shall be justified.
17 Now if we ourselves, as we sought to be justified in Christ, "were found
18 also to be sinners," is Christ then a minister of sin . God forbid ! Rather
I prove myself to be a transgressor, if I build up again that which I
19 destroyed. For I through the law died to the law, that I might live
20 for God. I have been crucified with Christ, and it is no longer I who
live, Christ lives in me ; the life I now live in the flesh I live in faith,
21 faith in the Son of God who loved me and gave up himself for me. I
do not frustrate the grace of God ; for if uprightness is through the law,
then Christ died without a cause.
3 1 O foolish Galatians, who bewitched you — you before whose eyes
2 Jesus Christ was depicted on the cross . I "would learn merely this from
you : was it by deeds of law that you received the Spirit, or by the
3 message of faith ? Are you such fools ? Did you begin in the Spirit
4 only to stop now with the flesh ? Had you all that experience in vain
5 (if indeed it is really in vain) ? Does he who supplies you with the
Spirit and works miracles among you, do that by deeds of law (pray) or by
6 the message of faith ? It is just as with Abraham, who believed God, and
7 it was counted to him as uprightness. Understand then
8 that those who depend on faith are the sons of Abraham. Moreover
the scripture, foreseeing that it is by faith God justifies the Gentiles,
preached the gospel beforehand to Abraham : In thee shall all the

39-4n] GALATIANS 153
9 nations be blessed. So that those who depend on faith are blessed with
10 Abraham the faithful. For all who depend on deeds of law are
under the curse : for it is written, Gursed is everyone who abides not
11 by all the things written in the booh of the law, to do them. Further,
that in the law no one is justified before God is clear, because it is
12 by faith that the upright shall live. Now the law does not exist by
13 faith ; nay, he who does them shall live thereby. Christ ransomed us from
the curse of the law by becoming accursed for us (For it is written,
Cursed is everyone who hangs upon a gibbet),
14 That the blessing of Abraham might reach the Gentiles in Christ
Jesus,
That through faith we might receive the promised Spirit.
15 Brothers, when a man's will has been ratified — to use a merely human
way of speaking — no one sets it aside or adds new conditions, though
16 it be but the will of a man. Now it was to Abraham that the promises
were spoken, and to his offspring. He does not say "and to offsprings"
in the plural, but in the singular " and to thy offspring '' — which is Christ.
17 My point is this : the law which came four hundred and thirty years
later does not cancel a will previously ratified by God, so as to annul
18 the promise. If the inheritance is by law, it is no longer by promise.
19 Now God has bestowed it on Abraham by promise. What of the law
then ? It was added to produce the transgressions, until the coming of
the seed to whom the promise has been made ; and it was given through
20 the administration of angels by the agency of a mediator. (Now a
21 mediator implies more than one ; whereas God is one.) Is the law then
opposed to the promises of God ? God forbid ! Had a law been given
which was able to make alive, uprightness would have really been by
22 law ; but the scripture shut up all things under sin, in order that the
promise which is by faith in Jesus Christ might be given to those who
believe.
23 Now before that faith came, we were guarded under control of law,
24 shut up with a view to the faith which was to be revealed. So that the
law proved our tutor till Christ came, in order that by faith we might
25 be justified. But faith has come, and we are under a tutor no longer.
6, 27 You are all God's sons through faith in Christ Jesus ; for all of you who
28 had yourselves baptized into Christ, put on Christ. There is no place for
Jew or Greek, there is no place for slave or freeman, there is no place for
29 male and female : all of you are one being in Christ Jesus. Now,
if you are Christ's, why then, you are Abraham's offspring, heirs owing to the
4 1 promise. As long as the heir is a child, I mean, he does not differ at all from
2 a slave, though he is lord of all. He is under guardians and trustees until
3 the term previously fixed by his father. So also with us : when we were
4 children we were held in slavery under the elements of the world ; but
when the fulness of the time came, God sent forth his Son, born of a woman,
5 born under law, that he might ransom those who are under law, that we
6 might get our sonship. And because you are sons God sent forth the
7 Spirit of his Son into our hearts, crying " Abba ! Father ! " So thou art
, a slave no longer, but a son ; and if a son, an heir also through God.
8 But at that time, since you did not know God, you were in servitude
9 to gods which by nature are no gods. Now that you have come to know
God, however, or rather to be known by God, how is it you are turning
back again to the weak and beggarly elements, desiring to be slaves to
10 them once more ? Observe days and months and festal seasons and
11 years ! You ! — I am afraid, after all, I may have laboured on you in vain.

154 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [412-515
1 2 Turn to be like me, brothers, I entreat y ou ; I also have turned to be like
13 you. You have done me no wrong. Rather, though (as you are aware)
it was owing to bodily sickness that I preached the gospel to you on my
14 former visit, and though my flesh was a trial to you, you did not despise
nor spurn me. Nay, you received me as an angel of God, as Christ Jesus.
15 You pronounced yourselves "happy." Then where is that happiness? (I
bear you witness, you would have plucked out your very eyes and given
16 them to me, had it been possible.) So I have become your enemy by
17 dealing honestly with you ? These men are not paying you court with
any honourable zeal ! Nay, they would shut you out from others in order
18 that you may have to pay court to themselves. It is a capital thing to be
courted zealously in an honourable cause, and that at all times, not merely
19 when one is with you, 0 my children — you with whom I am once more in
20 travail, until Christ be formed in you ! Would that I could be with you
just now, and alter my tone ! for I am perplexed about you.
21 Tell me, you who would fain be under law, do you not understand
22 the law . Surely it is written that Abraham had two sons, one by the
23 bondmaid and one by the free woman ; but while the son of the bond
maid was born after the flesh, the son of the free woman was born through
24 the promise. This is allegorical. These women are two covenants. One
is from Mount Sinai and bears children for bondage ; that is Hagar
25 (Hagar is Mount Sinai in Arabia). She corresponds to the present
26 Jerusalem, for she is in bondage along with her children. But the
27 Jerusalem on high is free ; and she is our mother. For it is written,
Bejoice, thou barren who bearest not :
Burst out with joyful cry, thou who travailest not ;
For many are the children of the desolate,
Many more than hers who is married.
28, 29 Now you are like Isaac, brothers, children of promise. But as at that
time he who was born after the flesh persecuted him who was born
30 after the Spirit, so is it now. Nevertheless, what saith the scripture ? Cast
out the bondmaid and her son, for the son of the bondmaid shall not be heir
31 along with the son of the free woman. Therefore, brothers, we are children
not of a bondmaid but of the free woman.
5 1 It was for freedom that Christ freed us. Stand firm then, and be not
2 caught once more in a yoke of bondage. — Behold, I Paul tell you ; if you
3 have yourselves circumcised, Christ will be no use to you. Again I
protest to everyone who has himself circumcised, he is under obligation
4 to obey the whole law. You who would fain be justified by law, you are
5 done with Christ, you are fallen from grace. For by faith we wait in the
6 Spirit for uprightness, our hope. Neither circumcision nor uncircumcision
7 is of any avail in Christ Jesus, but only faith that works through love. You
8 were running nobly. Who hindered you from obeying the truth ? The
9 persuasion to that does not come from him who calls you. (A little
10 leaven leavens the whole lump.) For myself, I am confident about you
in the Lord that you will not go wrong. But as for him who is troubling
11 you, he will have to bear the doom, whoever he may be. As for me,
brothers, if I am " still preaching circumcision," why am I still persecuted .
12 In that case the hindrance of the cross is abolished ! 0 that those who
are unsettling you would have themselves mutilated also !
13 You were called to be free, brothers. Only, do not turn your freedom
into an opportunity for the flesh, but serve one another through love.
14 For the whole law is fulfilled in one word, in the command: Thou shalt love
15 thy neighbour as thyself. But if you " bite and devour one another," take

516-618] GALATIANS 155
16 care that you do not consume one another. I tell you, walk by
17 the Spirit : then you shall not fulfil the lust of the flesh. For the flesh lusts
against the Spirit, and the Spirit against the flesh (these are opposed
to one another), in order that you may not do the things that you would.
18, 19 And if you are led by the Spirit you are not under law. Now the
works of the flesh are obvious : they consist of fornication, impurity,
20 sensuality, idolatry, magic, enmities, quarrelling, jealousy, angry passions,
21 factions, dissensions, parties, envies, bouts of drunkenness, of revelry, and
such like. I tell you beforehand as I already told you beforehand, that those
22 who practise such things shall not inherit the reign of God. But the fruit
of the Spirit is love, joy, peace, longsuffering, kindness, goodness, faith-
23, 24 fulness, gentleness, self-control : against such things there is no law. And
those who are of Christ Jesus have crucified the flesh with its passions and
25, 26 lusts. If we live by the Spirit, by the Spirit let us walk. Let us
6 1 have no empty pride, nettling one another, envying one another. Brothers,
even though a man is detected in some trespass, do you as spiritual
people restore such a one in the spirit of gentleness : look to thyself lest
2 thou also be tempted. Bear one another's burdens, and so fulfil the law of
3 Christ. For if a man imagines himself to be something great when he is
4 a mere nobody, he is cheating himself. Let each man test his own work,
and then he shall have something to exult about in himself, and not
5 in comparison with his neighbour. For each shall bear his own load.
6 Let him who is instructed in the word share with his instructor,
in all good things.
7 Be not misled : God is not to be mocked,
8 For whatever a man sows that shall he also reap.
He who sows to his flesh shall from the flesh reap destruction,
But he who sows to the Spirit shall from the Spirit reap life eternal.
9 Let us not lose heart in doing good : for we shall reap in due season,
10 if we faint not. So then while we have T time, let us work at what
is good toward all men, but especially toward those who belong to the
household of the faith.
H Look, with what large letters I write you, with my own hand.
12 The men who are compelling you to be circumcised are those who
would like to make a fine display in the flesh ; it is only to avoid being
13 persecuted for the cross of Christ. Why, even those who get circumcised
do not observe the law themselves ! Nay, they would have you circum-
14 cised so as to exult in your flesh ! But never be it mine to exult save in
the cross of our Lord Jesus Christ, through which the world has been
15 crucified to me and I to the world. For circumcision is nothing and
16 uncircu-ncision is nothing, but a new creation is everything. And as for
all who walk by this principle, peace be on them and mercy, yea on the
Israel of God.
1 ' In future let no man molest me, for I bear on my body the brands of
Jesus.
1° The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit, brothers :
Amen. 1 Reading ix'P"-

The apostle, who had himself founded the Corinthian church, specially loved
it, and nurtured it with uncommon care. His experiences among these converts
were diversified, his difficulties peculiar ; and the human side of his individual
ity is seen in what he writes to them more clearly than in any other epistle,
His practical sagacity, spiritual insight, tact and delicacy, were called into
exercise by the weighty problem to be solved — the planting of a new religion in
Greek soil. . . . Nowhere is the manysidedness of the apostle's mind so
evident — the breadth and largeness of view that touch topics of multifarious
difficulty with masterly ability. All his powers were needed for the successful
solution of the problem, which the first church reared on the classic ground
of ancient Greece presented ; nor did they fail to meet it successfully. —
S. Davidson.

I1"9 Greeting : introduction.
lw-JrL Party-spirit and parties in the church:
l10-34 The genuine character of Christianity as evidenced in Paul-
its ' ' foolishness " and "wisdom. "
3°-421 The genuine character of the ministry as evidenced in Paul-
subordinate and co-operant.
51-13 £ case of incest.
gi-9a Litigation in pagan courts.
gio-20 Fornication.
7-16* Answer to Corinthian letter on :
Marbiaue and its problems — the principle of celibacy.
S-ll1 Food offered to idols — the principles of forbearance and
liberty.
II2"16 Worship : (a) The rules for women.
H17"34 (j3) The rules for the Lord's supper.
12-14 (y) Spiritual gifts : their nature, degree, and
purpose.
13 The pre-eminence of love :
14 practical application.
15 The Resuerection of the dead— of Christ, of mankind :
its necessity and reasonableness.
161"4 The Collection.
igs-is perso„a|.
16i9-_. Farewell.

156

I. COKINTHIANS
1 1 Paul, called to be an apostle of Christ Jesus through the will of God,
and Sosthenes the brother,
2 to the Community of God which is in Corinth, to those who are
sanctified in Christ Jesus, called to be saints, along with all who in every
place call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, theirs as well as ours :
3 grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.
4 I always thank my God for you, for the grace of God granted you in
5 Christ Jesus, because in him you were enriched in everything, in all
6 speech and all knowledge, since the testimony borne to Christ was con-
7 firmed in you ; so that you do not suffer want in any privilege, while you
8 wait for the revelation of our Lord Jesus Christ, who also will confirm you
9 to the end, to be irreproachable in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ. God
is faithful, by whom you were called into fellowship with his Son Jesus
Christ our Lord.
10 Now I appeal to you, brothers, by the name of our Lord Jesus Christ,
to be all in unison and have no divisions among you, but be at harmony
11 together in the same mind and the same judgment. For I have news
of you, my brothers, from the household of Chloe to this effect, that there
12 are quarrels among you. What I mean is this : each of you is saving,
13 " I am of Paul," or " I of Apollos," or " I of Kephas," or " I of Christ.'" Is
Christ divided up ? Was it Paul who was crucified for you ? Or did
14 you get baptized into the name of Paul . I am thankful I baptized none
15 of you except Krispus and Gaius, that no one may say you got baptized
16 into my name (well, I did baptize the household of Stephanas also ; for
17 the rest, I do not remember if I baptized anyone else). Christ did not
send me to baptize, but to preach the gospel — not in wisdom of word,
lest the cross of Christ should be rendered void.
18 For the word ofthe cross is foolishness to the perishing,
But God's power to us who are being saved.
19 For it is written,
I will ruin the wisdom of the wise,
And the cleverness of the clever I will frustrate.
20 Where is the wise man1? Where is the scribe? Where is the debater of this age?
Has not God made the loisdom of the world foolish ?
21 For since in the wisdom of God the world through its wisdom failed
to know God,
It pleased God to save those who believe, through the foolishness of
what is preached ;
22 Seeing that Jews demand signs and Greeks require wisdom,
23 While we preach Christ crucified,
To Jews a hindrance, to Gentiles foolishness,
24 But to those who are called (both Jews and Greeks), Christ God's
power and God's wisdom :
25 For the foolishness of God is wiser than men,
And the weakness of God is stronger than men.
167

158 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l26-216
26 Why, lock at your calling, brothers :
There are not many wise after the flesh, not many principal men, not
many of high birth ;
27 Nay, God has chosen the foolish things of the world to put the wise
men to shame,
And God has chosen the weak things of the world to put the strong
things to shame,
28 And God has chosen the low-born things of the world and the despised
things — the things which are not, to put down the things which are,
29 That no flesh should exult before God.
30 From him you have your being in Christ Jesus,
Whom God made our "wisdom," that is, uprightness and sanctification
and redemption ;
31 So that, even as it is written,
Let him who exults, exult in the Lord.
2 1 And so, brothers, when I came to you, I did not come proclaiming
2 the testimony of God to you by way of elaborate speech or wisdom. I
decided not to know anything among you except Jesus Christ — and him
3 crucified. And when I was with you I was in weakness and fear and
4 great trembling ; nor did my speech and preaching rest on persuasive
words of wisdom, but on a " demonstration " of the Spirit and of power ;
5 that your faith might not rest on men's wisdom, but on God's power.
6 Wisdom however we do speak among the mature,
But not a wisdom which belongs to this age
Or to the leaders of this age (who are being put down) ;
7 It is God's wisdom as a secret that we speak,
The hidden wisdom which God fore-appointed before the ages in our
honour.
8 None of the leaders of this age knows it
(For had they known it, they had not crucified the Lord of majesty) ;
9 Nay it means, as has been written,
Things no eye has seen, no ear has heard,
That have not entered the mind of man,
Even all that God has prepared for those who love him.
10 To us God has revealed them through the Spirit,
For the Spirit searches all things, even the depths of God.
11 Among men, who knows the things of a man
Save the spirit of the man that is within him :
So is it also with the things of God,
None has knowledge of them save the Spirit of God.
12 Now we received not the spirit of the world, but the Spirit which is
from God,
That we might know the things bestowed on us by God ;
13 And these are what we speak in words taught by no human wisdom,
but by the Spirit,
Interpreting spiritual things to spiritual men.
14 The natural man rejects the things of the Spirit of God, to him they
are foolishness :
Indeed he cannot understand them, for they are estimated spirit
ually.
15 Whereas the spiritual man has an estimate for everything,
Yet no man has an estimate for him.
16 For who has known the Lord's mind, so as to instruct him ?
No man : and our mind is the mind of Christ.

31-23] I. CORINTHIANS 159
3 1 And so, brothers, I could not speak to you as spiritual men, but as
2 creatures of flesh, as mere children in Christ. I fed you with milk, not
with solid food ; you were not able for solid food. No, and you are not
3 able yet. You are fleshly still. For in so far as jealousy and quarrelling
exist among you, are you not fleshly ? are you not walking after the
4 manner of men 1 When one says, " I am of Paul," and another, " I am of
Apollos," are you not merely human .
5 What is Apollos, then ? What is Paul .
Ministers through whom you believed — each indeed in the measure
granted him by the Lord.
6 I planted, Apollos watered,
But God made the growth.
7 So then neither planter nor waterer is anything,
But God who makes the growth.
8 Planter and waterer alike are one,
Yet each shall receive his individual reward according to his indi
vidual labour.
9 For we are God's fellow-workers ;
You are God's field, God's building.
10 By virtue of God's grace granted me I laid the foundation like an expert
master-builder ;
But another man is building on it.
Let each man take care how he builds on it.
II (For no man can lay any other foundation than the foundation laid,
namely, Jesus Christ.)
12 If any man is building on the foundation gold, silver, precious stones,
wood, hay, stubble —
13 Each man's work shall be disclosed :
The Day will make it plain, for the Day is revealed with fire,
And the fire itself will test each man's sort of work.
14 If the work built up by any man survives,
He shall receive a reward :
15 If any man's work be burned up,
He shall be a loser ;
He shall be saved himself, yet saved as through fire.
16 Do you not know that you are God's sanctuary, and that God's Spirit
dwells in you .
17 If any man is destroying God's sanctuary, him shall God destroy.
For God's sanctuary is holy — and such are you.
18 Let no man beguile himself :
If anyone among you imagines he is wise in this age,
Let him become a fool to become wise —
19 For with God the wisdom of this world is foolishness.
For it is written,
He who seizes the wise in their craftiness,
20 and again The Lord knows that the designs ofthe wise are futile.
21 So let no man exult in men ;
For all things are yours,
22 Be it Paul or Apollos or Kephas,
Or the world or life or death,
Or the present or the future,
23 All are yours, and you are Christ's, and Christ is God's.

160 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [il-tf>
4 1 Let a man look on us as servants of Christ and stewards of the secrets
2 of God. Well, then, in this matter of stewardship, it is required that
3 a man be found faithful. But with me it is a very small thing that
I should be cross-questioned by you or by any human court. I do
4 not even cross-question myself. For though I am conscious of nothing
against myself, that does not clear me ; he who cross-questions me is the
5 Lord. So judge not at all before the time, until the Lord come, who will
bring to light the hidden things of the darkness and also disclose the
counsels of the hearts : then shall each man get his praise from God.
6 Now, brothers, I have transferred these things by a fiction to
myself and Apollos for your sake, so that from our case you might learn the
maxim : " Up to what is written, and no further," not to be puffed up one
7 against another in favour of this one or the other. Who singles thee out ?
What hast thou that thou didst not receive ? Why exult as if thou hadst
8 not received, when thou didst receive . Have you been sated already ?
Grown rich already ? Come to reign, apart from us ? Ah, would that
9 you had come indeed to reign, for us to share your reign as well ! For
God, I think, has exhibited us apostles last and lowest, as men doomed
to death ; we are made a spectacle to the world, both to angels and to men.
10 We are fools for Christ's sake, you are sensible in Christ ; we are weak,
11 you are strong; you are illustrious, we unhonoured. Even to this hour
12 we hunger and thirst, we are ill-clad, buffeted, waifs, and toilers, working
with our own hands. Reviled, we bless : persecuted, we bear patiently :
13 defamed, we strive to appease : to this hour we are made like offscourings
14 of the world, the refuse of all things. I am not writing this
15 to shame you, but to admonish you as my beloved children. For though
you should have ten thousand tutors in Christ, yet you have not more
16 than one father : in Christ Jesus through the gospel I begot you. I
17 appeal to you then, become imitators of me. For this reason I have
sent you Timotheus, my beloved and faithful child in the Lord ; he will
remind you of those methods in Christ Jesus, which I teach everywhere
18 in every Community. Certain people have got puffed up, however, as
19 though I were not coming to you ? But I shall come to you soon, if the
Lord will, and learn not what is the word of those who are puffed up,
20 but what is their power ; for God's reign is not a matter of words but of
21 power. What is your choice ? Must I come to you with a rod, or with
love and the spirit of gentleness .
5 1 It is actually reported that there is fornication among you, and
fornication such as does not even exist among the Gentiles, namely, that a
2 man has his father's wife. And yet you are puffed up ! You ought rather
to have mourned, so that the perpetrator of this deed might be removed
3 from your midst. For my part, absent in body but present in spirit,
I have already — as though really present — passed judgment upon him
4 who has practised this deed, in the name of our Lord Jesus (you being
gathered together and my spirit also, with the power of our Lord Jesus),
5 to have the man in question delivered to Satan for the destruction of the
6 flesh, that the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord.1 Your
exulting is discreditable. Do you not know that a little leaven leavens the
7 whole lump 1 Purge out the old leaven, that you may be a new lump ; even
as you are free from leaven, for indeed Christ, our paschal lamb, has been
8 sacrificed. So then let us keep festival not with old leaven, nor with the
leaven of malice and wickedness, but with the unleavened bread of sincerity
9 and integrity. I wrote you in my letter to keep no company
1 Omitting ['I<m_],

59-619] I. CORINTHIANS 161
10 with fornicators — not that I meant you absolutely to shun the fornicators
of this world, or the covetous and extortionate, or idolaters, since in that
11 case you would be obliged to withdraw from the world. What I did
write to you was this : if anyone who bears the name of "brother" be a
fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a reviler, or a drunkard, or
extortionate, keep no company with him, with such a man do not even
12 eat. As for those outside, what have I to do with judging them? Is it
13 not those inside that you judge? Those outside are judged by God.
Banish the wicked one from your midst.
B 1 Dare any of you, with some dispute against another, go to law
before the unjust instead of before the saints ?
2 What ! do you not know the saints shall rule the world ?
And if the world is to be ruled by you, are you unfit to adjudicate
upon mere trifles ?
3 Do you not know we shall rule angels, let alone secular affairs ?
4 So then, if you have to adjudicate on secular affairs, do you set up as
judges people who in the Community are of no account whatever ?
5 I say this to rouse your shame. Has it come to this, that there is
not a single wise man forthcoming among you, who can decide a dispute
6 between his brothers ? Must brother go to law with brother, and that
7 before unbelievers ? Nay, so far as that goes, it is altogether a defect in
you that you have law-suits with one another. Why not rather be
8 wronged ? Why not rather be defrauded ? Instead of which you your
selves inflict wrong and practice fraud, and that upon your brothers.
9 What ! do you not know that unjust men shall not inherit the reign of
God ? Be not misled : neither fornicators nor idolaters nor adulterers
10 nor voluptuaries nor sodomites nor thieves nor covetous people nor
drunkards nor revilers nor extortioners shall inherit the reign of God.
11 And such creatures some of you were ; but you washed yourselves, but
you were sanctified, but you were justified in the name of the Lord
Jesus Christ and in the Spirit of our God.
12 " All things are lawful for me " ?
Yes, but not all things are profitable.
All things are lawful for me :
Yes, but I will not be brought under the power of anything.
13 " Foods for the belly, and the Tbelly for foods " :
Yet God shall do away with it and them alike.
But the body is not for fornication, it is for the Lord and the Lord for
i the body :
14 God raised up the Lord, and by his power he will also raise up us.
: 15 Do you not know that your bodies are members of Christ ?
Am I to take Christ's members then, and make them members of a
harlot? God forbid!
16 What ! do you not know that he who joins himself to a harlot
Is one body with her
(For the two, it is said, shall become one flesh) 1
17 But he who joins himself to the Lord
Is one spirit with him.
18 Flee from fornication :
Every sin a man does is outside the body,
But the fornicator sins against his own body.
19 What ! do you not know that your body is a sanctuary of the holy Spirit
; which is in you,
Which you have from God ?

162 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [620-720
20 And you are not your own, you were bought with a price ;
Then honour God in your body.
J 1 Now in regard to the matters of which you wrote to me.
2 It is an excellent thing for a man not to touch a woman. Still, on
account of fornications, let each man have his own wife, and let each
woman have her own husband.
3 Let the husband render to the wife her due,
And likewise the wife to the husband.
4 The wife has not authority over her own body, but the husband :
And likewise the husband also has not authority over his own body,
but the wife.
5 Defraud not one another, unless for a time perhaps by agreement, that
you may have leisure for prayer, and then come together again — so
6 that Satan tempt you not on account of your incontinence. But I say
7 this by way of permission, not by way of command. On the contrary,
I would that all men were what I am. Yet each is endowed by God in
his own way, one for this and another for that.
8 To unmarried men and to widows I say : it is" an excellent thing for
9 them if they remain as I am. Still, if they have no self-control, let
10 them marry. Better marry than be afire with lust ! Married
people I charge (not I, but the Lord) that the wife should not be
11 separated from her husband — should anyone have actually separated, let
her remain unmarried or else be reconciled to her husband— also, that
12 the husband should not dismiss his wife. To the rest I say
(I, not the Lord) : —
If any brother has an unbelieving wife, and she consents to dwell
with him,
Let him not dismiss her.
13 And if a woman has an unbelieving husband, and he consents to
dwell with her,
Let her not dismiss her husband.
14 For the unbelieving husband is sanctified in the wife,
And tbe unbelieving wife in the brother.
Else, of course, your children are unclean ;
While as it is they are holy.
15 (However, if the unbeliever is bent on separating, separation let it be : in
such cases the brother or the sister is under no constraint.)
It is for a life of peace that God has called us.1
16 Why, how dost thou know, 0 wife, whether thou shalt not save thy
husband ?
Or how dost thou know, 0 husband, whether thou shalt not save
thy wife ?
17 Only, let each walk as the Lord has assigned him his lot,
As God has called him.
(And such are my instructions in all the Communities.)
18 Was any man called after being circumcised .
Let him not become uncircumcised.
Has any man been called in uncircumcision ?
Let him not be circumcised.
19 Circumcision is nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing,
But to keep the commandments of God is everything.
20 Every man in the condition in which he was called,
There let him remain. 1 Reading $/*.*;.

721-82] I. CORINTHIANS 163
21 Thou wast called a slave ? Never mind. (At the same time, if thou
art able to get free, avail thyself of it rather than not.)
22 For the slave called in the Lord is a f reedman of the Lord ;
Likewise the free man who was called is a slave of Christ.
23 (You were bought with a price, do not turn slaves of men.)
24 Brothers, wherein every man was called,
Therein let him remain with God.
25 In regard to maidens I have no command of the Lord, but I give my
opinion as one who is trustworthy owing to the mercy he has obtained
26 from the Lord. I think then that, considering the present trouble, this
is an excellent plan : namely, for a man to be just as he is.
27 Art thou bound to a wife ? Seek not release.
Art thou loosed from a wife ? Seek not a wife.
28 Still, even if thou shalt marry, there is no sin in that ;
And if a maiden marry, there is no sin in that.
(At the same time such persons shall be distressed in tbe flesh, and I
29 would spare you that.) What I mean is this, brothers : —
The time is shortened.
Let those then who have wives be as though they had none,
30 The weeping as though they wept not,
The joyful as though they rejoiced not,
The buyers as though they grasped not their possessions,
31 Those who use this world as not using it to the full,
for the fashion of this world is passing.
32 I would have you free from anxiety.
The unmarried man is anxious about the affairs of the Lord,
how he may please the Lord :
33 The married man is anxious about the affairs of the world,
how he may please his wife — and his attention is divided.
34 So also with the wife and the maiden.
The unmarried woman is anxious about the affairs of the Lord,
that she may be holy both in body and in spirit :
The married woman is anxious about the affairs of the world,
how she may please her husband.
35 I say this for your own advantage. It is not that I may restrict your
liberty, but to promote propriety and undistracted attendance upon the
36 Lord. But if anyone considers that he is not treating his unmarried
daughter properly, then, should she be past her bloom and should it re
quire to be thus, let him do what he pleases, there is no sin in it — let her
37 be married. But the man of firm purpose who has made up his mind,
who instead of being under any compulsion possesses power to carry
out his own wish, and has determined in his own heart to keep his
daughter unmarried, he shall do well.
38 So then he who gives his unmarried daughter in marriage does well ;
He who refuses to give her shall do better.
39 A wife is bound during the lifetime of her husband ; but if he be
fallen asleep, she is free to be married to anyone whom she pleases — ¦
40 only, in the Lord. She is happier, however, if she remains as she
is ; that is my opinion, and I think that I also possess the Spirit of
God.
8 1 In regard to food offered to idols, we are aware that "we all have
knowledge." Knowledge puffs up, love builds up.
2 Whoever imagines that he knows something,
Does not yet know as he ought to know :

164 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [83-913
3 But whoever loves God,
The same is known by him.
4 — In regard to eating food offered to idols, then, we are quite aware that "an
idol in the world is a mere nothing," and that " there is no God but one."
5 For though there be so-called gods, in heaven or on earth, — as gods there
6 are in plenty and lords in plenty ! — yet for us
there is one God, who is the Father,
from whom all things exist
(and we exist for him),
and one Lord, Jesus Christ,
through whom all things exist
(and we exist through him).
7 Yet knowledge is not in all men. Some, hitherto accustomed to an
idol, eat the food as food offered to an idol ; and as their conscience is
8 weak, it is defiled. Now, food will not present us to God.
If we do not eat, we are not inferior :
And if we do eat, we are not superior.
9 But take care lest haply this right of yours prove a stumbling-block
10 to the weak. For if anyone should see thee, a man with knowledge,
reclining at meat in an idol's temple, will not his conscience (as he is a
11 weak man) be emboldened to eat food offered to idols? Then certainly
he who is weak perishes through thy knowledge, the brother for whose
12 sake Christ died. In sinning thus against the brothers, and wounding
13 their weak conscience, you sin against Christ. Wherefore, if food be a
hindrance to my brother, eat flesh I never will, never ! — tbat I may not
be a hindrance to my brother.
9 1 Am I not free ? Am I not an apostle ? Have I not seen Jesus our
2 Lord ? Are you not my work in the Lord ? If to others I am no apostle,
yet to you at least I am, for you are the seal of my apostleship in the
3, 4 Lord. My defence to my inquisitors is this. Have we no right to eat and
5 drink ? Have we no right to take about a sister as a wife, like the rest
6 of the apostles and the brothers of the Lord and Kephas ? AVhat ! Do we
alone, I and Barnabas, lack the right to abstain from working at a trade ?
7 Who ever serves in war at his own expense ?
Who plants a vineyard without eating of its fruit ?
Or who shepherds a flock without drinking of the milk of the flock .
8 Is this to speak from a merely human standpoint ? Does not the
9 scripture say the very same ? Why, it is written in the law of Moses :
1710-!- shalt not muzzle an ox when he is treading out corn. Is God's concern
for the oxen ?
10 Or does he say it altogether for our sakes ?
Assuredly for our sakes it was written.
For the ploughman needs to plough in hope,
And the thresher to thresh in the hope of partaking.
11 If we sowed you spiritual good,
Is it a great matter if we reap your material good ?
12 If others partake in this right over you, why not we still more? But,
you say, we did not avail ourselves of this right. No, we bear anything
so as to avoid putting any obstacle in the way of the gospel of Christ.
13 Do you not know
that those who perform sacred rites
get their food from the sacred place,
that those who attend on the altar
have their portion along with the altar ?

9U-10°] I. CORINTHIANS 165
14 So too the Lord's instructions are
that those who proclaim the gospel
should " live by the gospel."
15 But I have not availed myself of these provisions at all, nor am I
writing thus that it may come to this in my case. Better for me to die
16 than that anyone should render my exultation void ? For if I preach
the gospel I have nothing to exult about ; necessity is laid on me. Woe
17 to me if I preach not the gospel ! For if I act thus from my own choice,
I have a reward ; but if it is not from my choice, then I am intrusted
18 with a stewardship. What then is my reward ? This, that iu preaching
the gospel I make the gospel free of charge, so as not to entirely avail
myself of my right in the gospel.
19 Why, free as I was from all, I made myself slave to all,
To win over the greater number.
20 To the Jews I made myself like a Jew,
To win over Jews :
To those under the law like one under the law —
I who was not under the law myself —
To win over those under the law :
21 To those outside the law like one outside the law —
I who was not outside the law to God, but under law to Christ —
To win over those outside the law :
22 To the weak I made myself weak,
To win over the weak.
To all men I have made myself all things,
To save some in any and in every way.
23 I do all for the sake of the gospel,
That I also may have my share in it.
24 [Do you not know that while the runners on a race-course all run, only
25 one receives the prize ? So run that you may attain it. Every athlete
practises complete self-control. They do it, however, to receive a perish-
26 ing wreath, while we do it for an imperishable. For my part, then, I
27 run with no unsteady aim ; I plant no blows upon the air. Nay, 1 bruise
my body and master it, lest haply after having preached to others I should
myself become a reprobate.]
10 1 For I would not have you ignorant, brothers, that
Our fathers all lived under the cloud and all passed through
2 the sea,
and all got baptised into Moses in the cloud and in the sea,
3 and all ate the same spiritual food,
4 and all drank the same spiritual drink
(For they drank of a spiritual Rock which followed them —
and the Rock was the Christ) ;
5 But in most of them God took no delight,
for they were laid low in the wilderness.
6 Now these things took place as warnings for us,
That we should not lust after evil, even as they lusted.
7 Nor be idolaters like some of them ;
As it is written, The people sat down to eat and drink,
and they rose up to sport.
8 Nor let us commit fornication even as some of them did,
And in a single day three and twenty thousand fell.
9 Nor let us make trial of the Lord as some of them did,
And perished by the serpents.

166 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l010-ll4
10 Nor murmur in the way that some of them murmured,
And perished by the destroyer.
11 Now these things happened to them typically,
But they were written to admonish us upon whom the ends of
the ages have come.
12 So then let him who considers he is standing firm take care lest he
13 fall. No temptation has seized you except what is common to man ; and
God is faithful, he will not allow you to be tempted beyond your
strength, but along with the temptation he will provide the escape, that
you may have strength to bear it.
14, 15 Wherefore, my beloved, flee from idolatry. I am speaking as I speak
to sensible people ; judge for yourselves what I say.
16 The cup of blessing which we bless,
Is that not participating in the blood of Christ ?
The bread we break,
Is that not participating in the body of Christ ?
17 Because the bread is one,
We the man}' are one body,
For we all partake of the one bread.
18 Look at Israel after the flesh. Do not those who eat the sacrifices par-
19 ticipate in the altar? What do I mean? that food offered to idols
20 is anything, or that an idol is anything ? No, but that what people l
sacrifice, they sacrifice to daemons and not to God; and I would not have
you participate in daemons.
21 You cannot drink the Lord's cup and also the daemons' cup :
You cannot partake of the Lord's table, and also of the daemons'
table.
22 What ! dare we stir up the Lord to jealousy ? Are we stronger than he ?
23 " All things are lawful " :
Yes, but not all things are profitable.
" All things are lawful " :
Yes, but all things do not build up.
24 Let no one seek his own interest, but that of his neighbour.
25 Eat whatever is sold in the meat-market, without making any in-
26 quiries on the score of conscience ; the earth and its contents belong to the
27 Lord. If an unbeliever invites you to a feast and you consent to go, eat
whatever is put before you without making any inquiries on the score of
28 conscience. But if anyone says to you, " This has been sacrificial meat,"
do not eat it, out of regard to him who informed you, and on the score of
29 conscience — his conscience, I mean, not thine. For why should my
30 freedom come to be judged by another man's conscience.? If I partake
with thankfulness, why am I to be maligned over a thing for which I
31 give thanks ? Whether then you eat or drink or whatever you
32 do, do all with a view to God's honour. Give no offence either to Jews
33 or to Greeks or to the Community of God ; even as I also please all men
in all matters, seeking not my own advantage, but the advantage of the
111 majority, namely, their salvation. Become imitators of me, as I also am
of Christ.
2 Now I praise you for remembering me in everything, and for holding
fast the traditions even as I handed them on to you.
3 But I would have you know that the head of every man is Christ,
4 and the head of woman is man, and the head of Christ is God. Every
man who prays or prophesies with his head veiled, dishonours his head.
1 Omitting [[•.« ._m.]]

115-123] I. CORINTHIANS 167
5 But every woman who prays or prophesies with her head unveiled, dis-
6 honours her head : she is no better than a shaven woman. If a woman is
not veiled, then let her be shorn too ; but if it is disgraceful for a woman
7 to be shorn or shaven, then let her be veiled. For while man does not
need to have his head veiled, since he represents the image and supremacy
8 of God, woman again represents the supremacy of man. Man is not
9 formed from woman, but woman from man. Nor was man created
10 for woman, but woman for man. For this reason woman needs to wear
a sign of his authority upon her head, namely, on account of the angels.
11 (At any rate, in the Lord, woman does not exist apart from man, any more
12 than man apart from woman ; for as woman is taken from man, so man
13 also exists through woman, while all things are from God . ) Judge for y our-
14 selves : is it becoming for a woman to pray to God, unveiled ? Does not
even nature herself teach you that for man to have long hair is a dis-
15 honour ; while on the other hand for a woman to have long hair is an
16 honour, since her head of hair is given her as a cloak. If
anyone presumes to be contentious, let him know that we have no such
custom, nor have the Communities of God.
17 But in giving you this charge I cannot praise you, seeing that you
18 assemble not for better but for worse. First of all, when you assemble
in the congregation, I hear that divisions exist among you. And I partly
19 believe it ; for there must even be parties among you, if those who are of
20 genuine character among you are to be known. When you assemble,
21 then, it is impossible for you to eat the Lord's supper. As you eat, each
one hastily seizes his own supper; and so, while one is hungry, another
22 is drunk. What ! have you not houses to eat and drink in ? Or do
you despise the Community of God and put the poor to shame ? What
shall I say to you ? Shall I praise you ? I cannot praise you in this.
23 For 1 received from the Lord that which also I handed on to you, that
24 " the Lord Jesus in the night on which he was betrayed took bread, gave
thanks, and broke it, saying, ' This is my body which is for jrou : do this in
25 memory of me.' In the same way the cup also after supper, saying, ' This
cup is the new covenant in my blood : do this, as often as you drink it, in
26 memory of me.' " For as often as you eat this bread and drink the
27 cup, you proclaim the Lord's death until he comes. So, then, whoever
eats the bread or drinks the cup of the Lord unworthily, shall be guilty
28 of sin against the body and the blood of the Lord. But let a man test
29 himself, and so let him eat of the bread and drink of the cup. For he
who eats and drinks, eats and drinks judgment to himself, if he does not
30 distinguish the body. For this reason many among you are weak and
31 sick, and a number are asleep. Now if we judged ourselves aright, we
32 should not be judged. Yet, when we are judged by the Lord, we are
33 chastened, that we may not be condemned along with the world. So
34 then, my brothers, when you assemble to eat, wait for one another : if
any one is hungry, let him eat at home — that you may not assemble
to incur judgment. As for the rest, I will issue instructions whenever
I come.
12 1 In regard to the spiritual gifts, brothers, I would not have you
2 ignorant. You know that at one time x you were heathens urged on by
3 impulse and led away to the dumb idols ; wherefore I tell you,
No man who speaks in the Spirit of God says " Jesus is accursed " :
And no man is able to say " Jesus is Lord," except in the holy
Spirit. i Reading _¦». ed

168 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [124-2*
4 Now there are varieties of talents,
but the same Spirit :
5 And there are varieties of ministries,
yet the same Lord :
6 And there are varieties of effects,
but the same God who produces all effects in all mem
7 Each has the disclosure of the Spirit given him with a view to profit :
8 to one through the Spirit is given speech of wisdom,
and to another speech of knowledge from the same Spirit,
9 to another in the same Spirit faith,
and to another in the one Spirit talents to heal,
10 to another the effecting of miraculous powers,
to another prophecy,
to another discerning of spirits,
to another various kinds of tongues,
and to another the interpretation of tongues.
11 But one and the same Spirit produces all these effects,
dividing as he wills to each individually.
12 For in the same way as the body is one and has many members, yet all
the members of the body, many as they are, compose one body : so too i3
13 Christ. For in one spirit also we all had ourselves baptised into one
body, whether Jews or Greeks, whether slaves or free men, and we were
14 all imbued with one Spirit. Why, even the body is not composed of one
member but of many.
15 Were the foot to say, " Because I am not the hand, I am no part of
the body,"
That does not make it no part of the body :
16 And were the ear to say, "Because I am not the eye, I am no part
of the body,"
That does not make it no part of the body.
17 Were the whole body an eye, where would the hearing be ?
Were the whole body hearing, where would the smelling be ?
18 As it is, God has set the members within the body, each one of them
even as it pleased him.
19 Were they all one member, where would the body be ?
20 As it is, there are many members and one body.
21 The eye cannot say to the hand, " I have no need of thee " :
Nor again the head to the feet, " I have no need of you."
22 Quite the contrary. It is rather those members of the body which
23 seem to be feebler that are necessary ; and the parts of the body which we
consider less honourable are the very parts we invest with ampler honour.
24 Our uncomely parts get ampler comeliness, while our comely parts do not
need it. Yes, God has tempered the body together,
giving ampler honour to the inferior part,
25 that there should be no division in the body,
but that the members should have the same concernfor one another.
26 So if one member suffers,
all the members suffer with it :
if one is exalted,
all the members rejoice with it.
27, 28 Now you are Christ's body, and members each in his part. That is to
say, God has set people in the Community first to be apostles, secondly
prophets, thirdly teachers, then for miraculous powers, then for talents to

1229-146] I. CORINTHIANS 169
heal, for works of succour, works of government, various kinds of tongues.
29 Are all apostles ? are all prophets ? are all teachers ? have all miraculous
30 powers ? have all talents to heal ? do all speak with tongues ? do all
31 interpret ? Covet the greater talents.— And yet I will further
show you a higher way than all.
13 1 Though I speak with the tongues of men and angels
Yet have no love,
I am echoing brass or a clanging cymbal.
2 And though I have prophecy and know all secrets and all knowledge,
And though I have all faith, enough to remove mountains,
Yet have no love,
I count for nothing.
3 And though I dole out all my substance in food,
And though I give my body to be burned,
Yet have no love,
I am no gainer.
4 Love is longsuffering, kind,
Love is not jealous,1 no boaster, not puffed up :
5 She acts not unseemly, seeks not her own ends,
She is not irritated, imputes no evil,
6 Rejoices not at iniquity, but rejoices with the truth,
7 Bears all, believes all,
Hopes for all, endures all.
8 Love never fails :
But as for prophecies, they shall be done away,
As for tongues, they shall cease,
As for knowledge, it shall be done away.
9 For in part we know and in part we prophesy :
10 But when that which is perfect arrives,
That which is in part shall be done away.
11 When I was a child,
Like a child I talked,
Like a child I felt,
Like a child I reasoned .
Now that I have become a man,
I am done with childish things.
12 For at present we look through a mirror, dimly,
But then it will be face to face :
At present I know in part,
But then I shall fully know, as also I am fully known.
13 So now these three remain, faith, hope, and love :
But the greatest of these is love.
4 1 Be love your aim ! Covet the spiritual gifts — preferring that of
2 prophecy. For he who speaks in a tongue speaks not to men, but to God.
3 No one understands ; the man is uttering secrets in the Spirit. On the
other hand, he who prophesies speaks to men for upbuilding and encour-
4 agement and consolation. He who speaks in a tongue builds up himself,
5 but he who prophesies builds up the Community. Now I would have
you all speak with tongues, but I would prefer you to prophesy. He
who prophesies is greater than he who speaks with tongues ; unless indeed
6 the latter interprets, so that the Community may be built up. What use
now shall I be to you, brothers, if I come to you speaking with tongues,
unless I speak to you either in the form of revelation or of knowledge
1 Omitting [[4 i-fes..^]].

170 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [h7"37
7 or of prophecy or of teaching ? If things inanimate, like the flute or the
harp, have no intervals occurring in their music, how can one catch
the air that is being played on flute or harp, for all the sound they
8 make ? And if the trumpet gives an indistinct sound, who will make
9 himself ready for battle ? So too with yourselves ; unless your tongue
utters speech that is readily understood, how are people to know what
10 you say ? You will be speaking into the air. There are, for example,
many kinds of languages in the world, and nothing lacks a language.
11 Well, unless I understand the meaning of the language, I shall be a
foreigner to the man who is speaking; and to my mind the man who is
12 speaking will be a foreigner. So too with yourselves ; since you are
bent upon having spirits, seek to excel with a view to build up the
13 Community. Therefore let him who speaks with a tongue pray that he
14 may interpret. For if I pray with a tongue, my spirit prays but my
15 understanding produces no fruit. Very well then, I will pray with the
spirit, and I will also pray with the understanding ; I will sing praise
with the spirit, and I will also sing praise with the understanding.
16 Otherwise, suppose thou art saying a blessing with the spirit, how is he
who occupies the position of the uneducated to say the " amen " to thy
17 thanksgiving? The man does not know what thou art saying! Thy
thanksgiving is all very well ; but then, the other man is not built up.
18, 19 I thank God that more than any of you I speak with tongues 1 ; yet in the
congregation I would rather speak five words with my understanding, so
as to instruct others as well, than ten thousand words in a tongue.
20 Brothers, be not children in mind. Be infants in malice, but in mind
21 be full-grown. In the law it is written, "By men of alien tongues and by
the lips of aliens will I speak to this people ; yet not even thus will they listen
22 to me," saith the Lord. So then tongues are meant for a sign not to the
believing, but to the unbelieving ; prophesying again is meant for a sign
23 not to the unbelieving, but to the believing. If the whole Community
then assemble together and all speak with tongues, and if uneducated or
24 unbelieving men come in, will they not any you are mad ? Whereas if all
are prophesying, and an unbelieving or uneducated person come in, he is
25 convicted by all, he is judged by all, Ihe secrets of his heart are disclosed ;
and so, falling on his face, he will worship God, declaring " God is really
among you."
26 Very well, then, brothers : when you assemble, each one has a psalm,
a lesson, » revelation, a tongue, an interpretation ; let all be done for
27 upbuilding. If any man speaks in a tongue, let only two or at most
three speak at one meeting, and that in turn ; also let someone interpret.
28 But if there is no interpreter, let the man keep silence in the congrega-
29 tion, and speak to himself and to God. Let the prophets also speak, two
30 or three of them, and let the others use their judgment. But if a
revelation is made to another prophet who is sitting by, let the first
31 speaker be silent. For you can all prophesy one by one, so that allmay
32 learn, and all be encouraged. And the spirits of the prophets are subject
33, 34 to the prophets, for God is a God not of disorder but of harmony. [As
in all the Communities of the saints, let women keep silence in the
congregations. They are not permitted to speak. Let them be in subjec-
35 tion, as also the law enjoins. If they wish to learn anything, let them
ask their own husbands at home ; it is disgraceful for a woman to speak
36 in the congregation.] What ? Was it from you that the word of God
37 started ? Are you the only people it has reached ? If anyone consider.
1 Reading yXufftrais.

14s8— 1531] I. CORINTHIANS 171
i himself a prophet or spiritual, let him understand that what I write to
.. 38 you is a commandment of the Lord. But if anyone disregards it — well,
'.< let him disregard 1 it.
;39 So then, my brothers, covet prophecy, and forbid not speech with
40 tongues. But let all be done with propriety and in order.
5 1 Now I make known to you, brothers, the gospel that I preached to
i. 2 you, which also you received, in which also you stand, by which also
yon are being saved, if you are holding fast the word that I preached to
;t 3 you — unless indeed you believed in vain. For I handed on to you first
of all that which I also received : namely, that Christ died for our sins
- 4 according to the scriptures, and that he was buried, and that he rose on
; 5 the third day according to the scriptures, and that he was seen by
t. 6 Kephas, then by the twelve ; after that, he was seen by upwards of five
hundred brothers all at once, of whom the greater number survive to this
, 7 day, but some have fallen asleep ; after that he was seen by James, then
j' 8 by all the apostles, and last of all, by one misborn (as it were), he was seen
( 9 also by me. For I am the least of the apostles, I who am not fit to be
10 called " apostle," because I persecuted the Community of God. But by the
grace of God I am what I am ; and the grace he showed to me did not
prove in vain. No, I laboured far beyond them all — yet not so much I, as
11 the grace of God along with me. Be it I then or they, so we preach, and
so you believed.
_ 12 Now if the preaching of Christ is that he rose from the dead, how is
it that some people among you say " there is no such thing as a resurrection
" 13 of the dead" ? If "there is no such, thing as a resurrection of the dead,"
14 Christ did not rise either ; and if Christ did not rise, then 2 vain is our
15 preaching after all, vain also your faith. Yes, and we are found to be
false witnesses of God, because we witnessed against God in saying that
" he raised Christ " — whom he did not raise, if dead men after all do not
'17 rise. , For if dead men do not rise, Christ did not rise either ; and if
Christ did not rise, your faith is futile, you are still in your sins.
; 19 Besides, those who fell asleep in Christ perished after all. If in this life
we have nothing but a mere hope in Christ, we are of all men to be
: 20 pitied most. But, as it is, Christ did rise from the dead, the
firstfruits of those who are asleep.
21 For since through man came death,
Through man came also resurrection of the dead :
- 22 As all die in Adam,
So also shall all be made alive in Christ.
¦ 23 But each in his own rank : Christ the firstfruits, after that, all who
"¦ 24 are Christ's at his arrival ; then comes the end, when he delivers up the
royal power to the God and Father, when he shall have put down all
*' 25 rule and all authority and power. For he must reign until he has put
; 26 all' his enemies under his feet. Last enemy of all, death shall be put
'¦' 27 down. For he has made all things subject under his feet. Now, when it
' says "all things are made subject," clearly that excludes the One who
1 28 made all things subject to him. But when all things are made subject
to him, then the Son himself shall also be made subject to the One who
made all things subject to him, that God may be all in all.
29 Otherwise, what can be the meaning of those who get baptized on behalf of
the dead? If dead men do not rise at all, why do they get baptised on
(' 31 their behalf ? And why are we ourselves in danger every hour ? (Daily
I die — I swear it by my exulting in you, brothers, in Christ Jesus our
1 Reading -ij-voe..-). " Omitting [[__!]].

172 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l5m'i*
32 Lord.) If, humanly speaking, I "fought with beasts" at Ephesus, what
use is that to me ? If dead men rise not, let us eat and, drink, for to-
33 morrow v:e die ! Be not misled : " bad companionships are the ruin of
34 honest morals." Awake to uprightness, and sin not ! For some are in
ignorance of God. I am speaking to rouse your shame.
35 But, one will say, " How do the dead rise ? With what kind of hody
36 do they come ? " Senseless man ! what thou sowest is not made alive
37 unless it dies. And in sowing, what thou sowest is not the body that is to
be, but a mere grain of wheat, for example, or of some other kind of seed ;
38 yet God gives it a body even as he wills, namely, to each kind of seed a
39 body of its own. All flesh is not the same flesh. There is one flesh of
men, and another flesh of beasts, one flesh of birds, and another of fishes.
40 There are heavenly bodies and also earthly bodies ; but the splendour of
the heavenly is one thing, and the splendour of the earthly is another.
41 There is one splendour of the sun, and another splendour of the moon,
42 and another splendour of the stars ; for star excels star in splendour. So
it is also with the resurrection of the dead.
It is sown in the perishing,
it is raised in the imperishable :
43 It is sown in dishonour,
it is raised in splendour :
It is sown in weakness,
it is raised in power :
44 It is sown a natural body,
it is raised a spiritual body.
If there is a natural,
there is also a spiritual body.
45 So also it is written :
" The first mail Adam beca.me a living soul;
The last Adam, a life-making spirit."
46 But the spiritual is not first, it is the natural :
After that the spiritual.
47 The first man is from the earth, material :
The second man is from heaven.
48 As is the material, so are those who are material .
And as is the heavenly, so are those who are heavenly.
49 And as we have worn the image of the material,
We are also to wear J the image of the heavenly.
50 What 1 say is this, brothers.
Flesh and blood cannot inherit the reign of God,
Nor does the perishing inherit the imperishable.
51 Lo, I tell you a secret !
Not all of us shall fall asleep,
But all of us shall be changed —
52 In an instant, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet.
For the trumpet shall sound,
And the dead shall be raised imperishable,
And we shall be changed.
53 For this perishing thing must put on the imperishable,
And this mortal thing must put on immortality ;
54 But when this perishing thing shall have put on the imperishable,
And this mortal thing shall have put on immortality,
Then shall come to pass the word which is written :
1 Reading aopio-op.iv

1555— 16211 I. CORINTHIANS 173
Beath is swallowed up in victory.
55 Beath, where is thy victory'/
Beath, where is thy sting ?
56 [The sting of death is sin, and the power of sin is the law.]
•57 Thanks be to God who gives the victory to us through our Lord
,58 Jesus Christ. So then, my beloved brothers, be firm, immovable,
abounding at all times in the work of the Lord ; since you know that
your labour is not vain in the Lord.
d 1 Now in regard to the collection for the saints, do you also follow the
- 2 instructions that I gave to the Communities of Galatia. On the first day
of the week let each of you be laying by him in store whatever gain he
; may have made ; so that collections may not have to be made when I
: 3 come. When I arrive I will despatch with letters whatever persons you
p 4 think fit, to convey your bounty to Jerusalem ; and if it be worth while
p 5 for me also to make the journey, they shall accompany me. I
will visit you when I have passed through Macedonia. Through Mace-
d 6 donia I am to pass, but possibly I shall remain awhile with you, or even
pass the winter ; that you may speed me on whatever journey I may under-
7 take. I do not wish to see you at this moment merely in passing by ;
8 my hope is to stay for some time with you, if the Lord permit. But I
9 will stay on at Ephesus till Pentecost ; for a great door of activity is open
10 to me, and adversaries are numerous. If Timotheus comes, see
that he need have no fear with you ; for he works at the Lord's work like
11 myself. Let no one despise him then. Speed him on his journey in
peace, that he may come to me ; for I expect him along with the brothers.
12 In regard to Apollos the brother — I made an urgent appeal to him to visit
you with the others, but he was not quite inclined to visit you just now.
However, he will come whenever he finds time.
13 Watch, stand fast in the faith, quit yourselves like men, be strong.
14 Let all that you do be done in love.
15 I appeal to you, brothers — you know that the household of Stephanas
is the firstfruits of Achaia, and that they have laid themselves out for
L6 ministering to the saints. Be you also in subjection to such, and to
17 everyone who shares their work and labour. I am glad that Stephanas
and Fortunatus and Achaicus have arrived, for they have made up for
18 the lack of you. They have refreshed my spirit and yours. Pay regard
. to such men therefore.
19 The Communities of Asia salute you. Aquila and Prisca heartily
salute you in the Lord, with the Community which is in their house.
-0 All the brothers salute you. Salute one another with a saints' kiss.
-2 The salutation is by the hand of me, Paul. If anyone loves not the
Lord, let him be accursed. Maran atha:
!3 The grace of the Lord Jesus be with you.
!4 My love be with you all in Christ Jesus.

THE INTERMEDIATE LETTER TO CORINTH
When Paul despatched 1 Co from Ephesus, he evidently contemplated a
visit to Corinth which for all its salutary consequences might prove pain
ful to his friends and to himself (1 Co 419-21, i^bo-opai <5_ rave'cM npbs ./.a.
..... pa/__w e?J)a ; cp. II34 167). That this visit actually took place is a fair
inference from passages in the later epistle (2 Co 21 1214, ISov rpirtiv xo.ro
Iroipms 6^6- e\6eiv, 131, rpirov tovto ipxofiai). These imply two previous
visits — at least that is a legitimate and highly natural, if not a necessary, con
clusion from their language. Now, as Paul had only visited Corinth once
before the composition of 1 Co, the second visit must have taken place
between 1 Co and 2 Co.1 From this visit Paul returned to Ephesus,
saddened and baffled (2 Co 25 f-). His journey had been fruitless and un
pleasant. But what he had been unable to effect by a personal visit (IO10
1221) he tried to carry out by means of a letter (24 78) written ek 7. oAXij.
6\tyews Ka\ crvvoxrjs KapSlas dta TvoWibv daKpucov with passionate threats
and appeals ; it was so sarcastic and severe,2 indeed, that the recollection
of his language afterwards caused the apostle some qualms of conscience,
This letter of disturbed feelings has been partially preserved in 2 Co 10-
1310. These chapters are written out of the tension felt by one who is
not yet sure of his ultimate success. They vibrate with anger and anxiety.
Paul's authority and actions had been called in question, while his
converts in Corinth were exposed to licentious errors. Yet both attacks
sprang from the same overbearing, unscrupulous party who had gained a
footing (ll20) within the church, possibly headed by some ringleader
(o ro.oc.To., ns, 2 Co 25 712) who had been able to inflict severe and public
humiliation upon the apostle by charging him with unscrupulous dealing,
overbearing conduct, unfounded pretensions to the ministry of Christ,
and so on. Since the attack on his character involved his gospel, Paul
1 Thosewho (like Schmiedel, Zahn, and recently G. G. Findlay, ExGT, ii. pp. 736-
738) deny this, are forced to the expedient of placing this visit previous to 1 Co, a
device which contradicts the silence both of Acts and 1 Co. Paul's first visit to Corinth
was on the occasion of his founding the church, and when writing 1 Co he refers to
no other than this diffident and successful visit of his ministry (1 Co 22). He had
no cause for A.crc. then, and betrays in 1 Co no sense of any.
2 To make this in any sense an adequate or apt description of 1 Co as a whole,
is an idea which scarcely merits serious discussion. That epistle naturally contains
words of blame, but blame is not its argument and object ; it contained nothing to
make Paul uneasy. If the above theory is discarded, the letter in question must he
regarded as lost. On the other hand, 1 Co is probably alluded to in 2 Co IO1- ]K,
possibly 2 Co 10-13 iu the later epistle 2 Co 3" („¦«.».;»), and 13-- 10 in l23 21. At any
rate chaps. 10-1310 form the only extant passage in Paul's Corinthian correspondence
which answers to the twofold description of a letter composed iu personal distress
and with a severe intention. It is a deceptive method to start the discussion npon
the two Corinthian epistles with their superficial resemblances, as these exist in the
extant and canonical form. 174

THE INTERMEDIATE LETTER TO CORINTH 175
found a method 1 of defence ready to hand against slander and censure.2
He proceeded to exhibit his own titles to credit and honour as an apostle
Self-exultation is the keynote : Kavxao-dai <5_.. " In great religious move
ments the leaders are often compelled to assert themselves pretty perempt
orily, in order that their work may not be wrecked by conceited and in
capable upstarts" (Drummond). These pages thus form the apostle's apologia
pro vita sua. But like Newman's it rises above the narrow controversies
and personal issues of the struggle. Instead of merely expostulating and
demanding reparation from the Corinthians for insults and outrages, lie was
concerned to expose the futility and shamelessness of all such attacks upon
himself, thereby hoping to effectively discredit the influence of such
opponents upon his friends. " I wrote," he told them afterwards (2 Co 29),
Iva yva> rrjv doKlprjv VfJ.tbv, el els rrcivra inrrjKOOi co-re. His appeal was a test
of their obedience,3 carried by Titus (2 Co 213 7G- 13-14). It was addressed
to the Community as a whole, and intended to counteract the tyrannising
and plausible influences of the Judaising party. Possibly only a fragment
of it is preserved in 2 Co 10-1310, but even if it is complete we need not
be surprised that Paul leaves the offender (25 712) alone. His attention
is concentrated on the broader issue of which that man's case formed
merely one expression. The case had now fallen to the Corinthians to
deal with, and Paul strove rather to raise in them a proper conscience
for such a process of discipline.
From a subsequent epistle (2 Co 1-9), written from Macedonia shortly
after he had left4 Ephesus to meet Titus on his return journey from Corinth,
it is plain that the Corinthians had regained their loyalty and vindicated
Paul at the expense of his opponents (2 Co 213 713). Their reception of
1 I do not understand how these chapters can be described as " wholly taken up
with what the apostle means to do, when he comes to Corinth for the third time "
(Denney). References to a further visit are to be expected under the circumstances,
but they are mostly incidental allusions (IO2 1214 131), and not at all the continuous
or absorbing theme of the epistle. Nor does l23 imply (as Sanday thinks, EBi, i.
p. 906) that the painful letter was in lieu of a personal visit. As 21 shows, the painful
visit had already been made. Paul simply says he preferred not to inflict on them
again such an unpleasant experience, ami therefore wrote a letter instead, until such
time as he could pay a visit with comfort. The resemblance of style and expression
(Holtzmann) between chaps. 10-13 and chaps. 1-9 are patent, but they have no bearing
on the question of the date and order of these pieces. Both were written close
together by the same man. Finally, the two passages 817'2* and 12]S do not refer to
the same event (Julicher). The latter touches a visit already paid. The former
refers to another mission of Titus and his companion, for which Paul seeks to pave
the way. Belser (TQ (1894), pp. 15-47) makes Paul visit Corinth four times, in 53,
in 57 (summer), in 58-59 (whiter), and finally in 65-66 after his release.
2 Paul seems to have found in some of the Corinthians the same "indecent
freedom " which Thomas Boston met with among the Ettrick people ; who also,
"generally speaking, were naturally smart, and of an uncommon assurance; self-
conceited and censorious to a pitch, contemners of me and of my ministry, who often
kept not within the bounds of common civility." Indeed, it is remarkable that
Boston actually compares them twice over in his Memoirs to the church of Corinth,
"burnt up with the fire of division, and drenched in fleshly abominations . . .
seeing we so much resemble that church in her three grand evils, self-conceit, a
divisive temper, and sins of uncleanliness." See Dr. Kennedy, (as below) pp. 98-110.
3 The omission of this whole period and intercourse in Acts proves either that the
author was ignorant of the affair, or more probably that he chose to pass over so
unedifying and discreditable a passage in the life of the early church.
4 The storm of affliction (2 Co 1-2 j in which Paul was tossing at this crisis was due
partly to recent experiences, partly to anticipations. He had been driven from his
anchorage in Ephesus, and as yet was uncertain whether Corinth, his old harbour,
would have a welcome for him. The relief felt by Paul is indicated by the recurring
idea of trxpoixKums (which occurs eleven times in this epistle).

176 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
Titus and compliance with Paul's appeal fairly banished depression and dis
appointment from his heart. Hence the delight and relief that breathe
through the epistle. It is irenical, intended to re-establish mutual confid
ence and obliterate the memories of the past bitter controversy. To
forgive and to forget is its keynote. The original conclusion of this final
letter (like the original first epistle to Corinth) has been lost ; unless, as is
highly probable, it is preserved 1 in 1311"13. At some later period, when
the two short letters were put together, the earlier (10-1310) was stripped2
of its opening (which under the circumstances would be brief) and added to
the later and longer one, both together making up a single writing similar
in size to 1 Co. The correct order of the extant Corinthian letters would
then be (a) 1 Co, (6) 2 Co 10-1310, (c) 2 Co 1-9, 1311"13. Besides the
earliest (lost) letter of 1 Co 59 (cp. 2 Co 614-71, 1 Co 161), there may have
been another between (a) and (c) announcing that Paul had had to alter
his original plan (2 Co l15"23) of visiting Corinth via Macedonia ; unless he
allowed that plan to silently drop when circumstances arose to prevent its
execution. A case can be made out for the substantial integrity of the epistle,
partly on the ground that the closing four chapters represent not a fresh
standpoint or situation, but an emotional and argumentative climax, the
last charge of Paul's dialectic carefully held in reserve till it could break
out and complete a victory already gained in measure (l14), partly also on the
score of the epistle's internal characteristics. The former argument has
been already answered by implication.3 The latter is more plausible. 2 Co
is a writing of moods, not composed at a single sitting nor in face of a single
phase of life. Hence, on psychological grounds, the broken character of
the problem might be taken as an explanation of the lack of unity in its
1 Note the characteristic play on words (£".<-. x*'!m> 915 1311), and the fitness of
the sentiment (1311 ^ as a finale to the advice and counsel in ch. 9, where as ever the
collection is treated as a bond of union and opportunity of brotherly kindness. The
personal question at issue between Paul and the Corinthians is rounded off in ch. 7.
Kennedy (see below) explains the weldiug of the two letters by the fact that a
copyist confused the visit promised (in ch. 9) with that mentioned in ch. 10. " It is
indeed a visit of a very different kind. There is an apparent resemblance concealing a
deep-seated difference ; but this is precisely the complexion of things which would
be likely to mislead a copyist." As the autographs were probably written on leaves,
transposition of this kind would be materially facilitated.
2 It is not necessary to suppose that a (lost) previous section of the intermediate
epistle was composed by Timotheus or some other (Ephesian) companion of the
apostle. The <_.... il iyi. (2 ColO1) is a natural plunge into vehement reproach and
personalities. iN'oris it probable that Timotheus himself was the ichix.v,hU (Beyschlag,
Pfieiderer, and G. G. Findlay). A favourite theory of the traditional school is that
Paul had received fresh news from Corinth at this point ; but in that case it is extra
ordinary how he does not refer to such bad tidings at all, and how he goes on without
any allusion to the altered circumstances. The absence of directions (in 10-13) about
the case of the guilty person is not a crucial objection, as Dr. Drummond admits;
"this part might have been omitted" from the final recension "as of temporary
interest," particularly as the matter ended satisfactorily.
3 The indulgent consideration of 2 Co 56- n blending policy with generosity, refers
to a situation which did not exist when 1 Co was written. Such leniency is almost
incredible in the case of a shameless breach of morals like that so scathingly treated
in 1 Co 5. But it suits a case of personal insult. Paul - i./xsn../. could well afford to
overlook an affront to himself or to one of his friends, when the aggressor had frankly
given up his arms and the church had taken the apostle's part. See a lucid present
ment of the whole case by Weizsacker (A A, i. pp. 341-353), who further conjectures
that a court was held during the second visit to adjudicate upon Paul's apostolic
claims, and that in the course of the discussion the church allowed Paul to be grossly
insulted by a prominent individual among the intriguers.

THE INTERMEDIATE LETTER TO CORINTH 177
treatment. " Probably there is no literary work in which the cross-currents
of feeling are so violent and so frequent. Again and again they sweep the
apostle far away from his intended course of thought and grammar. He
struggles back again, only to be once more hurried away in yet another
direction. Or, to change the metaphor, we see a thought bubbling up
from the ground of the argument, fresh and vigorous. But at once it
passes beneath the sudden rising-ground of some new idea ; at length it
appears again tinged with the soil through which it has flowed." l Still,
there are limits to versatility. In this case interruptions and mobility
of temperament will not bear the weight put upon them by the traditional
hypothesis. The difference of tone between the first nine and the last four
chapters is so marked, that it may very reasonably be held to indicate a
serious difference of situation ; and upon the whole the references and
outlook of chaps. 10-13 (" Eine durch Stimmung u. Sprache zusammenge-
haltene Gruppe," J. Weiss, ThLz, 1894) are most naturally explained when
they are allowed to lie within the earlier period of strained relations and
bitter animosity between 1 Co and 2 Co 1-9. The hypothetical character
which appears to beset this solution is in reality due to the whole
question of Paul's relations with the Corinthian church, which are
intricate and subtle to the last degree. Any theory of their nature is
based partly on conjecture, and the choice lies simply between historical
reconstructions of less and more probability. Whatever scheme be
adopted, the investigator has to be content with a series of situations in
which the details are only to be harmonised in part.
The discovery that 2 Co is no unity is not recent. As far back as
1776, Semler conjectured that three letters were included in the canonical
epistle, namely, (i.) 1-8, 1311-13, a letter sent with Titus on his second visit
to Corinth ; (ii.) 9, a letter to the Christians of Achaia ; (iii.) lO1-^10, a
further letter to Corinth. The credit of detecting the intermediate letter
in chaps. 10-13 must be given to Hausrath2 (iv. p. 55f.), and among the
chief adherents of this position (besides others quoted by Schmiedel) are
S. Davidson (UNT, i. pp. 57f., 63f.), Pfleiderer ( Urc. pp. 105-110), Clemen
(Chron. p. 226f.), Bruckner (Chron. p. 1981, "an oratio pro domo"), J. H.
Kennedy (Exp.5 1897; pp. 231f., 285 f., 1899, pp. 182f.), Konig (ZioTh
(1897), pp. 482-554, full and clear), McGiffert (AA, pp. 313-315), and
Adeney (BI, p. 368f.).3 Schmiedel's subtle and elaborate exposition has
1 Chase, Class. Eev. (1890), p. 151; ep. Deissmaun, Bibel-Studien (1895), pp. 239,
240. But the variations and terms in 2 Co are too great to be explained even upon
the supposition that the writer stopped now and then to pause and reflect, or hurried
from one subject to another. This is an adequate view of 1 Co, but not of 2 Co —
least of all, of lO1-^0. Nor is there any reason to suppose that between 915 and 101
Paul had received fresh and unsatisfactory news of his converts at Corinth. In that
case Titus (2 Co 76r-) had been grossly misled.
2 Especially in his monograph (1870, Der Vier-Capitel Brief des Paulus an die.
Oorinther. 2 Co is much more weakly attested in the later literature than 1 Co, and
iu any case the extant canonical letters of Paul to Corinth are only the fragmentary
relics of a larger correspondence.
3 Cp. Lipsius (JpTh (1S76), p. 531) and Dr. O. Cone, Paul the Man, tlie Teacher,
and the. Missionary, pp. 47, 125. By several critics, chaps. 10-13 are separated
from chaps. 1-9, but placed subsequent to them : so most recently upon varying
constructions of the history, Krenkel (Beitrage zur Aufliellung der Geschichte u. der
Briefe des Paulus (1890), p. 308 f.), and Dreschler (SK (1897), pp. 43-111) ; vide
Theol. Jahresber. xvii. 153. On the other side, cp. Hilgenfeld, ZwTh (1899), pp.
1-19. Vblter's dissection is given in Theol. Tijds. (1889), pp. 296 f., and Dr. J. H.
Kennedy has just written a volume upon the subject (The Second and Third
Letters of Paul to Corinth, 1900). Even Sabatier (p. 170), in rejecting Hausrath's

178 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
given quite a fresh rank and impressiveness to the theory (HG, ii. pp.
74_80) and set many points in it practically beyond dispute. Lisco's acute
monograph (Die Entstehung des zweiten Korintherbriefes; Berlin, 1896)
again reduces the whole epistle to a perfect mosaic of tiny Pauline notes :
A = 10-1310 with Qu-ll between 1210 and 122°, B = l1-613 with 12n-w
72-13 9 i3ii-i3) q -_ 7___g2__ Upon this view, expanded in his Judaismus
triumphatus : " Ein Beitrag zur Auslegung der vier letzten Kapitel des
zweiten Korintherbriefs " (1896), A is the sharp letter presupposed in
B, while C forms the letter intrusted to Titus (cp. Theol. Jahresber. (1897),
pp. 143, 144). The best defences of the traditional position are given
by Klopper and Heinrici among the editors, and by Zahn (i. pp. 220-
226) and Jiilicher (pp. 64-67) in their Introductions ; in English by
Weiss (AJT, i. 355-363), Dr. Robertson (DB, i. article "Corinthians,'"
pp. 496, 497), and N. J. D. White (replying to Kennedy, Exp.5 vii.
pp. 113f.), the second of whom candidly allows that "it would be going
too far to say that " the Vier-Capitel hypothesis " is absolutely dis
proved." Dr. Drummond (IH, ii. pp. 48-54) also inclines upon the
whole to the integrity of the canonical epistle.
hypothesis, admits that "the vehement, the ironical and impassioned tone of these
last pages represents very fairly, I believe, that of the lost letter." If so, why did
Paul resuscitate the old quarrel, after the church had made reparation and won his
generous pardon? But for this argument, and indeed for an exhaustive presentment
of the whole subject, one is glad now to be able to refer the reader to Dr. Kennedy's
convenient and masterly volume, which is in several respects an advance even upon
Schmiedel, particularly in the discussion upon "The Character ofthe Minority"
(pp. 98-110), and in an account of the mechanical and material factors by which
ancient manuscripts were rendered liable to such treatment as is implied in this
hypothesis of 2 Co 10-13.

THE INTERMEDIATE LETTEE TO COEINTH
His authority had apparently been defied, and his credit and influence
decidedly lowered ; and he had even had to endure personal insult. It was
under these circumstances that he wrote another letter to the Corinthians
immediately upon his return to Ephesus, defending himself against the attacks
of his enemies, and calling the Corinthians sharply to account for their dis
loyalty to him, and for allowing themselves to be influenced by his opponents
and detractors. The general tone of chapters x.-xiii. is exactly what Paul's
references to that epistle would lead us to expect. Those chapters were
evidently written out of much sorrow and anguish of heart, and there was good
reason to doubt whether the Corinthians would receive them kindly. They
were calculated, if they did not move them to repentance, to make them
angry, and to widen the breach already existing. . . . This sharp and passionate
epistle, which was carried by Titus to Corinth, produced the effect for which it
was intended. Paul had feared for the result, but his fears proved groundless.
The Corinthians realised their error, and took their stand unequivocally on his
side. — McGifFert.

[2 Co

lO'-lS10

The invective : Vindication of his mission and himself against

opponents —

ni-6

his sincerity,

ll'"15

,, maintenance,

1118_12">

,, exultation.

12U-18

Closing appeals.

1210-131°]

A warning and a remonstrance, in view of an

approaching visit.

THE INTERMEDIATE LETTER TO CORINTH
(2 Co lO1-^10)
IO 1 . . . Now personally I Paul appeal to you by the gentleness and for
bearance of Christ, I who "am humble in presence" among you "but
2 make a brave front to you in my absence." I do entreat you that when I
am present I may not have to " make a brave front," with the confidence
with which I am determined to deal boldly with certain persons who look
3 upon us as if we " walked according to the flesh." No, we walk in the
4 flesh, but we do not make war according to the flesh — for the weapons of
our warfare are not of the flesh, but divinely powerful to throw down
5 strongholds — we throw down reasonings and every rampart that erects
itself against the knowledge of God, we bring every scheme captive to
6 obey Christ, and we are in readiness to punish all disobedience, when
once your obedience is complete.
7 Look at what lies before your very face. If any man is self-confident
that he " is Christ's," let him once more reflect to himself that just as he
8 " is Christ's," so too are we. For though I were to exult further over our
authority, which the Lord has given to upbuild you, not to throw you
9 down, I shall not be put to shame. But I refrain, in case it might
10 appear as if I wanted to frighten you merely by my letters. For "his
letters," says one, " are of weight and forcible : but when he is here in
11 person, he is weak, and his speech despicable." Let him who says so
take this into consideration : what we are in word by letters when we
are absent, that we shall prove ourselves to be in deed when we are
12 present. We do not venture forsooth to include ourselves among, or to
compare ourselves with, some of those who commend themselves ! Nay,
as we measure ourselves by ourselves and compare ourselves with our-
13 selves,1 ours will be no immoderate exultation ; it will be exultation
according to the measure of the sphere which God has assigned to us— a
14 measure by which we reach the length of you. For we are not stretching
beyond our limits, as though our reach did not include you ; we came
the length of you before anyone else came with the gospel of Christ.
15 Ours is no immoderate exulting on the ground of other men's labours;
our hope rather is that, as your faith grows, we shall be magnified yet
16 more and more in you according to our sphere, our object being to preach
the gospel even to the regions that lie beyond you, not to exult in another
17 man's sphere over work that lies already done. Let him who exults exult
18 in the Lord. For the man of genuine character is not he who commends
himself, it is he whom the Lord commends.
Ill Would that you could bear with a little " senselessness " from me !
2 Yes indeed, do bear with me ! With a divine jealousy I am jealous
over you ; for I have betrothed you, to present you as a chaste maiden to
i Omitting ov ffuvtZe-iv : n/-ij. 3..
180

11s-33] THE INTERMEDIATE LETTER TO CORINTH 181
3 one husband, to Christ. But I am afraid lest haply, as the serpent beguiled
Eve with his craftiness, your minds be corrupted from that singleness of
4 heart : which is for Christ. For indeed if the new-comer preaches
another Jesus, whom we did not preach, or if you get a different spirit, a
spirit which you did not get, or a different gospel, which you did not
5 accept — you put up with them well enough ! Why not with me ? I
6 reckon myself not a whit inferior to those superlative apostles ! Even if
in speech I am uneducated, in knowledge I am not. No, we have made
7 that perfectly clear to you in every way. What ! did I commit
a sin when I humbled myself that you might be raised, preaching the
8 gospel of God to you for nothing? Other Communities I robbed by
9 taking pay from them that I might minister to you ; and when I was
with you and fell into want, I did not become an encumbrance to any
one. My want was supplied by the brothers who came from Macedonia ;
and so in every way I kept (and will keep) myself from proving a burden
10 to you. As the truth of Christ is in me, I will not be stopped from exult-
11 ing thus in the regions of Achaia. Why? Because I do not love you?
12 God knows I do. But I will continue to do what I am doing, that those
who would fain have the opportunity may be deprived of it, that in the
13 matter of exulting it may be found they are just like ourselves. Such
men are false apostles, deceitful workers, masquerading as " apostles of
14 Christ." And no wonder ! Satan himself masquerades as an angel of
15 light. It is in no wise remarkable then if his ministers also masquerade
as "ministers of uprightness." As their works are, so shall be their fate.
16 Once more I say, let no one think me " senseless." Even if they do,
put up with me, were it only as with a " senseless " man, that I too may
17 have some little exulting. (In what I now say, I speak not after the
18 Lord, but as in "senselessness," from this standpoint of exulting. Since
19 many exult after the flesh, I too will exult.) For you, who are sensible
20 people, are glad to bear with the senseless ! You bear with a man if he
enslaves you, if he devours you, if he catches you, if he uplifts himself,
21 if he upbraids you to your face ! — I say this to my discredit, implying
that we at all events were " weak." But in whatever point any
one makes bold (I am speaking in " senselessness "), I make bold as well.
22 Are they Hebrews ? So am I. Are they Israelites ? So am I. Are they
23 the offspring of Abraham 1 So am I. Are they ministers of Christ ?
(I am speaking like one out of his senses.) I still more : far beyond
them in labours, far beyond them in imprisonments, in stripes above
24 measure, in deaths many a time. Five times have I received from the
25 Jews forty s_ripes save one. Three times have I been beaten with rods,
once I was pelted with stones, three times I have suffered shipwreck, for
26 twenty-four hours I was in the ocean. Many a time have I been on
journeys, in dangers amid rivers, in dangers amid robbers, in dangers
from my own race, in dangers from the Gentiles, in dangers in the city,
in dangers in the desert, in dangers in the sea, in dangers among false
27 brothers, in labour and toil, in vigils many a time, in hunger and thirst,
28 in fastings many a time, in cold and nakedness. Apart from all the
rest, there is my daily oversight, my anxious care for all the Com-
29 munities. Who is weak, and I am not weak ? Who is hindered, and I
30 am not on fire ? If exult I must, then I will exult about my weakness.
31 The God and Father of the Lord Jesus, he who is blessed for ever,
32 knows that I lie not. [In Damascus the ethnarch of Aretas the king
33 was guarding the city of the Damascenes, in order to arrest me. But
i ! Omitting [[xkt .Si. <-?.-.».«]].

182 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT 121-20
through a window I was lowered in a hamper over the wall, and so
12 1 escaped his hands.] Exult I must, though advantage there is
none. But I will come to visions and revelations of the Lord.
2 I know a man in Christ who fourteen years ago —
whether in the body I know not, or out of the body I know not :
God knows —
was caught up as far as the third heaven.
3 And I know the man in question —
whether in the body or apart from the body I know not : God
knows —
4 he was caught up into paradise
and heard utterances ineffable, which it is not for man to utter.
5 I will exult on his behalf
But on my own I will not exult — unless in the matter of my
weaknesses.
6 (Did I wish to exult I would not be " senseless," for I should be
speaking the truth ; but I abstain, in case anyone should esteem me
beyond what he finds me to be or what he hears from me.)
7 That 1 I might not be uplifted overhighly by the pre-eminence of the
revelations, a thorn in the flesh was given me,
An angel of Satan to buffet me, that I might not be uplifted over
highly.
8 Three times over this I appealed to the Lord, that it might leave me ;
9 yet he has said to me, " My grace is enough for thee : for in weakness
my power is perfected." Right gladly then will I rather exult in my
10 weaknesses, that the power of Christ may settle upon me. Wherefore
on behalf of Christ I take delight in weaknesses, in insults, in
troubles, in persecutions and calamities. For when I am weak, then am
I strong.
11 I have become " senseless " ? It was you who compelled me to it. For
I ought to have been commended by you. " Nothing " though I am, in no
12 whit have I been inferior to those superlative apostles ! The signs of an
apostle were indeed effected among you in all endurance, by signs and
13 wonders and miraculous powers. For in what way were you rendered
inferior to the rest of the Communities, except in the fact that personally
14 1 was no encumbrance to you ? Forgive me this terrible wrong !
Look, for the third time now I am ready to visit you. Nor will I be any
encumbrance to you. I seek not your goods but yourselves : children
15 ought not to lay up for parents, but parents for children. And right
gladly will I spend and be spent entirely for your souls. If I love you
16 more and more, am I to be loved the less ? But "that is granted" : I,
you admit — I did not come upon you as a burden. No, but I was
17 "crafty," you say, "and caught you by guile"? Did I take advantage
18 of you by any of the men whom I despatched to you? I appealed to
Titus, and despatched the brother along with him. Did Titus take any
advantage of you ? Did he and I not proceed in the same spirit ? in the
same steps ?
19 Do you imagine all this time that we are "defending ourselves to
you"? It is before God that we speak, in Christ; and all is for your
20 upbuilding, beloved. For I am afraid that perhaps I may come and
find you are not what I would like to find, and that you may find
me not what you would like to find ; afraid there may perhaps be
quarrelling, jealousy, angry passions, factions, accusations, secret slanders,
1 Omitting -i».

3 am absent) to those who were previously in sin, and to all the rest : if
I come again, I will be unsparing — since you require a proof of the
Christ who speaks in me. Nor is he weak among you, he shows himself
4 powerful in you ; for he was indeed crucified in virtue of weakness, yet
he lives in virtue of the power of God. And truly we are weak in him,
5 but we shall live with him, in virtue of the power of God among you. Try
yourselves, to see if you are in the faith. Put yourselves to the test. Do
you not understand yourselves, that Jesus Christ is within you ? — unless
6 indeed you are reprobates. (As for ourselves, I hope you will find we
7 are no reprobates.) We pray to God that you may do no evil; not that
we may appear as men of genuine character, but that you may do what
8 is good, though we may look like reprobates. For we have no power
9 against the truth, but for the truth. Yes, we rejoice when we are weak
.0 and you are strong ; it is your development that we pray for. I am
writing thus in absence, so that when I am present I may not have to
deal severely, in virtue of the authority which the Lord has given me to
upbuild, not to throw you down. . . .

In the first place, it shows pre-eminently how completely the apostle was
master of his mood. The letter is, from beginning to end, one of mood ; but
the mood, far from being identical, varies constantly. . . . And yet there is
neither vacillation nor contradiction. As each is roused and warranted by
circumstances, so he remains master of all. He throws his whole being into
every emotion, and he is always the same. . . . The second feature disclosed
pre-eminently by this letter is the interchange of the particular and the
universal, the mingling of the discussion of the subject in hand with instruction
in the highest matters. The letter, which at a first glance is entirely concerned
with the questions and interests of the day, yet contains, in the midst of
these, passages which belong to the most important sources for the doctrine of
the apostle as a whole. . It may be said that not even the slightest point
is discussed without a universal application, without a reference to that which
is ultimate and supreme. The look that has just been fixed upon the near-
lying scene passes immediately to the distant prospects. — Weizsacker.

I1"11 Epistolary introduction.
l12-710 Paul as an apostle :
Personal explanations and vindication —
213-46 an apostle's ministry,
47-510 ,, ,, sufferings,
5u-610 ,, „ life.
gu_yi6 Epilogue : final appeal to the Corinthians.
8-9 The collection :
Christian liberality :
,. , r the Macedonians
its examples J .
\ Jesus Christ.
Its principle and issues.
13nl4 Farewell.

is I

II. CORINTHIANS
1 Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus through the will of God, and
Timotheus the brother,
to the Community of God which is in Corinth, along with all the
saints who are in the whole of Achaia :
2 grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ.
3 Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the Father
4 of tender mercies and God of all comfort, who comforts us in all our
distress, that we may be able to comfort those who are in any distress
by means of the comfort with which we are comforted ourselves by
5 God ; for just as the sufferings of Christ abound for us, so our comfort
6 also abounds through Christ. Are we in distress ? it is for your comfort
and salvation ; are we comforted ? it is for your comfort — a comfort whose
effect is the patient endurance of the same sufferings as we also suffer.
7 And our hope for you is firm, since we know that as you share in the
8 sufferings, so you share also in the comfort. For we would not
have you ignorant, brothers, with regard to the distress which befell us
in Asia. Beyond measure, past our strength, we were weighed down, so
9 that we despaired even of life. Yes, for ourselves we decided the end
must be death — it was to make us rely not on ourselves but on God,
10 who raises the dead, who rescued us out of so terrible a death and
rescues now,1 on whom our hope is set that he will also rescue us still ;
11 while you also co-operate on our behalf by prayer, in order that on the
part of many persons thanks may be given on our behalf for the boon
bestowed upon us.
12 For the cause of our exulting lies in the evidence of our conscience,
that it was in holiness and godly sincerity, not with fleshly cunning
but with God's grace, that we conducted ourselves in the world, and
13 especially towards you. We are not writing you anything else than what
you read, or in point of fact acknowledge. And to the end, I hope, you
14 will acknowledge — as also you have partly acknowledged us — that we
are your reason for exulting, as also you are ours, in the day of our
15 Lord Jesus. And it was with this confidence that I meant to
16 come to you before, that you might have a second benefit : intending to
pass through you to Macedonia, and from Macedonia to come to you
17 again, and be sped by you on my journey to Judaea. With this in view,
then, did I display fickleness ? Or do I make my proposals according
to the flesh, so as to be one who practically means "yes" as well as
18 " no " ? As God is faithful, our word to you was not " yes and no."
19 For the Son of God, Christ Jesus, who was proclaimed among you by
us (by myself and Silvanus and Timotheus) was not " yes and no " ;
20 in him " yes " has come to be. For in him is the " yes " to all God's
promises ; therefore through him also conies the " amen," to the honour
i Reading p_..«/.
185

186 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l21-310
21 of God through us. Now he who confirms us with you in Christ and
22 anointed us, is God : who also sealed us as his own and set the pledge
and instalment of the Spirit in our hearts.
23 I call God to witness against my soul, it was to spare you that I
24 forbore to revisit Corinth. (Not that we exercise lordship over your
faith. Nay, we work together for your joy. For by your faith you
2 1, 2 stand.) I decided that I would not visit you again in sorrow. For if I
make you sorrowful, then who is to make me glad ? who but he who is
3 made sorrowful by me? and I wrote just for this reason, in case upon
my arrival I might have sorrow from those who ought to furnish me
with joy; confident as I am in you all, that my joy is the joy of you
4 all. For it was out of much distress and misery of heart that I wrote
you, with many tears ; not to make you sorrowful, but to make you
5 realise the love which I have for you especially. If anyone has
caused sorrow, he has not caused sorrow to me, but to you all ; at least —
6 not to be too severe — to a section of you. This punishment from the
7 majority is enough for the individual in question, so that on the
contrary you should rather forgive him and comfort him, lest haply the
8 man be swallowed up by excessive sorrow. Wherefore I appeal to you
9 to ratify your love to him. For it was with this object that I also
10 wrote, to find out the proof of your obedience in every point. The
man whom you forgive for anything, I forgive also. And truly what
ever I have forgiven, my forgiveness has been for your sakes in the
11 presence of Christ — to prevent Satan from taking any advantage of us;
12 for well do we know his schemes. Now on arriving at Troas to
preach the gospel of Christ, even although a door stood open for me in the
13 Lord, I got no relief for my spirit, since I did not find Titus my brother ;
14 so I took leave of them and departed to Macedonia. Thanks be to God
who ever makes our life a pageant of triumph in Christ, and dis-
15 closes through us in every place the odour of his knowledge ! For to
God we are a fragrance of Christ, in the saved and in the perishing :
16 to these an odour of l death to death, to those an odour of 1 life to life.
17 (And who is qualified for this?) For we are not like the majority who
adulterate the word of God ; nay, out of sincerity, from God, thus it is
we speak in Christ before God.
3 1 Are we beginning once more " to commend ourselves " ? or do
we require, like some people, letters of commendation to you or
2 from you ? You are yourselves our letter, written within our hearts,
3 recognised and read by all men. It is plain, to look at you, that
you are a letter of Christ, executed by our ministry, written not
with ink, but with the Spirit of the living God, not on tablets of
4 stone, but on tablets that are hearts of flesh. — Such is tbe confidence
5 we have through Christ towards God. It is not that we are personally
qualified to form any judgment by our unaided selves ; our qualifica-
6 tion is from God, who has also qualified us to be ministers of a new
covenant, not of written law but of spirit. For the written law
7 puts to death, but the spirit makes alive. Now if the ministry of
death, engraved in letters of stone, was accompanied with such
splendour that the sons of Israel could not gaze on the face of Moses
8 for the splendour of his face— a, splendour that was waning — surely the
9 ministry of the Spirit shall be of still greater splendour ? For if
splendour belongs to the ministry of condemnation, far far more does
10 the ministry of uprightness excel in splendour. Indeed in this respect
1 Omitting ix.

3u-418] II. CORINTHIANS 187
what has been made splendid possesses no splendour, in view of the
11 splendour that is surpassing. For if the appearance of wdiat was
waning was splendid, then splendid far far more is what remains.
13 Since then we have such a hope, we use great openness, and are
not like Moses, who used to put a veil upon his face, to prevent the sons
14 of Israel gazing on the end of what was waning. Moreover their minds
have been hardened. For to this very day, upon the reading of the
old covenant, the same veil remains. Veiled to them the fact that it
15 has waned in Christ ! Yes, down to this day, whensoever Moses is
16 read, a veil lies on their heart. But whensoever they turn to the Lord, the
17 veil is taken- away. The Lord is the Spirit : where the Spirit of the
18 Lord is, there freedom is. And while we all, with face unveiled,
behold as in a mirror the splendour of the Lord, we are transformed into
that very image from splendour to splendour, even as by the Spirit of
the Lord.
1 1 Therefore, after the mercy we have obtained, we do not lose
2 heart in this, our ministry. The practices which very shame conceals,
we have disowned ; we do not proceed by craft or falsify the word
of God, but by the disclosure of the truth we commend ourselves to
3 every man's conscience in the sight of God. And even if our gospel
4 is veiled, it is veiled for the perishing ; in their case the god of this
age has blinded the minds of the unbelieving so that no ray should
reach them from the radiance of the gospel of the splendour of Christ,
5 who is the image of God. For it is not ourselves that we preach, it is
Christ Jesus as Lord and ourselves as your slaves for the sake of Jesus.
6 For the God who said, " Out of darkness light shall shine," is he who
shone within our hearts to irradiate the knowledge of God's splendour in
the face of Christ.
7 But this treasure we hold in earthen vessels,
That the pre-eminence of the power may be God's, not due to us —
8 In everything distressed yet not straitened,
perplexed yet not despairing,
9 persecuted yet not forsaken,
prostrate yet not destroyed,
10 Bearing about ever in the body the dying of Jesus,
That the life of Jesus also may be disclosed in our body :
11 For we who live are always being delivered to death for Jesus'
sake,
That the life of Jesus also may be disclosed in our mortal flesh.
, 13 In us then death is active, in you life. Yet having the same spirit of
faith as that whereof it is written, I believed : therefore I spoke — we too
14 believe, and therefore speak ; since we know that he who raised up the
Lord Jesus shall also raise us up with Jesus and present us with you.
15 All is for your sakes, that grace multiplied may cause thanksgiving to
abound through the greater number to the honour of God.
16 Wherefore we lose not heart :
Although our outer man decays,
Day after day our inner man is renewed.
17 For the moment's * light distress results for us in an eternal weight of
majesty :
18 While we look not at the seen, but at the unseen,
For the seen is for a time,
But the unseen is eternal. i Omitting r,p,Z>.

188 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [V-fl8
5 1 For we know that if our earthly house of the tabernacle be taken down,
We have a building from God, a house that no hands made, eternal
in the heavens.
2 And truly this is why we groan,
As we yearn to be clothed upon with our habitation from heaven ;
3 Seeing that once it is put on, we shall not indeed be found naked.
4 And truly we who are in this tabernacle do groan under the burden,
Since our desire is not to be unclothed, but clothed upon,
To have mortality swallowed up by life.
5 For this very end has he formed us,
Even the God who gave us the pledge and instalment of the Spirit.
6 So then we are ever confident, knowing that for us to be at home in
7 the body is to be abroad from the Lord (for the sphere of our walk is
8 faith, not appearances) — we are confident, I say, and would far sooner be
9 abroad from the body and at home with the Lord. Wherefore we also
make it our ambition, whether at home or abroad, to be well-pleasing to
10 him. For we must all be exposed before the tribunal of Christ, that
each may be paid back for what he has done with the body, according to
his deeds, be they good or ill.
11 Knowing the fear of the Lord, then, we "try to win over men." But
what we are is plain to God ; plain also, as I hope, within your consciences.
12 We are not "commending ourselves to you" again, but giving you an
opportunity to exult on our behalf, that you may have some answer for
13 those who exult in appearance and not in heart. We have " gone out of
our mind"? that is God's concern. We are " in our senses "? that is in
14 your interest. For it is the love of Christ that urge's us: because our con-
15 viction is that one died on behalf of all — so then all died — and died on
behalf of all, in order that the living might live no longer for themselves
16 but for him who died and rose again on their behalf. So, as for
us, from henceforth we know no man after the flesh. Even though we
have known Christ after the flesh, yet now we know him thus no more.
17 Therefore, if anyone is in Christ, there is a new creation : the old things
18 have passed away, behold, they have become new ! And it is all of God,
who reconciled us to himself through Christ and gave us the ministry of
19 reconciliation, whose purport is : God was reconciling the world to him
self in Christ, not reckoning to them their trespasses ; and he has placed
20 with us the word of reconciliation. On Christ's behalf then we
are envoys, as though by us God made appeal. We entreat you on behalf
21 of Christ, accept reconciliation to God. Him who knew no sin he made
6 1 to be sin for us, that we might become God's uprightness in him. As his
fellow- workers we appeal to you also not to receive the grace of God in
2 vain — for he saith,
At an acceptable time I hearkened to thee,
And in a day of salvation I helped thee.
Lo now is the highly acceptable time!
Lo now is the day of salvation —
3 and we give no occasion for stumbling at any point, that our ministry
4 may not be impugned. No, as ministers of God we commend ourselvea
in every point, in much endurance, amid distresses, amid troubles, amid
5 calamities, amid stripes, amid imprisonments, amid tumults, amid labours,
6 amid vigils, amid fastings, in purity, in knowledge, in long-suffering, in
7 kindness, in the holy Spirit, in love unfeigned, in the word of truth, in
the power of God : by the weapons of uprightness in the right hand and
8 in the left, by credit and dishonour, by evil report and good report, as

69-7u] II. CORINTHIANS 189
9 " impostors " yet truthful, as " unknown '' yet well known, as dying yet
10 lo I we live, as chastised yet not put to death, as sorrowful but ever rejoicing,
as poor but enriching many, as having nothing yet possessed of everything.
11 We keep nothing back from you, Corinthians ; our heart is wide open.
13 Your constraint lies not in us, it lies in your own hearts. Now one good
turn deserves another (I am speaking as to my children), be you wide
14 open too. Share no incongruous yoke with unbelievers.
For what partnership can exist between uprightness and wickedness .
Or what has light in common with darkness ?
15 What harmony has Christ with Beliar ?
Or what part has a believer with an unbeliever ?
16 What compact has God's sanctuary with idols .
For we are the sanctuary of the living God : even as God said,
" I will dwell in them and walk in them,
And I will be their God and they shall be my people.
17 Therefore, come out from the midst of them and be separate," saith tlie
Lord.
" And touch nothing unclean, and I will welcome you with favour:
18 So will I be to you a father, and to me you shall be sons and
daughters,"
Saith the Lord Almighty.
7 1 As we possess these promises, then, beloved, let us cleanse ourselves from all
defilement of flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God.
2 Take us into your hearts. We have wronged no one, we have ruined
3 no one, we have taken advantage of no one. I am not speaking to
condemn you ; I have said before that you are in our hearts to die
4 together and to live together. Great is my frank confidence in regard to
you, greatly do I exult on your behalf amid all our distress. I am full
5 of cheer, brimming over with delight. For even when we came
to Macedonia our flesh got no relief, we were in utter distress — it was
6 wrangles without, fears within. But the God who cheers the depressed
7 cheered us by the arrival of Titus ; and it was not merely by his arrival,
but also by the cheer with which he had been encouraged over you, as he
reported to us your longing, your mourning, your zeal for me, so that I
8 rejoiced more and more. For though I caused you sorrow with my letter,
I do not regret it. I had regrets, it is true, when I discovered J that that
9 letter had caused you sorrow (though it was only for a time) ; but, as
matters stand, I rejoice — not because you had sorrow, but because you
had sorrow to repentance. For you had sorrow in God's way, that you
10 might suffer no loss through us ; for sorrow in God's way results in repent
ance to salvation — a repentance not to be regretted — but the sorrow of
11 the world results in death. Look at this very fact, that you were caused
sorrow in God's way ! what earnest care was its result in you, yes and
clearing of yourselves, yes and indignation, yes and fear, yes and longing,
yes and zeal, yes and punishment ! You gave every proof that you were
12 innocent in the business. So then, although I wrote to you, it was not
for the sake of him who did the wrong, nor for the sake of him who was
wronged, but in order to make clear to yourselves in the sight of God
13 how earnestly you care for us. Hence our cheer. But over
and above our own cheer we rejoiced more abundantly than ever at the
14 joy of Titus, because you had all refreshed his spirit. For I was not
put to shame over any exultation that I had made to him upon your
behalf ; but as all that we said to you was true, so our exulting on your
1 Reading p.i*m : omitting [[jcosp]].

190 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [715-93
15 behalf before Titus proved also to be truth. And his affection for you is
all the greater as he recalls the obedience of you all, and how you received
16 him with fear and trembling. I rejoice that in everything you give nie
confidence.
8 1 Now we would inform you, brothers, about the grace of God which
2 has been given to the Communities of Macedonia. Amid a severe ordeal
of distress, their abundant joy and their deep poverty have had an abund-
3 ant issue in rich generosity upon their part ; up to their means (I bear
4 witness) and beyond their means, they of their own free will besought us
with urgent entreaty for the favour of participating in the ministry to
5 the saints. And they surpassed our expectations. They actually gave
themselves — first to the Lord, to begin with, and to us by the will of God.
6 So much so that we appealed to Titus to get this bounty completed among
7 you also, since it was he who had previously made a beginning. Come,
as you excel in everything, in faith and speech and knowledge and all
earnestness and in your love to us, excel also in this bounty.
8 I do not speak by way of command, but through the earnestness of others
9 I would put the genuineness of your love also to the proof. [For you know
the bounteous grace of our Lord Jesus Christ ; how for your sakes, rich
though he was, he became poor, that through his poverty you might
10 grow rich.] Still, on this subject I give my opinion (it is for your own
advantage, you who a year ago were the first not only in deed but also in
11 desire to make a beginning) ; complete the deed now as well as the desire,
so that after your readiness in desiring you may likewise complete the
12 doing, in proportion to what you possess. For if the readiness is there, it
is rigbt welcome — according to what a man has, not according to what he
13 has not. This does not mean ease for other people and hardship for you :
14 it is a matter of equality. On the present occasion your abundance serves
to supply their lack, in order that their abundance also may come to
supply your lack ; so that there may be equality, even as it is written :
15 He whose gathering was large had nothing over,
And he whose gathering was small had not too little.
16 Now thanks be to God for putting into the heart of Titus the same
17 earnest care of you. For, while he accepted our appeal, he has gone off to
18 you of his own free will, so earnest is he. And we have sent along with
him the brother whose praise in the gospel is known throughout all the
19 Communities : further, be was also appointed by the Communities as our
fellow-traveller in the matter of this bounty which we are administering
20 for the honour of the Lord and with encouragement to ourselves. (We are
taking precautions to prevent anyone from impugning us in reference to
21 this munificence which we are administering ; for our concern is for what is
honourable not only in the sight of the Lord but also in the sight of men.)
22 Along with them we have also sent our brother, of whose earnestness we
have had proof many a time and in many a matter, but yet stronger proof
23 now in the great confidence which he has with regard to you. As for Titus,
he is my comrade and fellow- worker in your interest. As for our brothers,
24 they are messengers from the Communities, a credit to Christ. Afford1
them the proof of your love, then, our warrant for exulting on youi
9 1 acccount before the Communities. For it is superfluous for me
2 to be writing you on the ministry to the saints. I know your readiness
and exult over it on your account to tbe Macedonians ; " Achaia," I tell
them, " has been prepared for a year back." And your zeal has been a
3 stimulus to the most of them. But I have sent tbe brothers lest our exulta-
1 Reading .v2ii£*_-0i.

9.-i5_13n-i3] IL CORINTHIANS 191
tion on your account be rendered void in this particular, that you may
4 be (as I have been telling them jow would be) " prepared " ; lest haply,
should any Macedonians accompany me and find you unprepared, we (not
5 to say, you) might be put to shame over this confidence. I have therefore
considered it needful to appeal to the brothers to go on to you and make
up beforehand your long-promised liberality, so that it might be ready as
6 a matter of liberality and not of grudging avarice. Mark this !
He who sows sparingly, sparingly shall he also reap :
And he who sows liberally, liberally shall he also reap.
7 Let each one give as he has determined in his heart, without any
8 regret or compulsion. For it is a cheerful giver that God loves. And God
has the power of making all grace abound to you, that on all sides, at all
times, in all ways, you may have sufficient, and have ample for every good
9 work : even as it is written,
He scatters abroad, he gives to the poor ;
His charity lasts for ever.
10 Now he who supplies the sower with seed and with bread for food, shall
supply and multiply your seed, and make the fruits of your charity grow —
11 as on all sides you become enriched to all generosity, generosity that
12 results in thanksgiving being offered through us to God. For the minister
ing of this service not merely supplies the wants of the saints, but also
13 abounds through many a thanksgiving to God. Through the proof
afforded by this ministry you cause God to be magnified for your sub
mission in confessing tbe gospel of Christ and for the generosity of your
14 contribution to them and to all, while they too pray for you and long for
15 you on account of the surpassing grace of God that is with you. Thanks
be to God for his unspeakable gift !
11 Farewell, then, brothers : be at harmony, be encouraged, be of the
same mind, be at peace. So shall the God of love and peace be with you.
12 Salute one another with a saints' kiss.
All the saints salute you.
13 The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ and the love of God and the com
munion of the holy Spirit be with you all.

The epistle to the Romans marks the exact point at which controversy
resolves itself naturally into dogma. The apostle's doctrine, disentangled from
external incidents, is raised to a higher level and attains a freer and fuller
development. Escaping from the violent antithesis by which it was hitherto
dominated, it tends towards a general and culminating synthesis. Paul at last
brings Judaism and Paganism within the scope of his contemplation. He is
not content to contrast them with his gospel, and to condemn them purely and
simply ; he endeavours to understand them in their historical function and
actual value, to assign them their due place as transitional but essential stages
in the Divine plan of redemption. In this manner the new circle of Pauline
thought is enlarged and completed. Having taken possession of the sphere of
the conscience, it conquers the domain of history. The epistle to the Romans
is the first attempt at what we should call, in modern phrase, a philosophy of
the religious history of mankind. — Sabatier.

I1"17 Introduction.
l18-_)-i Dogmatic : Uprightness, missed by Paganism and
Judaism,
attainable by faith in Christ. Evidence
for this in
331-425 the OT and the Law— the
problem of Abraham
and his faith,
51"11 the Christian experience,
51-"31 the history of humanity-
Adam and Jesus.
6-S Obligations of this Christian freedom:
the problem of sin,
the problem of the moral law.
The career of life in the Christian spirit.
9-11 The problem of Israel : rejection of Israel in relation
to God's purpose and justice-
its cause and significance.
1S-1411 Ethical : A cycle of Christian duties and relationships —
123"16 to one another.
1217-1310 to the world.
Toleration and consideration.
i514-._ persona| : Object of epistle : coming visit to Rome.
1621"23 Greetings.
[IB25"27] Doxology.

ROMANS
1 1 Paul, a slave of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, set apart for the
2 gospel of God — which he formerly promised by his prophets in holy
3 scriptures — concerning his Son, who was born of David's offspring
4 according to the flesh, and installed as Son of God with power according
to the spirit of holiness by the resurrection of the dead ; even Jesus Christ
5 our Lord, through whom we received the favour of being commissioned
6 to secure obedience to the faith for his name's sake among all the nations,
7 among whom you yourselves are also, called to be Jesus Christ's :
to all who are in Rome, God's beloved ones, called to be saints ;
grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ.
8 At the very outset, I thank my God through Jesus Christ for you all,
9 because your faith is proclaimed through the whole world. For God,
: whom I serve with my spirit in the gospel of his Son, is my witness, that
10 without ceasing I always make mention of you in my prayers, entreating
that some day at last I may be sped upon my way to you by the will of
11 God. For I am yearning to see you that I may impart to you some
12 spiritual privilege, so that you may be established ; that is, so that I also
13 may be comforted among you, I by your faith as you by mine. I
would not have you ignorant, brothers, that I often purposed to come to
you (yet up till now I have been prevented) to possess some fruit among
14 you as well as among the rest of the nations. To Greeks and to bar-
15 barians, to wise and to foolish, I am debtor. Hence my eagerness to
16 preach the gospel to you in Rome as well. For I am not ashamed of the
gospel ; it is God's power for salvation to every one who believes, to the
17 Jew first and also to the Greek. For in it God's uprightness is revealed
from faith to faith, as it is written : Now by faith shall the upright live.
18 For God's wrath is revealed from heaven against all the impiety and
, 19 iniquity of men who impede the truth by iniquity ; inasmuch as what is
to be known of God is disclosed to them. God himself disclosed it to
20 them ; for from the creation of the world his invisible things, his ever
lasting power and divinity, are clearly seen, understood through the
21 things of his workmanship. So they are without excuse, inasmuch as
they knew God yet neither honoured him as God nor gave him thanks.
They were befooled as they reasoned, and their ignorant heart was dark-
23 ened ; pretending to be wise, they became fools and exchanged the majesty
of the imperishable God for the likeness of an image of perishing man, of
24 birds, of things fourfooted and creeping. Wherefore God gave
them up in the desires of their hearts to impurity, to dishonour their
25 bodies among themselves — men who had exchanged the truth of God for
what is false, worshipping and serving the created rather than the Creator,
26 who is blessed for ever : Amen. Therefore God gave them up to vile
passions : their women exchanged the sexual use that is natural for the
'3

194 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l27-220
27 unnatural ; and so too the men, abandoning the natural use of the
woman, flamed up in their lust for one another, men perpetrating un
seemliness -with men and receiving within themselves the due recom-
28 pense of their error. And as they disdained to keep God in their
knowledge, God gave them up to a reprobate mind, to do what is im-
29 befitting, filled with all iniquity, wickedness, covetousness, and malice,
full of envy, murder, quarrelling, deceit, and malignity, slanderers,
30 defamers, lo'athed by God, outrageous, haughty, braggarts, devisers of
31 evil, disobedient to their parents, ignorant, untrue to their word, without
32 natural affection, unmerciful — men aware of God's ordinance, that those
who practise such things deserve death, yet not only themselves doing
the very things, but also applauding those who practise them.
2 1 Wherefore thou art without excuse, O man, whoever thou art that
judgest ; in judging the other man thou art condemning thyself, for thou
2 that judgest art practising the very things. We know that the doom of
God falls justly upon those who practise such things.
3 And dost thou imagine, 0 man, who judgest those who practise
such things and doest the same thyself,
That thou shalt escape the doom of God ?
4 Or art thou despising the riches of his kindness and forbearance
and long-suffering,
Not knowing that the kindness of God points thee to repentance ?
5 With thy stubbornness and impenitent heart thou art laying up
wrath for thyself
At the day of wrath, when the just doom of God is revealed :
6 Who icill render to every man according to his works,
7 To those who patiently in good work seek praise and honour and
the imperishable,
eternal life ;
8 But to those who factiously disobey the truth and moreover obey
iniquity,
anger and wrath —
9 Distress and calamity fall upon every human soul that perpetrates evil,
Upon the Jew first and also upon the Greek :
10 But praise and honour and peace are for everyone who does what
is good,
For the Jew first and also for the Greek.
1 1 For with God there is no respect of persons.
12 All who have sinned apart from law,
Apart from law shall they also perish :
And all who have sinned under law,
By law shall they be condemned.
13 For those who hear law are not upright before God,
14 It is those that obey law who shall be justified [For when Gentiles
who have no law obey by nature the requirement of the law, they are a
15 law to themselves, although they have no law — men who show written in
their hearts the work required by the law ; while their conscience also
bears witness to it, indeed their thoughts accuse or it may be defend them,
16 one with another] in the day when God judges the secrets of men,
according to my gospel, by Jesus Christ.
17 But if thou bearest the name of " Jew," relying on the law, exulting
18 in God, knowing his will, prizing the things that transcend, getting in-
19 struction from the law, and confident that thou art thyself a guide to the
20 blind, a liaht to those in darkness, a corrector of the stunid. a teacher of

221-320] ROMANS 195
children, since in the law thou hast the embodiment of knowledge and
21 truth — well then, thou teacher of another person, teachest thou not
22 thyself ? thou preacher against stealing, dost thou steal ? thou forbidder
of adultery, dost thou commit adultery ? thou detester of idols, dost thou
23 rob temples ? thou who art exulting in the law, art thou transgressing the
24 law and dishonouring God ? Why, it is
owing to you that God's name is maligned among the Gentiles,
even as it is written ;
25 Circumcision is indeed of use, if thou art observing the law :
But if thou art transgressing the law, thy circumcision is turned to
uncircumcision.
26 If then the Uncircumcision keep the ordinance of the law,
shall not its uncircumcision be reckoned as circumcision ?
27 And shall not the Uncircumcision which by nature fulfils the law
judge thee who with written law and circumcision art a trans
gressor of the law ?
28 He is no Jew who is one outwardly,
nor is circumcision something outward in the flesh :
29 He is a Jew who is one inwardly,
and circumcision is of the heart, wrought by the spirit not by the
written law,
whose praise is of God, not of men.
3 1 What is the Jew's advantage, then? or, what is the use of circum-
2 cision ? Much in every way. This at the outset : that the oracles of God
3 were intrusted to them. What though some were unfaithful ? is their
4 faithlessness to annul the faithfulness of God ? God forbid ! let God be
truthful, but every man perfidious ; even as it is written,
That thou mightest be vindicated in what thou sayest,
And win when thou art on trial.
5 But if our iniquity establishes God's justice, what shall we say ? Is
God unjust because he inflicts wrath ? (I use a merely human way of
6, 7 speaking.) God forbid ! otherwise how is he to judge the world ? If
: through my perfidy the truth of God redounded to his honour, says one,
8 why am I too still judged then to be a sinner ? why not (as we are
. slanderously reported — and as some people declare we say) "let us do
evil that good may come" ? Such conduct is justly condemned.
9 What then ? are we better off ? Not at all. For against Jews as well
as Greeks we have already brought the charge that all are under sin ;
10 even as it is written,
There is none upright, not one ;
11 There is none to understand, none to seek after God;
12 All have swerved, have turned bad together,
There is none to show kindness, not so much as one.
13 An open sepulchre is their throat,
With their tongues have they deceived,
Venom of asps is under their lips —
14 Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness,
15 Swift are their feet to shed blood,
16 Destruction and calamity are in their ways,
17 And the way of peace they have not known ;
18 There is no fear of God before their eyes.
19 Now we know in all that the law says, it speaks to those who are
under the law, that every mouth may be stopped and all the world
20 brought under the judgment of God ; inasmuch as in his sight no flesh

196 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [321-420
shall be justified by deeds of law. For through law is the knowledge
of sin.
21 But, as it is, the divine uprightness has been disclosed apart from
22 law, though the law and the prophets witness to it ; that is, the divine
uprightness which through faith in Jesus Christ is for all who believe.
23 There is no difference ; all have sinned and fall short of the majesty of
24 God, being freely justified by his grace through the redemption which
25 is in Christ Jesus, whom God designed to be through faith a sacrifice of
propitiation by his blood, in proof of his uprightness, seeing that the
26 former sins had been let pass through the forbearance of God — in proof
of his uprightness at the present time, that lie might be just himself and
27 might justify the man of faith in Jesus. Then where is the
exulting ? Shut out. By what kind of law ? a law of deeds ? No, by a
28 law of faith. For we reckon that a man is justified by faith apart from
29 deeds of law. What ! is God only the God of Jews ? Is he not the God of
30 Gentiles also ? Assuredly, of Gentiles also, seeing that it is one God who
shall justify the Circumcision in consequence of faith and the Uncircum-
31 cision through the same faith. Then " through faith" do "we annul the
law " ? God forbid ! we uphold the law.
4 1 What then shall we say was gained by Abraham our forefather after
2 the flesh ? If " Abraham was justified by deeds," he has something to
3 exult about. But not to exult before God. For what saith the scripture?
4 A braham believed God and it was counted to him as uprightness. Now a
5 worker has his wages counted as a due, not as a favour ; whereas one who
is no worker but a believer on him who justifies the impious, has his faith
6 counted as uprightness. Just as David also pronounces that man to be
"happy," to whom God counts uprightness apart from deeds ;
7 Happy they whose iniquities are forgiven and whose sins are covered!
8 Happy the man to whom the Lord will not count sin!
9 Is this happiness then pronounced for the Circumcision, or for the
Uncircumcision as well? We say, Abraham's faith was counted to him as
10 uprightness. Then how was it counted ? When lie was in circumcision
11 or in uncircumcision? In uncircumcision, not circumcision. And he
received the sign of circumcision as a seal of the uprightness which belonged
to the faith he had when he was in uncircumcision, so that he might
be tbe father of all who believe amid uncircumcision, that uprightness
12 might be counted to them, and the father of circumcision to those who not
only belong to the Circumcision but also walk in tbe steps of the faith which
13 our father Abraham had when he was in uncircumcision. For
the promise made to Abraham or to his offspring, that he should be heir
of the world, came not through the law but through the uprightness of
14 faith. For if those who are of the law are heirs, then faith is void, the
15 promise vain. (For the law results in wrath ; but where there is no law,
16 there is no transgression either.) Therefore heirship is of faith, so as to
be a matter of grace, in order that the promise may be confirmed to all
the offspring, not merely to the offspring which is of the law, but also to
17 the seed which is of Abraham's faith (who is father of us all ; as it is
written : father of many nations have I made thee) by the judgment of tlie
God whom he believed, who makes the dead live and calls into being the
18 things which are not — Abraham, who against hope believed in hope ; that
he should he father of many nations, according to the saying, so shall thy
19 offspring be — without becoming weak in faith, he marked his own body,
which was now as good as dead (he was already about a hundred years
20 old), also the deadness of Sara's womb, yet hesitated not in unbelief over

421-521] ROMANS 197
21 God's promise, but grew strong in faith, doing honour to God and being
22 fully convinced that he was able to do what he bad promised. Therefore
23 it was1 counted to him as uprightness. Now the word "it was
24 counted to him" was not written for his sake alone but also for the sake
of us, to whom it is to be counted, as we believe on him who raised from
25 the dead Jesus our Lord, who was delivered up for our trespasses and raised
for our justification.
5 1 Justified then by faith, we have 2 peace with God through our Lord
2 Jesus Christ, through whom also we have obtained3 our access into this
grace in which we stand. And we exult in hope of the majesty of God.
3 Not only so, but we exult also in our distresses, knowing that distress
4 results in patient endurance, patient endurance in tried character,
5 tried character in hope ; and hope does not disappoint, because the love
of God has been poured out in our hearts through the holy Spirit given
6 to us. For Christ, while we were still weak, died at the appointed time
7 for impious men (even for an upright man one will hardly die : though
perhaps for what is good, one might, if need be, bring himself to die) ;
8 God proves his own love to us in this, that Christ died for us while we
9 were still sinners. Much more then, as we are now justified by his blood,
10 we shall be saved through him from the Wrath. For if, when we were
enemies, we were reconciled to God through the death of his Son ; much
11 more, after being reconciled, shall we be saved by his life. Not
only so, but we exult also in God through our Lord Jesus Christ, through
whom we have now received the reconciliation.
12 Therefore, as through one man sin came into the world, and through
13 sin death ; and so death spread to all men, seeing that all sinned : — for
sin was in the world already before law ; but in the absence of law, sin
14 is not charged. Nevertheless, from Adam to Moses death reigned, even
over those who did not sin after the likeness of Adam's transgression,
who is a type of him who is to come.
15 But very different is the free gift from the trespass.
For since the many died by the one man's trespass,
Much more did the grace of God and that free gift
Which is by the grace of the man Jesus Christ abound to the many.
16 And the free gift is not occasioned as by one who sinned.
For while the judgment passed from one into condemnation,
The free gift passed from many trespasses into justification.
17 For since by the one man's trespass death reigned through the one,
Much more shall those who receive the abundant grace and free
Reign in life through the One, Jesus Christ. [gift of uprightness
18 Well then, as through one man's trespass the issue was condemnation
for all,
So also through the upright act of One the issue for all is justifica
tion to life.
19 For just as through the one man's disobedience the many were consti
tuted sinners,
So also through the obedience of the One shall the many be con
stituted upright.
20 Now the law came in between to increase the trespass :
But where sin increased, grace abounded to overflowing ;
21 So that as sin reigned in death,
Grace might also reign through uprightness to life eternal, through
Jesus Christ our Lord.
i Omitting [[**<]]. 2 Reading lx«fuv. 3 Omitting [[tj? sriW./JJ.

198 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [e1-^3
6 1 What then shall we say ? Are we to " continue in sin that grace may
2 increase " ? God forbid '. " We who died to sin, how shall we live in it
3 anv longer ? What ! are you ignorant that all we who were baptized
4 into Christ Jesus were baptized into his death ? We were buried with
him, then, through our baptism into that death of his, in order that as
Christ was raised from the dead through the majesty of the Father, so we
might also walk in newness of life.
5 For if we have become united with the likeness of his death,
We shall be united also with that of his resurrection ;
6 As we know that our old man was crucified with him,
In order to do away with the body of sin,
That we should be slaves to sin no more.
7 (For one who has died is absolved from sin.)
8 Now if we died with Christ,
We believe we shall also live with him ;
9 For we know that as Christ was raised from the dead, he dies no more,
Death is lord over him no more ;
10 In dying he died once for all to sin,
But in living he lives for God.
11 So also do you reckon yourselves as dead to sin,
But alive for God in Christ Jesus.
12 Let not sin then reign in your mortal body, getting its desires obeyed,
13 Nor go on presenting your members to sin as implements for vice ;
But present yourselves to God as men alive from the dead,
A_nd your members to God as implements for uprightness.
14 Sin is not to be lord over you ;
For you are not under any law, but under grace.
15 What then? are we to "sin, because we are not under the law hut
16 under grace " ? God forbid ! Do you not know that you are the slaves
of him whom you obey, to whom you present yourselves as obedient slaves,
17 be it of sin for death or of obedience for uprightness ? But, thank God,
though you were slaves of sin you became cordially obedient to that type
18 of teaching to which you. were handed over. Freed from sin you became
19 slaves to uprightness. (I am speaking from a human standpoint, owing
to the weakness of your flesh.)
As you presented your members to the service of impurity and
wickedness for wickedness,
So now present your members to the service of uprightness foi
sanctification.
20 For when you were slaves to sin, you were free so far as uprightness
is concerned.
21 What fruit then had you at that time ? simply fruit of which
you are now ashamed,
actions whose outcome is death.
22 But now, freed from sin, and enslaved to God,
You have your fruit in sanctification,
and — as the outcome — life eternal.
23 For the pay of sin is death,
But God's free gift is life eternal in Christ our Lord.
7, 1 What ! are you ignorant, brothers — I am speaking to men who know
2 what law is — that the law is lord over a man during his lifetime? The
married woman is by law bound to her husband while he is alive ; but
3 if the husband dies, she has done with the law of " the husband." Well
then, while the husband is alive, she shall be styled " adulteress " if she

74-88] ROMANS 199
becomes another man's ; but if the husband dies, she is free from the
4 law, so that she is no adulteress when she becomes another man's. So
is it with you also, my brothers. You were made dead to the law
through the body of Christ, so as to become Another's, to belong to him
5 who was raised from the dead — that we might bear fruit to God. For,
when we were in the flesh, our sinful passions which were due to the
6 law wrought in our members to bear fruit to death. But now we have
done with the law, we died to what held us ; so that we serve in newness
of spirit, and not in oldness of written law.
7 What then shall we say ? That " the law is sin " ? God forbid ! Yet,
had it not been for the law, I would not have come to know sin. For
indeed I would not have understood what it is to covet, unless the law
8 had said, Thou shalt not covet. But sin seized its opportunity and through
the commandment its result in me was covetousness of every kind ; for
9 apart from law, sin is lifeless. At one time I was living apart from law ;
10 but when the commandment came, sin sprang to life and I died. Yea,
the commandment which is for life, proved in my experience death.
11 For sin seized its opportunity, beguiled me through the commandment,
12 and through the commandment killed me. So the law at least is holy,
13 and the commandment holy, just, and of value. — Then did what is of
value become death to me ? God forbid ! It was sin, sin resulting in
death for me through what is good, that it might be exhibited as sin,
that through the commandment sin might become sinful beyond measure.
14 For we know the law is spiritual ; but I am a creature of flesh, sold
] 5 under sin ; I know not what I am executing. I do not act according to
16 my will ; I am doing what I hate. Now if I am acting against my will,
17 1 concur in the excellence of the law. Yet as things are, it is no longer
18 I who execute, but sin which dwells within me. For in me, that is in
my flesh, I know that no good dwells. To will I find is attainable, but
19 not to execute what is good. For I am not, according to my will, doing
20 good ; I am acting against my will, for evil. Now if I am doing what is
exactly against my will, it is no longer I who execute, it is sin which dwells
21 in me. As for the law then, this is my experience : when my will is to
22 do good, evil (I find) is alone attainable. For with the inner man I
23 gladly approve God's law ; but in my members I discover another law,
warring against the law of my mind and bringing me captive under
24 the law of sin, which is in my members. Wretched man that I am ! who
25 shall rescue me from this body of death ? Thanks be to God, through Jesus
Christ our Lord ! Well then, left to myself, I serve God's law with the
8 1 mind, but sin's law with the flesh. Now, therefore, there is no
2 condemnation for those in Christ Jesus ; the law of the Spirit of life in
3 Christ Jesus has brought freedom l from the law of sin and death. For God
effected what the law found impossible, as there the flesh made it weak : —
by sending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh and as a sin-offering,
4 he condemned sin in the flesh, so that the ordinance of the law might be
fulfilled in us, as we walk not after the flesh but after the spirit.
5 For those who are after the flesh mind the affairs of the flesh,
But those who are after the spirit, the affairs of the spirit.
6 The mind of the flesh is death —
¦ But the mind of the spirit is life and peace —
7 Inasmuch as the mind of the flesh is enmity against God ;
For to God's law it does not, indeed it cannot, subject itself.
8 Those who are in the flesh cannot please God :
] Omitting «.

200 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [89"32
9 But you are not in the flesh, you are in the spirit,
Seeing that the Spirit of God dwells in you.
If anyone has not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his ;
10 But if Christ is in you,
While the body is dead because of sin, the Spirit is life because
of uprightness.
11 And if the Spirit of him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwells
in you,
He who raised up Christ Jesus from the dead shall also make
your mortal bodies live through his Spirit dwelling in you.
12 Well then, brothers, we are debtors — not to the flesh, to live after the
flesh;
13 If you live after the flesh,
death awaits you :
But if by the Spirit you put the doings of the body to death,
life shall be yours.
14 For all who are led by the Spirit of God, these are sons of God.
15 You did not receive a spirit of bondage, to fall back into fear:
You received a spirit of sonship, whereby we cry "Abba ! Father ! "
16 The Spirit itself bears witness with our spirit that we are children
of God.
17 And if children, then heirs,
Heirs of God and heirs along with Christ,
Seeing that we suffer with him, that with him also we may be exalted.
18 For I reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to
19 be compared with the majesty which is to be revealed in us. For in
eager anticipation the creation waits for the sons of God to be revealed.
20 For the creation was made subject to frailty, not from its own choice but
21 by the will of him who subjected it, the hope being that the creation
itself also was to be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the
22 freedom of the majesty of God's children. Indeed we know that all the
creation groans and travails in pain, together with them, up to the present
23 time. And not only so, but even we with the firstfruits of the Spirit, we
also groan within ourselves as we wait for our sonship, even for the release
24 of our body. Yea for hope were we saved. Now a seen hope is no hope.
25 Who hopes for what he sees ? x Whereas if we are hoping for what we
do not see, we wait for it with patience.
26 Likewise the Spirit also helps our weakness ;
For we know not what to pray for, according to our need,
But the Spirit itself pleads on our behalf with groans unutterable.
27 And the Searcher of hearts knows what is the mind of the Spirit,
Knows that it is pleading for the saints according to God's will.
28 Now we know that God makes all things work together for good to those
who love him, to those who are called in virtue of his purpose.
29 For those whom he fore-knew, he also fore-appointed,
To be made like the image of his Son,
That he might be the first-born among many brothers.
30 And whom he fore-appointed, these he also called :
And whom he called, these he also justified :
And whom he justified, these he also exalted.
31 What then shall we say to this ? If God is for us, who is against us?
32 He who spared not his own Son, but delivered him up for us all, bow
shall he not also bestow on us all things with him ?
1 Reading . ya.o /Sx.argj t.. IxxlZu.

833-921] ROMANS 201
33 Who shall bring a charge against God's chosen ?
It is God who justifies.
34 Who is it that condemns ?
It is Christ 1 who died — yes, and who was raised,
Who is at God's right hand,
Who also pleads for us.
35 Who shall separate us from the love of Christ ?
Distress or calamity or persecution or famine or nakedness or
36 peril or sword (even as it is written :
For thy sake are we killed the whole day long,
We are reckoned as sheep for the slaughter) 1
37 Nay in all this we are more than conquerors through him who loved us.
38 For I am persuaded that neither death nor life nor angels nor princi-
39 palities nor the present nor the future nor powers nor height nor depth
nor aught else created shall be able to separate us from the love of God
which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.
9 1 I speak the truth in Christ, I lie not — my conscience bears me witness
, 2 in the holy Spirit — that I suffer great sorrow and unceasing pain in my
3 heart. For I could wish myself accursed and banished from Christ for
4 the sake of my brothers, my kinsmen according to the flesh, men who
are Israelites, whose are the sonship and the Glory and the covenants
and the giving of the law and the services of worship and the promises,
5 whose are the fathers, and from whom is Christ (so far as regards the
6 flesh). He who is over all is God, blessed for ever : Amen. .Not, however,
that the word of God has failed ! Far from it.
For not all those who belong to Israel are Israel ;
7 Nay, and all are not children because they are Abraham's offspring :
Thy offspring shall be reckoned through Isaac.
8 That is, the children of the flesh are not children of God, it is the
9 children of the promise who are counted as offspring. For this is the
word of promise :
About this time I will come and Sara shall have a son.
10 And further, when Rebekah also conceived by one man, by our father
11 Isaac — though the children were not yet born and had done nothing,
either good or bad (that the Divine purpose which works by choice might
12 stand, independent of deeds, entirely a matter of his calling) — she was
13 told, The elder shall serve the younger ; even as it is written,
Jacob I loved, but Esau I hated.
14 What then shall we say ? Is there injustice with God ? God forbid !
. 15 He saith to Moses,
I will have mercy on whom I have mercy,
And I will have compassion on whom I have compassion.
16 So then it is not a question of Mm who wills, nor of him who runs, but
17 of God who has mercy. For the scripture saith to Pharaoh,
For this very end have I raised thee up,
that I might show my power in thee,
and that my name -might be published abroad in all the earth.
18 So then, he has mercy on whom he wills,
And whom he wills he renders stubborn.
19 Thou wilt say to me then, " Why does he still find fault ? who can
20 oppose his purpose ? " Nay, but who art thou, 0 man, to answer back to
; God ? Shall the thing formed say to him who formed it, " Why didst thou
'' 21 make me thus ? " What ! has not the potter a right over the clay to make
1 Omitting [[¦-.-¦--.]].

202 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [922-1013
out of the same lump one part a vessel for honour and another for dis-
22 honour ? And what if God, though wishing to show his wrath and
display his power, tolerated with much longsuffering vessels of wrath
23 fashioned for destruction, that l he might display the riches of his majesty
upon vessels of mercy which he had previously prepared for majesty,
24 even upon us whom he called not only from the Jews but also from the
25 Gentiles ? As he saith also in Hosea :
Those who were not my people I will call " my people,"
And her who was not beloved, " beloved " ;
26 And it shall be that in the place where they were told, " You are not my
people,"
There shall they be called "Sons ofthe living God."
27 And Isaiah cries regarding Israel : Though the number qf the sons o]
28 Israel be like the sand of the sea, it is the remnant that shall be saved; for the
Lord will accomplish his word upon the earth with completeness and despatch.
29 And even as Isaiah has foretold :
Had not the Lord of Sabadth left us a residue,
We had become like Sodom, we had been -made like Gomorra.
30 What then shall we say ? That Gentiles who did not press on after
uprightness overtook uprightness, aye and the uprightness which is from
31 faith; while Israel, who did press on after the law of uprightness, failed
32 to attain the law. And why ? Because they pressed on, not by faith but as
33 by deeds. They stumbled over the stone of stumbling : even as it is written,
Lo I lay in Zion a stone of stumbling and a rock of hindrance,
Yet he who believes on him shall not be disappointed.
10 1 Brothers, my heart's wish and my prayer to God is for their salva-
2 tion. I bear them witness : they have zeal for God, but not according
3 to knowledge. For, as they were ignorant of God's uprightness and
sought to set up their own, they did not submit themselves to the up-
4 Tightness of God. For Christ is the end of the law, that everyone who
believes may have uprightness.
5 Moses writes of the uprightness which is from the law :
The man who does it shall live by it.
6 But the uprightness which is from faith speaks in this way :
" Say not in thy heart,
Who shall ascend into heaven ? "
(That is, to bring Christ down)
7 or, " Who shall descend into the abyss ? "
(That is, to bring Christ up from the dead).
8 Nay, what does it say ?
The word is near thee,
In thy mouth and in thy heart
(That is, the word of faith which we preach).
9 For if thou shalt confess with thy mouth, " Jesus is Lord,"
And believe in thy heart that God raised him from the dead, thou
shalt be saved :
10 With the heart man believes and is upright,
With the mouth he makes confession and is saved.
11 For, saith the scripture,
No one who believes on him shall be disappointed.
12 There is no difference between Jew and Greek,
The same One is Lord of all, rich to all who call upon him :
13 For everyone who calls on the Lord's name shall be saved.
1 Omitting [[>-.]].

10u-ll18] ROMANS 203
14 How then are they to call on One on whom they have not believed ?
And how are they to believe in One of whom they have not heard ?
And how are they to hear without a preacher ?
15 And how are people to preach, unless they are sent ?
Even as it is written,
How beautiful are the feet of those who bring glad tidings of good /
16 But they did not all obey the glad tidings. For Isaiah says, Lord,
17 who has had faith in our message ? So then, faith comes from the message,
18 and the message through the word about Christ. But, I ask, " Have they
not heard ? " Yes indeed :
Their sound went out into all the earth,
And their words to the ends of the world.
19 But, I ask, " Has Israel not known ? " First Moses says :
I will stir you to jealousy by what is no nation,
By an ignorant nation I will enrage you.
20 And Isaiah makes bold to say :
I have been found by those who were not seeking me,
I am disclosed to those who inquired not after me.
21 But of Israel he says, The whole day long have I stretched out my hands to a
111 people disobedient and refractory. I ask then, "Has God thrust
aside his people f " God forbid ! For I too am an Israelite myself, of
2 Abraham's offspring, of the tribe of Benjamin. God has not thrust aside
his people whom he foreknew. What ! do you not know what the scrip
ture saith in the place " Elijah " ? How he pleads with God against
3 Israel, Lord, they have killed thy prophets, they have destroyed thy altars ;
4 and I alone am left, and they seek my life. But what saith the oracle to
him ? I have left myself seven thousand men, who have not bowed, the knee
. 5 to Baal. So also at the present time, then, there is a remnant due to the
6 selection of grace. But if it is by grace, it is no longer a matter of
7 deeds ; otherwise grace would cease to be grace. What then is the result ?
that Israel has not obtained what it craves, while the chosen have
8 obtained it. And the rest have been hardened ; just as it is written,
God gave them a spirit of torpor,
Eyes not to see, ears not to hear, down to this very day.
9 [And David says,
Let their feast be made a snare and a trap,
Yea a pitfall and a requital to them ;
10 Barkened be their eyes that they see not.
And make thou their back bend continually. .]
11 I ask then, "Did they stumble that they should fall?" God forbid !
Nay rather, it is by their slip that salvation has come to the Gentiles, so as
12 to stir themselves up to jealousy. Now if their slip proves the riches of the
world, and their defect the riches of the Gentiles, how much more their
13 fulness ! I am speaking to you, Gentiles. So far as I at least am
14 an apostle to the Gentiles I exalt my ministry, to see if I can somehow
15 stir those who are my flesh to jealousy, and so save some of them. For
if their rejection proves the world's reconciliation, what shall their
reception be? What but life from the dead?
16 Now if the firstfruit is holy, so is the lump :
And if the root is holy, so are the branches.
17 If some of the branches were broken off, while thou, a wild olive, wast
grafted in among them and didst come to share with them in the root of
18 the olive's fatness, exult not at the expense of the branches. And if thou
art exulting, bethink thyself : thou bearest not the root, the root bears

204 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll19-127
19 thee. Thou wilt argue then, "Branches were broken off, that I might
20 be grafted in " ? True, they were broken off by their unbelief, and thou
21 standest by thy faith. Be not highminded, but fear. For if God did not
22 spare the natural branches, neither will he spare thee. Look then at
God's kindness and severity. Severity to those who fell, but God's kind
ness to thee — if thou continue in his kindness. Otherwise thou too shalt
23 be cut out. Yea, and if they continue not in their unbelief, they too
24 shall be grafted in. God is able to graft them in again. For if thou
wast cut out of what was by nature a wild olive and grafted, contrary to
nature, into a garden olive, how much more shall these natural branches
be grafted into their own olive ?
25 For I would not have you ignorant of this secret, brothers, that you
may not be wise in your own conceits : Israel has been but hardened in
26 part until the full number of the Gentiles should come in ; and thus
all Israel shall be saved. Even as it is written,
From Zion shall come the rescuer,
He shall banish impieties from Jacob :
27 Yea this is my covenant for them,
When I take their sins away.
28 As regards the gospel they are indeed enemies for your sake,
But as regards the selection they are beloved for the sake of the
fathers :
29 For God never takes back his free gifts and his calling.
30 As you were once disobedient to God
But have now obtained mercy through their disobedience :
31 So too these are now disobedient,
That tliey1 may become objects of the same mercy which was
shown to you.
32 For God has shut up all under disobedience,
That upon all he may have mercy.
33 0 the depth of God's riches and wisdom and knowledge !
How inscrutable his judgments !
How unsearchable his ways !
34 Yea who has known the Lord's mind ?
Or who has been his counsellor ?
35 Or who has first given to him,
And is to be repaid?
36 Since from him and by him and for him all things exist —
To him be the majesty for ever : Amen.
12 1 I appeal to you then, brothers, by the tender mercies of God, present
your bodies as a sacrifice, living, holy, well-pleasing, to God : that ,
2 is the rational worship for you. And be not fashioned according to
this age, but be transformed by the renewing of your mind so as to
prove what is the will of God, namely, what is good and well-pleasing
and perfect.
3 For, through the grace granted to me, I tell every man who is among
you, not to think over highly of himself, beyond what he should think ;
but to think soberly, in view of the measure of faith which God has
4 assigned to each. For in the same way as we have many members in one
5 body, and all the members have not the same function, so, many as we
are, we are one body in Christ and separately members of each another.
6 And as we have talents which differ with the grace granted us— be it
7 prophecy, let us employ it in proportion to our faith ; be it ministry, let
1 Omitting »_».

12s— 143] ROMANS 205
8 us employ it in ministering : the teacher in his teaching : he who exhorts,
in his exhortation: he who contributes, with generosity: the president,
9 with earnest care : he who shows pity, with cheerfulness. Let love be un-
10 feigned. Abhor what is evil : cling to what is good. Be affectionate
1 1 to one another, in brotherly love ; outdo one another in giving honour.
Be not backward in earnestness, be fervent in spirit, serve the Lord,
_2, 13 rejoice in hope, be patient in distress, give yourselves to prayer, con-
14 tribute to the needs of the saints, aim at being hospitable. Bless those
_: 15 who persecute you, bless them and curse not. Rejoice with the joyful,
; 16 weep with the weeping. Be of the same mind to one another ; mind not
what is high, but give yourselves up to what is lowly. Be not wise in
L 17 your own conceits. Render no man evil for evil. Be concerned for what is
18 honourable in the sight of all men. If possible, as far as it rests with
; 19 you, be at peace with all men. Beloved, avenge not yourselves, but let
the Wrath have way : for it is written, Vengeance is mine, 1 will repay,
saith the Lord.
20 Nay, if thine enemy hungers, feed him. ;
if he thirst, give him to drink :
For by doing this thou shalt heap burning coals upon his head.
21 Be not conquered by evil ; but conquer evil by good.
13 1 Let every soul be subject to the higher authorities, for there is no author
ity which is not from God, and the existing authorities are instituted by
2 God. So that he who resists authority opposes what God has instituted ;
3 and those who oppose shall be sentenced themselves. For rulers are not
a terror to good conduct, but to evil. Wouldst thou have no terror of
4 authority ? Then do good, and thou shalt get praise from it ; for it is
God's servant to thee for good. But if thou doest evil, be in terror ;
for not in vain does it wear the sword : it is God's servant, an avenger
5 for punishing him who practises evil. Wherefore subject you must be,
out of regard not merely for the punishment, but also for conscience.
6 This also is the reason why you pay tribute ; for magistrates are servants
7 of God, as they give themselves to this very business. Render to all
their dues, tribute to whom tribute is due, customs to whom customs,
8 respect to whom respect, honour to whom honour. Owe no man
anything, except to love one another — for he who loves another has
9 fulfilled the law. Thou shalt not commit adultery, Thou shalt not murder,
Thou shalt not steal, Thou shalt not covet, these with any other command
ment are gathered up in this word, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as
10 thyself. Love does no evil to its neighbour : to love, then, is to fulfil
11 the law. And do this, as you know the time ; now is the
hour for us : to wake from sleep, for salvation is nearer us to-day than
12 when we first believed. The night is advanced, and the day is near.
Then let us put away the deeds of the darkness, and put on the armour
13 of the light. Let us behave ourselves with propriety, as in the day : with
no bouts of revelry and drunkenness, with no lewd and sensual acts,
14 with no quarrelling and jealousy. Nay, put on the Lord Jesus Christ,
and make no provision for the flesh, to satisfy its desires.
:.4 1 Receive one who is weak in faith, but not to pass judgment upon
2 scruples. While one man has confidence to eat anything, he who is weak
eats nothing but vegetables.
Let not him who eats despise him who refrains ;
Nor let him who refrains judge him who eats,
For God has received him.
' Reading i/uic.

206 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [144"23
4 Who art thou to judge Another's servant ?
To his own Lord he stands or falls :
And he shall be made to stand,
For the Lord has power to make him stand.
5 This man 1 rates one day above another,
That man rates every day alike.
Let each be fully convinced in his own mind :
C He who values the day, values it to the Lord.
Also, he who eats, eats to the Lord,
For he gives thanks to God :
And he who refrains from eating, to the Lord he refrains,
And he gives thanks to God.
7 For none of us lives to himself,
And none of us dies to himself :
8 If we live, it is for the Lord we live,
And if we die, it is for the Lord we die.
Whether we live then or die,
We are tbe Lord's.
9 For this was why Christ died and came to life,
That he might be Lord both of the dead and of the living.
10 But thou, why dost thou judge thy brother ?
Or thou again, why dost thou despise thy brother ?
Why, we are to stand, all of us, before the tribunal of God ;
1 1 For it is written,
As I live, saith the Lord, to me shall every knee bow,
And every tongue shall offer praise to God
li Each one of us then is to give account of himself to God.
13 No more then let us judge one another ;
Rather let this be your judgment, not to put 2 any hindrance in a
brother's way.
14 I know and am persuaded in the Lord Jesus that nothing in itself
is unclean :
Only, anything is unclean to the man who reckons it unclean.
15 If thy brother is being injured for a matter of mere food,
Thou art no longer walking by love ;
Destroy not with thy food him for whom Christ died,
16 Your fair fame is not to be maligned.
17 For the reign of God is not eating and drinking,
But uprightness and peace and joy in the holy Spirit :
18 He who serves Christ therein
Is well-pleasing to God and approved of by men.
19 Well then, our aim3 is what makes for peace and the upbuilding
of one another :
20 Do not overthrow the work of God for the sake of mere food.
Anything indeed is clean :
Still, it is evil for a man by his eating to make another stumble.
21 It is an excellent plan to abstain from flesh and wine or anything
at which thy brother stumbles.
22 The faith thou hast, keep it to thyself before God.
Happy the man who condemns not himself in what he approves of :
23 But he who feels any hesitation is condemned if he eats, because
he does not eat from faith —
For whatever does not proceed from faith is sin.
i Omitting QV«/>JJ. 2 Omitting r.;._-*_,i_,i__; . . a. 3 Reading hino/m.

151"27] ROMANS 207
5 1 Now we who are strong ought to bear the infirmities of the weak,
2 instead of pleasing ourselves. Let each of us please his neighbour, to do
3 him good, to upbuild him. For Christ also did not please himself ; nay,
as it is written, The reproaches of those who denounced thee fell upon me.
4 For whatever things were written beforehand were written for our
instruction, that through the patience and the comfort of the scriptures
5 we may possess hope. May tbe God of patience and comfort grant you
6 the same mind one toward another according to Christ Jesus, so that you
may unite with one mouth in magnifying the God and Father of our
7 Lord Jesus Christ ! Therefore receive one another, as Christ also
8 received us,1 so as to honour God. For Christ, I affirm, became a minister
of the Circumcision that he might make good the promises given to
9 the fathers, and thus show the honesty of God ; also that the Gentiles
might magnify God for his mercy : even as it is written,
Therefore will I offer praise to thee among the Gentiles
And sing to thy name.
10 And again it is said,
Rejoice, 0 Gentiles, with his people.
1 1 And again, Extol the Lord, all ye Gentiles,
And let all the people praise him.
12 And again Isaiah says,
There shall be the scion of Jesse,
And he ivho rises to rule over the Gentiles :
On him shall the Gentiles set their hope.
13 May the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace in believing, that
you may abound in hope, by the power of the holy Spirit !
14 Personally I also am persuaded about you, my brothers, that you are
yourselves full of goodness, filled with all knowledge, able also to ad-
15 monish one another. Still, by way of refreshing your memory I write
you with somewhat greater boldness owing to the grace granted me from
16 God, that I should be a minister of Christ Jesus to the Gentiles in the
sacred service of the gospel of God, so that the Gentiles may prove an
17 acceptable offering, consecrated by the holy Spirit. My exultation then
18 is in Christ Jesus, so far as God is concerned. For I will not dare to speak
of anything except what Christ has effected through me in furthering the
19 obedience of the Gentiles, by word and deed, by the power of signs and
wonders, by the power of the holy Spirit ; so that from Jerusalem and
the surrounding country as far as to Illyricum I have fully preached the
20 gospel of Christ — making this my ambition, however, not to preach the
gospel where Christ's name was known (that I might not build on
' 21 another man's foundation), but even as it is written,
Those who had no news of him shall see :
And those who have not learned shall understand.
22 Therefore it is that I have been hindered (these many times) from
; 23 coming to you. And just now, as I have no longer any chance in these
¦ 24 regions, and as I have had for many years a longing to visit you whenever
I go to Spain — for I hope to see you on my journey and to be sped by you
25 after being somewhat satisfied with your companionship — now, I say, I go
' 26 to Jerusalem on a ministry to the saints. For out of their own goodwill,
Macedonia and Achaia have made a contribution for the poor among the
27 saints at Jerusalem. Certainly it is done from goodwill on their part,
i Reading ipZ;.

208 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ls28"33-^21-27
yet it is also a debt. For if the Gentiles have come to share in their
28 spiritual good, they owe them a debt of service in material good. When
I have finished this, then, and have securely delivered this fruit to them,
29 I will depart for Spain by way of you. And I know that when I come to
30 you, I shall come with the fulness of the blessing of Christ. Now
by our Lord Jesus Christ and by the love of the Spirit I appeal to you,
31 brothers, strive together with me in your prayers to God for me, that I
may be rescued from the disobedient in Judea, and that my ministry of
32 aid for Jerusalem may prove acceptable to the saints, so that through the
will of God I may come to you in joy and be refreshed along with you.
33 The God of peace be with you all : Amen.
16 21 Timotheus my fellow-worker salutes you ; so do Lucius and Jason
and Sosipatros, my kinsmen.
22 I Tertius, who write the letter, salute you in the Lord.
23 Gaius, my host and the host of the Community at large, salutes you.
Erastus, the treasurer of the city, salutes you ; so does brother Quartus.
25 [Now to him who is able to establish you according to my gospel and
preaching of Jesus Christ, in virtue of the revelation of the secret which
26 has been kept silent throughout times eternal but is now disclosed and,
by the prophetic scriptures in virtue of the command of the eternal God,
27 displayed to all the nations to secure obedience to the faith — to the
only wise God through Jesus Christ, to him be the honour for ever :
Amen.]

A NOTE TO EPHESUS
That a note addressed to Ephesus (Schulz) lies embedded in the 16th
chapter of Romans, is a hypothesis which is practically accepted upon all
sides.1 " In almost every verse there are such overwhelming reasons . . .
that I cannot quite understand how anyone can adhere to the traditional
view " (Weiss). The points really in question are its exact contents and
date. Most probably the letter begins with ver. 1 (not ver. 3 ; Ritschl,
Ewald, Schiirer, Laurent, Renan, Pfleiderer, and Mangold). Weizsacker
and McGiffert go on to ver. 23, but most (Renan, Reuss, Weiss, Lipsius,
Jiilicher, etc.) prefer to break off at ver. 20, and indeed Hausrath (like
Pfleiderer) stops at ver. 16. In this case vers. 21, 22 are (in spite of
Holsten) to be taken as the original ending of the Roman letter (cp.
Clemen, Einheit. pp. 95-99). 2 In writing to an unknown church, Paul
evidently sent greetings from such friends as were at his side ; Colossians
41017 is another example of this practice.3
Although the letter is not expressly addressed to Ephesus, the
internal evidence points unmistakably to that city as its destination.
When all is said, it remains inconceivable that Paul could have intimately
known so many individuals and been acquainted with their local
circumstances and histories, in a church like Rome, to which he was
personally a stranger. The whole tone of Romans forbids such a hypo
thesis. Hitherto Paul has been writing as a stranger to strangers without
betraying — even at points where such a reference would have been telling
and appropriate4 — any trace of personal friendship with the members or
knowledge of their peculiar and local circumstances. The wealth of
1 Though it is only fair to add that several critics, including Harnack, Zahn,
Denney, and Dr. Drummond, are still unconvinced.
2 This note to Ephesus, it has been often argued (recently by J. Weiss, ThLz
(1893), p. 395, ThSt. pp. 182-184), made up, along with some other fragments, a
larger Ephesian letter. See below, Appendix, ad loc. As the greater part of chap.
15 is probably genuine, the real Roman letter appropriately ends as it began
(18-15) vvitH the apostle's hope and project of reaching the capital on his missionary
travels. There is nothing decisive to show that this Ephesian note originally was a
part of a larger epistle. It is self-contained and intelligible by itself.
3 On the other hand, "comme il y avait peu de relations entre Corinth et la
Mac-doine, d'une part, Ephese, de l'autre, l'apotre ne parle pas aux Bphesiens du monde
que l'entoure " (Renan, S. Paul, p. 481). The value of Ro 161"20 as a witness to the
history and character of the Ephesian church is thoroughly appreciated by Renan
(S. Paul, pp. 421-437), and Weizsacker (AA, i. pp. 379-401, a masterpiece of
delicate reconstruction, which no subsequent researches have seriously disturbed).
4 Occasionally, it is true (e.g. chaps. 14, 15) Paul seems to possess some acquaint
ance with the general course of things in the Roman commuuity, but such knowledge
is never more than what would percolate to him through the ordinary channels of
report and hearsay. It is rather illogical to conclude, as Zahn insists, that Paul must
therefore have had friends who gave him exact information about the church. Did
Paul's acquaintance with a church's needs involve the presence of some of his friends
in that church ? The case of Colosse rather contradicts this idea. And Rome was
far more widely known than Colosse.

210 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
individual detail and colour in 16120 presupposes, on the contrary, a
sphere where Paul had for long resided and worked. As he wrote from
Corinth, the only other city which answers this description is Ephesus.
There Paul's experience had been prolonged and varied, and indeed
several of the names here are directly linked to Asia Minor (Epsenetus,
ver. 5, an-apxfi Ttjs 'Ao-las, especially, and Prisca and Aquila, ver. 3, who
were at Ephesus immediately before " Romans " was written,— Ac
lgis. 26; i q0 iqi.; — an(j apparently were there not long afterwards,
2 Ti 419). Also, if genuine, the keen warning against schismatics and
errorists (17-20) suits Rome1 less well than Ephesus (1 Co 168- 9,
avriKcipevoi rroXXol, Ac 20 S!u, Apoc 22t). Most inapplicable of all to a
church like Rome is the tone of Paul's remark in ver. 19 ("your
obedience," "I will," etc.). The distant tone even of a passage like
1520f- shows that he was not on close enough terms with the
Roman Christians to speak thus pointedly, although as addressed to
Ephesus the words would be perfectly legitimate; and "it cannot be"
proved " that many of those with whom in the course of his twenty years
ministry he had established such relations as are referred to here, had for
one cause or another found their way to the great city." Paul had been
a prisoner (167) long before his confinement at Caesarea or Rome (2 Co
is 1123^ perhaps even at Ephesus, so that this letter need not have been
written necessarily from the later imprisonment (Col 410, Philem 23).
It was composed in all likelihood at the same time and place as Romans.
But while Paul could send only general counsels to the Western church,
his connection with the Eastern enabled him to write a very different
note full of concrete and affectionate detail.2
This is corroborated by the further fact that Ro 161"20 forms a
1 No evidence, least of all any from the epistle to the Romans itself, has been
forthcoming to prove the existence of hixoo-fafflcct and trxxvcix\a among the Roman
Christians of that age. The only defence of 17-'M as Pauline, is to refer it to some
community elsewhere. Dr. Drummond prefers to think of Greek adventurers rather
than of Jewish Christian antagonists. At any rate, controversy against false teachers
is conspicuously lacking in Romans ; and it is hard to see how such an outburst can
be reconciled with the general phenomena of the preceding chapters. When the
Ephesian destination is accepted, the words are luminous and apt. When the
Roman destination is advocated, interpreters are reduced to the strait of con
jecturing that Paul was here vaguely warning the Romans against teachers who
existed in other churches and might at some future date trouble themselves ! This
implies a most unPauline airiness. Besides, the whole sense of vers. 17'20 is lost
unless the readers know the facts and persons to whom the writer alluded. How
else could they mark and turn away from them ? The remark that Paul "definitely
states that he is only warning them that they may be wise if occasion arise"
(ICC, "Romans," p. xciv) is quite misleading and emasculates the apostle's
language. Had he feared the advent of Judaising emissaries to Rome, he could and
would have made this clear to his readers. Instances of similar warning, such as
Gal l9 53, Ph 3lf-, — (adduced by Zahn) — are not genuine prophylactic counsels.
In the former of these the mischief had already begun, which, as even Zahn admits,
was not the case in Rome when the apostle wrote ; while the remarkably intimate
relations between Paul and Philippi differentiate Philippians entirely from an epistle
like Romans.
2 An attempt is sometimes made to evade the force of these arguments by urging,
(a) that these people mentioned here may well have come to Rome through their
migratory (Ja 413) habits, especially as there was constant communication between
Rome and the provinces. But the point is that when Paul wrote Romans, such a
migration had not occurred. Whatever evidence we possess tells against it. , How
incredible that an exodus of Paul's friends and their relatives should have taken place
to the capital at that time ! What turned twenty-four and more of them suddenly
into nomads ? Afterwards, it is quite possible that such a migration gradually followed

A NOTE TO EPHESUS 211
letter of commendation given to Phoebe (i .r.cn-oXj) o-uoTcrriKi)) : so Semler,
Renan, Hausrath (iii. 260), Farrar (St. Paul, chap, xxxvii.), Holtzmann
(Einl. pp. 242-46), Weiss, Weizsacker, McGiffert, and Adeney (BI, pp.
379, 380). x Paul would naturally introduce a person to a circle with which
he already possessed some influence. The value of the commendation
would mainly consist in the writer's title to respect and obedience from
those to whom he spoke, with whom he was on intimate terms.
How this note became incorporated in Romans, it is only possible to
conjecture. It may have been because copies of both, as well as the
originals, were written at the same time and from the same place, that
the later editors of the Pauline literature added them together. Perhaps
Phoebe, its bearer, ultimately arrived with it (the original or a copy) in
Rome. In any case the only way of preserving a note so unimportant in
itself was to put it in the wake of a larger letter, particularly as the note
lacked any formal address. Romans was apparently edited — to judge from
its textual condition — before ever it reached the Canon ; and in the two
closing chapters especially it is possible to detect different textual strata,
even although the process by which they were deposited is now largely
obscure. The note may have been put in its present place at the end of
Romans, since in the Muratorian Canon that epistle occupied the last place
among the Pauline epistles to the churches, as afterwards in Tertullian's
and Cyprian's lists (Zahn, GK, ii. p. 344). Probably, too, in a later age the
note was appended to Romans because it contained the names of several
Christians (like Ampliatus) who had become prominent figures in the
Roman church subsequently to the original period of the letter. Their
traditional connection with Rome and the obscurity of this note's original
destination — (which was natural in an epistle of commendation) — com
bined to further its incorporation with the large Roman epistle.
in the footsteps of the apostle. Asiatics constantly betook themselves to the capital,
and it is therefore far from remarkable that (b) the names mentioned here have
almost all beeu found in the Roman Corpus liiscrijjti&nwm. Most of tbem are quite
common throughout the Roman world, and half are found in the Greek Corpus
Inseriptionum for Asia Minor. So far as any weight can be attached to the
importance of names like Prisca, Amplias, Nereus, and Apelles, in the subsequent
history of early Christianity in Rome, it is really irrelevant to tbe present question.
These persons may have, and probably did, come to Rome at some later stage ; but it is
far from a valid inference that because they afterwards lived in tbe capital, they must
have been there when Paul wrote " Romans." FiuaDy, it may be asked how these
hypothetical Christians resident at Rome had disappeared when tbeir beloved friend
Paul, some years later, wrote his prison-epistles from the capital ? He mentions
none of them. Had their nomadic habits again seized and scattered them ? It is
scarcely necessary to do more than mention Zahn's idea that Paul did not actually
know all these Christians ; some he was acquainted with, and from them he got
information about tbe rest ! Nor is it logical to argue that because Paul was a
wanderer, his fellow-workers were likely to be wanderers also.
1 Also, 0. Holtzmann (NT Zeitgesch, p. 132) ; von Soden (EBi, i. p. 812) ;
Dr. Cone, Paid the Man, the Missionary, and the Teaclier, p. 12 ff. ; Haupt (SK,
1900, pp. 147, 148, in his review of Zahn) ; and at an earlier date, Laurent
(pp. 32-38).

This letter, written by Paul as an introduction for Phoebe, is not to be
compared of course with the great epistles to the Galatian and Corinthian
churches. It gives neither instructions nor exhortations, as they do. Nor
does it to the same extent, therefore, reveal conditions and events in the inner
life of the church ; even the short address appended to it does not supply ns
with any information in this direction. But in the very names, and in their
grouping, as well as in the short notes of a personal and historical nature, it
still furnishes us with very valuable knowledge. ... To the introductory
recommendation of Phoebe is appended, in the form of greetings, the list of those
persons to whom she was to be introduced, and the note is thus of the nature
of an attestation, which she could lay before the individuals, because it was
expressly addressed to them. For the rest, a short exhortation is added, which
was probably appended to the letter. It contains, indeed, several features, both
in thought and language, that are unusual with Paul. Yet this is hardly more
marked here than in the short additions that elsewhere close the Pauline letters,
written in the apostle's own hand, and all distinguished by concise thoughts
and figures, abrupt sentences, and peculiar words. — Weizsacker.

[Ro 161"20
1-2 Introduction for Phoebe.
3-16 Greetings to Asiatic Christians.
17-20] Warning and farewell.

0I6 A NOTE TO EPHESUS
1 I commend to you our sister Phoebe who ministers to the Com-
2 munity at Kenchreae : receive her in the Lord in a manner worthy of
saints, and give her whatever help she may require at your hands ; truly
she has proved herself a helper to many, as well as to myself.
3 Salute Prisca and Aquila my fellow-workers in Christ Jesus,
4 they laid down their own necks for my life ;
to whom not only I but also all the Communities of the Gentiles
give thanks :
5 also the community at their house.
Salute Epaenetus my beloved,
he is the firstfruits of Asia for Christ.
6 Salute Mary,
she laboured actively for you.
7 Salute Andronikus and Junias my kinsmen and fellow-prisoners ;
they are men of note among the apostles,
also they were in Christ before me.
8 Salute Ampliatus, my beloved in the Lord.
9 Salute Urbanus, our fellow-worker in Christ, and Stachys my
beloved.
10 Salute Apelles, that genuine character in Christ.
Salute those who belong to the household of Aristobulus.
11 Salute Herodion ruy kinsman.
Salute those of Narcissus' household who are in the Lord.
12 Salute Tryphaena and Tryphosa who labour in the Lord.
Salute Persis the beloved,
she laboured actively in the Lord.
13 Salute Rufus, that choice character in Christ,
also her who is his mother and mine.
14 Salute Asynkritus, Phlegon, Hermes, Patrobas, Hermas,
also the brothers who are with them.
15 Salute Philologus and Julia, Nereus and his sister, and Olympas,
also the saints who are with them.
16 Salute one another with a saints' kiss.
All the Communities of Christ salute you.
17 Now I appeal to you, brothers, look to those who are creating the dissen
sions and the hindrances among you, contrary to the doctrine which you
18 have learned ; turn away from them. Such people serve not our Lord
Jesus Christ but their own belly, and by fair and flattering speech they
19 beguile the hearts of the unsuspecting. Your obedience has
reached the ears of all. I rejoice then over you ; but I would have
20 you expert in what is good, and guileless in what is evil. Soon shall the
God of peace trample Satan beneath your feet.
The grace of our Lord Jesus be with you.
213

COLOSSIANS
The Colossian church was Pauline only (l4- 8 21) in an indirect sense,
but Paul's authority to address these Christians seems to have been
unquestioned, and the epistle contains evidence (43"18) of a warm, mutual
interest. The danger which he sought to combat lay in the pretensions
(24) made by several members, under Jewish influences, to a higher
Christian life. These involved ritual and ascetic practices, which in
turn derived their motives and justification from certain speculative and
theosophic principles, e.g. the mediation and mission of angels, and a
cosmical dualism. To reach the practical question Paul strikes at the
theory, exposing the uselessness and danger of such habits by a proof that
Christ is absolutely sufficient as a redeeming power. The Christology 1 is
an advance in some respects upon the previous epistles (cp. Ro ll30 and
Col l1(i). But the advance is conditioned by the special circumstances
of the Colossian church, and is not cut off from the genuinely Pauline
basis. Paul adopts and adapts certain ideas and phrases 2 to reiterate the
absolute adequacy and efficacy of Christ in his organic relation to the
church and the world alike. Faith in him requires no outside philo
sophy or esoteric cult to perfect itself. Through union with Christ and
Christ alone the Christian life rises to the height and fulness of its
moral destiny, and no so-called " Higher Life " is to be dreamt of.
Any external or additional aid (219) is gratuitous and harmful. This
thesis is urged upon lines which Paul in part had already traversed (in
1 Co and Ro), in part found opening up now freshly to his mind. The
style and inner evidence of the writing, combined with a fair view of the
errors attacked and the doctrine adduced, serve — in the absence of many
historical traits — to indicate that the letter is a genuine product of the
apostle.3 It is intended to stamp as authentic and exhibit as final the
gospel which the Colossians had learned from his pupil, Epaphras.
1 Dr. Fairbairn (Christ in Mod. Theol. pp. 318-320) puts this with characteristic
terseness : ' ' Christ occupies not simply a historical, but a cosmical place. ... At
the touch of evil the cosmology becomes a soteriology ; for when sin enters the world,
the Creator, who is good, has uo choice but to become the Saviour. . . . The cate
gories of time and history have thus ceased to be here applicable ; sin is no longer an
affair of man or earth, but of the universe. Tbe conflict against it is extra-temporal ;
its field is the whole realm of mental being, the protagonists God and the devil." Cp.
Knowling, Witness of Epistles, pp. 256-290.
2 He may have become acquaiuted with tbe current terminology of the Greek
mysteries in Rome, even if be had not some previous knowledge of them. Cp. the
essay in Lightfoot's edition, pp. 71-111, on "The Colossian heresy." The exact
features of tbe theosophy at Colosse are difficult to make out, and have been
variously interpreted. It is clear that they were not "Gnostic," in the later and
technical sense of tbe term ; possibly they were syncretistic, a local blend of
polytheism, mysticism, and theosophy.
3 For the reality and limits of the advance in Paulinism which marks off the
letters after "Romans," cp. Weiss, NTTh, ii. pp. 75-124, and Zahn, Einl. i. p.
347 f. , particularly the latter, who harmonises the conceptions of the earlier and later
Paulinism without straining exegesis unduly. 214

COLOSSIANS 215
Up to a comparatively recent period, the epistle was upon the whole
assigned to the second century (110-130 a.d.) by most critics, from
Mayerhoff downwards, partly owing to the supposed development of the
Christology, but mainly on account of its references to what were con
sidered fairly mature forms of Gnosticism. Baur especially (Paul, ii.
1-44), followed by the majority of his school,1 found the atmosphere of the
writing not earlier than this period, and Weizsacker (AA, ii. pp. 240-245)
still holds a similar view ; he regards " Colossians " as a product, along
with the fourth gospel, of the Ephesian school which developed Paulinism
to counteract the contemporary tendencies of encratitic thought. So
Briickner, Chron. pp. 41-56, 257-276. Yet this rigorous verdict has to
be modified. It must be admitted that there are no definite traces of
any great Gnostic system in this writing, nor can there be any reason
for denying that Paulinism in Paul's hands could have embraced
certain semi-metaphysical ideas which are called Alexandrian, or that
the conceptions in Colossians were necessarily foreign to his mind simply
because they had not as yet come to such full expression. The possi
bility of such a speculative advance in the writer's mind becomes of
course considerably greater when Philippians — with its bold development
of Christology — is accepted as genuinely Pauline.
The undoubted basis of Pauline ideas, however, suggested to Holtz
mann his ingenious and complicated interpretation theory (Kritik der
Ephes. u. Kolesserbriefe (1872) ; Einl. pp. 251-267), by which, after Ewald
and in part Hitzig, he endeavoured to distinguish an original and genuine
epistle to the Colossians directed against their legal and ascetic errors.
This was first used by the autor ad Ephesios against a Jewish-Christian
theosophy ; afterwards he turned back and interpolated his earlier
source into our extant " Colossians." Such filigree-criticism has not
proved convincing,2 and has only been accepted with considerable
modifications. It is to be noted that most critics incline to the simpler
conclusion of accepting at least "Colossians" as a genuine and substan
tially Pauline document, a position which is fast becoming axiomatic.3
This recognition of the authenticity and unity of Colossians had
been already advocated by Schenkel (Christusbild d. Apostel, pp. 83-86),
Weiss (INT, i. pp. 323-338, AJT, i. 371-377), Reuss (pp. 110-119),
J. Koster (De Echtheid van de brieven aan de Kolossers en de Ephesiers,
1877), Renan (S. Paul, pp. ix-xii), Lightfoot, Beyschlag, Godet, Salmon,
and Hort4 (Jud. Christianity, p. 116 f.), besides the brilliant studies
1 Cp. especially Pfleiderer, Paulinism, ii. pp. 95-119; Urc. p. 670 f., who admits,
however, the possibility of a Pauline nucleus in the letter ; also, from a slightly
different standpoint, Schmiedel, EWK, ii. 38, article "Kolosseru. Epheser" (1886),
p. 138 f. , who takes the heresy to be a form of Ebionitism with Gnostic tendencies ; and
Cone, Gospel and its Interpretations, pp. 249-260.
2 Cp. von Soden's examiuation: JpTh (1885), pp. 320-368. The parallels are
reprinted by Haupt (-Meyer), Einl. pp. 27, 28, 79-81.
3 Possibly the stylistic difficulties might be eased, were it a feasible conjecture
here, as in the case of 2 Thess., that Timothy's share in the epistle was something
more than merely nominal. Cp. Renan, L' Antichrist, chap. iv.
4 Hort and McGiffert, however, reject the ordinary hypothesis of Essene influence.
A connection with some popular Greek ethical philosophy the former regards as
undeniably possible ; but be considers the Colossian heresy to be essentially a Judaic
development and extension to which a specious quasi-Hellenic varnish of "philosophy "
was given in order to disarm Western prejudice. More simply and satisfactorily,
McGiffert, like Schenkel, von Soden, and Erbes (Offenbar. Joh. p. 135 f.) prefers to
believe that the errorists were under tbe influence of Alexandrian rather than
Palestinian Judaism. Tbe term ftunfm was applied by Philo and Josephus to Jewish

216 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of Sabatier (Paul, pp. 229-234) and Klbpper (Der Brief an die Kolosser,
1882). "^Recently the support has become even more extensive. Among
others, the Pauline authorship is accepted by L. Schultze (Handbuch der
theolog. Wissenschaften, Band. i. Abth. 2, pp. 91-95), Schafer (Einl. pp.
132-136), Oltramare (Gommentaire sur les e'pitres de S. Paul aux Col.
Ephes. (1891), vol. i. pp. 66-91), Clemen, Harnack, Jiilicher (Einl. pp.
89-91 ; EBi, i. 860f.), Blass (Acta Apost. prolegomena, p. 1), McGiffert
(AA, pp. 266-374), E. H. Hall (Papias (1899), pp. 283-286), Bartlet
(AA, p. 186f.), T. K. Abbott (ICG. pp. 1-lix), Adeney, BI, pp. 389-391,
Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 347-368), and with exceptional ability by Haupt
(-Meyer) * and von Soden (JpTh (1885), pp. 320 f., 497 f., 672 f.; HC, iii. 1,
pp. 1-18).
The determining factor in this recognition of Colossians as' an
authentic work of Paul 2 has been the recognition of Gnosticism in its
pre-Christian sources, Persian, Phrygian, and Philonic. Investigation
into theosophic ideas early in the first century has revealed symptoms
and developments of what is called at a later period "Gnosticism" (cp.
Kriiger, RTK, vi. pp. 728-734). The Essenes, especially, represent
aptitudes which can be taken as precursors of the tendencies 3 combated
in Colossians ; in fact, the widely diffused and popular forms of
theosophy among Jewish (Ac 1913) communities give a religious climate
for the seventh decade of the century, amply sufficient to explain the
ideas and language i of this epistle. Gnosticism was the word originally
for an atmosphere rather than for a theory. It stood for a syncretism,
a mental temper whose incipient and elementary forms can be detected in
various quarters during the earlier half of the first-century.5 Indeed, at
theology. It would connote any transcendental theory of God and the world,
especially among Jewish Christians. With the appeal to human traditions and the
significance attached to questions of food (Col 2=Ro 14), Paul was already familiar.
i Haupt is dissatisfied with both tbe Essene and the Alexandrian theories of the
Colossian heresy. He prefers to regard it as a phase of contemporary Judaism,
which in tbe Phrygian atmosphere of theosophy and mystic cults attempted to erect a
religious system by means of angel-worship and asceticism, with the aid of oral teaching
imparted to the initiated. Julicber again is unable to detect any specifically Jewish
element at all in the Colossian heresy.
2 Evidently Epapbras and the other teachers at Colosse were unable to cope with
the ramifications of the local theosophy. The predominance of abstract teaching in
Paul's letter over personal references is natural when it is remembered (i.) that
the readers were not directly converts of Paul, and (ii.) that tbe letter was to he
supplemented by Tychicus' (i7) oral information upon the writer's situation and
prospects. 3 Grammatical usage and the inherent probabilities of the case are, upon the
whole, against the suggestion that the term ^niii; (218 etc.) and the use of the singular
denote a person — some teacher of marked influence and authority as in the case of the
Galatians (Gal 3i 57- 9). The reference seems purposely vague and general. Had Paul
heard of some particular individual, his treatment would in all likelihood have been
of a different character.
4 On tbe novelties of style and vocabulary, cp. especially Haupt's serviceable
analysis (-Meyer, pp. 27-32). As he points out, most of the peculiarities— the
occurrence of strange expressions, and the absence of distinctively Pauline terms— are
to be found in the first half of the epistle. Both Haupt and von Soden agree that
" Colossians " is an example of the truth that tbe style is not always the man ; it is
frequently to be explained by bis mode and circumstances at the time of writing.
Paul's "theology as a whole uever became fully rounded and complete in such »
sense as to exclude fresh points of views or new expressions " (Jiilicher).
5 Cp. besides the candid and final discussion in Klopper, op. cit. pp. 58-119,
Sanday, Smith's Diet. B. (1893), i. pp. 624-631, and Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 310-368.
After making allowance for some exaggerations (with Schiirer, ThLz (1899), 167 -¦)>

COLOSSIANS 217
any time after 40 a.d., early Christianity was upon the edge of those
tendencies which came afterwards to be named " Gnosticism." A dis
cussion such as that presented in " Colossians " is unprecedented, so far
as regards Paulinism, but it is a long way from being historically a
prolepsis.one must also admit that Friedlander has proved the existence of an incipient pre-
Christian Gnosticism in some form or other within Judaism (Der vorchristliche
Judische Gnosticismus, 1898). Holtzmann is in agreement with the main points of
this theory (NTTh, i. pp. 476-486, "Die Gnosis im NT"), but he still adheres
substantially to tbe rather mechanical hypothesis already noted (ibid. ii. pp. 225-258),
which has recently been favoured in a tentative way by J. Weiss (ThLz, 1900, pp.
553-556). The latter critic rejects Ephesians ... toto, but accepts Colossians as an
interpolated production of the apostle ; e.g. passages like l23 (ou c.z--_-«t! . . . ^_>«),
21 (»«! '(.trot . . . irotpxi), 2" («.t_;»), etc., are insertions made by an editor who wrote at
the time when the Pauline epistles were being collected and used for catholic ends.
It must be admitted that such changes in the text of a letter like this were not
improbable in the second century, especially as scribes bad always the temptation
of conforming Colossians to Ephesians. But I do not think it likely that auy glosses
which may be detected in Colossians were due to the author of Ephesians (when that
writing is taken as sub-Pauline), or that they affect tbe Pauline authorship and
primitive Gnosticism of the former epistle, whose coefficients of age and situation
are best supplied by the seventh-decade date and the impact of Asiatic theosophy
upon the apostle's mind.

Historically, the epistle to the Colossians is of great interest. It shows
how during his imprisonment Paul was actually regarded as an authority in
wide circles, even in circles to which he was not personally related ; and how
for his own part he had no hesitation in considering that the sphere of his
mission embraced offshoots of those churches which he had planted himself.
It shows how varied were the forms in which the ideals of Jewish Christianity
embodied themselves ; how in Paul's case the divergences of practical religion
led to the development of dogmatic conceptions ; and how, with that in view,
the apostle turned the Jewish doctrine of the Messiah to account, presupposing
along with it the Jewish cosmology. Finally the epistle gives us the first
sketch of Christian ethics as applied to the various elementary forms of social
life. — von Soden.

I1"2 Greeting; :
l1"12 Thanksgiving and Prayer
for the progress
and advance of Colossians in God's knowledge
and service, through
l13-34 Dogmatic: Christ the redeemer.
I15"17 Christ the head of the creation,
li3"23 the Church— the experience of
the Colossians.
123-2D Paul the apostle of this gospel — his anxiety
for them.
need of adherence to Christ and the faith in spite of a new
and false jihilosophy :
2n"iD a statement of the life after Christ : spiritual and supreme.
21G-34 , , , , , , the o-Toixela : ritual observances
and angel-worship.
the free and risen life in communion with
Christ.
35-4G Ethical : individual ethics — negative : against pagan vices.
positive : call to the morality of Christ.
social ethics — wives and husbands,
children and fathers,
slaves and masters.
general.
47"17 Personal : the coming of Tychicus and Onesimus.
greetings.
418 Farewell.

21s

COLOSSIANS
1 1 Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus through the will of God, and Timotheus
the brother,
2 to the saints and faithful brothers in Christ, who are at Colossae :
grace to you and peace from God our Father.
3 We always give thanks to God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ
4 for you in our prayers, since we heard of your faith in Christ Jesus and
5 of the love that you have for all the saints, owing to the hope which is
laid up for you in the heavens — of which you have already heard in the
6 word of the truth of the gospel, which has reached you even as it covers
all the world, with fruit and growth ; so is it also among yourselves
from the day that you learned and fully knew the grace of God in truth,
7 even as you were taught it by Epaphras, our beloved fellow-slave, who
8 is a faithful minister of Christ for you,1 who has also given us the news
9 of your love in the Spirit. For this reason, from the day that we heard of
it, we also have not ceased to pray for you and ask that you may be filled
with the full knowledge of his will in all spiritual wisdom and intelli-
: 10 gence, to walk in a manner worthy of the Lord, so as to please him in every
way, by bearing fruit and growing in all good conduct through the full
. 11 knowledge of God ; as you are strengthened with all power, through the
12 might of his majesty, for all endurance and longsuffering, giving thanks
with joy to the Father who has qualified you to have part in the lot of
13 the saints in light, who has rescued us from the power of darkness and
14 removed us into the realm of the Son of his love — in whom we have
~ 15 the redemption, the remission of sins ; who is the image of the invisible
¦- God, the firstborn of all creation,
16 Since in him all things were created in the heavens and on the earth,
Things visible and things invisible,
Be it thrones or lordships or principalities or powers :
All things have been created through him and for him,
17 Before all things he is, in him all things cohere.
18 He is also the head of the body, of the Community, in that he is the
; beginning, the firstborn from the dead ; that he might come to hold the
19 first place among all. For it was the good pleasure of the Fulness to
20 dwell in him, and through him to reconcile all things to himself by
making peace through the blood of his cross — 2 be it the things on the
21 earth or the things in the heavens. And as for you, aliens as once you
were and of hostile intent amid your evil deeds, yet he has reconciled
22 you now in the body of his flesh by means of his death, to present you holy
23 and faultless and irreproachable before him — that is, if you continue in
the faith, founded and firm and unmoved from the hope of the gospel
which you have heard, which has been preached in all creation under the
sky, of which I Paul was made a minister.
i Reading 6/j.Hy. 2 Omitting [[ii «_t__]].
219

220 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l24-?23
24 Now I rejoice in my sufferings for your sake. Yea, so far as Christian
distresses in my flesh are incomplete, I would on my part supply the
25 deficiency for the sake of his bod}r, that is, the Community ; of which I
was made a minister according to the stewardship of God given to me for
26 you, that I should fully preach the word of God, the secret which has
been hidden from the ages and from the generations — but now it has
27 been disclosed to his saints, to whom God willed to display what are the
riches of the majesty of this secret among the Gentiles ; it is "Christ
28 among you ! the hope of majesty ! " Him we proclaim, admonishing
every man and teaching every man with all wisdom, that we may
29 present every man perfect in Christ ; an end for which also I labour
and wrestle keenly in virtue of his force which is powerfully at work
in me.
2 1 For I would have you know how keen is my concern on your behalf
and on behalf of those in Laodicea and all who have not seen my face in
2 the flesh, that their hearts may be encouraged, as they themselves are
knit in love together and brought to all riches of intelligent assur-
3 ance, to the full knowledge of that secret of the God of Christ, in which
4 exist all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden. I say this to
5 prevent anyone from deluding you by specious persuasion. For although
absent in the flesh, yet I am with you in the spirit, rejoicing to behold
your orderly array and the solid front of your faith in Christ.
6 As therefore you received the Christ, even Jesus the Lord, walk in
7 him : be fixed, be built up in him, be confirmed in the faith even
8 as you were taught it, abound 1 in thanksgiving. See that there is no
one who makes you his prey by means of his theosophy, which is
a vain deceit after the tradition of men, after the elements of the world
9 and not after Christ. For it is in him that all the fulness of the Deity
10 dwells bodily, and in him you are made full, who is the head of every
11 principality and power ; in whom also you were circumcised with a
circumcision which no hands made, as you stripped off your fleshly body
12 in the circumcision of Christ, when you wTere buried with him in that
baptism in which you were also raised with him, through your faith in
13 the force of God who raised him from the dead. And as for you, dead as
you were with the trespasses and the uncircumcision of your flesh, he
14 made you live together with him by forgiving us all our trespasses, can
celling the contract consisting of statutes, which stood against us2 — he
15 put that away, when he hung it as a trophy on the cros=, when he stripped
the principalities and powers and exposed them openly, triumphing there-
16 in over them. Let no one take you to task, then, for eating
17 or drinking, or in the matter of festival or new-moon or Sabbath. These
are merely the shadow of what is to be, whereas the substance belongs to
18 Christ. Let no one disparage you with his devotion to so-called hiuuility
and to angel-worship, speculating in airy nothings,3 puffed up in vain by
19 the mind of his fle^h, and discarding the Head from whom all the body
through its joints and ligaments is supplied and knit together and grows
with growth divine.
20 If you died with Christ from the elements of the world, why be
21 subject to statutes as though you still were living in the world, ("Handle
22 not, touch not, taste not ! " — things that are all destined to perish by
23 use !) after human precepts and doctrines ? — Such like things have indeed
a reputation for wisdom, with their self-imposed worship and so-called
1 Omitting [[.'» «. if]]. 2 Omitting % h _t.>mt<» iu.',,.
3 Reading L-^ot vaj'c-;«) xivip.$a.Tiitiuv.

S1-^] COLOSSIANS 221
humility and severe treatment of the body ; but they are not of the
slightest value in checking fleshly indulgence.
3 1 If then you were raised with Christ, seek what is above,
Where Christ is, seated at the right hand of God :
2 Set your mind upon what is above, not upon what is on the earth ;
3 For you died, and your life lies hidden with Christ in God.
4 When Christ — who is your 1 life — is disclosed,
Then shall you also be disclosed with him in majesty.
5 Put then to death the members that are on the earth : fornication,
6 impurity, appetite, evil desire, and covetousness — which is idolatry. It
7 is for these things that the wrath of God comes. In them at one time
8 you also walked, when you lived in them. But now do you also put
them all away : anger, passion, malice,' slander, foul talk from your mouth ;
9 lie not to one another — seeing that you stripped off the old man with
10 bis doings and put on the new man, who is ever being renewed to full
11 knowledge after the image of his creator; where there is no place for
Greek and Jew, circumcision and uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian,
12 slave, freeman, but Christ is all and in all. Put on therefore, as God's
chosen, holy and beloved, a disposition of tender mercy, kindness, humil-
13 ity, gentleness, longsuffering. Bear with one another and forgive each
other, if any person has a complaint against any one else ; even as the
14 Lord also forgave you, so too do you forgive. Over and above all this
15 put on love, for love is the bond that makes perfection. And let the
peace of Christ rule undisputed in your hearts ; for to this you were also
16 called in one body. And show thankfulness. Let the word of Christ
dwell richly in your midst : teaching and admonishing each other with
all wisdom in spiritual psalms and hymns and songs, singing with grace
17 in your hearts to God. And whatsoever you do, in word or deed, do all
in the name of the Lord Jesus, giving thanks through him to God the
Father.
18 Wives, be subject to your husbands, as is your duty in the Lord.
.20 Husbands, love your wives and be not harsh to them. Children,
obey your parents in every point, for this is well-pleasing in the Lord.
,21 Fathers, avoid irritating your children, that they may not be
22 dispirited. Slaves, obey those wdio are your masters after the flesh
in every point ; not with eyeservice, like those who court human favour, but
,23 with singleness of heart in the fear of the Lord. Whatever you do, work
.24 at it right heartily, as for the Lord and not for men ; since you know you
p shall receive from the Lord in full return tbe inheritance that is your due.
p25 Serve Christ the master ; for the wicked shall be paid back for his wicked-
' 1 ness, and there is no respect of persons. Masters, provide your
slaves with what is just and fair, since you know you also have a master in
2 heaven. Give yourselves to prayer, be diligent therein with thanks-
', 3 giving. At the same time pray too for us, that God may open us a door
. for the word, so that we can declare the secret of the Christ (for which
., 4 also I am in bonds) — that I may disclose it as I should declare it.
[ 5 Walk wisely with regard to those outside, making the very most of your
' 6 time. Let your speech always be profitable, seasoned with wholesome-
t ness ; know how you should answer each person.
.7 You. will be informed of all by Tychicus, the beloved brother and
|; 8 faithful minister and fellow-slave in the Lord. I am sending him to you
i. for this very purpose, that you may know how we are, and that he may
j 9 encourage your hearts. He is accompanied by Onesimus, the faithful
i Reading !//*£*.

222 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [410-18
and beloved brother, who is one of yourselves. They shall inform you of
all that goes on here.
10 Aristarchus, my fellow-prisoner, salutes you : so does Mark, the
cousin of Barnabas, about whom you received injunctions (if he comes to
11 you, welcome him), so does Jesus, who is called Justus — men who
belonged to the Circumcision. These are my sole fellow-workers for the
12 reign of God, men who have proved a comfort to me. Epaphras, one of
yourselves, salutes you ; a slave of Christ Jesus, he is always wrestling
keenly for you in his prayers, that you may stand perfect and fully
13 convinced in all the will of God. I bear him witness, he toils hard for
14 you and for those in Laodicea and for those in Hierapolis. Luke, the
15 beloved physician, salutes you, so does Demas. Salute the brothers in
16 Laodicea, also Nymphas : and the Community at her 2 house. Further,
when the letter has been read among you, see that it is read in the Com
munity of the Laodiceans as well, and that you also read the letter from
17 Laodicea. Also, tell Archippus: "Attend to the ministry thou hast
received in the Lord ; see and fulfil it."
18 The salutation is by the hand of me, Paul. Remember my imprison
ment. Grace be with you.
1 Reading Nu^a*. - Reading «c.t. s.

PAUL TO PHILEMON

The letter only contains a few friendly lines ; but they are so full of grace
and wit, of earnest, trustful affection, that this short epistle shines among the
rich treasures of the NT as a pearl of exquisite fineness. Never has there
been a better fulfilment of the precept given by Paul himself at the close of his
letter to the Colossians : 6 Xbyos v^iCov iravrore iv xd/.m, _£Xart rjprv^ivos,
eldevcu 7rus Set bfias evl etchcry arroKplveadai (chap. iv. 6). This epistle is not
merely a revelation ofthe apostle's heart ; it becomes further, through its moral
significance, an invaluable document ofthe Pauline ethics.' — Sabatier.

1-3 Greeting.
4-7 Gratitude for Philemon's character and service.
8-21 Request and appeal on behalf of the slave Onesimus.
22-25 Personal.Farewell.

__3

PAUL TO PHILEMON
1 Paul, a prisoner of Christ Jesus, and Timotheus the brother,
to Philemon our beloved and our fellow- worker, and to Apphia the
2 sister, and to Archippus our fellow-soldier, and to the Community
at thy house :
3 grace to j'ou and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ.
4 I always give thanks to my God when I make mention of thee in my
5 prayers — as I hear of thy love and of the faith that thou hast to the Lord
6 Jesus and for all the saints — praying that to participate in thy faith may
result for them in a full knowledge of all the goodness we possess, Christ-
7 ward. I had great joy and comfort over tlry love, because the hearts of the
8 saints have been refreshed through thee, brother. Therefore, while
9 in Christ I would have great confidence in ordering thee to do what is thy
duty, yet I prefer to appeal to thee for love's sake. Being of this mind then,
1 0 I Paul, an old man, aye and a prisoner of Christ Jesus now — I appeal to thee
for my child whom I have begotten in my imprisonment, for Onesimus ;
11 at one time he was of no service to thee, but he is serviceable now to thee
12, 13 and to myself. I send him back to thee (he is my very heart): I would
have liked to keep him beside me, to minister on thy behalf to me as I lie
14 imprisoned for the gospel ; but I was unwilling to do anything without
thy consent, in order that thy kindness might not be given by way of
15 compulsion but from thine own free will. For perhaps it was on this
account that he was parted from thee for a time, that thou shouldest have
16 him back for ever — no longer as a slave but as something more than a
slave, as a brother, beloved by me most of all, but how much more by
17 thee, in the flesh also as well as in the Lord. If thou considerest me then
18 to be a comrade of thine, take him home as if it were myself. And if he has
wronged thee at all or owes thee anything, put that down to my account.
19 I write it, I Paul, with my own hand : " I will repay it" — not to remind
20 thee, that thou owest me thy very self besides. Yes, brother ! let me
have some return from thee in the Lord ! Refresh my heart in Christ.
21 I write thee in the confidence that thou wilt obey, knowing that thou
22 wilt do even more than what I say. At the same time, get ready a lodging
for me also ; for I am hoping that through your prayers I shall be restore-!
to you.
23, 24 Epaphras my fellow-prisoner in Christ Jesus salutes thee ; so do
Mark, Aristarchus, Demas, Luke, my fellow- workers.
25 The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit.

EPHESIANS
Upon the dubious hypothesis that this encyclical letter is genuine, its period
is easily fixed. The undoubted connection of its thought with that of the
Colossian epistle argues a contemporary origin during the latter period of
Paul's imprisonment (31 41) at Rome (Phil 422). While the question of
the relative priority is not of much moment, it is better, with a majority of
critics (especially after Honig's proof : ZwTh, 1872, p. 63 f.), to place the
Colossian epistle at a slightly earlier date, finding in the Ephesian letter
traces of development upon several lines of thought (e.g. the Spirit and the
church). Practically — upon arguments, forcible if few — the epistle is
reckoned contemporaneous with and if anything subsequent to Colos
sians : so Weiss (INT, i. pp. 339-358 ; AJT, i. pp. 377-384), Sabatier
(op. cit. p. 225 f., a very convincing discussion), Reuss (pp. 110-119),
Godet (INT, pp. 475-490), Salmon (INT, p. 388 f.), and Prof. G. G.
Findlay (Expositor's Bible, "Ephesians," pp. 3-13). Similarly Schafer,
E. H. Hall, L. Schultze, Hort ("Romans and Ephesians," 1895), T. K.
Abbott (ICC, pp. ix-xxii), Adeney (BI, pp. 395-398), McGiffert (pp. 378-
385), Macpherson (Comm. Ephesians, 1892), and Bartlet (AA, 189 f.).
Up till recently the best criticism had placed the epistle in the
second century, as a polemic against Montanism (Schwegler) or Gnosti
cism, to be dated either c. 140 a.d. as a remodelled and expanded version
of Colossians (Hilgenfeld and Hausrath), or towards the beginning of the
second century as the original work of a Pauline scholar (Holtzmann and
Mangold). The latter theory suggests a comparison between the so-called
"Ephesian" epistle and the seventh book of the Nikomachean Ethics;
neither is original, but both are so permeated by the Master's spirit and
ideas as to be practically authentic for the purposes of interpretation. This
date, towards the close of the first or in the opening of the second
century, is held by many excellent scholars who find the leading evidence
for a non-Pauline period in the apparently maturer phase (Pfleiderer,
Paulinism, ii. pp. 162-193 ; Weizsacker, A A, ii. pp. 240-245) of the
theology, which approximates in many striking respects to that of the
fourth gospel, and with it may be said to form the summit of NT
theology. This line of argument from the epistle's place in the develop
ment of thought and life (cp. passages like 35 411 220) is really crucial
(Holtzmann, Kritik. p. 200 f.). The epistle itself gives few hints of
its historical setting or even of local colouring, and alongside of what
seem absolute novelties in thought and language lie specifically Pauline
elements. Consequently, while the extreme period (120-150 a.d.) has
been practically abandoned, save by a few critics like Hausrath, S.
Davidson (INT, ii. pp. 261-300), Rovers (Nieuw-test. Letterkunde, 1888,
pp. 65 f. : Col., Philem., Ephes. in beginning of Hadrian's reign), Bruckner
(Chron. pp. 257-276), and Pfleiderer (Urc. p. 684 f.), a date ranging
from 80 to 100 is adopted by many (e.g. Holtzmann, Hatch, Schmiedel,
and Mangold). This is confirmed by the resemblances between Ephes. and
r5

226 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
the Apocalypse and Clem. Rom. (cp. on these, Hort, RE, p. 112 ; von
Soden, HG, in. i. p. 80). The characteristics of the epistle on this view
can be approached along one or other of two hypotheses : —
(a) The secretary-theory, Renan's suggestion,1 that the letter was
written by one of Paul's scholars during his lifetime, and under his
supervision, is at least possible. Extend this beyond his lifetime to the
case of a follower reproducing Paul's ideas in view of later interests
within the church, and one secures a very reasonable ground for dating
the epistle towards the end of the century, and at the same time pre
serving and doing justice to the distinctively Pauline elements upon which
stress has been recently and rightly laid (cp. von Soden, JpTh, 1887, pp.
103-135, 432-498 ; HG, in. i. p. 79-104). In this case the letter would
be composed of reminiscences and traits gathered by a disciple of Paul's,
and fused into a more advanced exposition. Thus Klopper (Der Brief an
die Epheser) attributes tbe writing to a disciple of the Pauline school who
wrote two or three decades after his master's death. Certainly it presents
some very striking affinities with tbe literature of 75-105 a.d., e.g. the
development of hymnody (514- 19 320, cp. Lk 1-2), the emphasis on the
" catholicity " of the church for Jew and pagan, the stress laid on detailed
moral obligations, also the remarkable coincidences of thought with the
fourth gospel, and of style with Lk-Acts. Such a position explains, as
aptly as the earlier date, the use of Romans and the dependence upon
Colossians, while it does ample justice to the Johannine features which
otherwise appear c. 60 a.d., as — to say the least — very notable anticipa
tions. In this event, the epistle is pseudonymous. It was composed 2 in
view of current libertinism, church divisions, and theoretical errors of
Alexandrian colour, in order to counteract such tendencies by a restate
ment of the true Pauline faith. Possibly, too, the errors were actually
due (as in James and 1 John) to abuses or misconceptions of some original
Pauline doctrines.
Even if one refuses the highly probable conjecture that dy.o.. is a
gloss, the crucial difficulty raised by the apparently objective and
collective references to " apostles " (220 35) — assuming the text to be
uncorrupted — is partly eased by passages like 1 Co 95 1228, and Ro 167.
For all that can be said in defence of the various soteriological and
cosmical " novelties," cp. Zahn, Einl. i. p. 355 f., and Haupt's satisfying
commentary ad loc. That these form a natural development of Paulinism
is undeniable. The only question is whether they are " natural " within
i " Que Paul ait ecrit ou dicte cette lettre, il est a peu pr . s impossible de 1'admettre ;
mais qu'on l'ait composee de son vivant, sous ses yeux, en son nom, c'est ce qu'on
ne saurait declarer improbable " (S. Paid, p. xx). He follows Schleieraacher's
suggestion of Tycbicus.
a"Die Interessen des Briefs baben zwei Pole, die vollige Verscbmelzung von
geboren Juden und Heidenin der Cbristenbeit zu einer gescblossenenGemeinschaf'tund
die Erfassung des grossen kosmischen Ziels des Christenthums. In der mitte ste.it
beide verbindend der Begriff der ixxXvur'.a " (von Soden). The really vital problem
in regard to " Ephesians " is the question whether this theology is compatible with
what we know of Pauline ideas from tbe other epistles. An affirmative answer has
been made easier but not inevitable by the admission that Colossians is authentic.
Upon the other hand, the later date and tbe pseudonymity which it involves are
brought into clearer relief than ever when attention is directed (as by vou Soden) h>
tbe affinities of the writing with tbe Apocalypse — its use of the bridal metaphor, it-
stress on the apostolic foundation and kiroxixv^i; (li7 33- 6), and the subsequent treat
ment of church-questions (Pastorals, Hennas) in epistolary form (Apoc 2-3). Besides,
the Gentile is the predominant partner in the church to an extent unprecedented in
tbe earlier literature. Cp. Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 254-267, NTTh, ii, pp. 254-258.

EPHESIANS 227
the limits of the apostle's lifetime. Hesitation upon this point does
not at all imply that Paul lacked constructive and broad ideas of the
Christian brotherhood, nor does it involve any theory that binds the
apostle to "one limited and carefully catalogued repertory of ideas."
He may well have been a fresh and advancing thinker, and yet incapable
of having written this epistle, which is so strangely silent upon, e.g., the
cardinal Pauline ideas of Christ's death, second coming, and relation to the
individual Christian, while it approximates remarkably to the Christology
of "Hebrews" and the fourth gospel (Christ = the unifying principle for
the universe, and for the contradictions of Jew and Gentile, the Johannine
use of ayair-n in Ephesians, the antithesis of <£_._• and o-kotos, etc.), in the 17th
chapter of which "almost every verse offers a parallel to this epistle"
(Lock). (b) Otherwise, and on the same line, there is the more artificial
structure-hypothesis — either in Holtzmann's or in a modified present
ment — which explains the Pauline characteristics here, as in the pastoral
epistles, chiefly by the theory of interpolation or compilation.1 Originally
taken in part from the Colossian epistle, these genuine fragments may
have formed the nucleus of, or have been worked up into, an extant
epistle (vide Mangold-Bleek, p. 602). But this is needless in view of (a),
and inherently stiff (cp. especially Oltramare's ed. p. 113 !'.).
The recent admission of Colossians as authentic has however helped
to make a seventh decade date in the first century intrinsically more
probable. That both epistles were written together has often been made
a commonplace of criticism, though perhaps this is too hastily assumed.
Still a similarity of situation is obvious, and the estimate of one certainly
touches the estimate of the other (vide Sabatier, op. cit. pp. 229-234).
"They were in all probability," says Weizsacker, "written not in
succession but together ; . . . they were meant to supplement each other,
and were composed with that object on one complete plan. Both there
fore start from the same ideas, the same doctrine" (AA, ii. p. 245). The
result is that if the " Gnosticism " which explains Colossians is to be
discovered in the middle of the first century throughout Asia Minor, it
would require more serious and detailed proof than has yet been led to bring
the twin-epistle — in spite of its independent elements and characteristic
standpoint — down to the second or even to the close of the first century.
This theory of simultaneous origin, however, does not necessarily follow
from the similarities of the epistles, as Ephesians 2 might well be a later
restatement of the earlier writing. Still it seems to be widely felt as a
possible hypothesis, e.g. by Oltramare (ii. pp. 5-104, a copious statement),
Trenkle (Einl. 69-72), Jiilicher, and Harnack ; neither of the latter will
dogmatise against or for the authenticity of " Ephesians," although the
vast majority of modern scholars agree in making it sub-Pauline. Most
recently Zahn s (Einl. i. pp. 347-362) has accepted the epistle as literally
genuine, the copy of a circular letter to the Asiatic churches. Dr. A.
Robertson (Smith's Diet. B? i. pp. 947-964) has an excellent discussion
1 Cp. besides von Soden, Schmiedel, EWK, ii. 38, pp. 138-144.
2 One of the most difficult passages (Eph 514) has been made the subject of a
special study by M. W. Jacobus (ThSt, pp. 9-29). If his elaborate arguments are
correct, the citation is perfectly Pauline in method and object : it is a free spiritual-
isation of Jonah l6, as a reproof of evil (_n=»«Ui»).
3 Who is much more successful in exposing the weak points of the later date, than
in presenting a positive statement of the earlier.

228 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
and defence of the letter : and the Pauline authorship is upheld by
Lock, DB, i. pp. 714-718.
The crucial point lies in the evident advance of Ephesians upon the
theology of Colossians, especially in the conceptions of the church and the
person of Christ : it is a fair question whether this advance (which,
however, is rather a matter of emphasis than a speculative reality) is
more natural as the work of Paul himself than as the reproduction and
application of his ideas in a somewhat expanded form by some Jewish-
Christian Paulinist towards the end of the first century. In the former
case, the simplest explanation would be that the one epistle — as even
Coleridge detected, though he reversed the true relationship — is "the
overflowing, as it were, of St. Paul's mind upon the same subject."
Written after the cognate epistle to the Colossians, Ephesians contains
expressions 1 and conceptions which have either percolated into the writer's
mind during the interval, or remained over from the previous writing.
These are now reproduced, in combination with others which have been
already developed. Hence the resemblances and the differences of the
two letters. The former 2 are upon the whole undesigned ; the latter 3
are not much more than what might have been expected from an author
who was engaged in composing a letter spontaneously for a fresh circle of
readers, and felt himself free from mechanical anxiety about avoidini;;
the repetition of anything he had just written to the church at Colosse
(Hort, Bom. Eph., p.'l62f. ; Oltramare, i. pp. 30-37, ii. pp. 113-154).
In this event, the situation of Paul at Rome would explain the
emphasis upon the unity and brotherhood of Jew and pagan within the
church (note the numerous compounds with o-vv-), while his " intellectual-
ism " or preoccupation with the more speculative and mystical aspects of
Christology would be intelligible in connection with the features of the
Asiatic Christianity as revealed, e.g. in Colossians (see a popular state
ment of this in Gore's Ephesians, pp. 20-34 ; after Hort, op. cit. p. 126 f .).
" Les idees du fondateur de la theologie chretienne y sont arrivees au
plus haut degre d'epnration. On sent ce dernier travail de spiritualisa-
tion que les grands ames pres de s' eteindre font subir a leur pensee et
au dela duquel il n'y a plus que la mort " (Renan).
i Tbe exceptional difficulties raised by tbe style and language of the epistle
cannot be ignored. But even after full allowance has been made for them, the
verdict must be that they neither prove nor disprove tbe Pauline authorship — that
is to say, when Colossians is accepted as authentic. Zahn's analysis of the linguistic
phenomena (Einl. i. pp. 363-3fi8) is beyond all praise, but its result is merely to
leave the problem upon this point open. Especially in the earlier chapters the
style is oracular to the verge of unwieldiness, and massive to the point of cumbrous-
ness, in a manner hitherto unexampled iu the Pauline letters. Yet glimpses of the
characteristic Pauline style break through every now and then.
2 These appear in an exaggerated form when the epistles are printed, as in a
modern collection they must be, in juxtaposition, and are apt to produce the
impression of a tasteless and slavish repetition, rather lacking in originality. But
it has to be remembered (a) that the readers of the one letter were never intended
to see the other, and (b) that Paul did not write in view of literary criticism and its
standards. His predominant interest in the practical work to be achieved by his
letters, together with the psychological situation above-noted, are conceivably
sufficient to explain Col-Eph.
3 Such as tbe preoccupation in Ephesians with the fresh ideas of the Spirit,
baptism, the relation of Christ to the church rather than to tbe universe, the
continuity and unity of tbe church — implying a retrospect of considerable width,—
the absence of personal and controversial details. Yet see one or two points iu
Meritan's exposition, Revue Biblique (1898), pp. 343-369, of " l'ecclesiologie de
l'epitre aux Ephesiens " ; Oltramare throughout is fair and thorough, as usual.

EPHESIANS 229
Upon the whole, however, the question may be not unfairly said to
remain open in the present state of criticism. Conclusions meanwhile,
in favour of its authenticity, can hardly fail to be tentative on the score
either of the literary connections, or of the style, or of the speculative
developments1 in the theology of the writing. No argument, I confess,
seems totally decisive, and it is with less confidence and less agreement
of scholars than in the case of almost any other NT document, that
Ephesians has been reluctantly left in this edition between 60 and
65 a.d. All that can be safely said is that this date is rendered somewhat
more credible when the letter can be placed between Colossians and
Philippians in a group of fairly cognate writings ; more credible still, if
1 Peter can be subsequently dated in the seventh decade as well. Un
fortunately the last-named argument is circular, for 1 Peter in its turn
has a certain dependence in conception and diction upon Ephesians.
Indeed, to determine the relationship and priority of writings such as
these, forms the differential calculus of NT criticism.2
The meagreness (42i 32) of the personal references — apart altogether
from the bad attestation, both in tradition and MSS ( WH, ii. pp. 123, 124)
of iv 'Eoi_o-__ (l1) — forbids the theory that the writing was destined exclus
ively3 for !Ephesus. No letter written with that church in view could
have lacked intimate and affectionate allusions to some of the Ephesian
Christians.4 Unless the writing, therefore, is post-Pauline, the most
plausible alternative is to suppose that it was composed for the Christian
communities of the Lycus vallej', with whom Paul was in communication
through Tychicus and Epaphras. Ephesus, as the chief city of the province,
and subsequently a leading seat of Christianity, either received the letter
first of all (like 1 Cor, 1 Co l2), or else became its final depositor}'.
Either supposition would explain the fact of eV 'E(pia-a> occurring in one
or two MSS. Probably in the original draft a blank was left,5 in order
1 The culmination of Paul's previous teaching (Chrysostom, « ykp /j.-^u^ou ex&'o*
ItpBtylzTo, TauTa. Ivra-uSoo Qio-tv) might possibly be explained by the fact that Paul here
unfolds the ».?.<- (1 Co 2(i), either as the result of bis own growth and experience,
or because he considered the readers of tbe letter were sufficiently mature (nitltt)
to be made depositaries of this higher wisdom (so most recently Hort, Ecclesia,
pp. 138, 139).
2 A similar problem, involving equally delicate questions of literary criticism, is
the relation between 4th Esdras and Apoc. Baruch.
3 Haupt recently disbelieves it was meant for Ephesus at all, as Paul would
never have let an epistle go to that city without some warmer greeting. He con
jectures that the epistle was written for some churches unknown to Paul, but that,
as Tychicus its bearer belonged to Asia (Ac 204), he naturally passed through
Ephesus on bis way, and left there a copy of the letter. This copy became the
source of most of the MSS., owing to the central position and influence of Ephesus, in
whose archives it was preserved. Zahn regards Ephesians as addressed to the col
lective churches of Asia Minor, who were personally unknown to Paul (excluding
Ephesus and Troas), identifying it, like Lightfoot and Adeney, with the Laodicean
epistle (Col 4i«).
4 The absence of greetings corroborates this, for though they are also lacking in
Thessalonians and Galatians, these epistles contain — as Ephesians does not — personal
allusions in the body of their contents. The old theory of Marcion, that our
Ephesians was the Laodicean epistle (Col 4"), was probably a guess thrown out to
solve a riddle which had already, like several other literary questions, become
mysterious to the post-apostolic age. It is just another indication of how early
tradition lost hold of the facts, and how unreliable even the best second-century
information about the early Christian literature may often be.
6 After <™« cum (li) the name of a place must be understood. All other interpret
ations are forced and exaggerated (Oltramare, ii. p. 57 f. ).

230 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
that the name of the church might be filled in. Had the name of any of
the churches originally addressed been inserted by Paul, it is impossible
to see how some trace of it would not have been preserved in one or
other of the MSS. Further, the likelihood that Paul would have adopted
this general method of instruction is increased by the traces (Ro l14,
2 Co ll28) of what may be called, in an honest sense of the word, his
"catholic" interest in the churches, particularly when these happened
to belong to his favourite sphere in Asia Minor.
At the same time this theory cannot be described as perfectly con
vincing. At best it is to be taken as a provisional hypothesis, which, in
the absence of a better gives a coherent explanation of the critical and
literary phenomena in question, when these have to be related to Paul
and to his age.

EPHESIANS
Time and place are indeed by no means unimportant in determining what
is to be written, but they are more in tbe distance than before. Now for the
first time St. Paul is free, as it were, to pour forth his own thoughts in a
positive form, instead of carrying on an argument, and therefore being
hampered by its necessary limitations : and this great change could not but
greatly affect his style. . . . The lofty calm which undeniably does pervade it
may in part be due to the mellowing effect of years, but doubtless much more
to the sense of dangers surmounted, aspirations satisfied, and a vantage-ground
gained for the world-wide harmonious action of the Christian community under
the government of God. But, though the vehement words of the earlier contests
have subsided, many parts of the epistle glow with a steady white heat. . . .
This idea of tbe unity of Christians as forming a single society with Christ for
its invisible Head, which in its different forms dominates the whole epistle,
was the natural outflow of tbe apostle's mind at this time, as determined by
the course of outward and inward history on the basis of his primary faith.
It needed to be set forth for the completion of his gospel. On the other
hand, it was equally needed for the instruction of the no longer infant churches
of Western Asia Minor, in whom the Greek spirit of separateness and inde
pendence was doubtless working with dangerous vigour. — Hort.

I1- z Greeting.
13-u Thanksgiving for the blessing of God's choice (6a, els Itraivov bb^vs rrjs
xdpiros airov) and purpose ill Jesus Christ (12% els
Srra'ivov bb^vs avrov), already experienced through the
Spirit (14c, els Siraivov rrjs bb^vs avrov).
i15-S2i Dogmatic : prayer for knowledge of God's power as exhibited in
l18"23 Christ — his exaltation and authority :
21"10 the individual experience — of forgiveness and renewal :
2U"~ humanity — the common Peace produced through Christ
Jesus for Gentile and Jew.
31"13 Paul, tbe apostle of this gospel —
314"21 his prayer for his readers — the fulness of God's life.
^i_g-o Ethical : a call to Christian unity in the common life of Christ :
417"24 a call to the new life as contrasted with the old :
425-521 maxims and motives :
5w2-69 a code of household ethics : husband and wife,
child and parent,
slave and master.
o10"21 obstacles and aids to Christian virtue.
621- 22 Personal.
623- « Farewell.

231

EPHESIANS
1 1 Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus, through the will of God,
to the saints who are 1 ... to the faithful in Christ Jesus :
2 grace to vou and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ."
3 Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who has
blessed us with every spiritual blessing in the heavenly regions in Christ,
4 since he has chosen us in him before the foundation of the world that we
5 should be holy and faultless before him, by fore-appointing us in love to
6 his sonship through Jesus Christ, in virtue of the pleasure of his will, to
the praise of the majesty of his grace, with which he has highly favoured
7 us in the beloved : in whom we have the redemption through his blood
8 — the remission of trespasses — thanks to the riches of his grace which he
9 has bestowed amply on us in all wisdom and thouglitfulness, by dis
playing to us the secret of his will, in virtue of his design, with which he
10 was pleased to carry out in him a dispensation in the fulness of the times
for the gathering up of all things under one head in the Christ, the
11 things in the heavens and the things on the earth : in him, in whom
also we have had an inheritance allotted us as those who have been fore-
appointed according to the purpose of him who works everything accord-
12 ing to the counsel of his will, that we should be to the praise of his
13 majesty, we who had hoped beforehand in the Christ ; in whom you also,
upon learning the word of the truth, the gospel of your salvation— in
whom you also believed and were sealed with the promised spirit of holi-
14 ness, which is the pledge and instalment of our inheritance, for the
redemption that gives actual possession, to the praise of his majesty.
15 For this reason, on hearing of your faith in the Lord Jesus and your
16 love for all the saints, I also have not ceased to give thanks for you,
17 as I make mention of you in my prayers, praying that the God of our Lord
Jesus Christ — the Father of majesty — may give you a spirit of wisdom
18 and revelation in tbe full knowledge of him : with light for the eyes of
your heart, that you may know what is the hope of his calling, what
19 is the riches of the majesty of his inheritance in the saints, and what is the
surpassing greatness of his power for us who believe, in virtue of the
20 force of the might of his strength which he has wrought in the Christ by
raising him from the dead and seating him at his right hand in the
21 heavenly regions, high above all rule and authority and power and lord
ship and every name named not only in this age but also in that which is
22 to come — and he lias made all things subject under his feet, and given him
23 to the Community as head over all, to the Community which is his
2 1 body, the fulness of him who is filling all in all. And as for you, you
2 were dead with your trespasses and sins, in which at one time you walked
according to the course of the present age, according to the ruler of the
i Omitting [[it 'E?eW]].
232

23-36] EPHESIANS 233
power of the air, of the spirit that is now active among the sons of dis-
3 obedience (among whom also at one time we all conducted ourselves in
the lusts of our flesh, following the inclinations of flesh and thoughts,
4 and were by nature children of wrath like the rest also) — but God,
who is rich in mercy, for his great love with which he loved us, dead
5 even as we were with our trespasses, made us live together with the
6 Christ (it is by grace that you are saved), and raised us with him and
7 seated us with him in the heavenly regions in Christ Jesus, that in the
future ages he might show the surpassing riches of his grace in kindness
8 towards us in Christ Jesus. For it is by grace that you are saved
9 through faith — and that not of yourselves, it is the gift of God : not a
10 matter of deeds, lest any one should exult. For we are his workman
ship, created in Christ Jesus for good deeds, which God has made ready
beforehand for us to walk therein.
11 Wherefore remember that at one time you Gentiles in the flesh —
called " Uncircumcision " by the so-called " Circumcision," which is a mere
thing in the flesh —
12 remember that you were at that time apart from Christ,
aliens to the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers to the cove
nants of promise,
with no hope and with no God in the world.
13 But now in Christ Jesus you who were at one time far away have been
brought near by the blood of the Christ.
14 For he is our peace,
He who made both parties one by breaking down the barrier of the
wall between,
15 Who abolished in his flesh tbe enmity (that is, the law of command
ments which consisted of statutes),
That he might make peace by creating in himself out of the two
one new man,
16 And that he might reconcile them both in one body to God through
the cross,
By slaying the enmity in himself x ;
17 And he came and preached the gospel of peace to you who were far off, and
peace to those who were near,
18 For through him we both have our access in one Spirit to the
Father.
19 Well then, you are no longer strangers and sojourners ;
You are fellow-citizens with the saints, you are members of God's
household,
20 Built up on the foundation of the apostles and prophets with Christ
Jesus himself as the chief corner stone,
21 In whom all the building is closely framed together and grows to be a
holy sanctuary in the Lord,
22 In whom you also are being built together for a dwelling of God in
the Spirit.
3 1 On this account I Paul, the prisoner of the Christ 2 for you Gentiles —
2 seeing that you have indeed heard of the stewardship of tbe grace of God
3 granted me for you, namely, that the secret has been made known to me
4 by revelation ; even as I have written already in a few words, on reading
5 which you can understand my intelligence in the secret of Christ (which
in other generations was not displayed to the sons of men as it has now
6 been revealed to his [holy] apostles and prophets in the Spirit), namely,
1 Reading «.rf. - Omitting '\-no-oi.

234 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [37-417
that the Gentiles are heirs together and in the same body together and
partakers together of the promise in Christ Jesus through the gospel,
7 of which I was made a minister by the free gift of God's grace which he
8 granted me in virtue of the force of his power. To me, the least of all
saints, was this favour granted, that I should preach to the Gentiles the
9 gospel of the unsearchable riches of the Christ, and enlighten them on
what is the dispensation of the secret which has been hidden from the
10 ages in God who created all, in order that the most manifold wisdom of
God might now be displayed through the Community to the principalities
11 and powers in the heavenly regions, according to the purpose of the ages
12 which he executed in Christ Jesus our Lord, in whom we have our con-
13 fidence and access with perfect trust through faith in him. Therefore I
ask you not to lose heart over the distresses that I suffer on your behalf
14 — for these redound to your credit. On this account I bow my
15 knees to the Father from whom every family in heaven and on earth is
16 named, that through the riches of his majesty he may grant you to be
17 made strong with power through his Spirit in the inner man, that the
Christ may dwell in your hearts through faith, so that fixed and founded
18 in love you may be well able to comprehend with all the saints what is
19 the breadth and length and height and depth, and to know the love of
Christ which surpasses knowledge, so that you may be filled up to all the
20 fulness of God. Now to him who is able to do far beyond all
that we ask or understand, in virtue of the power which is at work in
21 us, to him be the honour in the Community and in Christ Jesus to all
generations for evermore : Amen.
4 1 I appeal to you then, I the prisoner in the Lord, walk worthily of
2 the calling with which you were called, with all humility and gentleness,
3 with longsuffering, bearing with one another in love, endeavouring
eagerly to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.
4 One body and one Spirit
(as also you were called in one hope of your calling) ;
5 one Lord, one faith, one baptism ;
6 one God and Father of all, who is over all and through all and in all.
7 Now to each one of us grace was granted according to the measure of the
8 free gift of the Christ. Therefore it is said,
After going up on high, he led captives captive :
He 1 gave gifts to men.
9 Now what does the word he went up mean, except this : that he also
10 descended into the lower regions of the earth . He who descended is tie
same as he who went up high above all the heavens, that he might fill all
11 things. And he gave some as apostles, others as prophets, others as evan-
12 gelists, others as shepherds and teachers, with the object of fitting the
13 saints for the work of ministering, that is, for building the body of the
Christ, until we all attain to the unity of the faith and of the full know
ledge of the Son of God, to full-grown manhood, to the ripe maturity of
14 the fulness of the Christ : that we may no longer be children, tossed and
swept about with every wind of doctrine by the sleight of men, by crafti-
15 ness which works by error's artifice — but that, holding to the truth, we
may by love grow up in all points into him who is the head, even Christ,
16 from whom all the body, closely bound and knit together through every
joint with which it is supplied, according to the proportion and exercise of
each separate part, carries on its growth as a body to upbuild itself by love.
17 I say this then and charge you in the Lord, no longer walk even
1 Omitting [[*».]].

418-526] EPHESIANS 235
18 as the Gentiles also walk with their mind befooled, darkened in their
understanding, aliens to the life of God, owing to the ignorance that is in
19 them on account of the hardening of their heart — men who in callous
indifference have given themselves up to sensuality, to traffic covetously in
0, 21 all impurity. But you, you have not thus studied the Christ — since you
have indeed been taught him and have been instructed in him (even as
22 he truly 1 is in Jesus) to put away, as regards your former conduct, the
23 old man whom the lusts of deceit destroy : to revive yourselves in the
24 spirit of your mind, and to put on the new man created after God's like-
25 ness in uprightness and holiness of truth. Wherefore put
away falsehood and speak the truth each of you with his neighbour ; for we
26 are members one of another. Be angry, yet sin not : let not the sun set
:7, 28 upon your rage, and give the devil no chance. Let the thief no longer
steal ; rather let him labour with his 2 hands at honest work, that he may
29 have something to give to the needy. Let no foul speech issue from your
mouth, but only such as is good for improving the occasion, that it may
30 bring profit to the hearers. And grieve not the holy Spirit of God, with
31 whom you were sealed for tbe day of redemption. Let all bitterness and
passion and anger and clamour and slander be put away from you, with
32 all malice. And show yourselves kind to one another, compassionate,
5 1 forgiving each other even as God also in Christ forgave you. Be, then,
2 imitators of God, as beloved children ; and walk in love, even as Christ
also loved us and gave himself up for us as an offering and sacrifice to God
3 for an odour of fragrance. But as for fornication and all impurity
or covetousness, never let them be so much as named among you (even
4 as is becoming for saints), no, nor indecency and silly talk or ribaldry
5 (which are discreditable), but rather thanksgiving. For know and under
stand that no one who is a fornicator or impure or covetous — that is, an
idolater — has any inheritance in the reign of the Christ and God.
6 Let no man deceive you with vain words : it is for these things that the
wrath of God comes upon the sons of disobedience. Be not therefore of
7, 8 their company ; for while once you were darkness, now you are light in
;: 9 the Lord. Walk as children of light — for the fruit of the light consists in
r 10 all goodness and uprightness and integrity — testing what is well-pleasing
11 to the Lord; and have no part in the unfruitful deeds of the darkness,
on the contrary expose them. For it is disgraceful even to mention the
2, 13 things they do in secret, but when all these are exposed by the light they
14 are disclosed, for everything that discloses is light. Therefore it is said,
,; " Sleeper, awake
And rise from the dead,
.- And the Christ shall shine upon thee ! "
:- 15 Be careful then how you walk, not like unwise people but like wise :
,6, 17 making the very most of your time, because the days are evil. So do not
. 18 be senseless, but understand what is the will of the Lord. And do not
get drunk with wine — that means profligacy — but be filled with the
19 Spirit, speaking to each other in spiritual psalms and hymns and songs,
20 singing and praising the Lord in your heart, giving thanks at all times
for all things in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ to the God and Father.
,1, 22 Be subject to one another in the fear of Christ. Wives, be sub-
" 23 ject to your own husbands as to the Lord ; because the husband is head
of the wife, even as the Christ also is head of the Community — he is the
^ 24 saviour of the Body. Yes, as the Community is subject to the Christ, so
¦', 25 also let wives be to their husbands in everything. Husbands,
1 Reading &\illtip. 2 Omitting [[.-/«;.]].

236 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [526-6M
love your wives, even as the Christ also loved the Community and gave
26 himself up for her, to sanctify her by the word — cleansing her with the
27 bath of water — to present the Community in splendour to himself with
never a spot or wrinkle or any such flaw, but that she might be holy and
28 faultless. So ought husbands 1 to love their own wives as being their own
29 bodies. He who loves his own wife loves himself. For no one ever hated
his own flesh : nay, it is nourished and cherished by him, even as is the Com-
30, 31 niunity also by the Christ — for we are members of his body. Instead, a
man shall leave his father and, his mother and. join himself fast to his wife,
32 and the two shall become one flesh. This symbol is great : but I interpret it
33 of Christ and the Community. At any rate with you, let each individual
love his own wife as being himself ; and as for the wife — let her see
6 1 that she reverence her husband. Children, obey your parents in
2 the Lord, for this is right. Honour thy father and mother (it is the chief
3 commandment with a promise) that it may be well with thee; and thou
4 shalt live long on the earth. And, fathers, do not enrage your
children, but nurture them in the discipline and admonition of the Lord.
5 Slaves, be obedient to those who are your masters after the
flesh with fear and trembling, with singleness in your heart, as to the
6 Christ : not by way of eyeservice like those who court human favour, but
7 as slaves of Christ obeying the will of God right heartily, rendering
8 service with goodwill as to the Lord and not to men ; since you know
that each shall be paid back from the Lord for whatever good he does,
9 whether he be slave or free man. And you masters, act in the same
way to them and refrain from threats ; since you know that their Master
and yours is in heaven, and with him there is no respect of persons.
10 In future, be strong in the Lord and in the might of his strength.
11 Put on the full armour of God so that you may be able to stand against
12 the artifices of the devil. For ours is no wrestling against blood and
flesh ! It is against the principalities, against the powers, against the
world-princes of this present darkness, against the spiritual forces of evil
1>j in the heavenly regions. Therefore take to yourselves the full armour of
God, that on the evil day you may be able to withstand^ and, after all
14 has been accomplished, to stand. Stand then, girt with truth upon your
15 loins, and clad, with uprightness as your coat of -mail, and y ova feet shod with
16 the firm footing of the gospel of peace, in all things taking to yourselves the
shield of faith, wherewith you shall be able to quench the fiery darts of
17 the evil one ; take also the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit
18 (that is, God's word), praying at every season with all prayer and entreaty
in the Spirit, and attending to that with all constancy and entreaty for all
1 9 the saints — and on my behalf, that I may have speech given me as often
as I open my mouth to make known with confidence the secret of the
20 gospel for which I am an envoy in chains, that therein I may have con
fidence to declare it as I should.
21 Now, that you also may know my affairs and how I am, Tychicus the
beloved brother and faithful minister in the Lord shall give you all
22 information ; I am sending him to you for this very purpose, that you
may know how we are and that he may encourage your hearts.
23 Peace be to the brothers, and love with faith, ' from God the Father
24 and the Lord Jesus Christ. Grace be with all whose love to our Lord Jesus
Christ is love imperishable. 1 Omitting [!>_..]].

PHILIPPIANS

The epistle to the Philippians has been aptly called "the love-letter '' of the
Pauline epistles. The love of the Philippians for their apostle shows itself
practically in the gift for which Paul sends his thanks in this epistle, and tho
epistle itself breathes from first to last the warmest love for this congregation,
which of all tbe congregations he had founded lay nearest to his heart.
Written from the heart, the letter bears no didactic character. Even the few
theological excursuses, which are introduced here and there, upon the person of
Christ and justification, serve practical ends. At the same time we get
painted for us the outward situation of the apostle during his last days, im
prisoned, forsaken, distressed ; and we are enabled to learn the moods and feelings
which moved him as he came close to death. The soft, charitable tone of the
apostle's judgment even upon his Judaistic opponents is to bo easily explained by
his mood at the moment ; and at such a crisis in his life the invitation to rejoice,
which again and again he issues to his Philippians, comes with a specially
affecting power. As an expression of the apostle's final counsels and warnings,
his final wishes and prayers, his final hopes and fears, the letter may be described
as the testament which he left to his best-loved congregation. — Lips ins.

I1- 2 Greeting.
I3"11 Thanksgiving and prayer :
for present attainments and
future advance in the Christian faith
and life.
1 is-26 persona| : Tbe situation of Paul in Rome : prospects of the gospel
there.
His confidence and desire.
l27-218 Appeal and counsel : For unity through humility :
The example and imitation of Christ —
Paul's aid aud anxiety.
2---31 Personal : His own movements.
The mission of Timotheus in the future.
The mission of Epaphroditus in the past.
32-4x A Warning : against errorists of Judaism :
his own experience and example :
a re" sum_.
42"9 Appeal and counsel : to unity,
j°y. moral effort.
4-0-2. Thanksgiving : for gift from Philippi.
4-1-23 Farewell. 237

PHILIPPIANS
1 1 Paul and Timotheus, slaves of Christ Jesus,
to all the saints in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi, with the
overseers and ministers :
2 grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus
Christ.
3, 4 I thank my God whenever I remember you — as in every prayer of
5 mine I always offer prayer for you all with joy — for your fellowship as
6 regards the gospel from the first day up to the present, confident as I
am of this very thing, that he who began a good work in you will finish
7 it, up to the day of Jesus Christ. It is right for me to have these
thoughts on behalf of you all, because I carry you in my heart — you who
are all partakers of my grace, both in my imprisonment and in the
8 defence and confirmation of the gospel. For God is my witness, how I
9 long for you all with the affection of Christ Jesus. And my prayer is
this, that your love may excel more and more in full knowledge and all
10 moral perception, that you may prize the things that transcend, so as to
11 be sincere and void of offence in view of the day of Christ, filled with the
fruit of uprightness which is through Jesus Christ to the honour and
praise of God.
12 Now, brothers, I would have you understand, that my affairs have
1 3 really tended to the progress of the gospel ; the result being that through
out the whole Court of Appeal and everywhere else, my imprisonment
14 has been recognised to be the imprisonment of a Christian ; and further,
my imprisonment has given confidence to the greater number of the
brothers in the Lord, who wax more and more bold in speaking the word
15 of God fearlessly. Some indeed are preaching Christ even out of envy
16 and quarrelsomeness, and some also out of good will. The latter pro
claim Christ from love, as they know that I am destined to defend the
1 7 gospel ; the former from factiousness, from no pure motive, thinking to
18 cause me distress as well as imprisonment. What does it matter? at
all events, in every way, be it in pretext or in honesty, Christ is being
19 proclaimed ; and in this I rejoice. Yes, and I shall rejoice ; for I know
that all this will result in my deliverance through your prayer and the
20 supply of the Spirit of Jesus Christ, as I eagerly anticipate and hope
that I shall be put to shame in nothing, but that with all confidence
now as ever Christ will be magnified in my body, either by life or
21, 22 by death. For to me life is Christ and death is gain. Yet if life in the
flesh — if that means fruitful work for me, then I cannot tell which to
23 prefer. I am in a dilemma between two courses : I have the desire
24 to depart and be with Christ, for that is far far better ; however, to stay
25 on in the flesh is more needful on your account. So, persuaded of this, I
know that I shall remain and live on with you all for your progress and
26 joy in the faith ; that through me you may have abundant reason for
27 exulting in Christ Jesus, over my return to you. Only, conduct
238

l28-229] PHILIPPIANS 239
yourselves in a manner worthy of the gospel of Christ, so that whether I
come and see you or am absent, I may hear of your affairs, that you are
standing firm in one spirit, striving together with one soul for the faith of
28 the gospel, and not scared in anything by your adversaries : such fearlessness
is a proof to them of perdition, but to you of salvation, and salvation too
29 from God ; because you have had this grace given you on behalf of Christ,
30 not only to believe on him but also to suffer on his behalf — while you
wage the very contest that, as once you saw and now you hear, I wage.
2 1 I pray you then, by every exhortation in Christ, by every incentive of
love, by any participation in the Spirit, by all affection and tender mercies,
2 complete my joy and be of the same mind, with the same love, with one
3 soul and one mind : do nothing by way of faction or empty pride, but
4 in humility let each consider the other better than himself, consulting
not your own interests, but also those of each other.
5 Let this mind be in you which was also in Christ Jesus —
6 Who though existing in the form of God, considered not equality with
God a prize to be seized,
7 But emptied himself by taking the form of a slave :
8 Born in the likeness of men, and found in fashion like a man
He humbled himself in obedience as far as death, even the death of
the cross.
9 Therefore God also lifted him on high
And bestowed on him a name above every name,
10 That at the name of Jesus every knee should bow
In heaven and on earth and under the earth,
11 And every tongue confess that "Jesus is Lord" — to the honour of God the
Father.
12 So then, my beloved, even as you have always been obedient, not as when
I am present merely, but much more now when I am absent, work out
13 with fear and trembling your own salvation ; for it is God who renders
14 both will and deed effective in you, for his own good pleasure. Do
15 all without murmurs and disputes ; that you may be blameless and
guileless, the children of God, faultless in the midst of a generation crooked
and perverse, among whom you appear like luminaries in the world :
16 holding fast the word of life, that 1 may have reason to exult in the day
17 of Christ that I did not run in vain or labour in vain. Yes, although I
have my blood poured out on the sacrifice and sacred service of your
18 faith, I rejoice for myself and rejoice with you all ; even so do you
rejoice and rejoice with me.
19 But I hope in the Lord Jesus soon to send you Timotheus, that I also
20 may be of good courage when I learn of your affairs. For I have no man
with a soul like his, who will have a genuine concern for your affairs ;
21 one and all are seeking their own interests, not the interests of Jesus
22 Christ. But you know his tried character, how he served with me in the
23 gospel, like a child with his father. I hope then to send him directly, so
24 soon as I see how my own affairs turn out ; but I am confident in the
25 Lord that before long I shall also come myself. And I consider it needful
to send you Epaphroditus, who is my brother and fellow- worker and fellow-
26 soldier, as well as your messenger and minister to my need ; for he was
longing for you all and sorely troubled because you had heard that he
27 was ill — and ill he was indeed, nearly to death ; but God had pity on
him, and not merely on him, but also on me, lest I should have sorrow
28 upon sorrow. I send him then all the more eagerly, that you may rejoice
29 once more at seeing him, and that I may be tbe less sorrowful. Receive

240 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [230-48
30 him in the Lord then with all joy, and value men like him ; because for
the work of Christ he came near to death, hazarding his life to make up
for the lack of your ministry towards me.
3 1 Well then, my brothers, rejoice in the Lord. To write you the same
2 things is not irksome to me, and it is prudent for you. — Beware of
3 the dogs ! Beware of the wicked workers ! Beware of the Incision. For
we are the Circumcision, we who worship with the Spirit of God and exult
4 in Christ Jesus, and put no reliance in the flesh. Though I myself also
possess ground for relying on the flesh. If any one else presumes to put
5 reliance on the flesh, far more can I ! — circumcised on the eighth day,
belonging to the race of Israel, to the tribe of Benjamin, a Hebrew born
6 of Hebrews, as regards the law a Pharisee, as regards zeal a persecutor of
the Community, as regards the uprightness of the law proved blameless.
7, 8 But what was gain to me, this I have for Christ considered loss. Yes
indeed, and I consider everything to be loss for the sake of the surpassing
knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord. For him I forfeited everything, and
9 consider it as mere refuse, that I may gain Christ and be found in him
(possessing not the uprigbtness which is from the law as my uprightness,
but that which comes through faith in Christ, the uprightness which
10 faith has from God), so as to know him — know the power of his resurrec
tion and what it is to participate in his sufferings, being conformed to
11 his death, if so be that I may attain to the resurrection from the dead.
12 Not that I have obtained it already, or that already I am perfected ; nay
I press on to try and overtake it, seeing that I myself have been over-
13 taken by Christ Jesus. Brothers, I do not 1 reckon myself to have over
taken it. But one thing I do : forgetting what lies behind and stretching
14 forward to what lies before, I press on to the goal for the prize of the
15 high calling of God in Christ Jesus. Let all of us therefore who are
perfect be of this mind ; and if you differ in mind upon any matter, God
16 shall reveal that also to you. At any rate, so far as we have attained, let
17 us walk in the same steps. Brothers, unite in imitating me, and
18 mark those who walk even as you have us for a pattern. For many are
walking — of whom I often used to tell you and tell you now with tears,
19 that they are the enemies of the cross of Christ : perdition is their fate, the
belly their god, in their shame they glory, men whose mind is set on earthly
20 things. It is in heaven our commonwealth exists ; and from heaven we
21 wait for a Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall fashion the body that
belongs to our humiliation till it is like the body that belongs to his
majesty, in virtue of tbe force with which he is also able to subject every
thing to himself.
4 1 So then, my brothers, beloved and longed for, my joy and wreath,
2 stand thus firm in the Lord, beloved. I appeal to Euodia and I
3 appeal to Syntyche to be of the same mind in the Lord. Also I pray
thee, true Synzygus, assist these women"; for they strove by my side
in the service of the gospel, together with Clement and the rest of my
4 fellow- workers, whose names are in the book of life. Rejoice in the Lord
5 always. Again I will say it, rejoice. Let your forbearance be known to
6 all men. The Lord is near. Be anxious about nothing, but in everything
by prayer and entreaty together with thanksgiving let your requests be
7 made known before God ; so shall the peace of God which surpasses all con
ception guard your hearts and your minds in Christ Jesus.
8 Well then, brothers, whatever is true, whatever is serious, whatever is
just, whatever is pure, whatever is lovely, whatever is courteous, all
1 Reading oi.

49~23] PHILIPPIANS 241
9 excellence, all merit, keep these in mind ! Practise what you have also
learned and received and heard and seen in me ; so shall the God of peace
be with you.
10 It was a great joy to me in the Lord that you at last blossomed out in
thoughtfulness on my behalf ; though what you did lack indeed was not
11 thoughtfulness but opportunity. Not that I speak on the score of want ;
For I have learnt to be content with my position.
12 I know how to live in straits,
I know also how to live in wealth :
In each and every case I hold the secret
of fulness and of hunger,
of wealth and of want.
13 I am able for anything, in him who strengthens me.
14 Nevertheless, you have done well to make common cause with me in my
15 hardship. You yourselves are aware, Philippians, that in the beginning of
the gospel when I left Macedonia no Community had dealings with me in
16 the matter of debit and credit, none except yourselves ; for even when I
17 was in Thessalonika you sent once and again to relieve my need. Not that
18 I crave the gift ; I crave the accumulation of interest to your account. I
have got everything, and I abound ; I am fully supplied, after receiving from
Epaphroditus what you sent, an odour of fragrance, an acceptable sacrifice
19 well-pleasing to God. And my God shall fully supply every need of
yours through his riches in majesty in Christ Jesus.
20 Now to our God and Father be the honour for ever and ever : Amen.
21 Salute every saint in Christ Jesus.
The brothers who are with me salute you.
22 All the saints salute you, especially those who belong to Caesar's
household.
23 The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ be with your spirit.

16

THE FIKST EPISTLE OF PETEE
Two tides of fire swept through the Christian world of the first century :
the outburst of Nero's malevolence and the persecution under Domitian.
Up to the time of the former, the capital enemy of Christianity had been
the Jew, not Caesar. But the punishment of the Christians (64 a.d.) as
scapegoats for the Emperor first introduced persecution to the Christian
horizon, which had hitherto (Phil l12t=Ac 2831) been comparatively un
clouded. The agitation and shock produced by this forms the background
of 1 Peter. Evidently sporadic and spasmodic persecution (ev ra k 007*0., 59)
was going on in the provinces upon the charge of the Name.1 The
Christians qua Christian were liable to be sought out and punished.
Ripples had passed out from the capital,2 where Peter wrote, to the
Asiatic provinces, and recently affected the position of Christians in those
localities. Consequently the purport of this message to Northern Asia is
practically the same as the instruction and encouragement given nearly
twenty years earlier, perhaps, by Paul and Barnabas to Southern Asia :
on diet TToWivv dXlyjrecov del r)pas elo~e\8e1v els ti)v fiaaikeiav rov Qeov
(Ac 1422). Only, the situation is graver. Possibly it was aggravated by
the local restlessness and turbulence, e.g. in the province of Bithynia
during its senatorial administration between 27 B.C. and the despatch of
Pliny in 112 a.d. to execute necessary reforms. In these years dis
organisation and riot were a common feature of the province, so that
references such as those made in 1 Peter to social interference are historically
credible by the seventh decade of the first century. There is not, indeed,
any reason " why Asia Minor should not have had persecutions of its own,
independent of any known persecution bearing an Emperor's name,
and perhaps even a little earlier than Nero's persecution " (Hort). At the
1 This is a weighty and disputed point. On the view taken above, persecution
and punishment for the " name" of Christian commenced as early as the seventh decade
of the first century. Even under Nero it became criminal to be a Christian. This is
practically Moinmsen's position, supported by Mr. E. G. Hardy (Christianity and
the Roman Empire, 1894, pp. 70 f., 80 f., 125 f'.), Prof. Sanday (Exp.* vii. p. 405 f.),
and those editors who accept the seventh -decade date and authenticity of the writing.
A casual remark like that in Phil l13 shows that the distinctiveness of Christianity
was not unrecognised in Rome even as early as the opening of the seventh decade.
This is put with much force by Chase (DB, iii. p. 784 f. ), whose article on the epistle
is the finest piece of work upon it in any language. He adopts the pre-64 date.
2 The figurative sense of " Babylon" suits excellently the situation and the semi
apocalyptic tinge of the writing (3a4-~ i7'- 12-19 58r-). It is widely accepted in
modern criticism : cp. Renan, I'Autechrist, chap. v. ; Seufert, ZwTh (1885), pp.
146-156; Salmon, INT, p. 440 f. ; Lightfoot, Clement, ii. p. 491 f. ; 0. Holtzmann,
Neutest. Zeitgesch. (1885), p. 97 ; Hort, Jud. Christ, p. 155 ; von Soden, KG,
ad loc.; Jiilicher, Einl. p. 132 ; Ramsay, ORE, pp. 286, 287 ; Sanday and Headlam,
"Romans," ICC, p. xxix. ; McGiffert, A A, p. 598; Chase, DB, i. pp. 213,214;
and Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 19-21), with many others.
On the jlagitia of Christians, cp. the English summaries and discussions in
Church Quart. Review (Oct. 1895), pp. 26-47; F. C. Conybeare, Monuments of
Early Christianity 2 (1896), pp. 282-288 ; and Lecky, Hist. Europ. Morals, chap. iii.
242

THE FIRST EPISTLE OP PETER 243
same time it is from Nero's persecution that the writer at any rate
drew the intensity of his counsels. The writing certainly looks back
to a period of keen terror and distress (l6 310 419 5,J), which had not
long begun (cp. the almost contemporary evidence of Ml- 13011, and the
allusions to the past in Heb IO32- 33).
After the crisis and controversy at Antioch, Peter's career is only to be
traced with dim and approximate accuracy. Like John, he had left
Jerusalem by the time of Paul's last visit (Ac 21 1S). General activity
(1 Co 95) is visible in Syria and possibly in those parts of Asia Minor
where, as he travelled and preached, he would not traverse the Pauline
mission-field (1 P l1). But several items in the later tradition (e.g. Clem.
Rom. and Ignatius) point with comparative certainty to a final residence in
Rome ; which is only possible after Paul had either left the city or died.
That both apostles were there together is simply unprovable. External cir
cumstances, then, imply, or at least favour, a connection and familiarity
on Peter's part with Paul's teaching, and an acquaintance with Paul's
surviving followers. Whether this involves an approximation in doctrine
is another question. In the dispute at Antioch, Peter's fault was not a
difference of principle (Harman, Journ. Bibl. Lit. xvi. pp. 31-39). He
and Paul shared1 the same general conception of the gospel and its
obligations. But he failed in practical consistency, and in loyalty to the
principles upon which he had already agreed. His error was a false
opportunism. If in subsequent years, after this temporary aberration had
passed, Peter came under the impressiveness of the Pauline teaching,
especially during his residence in Rome, that influence would half
unconsciously and vaguely colour his thoughts 2 and words when he set
himself to write a letter of encouragement to the tried Christians of
Northern Asia Minor (figuratively addressed as God's people and
chosen ones l1),3 with whom, however, there is no trace either inside
1 Cp. Hort, Jud. Christianity, pp. 77-79. The evidence of 1 Corinthians (e.g. 1511)
corroborates the supposition that there was no vital antagonism of principle between
Paul and Peter. A rapprochement was not out of the question, when Peter's ' ' gospel "
and Paul's were not contradictory views, but in the main complementary delimitations
(Gal 279; cp. Sabatier, pp. 28-31, and Lipsius ad loc.). Of the two men, Peter —
so far as we can judge from our sources — was distinctly the more receptive and less
original. Renan, in his discussion of the epistle (VA ntechrist, chap. v. ), demurs to the
conception of Peter as an exponent of modified Paulinism. He prefers to explain
the relation of the two men by Peter's scanty gift for literature and even for
speculation: "happily for himself, Peter appears to have remained all through
his life a theologian of very moderate ability." The epistle, however, is no com
pilation or echo, for all its dependence upon other and earlier writings ; and Renan is on
safer lines when, in an earlier chapter of the same volume, he calls attention to two
considerations which are essential for a grasp of the apostolic age. One is that
" deep differences of opinion (deeper indeed than auy that, in the subsequent history
ofthe church, gave rise to schism) divided the founders of Christianity," leading to
a bitterness of polemic which was partly due to the fire and susceptibility of the Jewish
character. The other is, that " a higher conception united these brother-opponents,
even during their lifetime " — anticipating the later and official reconciliation made by
the sub-apostolic church. Wernle (Die Synoptische Frage, p. 199 f.) very similarly
lays stress on Peter's untheological temperament as the key to his character.
2 The soteriology, no less than the Christology, " is in the spontaneous rather than
the articulated stage" (Fairbairn, Christ. Mod. Theol. p. 330). The author "has no
philosophy as to the vocation or institutions of Israel ; he has only the most vivid
intuition, born of personal experience, into the significance of Christ."
3 On l!2ii see the beautiful saying in Ep. Diognetus : ^ala-a. %{*¦*, zu.Tpi$ Utiv oiItuv, xcii
_•<_«•« s.«t/>.. £(»>,, For the colloquial use of crXvlmBOm and ./-.cnrcvo., compare the
three letters of R. Gamaliel of Jerusalem (Derenbourg, Histoire et geogr. de la
Palestine, pp. 241-244), where the greeting upm iy.1v crXvUuvBOi-n is taken from the

244 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
or outside the epistle that he had any direct acquaintance. Paul had
died, not Paulinism. Eripitur persona, manet res. Yet it was a modified
Paulinism, combined with other ideas, and reproduced on more general
lines, that spoke through this circular epistle addressed by the Jewish
Christian leader to the North Asiatic communities.
The problem of the sources from which the epistle draws its references
to Jesus is still unsolved. Either they are due to the evangelic tradition
from which the synoptic gospels presently sprang, or simply to the
Messianic interpretation of OT passages (like Is 53), which in the early
church afforded colours for the picture of Christ's patience, suffering,
and redemption. Even if a later date is chosen for the epistle, it is
unlikely that it, any more than even Hebrews, draws upon the
synoptic gospels in their present form. It is more valid to trace
resemblances between the general conception of the epistle and some of
the Petrine speeches in Acts, which (as even Holsten, Overbeck, and
Schmiedel allow) reflect a nucleus of primitive Christian theology ; and
there is a convincing statement of the epistle's priority to tbe Apocalypse,
with which it has several features in common, by Usteri, Wissenschaftlicher
u. praktischer Commentar ii. den ersten Petrusbrief (1887), pp. 309-312.
In addition to the dogmatic question (on which cp. besides Reuss,
Hist. Christ. Theol. ii. p. 262 f ., and Paul Ewald, Hauptproblem, pp. 68-75,
Ritschl's Entstehung,2 pp. 116, 285), three points are material in a dis
cussion upon the period of this writing's composition : the authorship,
the literary connections, and the relations which are implied between tlie
Roman government and Christianity. All these points, it must be
confessed at the outset, are unhesitatingly used by the best editors and
critics to determine a position for the document which brings it down
later than the lifetime of its reputed author. But if the Petrine author
ship be provisionally admitted, the date is plainly within the seventh
decade of the first century ; the letter falls either before 64 a.d., the pos
sible date of Peter's martyrdom upon the newer chronology, or before 67,
the commonly adopted year. Two periods then are tenable. That before
64 has been held by Hofmann, Bleek (+62 a.d.), Bartlet (AA, p.
297 f., c. 63 a.d.), and Renan (63-64 a.d.), while Zahn puts it in
the spring of 64 (Einl. ii. pp. 17-27). Salmon dates it not earlier than
64 a.d. Usually, however, a somewhat later period in the apostle's life
is assigned as the date of tbe epistle's composition, with the conse
quences of the Neronic persecution in the background (Tacitus, Annales,
xv. 44, quos per flagitia invisos vulgus Christianos appelabat= 4H- 15). The
years 64-67 in this case form the general locus of the letter. So the older
critics after Ewald and Neander, Mayerhoff, de Wette, Meyer, Sieffert
(Real-Encycl. xi. (1883), p. 534 f.), and Huther; in this country and more
recently, Farrar, Early Days of Christianity, pp. 67-85 ; Plumptre,
Bible Studies, p. 450, " Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude," Cambridge,
1887 ; Schafer, Einl. pp. 319-329 ; also Bovon, NTTh, ii. pp. 440-444;
Sanday and Headlam, " Romans," IGG, pp. lxxiv-lxxvi ; Stevens, NTTh,
pp. 293-311 ; Hort, Judaistic Christianity, pp. 154, 155, also in His
posthumous First Epistle of Peter (1898) ; and, with his usual candour,
Adeney, BI, pp. 440-447. Weiss is practically alone, except for Kiihl
(Meyer), in putting the epistle prior to Rom.-Ephes. (Petrinisck
Lehrbegriff] 1858, and in INT, ii. pp. 143, 144) ; the admitted coincidences
of language (especially with Ro xii-xiii) and sentiment certainly imply
LXX (Dan 3«> 6® [Theod.]. The Gentile origin of the readers must, particularly I
since the arguments of von Soden and Zahn, be accepted as an axiom.

THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER 245
its subsequent position (cp. especially at this point, Usteri, op. cit. pp.
250-256, 280 f., and Zahn,.?.)!.. ii.pp. 36-38) and its literary dependence.
The latter point is valid, though it has been frequently over-estimated,
cp. Dr. Patrick's article, Theological Review, ii. pp. 177-193 ; and Scharfe,
SK (1889), iv. pp. 633-670, "Die schriftstellerisclie Originalitat des
ersten Petrusbriefs "). The terminus a quo, then, for the date is the period
in which Romans, if not Ephesians, was composed and circulated. The
terminus ad quem is the more doubtful date of Peter's death, on the
assumption that the writing is authentic.
Professor Ranisay, on the other hand, finds himself compelled by not
very obvious historical considerations to regard the imperial procedure
found in the second century as initiated not by Nero, nor — as Neumann
holds — by Domitian, but by Vespasian ; in consequence of this, he dates !
1 Peter in the second part of Vespasian's reign (between 75 and 80 a.d.),
ORE, chaps, xi-xiii ; SPT, p. 22 ; Exp* viii. pp. 8f., 110 f., 282 f. This
period, he holds, is the only one which adequately corresponds to the
policy of the Empire and the consequent attitude of Christianity, as these
are reflected in this epistle. For the necessary abandonment of 67 as the
traditional terminus ad quem of Peter's life, he quotes an obiter dictum of
Dr. Hort. But there is no need, and hardly any evidence, for the
hypothesis that a change took place in the imperial policy under the
Flavians. As a rule, the features of that recently started persecution (412)
and hostile pressure upon the Christians, which forms part of the
historical situation for this writing, can be interpreted as characteristic
ally Neronic 2 (Beyschlag, NTTh, i. pp. 377-382 ; Allard, Histoire des
Perse'c. i. p. 61 f.). " The words of Tacitus [Annal. xv. 44] in regard to
the Christians under Nero exactly suit the circumstances to which this
epistle refers " (Hatch, EB, article " Peter "). While Christianity is
evidently within an anxious and agitated situation, besieged by suspicion
and prejudice, the compulsory worship of the Emperor, which dis
tinguished the later persecution of Domitian, is conspicuously absent.
The unpopularity of Christians might be due partly to their connection with
Judaism, partly to the secrecy of their rites and beliefs, partly to social
disturbances. The organisation and general shape of the communities, too,
are primitive, and there is an absence of definiteness in the official traits,
even where it might have been expected. All this points to a date
between the Pauline letters and the Apocalypse (or Hebrews). The
difficulties of such a position must be admitted. But they are not
insuperable. They rise from our limited knowledge of the period in
question, rather than from any inherent discrepancies which can be
1 Similarly Swete (Mark, p. xvii. f.) and F. J. Briggs (CR, 1897, pp. 449-454).
The latter also gives up the traditional martyrdom of Peter under Nero, and thinks
that not until 70-75 a.d. could the Roman attitude of hostilities to Christians have
spread from the capital to the provinces. Zahn (Einl. ii. 39-42) endeavours to
explain the features of the writing from the pre-Neronic period, i.e. apart from the
existence of any authoritative persecutiou, and agrees that the term ic..?...-.* (3i!)
should be taken in a non-technical sense (Col 45t). Jacoby (NT Ethik, pp.
220-222) fully accepts the traditional date and authorship.
2 L. Schultze, Eandbueh der theol. Wissenschaften, Band 1, Abth. 2, pp. 106-109.
In the Domitianic Apocalypse (61°) and Lk 182"8, exactly as in 4 Esdras 433, the cry
is, "How long?" The apparent delay of retribution is the question, not (as in
1 P 4i2) the approach of trial. The reference in Clem. Rom. to Jewish "jealousy "
as the cause of Peter's death might also lead us to infer that the apostle had become
an object of suspicion to the Jews during his later life. Would this implied
"apostasy" tally with that approximation to the liberal views of Pauline Chris
tianity, which must be assumed upon the traditional view of 1 Peter?

246 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
reasonably found between the writing and its contemporary background
(Haupt, SK, 1895, pp. 390-393). 1 The main points which would make
such a position tenable, could they be established, are, (a) that Peter
survived Paul, and wrote this letter after 64 2 ; (6) that his Roman
residence is historical ; (c) that as the survivor of the company (Gal 2),
he wrote out of his Christian authority to the Gentile Christians3 of
Northern Asia, just as Paul had previously written to the collective
churches in the Ephesus district ; (d) that Peter not only had read and
absorbed Romans, — which under the circumstances was highly probable,
— but had also access to one of the copies which had been made of
Ephesians. That the latter writing (i.e. a copy of it) came back to
Rome some years after its circulation in Asia, is far from improbable,
in view of the close communication between Rome and the Asiatic
provinces. At the same time it must be admitted that no case for the
authenticity of the writing amounts to much more than a combination of
slender probabilities, and in face of the evidence and adherents of the
pseudonymous theory, no one can hold even provisionally to the seventh
decade date without reluctance and uneasiness.
Giving up the Petrine authorship, the older school (Schweglcr,
Hilgenfeld, Mangold, etc.) fixed the date (cp. Schmiedel, EWK, ii. p. 34,
1883, article "Catholic Epistle") in Trajan's reign, c. 112 a.d., or
slightly later, 113-115, when persecution for the Name was prominent.
This favourite position is still held bv Holtzmann (Einl. pp. 310-320),
Weizsacker (AA, ii. p. 160), S. Davidson (INT, i. pp. 529-563), and W.
Briickner (Chron. pp. 67-80). Similarly Pfleiderer (Urc. pp. 654-660),
whose arguments, as weH as those of Holtzmann, are put aside with
i The really difficult points of the seventh decade date are (a) the relation of the
writing to Rom. -Ephes., and (6) the existence of so developed a Christianity north of
the Taurus by that time, as Pliny's evidence only carries us back to c. 90 a.d. The
latter point is not decisive, for the evangelisation of Asia Minor, even during the
period of Paul's activity, lies partly in shadow, except for the possible activity of
Aquila and Priscilla. The literary connection of 1 Peter with the later Pauline
epistle is indubitable, and can hardly be explained apart from the hypothesis of
an amanuensis who was familiar with these writings. Peter must in that case have
been himself acquainted with the leading Pauline ideas — impregnated in fact with
certain phrases and thoughts of his fellow-apostle. (Even Klopper, thongh unable
to admit that either is genuine, recognises the use of Ephesians in 1 Peter.) He
reproduces these freely and in a modified form (cp. his treatment of Christ's
sufferings and of man's faith), writing as he does with a practical object in view.
Still the epistle requires a historical situation sufficient to admit of "the marriage
of true minds " involved in such an attitude to Paulinism, and this is furnished if
we suppose that Peter reached Rome early in the seventh decade, a fact which it is
becoming more and more difficult to ignore, even under the mass of subsequent
traditions. One of the advantages of the " newer chronology " is that it leaves room
for this residence of Peter in Rome after the death of Paul.
2 It is not a crucial objection to this date that the epistle contains none of the
definite and poignant allusions which we should expect to the recent Neronic
persecution. The references to contemporary hostility are explicit enough for
practical purpose — and for safety.
3 To them the OT predicates of worship and privilege are consistently transferred.
Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 7, 8) ingeniously turns the difficulty of Peter writing to Gentiles,
by the remark that they would feel inspirited and confirmed in the faith by
receiving such care and advice from the prominent leader of the circamci-ion
(Gal 27). Like several others of Zahn's acute explanations, this smacks of
Hofmann. Xor is there any basis for Chase's ingenious hypothesis that Peter was
summoned by Paul to Rome to show their unity, and that Silvanus started from
Rome to Asia as the messenger of Paul, but also carrying a supplementary letter
from P.ter.

THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER 247
considerable force by Usteri (op. cit. pp. 240-247) and Ramsay (CUE,
p. 187 If.). Jiilicher, like Cone (Gospel and its Interpret, p. 260 f.), con
siders we cannot go far wrong with the general date 100 c.,1 and Bousset
places 1 Peter with Apoc. 2-3 at the beginning of the second century
(in Meyer's Comm. "Apoc." p. 284) ; while von Soden — arguing mainly
(after Neumann) from the references to persecution — prefers to come
back definitely to Domitian's reign (JpTh, 1883, pp. 461-508 ; HG, in.
ii. p. 109 f.), like J. Reville (Les orig. de VEpiscopat, i. p. 358 f.), Scholten,
and Harnack (in its original form, 83-93 a.d., or possibly even earlier,
"Die moglichkeit ist nicht ausgeschlossen, das es schon geraume Zeit
vorher verfasst ist "), with Wrede (ZNW, 1900, pp. 75-85) and McGiffert
(A A, pp. 482 f., 593 f.). The last-named supposes that the writing was
composed by a Paulinist during Domitian's reign, anonymously ; it is
hardly possible to take seriously his further suggestion that Peter's
name was added, not to give it apostolic authority (as Harnack
suggests), but simply as " the chance act of an individual scribe," though
it is a really ingenious conjecture that Barnabas was the author. More
plausible, though with as little basis in actual evidence, is Harnack's
subtle hypothesis that the writing, an anonymous and earlier homily,
received between 150 and 175 — i.e. before the age of Clement Alex.,
Tertullian, and Irenaeus, who evidently knew the letter as Petrine — the
addition of its present address and conclusion ; these were the work of
the author of 2 Peter, modelling his style on Ac 15 and Heb 13.2
The question of the date is thus dependent upon the question
of authorship to a large degree (Reuss, pp. 262-275). Certainly a
prolific literature grew up in the second century under the name of
Peter ; but so far from discrediting, this fact seems rather to increase
the probable genuineness of at least the present writing, which
i Besides the fact that the readers are not addressed as members of a second
generation, but as people who had been brought to Christianity not long ago,
although they had no personal intercourse with Christ, another cardinal
objection to the second-century date ought probably to be admitted in the literary
relation (Usteri, pp. 320 - 324) between Clem. Rom. and this epistle, cp.
Pet. H lis 21 29 2i7 22' __•_.. „ j n . _ •¦
CR. li 74 362 59 24 517 1617 33"' apart fr0m the USe °f worda Uke ^6"""cl
and Itirfoo-oisroxicTToi;. Some of these may be due to Clem. Rom. 's acquaintance with
Ephes. -Heb.; but even so, that analogy tells for the previous date of 1 Peter.
A similar conclusion is to be drawn from the resemblances between it and the
Apocalypse. 2 This theory, which would add li-a 512'i4 to the writing, as a title and
conclusion composed after the middle of the second century, has really not much
more support here than the similar hypothesis in the case of James. The fact that
the MSS. supply no evidence, makes it difficult for us to suppose that all extant
MSS. are descended from an ancestor which was thus altered before the eud of the
second century. Also it is hard to see why a similar process was not applied to
1 John (TU, ii. 2, pp. 106-109 ; Chron. pp. 455-465). The allusion in 1 P 51 does
not, of course, necessarily imply an eyewitness, for /jmptvs can quite well be taken
in the sense of passages like 1 Co 15]5, and "the sufferings of the Christ" mean
probably (as in 1 P 41S) Christian trials. Indeed, had Peter written the epistle, it is
hard to see why he would not have used a word like ».. . _r.T«, or some definite and clear
expression. On the other hand, it is a good point to notice that, so far as we can
judge, only three men could have stood in the relations indicated by 1 P 511"14
to Mark and Silvanus. These three were Paul, Barnabas, and Peter. Between
them the authorship (real or intended) probably lies. F. W. Lewis (Exp.5 x. pp.
319, 320) argues that the epistle was written after Paul's death, since the absence of
any mention of Paul (1 P 512- 13) indicates that Mark and Silvanus had been deprived
by death of their former master.

248 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
stands quite by itself among the Petrine literature (" Er steht fur sich
ohne inrere Verbindung mit den anderen petrinischen Schriften,
und auch seine Geschichte ist mit der der anderen unvermengt," Har
nack), and supports 2 Peter (31, rav-rgv 77.1.7 Sevrepav vp.lv ypacba
errio-ro\r]v). Such later productions must have had some previous
literary basis to build upon, besides the mere tradition of the apostle's
authority. In this case the existence of one authentic writing (Euseb.
HE. iii. 3) is almost a necessary postulate for the composition of allied
pseudonymous documents.
Recent criticism has eased — it is too much to say, solved— some of the
main obstacles in the way of the seventh decade date, (a) Historically,
the Trajanic date has been found unnecessary and even indefensible.
(b) Theologically, all idea of a direct dogmatic tendency or of a mediating
and conciliatory unionism, has been abandoned (e.g. Holtzmann, Einl.
pp. 331, 332). These two points really include a large amount of the
evidence which would incline one to favour a later period of composition.
To them also must be added (c) tbe possibility of an amanuensis.
The seventh - decade date, with its implicate of authenticity, is not
seriously affected by the further question, which has been recently
discussed, whether the style of the epistle does not require its actual
authorship to be assigned, to some interpreter of Peter (epprjvebs) who
had been in touch with Paul at some previous time. This may well
have been Silvanus, who wrote (1 P 510- 12 = Ac 1532) the letter under
his master's supervision (as by tradition Mark wrote his gospel), or after
his death. Usteri l adopts the latter view ; while von Soden, following
Ewald, Grimm (SK, 1872, p. 688 f.), and Spitta (Der 2 Pet. und. Jud.,
1885, p. 531), similarly gives the authorship to Silvanus, who, in his
opinion, wrote some twenty-five years after Peter's death.2 But if it
cannot be admitted that Peter wrote the Greek of this epistle, or indeed
any of the speeches attributed to him in Acts, — and, despite all that
has been urged in defence of Galilean culture and education, this is a
most reasonable conclusion, — then the secretary-hypothesis is valid and
accessible. In this case Peter dictated the letter, and the phrase 8ia
S.ikovav ov (512) eypa^ra would be equivalent3 to expressions like
1 "Bald nach des Petrus Tod war allerdings fiir [Silvanus] ein rein gemiith-
licber, aber psychologisch sehr begreitlicTier und vollig zureichender Beweggnmd
vorhanden, pietiitsvoll im Namen desjeuigen Apostels, mit welchem er zuletzt, noch
verbundeu gewesen, sein Sendschreiben abzufassen " (op), cit. pp. 345, 346). The
authorship of Silvanus (himself an c_toVt.Xo. (1 Th 26) and prophet (Ac 1532)) turns
the scale iu favour of a date somewhat earlier than Domitian's reign, as there is no
evidence that he lived so long, and as the use of Peter's name would be more
effective in the years immediately succeeding his death. Zahn agrees (Einl. ii.
pp. 9-11) in laying stress upon Silvanus' share in the epistle, which, however, he
takes as Petrine through and through. Reuss (pp. 144-148) evidently was
undecided, though some of Chase's objections seem conclusive (DB. iii. pp. 789, 790).
The latter, apropos of the style, speaks of the writer's " delicacy and accuracy of
perception in regard to the rhythmical arrangement of words," the range of his
vocabulary, and his use of syuonyms, tenses, and the like. But he seems to find
little difficulty in attributing these to Simon Peter.
2 Cp. Seufert's articles (ZmTh, 1881, pp. 178-197, 332-379) ou the relation of
Ephes. to 1 Peter. Both of these he regards as written in Trajan's reign by the
same irenical author, Silvanus (also ZwTh, 1885, pp. 350-371). The main resem-
, . Eph. 13 118-20 35.10 218-22 218 48r- I80'22
blances between the two writings are in _.' . _ ^ ^ 110.12 24,6 g18f ^ - •
3 Cp. Zahn (Einl. ii. 16). Dionysius (apud Eus. HE, iv. 23. 11) refers to the
epistle of Clem. Rom. as r>,> sr/toTipxit ip'iy . j« KKpuw yfo.ps._-o.>..

THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER 249
Ac 1522 23, Ro 1622 ; Ignat. ad Rom. x1 etc. (cp. Link, SK, 1896, pp. 405-
436, " Die Dolmetscher des Petrus, zur Beantwortung der Frage nach den
griechischen Sprachkenntnissen des Apostels").1 The absence of motive
and evidence have led many critics to bluntly reject the idea of
pseudonymity ; and if his own theory should turn out to be incorrect,
Harnack, e.g., would " consider the improbable to be possible," and
attribute the letter to Peter rather than believe in the authorship of a
pseudo-Peter. If these are the alternatives, there can be small doubt
ultimately which will be adopted. The scales then turn in favour of the
seventh-decade date. And it seems as though the hypothesis of a secretary,
who in this case translated Peter's thoughts into a Greek style 2 which the
apostle could hardly have managed himself, would help to solve the
undoubted difficulties besetting a position which is otherwise inherently
probable. In face of Col 415'17 and 2 Co l1, the spread and organisation
of Christianity in Asia Minor are perfectly credible. The readers are
comparatively new converts (22- 25 43); their Christian life has no long re
trospect, and no fixed consolidation. They have been overtaken by trials,
which are a novelty to them (412). These are to be borne with patience,
and the hope is held out that by this blameless endurance on their
part and a better understanding on the part of their opponents, some fresh
advance may be secured for the gospel. Heresy is unknown. The
situation is marked (as Resell and Beyschlag argue correctly) by none
of the traces of decline and controversy that appear, e.g., in Hebrews or
James. Here the charismatic gifts are in exercise (410), and the end of
the age (4"f) is awaited as the prelude to the Messianic realm. The
favourite words of the letter are a-n-o<a\v\j/is and dvao-Tpofpr). Rudi
mentary and vexed and guileless, these Christians in the provinces of
the Empire (214) merely needed — as they received — a letter of kindly,
wise counsel to steady hope and consistent conduct, which is as suitable
to the situation as it is wholly worthy of its reputed author 3 (" viel-
leicht das liebenswiirdigste Buch des neuen Testamentes," A. Meyer). In
Ascensio Isaiae, 313-5i, for example, — a fragment to be dated 4 not later
1 One can go heartily with Usteri and Harnack in their dissatisfaction with the
pseudonym hypothesis, as that is sometimes applied to this writing. It is
certainly difficult to see how, twenty or thirty years after the death of Peter (as
i'.g. von Soden argues), a writing could have been composed in his name, which
contains such a minimum of personal references ; a writing, too, which is neither
apocalyptic nor ecclesiastical nor evangelic. The lack of individual allusions is
remarkable, whether the writing be taken as authentic or pseudonymous. But it is
certainly not better explained upon the latter theory. Besides, we have really no
data for supplying us with a standard of how a personal disciple of Jesus ought to
have written ; and perhaps it is rather a modern and unfair demand to insist that
Peter would and should have filled his letter with references to the great Master
who had been his companion and leader. Are we sure the personal impression was
so vital and deep ? And if so, must it have taken this form of expression ? This
assumption — in all schools of criticism — is not borne out by 1 John, if that be
apostolic ; and otherwise it is destitute of evidence and probability alike.
2 The use of the book of Wisdom and of the LXX are most noticeable.
3 "Der unter den katholischen Brief en noch am ehesten den Eindruck des
uaiv und primitiv Christlichen machen konnte " (Jiilicher). On the value
of the tradition which connects Peter and Rome, cp. Harnack, Chron. pp.
703-707. 4 The passage (1 Pt W on reproach for the name of Christ ought to be no louger
seriously advanced as an argument for some later date, when the name of Christian
had become a familiar term in the Empire. In Mark (9s8-4!), a document almost
contemporary with 1 Peter, the same phrase (?) is employed as a familiar
description, unless that passage be a later insertion.

250 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
than 80 a.d., — the tone is at once more definite and inferior.1 Strife on
the second advent, quarrelHng and love of money, corruption of elders
and shepherds, the reign and defeat of Berial, the Neronic persecution,
these are all well marked, and stand out in great contrast to the less
developed situation reflected in this epistle.
The strong case afforded by tradition in favour of the epistle as a
Petrine fragment deserves to be mentioned as a subsidiary argument,
when the question of the authorship is involved. "The only natural
interpretation of the facts — the early and wide influence of the epistle
on the one hand ; on the other, the consistent and unwavering attri
bution of it to St. Peter on the part of all writers, from Irenaeus'
time onward — is that from the first it was regarded as the work of the
apostle " (Chase). Also, one of the most serious drawbacks to the
ordinary "pseudonymous" theory, which otherwise is so attractive, is
the absence of definiteness and authority assigned to Peter. This feature
is not in keeping with the reputation and growing prestige of the apostle
in the later church, as evinced even in Matthew, Acts, and Clem. Rom.,
and one cannot help feeling that a later Christian, composing in Peter's
name, would have laid more stress on the apostle's position than is
contained in the meagre and modest reference (ll 51). Neither in con
nection with the author nor a propos of the community (55 .) is there a
trace of the incipient hierarchical tendencies prevailing at the close of
the century (e.g. Clem. Rom. xl-xli). Surely any writer, producing a
work under Peter's name towards the end of the ninth or tenth decades,
would have naturally coloured the personality of the apostle to suit not
merely the tradition but the contemporary status of his office. It may
also be noted that there is no hint of Gnosticism, and that the "Paulinism "
of this epistle is corroborated by the " Paulinism " of the tradition preserved
in Acts (cp. 153"11). Unless the latter is simply due to the editor, it is rooted
in the sources of the Petrine history.
In another aspect the letter possesses some significance. Taken
thus, with its title and date, it forms practically the nearest written
evidence we have for the activities of the primitive apostles. In
regard to their careers and fortunes the utmost that can be safely
gathered from tradition is an impression of extensive movement,-'
scattered preaching, and occasional settlements in various localities.
No literary expression survives. Any records which may have existed
were soon lost : probably, at the best, they were scanty. H tradition
is to be credited, any such attention to literature was out of the
1 It is doing an injustice to 1 Peter to group it with the rest of the so-called
"catholic" epistles. The category of "catholic "is merely a late ecclesiastical
device, and is significant mainly for tbe history of the canon. NT criticism has to
take each writing ultimately upon its individual merits: and whatever be the affinities
of the other " catholic " epistles, 1 Peter at least demands to be recognised and
judged by itself.
The unique passage in chap. 3 on Christ's descent to the under-world is simply,
like Mt 275- ", a naive attempt of the early Christian consciousness to express, in
terms of apocalyptic imagery, the significance of Christ's death, and its influence
even on the dead. It does not necessarily throw suspicion on the writing, nor is
there any obvious reason for regarding it (with A. Meyer: Die modeme Forschung
liber d. NT, pp. 41-43) as an insertion.
2 On the dissemination of early Christianity, cp. Hausrath, ii. 195-216. From
the tone of a passage like 1 P l1-, it does not seem likely that the readers owed
their nitial faith to the direct mission of the author, nor (4s-5) can they have been
Jewish Christians.

THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER 251
question, precluded not only by natural inaptitude, but by the more
pressing concerns (eguwr/peTOvpevoi are pel£ovi Kai virep avdpunvov
Sianovia, Eus. HE, iii. 24) of practical organisation and propaganda.1
The avTonrai became, in virtue of their position, v-n-gperai tov
\6yov (Lkl1"4); authorship was reserved for a subsequent generation.
No motives existed among the first disciples for preserving a chronicle
of their own lives or a register of their reminiscences.
1 For an interesting parallel compare some sentences Avritten by John Knox upon
himself, in view of the absorbing necessities of the church in his day : " Considering
myselfe rather cald of my God to instruct the iguorant, comfort the sorrowful.,
confirme the weake, and rebuke the proud, by toug and livelye voyce in these most
corrupt dayes, than to compose bokes for the age to come ... I decreed to containe
myselfe within the bondes of that vocation, wherunto I founde myselfe especially
eald. I dare not denie but that God hath revealed unto me secretes unknowne to
the worlde ; and also that he hath made my tong a trumpet, to forwarne realmes
and nations, yea, certaine great personages. . . . These revelations and assurances
notwithstanding, I did ever absteyne to commit anye thing to writ, contented onely
to have obeyed the charge of him who commanded me to cry" (Works, vi. 229,
230), An interesting study of Peter's character from the critical standpoint
is given by Rapp (PM, 1898, pp. 323-337) ; more elaborately by Chase (DB, iii.
pp. 756-779). But it is unsafe to argue directly from the tone of a purely practical
and occasional letter (or homily) like 1 Peter, either to the character of its author or
to the theological standpoint of the writing in question. Because these pages are
dominated by the superlative temper of hope (I13), it does not necessarily follow
that Peter (or the author of the prosopopoeia) was particularly characterised by that
virtue, or that in the development of this idea the writing represents a divergence
from orthodox Paulinism (Holtzmann, NTTh, ii. pp. 308-311). The epistle has a
practical bent. It was composed for a special emergency. The author discoursed of
hope, simply because hope was what his readers needed. The line of argument must
have been congenial to him, of course, for it is applied with great insight and
sagacity ; but because it is thus used at this epoch, it must not be inferred to have
been normal to the writer. Its emphasis is due to the urgent situation of tbe moment
rather than to any general idiosyncrasy upon his part, or to some dogmatic move
ment of his consciousness. Many other Christians might have written in much the
same fashion under the circumstances ; and, as Wrede (Ueber Avfgabe, etc., pp. 18,
19) correctly argues, the author of 1 Peter might easily have written another letter in
another situation, which would have lacked any such preoccupation with hope.

Epistles were in fashion ; from simple correspondence the epistle had become
a literary form, an imaginary framework, which served as a setting for little
religious treatises. . . . The epistle of Peter, in spite of its bad style, which
resembles that of Paul rather than that of James or of Judas, is a touching
fragment, in which the condition of the Christian consciousness towards the
end of Nero's reign is admirably reflected. A sweet melancholy, a resigned
confidence, fills it. The last times are approaching. . . If, as we readily
believe, this epistle really belongs to Peter, it does great credit to his good sense,
to his uprightness, to his simplicity. It is probable that, little versed in
composition, and not hiding from himself his literary sterility, he did not
hesitate to appropriate the pious phrases constantly repeated around him, which,
although derived from different systems, did not contradict one another. It is
useless to seek in his work for the rigour of a logical system. — Renan.

li"12 Introduction : thanksgiving for the readers' Christian hope.
1i__2io Moral Obligations of this hope: duties of
holiness towards God,
love towards one another,
as God's people.
p>u-$7 a table of duties: for Christians, in the outside world — towards
authorities,
in the household — as
218"25 slaves : patience under suffer
ing, the suffering of Christ.
31"6 wives,
37 husbands.
38-4w Common duties and their motives: patience and meekness under
suffering,
41"6 moral purity,
47"11 mutual service.
412-19 Persecution : need of a good conscience under trial.
51-n Duties in the church : the elders,
need of humility, watchfulness.
51--" Conclusion.

I. PETER
1 1 Peter, an apostle of Jesus Christ,
to the exiles of the dispersion in Pontus, Galatia, Kappadocia, Asia,
2 and Bithynia, who are chosen according to the foreknowledge of God the
Father, through sanctification by the Spirit, to obey and to be sprinkled
by the blood of Jesus Christ :
grace to you and peace be multiplied.
3 Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who out of
his great mercy has begotten us anew to a living hope through the resur-
4 rection of Jesus Christ from the dead, to an inheritance imperishable and
5 undefiled and unfading, kept in heaven for you who by God's power are
being guarded through faith for the salvation which is ready to be revealed
6 in the last time. Whereat you rejoice; although for a little while at
7 present (if need be) you are grieved by manifold trials, that your tested
faith (a thing far more precious than gold which perishes and yet is tested
in fire) may turn out to your praise and honour and glory at the revela-
8 tion of Jesus Christ — whom you love without having seen him, on whom
you believe, though at present you see him not, rejoicing witb ineffable
9 and glorious joy, as you obtain the outcome of your faith, that is, the
10 salvation of your souls. A salvation in regard to which the prophets who
prophesied of the grace which was meant for you, sought and searched out
11 eagerly, searching for the time or the nature of the time to which the
Spirit of Christ within them pointed, when it predicted beforehand the
sufferings destined for Christ and the majestic glories that were to follow
12 — to them it was revealed that not for themselves but for you were they
ministering the things which are now disclosed to you through those who
preached the gospel to you, by the holy Spirit sent from heaven ; things
into which angels desire to gaze.
13 Therefore gird up the loins of your mind, be sober, have perfect hope
in the grace which is to be brought you at the revelation of Jesus Christ.
14 As obedient children, not fashioning yourselves after the former desires
15 of your ignorance, but like the holy One who called you, be you also holy
16 in every way of conduct ; since it is written, Holy shall you be, for I am
17 holy. And if you call on him as Father who without respect of persons
judges according to each man's work, conduct yourselves with fear during
18 the time of your sojourn. For you know it was not with perishable things,
with silver or gold, that you were redeemed from the futile way of conduct
19 which your fathers handed down to you. Nay, it was with precious
20 blood as of a faultless and unstained lamb — even of Christ, who was
indeed fore-known before the foundation of the world, but was disclosed
21 at the end of the times for the sake of you who through him believe upon
God, who raised him from the dead and gave him majesty ; so that your
22 faith and hope are directed to God. As you have purified your souls, in
obedience to the truth, for unfeigned brotherly love, love one another
23 cordially, with the intensity of those who are born anew, not from perish-
253

254 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [lM-221
able seed but from imperishable, through the living and lasting word of
24 God. Since
All flesh is like grass,
And all its glory like the flower of grass:
Withered is the grass,
And fallen the flower,
25 But the Lord's word lasts for ever.
2 1 And this is the word which was preached as gospel to you. Put away then
all malice and all guile and hypocrisy 1 and envies and all defamations ;
2 as infants newly born, long for the rational unadulterated milk, that by
3 it you may grow to salvation, since you have tasted that the Lord is kind.
4 Drawing near to him as to a living stone, rejected by men but choice, valued
5 with God, you also as living stones are built up into a spiritual house, to be
a holy priesthood, to offer spiritual sacrifices acceptable to God through
6 Jesus Christ. Since it is contained in scripture —
Lo, I lay in Zion a chief cornerstone, choice, valued ;
And he who believes on him shall never be disappointed.
7 The value is for you then, who believe ;
But for the unbelieving
Tlie stone which the builders rejected,
This is made head of the corner
8 And a stone of stumbling and a rock of hindrance.
Disobedient to the word they stumble :
And to this they were also appointed.
9 But you are a chosen race, a kingly priesthood, a holy nation, a people
for possession,
That you may show forth the virtues of him who called you out of
darkness into his marvellous light,
10 Once no people but now God's people,
Who once had not obtained mercy, but have obtained mercy now.
11 Beloved, I appeal to you as sojourners and exiles to abstain from the
12 fleshly desires which wage war against the soul. Maintain your good
conduct among the Gentiles ; so that while they defame you as wrongdoers,
they may, by viewing your good deeds, magnify God on the day of
visitation.
13 Be subject to every institution of man for the Lord's sake, either to
14 the king as pre-eminent, or to governors as those who are sent by him for
the punishment of wrongdoers and for praise to those who do what is
15 right (because the will of God is this : that you silence the ignorance of
16 those who are senseless, by doing good) ; as free men, yet not employing
17 freedom to veil wickedness, but as God's slaves. Do honour to all, love
the brotherhood, fear God, honour the king.
18 Servants, be subject to your masters with all respectfulness, not only
to the kindly and equitable but also to the surly.
19 For it is a merit,
If thanks to the thought of God a man bears distresses though he
suffer unjustly.
20 What sort of credit is it,
If you endure when you are buffeted for having sinned ?
Nay, if you endure when you suffer for doing what is right,
That is a merit with God.
21 You were called to this : for Christ also suffered for you,
Leaving an example for you to follow in his footsteps.
1 Reading icroxpitnv.

222-321] I. PETER 255
22 He committed no sin nor ivas guile found in his mouth :
23 When reviled, he reviled not in retort ;
Suffering, he did not threaten,
But delivered up his cause to him who judges uprightly.
24 Our sins he bore himself in his body on the gibbet,
That we might break with sin and live for uprightness ;
And by his bleeding wound you were cured.
25 For you were like sheep astray,
But now you are turned back to the shepherd and overseer of your
souls.
3 1 In like manner, you wives, be subject to your own husbands ; so
that even if any of them obey not the word, they may be won over
2 without a word through the conduct of their wives, by viewing your
3 chaste and respectful conduct. Let your ornament be no outward orna-
4 ment — braiding hair and wearing gold or putting on dresses ; let it be the
hidden man of the heart, with the imperishable nature of that gentle and
5 quiet spirit which is in God's sight most precious. For thus it was once
that the holy women who hoped in God also adorned themselves, being
6 submissive to their own husbands (as Sarah obeyed Abraham, calling him
"lord" ; and you are her children), doing what is right and not frightened
7 by any terror. Husbands, in like manner, dwell considerately with the
female, as with the weaker vessel ; show honour to them as to those who
along with you are heirs of the grace of life, so that your prayers be
not hindered.
8 Now finally be aU harmonious,
With sympathy, brotherly love, compassion, humility,
9 Not rendering evil for evil or reviling for reviling,
But on the contrary blessing ;
Since you were called to this,
That you might inherit a blessing.
10 For he who would love life
And see fair days,
Let him refrain his tongue from evil,
And his lips from speaking guile :
11 Let him turn aside from wrong and do right,
Let him seek peace and aim thereat.
'. 12 For the Lord's eyes are upon the upright
And his ears open to their prayer,
But the Lord's face is against the doers of wrong.
13 And who is it that will ill-use you, if you are bent upon what is
14 right . But even though you should suffer for the sake of uprightness,
" 15 happy are you. Have no fear of them nor be troubled, but hallow Christ in
your hearts as Lord. Always be ready with a defence for everyone who
demands of you a reason for the hope within you ; but let it be with
16 gentleness and respectfulness. Keep a good conscience, in order that,
defamed as you are, those who libel your good conduct in Christ may
'¦ 17 be put to shame. For it is better to suffer for doing what is right,
18 should the will of God so be, than for doing what is wrong. Since
Christ also died once for sins, the just for the unjust, that he might bring
us near to God : put to death in the flesh but made alive in the spirit —
20 in which also he went and preached to the spirits in prison, who had
been disobedient at one time, while the long-suffering of God lingered on
in the days of Noah during the construction of the ark, into which a few,
21 that is, eight souls were safely brought through water. You also are

256 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [322-5
now saved by the counterpart of that, by baptism (not because you put
away the filth of the flesh, but because you seek earnestly a good con-
22 science toward God), through the resurrection of Jesus Christ, who is
at God's right hand; for he went into heaven, with angels and authorities
4 1 and powers made subject to him. As Christ then suffered in
the flesh, equip yourselves also with the same conviction (namely, that
2 he who has suffered in the flesh is quit of sin), so as to live for the rest of
your time in the flesh no longer for the lusts of men but for the will of
3 God. For it is quite sufficient in the time gone by to have executed
what the Gentiles aim at, when you walked in ways of sensuality, lust,
4 carousing, revelry, dissipation, and illicit idolatry ; so that they are
surprised you do not rush with them into the same flood of profligacy,
5 and they abuse you — they shall render account to him who stands ready
6 to judge living and dead (for this was why the gospel was preached to the
dead as well, that while judged as men are judged in the flesh, they
might live as God lives, in the spirit).
7 Now the end of all things is near.
Be of sound mind then, be sober and pray.
8 Above all, be intense in your love for one another :
For love hides a multitude of sins.
9 Be hospitable to one another without murmuring'.
10 As each has received a talent, serve one another with it,
As able stewards of God's manifold grace.
11 If anyone speaks,
let it be as the oracles of God :
If anyone serves,
let it be out of the strength which God supplies ;
That in all things God may be honoured through Jesus Christ,
Whose is the majesty and dominion for ever and ever : Amen.
12 Beloved, be not surprised at tbe burning trial which occurs among
13 you to test you, as though something strange were happening to you ; nay
be glad as you share in the sufferings of Christ, that you may also be glad
14 and rejoice at the revelation of his majesty. Happy are you if you are
denounced, because of Christ ; for the spirit of majesty and of God rests on
15 you. Let none of you suffer as a murderer or thief or wrongdoer, or as a
16 pryer into other people's business. But if a man suffers as a Christian,
let him not be ashamed ; nay, let him magnify God because of this.
17 For it is time l for the judgment to begin with the household of
God._ Now if it begin with us,
What shall be the fate of those who disobey God's gospel ?
18 And if the upright is scarcely saved,
Where shall the impious and sinner appear?
19 So then let those who suffer in accordance with the will of God con
tinue to do right, and trust their souls to the faithful Creator.
5 1 I appeal to the elders among you — I, who am a fellow-elder of yours,
a witness of the sufferings of Christ, and a sharer also in the majesty to be
2 revealed — be shepherds to the flock of God among you,
not from compulsion but voluntarily,2
nor for base gain but with hearty will,
3 nor in the way of lording it over your charges, but showing your
selves patterns to the flock.
i Omitting [[.]]. 2 Omitting Q>.ri »"'»]]¦

54"u] I. PETER 257
4 Then when the chief shepherd is disclosed, you shall obtain the
unfading wreath of honour.
5 In like manner, you younger men, be subject to the elders ; and put
on, all of you, the apron of humility : for
The haughty God resists,
But to the humble he grants grace.
6 Humble yourselves then under God's mighty hand,
That he may raise you in clue season,
7 Casting your anxiety all upon him,
Because he cares for you.
8 Be sober, be watchful. Your opponent the devil, like a roaring lion,
9 walks about seeking some one to swallow up. Resist him, firm in faith,
knowing that the very same sufferings are being dispensed to your
10 brotherhood throughout the world. And after you have suffered a
little, the God of all grace, who called you to his eternal majesty in Christ,
11 shall himself equip, establish, strengtlien you. To him be the dominion
for ever and ever ; Amen.
12 Through Silvanus the faithful brother (as I consider him), I have
written a few words to you, exhorting and testifying that this is the true
grace of God. Stand in it.
13 She who is in Babylon, the Community chosen along with you,
1 4 salutes you ; and so does my son Mark. Salute one another with a kiss
of love. Peace to yon all who are in Christ.

17

THE FIEST THEEE GOSPELS1
Three periods can be roughly distinguished (Julicher) in the process of
gospel-composition : (a) the oral (30-60 a.d.), during which the necessity
for written narratives had not yet emerged fully or widely, (J) the
evangeHc (60-100 a.d.), in which our synoptic gospels substantially came
to their present shape, and (c) the apocryphal (after 100 a.d.), when a
crop of fabricated narratives sprang up, which lie round the evangelic
histories in the early church, cold and vanquished, like the snakes about
the cradle of Herakles. The presuppositions of tbe synoptic gospels are
to be found in the requirements and tendencies whieh prevailed in the
period, (a) especially among the circles of Christianity in Jerusalem-
Judaea. It is not over-praise to speak of the splendid service 2 rendered
to Christianity by their maintenance of the historic tradition, and by the
tenacity with which they cherished and reproduced, in the more or less
stereotyped forms of oral reminiscence, words and acts of Jesus. During the
years 30-60 this stream carried in solution memories and historic traits
which were afterwards consolidated into the inestimable deposit of the
gospels. In form the tradition was fluid and free. Its pirmary shape and
scope, the stages of its passage from a previously condensed and oral form
into the comparative fixity of written memoirs — these are unresolved
probl ems. The point is that up to the seventh decade the propaganda of
Jesus must have been mainly oraL ParaHel with Paul's preaching and
writing lay this work of the primitive church, as it clung to the historical
base of the faith in the human life of Jesus. Yet apparentl v it was not till
after 60 that written records of this work began to show themselves. Com
position of this kind was much slower to waken than epistolary writiiig.
Historical records3 possibly would have had a certain flavour of mechanical
authority and fixity. Book-religion, even historically considered, is legal
1 Although in chronological order Hebrew* intervenes between Matthew and Lake,
I have incorporated here the note upon the latter gospel, for the _ake of practical
convenience. 2 Weizsacker, A A, ii. p. 34f., Pfieid. Urc. p. 755 f. ; cp. Holsten, Die Synopt.
Evglien. (1S56j p. 160 f., and the interesting but somewhat arbitrary statement in
Blass' PG, pp. 21-28, on the occasion and need for written evangelic narratives.
The fall ofthe Jewish state in 70 a.d. brought consequences which seriously affected
early Christian literature, as well as the external circumstances of the church. But
we must not argue from it too rigidly for the production of gospels either prior
or subsequent to the crisis. To deduce the development of early Christianity in
doctrine and organisation from the period .d-70 in Judaea would be as legitimate as
-o explain the English Reformation solely from the matrimonial crisis of Henry the
Eighth. 3 Unless the speeches in Aets are an exception. If they are not free com
positions by the author (or authors of the sources), they must have been partly
based on tradition or reminiscence, partly compiled from notes or journals made by
contemporaries during the vears 40-60 a.d. Clemen has a full note with reference.
(Citron, pp. SS-SO). .58

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS 259
religion ; its associations are with technicality.1 Until the fixing of
the tradition in literature became a religious necessity to tbe church,
belief came from hearing,2 and hearing from a spoken message about
Christ.3 Indeed, the fact that Christ's life was narrated at all was due
ultimately to the need felt by the early Christians for some knowledge of
his laws. They looked forward to appearing before his tribunal, where
he was to be their judge ; their fate depended on their obedience to his
precepts. Hence it was essential to know these, in order that life might
be regulated by them exactly and conscientiously. The words of the
Lord thus assumed a place of authority side by side with the OT scrip
tures, under whose moral code the majority of the first generation of
Christians had been trained. But for these laws and words the only
available source lay in the Master's life. What he practised, what he
commanded, was the supreme concern of all ; and to meet this, among
other needs, the gospels were compiled. For he who was to judge his
followers had been once among them in human person, and the future
judgment would be determined by tbe precision with which his example
had been followed and his commands obeyed.
Whatever narratives accompanied or preceded the extant gospels have
passed out of existence, like the Ionian chroniclers (Xoyoypatfiot, avyypa-
o_..s) superseded by Herodotus. This fact lends an appearance of some
abruptness to their genesis. Their origin seems to resemble that of the
great Hebrew prophecies in the eighth century B.C., which start up on the
horizon with an appearance of great suddenness, probably because the ante
cedent conditions are obscure, partly because the preceding literature is
no longer extant. Still, in the case of the synoptic gospels, the conditions
of their origin are neither quite indistinct nor lacking in significance.
i Deissmann, Bibel-studien (1895), s.v. ypatpm, pp. 108-111 ; xM; klypaarai is used
in the inscriptions and Egyptian papyri as a juristic phrase. Dryden rather happily
remarks of Jesus (The Hind and the Panther, part ii. ),
" He could have writ himself, but well foresaw
The event would be like that of Moses' law ;
No written laws can be so plain, so pure,
But wit may gloss, and malice may obscure."
2 But it is exegetically needless to accept the ingenious conjecture (God and the
Bible, ch. vi.) that a survival of the oral Johannine tradition is awkwardly but con
sistently preserved by the editor of the fourth gospel in the recurring .-.«-; (46 13JD
21i), wnich might be rendered, says M. Arnold, by the phrases, "as I have been
saying," or " as I am telling," or " as I am going to tell " you.
3 There is a familiar parallel in the cold reception given by the early Greeks to
the art of writing, and traces of the way in which they disparaged treatises and litera
ture appear even in Plato (Phaedrus, 275d, 276a, Xoyoi 'iStra. xai i_-j._x_> --' i yiypapi-
,!_.«.; ..._ja.» £» ti iXyotTo 1-.zcc.1ok). This shy suspicion was due to the Hellenic instinct
for flexibility: through politics, morality, religion, they felt a certain horror of what
ever tended to petrify and fix ideas. As Prof. Butcher has' pointed out (Aspects of
Greek Genius, "on the written and spoken word," pp. 166-199), it was the very
"sense that the laws represented a personal intelligence " that "probably caused
a disinclination to reduce them to written and stereotyped commands." Conse
quently " long after writing was well known in Greece, the laws remained unwritten."
For all its semi-artistic shape, this feeling is in some respects akin to that of the
early Christians with regard to the authority of Jesus. When oue adds to it the
contemporary distaste of tlie Jews to commit anything to writing, and the displace
ment of authorship by rhetoric in Asia Minor (Monimseu, Provinces R.E, i. 363),
the comparatively late rise of the gospels becomes less surprising. An example of
retentiveness on the part of a pupil is given incidentally by Irenaeus in his descrip
tion of Polykarp's lessons (Eus. HE, v. 20). T... .« xai t.te htk ro 'i\io$ rov .=.. t. !_¦'
tfioi y-yovo; trTov%otioj$ yizouov, icrofji.Ylp.ccTl^opi.itioi aira oix iv xaprt,, c~XX* iv rvt tpc* xa.po.cx..
xctt rx.it ..ro. t>,v x&plv rD_ 6... ytyicrloic aura, avapcapuxojpiat.

260 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
For one thing, the extension of Christianity across the confines of Pales
tine, which had already proved an incentive towards oral tradition, now
became a capital stimulus towards the shaping of more permanent records.
The development of the faith required a method of instruction fuller and
less occasional than apostolic letters (1 Th 52r, Col 416), or peripatetic
teaching ; and as this lack came to be felt very widely (Lk l1), it was
natural that efforts should be made to supply it. Sketches of Christ's
acts and words were put into circulation. The supreme aim l was to
preserve a uniform, sufficient standard for faith and morals, which rested
on a continuous tradition ; for only in this way could the most distant
churches be made independent of any weakness or irregularity in instruc
tion, and at the same time furnished with some clue to the meaning of
Jesus and his reign. Thus the written gospels were at once a result of
the church's progress and a necessity for that progress. The local sever
ance brought about by the fall of Jerusalem only rendered this exigency
more imperative than ever. So far as the NT is concerned, the activity
of the next period is devoted to conserving a historical past, the outward
association with which had been snapped, the connection with which had
become increasingly vital, and the abuse of which was no longer to be
seriously feared. Not only the fourth gospel but also the three earlier
narratives represent the intense and manifold interest roused by the
historical Jesus in the " theological " consciousness of tbe church, as well
as the practical needs which turned the whole church, in a special sense,
into a "Christ-party" during the latter half of the first century. To
know Jesus was their requirement. But that knowledge meant no dry
historical light upon the Master's life. It could be satisfied by no mere
annalist. To love him, to hope in him, to rule one's life by his precepts
and for his sake — this was the craving of the church,2 and it was instruc
tion upon these lines that the gospels were intended to contain and to
convey. Among even the Greeks, as Dr. Gardner points out, much
more among the early Christians, history was nearly always strongly
motive' or didactic.
When the circumstances of the age are taken into account, then, the
composition of gospels after the seventh decade becomes a timely and
natural phenomenon. A first-class criterion for their position amid
the varying phases of early Christianity is the expectation by which it
was dominated, , that Christ would speedily return and reign. Such a
hope formed its primitive and distinctive tenet, together with the idea of
i Holtzmann (NTTh, i. p. 404 f.) distinguishes three dominant motives which
he considers to have operated during the composition of our extant gospels : (a) the
dogmatic, which strove to portray Jesus in relation to the Messianic ideal and the
work of redemption, (b) the aesthetic, drawn from the OT speeches and songs, and
devoted to tbe presentation of Jesus in his wisdom and activities, (c) the Oriental,
arising from the current speculations and prepossessions of Oriental mysticism, such
as, e.g., the idea of pre-existence. The moral basis of the mythopoeic spirit, with its
bearing upon the historical expression of early Christianity, is discussed by Dr. Percy
Gardner, Exploratio Evangelica, pp. 94-117, 144 f., 300 f., 312 f., and incidentally in
M. Paschoud's article in Revue de Thiol, et de Philosophic (1900), pp. 59-82, "Le
Mythe et la Legende. "
2 On this dominant sense of Christ's personality and spirit in early Christianity,
see the fine statement in Ruskin's Stones of Venice, vol. ii. ch. viii. § xiv. But,
as the epistles and gospels prove, this common ground of interest was able to support
varied and distinctive theories upon the significance of Jesus. The tradition itself
was not rigid, much less the ensuing interpretation. _ _" Kann von einer in der ganzen
apostolischen Christenheit verbreiteten etereotypen tlberlieferung auch nur in hezug
auf die wichtigsten Tatsachen der ev. Geschichte nicht die Rede sein " (Zahn).

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS 261
the resurrection, and must have had strong support in the teaching of
Jesus himself, as the congenial Messianic beliefs of contemporary Judaism
would hardly have been sufficient to start the opinion unless it had had
some base in the authority of Christ. The history of early Christianity,
as that is mirrored in the gospels, is in large measure the emancipation
and transformation of this cardinal belief. Three forces were at work :
(a) the natural process of disappointment, fostered by the lapse of time ;
(b) the logic of events, including the fall of Jerusalem and the gradual
dethronement of Jewish particularism and materialism from the evangelic
consciousness ; (c) the influences of Hellenistic Judaism and the broader
thoughts of the age, which in Paul and the fourth evangelist were able to
spiritualise the primitive conception. These forces and factors are not
independent of one another, and all go back to an element in the con
sciousness of Jesus which was only appreciated and developed several
decades after his death. However, they are historical entities which
orientate most effectively the period of the gospels' composition, and
explain their birth. For "events," as Vinet has somewhere remarked,
" are the real judges of events, and — purely moral questions excepted —
history only gets itself written under their dictation."
In this connection it may be also observed that, while the phrase
" Jesus above the head of his reporters " indicates a real truth of history,
affording a correct standpoint from which to valuate the extant sources,
it is apt, nevertheless, to convey a wrong impression. Jesus had no
reporters. So far as his words have reached us, their existence is due to
the keen and loving memory of his adherents. It is to attach a modern
and quite a misleading idea to his life when we allow ourselves to think of
him as surrounded like a philosophic lecturer by those who treasured up
his words in view of future developments, to be authoritative for a com
munity, or to furnish by anticipation some guidance for a strange prospect
ahead. Nothing was further from the thoughts of the primitive disciples,
and it may be questioned how far even Jesus occupied such a standpoint
of prevision. At any rate, anything like an immediate and tangible pre
servation of his sayings or deeds is historically incredible. Simple and
informal, they rose from the wayside of his experience. Simply and
informally they were remembered and repeated by bis adherents. Their
passage to us has all the charm and impressiveness of this natural process,
and there is no need to crush it into mechanical supernatural methods
which rob it of reality, in the vain attempt to increase its reliability.
" Do not degrade the life and dialogues of Christ out of this charm, by
insulation and peculiarity. Let them lie as they befell, alive and warm,
part of human life, and of the landscape, and of the cheerful day." That
is a true protest, truer than Emerson meant ; for it applies to the subse
quent transmission no less than to the original setting of the life of Jesus
in the gospels.
Broadly speaking, we may say that two streams coloured the evangelic
narratives. One contained the volume of practical interests and require
ments germane to the growing church.1 The variety of the gospels proves
1 So far as regards Jesus, the historical interest of the early Christians was deter
mined by the demands of faith, which centred upon three subjects : (a) the sufferings
and death, (b) the notable actions and events of his life, (c) his teaching. The human
birth and childhood forms only a secondary stage of interest (Matt-Lk), which is
again transcended by the later growth of reflection ( Ju l118) upon tbe pre-existence
of the Christ. Of the three former topics, the passion probably formed tbe leading
object of attention— to judge from the space assigned it in the synoptists, and the
references iu 1 Pet. and Hebrews.

262 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
that these were not altogether homogeneous ; but they must have pos
sessed common features which went far towards determining the con
ception of Christ preserved in the records. To the fact of these general
practical requirements, of which our gospels are partly the precipitate,
must be added the primary fact of the early Christian consciousness,
namely, the sense that in the historical Jesus Messianic hopes and promises
were fulfilled. To some degree this significance of Jesus is recognised in
Paul, though it is not prominent. His knowledge of, and interest in,
the career and human character of Jesus represent quite an appreciable
quantity, although they have been depreciated and exaggerated by various
schools of criticism. Still there can be no doubt that other interests
were unsatisfied. There was always the lingering tradition of the his
torical Jesus, and the parallel movement of Judaism back to OT prophecy
probably intensified the passion — partly intuitive, partly born of the
exigencies of controversy — for finding in him, from the evidence of his
own words and deeds (Ac 222), an actual and detailed fulfilment of the
Messiah sketched in tbe OT. Among such vigorous convictions and
creative tendencies the synoptic gospels were shaped (cp. Prof. Eendel
Harris in Contemp. Review, August, 1895). The most objective writings1
in the NT literature, they were not born in vacant space. Their ante
cedents are as obvious as tbeir definite origin in the needs and ideas of
the time with which they are in correspondence, and it is hardly possible
to miss in each its birth-marks or heredity.
It is like trying to drink out a sea, said Goethe once, to enter into an
historical and critical examination of the gospels. Eighty years of
research have not sensibly abated this impression of complexity and
intricacy in dealing with the synoptic problem. While enquiry has
exhausted one or two lines of treatment, it has at the same time thrown
open others which are still unsurveyed. Still it is possible out of the
chaos of synoptic criticism to secure the following postulates, which
not only are sufficient for the purposes of the present edition, but also
command very wide recognition among competent and independent
scholars. Taking the gospels in their present form, we note their
(A) Succession, (i.) The priority of Mark to the others is generally
accepted : cp. Ritschl (Gesammelte Aussiltze, pp. 1-57, Entstehung, pp. 28,
34), Reuss, Renan, B. Weiss in his long series of critical monographs,
Holtzmann (Einl. pp. 340-390, HG, i. Einleitung), Wendt ( " Die Lehre
Jesu " (1886), pp. 1-44), Havet (Origines, iv. pp. 225-296), Jacobsen (Un-
tersuch. iiber die syn. Evv. 1883), E. A. Abbott (E.B., art. " Gospels," and in
The Common Tradition, p. vi), Volkmar (Jesus Nazar. pp. 18-19, his date
is exactly 73 A.D.), Carpenter (The First Tliree Gospels), Westcott (Introduc
tion to Study of Gospels), Sanday (Smith's Diet. B-. (1893), pp. 1 222-1242),
Massebieau (Examen des citations de T'ancien Testament dam I'dvangile selon
S. Matthieu), and Harnack (Chron.). There is a pretty fair agreement
among scholars working along different lines, that " the common tradition
upon which all the three synoptic-- were based is substantially our St.
Mark, so far as matter, general form, and order are concerned " (F. H.
Woods, Stadia Biblica, vol. ii. p. 94). Compare Salmon, J AT (lect. ix.);
Jiilicher, Einl. p. 215 ; Pfleiderer's Urc. p. 360; Resch, TU, x. l,ch.5;
Bruce, ExGT, i. (1897) ; E. Roehrich, la Composition des Evangiks
i The objectivity varies : its maximum lies in Mark, the presentation of Matt, and
Luke has been more influenced by other interests, while in the fourth gospel we have
the minimum. Compare Westcott's remarks (Gospel of John, Introd. pp. liv-lv),
on subjectivity in relation to the truthfulness of a narrator.

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS 263
(1898), pp. 1-28 ; Briggs, Messiah of Gospels, pp. 70-256 ; Du Buisson
("The origin and characteristics of Mark," 1896); Brandt, "die Evan-
gelische Geschichte und der Ursprung des Christenthums " (1893), pp.
536 f. ; A. J. Jolley, The Synoptic Problem for English Readers ; Rev. Sir
J. C. Hawkins, Bart., in "Horae Synopticae" (1899) ; Dr. Cone, " Gospel
Criticism" (1891), pp. 150-160 ; V. H. Stanton, DB, ii. article " Gospels " ;
Wernle, die Synoptische Frage (1899) ; Soltau, Eine Liicke d. Synopt.
Forschung (1899) ; Adeney, BI, p. 324 f. ; Salmond, DB, iii. 258-260 ; and
apparently Dr. G. L. Cary, IH, i. pp. xix-xxxiii.
This judgment upon the priority of Mark is based chiefly upon the
impression afforded by its contents. Editorial solicitude is less con
spicuous here than in Matthew or Luke (cp. Mk 32, omitted in Mt-Lk ; 35
per' opyijs, etc. etc.), as though the narrative of Christ's life still lay near
to the life itself, and had not yet passed very deeply into the sphere of
subsequent reflection, where religious interests and reverence itself
naturally exercised an increasing control over editors and their materials.
Less connected and complete, Mark's naive, fresh, and (compared with Mt
and Lk) unconventional portrait of Jesus in all likelihood preceded the
more conscious and polished attempts of the others to present Christianity
as well as Christ. This is corroborated by his treatment of the chronology
and his general disposition of the life, which is silently presupposed in the
later synoptists. Mark's order, if placed between Matthew and Luke, shows
at once that they had it before them, and freely amplified or rearranged
its scheme to suit their own ideas. Their variations and divergences
become intelligible when once its tradition is accepted as a common,
prior outline of the biography. Apart from other indications, — e.g., the
simpler, abrupt, unpremeditated form ! of several sayings (329 838 9z2b"24),
and the treatment of the disciples (651b-52 817"18 IO35), — the priority of
Mark is most decisively urged by tbe amount of material common to
itself and to Mt-Lk. The distinctive contents of Mark are comparatively
insignificant beside the matter shared by it with tbe later gospels, and
of this feature only one explanation is feasible. That the realistic,
graphic narrative of Mark was a later compilation, an abridgment or
extracted essence of the others, formed in a slavish and piecemeal fashion,
is so pointless and improbable a view, that it has been almost unanimously
dropped from serious criticism. The alternative is that it was from Mark
the others borrowed, and that round the nucleus which each took from this
primitive gospel, they gathered the larger and wider materials which
have lent distinctiveness and weight to their own records. One interest
ing result of this is that the central current of evangelic tradition flows
from a Petrine source ; for there is a growing tendency upon all sides of
criticism to credit and even emphasise the Papias-tradition which links
Mark to Peter.2
Besides, the closest scrutiny of Mark fails to discover much cogent
1 On the realism of Mark, the prophetic picture of Matthew, and Luke's idealised
sketch, cf. Bruce, With Open Face, chs. i.-iii. ; on the fontal position of Mark,
Blass, PG, 206-210 ; on its relation to tbe later scheme of Matthew, W. C. Allen,
ExpTi, xi. pp. 279-284, Wernle, Synopt. Frag. p. 127 f., and Roehricht, la Composi
tion des Eeangiles, pp. 58 f., 208 f. Halevy's article in the Revue Semitique (April,
1900, pp. 115-149), "Notes sur l'evang. de S. Marc," I have not been able to see.
-J. P. Blair (The Apostolic Gospel, 1896) prefers to regard Mark as a primitive
harmony. The apostolic source already existed in various versions, he conjectures,
which have been combined in our second gospel. Similarly, the fourth gospel is an
elaborated commentary upon this source. He rejects the Papias-tradition of Mark's
Petrine origin, but on insufficient grounds.

264 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
evidence to prove tbe use of written sources, with the exception of the
" small apocalyse " which has been incorporated in ch. xiii. The existence
of an Ur- Marcus is unreasonably disputed ; but that document, after all
the ingenuity and hypothetical reconstructions which have gathered round
it, remains a shadowy x in the synoptic problem. Despite argument
from textual critics and literary analysts, our extant Mark is substantially
a unity, in a sense that Matthew and Luke are not. They are composite
works, dependent not merely upon Mark itself and the Logia, but also
upon other sources which no longer exist. Mark is written from the
best reminiscences of an eye-witness, probably with little or nothing
except oral tradition between it and the original facts. Whatever written
sources have been used in our second gospel are of quite a subordinate
character compared to the original mass of narrative ; and any alterations
made in it as a final recension of Mark's Petrine notes, do not form a
substantial feature in the book.
The conclusion, then, is that this gospel precedes the others, standing
most neardytcT the original tradition; and this estimate throws a clear
light across almost all the phenomena of the writing. Its value and
validity can be tested and justified only by a detailed comparison of the
three documents with one another. Taken as a whole, Mark does not
present traces of adaptation to church interests and feelings to nearly
the same extent as these appear throughout Matthew and Luke. It is
less of a compilation. It shares with Matthew and Luke the atmosphere
of the second generation, charged with reflections and requirements, but
one can feel the presence of a circle for which, perhaps also of an author
for whom, these did not yet possess a very dominating importance in
relation to the memoirs and conception of Jesus. At the same time it is
to be freely admitted by the upholders of Mark's priority, that in several
passages Matthew and Luke stand actually closer than Mark to the
original tradition. The fact of Mark's priority in order of composition
does not imply that the gospel contained an absolutely exact reproduction
of the primitive narrative and sayings. On the contrary,'it is possible, and
indeed almost certain, that some earlier portions of the tradition did not
pass into writing (or at least into the extant writings) until subsequently
to the publication of Mark. But this existence of secondary elements
does not affect the priority of Mark,1 as a literary unity, to Matthew and
Luke (J. Weiss, ThLz, 1897, 511-513).
The relative priority of Mark depends especially upon the adoption
of the ' Two-Sources ' theory. At present this hypothesis has the wind in
its sails, and may be said almost to have passed out of the rank and number
1 Two recent theories stand sadly apart from the main body of criticism. Zahn
(Einl. ii. pp. 199-233), following Grotius, arranges the gospels thus : Matthew
(Aramaic), Mark, Luke, Matthew (Greek). Mark has used Mt (Aram.), and has in
turn been used by Mt (Gk. ). The repeated difficulties in which so retrograde a theory
involves its author will not yield even to the application of his dexterity and learn
ing. Its three weakest points are, (a) that Matthew is a translation, (b) that Matthew
could have been practically written by 62, and (c) that Mark is nothing but a mosaic-
work of older traditions, an abbreviation and summary of the first gospel. Godet,
again (INT, ii. p. 208 f. ), puts the composition of Matthew actually iu the years 60-66.
Both of these attempts betray reactiouary movements to the old position (Matt., Mark,
Luke), of which Hilgenfeld remains the chief upholder (see his ' ' Marcosia Novissima,"
ZwTh, 1899, pp. 481-507). Prof. Gilbert (Student's Life of Jesus, 1898, pp. 1-47),
like Reville, holds that all three synoptists are independent of each other, though
they used written sources ; and Belser, writing from the Roman Catholic standpoint,
gives two exhaustive essays (TQ, 1893, pp. 355-407; 1898, pp. 177-238), leaning of
course to the conservative and traditional position.

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS

265

of mere hypotheses. Upon this very convincing view, the basis of the
synoptic gospels consists of two documents x in the main, for both of which
we have witness in the traditions of Papias. One (a) is a narrative of tbe
life of Jesus, compiled by Mark from the reminiscences of Peter. The
exact relation between this collection of anecdotes and sayings (as reported
by Papias) 2 and our extant gospel of Mark is not yet clear. The two
are identified by some critics. Others believe themselves able to discern
in Mark the outline of an Ur-Marcus, in which case the canonical gospel is
a later expanded edition of the earlier materials. If this be rejected, it
must be allowed that the gospel has been slightly altered since its
use by the other synoptists. However, the main point is that for our
knowledge of the events in the life of Jesus we are almost absolutely
dependent upon a Petrine tradition. Along with this, but probably
composed before it, lay (b) a collection of Adyta3 (chiefly, though not
entirely, sayings of the Lord), originally edited in Aramaic by Matthew
(see Appendix, below). This, in the form of a Greek translation, was
known to Matthew and Luke, but there seems to be some reason for con
jecturing that these evangelists did not have it before them in the same
shape. Probably it had already passed through several recensions. It
does not seem to be a necessary or even a probable conclusion — in spite of
Julicher's (Einl. pp. 225-226) and Titius' arguments (ThSt, pp. 284-331),
following in the wake of Weiss and Resell — that Mark made any exten
sive use of the Logia, although he may possibly have known them.
The genealogical relations between the various sources and the extant
gospels, upon this theory, may be exhibited thus :

« Qb Q...

__>">

Half hew

Amid all the minor diversities and niceties of opinion in regard to the
number, character, and use of the various sources, — questions which lie
outside our piresent purpose, — the priority of Mark to the other two
1 Compare the Jewish distiuction between the Halacha (tradition of law and cus
tom) and the Haggada (tradition of history). Also, an obvious but inadequate parallel
exists in the case of Thucydides, who employed two sorts of material for his history,
facts of speech (a.j-.i), and facts of action (ipya). The Double-Source theory is sub
stantially based on the ideas of Schleiermacher, and a clear account of the criticism
up to 1886 is given by Mangold (-Bleek, pp. 236-259).
2 It has been seriously questioned, however, whether this reference of Papias is
trustworthy, whether it refers merely to the absence of a historical framework such
as is supplied in Luke and John, or whether it really applies to the present gospel
of Mark. The latter is not the outcome of discourses, although its general tenor
resembles a passage like Ac IO38 (Peter's description of Jesus) ; nor can much fault be
found with its arrangement.
3 Exhaustively discussed by Wendt (op. cit. pp. 44-191), Weiss (Das Mottluius-
Evglm. 1876), and Weizsacker (Untersuclw ngen,2 Erster Theil; Zweiter Abschnitt),
more briefly by Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 362-367- and Werule (op. cit. pp. 80-91, 178-

266 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
synoptic gospels is advocated with practical unanimity. It is still hotly
disputed, however, whether Luke knew Matthew or made independent
use of the narrative-source (a) = Mark, whether Matthew had access to any
sources 1 besides Q and Mark, and finally, whether Mark was acquainted
with the Logia. These controversies hardly affect the respective dates or
order of the gospels. The cardinal point for their criticism is the fact
that Matthew and Luke go back to the two written (Gk.) sources, that
both have used for their own purposes the order and content of Mark's
narrative, combining with it selections from Q and additions of their
own, that Matthew especially has preserved particularistic sayings of
Jesus from the Jewish-Christian Logia Qmt (517"20 IO5"6 IO23 233), though
his own standpoin tis universalis tic ("Son ouvrage est un de form et
divers de fond " : Reville), that Luke has exercised greater freedom in
dealing with the narrative than with the sayings of his sources, and that
— especially in the polemic of Jesus against the Pharisees — there are traces
that Matthew lies closer than Luke to the original tradition.
Upon this last point, however, there is great division of opinion. While
the priority of Mark to the other gospels is put beyond dispute by the Two-
Sources theory, (ii.), it is another matter when tbe relative priority of
Matthew and Luke is in debate. Here the majority of the above-named
critics are in favour of Matthew's priority, but the arguments are no
longer of the same weight and decisiveness. The priority of Matthew is
defended (a) by those who who find traces of its use in Luke. This
dependence is ably maintained by E. Simons (Hat der dritte Evangelist den
kanonischen Maltha us benutdl 1880), whose main results are tabulated
in ZScOhz (1884), 144-145, Scholten (das paulinische Evangelium, 1881),
Jacobsen (Untersuchungen iiber die synoptischen Evglien, 1883, and—
especially against Pfleiderer— ZwTh, 1890, pp. 180-185), Mangold (-Bleek),
Holtzmann (Einl. pp. 356-357), besides Wendt (LJ, i. pp. 206 f.), Weiz
sacker, P. Ewald, and Wittichen (JpTh, 1881, pp. 366 f., 713 f., 1891, pp.
481 f.). Cp., however, Schlager (SK, 1896, pp. 83-93) and von Soden(77._i,
114-115). The divergences of Luke from Matthew are on this hypothesis
explained by the supposition that his use of Matthew was not systematic
or extensive. In fact the latter was merely a subsidiary source : Luke
neglected or forgot it frequently. The strength of the theory, on the other
hand, lies in the series of places where Matthew and Luke agree as against
Mark. Unless these represent the use of an Ur-Marcus — i.e. unless they
preserve fragments of a primitive source which is not altogether preserved
in our second gospel — it is difficult to account for them except on the
hypothesis of a literary connection between Matthew and Luke.
This theory, however, is not without its difficulties (cp. W. Briickner,
PM, 1899, pp. 109-110) and has met with serious opposition. It is there
fore to be noted that the priority of Matthew to Luke is not absolutely
dependent upon tbe hypothesis that the latter used the former. Both (.)
may be held to be independent gospels (e.g. Roehricht, op. cit. pp. 179-
188, 224-233). Wilkinson (Four Lectures on the Early History ofthe Gospels, 1898)
defines it as a "naive, simple narrative thrown together in a curiously unliterary
way, and recounting, now in the person of one apostle, now in that of another, the
history and, more particularly, the inspired utterances of our Lord Jesus Christ."
i Whatever historical element may lie in the narratives of the infancy and resur
rection — to say nothing of Luke's Peraean section, and several other fassages in
Matthew and Luke of a divergent or isolated nature — can be defended only on the
hypothesis of separate sources. For evidently these could not have existed in Mark
or iu the Logia,, which these later gospels used. For a recent English application of
the historical method to these narratives, cp. Dr. G. L. Cary's notes in IB, i. pp. 1-44.

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS 267
184), resting upon Mark and the Logia as their common sources, and yet
using these in different ways. In this case, the priority of Matthew has
to be proved from a comparison of its contents with those of Luke, and of
the relation in which both stand to the Grundschrift. Along this line of
reasoning (cp. especially Abbott, loc. cit.) the arguments are purely internal,
but — as it seems to the present editor — they are upon the whole in favour
of the theory that Matthew's temper and spirit reflect a slightly earlier
stage of the evangelic tradition 1 and church-development than is por
trayed in the ampler pages of Luke. In favour of this conclusion —
though upon very different critical bases — may be adduced scholars like
Holsten, Keim (i. pp. 67-115), and Hilgenfeld (ZwTli, 1897, pp. 411-432),
who date Matthew prior not merely to Luke but to Mark.
At the same time it must be allowed that Matthew contains elements
which may reasonably be held to imply a more mature stage for the whole
writing than that indicated in Luke ; and these elements are regarded
as decisive by many good critics, including Westcott (Introd. Gospels, pp.
209-210), Volkmar (Jesus Nazarenus, 1882), Pfleiderer (Urc. p. 416 f.),
Carpenter (op. cit. pp. 332-335, 377-379), J. Weiss (-Meyer's Luke, 1892,
pp. 275-277), McGiffert (AA, p. 577), Soltau (op. cit.), von Soden and
Wernle (op. cit. p. 40 f. and passim). This tendency, in ancient as well
as in modern times, has been partly due to tbe fact that scholars wished
to save the one gospel from the derogatory position of being criticised and
superseded by the other, particularly when the former was regarded as
the composition of an apostle. But Matthew was certainly not written
by the disciple of that name ; and even if it had been, no special sanctity
was attached to the early evangelic narrative at first. Nor does the prior
date of Matthew necessarily imply even Luke's use of it. Upon the whole,
it seems truer to the complete impression of Matthew to regard those
elements which are secondary (as compared to Luke) pretty much as we
regard the secondary features in Mark. Instead of being reckoned
adverse to the earlier origin of the gospel in question, they should be
taken as indications that the problem is more complex and combines
more numerous and delicate threads than might be supposed at a super
ficial glance. At most they leave the question of priority open.
As for the divergences and distinctive characteristics of the gospels, it
may be pointed out that estimates of a character vary with the observer's
power and opportunities of appreciation ; all the more so, as nothing in
the world is so complex and many-sided as a great human soul. But
this is not the main reason for the variations of the synoptic gospels.
They are not independent or direct biographies of Jesus. They depend,
if not on one another, at least upon a common basis of tradition, and
their varieties of interpretation are chiefly due to those manifold interests
in the Christian consciousness which had to be justified and satisfied in
the historical Jesus.2 It was not the original function of the gospels to
1 Especially in eschatology. " The precautions are unmistakable which he [Luke]
takes to remove the Parousia of Christ further than Matthew, to separate it from the
judicial punishment of Jerusalem, and to make it commence only a considerable
time after that event," Zeller-Overbeck, ii. pp. 271-272.
- The fact that all three presuppose an audience and a certain familiarity with the
evangelic tradition is incidentally proved by passages, e.g., like Mark 15-i, where
Alexander and Rufus (as iu li6, Simon) are evidently mentioned without comment
as well known to the circle for which the gospel was written. Compare the first
mention also of Judas (Mk 319, Mt 104) and Mary (Jn ll2), who are referred to in
connection with incidents which are only narrated at a later stage. Such anticipa
tions point to acquaintance with an oral or written tradition.

268 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
tacitly supersede or to implicitly supplement one another. They were
written each to portray in a definite and self-consistent fashion the Lord
Jesus Christ as a religious authority and a devotional source.
The tradition preserved by Irenaeus (Eus. HE, v. 8. 3), and entitled
to some historical credit, places the composition of Mark's gospel after
the death of Peter, from whose reminiscences (ra vrrb Xlerpov Krjpvo-o-opeva)
it was largely composed. This gives 64-67 a.d. as a terminus a quo. At
any time after this the book may have been written. The references in
Mark's form and setting of the " small apocalypse " do not absolutely in- .
volve, although they strongly point to (e.g. 1320), a retrospect of the horrors
attending the fall of Jerusalem. 1 Otherwise there is no distinct clue,
and the sole terminus ad quem is to be found in the dates of Matthew and
Luke. Not earlier than 65, and not much, if at all, later than 75, one
may conjecture that the gospel was composed.2 It is remarkable that the
very feeling which had in earlier days rendered Christian literature
superfluous — i.e. the expectation of Christ's immediate advent — should
have actually come to be a chief motive in the composition of the
primitive gospels. Yet such is the fact. Mark presupposes doubts in
regard to Christ's return, which were to be implicitly answered by a proof
that death formed a necessary stage in the process of his living Spirit.
What argument (Hebrews) and vision (Apocalypse) afterwards undertook,
Mark strove to accomplish by means of the evangelic history. He
laboured to quicken the hope of the advent, which under the lapse of
time and through the seeming contrariety of events had partially wavered.
" Enthusiastic hope was " rekindled rather than " replaced by historic
reverence " (Martineau, Essays and Addresses, iii. 39). At least, in the
synoptic tradition from the first, an attempt was made in this direction.
For it was an object of these early historians to state the reasonableness
of the anticipation and to indicate its truth, against the stubborn facts of
Jesus' death and the increasing lapse of time.
In other circles where the long delay of the parousia had been felt
with equal severity (Mt 2448 25 5), the prophetic mission of the Messiah
required to be exhibited as culminating in the relation of Jesus to the
Christian community (ep. Burton, Biblical World, 1898, pp. 37-44,
91-101). Now that the external state of Judaism had gone (Mt 227), its
legitimate successor was the reign of heaven, which in Matthew's gospel
is heir to the prerogatives of the older revelation (e.g. I22). To Matthew
the OT is the anticipation, not of contemporary Judaism, but of the
Christianity which that Judaism banned and scorned. The author of
i Note the omission of Mark's characteristic ...._;_ in 1324 (retained in Mt 2489).
2 It goes without saying that a large mass of Christ's teaching has been preserved
in a form whose origiu is evidently earlier than that of the synoptic gospels them
selves, or even of their sources. Certain phrases and conceptions of Jesus laid too
strong a hold of tbe primitive disciples to permit of their being affected (to any
serious degree) by later modes of thought and feeling ; and all literary criticism of
the gospels as products of the apostolic church must allow for the creative originality
of Jesus as a teacher, and his dominating personality. At the same time this does
not exhaust the evidence of the gospels. For if these preserve features of a much
earlier age which either lost their vogue or resisted alteration between 30 and 70 A.D.,
they as certainly reproduce some feelings and ideas which mainly sprang into life
during the course of that interval. A distinctly retrospective element exists, even in
Mark. The picture is partly a review. It looks back not merely to the actual life
of Christ within the limit of his birth and death, but also to the effect and course of
his Spirit in subsequent years among the Christian communities. The record is
now and then permeated by interpretations, modifications, and applications which
would have been anachronistic at the moment when the words were originally spoken.

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS 269
this gospel is in fact the theologian 1 of the evangelists. He is familiar
with OT prophecies, arranges his history so as to bring out with great
aptness for his age the dogmatic principle of Christ's Messianic state, as
that was foretold by the Scriptures, rejected by the Jews, and accepted by
the Christians. Slight but significant in this connection are the frequent
phrases occurring like a refrain, 'iva (Snms) -KXgpadfi rb pgdev (virb Kvpiov)
hia rov rrpo(briTov, " the Son of David," r) ftaaiKeia twv ovpavwv, and the like.2
Besides this interest, there lie upon the surface the pressing interests of
the age in questions3 of church-order and discipline (Mt 18l;M8 1617- 18) ;
it is not illegitimate to discover some significance in the quotation of
parables (1324t 38f) which imply the heterogenous nature of the visible
church, and it is more than singular that cK/cAijo-ia occurs in this gospel
alone. The so-called "sermon on the mount "is plainly intended to be
the Magna Charta of the new reign of God, visible and authoritative. Its
place and contents point to its function as a statement of the new law
for the new communities. Here and elsewhere throughout Matthew, the
idea of the church, as Prof. Carpenter observes, " is in some sense present
in the background much oftener than the term itself appears." Traces of
it probably appear in the regulations for discipline (c. 18) and baptism
(c. 28), for which the sanction and authority of Jesus are duly claimed,
and in which he is represented as the head of a settled organisation. To
suppose that Jesus contemplated a visible church as the embodiment of his
gospel is almost to be guilty of a historical atrocity ; but both Matthew and
Ac 1-5 concur in representing the early Christians as rapidly organising
themselves into a community. This is a most significant fact, alike in its
bearing on the temper and attitude of the people, and in its import as a
presupposition for the growth of subsequent records of the Master; and
the evidence of Paul corroborates the indirect allusions of Matthew to
the organised body or bodies of primitive Christianity, as well as to the
place which these occupied in the development of the evangelic tradition
(1 Co 151"9). The salient features of this life are finely sketched by
Harnack in Das Wesen des Christentums (1900), pp. 96-109.
i Not in the sense that he is dominated by pro-Jewish tendencies. As Dr. Cone
correctly points out, the kind of record preserved in Matthew is "a natural and
necessary result ofthe historical connection of Christianity with Judaism."
" Vide the use of 'I.-cWoi (2815) in the antagonistic sense ofthe term which is so
frequent in the fourth gospel. Otherwise, the aim of the gospel represents simply a
more developed form of that which dominates the gospel ;-«..' '^_;«, "to exhibit
Jesus as the Messiah sent from God, not as the Son of God conceived of the Holy
Ghost in a special sense, but as the Jong-expected Messiah of David's race, iu whom
prophecy finds its fulfilment " (Handmann, TU, v. 3, p. 125). This is the primitive
stage which Matthew and Luke transcend, but which lingered in some circles of belief.
3 Compare iu the later literature, also, the " liturgical " elemeut in Lk 1, 2, Apoc,
Pastorals (Eph. ? ), and the basis found for Christian worship (Jn 423), institutions,
and ministry (20l9f, Ac 1, 2), with the first prayer for the Rornau Emperor (Clem.
Rom. 61), etc. Wernle (ZNW, 1900, p. 63), following a hint of Sohm's, argues that
even in the fourth gospel the absence of the word \xx\%o-ta is purely a superficial
feature. "The Christocentric apology ofthe gospel is the apology of the church.
Whenever the author speaks of Christ, faith, Spirit, truth, the word is spoken by
the church. More churchly passages than 35 or 146 do not exist in any NT writing ;
Ac 412 alone has similar traits." Upon the impulse towards organisation afforded by
the crisis of 70 a.d., see Wellhausen, Prolegomena, pp. 539 f. As morality depends
largely on institutions, and as the new religion found these lying to hand in Judaism
and Hellenism alike, the question really is, — how soon did Christianity discover its
independent need of such aids, and how far did it transform them for its own
ends ? For Paul's share and interest in this matter, see a fair statement in Weinel's
Paulus als Kirchliche Organizator, 1899.

270 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
The terminus a quo for dating Matthew is given partly by tradition,
partly by the internal evidence of its dependence upon Mark. The notice
of Papias (Euseb. HE, iii. 39. 16) that Matthew composed the Logia in
Hebrew, leaves tbe date of this apostolic collection an open question ; but
if Irenaeus (ibid. v. 8. 2) x is to be trusted, it was written in the first half of
the seventh decade. Weiss, incorrectly interpreting the Eusebian story
that an oracle was granted to the primitive Jerusalem church, as an
allusion to this Logia collection, instead of to the " small apocalypse,"
dates it 67 a.d. This is rather late, however ; and besides, the Logia
were probably in existence some time before Mark wrote his gospel. A
general terminus a quo for Matthew, therefore, is the seventh decade,
when this collection which formed one of its bases was composed (c.
62 a.d. is the date suggested by Dr. G. L. Cary, IH, i. p. xxiii). The
internal evidence carries us past the year 70 ; passages like 27441 22;
1628 are decisive upon this, besides the use of Mark's gospel as one of its
sources.2 The terminus ad quem is not to be fixed more definitely than
the date of the fourth gospel, which rests upon the three synoptists.
Unfortunately it is uncertain whether Matthew is used by Luke, but in
any case it must have been written before the end ofthe first century.3
Upon the whole, it may be regarded as nearer than Luke to Mark and
the Logia, although occasionally greater exactness in reproducing the
early tradition does not absolutely prove priority in order of composition.
A fair range for its composition would be the period 75-90 a.d. That
the gospel has come down to us with the traditional name of Matthew is
due to the fact that in the early tradition Matthew appeared as theauthor
of those Logia which were afterwards incorporated in the present gospel,
gave it an important and distinctive feature, and were finally super
seded by it. When the two came to be confused, the gospel being taken
as a translation of the Logia, it was natural that Matthew's name should
be retained for tbe larger work by an age which had already lost all
direct knowledge of the gospel's Hterary history.
The indisputable fact that Luke presupposes the fall of Jerusalem
(1943- 44 2121-24) is confirmed by the use made of Mark in his pages.
From the prologue it is evident that the book followed a rich growth of
evangelic narratives, which apparently did not satisfy Luke's standard of
research and investigation. This points to a pretty advanced date,
1 Mat. -ai_j . . . ypa^y.v l"-i,y-.yx:v '.iayyu.iov, roi XliTpav xai tov -la.?..- Iv ' Pcu'jc-r, liayy.XjZopuya,
xxi Bipaxioivrm . '* kxxXyo-ixv. For wholly inconclusive reasons Resch dates the com
position of Matthew's Logia shortly after the crucifixion (Die Logia Jesu, Nach dem
griechiscbeu und hebraischen Text wiederhergestellt, 1898). It is of course impossible
to attach any weight to the statements found in some minuscule manuscripts that
Mark was composed 10, Luke 15, and John 30 or 32 years after the ascension.
2 Cp. Werule's remarks on the treatment of the miracles in Matthew and Mark
respectively (op. cit. p. 158). To Matthew, as he points out, they are materials for
proviug the Messiahship of Jesus. To Mark they are also that, but very much more.
He sees in them " not the embodiment of a principle, but a personality with the
warmth of life, who bends to men as one of themselves in mercy and love, sorrow
and anger. For Matthew the miracles are mere cyphers, which added together make
up a great number. For Mark they have individual worth." The conclusion is,
' ' Das Individuelle ist stets fr iiher da, als die Ve r allgeraeinerung ; die Freude am
Geschehris i-.t alter als der theologische Beweis. Gerade die zwei [731-3? S-26] von
Mt iibergangenen Wunrler sind die jenigen, mit denen theologische Reflexion am
wenigsten anfangen kaun."
3 If any weight could be attached to an interesting Syrian tradition quoted by
Nestle (ZWTh, 1894, pp. 435-138), the question ofthe Star in the Greek text of
Matthew (ch. 2) was being discussed widely by 120 a.d. Cp., however, Hilgenfeld
(ibid. 1895, pp. 447 f.).

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS 271
whether Matthew is included in these narratives or not. Also there are
the use of 6 Kiipios for Christ, the incipient hymnology and legalism, the
development of the resurrection-tradition, etc. Here, too (622 1211 2112),
as in Matthew, traces exist of civil persecution, which would be quite apt
in Domitian's reign (i.e. any time after 90). But beyond such general
limits, it is impossible to fix any period for the book's composition. The
relations between it and Mark (possibly Matthew as well), apart from the
advanced character of its theology (cp. the characteristic feeling of delay
in Christ's advent, 187- 8 209) and conceptions, forbid us placing it before
80. On the other side, it was certainly composed before Acts and the
fourth gospel, some time during the last quarter of the first century,1
when Gentile Christianity (ica-pot e'dvSiv, 2124) was being steadily diffused
throughout the Roman Empire. Between the author and the life of
Jesus lie not only the first witnesses (avTorrrai koi vrrgperai), but also a
numerous circle of writers who preceded him in the attempt to compose
a narrative of the Christian facts. The author of the third gospel, then,
belongs to the epigoni. He is of the second or third generation, living in
an age when the chief materials for a life of Jesus consisted of written
sources.2 Apart from these, he was dependent upon oral reminiscence
and hearsay ; it scarcely required second-century tradition to point out his
distance from the historical origin of the faith (Murat. Can. " Dominum
nee ipse vidit in came ").
In the third gospel (as in the book of Acts) there is an exceptional care
to trace the development 3 of the new religion in its disentanglement from
Judaism (Lk 2124, Kaipol edvwv) 4 and expansion into the Roman Empire.
This gospel is even more distinctively featured than the others. The
1 The literary relationship between Luke, Acts, and Josephus (especially in the
Antiquities, composed 93-94 a.d.) is a vexed question (see below, on Acts). If the
resemblances involve the dependence of one writer on the other, it is more probable
that Luke used Josephus than vice versa, though it is quite reasonable to conjecture
that both may have used the same sources, or even to deny that the resemblances
are anything more than coincidences. The bearing of the question is greater
upon Acts than upon the third gospel ; while the dependence of the latter ou
Josephus' Antiquities cannot be securely proved, the former might be with more
reason conjectured to have a fairly direct relationship (Wendt admits it especi
ally in 536'-) with the Jewish History. Yet tbe discrepancy e.g., between their
accounts of Herod Agrippa's death, seems an insuperable difficulty, and the use of
common ideas and idioms goes far to explain most ofthe coincidences (see particularly
the careful proof by Belser, TQ, 1895, pp. 634^662, 1896, pp. 1-78). Apart fiom
the older criticism of Overbeck, Hausrath, Keim, and Renan, the dependence of
Luke on Josephus has been urged especially by Holtzmann (ZwTh (1877), p. 535 f.,
ibid. (1880), p. 121 f., and Krenkel (Jos. u. Lucas, 1894) ; cp. also an article in
Fortnightly Review (1877), pp. 485-509 ; Jiingst (quellen d. Apgeschichte, p. 201 f.)) ;
Schmiedel (ZSchz, 1898, p. 46, EBi, i. 49), and Clemen. Against the theory, Schiirer
(ZwTh, 1876, pp. 574 f. ), Nosgen (SK, 1879, p. 221), Bousset (ThLz, 1895, p. 391),
Headlam (DB, i. art. "Acts"), Bebb (DB, iii. 168), besides Schanz (Comm. Luc.
p. 16), Gloel (die. jiingste Kritik d. Galat. p. 64 f.), Adeney, (BI, pp. 343, 344),
Zahn (Einl. ii. 394-418), and of course — by implication — writers like Harnack.
McGiffert, and Ramsay (cp. Zeller, Overbeek-Zeller, ii. 310).
2 For a note ou these, cp. Appendix : on Lk 1-2.
3 Cp. Weiss, NTTh, ii. pp. 291-296. The developmeut is somewhat protracted.
It must embrace an interval during which the erroneous identification of Christ's
coming with the fall of Jerusalem had to be reluctantly abandoned.
4 The Luke of the NT (Col 4") is a Gentile Christian. The genealogy of the
third gospel reaching back to Adam, not to Abraham (as Matt.), witnesses to the
" Catholic " tendency, which in this case is identified with the aim at a " complete"
(l2) account of Jesus. Adam is the human, as opposed to Abraham the national,
ancestor ; but he is also the actual root of the subsequent pedigree. On Luke and
the Roman world, cp. Ramsay, Was Christ born at Bethlehem ? (1898) pp. 49-72.

272 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
characteristics, e.g. commonly known as its " Paulinism '' and " Ebionitism,"
represent quite definite traits, but how far these rather eclectic elements
are to be referred to the conscious individuality of the author, and how
far to the circle of feelings and ideas in which he moved and for which he
wrote, is another problem.1 One motive, however, is fairly plain. The
work of his contemporary, Josephus, was devoted to removing as far as
possible the anti-Semite prejudice which had been accentuated in many
Roman circles by the outbreak of 66-70 a.d. The two volumes from a
Christian pen which we now know as the third gospel and Acts had a
similar object. They strove to allay the unfavourable impression pro
duced in the same circles, not merely by the unpopularity and trouble-
someness of Christians throughout the empire, but also by the malice
of their co-religionists, the Jews. That some such idea was in the mind
of the author cannot reasonably be doubted.
As the remarkable coincidences between Lk l1-4 and the medical
writings of Dioskorides (of Anazarbus), cp. Lagarde (Psalt. juxta Hebr.
Hieronymi, p. 165 f., Mittheilungen, 3, p. 55 f.), J. Weiss (-Meyer's Luke,
ad loc.), and Zahn (Einl. ii. p. 384), of whom the last named lays greater
stress upon Luke's use of Hippokrates.
(B) Date of composition. — The wide differences of opinion which still
exist in regard to this point of the synoptic problem can be most easily
exhibited in a table. The terminus a quo for the composition of the three
gospels may be taken as c. 70 a.d. The opposite limit falls c. 100 a.d., or
even later. It is brave rather than accurate to declare that the prevalent
view upon the whole is that " our gospels as we have them were written
within the decade 71-80 a.d." (Sanday, Exp* iii. 345, following Wright).
For Matthew, e.g., Hausrath, W. Briickner, and Renan will not come
down earlier than the Flavian regime ; 2 Volkmar and Pfleiderer 3 put it
1 Another slightly different aspect of the question is offered by the theory which
is disposed to discover these variations chiefly in the Jewish-Christian sources which
already lay before Luke, modelled as they were by previous tradition (so Feme,
Eine vorkanonische Weberlieferung d. Lukas, 1891; and similarly J. Weiss in Meyer8).
This would reduce Luke's initiative and make his variations due less to contemporary
reflections or personal bias than to the reproduction of primitive tendencies. Jiingst,
again (SK, 1896, pp. 215-244), is quite unable to find distinctively Pauline or theo
logical prepossessions in the third gospel. Its author is "ein ziemlich farbloser
Bearbeiter seiner (wesentlich judencbristlicben) Quellen," and Resch is even more
extravagant (Auxscrcanonische Paralleltexte, TU, x. 3, p. 847) : " Lukas ist der ten-
denzlose, lediglich und treulich auf seine Quellen sich stiitzende Historiograph der
NT." Ramsay's parallel estimate (SPT, pp. 14f.) does not seem to be justified even
by his own interpretation of those portions of Acts (and they are the strongest) which
he selects for discussion ; apart altogether from the fact that any such estimate ought
in all fairness to start from a work like the third gospel, where we have the oppor
tunity of comparing Luke with other writers of the same class who used to some
extent the same materials. At any rate, Luke's historical rank is nearer that of Livy
than of Thucydides, and nothing operates so mischievously in literary research as an
exaggerated estimate of some individual author. It simply provokes a depreciation
which foils into the same pit of injustice. Norden, Das Antike Kunstprosa, pp.
480-492, rightly pronounces quite an encomium upon Luke's style, in comparison
with that of the other synoptists. Cp. also above, p. 32.
2 Reville, i. pp. 282-360, dates the gospels between 98 and 117 a.d., the editing of
the Logia before 70, the Proto-Mark 70-75, and the fourth gospel 130-140. Simi
larly Paul (die Abfassungszeit d. Synopt. Evglien, 1887), arguing from the evidence of
Justin Martyr, dates tbe fiual redaction of all four gospels between 130 and 150 A.D. .
3 Pfleiderer's latest results are : Mark, possibly before the fall of Jerusalem,
and at any rate not long after tbe death of Paul ( Urc. 414-416) ; Luke, written in
Trajan's reign, about the opening of the second century (ibid. 542-543) ; Matthew,
about the second or third decade of the second century.

THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS

273

much later, while Usener (Religionsgeschichte Uidcrsui-hunqen, i. pp. 97,
173) dates its final form 130 a.d., its oldest, 69 a.d.1 Julicher's period
for the gospel is 81-96 a.d., with which Wernle practically agrees. As
for Luke, quite a weighty league of scholars cannot find evidence for it
earlier than the end of the first century or the beginning of the second ;
so Hilgenfeld, Holsten, Holtzmann, Krenkel, Weizsacker, Jiilicher,
Wernle, etc. Extravagant as some of the arguments for these positions
may be, the total proof is sufficient to show the lack of any definite
agreement upon the date of either Matthew or Luke, and also the
generally late period to which upon any fair statement of the case they
must be assigned. Equally extravagant in the opposite direction are the

Kklm.

Holsten.1

Carpenter.

A. Wright.

J'.LICHER.

Harnack. s

Zahn.

a.d.

A.D.

a.d.

a.d.

A.D.

a.d.

a.d.

100 or later.

80 f.

702

70.

70 after.

65-70.

(64) 67 c.

[S. David
So Hilgen
[Before the j [69, Weiss,
So Bevsch-
SoW.
So Bartlet
Mark
son, 120; Us
feld.
summer of 1 Sebanz ; 67-
lag, McGif
Bruckner,
ener, 120-
[Renan, 76.]
70; Swete,
66, Schafer.]
fert, and
Stanton,
130.]
Salmond.]
Wernle. [73, Volk-
mar.]
Abbott,
Adeney,Wendt.
68 ±
70 f.
100 f.
70-80.
Sl-96.
70-75.
85 c.
[So Abbott,
So Holtz
[S. David
So Weiss.
[End of cen
[Except
[In Greek.]
Adeney, and
mann (-110)
son, c. 105 ;
tury, Wer
some later
Matt
Bartlet.]
and Hilgen
(Vol km a r
nle.]
additions. ]
feld.
and Soltau,
So McGiffert.
So Bruce.
[After 75,
110) ; Pfleid-
Reuss.]
e r e r, be-
fore 140.]
98 c.
100 c.
802 or later.
80 before.
80-120.
78-93.
75 c.
[Renan,
So Schol-
[So Abbott]
[So Weiss,
[After 100,
McGiffert,
So Pluin-
Soltau, and
t e n and
Adeney, and
Holtzmann,
[Brace ?]
mer.
-Luke
Wernle, 90-
Pfleiderer.
Bartlet.]
Volkmar,
and J.Weiss.
100.]
Hilgenfeld,
Zeller,
S. Davidson,
i1
Weizsacker. ]
: 1 Rovers (Nieuw-test. Letterkunde, 1888) also dates Mk ± 90, Matt ± 80, and Luke at the beginning of
'.: second century.
'2"Both very probable dates" (Sanday, Exp*, iii. 20, vii. 412: Bampton Lect. p. 277 f. Luke = 75-S0);
:V. H. Stanton (ut supra), and Bebb (DB, iii. 162-164).
P3 Chron. pp. 650-656. So substantially Dr. O. Cone, Gospel Criticism and Historical Christianity, 1891.
reactionary attempts to put Luke previous to the destruction of Jeru
salem : so, after Godet, Prof. Marshall (Exp.4- ii. 72, 58-60 a.d.), Schanz
': (between 65-70), Schafer (67-70), Hahn, and most recently Blass (PG,
pp. 33-52, Evglm. secundum Luc. 1897, pp. ix, x), who dates it fifteen years
previous to that event. This period had been occasionally assigned to
iZahn (Einl. ii. pp. 158-333), like Schafer (Einl. p. 195 f.), dates Matthew's
Aramaic work (composed in Palestine) c. 62, and its final Greek form more than
.- twenty years later ; .just as Hilgenfeld had already put tbe former 50-60, and the
latter 70-80 a.d. Holsten put the Matthean Logia as far back as c. 55. Stanton
j (DB, ii. pp. 247, 248), after dismissing Mt 2429 as an argument for the pre-70 date,
. remarks, " Nor do there seem to be other indications in the gospel which enable us to
l assign it with confidence to a time either before or after that or any other date."
This is quite a wanton pessimism : it is caution glorified at the expense of intelligence.
18
274 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
Mark or even Matthew (Abbott places both before 70 a.d.), but Halcombe
conjectures that the whole of the gospels were in existence and circulation
before the Acts (Historic Relation of the Gospels, 1889, pp. 234-250), i.e.
previous to 63 + , and even twelve years earlier, before the Epistles, John
being the earliest of the four, Luke the latest, and Mark following Matthew.
The following synchronisms help to orientate these dates : —
Juvenal's satires on Roman politics, manners, and religion kept appear
ing about this period, the earliest of them perhaps contemporaneous with
the first gospels, the latest in the beginning of Trajan's reign, when the
fourth gospel was composed in Asia Minor. Also, just as Luke, Acts,
and the Apocalypse were coming into circulation among Christian
readers, the Roman public were being delighted with Martial's disre
putably piquant etchings of Italian society. But the circumstances of
Epiktetus' career are even more apposite. His SiarpifHai were being
delivered in Rome and afterwards in Nikopolis during the last quarter of
the first century a.d. They were reproduced thirty or forty years later
by one of his hearers, the historian Arrian, who had taken notes of them
for his own sake. The curious thing is that these private notes came
to be published without the consent or knowledge of Arrian himself,
although he probably gave them a subsequent revision. Cp. Tables ii.-iii.
The inner forces of the environment form too complex a subject to be
outlined here. But in addition to what has been already said upon the
practical aim which dominated the evangelists, it must be remembered
that the medium through which they and their readers viewed the life
of Jesus was not insulated from the contemporary spirit which pervaded
the East. As Dr. Gardner decides, after drawing attention to the limited
extent to which the Eastern parts of the Roman world were Hellenised
in the first century, "the mass of the people were prepared to accept
historical accounts not by the strict rules of evidence, but according as
they satisfied certain inner needs or agreed with existing feelings."
Some principle like this is needed as a canon for gospel-criticism.
Otherwise many problems will remain insoluble to those who forget that
to be realistic, ethically appropriate, circumstantial, edifying, is not
equivalent to being " historical " in tbe strict and modern sense of the
term. Roughly speaking, the priority of Mark, and approximately its
date : the composition of Matthew within the first century, and its
general period : — these are the points upon which most lines of modern
criticism converge. That Luke is subsequent to Matthew, and that it
was composed during Domitian's reign, are less certain positions ; but
they have excellent support, and may be adopted with a good conscience.
On these points as on the criticism of the sources, it is certainly possible
to speak with less dubiety than hitherto. If the province of the synoptic
question has not yet been fully surveyed, the researches of the past half-
century 1 have at least opened several main tracks along which all future
workers must proceed, and from which it is reasonable to expect that, unless
fresh documents are discovered, no serious deviation will be found necessary.
i The hope with which Ritscbl closed his survey of the synoptic question (Gesam-
melte AusstUze, pp. 1-57) in 1851, has been largely justified: "Wie weit uns die
innere Kritik der Evangelien in der Untersucbung ihres TJrsprungs fiihren wird,
wissen wir nicht, bisher hat sie nur zu Hader und Zank gefiihrt, darum konnen wir
aber die Hoffnung nicht aufgeben, dass auf diesem Wege das Geheimniss wenigstens
tbeilweise enthullt werde, welches die Urspriinge des evangelischen Schriftthunis
umgibt, und welches durch die Traditionen der Kirchenvater nur vermehrt, aber
nicht vermindert wird."

MARK

With this gospel we proceed to describe the historical literature of early
Christianity. Undoubtedly it is the earliest of the gospels, and became the
groundwork for all that followed. The arrangement of the narratives, which
is simple and thoroughly clear, represents the guiding principle followed in the
main by Luke and Matthew. . . . The stories and speeches in Mark are pre
sented throughout in a manner that bears tbe stamp of originality, with
a clearness and precision that are self-evident, as well as with a completeness
that is at once well rounded, coherent, and continuous. It is the first extant
attempt to exhibit in narrative form, as a history of Jesus' life and sufferings,
that gospel of Jesus as the Christ which Paul had preached as a theological
doctrine. Materials from the earliest tradition are certainly utilised in this
narrative ; but in its conception of details it betrays as plainly the determin
ing influence of that great teacher Paul, who probably had as one of his scholars
the author of this first gospel. — Pfleiderer.

275

ii-i3 T|_e preparation the ministry of John ;
the baptism of Jesus ;
the temptation of Jesus.
ii-_05- The Galilean ministry: / forgiveness of sins,
I intercourse with tax-
1 14_7_3 East Galilee : early success : contro- J gatherers and sinners,
versy and conflict on ] fasting,
j Sabbath (eating and heal-
\ ing on).
renewed activity and opposition :
41"34 a cycle of parables :
43._5.13 a Cyc]e 0f m;racles :
6 rejection at Nazareth : commission of apostles.
630-723 a cycle of miracles : opposition of the Pharisees.
7_4_9-o North Galilee : a cycle of miracles : controversy with Pharisees.
g27_p,3_ a£ Caesarea Philippi — the confession of Peter : the
transfiguration.
933"°° sayings on humility — on hindrances — on obstacles
to faith.
10-13 The Judaean ministry: the teaching of Jesus on marriage, child
hood, wealth, self-sacrifice.
IO32"62 incidents of the journey — the miracle at
Jericho.
H1"27 the triumphal entry into Jerusalem : the
purging of the temple, etc.
H-v_x2« controversy in temple with priests, Phari
sees, Herodians, Sadducees, etc.
13 the apocalypse of Jesus —
14-15 The Passion of Jesus : at Bethany: in the upper room — the last
supper.
in the garden — the agony, the betrayal.
in the house of Kaiaphas — the trial,
Peter's denial.
before Pilate —
the crucifixion, death, and burial.
161"8 After death : appearance of an angel to the women.

270

MARK
1 1 [The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ.]
_> Even as it is written in the prophet Isaiah,
Lo, I send my messenger before thy face,
Who shall prepare thy way !
3 The voice of one crying in the wilderness:
"Make ready the way of the Lord,
Make level his paths ! "
4 John the baptizer appeared in the wilderness J preaching a baptism of
5 repentance for the remission of sins. And all the country of Judaea
began to go out to him, with all the people of Jerusalem ; and they were
6 baptized by him in the river Jordan, as they confessed their sins. And
John was clothed with camel's hair, and with a leather girdle round his
7 loins, and he ate locusts and wild honey. And he preached saying,
" After me comes he who is mightier than I,
The thong of whose sandals I am not fit to stoop down and untie.
8 I have baptized you with water,
But he shall baptize you with the holy Spirit."
9 And it came to pass in those days that Jesus came from Nazareth of
10 Galilee, and had himself baptized in the Jordan by John. And im
mediately on rising up from the water he saw the skies part asunder and
1 1 the Spirit like a do ve come down upon him : and a voice out of the skies
said, "Thou art mv Son, the beloved,
In thee I delight."
12 Then immediately the Spirit thrusts him out into the wilderness ;
13 and he was in the wilderness for forty days, tempted by Satan.
And he was with the wild beasts. And the angels ministered to him.
14 Now after John had been delivered up, Jesus came into Galilee
15 preaching the glad tidings of God, and saying, " The time is fulfilled, and
God's reign is near. Repent and believe in the glad tidings."
16 And in passing along beside the sea of Galilee, he saw Simon and Andrew
1 7 the brother of Simon casting a net into the sea ; for they were fishers. And
Jesus said to them, "Come after me and I will make you fishers of
, 19 men." Then immediately they left the nets and followed him. And
going a little further on he saw James tbe son of Zebedee with his
20 brother John, who were also in their boat mending nets. And immedi
ately he called them ; and they left their father Zebedee with the hired
servants in the boat, and went away after him.
21 And they go into Kapharnahum. And immediately on the sabbath-
22 day he went into the synagogue and began to teach. And they were
astonished at his teaching, for he taught them as one who exerted
23 authority, and not like the scribes. And immediately there was in their
i Omitting rj>«-]..
277

278 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l24-;.12
24 synagogue a man with an unclean spirit ; and it shrieked, " What have we
to do with thee, Jesus of Nazaret ? Hast thou come to destroy us . I
25 know who thou art, the holy One of God." .And Jesus rebuked it,
26 " Silence ! leave him ! " So after convulsing him and crying with a
27 loud voice, the unclean spirit left him. And in amazement they all
discussed it one with another, and said, " What is this ? " " New teaching,
with authority!" "He commands even the unclean spirits!" "Yes,
28 and they obey him ! " And the report of him went out immediately in
29 all directions into the whole of the surrounding country of Galilee. And
immediately on leaving the synagogue, they went into the house of
30 Simon and Andrew, with James and John. Now the mother of Simon's
31 wife was lying in a fever, and immediately they tell him about her. And
he came near, and taking her hand raised her ; and the fever left her, and
32 she ministered to them. Now in the evening, when the sun had
set, they brought him all who were ill and those who were possessed by
33, 34 daemons. And the whole city was gathered at the door. And he healed
many who were ill with manifold diseases, and cast out many daemons ;
35 nor would he let the daemons speak, because they knew him. And
very early, long before day, he rose, went away out to a desert place, and
36, 37 there began to pray. And Simon with his companions pursued him and
38 found him ; and they say to him, " Everyone is seeking thee ! " But he
says to them, " Let us go elsewhere, to the adjoining country-towns, that
39 I may preach there also ; for that is why I carne out." Then he went and
preached in their synagogues through the whole of Galilee, and cast out
the daemons.
40 And a leper comes to him, beseeching him and kneeling down, saying
41 to him, " If thou wilt, thou canst make me clean." And in compassion
he stretched out his hand and touched him ; and he says to him, " I will :
42 be clean. Then immediately the leprosy left him, and he became clean.
43, 44 And he sternly charged him and immediately sent him off, saying to
him, " See thou tell no one anything ; but go, shoio thyself to the priest,
and offer for thy cleansing what Moses commanded — as a proof to men."
45 But he went away and began to proclaim it widely and to spread the
affair abroad. The result was that Jesus could no longer enter a city
openly. He stayed outside in desert places ; and people came to him
from every quarter.
2 1 And when he entered Kapharnahum again after some days, it was
2 reported that he was at home. And many gathered together, so that
there was no longer any room for them even at the door ; and he spoke
3 the word to them. Then people came bringing to him a paralytic man,
4 carried by four men. And as they were unable to bring him to Jesus
on account of the crowd, they uncovered the roof where he was, and after
tearing it up they lower the pallet on which the paralytic man lay.
5 And on seeing their faith, Jesus says to the paralytic man, "My son,
6 thy sins are forgiven." Now some of the scribes sat there and
7 argued in their hearts, " Why does this feUow speak thus . He is
8 blaspheming. Who can forgive sins except God alone ? " And as Jesus
immediately perceived in his spirit that they were thus arguing to them-
9 selves, he says to them, " Why argue thus in your hearts ? Which is
easier, to say to the paralytic man, 'Thy sins are forgiven,' or to say,
10 ' Rise and take up thy pallet and walk ' ? " But, to let you know that the
Son of man has authority on earth to forgive sins" — he says to the
11 paralytic man — "I say to thee, 'Rise, take up thy pallet and go home."1
12 Then he rose, took up the pallet immediately, and went out in presence

213-37] MARK 279
of them all. So all were amazed, and magnified God saying, " We have
never seen anything like this ! "
13 And he went out again by the seaside ; and all the crowd came to
14 him, and he taught them. And as he passed along he saw Levi the son
of Alphaeus sitting at the tax-office ; and he says to him, " Follow me."
15 And he rose and followed him. And it came to pass that he was reclin
ing at meat in his house, and many tax-gatherers and sinners were
reclining along with Jesus and his disciples (tor there were many of them,
16 and they followed him). And on seeing that he ate with the sinners and
tax-gatherers, the scribes of the Pharisees said to his disciples, " Does he
17 e&t1 with the tax-gatherers and sinners . " And when Jesus heard it ho
says to them,
" The strong need not a physician, but those who are ill :
I came not to call upright men but sinners."
18 And the disciples of John and the Pharisees were observing a fast.
And people come and say to him, " Why is it that the disciples of John
and the disciples of the Pharisees fast, while thy disciples fast not . "
19 And Jesus said to them,
" Can the sons of the bride-chamber fast while the bridegroom is
with them ?
So long as they have the bridegroom with them, they cannot fast.
20 But days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken away
from them :
And then will they fast on that day.
21 No man stitches a piece of undressed cloth on an old cloak :
Otherwise, the patch parts from it, the new from the old,
And a worse tear is made.
22 And no man pours fresh wine into old wine-skins :
Otherwise, the wine will burst the wine-skins,
And they are lost, wine and wine-skins together." 2
23 And it came to pass that he was making his way upon the sabbath-
day through the cornfields ; and as his disciples journeyed, they began to
24 pluck the ears of corn. And the Pharisees said to him, "Look! why
25 are they doing what is wrong upon the sabbath-day . " And he says to
them, " Have you never read what David did when he was in need, and
26 he and his companions were hungry ? How he went into the house of
God, when Abiathar was high-priest, and ate the show-bread, which no one
except the priests has any right to eat ; and gave it also to his com-
27 panions . " And he said to them,
" The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath :
28 So the Son of man is lord even of the sabbath."
. 1 And he again entered a synagogue ; and a man was there with his
2 hand withered. And they were watching him narrowly to see if he
3 would heal him on the sabbath-day, in order to accuse him. And he says
4 to the man who had the withered hand, " Rise and come forward." And
be says to them, " Is it right to help or to harm on the sabbath-day .
5 to save life or to kill it?" But they kept silence. Then after looking
round on them with anger, grieved at the hardening of their heart, he
says to the man, " Stretch out the hand." And as he stretched it out, his
6 hand was restored. And the Pharisees went out and immediately proceeded
to consult 3 with the Herodians against him, how to destroy him.
7 And Jesus retired to the sea with his disciples. And a great multi-
Omitting [[xai {.*,.<]], 2 Omitting [[«XX« oTrov no* lis dtrxovs xatvois]].
s Reading ii./_«_v.

280 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [38-42
8 tu.de followed from Galilee, and from Judaea and from Jerusalem and
and from Idumaea and from across the Jordan and the neighbourhood of
Tyre and Sidon — a great multitude, on hearing all that he was doing,
9 came to him. And owing to the crowd he told his disciples to have a
10 small boat in attendance upon him, that he might not be crushed ; for
he had healed many, and the result was that all who had plagues were
11 pressing on him to touch him. And wdienever the unclean spirits saw
him, they fell down before him and shouted, " Thou art the Son of God ! "
12 But he repeatedly charged them not to make him known.
13 Then he goes up the mountain, and summons those whom he would ;
14 and they went away to him. And he appointed twelve,1 whom he also
named " apostles " ; that they might be with him, and that he might send
15 them out to preach and to possess authority for casting out the daemons.
16 So he appointed the twelve: Simon (he surnamed him also "Peter"),
17 with James the son of Zebedee, and John the brother of James (he sur-
18 named them also " Boanerges," that is, " sons of thunder "), and Andrew
and Philip and Bartholomew and Matthew and Thomas, and James the
19 son of Alphaeus, and Thaddaeus and Simon ("the zealot"), and Judas of
Kerioth (lie who betrayed him).
20 Then he comes home ; and again the crowd gathers, so that they could
21 not so much as get their food. And when his relatives heard it, they
went out to seize him; for they said, " He is out of his mind."
22 And the scribes who had come down from Jerusalem said, " He has
Beelzebub," and, " He is casting out the daemons with the help of the ruler
23 of the daemons." So summoning them he said to them in parables,
"How can Satan cast out Satan.
24 And if a realm be divided against itself,
That realm cannot stand :
25 And if a household be divided against itself,
That house will not be able to stand :
26 And if Satan has risen against himself and is divided,
He cannot stand ; it is all over with him.
27 Nay ; no one can enter the house of tbe mighty man and plunder his
goods unless first of all he binds the mighty man ; then indeed he will
28 plunder his house. I tell you truly,
All sins shall be forgiven the sons of men,
And all the blasphemies wherewith ever they blaspheme :
29 But whoever blasphemes against the holy Spirit
Never has forgiveness, but is guilty of an eternal sin.''
30, 31 (This was because they said, " He has an unclean spirit.") And
bis mother and his brothers come, and standing outside they sent to him
32 and called him. And a crowd was seated round him ; aud they say to him,
" Here are thy mother and thy brothers and thy sisters, seeking thee
33 outside !" And he says to them in reply, " Who are my mother and my
34 brothers . " Then looking round on them who sat in a circle about him,
he says, " Here are my mother and my brothers !
35 Whoever obeys the will of God,
That is my brother and sister and mother."
4 1 And again he started to teach by the seaside. Then a very large
crowd gathers to him, so that he entered a boat and sat there on the sea,
2 while all the crowd stayed at the edge of the sea upon the land. And he
taught them many things in parables ; and in the course of his teaching
he said to them : 1 Adding ... xai aTo/rrohov; mopcao-iv.

43'29] MARK 281
3 " Listen ! behold, a sower went out to sow.
4 And as he sowed it came to pass that
Some seed fell along the path,
And the birds came and ate it up.
5 And some other seed fell upon the rocky ground, where it had not
much earth,
And shot up immediately because it had no depth of earth ;
6 But when the sun rose it was scorched,
And because it had no root, it withered away.
7 And some other seed fell among the thorns,
And the thorns came up and choked it ; so it produced no crop.
8 And some other seeds fell into the good soil,
And as thej^ came up and grew they produced a crop,
Yea, they bore thirty, sixty, and a hundred fold."
9, 10 And he said, "fie who has ears to hear, let him hear." And
when he was alone, his associates and the twelve questioned him about the
11 parables. Then said he to them,
" To you is the secret of God's reign given,
But to those outside everything is imparted by way of parables :
12 That they may see and see, yet not perceive,
And hear and hear, yet not understand,
Lest haply they should turn again and be forgiven."
13 And he says to them, " Do you not understand this parable . Then
14 how are you to understand all the parables ? The sower is sowing the
15 word. The following are the people who are 'along the path,' where
the word is sown — when they have heard, immediately Satan comes and
16 takes away the word sown among them. And in the same way the follow
ing are those who are ' sown upon the rocky places ' — people who, when
17 they have heard the word, accept it immediately with joy ; yet have no
root in themselves, they last merely for a time ; then, at the rise of dis-
18 tress or persecution for the word, they are immediately repelled. And
others are those who are ' sown among the thorns ' : they are people
19 who have heard the word, yet the anxieties of the world and the deceit
of riches and all the rest of the desires enter in to choke the word ; and it
20 becomes unfruitful. And these are those who were ' sown upon the good
soil ' — people who hear the word and admit it, and bear fruit, thirty, sixty,
and a hundred fold."
21 And he said to them,
" Is the lamp brought to be put under the bushel or under the bed .
Is it not to be put on the lampstand .
22 For nothing is hidden except to be disclosed,
And nothing has been concealed save that it should come to view.
.!, 24 If anyone has ears to hear, let him hear." And he said to them,
" Take heed what you hear.
With what measure you measure,
it shall be measured to you, and added to you besides.
25 For he who has,
to him shall be given :
And he who has not,
from him shall be taken even what he has."
26 And he said, " So is the reign of God as though a man should cast his seed
.' 27 upon the earth, and sleep and rise by night and by day, while the seed
28 sprouts and springs up— he knows not how. The earth produces crops by
29 herself, first the blade, then the ear, then the grain full in the ear. But

282 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [430-520
when the crop admits of it, he has the sickle put in immediately, because ihe
30 harvest has arrived." He said also,
" How are we to get comparisons for the reign of God ?
Or in what parable shall we set it ?
31 It is like a grain of mustard-seed : when sown upon the earth it is
32 smaller than any seed upon the earth, and yet when sown it comes
up to be greater than all the vegetables, throwing out great branches,
33 so that the birds of the air can rest under its shadow." And with
many parables like these he spoke the word to them, as they were able to
34 understand it ; except in parable he did not speak to them. In private,
however, he explained everything to his own disciples.
35 And on that day at evening he says to them, " Let us cross to the
36 opposite side." So leaving the crowd they take him with them in the
37 boat, just as he was, accompanied by other boats. 'And a great squall of
wind rises ; and the waves began to beat into the boat, so that the boat
38 was already filling. And he was in the stern, asleep on the cushion. So
they wake him and say to him, "Teacher, carest thou not that we are
39 perishing . " Then awakening he rebuked the wind and said to the sea,
" Peace ! silence ! " And the wind dropped, and there was a great calm.
40 Then he said to them, "Why are you timid ? have you no faith yet?"
41 And they feared greatly, and said to one another, " Who then is this, that
even the wind and the sea obey him ? "
5 1 And they reached the opposite side of the sea, the country of the
2 Gerasenes. And when he stepped out of the boat he was immediately
3 met by a man from the tombs with an unclean spirit, who had his dwell
ing in tbe tombs. And no man could bind him any longer, not even
4 with a chain, for he had often been bound with fetters and chains, and
the chains had been torn asunder by him and the fetters broken to pieces ;
5 and no man had strength to tame him. And all the time, night and
day, among the tombs and among the mountains he kept shouting and
6 gashing himself with stones. And on seeing Jesus from afar he ran
7 and did him reverence, shouting with a loud voice, " What have I to do
with thee, Jesus, Son of the most High God ? I adjure thee by God,
8 torment me not ! " (For Jesus was saying to him, " Evil spirit, leave
9 the man.") Then he questioned him, "What is thy name?" And
10 he says to him, "'Legion' is my name, for we are many." And they
11 repeatedly besought him not to send them away from the country. Now
12 a large drove of swine was there, grazing on the mountain side; so
they besought him, " Send us into the swine, that we may enter them."
13 And he gave them permission. And the unclean spirits went out and
entered the swine ; and the drove, about two thousand in number, rushed
14 down the steep slope into the sea, and were drowned in the sea. And
tbe herdsmen fled and brought word of it to the city and the hamlets.
15 And the people came to see what had happened. And they come to
Jesus and see the man who had been possessed by daemons sitting, clothed
1 6 and sane, the man who had had the " legion." And they were afraid. And
those who had seen it described to them what had happened to the man who
1 7 had been possessed by daemons and all about the swine. And they started
18 to appeal to him to depart from their territory. And as he was entering
the boat, the man who had been possessed by daemons besought him that he
19 might accompany him. But he would not allow him. " Go home to thy
people," says he to him, " and relate to them all that the Lord has done for
20 thee, and all his pity for thee." So he departed and began to proclaim in
the Dekapolis region all that Jesus had done for him. And all marvelled.

521-68] MARK 283
21 And when Jesus again crossed over in the boat to the opposite side a
large crowd had gathered to meet him ; so he remained beside the sea.
22 Then there comes one of the presidents of the synagogue, Jaeiros by
23 name ; and on seeing him he falls at his feet repeatedly, beseeching him
with the words, " My little daughter is at the point of death. 0 come
24 and lay thy hands on her, that she may be restored to life ! " Then he
went away with him. And a large crowd followed him, and people were
25 pressing round him. And there was a woman who had had an issue
26 of blood for twelve years ; she had suffered much under many physicians,
and had spent all her means, yet was none the better, but had rather
27 grown worse. She had heard about Jesus, and coming behind him in the
28 crowd she touched his cloak (for she kept saying, " If I touch but his
29 garments, I shall be restored "). Then the flow of her blood was immedi
ately dried up, and she felt in her body that she was cured of her plague.
30 And Jesus, conscious immediately that power had gone out from him,
turned round in the crowd and said, " Who touched my garments ? "
31 And his disciples said to him, " Thou seest the crowd is pressing round
32 thee, yet thou sayest, ' Who touched me 1 ' ! " But he kept looking round
33 about to see her who had done this. So the woman, aware of what had
happened to her, came in fear and trembling, fell down before him, and
34 told him all the truth. And he said to her, " Daughter, thy faith has re-
35 stored thee. Go in peace and be healed from thy plague." While
he was still speaking, people came from the house of the president of the
synagogue saying, " Thy daughter is dead. Why trouble the teacher any
36 further ? " But paying no heed to what they were saying, Jesus says to
37 the president of the synagogue, " Fear not, only believe." And he would
not let anyone accompany him, except Peter and James and John the
38 brother of James. And they go to the house of the president of the
synagogue. And observing a tumult of people wailing with many tears
39 and shrill cries, he went in and says to them, " Why wail and weep ? the
40 child is not dead but asleep." And they laughed him to scorn. But
after putting them all out he takes aside the father of the child and her
41 mother and his companions, and goes in to where the child lay. And
taking the child's hand he says to her, " Talitba koum " (which when
42 translated means, "Little girl, I say to thee, rise"). And immediately
the girl rose up and began to walk (for she was twelve years old). Then
43 they were immediately thrown into great amazement. But he enjoined
them earnestly that no one was to know of this, and told them to give her
something to eat.
6 1 ' And he departed thence, and enters his own native place, followed by
2 his disciples. And when the sabbath came, he began to teach in the
synagogue ; and most people, as they heard him, were astonished and
said, " Where has he got this ? " and " What is the wisdom he has had
given him?" and "What mean such miracles as these worked by his
3 hands ? " " Is he not the carpenter, the son of Mary and the brother of
James and Joses and Judas and Simon ? And are not his sisters here
4 with us ? " So they were repelled by him. And Jesus said to them, " A
prophet is not unhonoured except in his own native place and among his
5 own kinsfolk and in his own household." And he could not work any
miracle there, beyond laying his hands upon a few sick people and
healing them. And he marvelled at their unbelief.
,6, 7 And he made a tour through the villages, teaching. Also, calling the
twelve to him, he started to send them out two by two, giving them
8 authority over the unclean spirits ; and he charged them to take nothing

284 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [6!

'-37

for their journey except a staff, no bread, no wallet, no money in their
9 girdles, but to go shod with sandals, " and " (he said) " put not on two
10 tunics." And he said to them, " Wherever you enter a house, stay
11 there till you leave the place. And whatever place will not receive you,
and the people refuse to listen to you, when you are leaving there, shake
12 off the dust that is under your feet, for a witness to them." And they
13 went out and preached that men were to repent. And they cast out
many daemons, and anointed many sick people with oil and healed them.
14 And king Herod heard of it — for his name had become known,
and people said,1 "John the baptizer is risen from the dead, and that is
15 why miraculous powers are active in him." Others said, " It is Elijah,"
16 others again, "It is a prophet, like one of the prophets." But when
Herod heard of it, he said, " John whom I beheaded, he has risen."
17 For be, Herod, had sent and seized John and bound him in prison
for the sake of fierodias the wife of his brother Philip (because he
18 had married her). For John had repeated to Herod, " Thou hast no
19 right to have thy brother's wife." Now Herodias cherished a grudge
20 against him and wanted to kill him ; but she could not. For
Herod stood in awe of John, as he knew him to be an upright and
holy man ; so he kept him safe. And when he listened to him he
21 was greatly perturbed ; yet he was glad to listen to him. Then a
convenient day arrived. Herod on his birthday made a feast for
his magnates and for the generals and the leading men of Galilee,
22 and the daughter of Herodias went in and danced, to the delight of
Herod and the other guests. And the king said to the girl, " Ask
23 me whatever thou wilt and I will give it thee." And he swore to
her, " Whatever thou shalt ask 2 I will give thee — were it the half
24 of my realm ! " So she went out and said to her mother, "What
25 am I to ask ? " She said, " The head of John the baptizer." Then
immediately she went in with haste to the king and asked, saying,
" I want thee to give me directly on a dish the head of John the
26 baptizer." And the king was very sorry. Still, for the sake of his
27 oaths and of his guests he was unwilling to disappoint her. So the
king immediately sent out a soldier of the guard with orders to
28 bring his head ; and he went, beheaded him in the prison, brought
his head on a dish, and gave it to the girl ; and the girl gave it to
29 her mother. And on hearing of it, his disciples came and carried
away his corpse and laid it in a tomb.
30 And the apostles gather to Jesus, and they reported to him all that
31 they had done and all that they had taught. And he says to them,
" Come by yourselves into a desert place in private, and rest a little."
(For there were many people coming and going, and they had no time
32 even to eat.) And they went off in the boat to a desert place in private.
33 Yet many people saw and recognised them as they went, and [gathering
34 hurriedly on foot from all the cities they got there before them. So on
disembarking he saw a large crowd, aud moved with compassion for
them, because they were like sheep without a shepherd, he began to teach
35 them many things. And as the day was now far advanced, his disciples
came to him and said, " It is a desert place, and tbe day is now far
36 advanced ; dismiss them, that they may go into the surrounding hamlets
37 and villages and buy themselves something to eat." He answered and
said to them, " Give them something to eat, yourselves." And they say
to him, " Are we to go and spend two hundred shillings upon bread, and
1 Reading iteyov. "- Omitting pi.

638-79] MARK 285
38 give them to eat V And he says to them, " How many loaves have you 1
Go and see." And when they had ascertained it, they say, " Five ; and
39 two fish." Then he ordered them all to recline in parties on the green
41 grass. So they lay down in groups, by hundreds and by fifties. Then he
took the five loaves and the two fish, looked up to heaven, and after the
blessing broke the loaves in pieces ; and he went on giving them to the
disciples to set before them, and divided the two fish among them all.
43 And they all ate and were satisfied. Also, they took up twelve baskets
44 full of fragments of the bread and also of the fish. (And those who ate
45 the loaves numbered five thousand men.) Then he immediately
made his disciples embark in the boat and go before him to the
46 opposite side, to Bethsaida, until he dismissed the crowd. And after
47 taking leave of them he went away up the mountain to pray. And
when evening came the boat was in mid-sea, while he was on the
48 land alone. And when he saw them harassed as they rowed (for the
wind was contrary to them), he comes to them about the fourth watch
of the night walking on the sea. And he would have passed them,
49 but when they saw him walking on the sea they imagined it was an
50 apparition and shrieked ; for they all saw him and were troubled. But he
immediately talked to them ; " Be of good cheer," he says to them,
51 " it is I, be not afraid." And he got up beside them in the boat, and the
wind dropped. And they were greatly 1 amazed within themselves ;
52 for they did not understand about the loaves, but their heart was
53 hardened. And on crossing over to the land they came to
54 Gennesaret and moored to the shore. And when they had disem-
55 barked from the boat, the people immediately recognised him, and
went hurrying round the whole of that district, and started to carry
about on their pallets those who were ill, wherever they heard he
56 was. And wherever he entered villages or cities or hamlets, they
would lay the sick in the market-places beseeching him to let them
touch were it only the tassel of his cloak : and all who touched it
were restored.
1 1 And there gather to him the Pharisees and some of the scribes, who
2 had come down from Jerusalem. They had observed that some of his
3 disciples ate their food with unclean (that is, unwashed) hands. — For the
Pharisees and all the Jews refuse to eat without vigorously washing their
4 hands ; as they hold to the tradition of the elders. Also, they refuse to
eat after coming from the market-place, until they sprinkle themselves.2
And there are many other matters which they have received and hold to,
¦¦ 5 washings of cups and pots and brazen vessels. — Then the Pharisees and
the scribes question him, "Why do not thy disciples walk after the
tradition of the elders, instead of eating their bread with unclean
!; 6 hands ? " And he said to them,
" Finely did Isaiah prophesy about you hypocrites, as it is written :
This people honours me with their lips,
While their heart is far away from me ;
Yet in vain do they worship me,
Teaching doctrines which are mere human precepts.
p 8 You omit God's commandment
!' And hold to man's tradition."
S.-9 And he said to them,
\t "A fine thing it is for you to set aside God's commandment
0 That you may keep your own tradition !
y 2 Omitting [[fx cnplcro-ov]]. 2 Reading pavrttruvrai.

286 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [710-85
10 For Moses said :
Honour thy father and thy mother, and
He who speaks evil of father or mother, let him surely die.
11 But you say :
If a man says to his father or his mother, ' What I might have
used to aid thee is Korban ' (that is to say, ' given to God '),
12 You allow him no longer to do anything for his father or his
mother.
13 You cancel God's word by your tradition which you have handed on.
14 And you do many a thing like that." Then calling the crowd to him
again he said to them, " Listen to me, all of you, and understand.
15 Nothing can make a man unclean by entering him from outside ;
Nay, what makes a man unclean is that which issues from a man."
17 And when he went away from the crowd into the house, his disciples
18 plied him with questions about the parable. And he says to them, "So
you are ignorant also ? Do you not understand that whatever is on the
19 outside and enters a man cannot make him unclean ? It enters his belly,
not his heart, and passes out into the drain " (He thus pronounced all
20 foods clean). And he said, " What issues from a man is what makes a
21 man unclean. For out of the heart of men within, issue the wicked
22 designs, fornications, thefts, murders, adulteries, coveting, malice, deceit,
23 sensuality, enviousness, slander, haughtiness, recklessness : all these
wicked things issue from within and make a man unclean."
24 Now he rose and went away from there into the territory of Tyre.1
And going into a house he wished no one to know of it. Yet he
25 could not escape notice ; immediately a woman, whose little daughter
had an unclean spirit, came when she heard of him and fell down at his
26 feet. (The woman was a Gentile, a Syrophoenician by race.) And she
27 begged him to cast the daemon out of her daughter. But he kept say
ing to her, " Let the children be satisfied first. It is not fair to take the
28 children's bread and throw it to the dogs." And she answered and says to
him, "True, sir. Yet the dogs eat the children's crumbs below the table!"
29 And he said to her, " For this saying go thy way ; the daemon has left
30 thy daughter." And she went away home and found the child lying on
31 the bed with the daemon gone from her. Then once more he left the
territory of Tyre and went through Sidon to the sea of Galilee through the
32 middle of the district of Dekapolis. And they bring him a man who was
33 deaf and stammering, beseeching him to lay his hand upon him. So he
took him aside privately from the crowd and put his fingers into his ears ;
34 and after spitting he touched his tongue. And looking up to heaven he
groaned; then he says to him, "Ephphatha" (that is, "be opened").
35 And his ears were opened, and the bond of his tongue was loosened and
36 he began to speak correctly. And he enjoined them to tell no one ; but
37 the more he charged them, the more widely they proclaimed it. And
they were astonished beyond measure, saying, " fie has done everything
well : he makes even the deaf hear and the dumb speak."
8 1 In those days again there was a great crowd and they had nothing to
2 eat. And he called his disciples to him and says to them, "I have
compassion on the crowd, because for three days now they have stayed
3 by me, and they have nothing to eat. Besides, if I send them away borne
fasting, they will faint on the road. And some of them have come a lone
4 distance." And his disciples answered him, " Where can one get bread
5 to satisfy these men, here in a desert?" And he asked them, "How
1 Omitting [[xai -._£¦_;]].

86"35] MARK 287
6 many loaves have you ? " And they said, " Seven." Then he charges
the crowd to lie down on the ground. And he took the seven loaves,
gave thanks, broke them and went on giving to his disciples to set before
7 the crowd ; and they set the food before them. And they had a few
small fish, and after blessing them he told them to set these before them
8 as well. So they ate and were satisfied. And they took up seven large
9 baskets of fragments that were left over (the people numbered about four
10 thousand). Then he dismissed them, and immediately entered the boat
1 1 with his disciples and went into th e districts of Dalmanutha. And
the Pharisees came out and started to dispute with him, requiring from
12 him a sign from the sky, to make trial of him. And he sighed heavily
in his spirit and says,
" Why does this generation require a sign ?
I tell you truly, no sign shall be given this generation."
13 And he left them, entered the boat again, and departed to the opposite side.
14 And they had forgotten to take bread, and had not with them
15 in the boat more than a single loaf. And he enjoined them, saying, " See
16 and beware of the leaven of the Pharisees and the leaven of fierod ! " And
17 they argued with one another, " It is because we have no bread." But on
perceiving it he says to them, " Why argue because you have no bread ?
Do you not yet understand, do you not yet make it out ? Is your heart
18 hardened 1 You have eyes, do you not see? you have ears, do you not hear?
19 and do you not remember how many baskets full of fragments you took
up when I broke the five loaves among the five thousand 'I " They say to
20 him " Twelve." " And how many large baskets of fragments did you
take up when I broke the seven among the four thousand ? " And they say
21 to him " Seven." Then he said to them, " Do you not yet understand ? "
22 And they came to Bethsaida. And people bring him a blind man
23 and beseech him to touch him. And he took hold of the blind man's
hand and brought him outside the village. And after spitting upon his
eyes and laying his hands on him, he asked him, " Beholdest thou any-
24 thing?" And he looked up and said, "I behold people: I see them
25 walking, like trees." Then he laid his hands once more upon his ej'es ;
and the man stared straight before him, and was quite restored, and
26 began to distinguish everything clearly. And he sent him away home,
saying, "Do not even enter the village."
27 And Jesus went away with his disciples to the village of Caesarea
Philippi. And on the road he questioned his disciples, saying to them,
28 " Who do people say that I am ? " And they told him', " ' John the
baptizer.' Yet others say, 'Elijah' ; and others, 'One of the prophets.'"
29 And he questioned them, " But you — who do you say that I am ? " Peter
30 answering says to him, " Thou art the Christ." And he charged them
31 to tell no one about him. And he began to teach them that the
Son of man must suffer much, and be rejected by the elders and the high
priests and the scribes, and be killed, and after three days rise again.
33 Indeed he uttered the saying openly. Then Peter took him and started
to rebuke him ; but he turned, and on seeing his disciples he rebuked
Peter saying, " Get behind me, thou Satan ! Thy mind is not on the
34 affairs of God, but on the affairs of men." And he called the crowd to
him with his disciples and said to them,
" If any man would come after me,
Let him deny himself, take up his cross, and follow me.
35 For whoever would save his life
Shall lose it :

288 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [836-926
And whoever shall lose his life for my sake and the gospel's,
Shall save it.
36 What use is it for a man to gain the whole world and forfeit his life ?
37 What could a man give in exchange for his life ?
38 For whoever is ashamed of me and of my words
In this adulterous and sinful generation,
The Son of man shall also be ashamed of him,
When he comes in his Father's majesty with the holy angels."
9 1 And he said to them, "I tell you truly, there are some of those stand
ing here who shall not taste death, until they see the coming of God's
2 reign with power." And after six days Jesus takes Peter and
James and John aside, and brings them up a high mountain privately,
3 alone. And he was transformed before them ; and his garments
glistened with a vivid whiteness such as no fuller on earth can produce.
4 And Elijah together with Moses appeared to them ; and they were
5 talking with Jesus. Then Peter breaking in says to Jesus, "Rabbi,
it is fine for us to be here. Now, let us make three booths, one
6 for thee and one for Mose.- and one for Elijah." (He did not know
7 what to say, for they were frightened.) And a cloud came overshadow
ing them, and a voice came out of the cloud, " This is my Son, the be-
8 loved : listen to him." And suddenly on looking round they no longer
9 saw anyone except Jesus alone with themselves. And as they were
descending from the mountain he enjoined them not to describe to any
one what they had seen, until after the Son of man should have arisen
10 from the dead. And they kept hold of the saying, discussing among
11 themselves what the "arising from the dead meant." .And they plied
him with tbe question, " How is it that the scribes say, Elijah must
12 come first?" And he said to them, "Elijah comes first indeed, and he
restores all. (And yet, how is it written regarding the Son of man ? that
13 he is to suffer much and be despised.) But I tell you : Elijah has actually
come, and they have done to him whatever the}- pleased, even as it is
written of him."
14 And when they came to the disciples they saw a large crowd round
15 them, and the scribes in a discussion with them. And on seeing him all
the crowd were immediately astounded, and running to him they saluted
16 him. Arid he questioned them, "What are you discussing with them?"
17 And a man out of the crowd answered him, "Teacher, I brought thee
18 my son. He has a dumb spirit ; and whenever it seizes him it hurls him
down ; and he foams and grinds his teeth. And he is pining away. So
19 I told thy disciples to cast it out ; but they had no power." He says to
them in answer, " O incredulous generation, how long am I to be with
20 you ? how long am I to bear with you ? Bring him to me." And they
brought him to him. But on seeing him the spirit immediately con
vulsed him terribly, and falling on the ground he roUed about foaming.
21 And he asked his father, "How long is it since this befell him?" And
22 he said, " From childhood. And many a time it has thrown him now
into fire, now into water, to destroy him. But if thou canst do anything,
23 have compassion upon us and help us." Jesus said to him, " ' If thou
24 canst' ! — Anything can be done for the man who believes." Immediately
the father of the child shouted and said, " I do believe. Help my un-
25 belief ! " Now as Jesus saw that a crowd was hurrying together, he re
buked the unclean spirit, saying to it, " Thou dumb and deaf spirit, I
26 command thee, leave him and never enter him again." Then after crying
and wildly convulsing him it came out, and the child turned like a

927-102] MARK 289
27 corpse ; so that most of the people said, " He is dead." But Jesus took
28 him by the hand and raised him, and he arose. And when he went
into the house his disciples plied him in private with the question,
29 " How is it that we could not cast it out ? ' And he said to them,
" Nothing can make this kind come out, except prayer."
30 Then they departed thence upon their journey through Galilee. Yet
31 he wished no one to know it ; for he was teaching his disciples and
telling them, " The Son of man will be delivered up into the hands of
men, and they shall kill him ; and when he is killed, he shall rise again
32 after three days." But they did not understand the saying, and they
were afraid to question him.
33 And they came to Kapharnahum. And when he was in the house he
34 questioned them, " What were you arguing about on the road ? " And
they kept silence, for they had been disputing with one another on the
35 road about who was the greatest. So he sat down, called the twelve, and
says to them, " If any one would be first, he shall be last of all and servant
36 of all." Then he took and set a little child in their midst, and putting his
arms round it he said to them,
37 " Whoever shall receive a little child like this in my name, receives me :
And whoever receives me, receives not me so much as him who
sent me."
38 [John said to him, " Teacher, we saw a man casting out daemons in thy
39 name;1 and we tried to prevent him, because he did not follow us." But
Jesus said, " Prevent him not.
No one shall work a miracle in my name and then decry me
presently :
40 He who is not against us is for us.J
41 For whoever shall give you were it only a cup of water to drink,
because you are Christ's,
I tell you truly, he shall not lose his reward :
42 And whoever shall be a hindrance to one of these little ones who
believe,
Better for him were a great mill-stone fastened round his neck,
and were he thrown into the sea !
43 And should thy hand hinder thee, cut it away :
Better for thee to enter life maimed,
Than with thy two hands to depart into Gehenna, into the fire
unquenchable !
45 And should thy foot hinder thee, cut it away :
Better for thee to enter life lame,
Than with thy two feet to be thrown into Gehenna !
47 And should thine eye hinder thee, pull it out :
Better for thee to enter God's reign with one eye,
Than with two eyes to be thrown into Gehenna,
• 48 Where their worm dies not and the fire is not quenched !
49 For with fire shall everyone be salted.
: 50 Salt is a capital thing :
But if salt has become saltless, wherewith will you season it ?
Have salt among yourselves :
Yea, be at peace with one another."
:.0 1 And rising up he goes from there into the territory of Judaea and across
the Jordan. And crowds again gather to him ; and again he taught them as
2 was his custom. And Pharisees approached him and— to make
1 Omitting [[-. oix *xo\ov8u ^ca/V]].
J9

290 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [lO3"33
trial of him — questioned him, " Is it right for a man to divorce his wife ?"
3 And he answered and said to them, "What did Moses command you?'
4 " Moses," they said, " gave permission to write a bill of repudiation and so
5 divorce her." But Jesus said to them, "It was out of regard for your'
6 stubborness of heart that he wrote you this commandment. But from the
7 beginning of the creation male and female he made them. For this cause a
8 man shall leave his father and mother j and the two shall become one flesh.
, 10 What God has joined, then, let not man separate." And in the house the
11 disciples questioned him again upon this subject. And he says to them,
"Whoever shall divorce his wife and marry another, commits
adultery against her.
12 And if she shall divorce her husband and marry another, she
commits adultery."
13 And people were bringing him little children that he might touch
14 them ; but the disciples rebuked them. When Jesus saw it, however, he
was indignant and said to them,
" Let the little children come to me, forbid them not ;
15 For of such is the reign of God.
I tell you truly, whoever shall not receive the reign of God like a little child,
Shall not enter it."
16 Then he put his arms round them, and invoked blessings upon them
as he laid his hands on them.
17 And as he came out upon the road, a man ran to him, knelt before
him and questioned him, " Good teacher, what am I to do, to inherit
18 life eternal?" Jesus said to him, "Why call me 'good'? No one is
19 good, except God alone. Thou knowest the commandments : do not
murder, do not commit adultery, do not steal, do not bear false witness, do not
20 defraud, honour thy father and mother." He said to him, "Teacher, all
21 these have I observed from my youth." Jesus looked at him and loved
him ; then he said to him, " One thing thou lackest. Go, sell whatever
thou hast and give it to the poor ; so shalt thou have treasure in heaven.
22 Then come, follow me." But his face clouded over at the saying, and
23 he went away sorrowful ; for he was one who had great possessions.
Then Jesus looked round him ands ays to his disciples, "With what
24 difficulty shall the wealthy enter God's reign ! " And the disciples were
amazed at what he said. But once more Jesus addresses them, saying,
" Children, how difficult it is to enter God's reign !
25 It is easier for a camel to pass through a needle's eye,
Than for a rich man to enter God's reign."
26 And they were exceedingly astonished, and said to themselves, " Then
27 who can be saved ? " Jesus looked at them and says,
" With men it is impossible, but not with God :
for anything is possible with God."
28 Peter began to say to him, " Lo, we have left all and followed thee."
29 Jesus said, " I tell you truly ; there is no man who leaves house or
brothers or sisters or mother or father or children or lands for my sake
30 and for the gospel's sake, without receiving a hundredfold now in this
time, houses and brothers and sisters and mothers and children and lands,
31 with persecutions ; and in the age to come, life eternal. But many who
are first shall be last, and the last first."
32 Now they were on the road going up to Jerusalem, and Jesus went in
front of them. And they were in dismay, while some who followed were
in fear. And he took the twelve once more aside and began to tell them
33 what was to happen to him, saying, " Lo, we are going up to Jerusalem ;

IO3*— ll9] MARK 291
and the Son of man shall be delivered to the high priests and the scribes.
They shall sentence him to death and deliver lnm to the Gentiles ; they
34 shall mock him and spit on him and scourge him and kill him. Yet after
three days he shall rise again."
35 And James and John, the sons of Zebedee, approach him. " Teacher,"
they say to him, " we want thee to do for us whatever we shall ask thee."
36 He said to them, " What do you want me to do for you ? " They said to
37 him, " Grant that we may sit, one on thy right hand and one on thy left
38 hand, in thy majesty." But Jesus said to them, " You know not what you
are asking. Are you able to drink the cup that I drink ? or to be baptized
39 with the baptism that I am baptized with ? " And they said to him, " We
are able." And Jesus said to them,
" The cup that I drink, you shall drink :
And the baptism that I am baptized with, shall you be baptized with.
40 But to sit on my right hand or on my left hand is not mine to grant ;
It is for those for whom it has been made ready."
41 And on hearing of it, the ten began to be indignant at James and John
42 but Jesus called them to him and says to them,
" You know that those who are looked up to as rulers of the Gentiles
lord it over them,
And their great men wield authority over them :
43 Not so among you.
Nay, whoever would become great among you,
Must be your servant,
44 And whoever would be first among you,
Must be the slave of all.
45 For even the Son of man came not to be served but to serve,
And to give his life a ransom for many."
46 Then they come to Jericho. And as he was leaving Jericho with his
disciples and a considerable crowd, a blind beggar Bar-Timaeus (the son
47 of Timaeus) sat by the roadside. And on hearing it was Jesus of Nazaret,
he started shouting and saying, "Son of David, Jesus, have pity on me!"
48 And many people admonished him to keep silence, but he cried out all
49 the more, " Son of David, have pity on me ! " Then Jesus stood still and
said, " Call him." So they call the blind man, saying to him, " Be of
50 good cheer, rise, he is calling thee." Throwing away his garment, he
51 started up and came to Jesus. And Jesus addressed him, saying, " What
wilt thou have me do to thee?" The blind man said to him,
52 " Rabbuni, let me regain my sight." Jesus said to him, " Go thy way, thy
faith has restored thee." And immediately he regained his sight, and
began to follow him on the road.
1 1 And when they draw nigh to Jerusalem, to Bethphage and Bethany
2 at the hill of Olives, he despatches two of his disciples and says to them :
, " Go into the village opposite you, and on entering it you shall at once
<t find a colt tied, on which no one has ever yet sat. Untie it and bring it.
, 3 And if anyone says to you, 'Why are you doing, this ?' say, 'The Lord
, 4 needs it, and he will send it here again, at once.' " Then off they went
. and found a colt tied at the door outside in the open street ; and they
J 5 untie it. And some of the bystanders said to them, " What do you mean
6 by untying the colt ? " But they spoke to them as Jesus had told them ;
7 and they allowed them to go. And they bring the colt to Jesus and throw
8 their garments on it. Then he sat upon it. And many spread their
garments on the road, and others leafy boughs which they had cut from
. 9 the fields. And those who went in front and those who foUowed shouted

292 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll10-^1
"Hosanna!
Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord !
10 Blessed is the Reign to come, our father David's! reign !
Hosanna in the highest ! "
11 And he went into Jerusalem, into the temple. But after looking round
on everything he went out with the twelve to Bethany, as it was now
late in the day.
12, 13 And on the morrow, after they left Bethany, he grew hungry. And
noticing far off a fig-tree in leaf, he went to see if he could find something
on it ; but when he came to it he found nothing but leaves, for it was
14 not the season for figs. Then he addressed it, saying, "Never man eat
fruit from thee, after this ! " And his disciples were listening.
15 And they come to Jerusalem. Then he entered the temple and started to
drive out the sellers and the buyers in the temple ; and he threw down the
tables of the money-changers and the seats of those who sold the doves,
16, 17 nor would he let any one carry a vessel through the temple. And he
taught and told them,
" Is it not written, My house shall be called a house of prayer for all
nations ?
But you have made it a den of robbers ! "
18 And the high priests and the scribes heard it, and tried how they
could destroy him (they were in fear of him, for all the crowd was
19 astonished at his teaching). And when evening came, they
20 went outside the city. And as they passed in the morning
21 they saw the fig-tree withered from its roots. Then Peter recollected;
" Rabbi, look ! " says he to him, " the fig-tree thou didst curse is
22 withered ! " Then in answer Jesus says to them, " Have faith in God.
23 I tell you truly :
" Whoever says to this mountain, ' Be lifted and thrown into the sea,'
And hesitates not in his heart but believes that what he says shall
be done,
He shall have it.
24 Therefore I tell you :
In all your prayers and asking
Believe that you have received,
So shall you have it.
25 Also, whenever you stand praying, if you have anything against
any one, forgive it :
That your Father who is in the heavens may also forgive you your
trespasses."
27 And they come once more to Jerusalem. And as he was walking in
the temple the high priests and the scribes and the elders came to him.
28 "By what sort of authority," said they to him, "art thou acting thus!
29 or who gave thee this authority to act thus ? " Jesus said to them, "I
will put a single question to you ; and do you answer me. Then I will
30 tell you by what sort of authority I am acting thus. " Was the baptism
31 of John from heaven or from men ? Answer me." And they argued
among themselves, " If we say, ' From heaven,' he will say, ' Why then
32 did you not believe him ? ' But shall we say, ' From men ' ? "—they were
afraid of the people, for all held that John had really been a prophet.
33 So in reply to Jesus they say, " We do not know." Then says Jesus to
them, " Neither do 1 tell you by what sort of authority I am acting thus."
12 1 And he started to speak to them in parables : A man planted a vine
yard and put a fence round it and dug a trough for the wine-press and

122"31] MARK 293
built a tower; then after leasing it to vinedressers he went abroad.
2 And at the season he despatched a slave to the vinedressers, that he
might collect from the vinedressers part of the fruits of the vineyard.
,, 4 But they took and flogged him and sent him off empty-handed. Then
once more he despatched another slave to them, and this one they
5 wounded on the head and insulted. Then he despatched another,
and this one they killed ; and so they did with many others, flogging
6 some and killing some. He had still one left, a beloved son ; he
despatched him last of all to them, saying, "They will reverence my
7 son." But those vinedressers said to themselves, " This is the heir ; come,
8 let us kill him, and the inheritance shall be ours." So they took him
9 and killed him and threw him outside the vineyard. What will the
owner of the vineyard do? he will come and destroy the vinedressers
10 and give the vineyard to others. Have you not even read this scripture ?
The stone which the builders rejected,
This is made head of the corner :
11 This is the doing of the Lord,
And in our eyes it is marvellous.''
12 Then they tried to seize him (yet feared the crowd), for they knew
it was against them that he had told the parable ; but leaving him they
went away.
13 And tbey despatch some of the Pharisees and Herodians to him, in
14 order to snare him in his talk. And they came saying to him,
" Teacher, we know thou art truthful, caring not for any one (for thou
regardest not the person of men), but teaching the way of God with truth.
15 Is it right to pay taxes to Caesar, or not ? Must we pay, or must we not
pay ? " But aware of their pretence he said to them, " Why make trial
16 of me? bring me a denarius that I may see it." So they brought one.
And he says to them, " Whose likeness and inscription is this ? " They
17 said to him, "Caesar's." Jesus said to them, "Render to Caesar the
tilings that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's." And
they were lost in wonder at him.
18 And Sadducees come to him (men who say there is no resurrection),
19 and they questioned him, saying, " Teacher, Moses wrote for us that, If a
man's brother die and leave a wife and leave no child, his brother is to take
20 his widow and raise up offspring for his brother. There were seven
21 brothers. So the first took a wife and dying left no offspring ; then the
second took her, and died leaving no offspring ; and the third likewise ;
23 and the seven left no offspring. Last of all the woman died also. At the
resurrection whose wife will she be, for the seven had her as wife ? "
¦24 Jesus said to them, " Is not this what leads you astray, that you are
25 ignorant of the scriptures and of God's power? For when people rise
from the dead, they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are
26 like angels in heaven. And as regards the raising of the dead, have you
not read in the book of Moses, at the place of ' the Bush,' that God spoke
to him, saying, I am the God of Abraham, and the God' of Isaae^-and the God
27 of Jacob ? He is not God of the dead, but of the living: You are far astray."
28 And one of the scribes approached, after hearing their discussion.
Knowing that he had given them an able answer, he put a question
1 29 to him, "What commandment is chief over all?" Jesus answered,
» "The chief is, Hear, 0 Israel! The Lord is our God, the Lord is one;
>i0 and thou shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, with thy
"il whole soul, with thy whole mind, with thy whole strength. The second
;. is this, Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself. There is no other

294 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l232-1312
32 commandment greater than these." And the scribe said to him, "True,
teacher ! thou hast rightly said that he is one and besides him there is no
33 other. Also, to love him with the whole heart and with the whole under
standing and with the whole strength, and to love one's neighbour as oneself—
34 that is far above all holocausts and sacrifices." Then, seeing that he
answered intelligently, Jesus said to him, " Thou art not far from the reign
35 of God." And after that no one dared question him. And as
Jesus taught in the temple he would ask, " How is it that the scribes
36 say the Christ is David's son ? David said himself, in the holy Spirit,
The Lord said to my Lord, ' Sit at my right hand,
Till I make thine enemies a footstool for thy feet.'
37 David himself calls him 'Lord.' Then how is he his son ? " And
38 the common folk listened to him gladly. And in his teaching he said,
" Beware of the scribes, who are fond of walking in long robes, and of
39 getting salutations in the market-places and chief seats in the synagogues
40 and chief places at the suppers — men who devour widows' properties, and
make long prayers for a pretext. These men shall be the more heavily
41 sentenced." Then sitting down opposite the treasury he watched how
the crowd put money into the treasury. Many rich people put in large
42 sums, and a poor widow also came and put in two farthings (which make
43 one halfpenny). Then calling his disciples to him, he said to them,
" I tell you truly, this poor widow has put in more than all those who
44 put into the treasury. For they have all put in a contribution out of
their wealth ; but out of her want, she has put in all she possessed, the
whole of her livelihood."
13 1 And as he was going out of the temple one of his disciples says to
2 him, " Teacher, look ! what splendid stones and buildings ! " And Jesus
said to him, " Seest thou these great buildings ? Not one stone shall, be
3 left J upon another, that shall not be thrown down." And as he was
sitting on the hill of Olives opposite the temple, Peter and James and
4 John and Andrew plied him with questions privately. "Tell us, when
shall this be? Also, what is the sign when this is all to be completed!"
5 So Jesus began to say to them,
" Take care that no one leads you astray :
6 Many shall come relying on my name, saying, ' 1 am he,' and shall
lead many astraj'.
7 And when you hear of wars and rumours of wars, be not disquieted;
These things must come to pass, but the end is not yet.
8 For nation shall rise against nation, and realm against realm,
There shall be earthquakes in place after place, there shall he famines:
These are but the beginning of birth-pangs.
9 Now look to yourselves.
They shall deliver you up to councils,
And in synagogues you shall be flogged,
And before governors and kings you shall stand for my sake,
For a witness to them :
10 Yea the glad tidings must first be preached to all the nations,
11 And when they bring you to trial and deliver you up,
Devise not beforehand what to say :
But whatever is given you in that hour, say that,
For it is not so much you who speak as the holy Spirit.
12 Brother shall deliver up' brother to death, and the father his child:
Children shall rise up against parents and have them put to death.
1 Omitting [[-...]].

1313"34] MARK 295
13 And you shall be hated by all men for my name's sake,
But he who endures to the end, he shall be saved.
14 Now when you see the desolating abomination standing where he ought
not (let the reader ponder),
Then let those who are in Judaea flee to the hills.
15 Let not him who is on the housetop
Go down or enter in to get anything out of his house,
16 Nor let him who is in the field
Turn hack to get his cloak.
17 But woe to women with child and to women who give suck in those
days!
18 And pray that it happen not in winter.
19 For those days shall be a distress,
The like of which has not been, from the beginning of the creation
which God created, until now,
And never shall he.
20 Tea, unless the Lord had curtailed the days, no flesh would have been
saved :
But for the sake of the chosen whom he chose, he did curtail the days.
21 And should anyone say to you then,
' Look, here is the Christ ! ' ' Look, there ! '
Believe it not.
22 For many false Christs and false prophets shall arise,
And they shall exhibit signs and wonders
To lead astray, if possible, the chosen.
. 23 Now do you beware :
Lo, I have told you everything beforehand !
24 In those days after that distress
The sun shall be darkened, and the moon shall not give her light,
¦ 25 And the stars shall be falling from the sky,
And the powers in the heavens shall be shaken:
26 Then shall they see the Son of man coming in clouds with great
power and majesty ;
27 And then shall he send forth the angels and gather the x chosen
together from the four winds, from the bounds of the earth to
the bounds of the sky.
28 Now from the fig-tree learn her parable.
When her branch is already tender and is putting out its leaves,
You know that summer is near :
So also when you see this come to pass,
You know that He is near, at the doors.
I tell you truly,
This generation shall not pass away
Until these all come to pass ;
31 Sky and earth shall pass away,
But never shall my words pass away.
32 Yet of that day or hour none knows,
Not even the angels in heaven, not even the Son, only the Father.
34 Beware, be wakeful : for you know not when the time is. It is as
when a man going abroad has left his house, after giving authority to
his slaves, to each his work, and has commanded the doorkeeper to watch.
1 Omitting [[«.-..-]].

29
30

296 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [13^-U28
35 Watch then — for you know not when the owner of the house is coming,
36 at evening or at midnight or at cock-crow or in the morning— lest
37 he come suddenly and find you sleeping. And what I say to you I say
to all, watch."
14 1 Now after two days it was the passover and the festival of unleavened
bread. And the high priests and the scribes were trying how they could
2 seize him by craft and kill him ; for they said, " Not during the festival,
in case of a possible tumult among the people."
3 A_nd when he was in Bethany, in the house of Simon the leper, as he
reclined at meat, a woman came with an alabaster flask of p*re nard
perfume, most precious ; and breaking the flask she proceeded to pour
4 it over his head. Now some people were inwardly indignant : " Why,"
5 said they, " has the perfume been wasted thus ? This perfume might
have been sold for more than three hundred shillings and given to the
6 poor." And they went on scolding her. But Jesus said, " Let her alone.
7 Why molest her ? She has done a noble deed for me. For you have the
poor always beside you, and whenever you like you can do them
8 good : but you have not always me. She has done what she could : she
9 has anointed my body in anticipation of the burial. And I tell yon
truly, wherever the glad tidings shall be preached through the whole
10 world, this woman's deed shall be also told, in memory of her."
Then Judas of Kerioth, who was one of the twelve, went off to the high
11 priests to betray him to them. Delighted to hear it, they promised to
pay him money. And he kept trying how he could betray him at an
opportune moment.
1 2 And on the first day of unleavened bread (when people sacrificed the
paschal lamb) his disciples say to him, " Where wilt thou have us go and
13 make ready for thee to eat the paschal lamb ? " Then he despatches two of
his disciples, saying to them, " Go your way into the city ; and a man shall
14 meet you carrying a pitcher of water. Follow him ; and wherever he
shall enter, sayT to the master of the house, ' The teacher says, "Where is
my guest chamber, where I may eat the paschal lamb with my disciples?'
15 And he will himself show you a large upper room all ready, spread with
16 couches. Make ready there for us." So the disciples left and went
into the city, and found it was exactly as he had said to them ; and they
17 made ready the passover. And when it was evening he comes with
18 the twelve. And as they reclined at table and ate, Jesus said, " I tell you
19 truly, one of you — one who is eating with me — shall betray me." They
began to be sorrowful and to say to him one by one, "Can it be I?"
20 And he said to them, " It is one of the twelve, one who is dipping in the
dish with me.
21 For the Son of man goes on his way, even as it is written of him ;
But woe to that man through whom the Son of man is betrayed !
22 Better for that man had he never been born ! "
And as they were eating he took bread, and after the. blessing broie
23 and gave it to them, saying, " Take it, this is my body." Also he took
a cup, gave thanks and gave it to them, and they aH drank of it ; and
24 he said to them, "This is my covenant-blood which is poured out for
25 many. I tell you truly, never again shall I drink of the produce of the
vine, till that day when in God's reign I drink it new."
26, 27 Then after a song of praise they went out to the hill of Olives. And
Jesus says to them, " All of you shall be repelled : since it is written,
28 I will smite the shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered abroad. But after I

[1429"62 MARK 297
29 rise, I will go before you into Galilee." Peter said to him, " Though all
30 shall be repelled, yet I will not." Then Jesus says to him, "I tell thee
truly : to-day, this very night, ere ever the cock crows twice, three times
31 thou shalt deny me." But he repeated the more vehemently, " Though I
have to die with thee, I will not deny thee." And so said all of them as
32 well. And they come to a piece of ground named Gethsemane.
33 And he says to his disciples, " Sit here until I pray." And with him he
takes Peter and James and John. And he began to feel appalled and sorely
34 troubled. And he says to them, " My soul is very sorrowful, even to
35 death : stay here and watch." Then he went forward a little, falling on
the ground and praying that if it were possible, the hour might pass
36 away from him. His words were, " Abba ! Father ! anything is possible
to thee ; remove this cup from me. Yet not what I will, but what
37 thou wilt." Then he comes and finds them sleeping ; and he says to Peter,
" Sleeping, Simon ? Hadst thou not strength to watch a single hour ?
38 Watch and pray, lest you enter into temptation : the spirit is eager, but
39 the flesh is weak." Then once more he went away and prayed, uttering
40 the same words. And once more he came and found them sleeping, for
their eyes were very heavy ; and they did not know how to answer
41 him. Then coming for the third time, he says to them, " So you sleep and
rest ? It is enough. The hour has come ; behold, the Son of man is
42 betrayed into the hands of sinners ! Rise, let us be going. Behold, my
43 betrayer is near ! " And immediately, when he was still speaking,
Judas x (one of the twelve) comes up accompanied by a horde with swords
44 and clubs, from the high priests and the scribes and the elders. Now his
betrayer had given them a signal, saying, " Whomsoever I kiss, that is the
45 man : seize him and get him safely away." So on arriving he immedi-
46 ately approached him, saying " Rabbi," and kissed him fondly. And
47 they laid hands on him and seized him. But one of the bystanders drew
his sword and struck the slave of the high priest, cutting off his ear.
48 And Jesus answered and said to them, " Did you come out as against a
49 robber, with swords and clubs to arrest me ? Day by day I was with
you in the temple teaching, and you did not seize me. — fiowever, it is
50 in fulfilment of the scriptures." Then they all left him alone and fled.
51 Yet one young man accompanied him, with a linen cloth thrown round
52 him over his naked body. They seize him also, but he left the linen cloth
behind him and fled naked.
53 And they led Jesus away to the high priest, and all the high
54 priests and the elders and the scribes accompany him. And Peter
followed him from afar till he was inside the palace of the high
priest ; then he sat along with the officers and warmed himself at the
55 lighted fire. Now the high priests and in fact the whole Sanhedrin
sought for witness against Jesus to get him put to death, but they found
56 none. For while many bore false witness against him, their evidence
57 did not agree. And some persons stood up and bore false witness against
58 him ; they said, " We heard him say, ' I will break down this sanctuary
made by hands, and after three days I will build another made by no
•, 60 hands.' " Yet not even thus did their evidence agree. And the high
priest stood up in the midst and questioned Jesus, saying, " Hast thou no
61 answer ? Of what do these men bear evidence against thee ? " He kept
silence and made no answer. Again the high priest questioned him, say-
62 ing to him, " Art thou the Christ, the Son of the Blessed ? " And Jesus
said, " I am : and you shall see the Son of man sitting at the right hand of
1 Omitting [i] . . . [[. 'l<rx*piuT*is]\.

298 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l463-1524
63 the Power and coming with the clouds of the sky." So the high priest rent
64 his vestments, saying, " What further witnesses do we need ? You heard
the blasphemy ; what is your opinion ? " And they all condemned him to
65 the doom of death. And some started to spit on him, also to blindfold
him and buffet him, and then say to him, "Prophesy ! " Even the officers
66 received him with blows. And while Peter was down below in
67 the courtyard, one of the maidservants of the high priest comes ; and on
seeing Peter warming himself, she looked at him and says, " Thou also
68 wast with the man of Nazaret, Jesus." But he denied it, saying, " I
know not — I do not understand what thou meanest." Then he went out
69 into the fore-court.1 And seeing him the maidservant began once more to
70 say to the bystanders, " This man is one of them." But he again per
sisted in denying it. Then after a little while the bystanders again said
to Peter, " To be sure, thou art one of them. Why, thou art a Galilaean ! "
71 But he began to curse and swear, " I know not this man whom you
72 mean." And immediately the cock crowed for the second time. Then
Peter recollected the word that Jesus had spoken to him, " Before the cock
crows twice, three times thou shalt deny me." And as he thought of it
he wept.
15 1 And in the morning the high priests along with the elders and scribes
and the whole Sanhedrin immediately held a consultation, bound Jesus,
2 carried him away, and delivered him up to Pilate. And Pilate ques
tioned him, " Art thou the king of the Jews ? " And in reply to him he
3 says, " Certainly." Then the high priests brought many accusations
4 against him. And again Pilate questioned him,2 " Hast thou no reply?
5 Look at what grave accusations they bring against thee ! " But to Pilate's
6 wonder, Jesus made no further reply. Now at festival time he used to
7 release for them one prisoner, whom they begged from him. And there
was a man called Bar- Abbas imprisoned along with the rioters, men who
8 had committed murder in the riot. So the multitude went up and began
9 to ask him for his customary boon. Pilate answered them, " Do you
10 wish me to release for you the king of the Jews ? " (for he saw it was
11 for envy that the high priests had delivered him up). But the high
priests stirred up the crowd to make him release Bar-Abbas for them
12 instead. And in reply Pilate again said to them, " Then3 what am I to
13 do with him whom you call ' the king of the Jews ' ? " And again they
14 shouted, "Crucify him." Said Pilate to them, "Why, what evil has he
15 done ? " But they shouted vehemently, " Crucify him." So, as Pilate
wanted to satisfy the crowd, he released for them Bar- Abbas ; and after
scourging Jesus he delivered him up to be crucified.
16 Now the soldiers led him away inside the palace (that is; the
17 praetorium). Then calling the whole cohort together, they clothe him in
18 purple, and after plaiting a wreath of thorns they put it on him ; and
19 they began to salute him, " Hail, king of the Jews ! " And they smote
his head with a reed, and they spat on him, and they did homage
20 to him on bended knee. Then after their mockery of him, they
stripped off the purple and put his own garments upon him. And
21 they lead him out to crucify him, and force a passer-by to carry his cross,
namely Simon a Cyrenian who was on his way from the country (the
22 father of Alexander and Rufus). So they bring him to the place
23 Golgotha (which when translated means, " The place of a skull"). Then
24 they offered him wine flavoured with myrrh, but he would not take it.
And they crucify him, and distribute his garments amony them by casting
1 Omitting ««J aiixrup IfAmm. 2 Omitting [[xiy«»]]. s Omitting [[9iXn»]].

1525-168] MARK 299
25 lots over them for each man's share. (It was the third hour, when they
26 crucified him.) And the title of his crime was inscribed, THE KING
27 OF THE JEWS. Also they crucify along with him two robbers, one on
29 his right hand and one on his left. And the passers-by heaped abuse
on him, wagging their heads and saying, "Ha ! thou who wouldst break
30 down the sanctuary and build it in three days, save thyself and come
¦ 31 down from the cross ! " Similarly, the high priests also mocked him
among themselves with the scribes, saying, " Others he saved, himself
; 32 he cannot save ! Let ' the Christ,' ' the king of Israel,' come clown now
from the cross, that we may see and believe ! " Those also who were
crucified with him kept denouncing him.
¦ 33 And when the sixth hour came, a darkness covered the whole land till
: 34 the ninth hour. And at the ninth hour Jesus cried with a loud voice,
' " EISi, eld, lama sabachthanei ? " (which when translated means, " My God,
'- 35 my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? ") And on hearing it some of the
36 bystanders said, "Look, he is calling Elijah!" Then one man ran,
filled a sponge full of vinegar, put it on a reed, and offered him it
: to drink, saying, " Hold ! let us see if Elijah does come to take him
>7, 38 down." But Jesus uttered a loud cry and expired. And the veil of the
39 sanctuary was torn in two, from top to bottom. Now when the centurion,
who had been standing by opposite him, saw that he thus expired, he said,
40 " This man was certainly a son of God." Now there were also women
looking on from a distance. Among them were Mary of Magdala, Mary
41 the mother of James the younger and of Joses, and also Salome (women
who used to follow him when he was in Galilee and minister to him),
as well as many other women who had come up with him to Jerusalem.
42 And now that it was evening, since it was the Preparation (that is,
43 the day before the sabbath), Joseph of Arimathaea — a councillor of good
position, who was also waiting himself for the reign of God — took courage
44 and went in to Pilate and asked for the body of Jesus. Pilate was
astonished that he was dead already, and summoning the centurion
45 he inquired of him if he had been dead for any time. And on ascer-
46 taming it from the centurion, he granted the corpse to Joseph. And he
brought a linen cloth, took him down, wrapt him in the linen cloth,
and laid him in a tomb which had been hewn out of a rock. Then he
. 47 rolled a stone against the entrance to tbe tomb. (Now Mary of Magdala
: and Mary the mother of Joses were looking to see where he was laid.)
,161 And when the sabbath had elapsed, Mary of Magdala and Mary the
2 mother of James and Salome bought spices, to go and anoint him.
And very early on the first day of the week, they go to the tomb when
3 the sun was up. And they were saying to themselves, " Who will roll
4 away the stone for us from the entrance to the tomb ?" But on looking
up they observe that the stone had been rolled back (rolled, for it was
5 very large). And when they entered the tomb they saw a young man
6 sitting on the right, clothed in a white robe ; and they were appalled.
But he says to them, " Be not appalled ! you are seeking Jesus the man
of Nazaret, the crucified ; he has risen, he is not here. Look ! here is the
7 place where they laid him. But go your way, tell his disciples and
Peter, ' He goes before you into Galilee ; you shall see him there, as he
8 told you.' " Then they went out and fled 'from the tomb, for trembling
and amazement possessed them. And they said nothing to anyone,
for they were afraid. ...

MATTHEW

The author is no Pharisaic Jewish Christian. His desire is to represent the
advanced and universal form of Jewish Christianity, to guard it, to give it a
firmer consciousness of its rights, and at the same time to oppose Judaism.
With this point of view, his work maintains throughout a character that lies
above all party-extremes. "Catholic": that is the final impression which
this writing over and again presents most unmistakably, whether we look at
its teaching on the church, its idea of Peter's primacy, its Christology and
Trinity (pointing already in the direction of later dogma), or lastly its ethics.
Many features that at first strike one as due to Jewish and OT thought,
may quite well be explained by the requirements of the church, which
was accustomed from the outset to seek its own early history in the OT.
Our first gospel is properly a book upon the OT possessions and inheritance
of the new religion. In fact, not merely does the whole life of Jesus appear to be
determined by tbe prophecies of the OT — that is the general rule, more or less,
throughout tbe synoptic representation — but, in addition to this, the materials
common to the synoptists have been expanded in a variety of ways, after the
style of the OT historical writings ; candidly, they have undergone alterations
for the purpose of stirring OT reminiscences in still larger numbers. What
ever stands debited to the Messiah in the OT, must be discovered to his credit
in the evangelic history, and OT vouchers must be adduced for all the deeds
and fortunes of the Messiah that are fixed in the church's faith. — Holtimann.

1-411 The preparation of Jesus : bis birth — homage and persecution,
baptism by John,
temptation,
4__-_s_ The Galilean ministry:
412-_5 introductory, call of first disciples,
5_7 a cycle of sayings — the "sermon on the mount."
Kal iyivero bre iTil\eo-ev ktX (728).
8-934 a cycle of incidents — chiefly (ten) miracles : in
Kapharnahum and neighbourhood.
g36-_8 introductory,
10-1358 commission to the twelve apostles, teal iyivero
kt\ (ll1).
11 Jesus and John — unbelief of age.
f Sabbath :
12 conflict with Pharisees on-! expulsion of devils :
I demand for signs.
13 a cycle of seven parables, teal iyivero kt\ (1353).
141— 18S0 murder of John — miracles of Jesus : visit and con
troversy of scribes and Pharisees.
at Caesarea Philippi — the transfiguration — miracles.
a cycle of sayings. Kal iyivero kt\ (19la).
19'-2546 The Judaean ministry : a cycle of sayings — at Jericho : the
triumphal entry into Jerusalem.
2112-224G purging of temple — controversy with priests, with
Herodians, Sadducees, Pharisees.
23-24 a cycle of seven Woes against scribes and Pharisees.
the apocalypse of Jesus.
25 the parables of the virgins and the talents — the last
judgment. Kal iyivero kt\ (26la).
/at Bethany : in the upper room — the last
supper.
in the garden — the agony and the be
trayal.
in the house of Kaiaphas — the trial,
Peter's denial.
before Pilate — the suicide of Judas —
Jesus and Bar- Abbas.
I the crucifixion, death and burial.
28 After death : appearance of angel, of Jesus, to women :
,, ,, Jesus to the eleven apostles: his final
charge.

301

26-27 The passion of Jesus : ¦

MATTHEW
1 1 The birth-roll of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham :
2 Abraham begat Isaac, and Isaac begat Jacob, and Jacob begat Judah
3 and his brothers, and Judah begat Perez and Zerah by Tamar, and Perez
4 begat Hezron, and Hezron begat Ram, and Ram begat Aminadab, and
5 Aminadab begat Nahshon, and Nahsbon begat Salmon, and Salmon begat
6 Boaz by Rahab, and Boaz begat Obed by Ruth, and Obed begat Jesse, and
Jesse begat David the king. And David begat Solomon by
7 Uriah's wife, and Solomon begat Rehoboam, and Rehoboam begat Abijah,
S and Abijah begat Asa, and Asa begat Jehoshaphat, and Jehoshaphat begat
9 Joram, and Joram begat Uzziah, and Uzziah begat Jotham, and Jotham
10 begat Ahaz, and Ahaz begat Hezekiah, and Hezekiah begat Manasseh,
11 and Manasseh begat Amon, and Anion begat Josiah, and Josiah begat
Jechoniah and his brothers at the time of the transportation to Babylon.
12 And after the transportation to Babylon, Jechoniah begat
13 Shealtiel, and Shealtiel begat Zerubbabel, and Zerubbabel begat Abiud, ,
14 and Abiud begat Eliakim, and Eliakim begat Azor, and Azor begat
15 Zadok, and Zadok begat Achim, and Achim begat Eliud, and Eliud
16 begat Eleazar, and Eleazar begat Matthan, and Matthan begat Jacob, and
Jacob begat Joseph the husband of Mary of whom Jesus, who is called
" Christ," was born.
17 So all the generations from Abraham to David are fourteen genera
tions, and from David to the transportation to Babylon fourteen genera
tions, and from the transportation to Babylon to the Christ fourteen
generations.
18 Now the birth of Jesus Christ was in this way. When Mary his
mother had been betrothed to Joseph, she was found to be with child by
19 the holy Spirit before they came together. As Joseph her husband was
an upright man and yet unwilling to expose her publicly, he meant to
20 divorce her secretly. But after he had planned this, lo, an angel of the
Lord appeared to him in a dream, saying,
" Joseph, son of David, fear not to take Mary thy wife,
21 For what is begotten in her is by the holy Spirit :
And she shall bear a son, and thou shalt call his name Jesus,
For he shall save his people from their sins."
22 The whole of this came to pass in order that what was spoken by the
Lord through the prophet might be fulfilled ; when he said,
23 Lo ! the maiden shall be with child and bear a son,
And they shall call his name Immanuel
24 (which when translated means, " God with us "). And on awakening
from sleep Joseph did as the angel of the Lord commanded him ; he
25 took his wife, and did not know her until she had borne a son, and lie
called his name Jesus. 302

2i-33] MATTHEW 303
2 1 Now after the birth of Jesus in Bethlehem of Judaea during the days
of Herod the king, lo, magicians from the East arrived at Jerusalem,
2 saying, "Where is the newly-born king of the Jews ? for we saw his star
3 in the East and we have come to do him reverence." And on hearing it
4 Herod the king was troubled, and all Jerusalem with him. And he
gathered all the high priests and scribes of the people together, and
began to make inquiries of them as to where the Christ was to be born.
5 And they said to him, " In Bethlehem of Judaea : for thus it is written
through the prophet,
6 And thou Bethlehem, land of Judah,
Art by no means least among the rulers of Judah ;
For out of thee shall come a ruler,
One who shall shepherd my people Israel."
7 Then Herod secretly called the magicians and ascertained from them
8 the time of the star's appearing. And he sent them to Bethlehem and
said, " Go and make accurate inquiries about the child ; and after you
have found him, bring me word, that I also may go and do him
9 reverence." Now when they heard the king they went on their way. And
lo, the star which they had seen in the East went before them, until it
10 came and stood still over the place where the child was. And on seeing
1 1 the star, they rejoiced with very great joy. And on entering the house they
saw the child with Mary his mother, and they fell down and did him
reverence, and opened their caskets and offered him gifts of gold and
12 frankincense and myrrh. And on being divinely instructed in a dream
not to return to Herod, they retired to their own country by another road.
13 Now after they had retired, lo, an angel of the Lord appears in a
dream to Joseph, saying, "Rise up, take the child and his mother and
flee to Egypt ; and stay there till I tell thee. For Herod is about to
14 seek the child, to destroy him." And he rose up, took the child and his
15 mother by night and retired to Egypt, where he stayed until the death
of Herod ; thatwhat was spoken by the Lord through the prophet might be
16 fulfilled, when he said, Out of Egypt I called my son. Then Herod
saw that the magicians had trifled with him ; and he was mightily enraged,
and sent out and slew all the male children in Bethlehem and all its
neighbourhood, from two years of age and under, according to the time
17 which he had ascertained from the magicians. Then what was spoken
through the prophet Jeremiah was fulfilled, when he said,
' 18 A voice was heard in Ramah,
Weeping and great mourning —
Rachel weeping for her children;
And she refused to be consoled, for they live no more.
- 19 But when Herod died, lo, an angel of the Lord appears in a dream to
20 Joseph in Egypt, saying, " Rise up, take the child and his mother and go
into the land of Israel, for those who sought the child's life are dead."
21 And he rose up, took the child and his mother and entered the land of
.522 Israel. But when he heard that Arehelaus was reigning over Judaea in
succession to his father Herod, he was afraid to go there ; and on being
¦i divinely instructed in a dream, he retired into the districts of Galilee.
23 So he came and dwelt in a city called Nazaret ; that what was spoken
through the prophets might be fulfilled, " He shall be called a Nazarene."
-J- 1 Now in those days John the baptizer arrives, preaching in the wilder-
;d, 3 ness of Judaea, " Repent, for the reign of heaven is near." (For this
id is he who was spoken of through the prophet Isaiah in the words :

304 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [34-49
The voice of one crying in the wilderness :
" Make ready the way of the Lord,
Make level his paths ! "
4 Now he, John, had his clothing made of camel's hair, with a leather
girdle round his loins, and his food consisted of locusts and wild honey.
5 Then Jerusalem and all Judaea and all the country surrounding the
6 Jordan began to go out to him ; and they were baptized by him in
7 the river Jordan, as they confessed their sins. But when he saw
many of the Pharisees and Sadducees coming for baptism, he said to
them, " You offspring of vipers, who has directed you to flee from the wrath
to come ?
8 Bear fruit, then, befitting your repentance :
9 And presume not to say to yourselves, ' We have Abraham as our
father,'
For I tell you, God can raise up children for Abraham from these
stones !
10 Even already is the axe laid at the root of the trees :
So shall each tree be hewn and thrown into the fire, unless it bear
sound fruit.
11 With water I baptize you for repentance ;
But he who comes after me is mightier than I,
Whose sandals I am not fit to carry :
He shall baptize you with the holy Spirit and fire —
12 Whose winnowing fan is in his hand, and he will cleanse out his
threshing-floor,
He will gather his corn into the granary,
But the straw he will burn up with fire unquenchable."
13 Then Jesus arrives from Galilee to John at the Jordan, to get baptized
14 by him. But John tried to prevent him, saying, " I need to get baptized
15 by thee, yet thou comest to me ! " But Jesus answered and said, " Let it
be so, for the present ; thus it behoves us to do whatsoever is right."
16 Then he gave in to him. And when Jesus had been baptized, he imme
diately rose up from the water ; and lo, the skies opened, and he saw
17 God's Spirit descend as it were a dove and come upon him; andlo, a
voice spoke out of the skies,
" This is my Son, the beloved,
In whom I delight."
4 1 Then Jesus was led up by the Spirit into the wilderness to be
2 tempted by the devil. And after fasting for forty days and forty nights
3 he at last hungered. And the tempter came and said to him, " If thou
4 art God's Son, give orders that these stones become bread." But in
answer he said, " It is written :
Not on bread alone is man to live,
But on every word that issues from the mouth of God."
5 Then the devil takes him to the holy city ; and setting him on the
6 pinnacle of the temple, he says to him, " If thou art God's Son, throw
thyself down ; for it is written,
He shall charge his angels concerning thee :
Yea on their hands they shall bear thee,
Lest ever thou strike thy foot against a stone."
7 Jesus said to him, "Again it is written : Thou shalt not make trial of tie
8 Lord thy God." Once more, the devil takes him to a very high mountain,
9 and shows him all the realms of the world and their grandeur ; and he

410-59] MATTHEW 305
said to him, " All these I will give thee, if thou wilt fall down and do
10 me reverence." Then Jesus says to him, " Satan, begone ! for it is
written : Thou shalt do reverence to the Lord thy God, and him only shalt
11 thou worship." Then the devil leaves him ; and lo, angels came and
ministered to him.
12 Now when he heard that John had been delivered up, he retired to
13 Galilee. And on leaving Nazaret he came and dwelt in Kapharnahum
which lies beside tbe sea in the territory of Zebulun and Naphtali ;
14 that what was spoken through Isaiah the prophet might be fulfilled,
when he said,
15 The land of Zebulun and the land of Naphtali,
Towards the sea, across the Jordan,
Galilee of the Gentiles :
16 The people who sat in darkness
Saw a great light ;
And to those who sat in the region and the shadow of death,
¦. To them light rose.
17 From that time Jesus began to preach and say, " Repent, for the reign
of heaven is near."
18 Now as he walked beside the sea of Galilee, he saw two brothers,
Simon (who is called Peter) and Andrew his brother, casting a fishing-
-19 net into the sea ; for they were fishers. And he says to them, " Come
~i0 after me and I will make you fishers of men." So they immediately left
!1 the nets and followed him. And going on from there he saw two other
brothers, James the son of Zebedee, with his brother John, in the boat
'02 with Zebedee their father, mending their nets ; and he called them. So
they immediately left the boat and their father, and followed him.
! Then he made a tour through the whole of Galilee, teaching in their
synagogues, preaching the glad tidings of the Reign, and healing all
'¦. manner of disease and all manner of infirmity among the people. And
the report of him went out into the whole of Syria. And they brought
him all who were ill, possessed with various diseases and tormenting pains,
or possessed by daemons, or epileptic and paralytic ; and he healed them.
i And great crowds followed him from Galilee and Dekapolis and Jeru
salem and Judaea and from across the Jordan. Now on seeing
the crowds he went up the mountain ; and when he sat down, his
! disciples approached him. Then opening his mouth he taught them,
saying :
i " Happy the poor in spirit !
For theirs is the reign of heaven.
Happy the mourners !
For they shall be comforted.
Happy the gentle!
For they shall inherit the earth.
Happy they who hunger and thirst for uprightness !
For they shall be satisfied.
Happy the merciful !
For they shall obtain mercy.
Happy the pure in heart !
For they shall see God.
Happy the peacemakers !
For they shall be called sons of God.

306 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [510"26
10 Happy they who have been persecuted on account of uprightness !
For theirs is the reign of heaven.
11 Happy are you when men shall denounce you and persecute you
and say all manner of mischief against you for my sake :
12 Joy and rejoice ! for great is your reward in the heavens.
For thus did they persecute the prophets who were before you.
13 You are the salt of the earth.
But if salt has lost its savour,
Wherewith shall it be salted ?
It is no longer fit for anything,
Save to be thrown out and trampled under men's feet.
14 You are the light of the world (a city built on a mountain cannot be
hidden).
15 And men do not light a lamp to put it under the bushel, bnt on
the lampstand,
And it shines for all who are in the house :
16 So let your light shine before men,
That they may see your good deeds, and magnify your Father
who is in the heavens.
17 Think not that I came to break down the law and the prophets :
I came not to break down but to fulfil.
18 [For I teH you truly, till sky and earth pass away,
Not an iota, not one upstroke of a letter shall pass away from the
law, till all come to pass.
19 Whoever then shall break one of these least commandments and teach
men so,
In the reign of heaven he shall be reckoned least :
But whoever shall obey and teach them,
In the reign of heaven he shall be reckoned greatest.]
20 For I teU you, unless your uprightness shaU excel that of the scribes
and Pharisees,
You shaU not enter the reign of heaven.
21 You have heard that it was said to the men of old,
'27.01. shalt not murder: and whoever murders shall be liable to
the judges.'
22 But I tell you,
Everyone who is angry with his brother shaU be liable to the
judges,
And whoever says to his brother, ' Empty fellow ! ' shall be liable
to the Sanhedrin,
And whoever says to his brother, ' Idiot ! ' shall be liable to the
Gehenna of fire.
23 So if thou art offering thy gift at the altar,
And rememberest there that thy brother has anything against thee,
24 Leave thy gift there before the altar,
And go, be reconciled to thy brother first,
Then come and offer thy gift.
25 (Come quickly to terms with thine opponent, so long as thou art with
him on the road ;
Lest the opponent deliver thee up to the judge, and the judge to the
officer, and thou be thrown into prison :
26 I tell thee truly, thou shalt not leave that place, till thou hast paid the
last halfpenny.)

S27"45] MATTHEW 307
27 You have heard that it was said,
' Thou shalt not commit adultery.'
28 But I tell you,
Everyone who looks at a woman for lust l has committed adultery
with her already in his heart.
29 If thy right eye hinder thee,
Pluck it out and throw it from thee :
For it is good for thee that one of thy members perish,
Instead of thy whole body being thrown into Gehenna.
30 And if thy right hand hinder thee,
Cut it off and throw it from thee :
For it is good for thee that one of thy members perish,
Instead of thy whole body going into Gehenna.
31 It was said also,
' Whoever shall divorce his wife, let him give her a writing of
repudiation!
32 But I tell you,
Everyone who divorces his wife, except on account of fornication,
makes her an adulteress :
And whoever marries her after she is divorced, commits adultery.
33 Once more, you have heard that it was said to the men of old,
1 Thou shalt not forswear thyself, but shalt discharge thy vows to the Lord.'
'" 34 But I tell you,
Swear not at all :
Neither by heaven, because it is God's throne,
35 Nor by earth, because it is the footstool of his feet,
Nor by Jerusalem, because it is the city of the great King,
36 Nor shalt thou swear by thy head, because thou canst not
make one hair white or black.
37 Let what you say be simply ' yes ' or ' no ' :
Whatever exceeds that is from the evil one.
38 You have heard that it was said,
'An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth.'
39 But I tell you,
Resist not the evil man ;
Nay, whoever smites thee on the z right cheek,
Turn the other to him also.
40 And if anyone wishes to sue thee for possession of thy tunic,
Let him have thy cloak also.
41 And whoever shall force thee to go one mile,
Go two with him.
42 Give to him who asks thee,
And turn not away from him who would borrow from thee.
43 You have heard that it was said,
' Thou shalt love thy neighbour and hate thine enemy.'
44 But I tell you,
Love your enemies, and pray for those who persecute you,
45 That you may become sons of your Father who is in the heavens :
For he makes his sun rise upon niggardly and generous,
And sends rain upon just and unjust.
1 Omitting [[>..},»]]. 2 Omitting [[«¦--]].

308 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [546-616
46 For if you love those who love you, what reward have you ?
Do not even the tax-gatherers do that ?
47 And if you salute merely your brothers, what are you doing beyond
others ?
Do not even the heathen do that ?
48 You are to be perfect then,
As your heavenly Father is perfect.
6 1 Take care not to practise your charity before men, to be seen by
them :
Otherwise you have no reward with your Father who is in the
heavens.
2 So when thou givest alms,
Make no flourish of trumpets, as do the hypocrites
In the synagogues and in the thoroughfares, that they may be
magnified by men :
I tell you truly, they get their reward.
3 But when thou givest alms,
Let not thy left hand know what thy right hand is doing,
4 That thine alms may be in secret ;
And thy Father who sees in secret shall recompense thee.
5 And when you pray,
You shall not be like the hypocrites ;
For they like to pray standing in the synagogues and at the street
corners, to appear before men :
I tell you truly, they get their reward.
6 But thou, when thou prayest,
Go into thine inner chamber, shut thy door,
And pray to thy Father who is in secret ;
And thy Father who sees in secret shall recompense thee.
7 In praying do not babble by rote as the heathen do,
For they imagine they shall be heard for their store of words :
8 Now be not like them ;
For your Father knows what you need, before you ask him.
9 Pray you in this way, then :
' Our Father who art in the heavens,
Thy name be hallowed,
10 Thy reign come,
Thy will be done,
As in heaven so upon earth !
11 Our bread for the morrow give us to-day.
12 And forgive us our debts
As we also have forgiven our debtors ;
13 And lead us not into temptation,
But rescue us from the evil one.'
14 For if you forgive men their trespasses,
Your heavenly Father will forgive you also :
15 But if you forgive not men,1
Neither will your heavenly Father forgive your trespasses.
16 Now when you fast,
Put on no dejected looks, like the hypocrites,
1 Omitting [[.« rrapa^rip.xTa a.TcS.]].

617"34] MATTHEW 309
For they disfigure their faces to appear fasting before men :
I tell you truly, they get their reward.
17 But thou, when thou fastest,
Anoint thy head and wash thy face,
18 That thou mayest not appear to men as one fasting, but to thy Father
who is in secret ;
And thy Father who sees in secret shall recompense thee.
19 Store up no treasure for yourselves on earth,
Where moth and rust consume,
And where thieves break in and steal :
20 But store up treasure for yourselves in heaven,
Where neither moth nor rust consumes,
And where thieves do not break in or steal .
21 For where thy treasure is,
There shall thine heart be also.
22 The lamp of the body is the eye :
If thine eye then be liberal,
Thy whole body shall be Ht up ;
23 But if thine eye be niggardly,
Thy whole body shall be darkened.
If the light in thee is darkness,
Then — what a darkness !
24 No one can serve two masters :
For either he wiU hate the one and love the other,
Or else he will hold to one and despise the other.
You cannot serve God and Mammon.
25 Therefore I tell you,
Be not anxious for your life, about what you are to eat,1
Nor yet for your body, about what you are to wear :
Is not life more than food,
And the body than raiment ?
.6 Look at the birds of the air :
They sow not, reap not, gather into no granaries,
Yet your heavenly Father feeds them.
Are you not worth more than they ?
!7 Which of you can add one ell to his stature by anxiety ?
!8 Why then be anxious about raiment ?
Mark well how the field-lilies grow ! they toil not, neither do they
spin :
19 Yet I tell you, even Solomon in all his grandeur was not robed
like one of these.
'¦0 Now if God thus arrays the grass of the field, which lives to-day and
is thrown to-morrow into the oven,
0 men of little faith, shall he not much more array you ?
1 Be not anxious then and sav,
'What are we to eat?' or 'What are we to drink?' or 'How are
we to be clothed ? '
2 (For all these things the Gentiles crave)
For your heavenly Father knows that you require aU these.
;?-3 But seek his reign and his uprightness first,
And you shall have all these added besides.
i Be not anxious for the morrow, then ;
1 Omitting [[3 •.; !«'««]].

310 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [7W8
The morrow will be anxious for itself.
Sufficient for the clay is the day's own trouble.
7 1 Judge not,
That you may not be judged ;
2 For with what judgment you judge,
You shall be judged,
And with what measure you measure,
It shall be measured to you.
3 Why look at the splinter in thy brother's eye,
And mark not the beam in thine own eye ?
4 What ! how art thou to say to thy brother, ' Come, let me pull the
splinter out of thine eye,'
When lo, the beam is in thine own eye ?
5 Hypocrite ! pull the beam out of thine own eye first,
Then indeed shalt thou see clearly to pull the splinter out of thy
brother's eye.
6 Give not what is holy to the dogs,
And throw not your pearls before swine ;
Lest they trample them under their feet,
And turn to tear you in pieces.
7 Ask and it shall be given you,
Seek and you shall find,
Knock and it shall be opened to you :
8 For every one who asks receives,
And he who seeks finds,
And to him who knocks it shall be opened.
9 Why, what man of you will hand his son a stone, if he asks him for a
loaf?
10 Or will hand him a serpent, if he asks him for a fish ?
If you then, niggardly as you are, know how to give good gifts to
your cluldren,
How much more shall your Father who is in the heavens give good
things to those who ask him ?
12 All then that you would have men do to you,
Do also to them, yourselves :
For this is the law and the prophets.
13 Enter by the narrow gate :
For wide * and spacious is the way that leads to destruction,
And those who are entering by it are many ;
14 For narrow is the gate and strait the way that leads to life,
And those who are finding it are few.
15 Beware of false prophets, men who come to you in sheep's clothing,
But are inwardly ravenous wolves.
16 From their fruits you shall recognise them .
Do men gather grapes from thorns, or figs from thistles ?
17 So every good tree brings forth sound fruits,
But the rotten tree brings forth bad fruits.
18 A good tree cannot bring forth bad fruits,
Nor can a rotten tree bring forth sound fruits.
1 Omitting [[i -._>.»¦]].

719-8U] MATTHEW 311
19 (Each tree shall be hewn and thrown into the fire,
Unless it bear sound fruit)
20 So from their fruits then you shall recognise them.
21 Not everyone who says to me, ' Lord, Lord ! ' shall enter the reign of
heaven ;
But he who obeys the will of my Father who is in the heavens.
22 Many will say to me on that day, ' Lord, Lord !
Did we not prophesy by thy name ?
And cast out daemons by thy name ?
And work many miracles by thy name ? '
23 And then will I declare to them, ' I never knew you :
Depart from me, ye ivorkers of evil.'
24 Everyone then who hears these words of mine,
and obeys them,
Shall be compared to a shrewd man,
who built his house upon the rock :
25 And the rain fell,
The streams rose,
The winds blew and beat upon that house ;
Yet it fell not,
For it was founded upon tbe rock.
26 And everyone who hears these words of mine,
And obeys them not,
Shall be compared to a thoughtless man,
Who built his house upon the sand ;
27 And the rain fell,
The streams rose,
The winds blew and struck upon that house,
And it fell ;
" And great was its downfall."
28 And it came to pass when Jesus finished these words, the crowds were
29 astonished at his teaching ; for he taught them as one who exerted
authority, and not like their own scribes.
8 1 ^ Now when he came down from the mountain, great crowds followed
2 him. And there was a leper who approached and began to do him
reverence, saying, "Sir, if thou wilt, thou canst make me clean."
3 And stretching out his hand he touched him, saying, " I will :
4 be clean." And immediately his leprosv was made clean. And
Jesus says to him, " See thou tell no one ;' but go, show thyself to the
priest and offer the gift that Moses commanded— as a proof to men."
0 Now when he entered Kapharnahum, a centurion came to him
6 and besought him saying, " Sir, my servant is lying ill at home with
7 paralysis, in dreadful torture." He says to him, " I will come and heal
8 him." But the centurion answered and said, " Sir, I am not fit to have
thee come under my roof. Only say the word, and my servant shall
9 be cured. For indeed I am myself a man under authority, with soldiers
under me : I say to this man, ' Go,' and he goes ; to another,
10 ' Come,' and he comes ; to my slave, ' Do this,' and he does it." Now
when Jesus heard it, he marvelled ; and he said to his followers, " I
tell you truly, I have not found such faith as this with anvone in Israel.
H I tell you,

312 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [812-98
Many shall come from east and viest
And recline with Abraham and Isaac and Jacob in the heavenly
realm :
12 But the sons of the realm shall be thrown out into the outer darkness ;
There shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of teeth."
13 And Jesus said to the centurion, " Go ; be it done for thee, as thou hast
14 believed." And in that hour the servant was cured. And on
entering the house of Peter, Jesus saw his wife's mother lying in bed with
15 fever. And he touched her hand, and the fever left her ; and she rose and
16 ministered to him. Now in the evening they brought him many who
were possessed by daemons, and he cast out the spirits with a word, and
17 healed all who were ill — that what was spoken through the prophet
Isaiah might be fulfilled, He took our illnesses himself, and our diseases
bore.
18 Now when Jesus saw great crowds around him, he gave orders to
19 depart to the opposite side. And one man, a scribe, came up and said to
20 him, " Teacher, I will follow thee wherever thou goest." Then Jesus says
to him, " The foxes have holes and the birds of the air have shelters,
But the Son of man has no place to lay his head."
21 Another of the disciples said to him, " Lord, let me go and bury my
22 father first." But Jesus says to him, " Follow me, and let the dead bury
23 their own dead." And he embarked in a boat, followed by his
24 disciples. And lo, a great storm rose on the sea, so that the boat was
25 being covered with tbe waves. But he was asleep, And they went to htm
26 and woke him, saying, " Save, Lord ! we are perishing ! " And he says
_ to them, " Why are you timid, 0 men of little faith ?" Then he rose and
27 rebuked the winds and the sea, and there was a great calm. And the
men marvelled and said, " What a man this is ! even the winds and the sea
28 obey him ! " And when he reached the opposite side, the
country of the Gadarenes, two men possessed by daemons met him, who came
from the tombs, men of such violence that no one could pass along that
29 road. And behold, they shouted, " What have we to do with thee, Son
30 of God ? Hast thou come here to torment us before the time ? " Xow
31 far away from them a drove of many swine was grazing. And the
daemons besought him, " If thou cast us out, send us away into the
32 drove of swine." And he said to them, " Begone." So they came out
and went off into the swine, and lo ! all the drove rushed down the
33 steep slope into the sea and perished in the waters. Then the herds
men fled and went away into the city bringing word of everything,
34 and of those who had been possessed by daemons. And behold, all the
city came out to meet Jesus ; and when they saw him, they besought
9 1 him to remove from their neighbourhood. And he embarked
2 in a boat and crossed over, and came to his own city. And behold, they
brought him a paralytic man lying on a bed. And when Jesus saw
their faith, he said to the paralytic man, " Be of good cheer, my son :
3 thy sins are forgiven." And behold, some of the scribes said to them-
4 selves, " This fellow is blaspheming." And when Jesus saw what they
5 were thinking he said, " Why think evil in your hearts ? For which
is easier, to say, ' Thy sins are forgiven,' or to say, 'Rise and walk'?
6 But, to let you know that the Son of man has authority on earth to
forgive sins "—then he says to the paralytic man — " Rise, take up thy bed,
7, 8 and go home." And he rose and went away home. Now when the crowd
saw it they were awed, and they magnified God who had given such

99"34] MATTHEW 313
9 authority to men. And as Jesus passed along from there, he saw
a man sitting at the tax-office, called Matthew ; and he says to him,
10 " Follow me." And he rose and followed him. And it came to pass as
he reclined at table in the house, there were many tax-gatherers and
11 sinners who came and reclined along with Jesus and his disciples. And
when the Pharisees saw it, they said to his disciples, " Why does your
12 teacher eat with the tax-gatherers and sinners ? " But when he heard
it he said,
" The strong need not a physician, but those who are ill.
13 Go and learn what this means : It is mercy I care for, not sacrifice.
For I came not to call upright men but sinners."
14 Then the disciples of John approach him, saying, " Why is it that we
15 and the Pharisees fast, while thy disciples fast not ? " And Jesus said to
them, " Can the sons of the bride-chamber mourn
As long as the bridegroom is with them ?
But days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken away
from them :
And then will they fast.
16 No man sews a piece of undressed cloth on an old cloak ;
For the patch parts from it,
And a worse tear is made.
17 Nor do men pour fresh wine into old wine-skins :
Otherwise the wine-skins burst,
The wine is spilt, and the wine-skins are lost.
No, they pour fresh wine into new wine-skins,
And both are preserved."
. 18 As he was speaking thus to them, behold, a president came and began to
do him reverence, saying, " My daughter has this moment died. But
19 come and lay thy hand on her, and she shall live." Then Jesus rose and
. 20 followed him, along with his disciples. And behold, a woman who had
had a hemorrhage for twelve years, came behind him and touched the tassel
21 of his cloak ; for she kept saying to herself, " If only I touch his cloak,
22 I shall be restored." When Jesus turned and saw her, he said, " Be of
good cheer, daughter ; thy faith has restored thee." And the woman was
23 restored from that hour. And when Jesus came to the house of the
; 24 president, and saw the flute-players and the crowd making a noise, he
said, " Retire ; the girl is not dead, but asleep." And they laughed him
j 25 to scorn. But when the crowd had been put out, he went in and took
;. 26 her hand, and the girl rose. And the report of this went out into the
¦_ 27 whole of that land. And as Jesus passed along from there, two
blind men followed him, shouting and saying, " Have pity on us, Son of
.28 David ! " But when he had gone into the house, the blind men came up
i to him ; and Jesus says to them, " Do you believe I am able to do
j.:29this?" They say to him, "Yes, Lord." Then he touched their eyes,
^30 saying, "According to your faith be it done for you." And their eyes
J were opened. And Jesus sternly charged them, saying, " See that no
¦ 31 one knows of it." They went out, however, and spread his fame through
.32 the whole of that land. Now as they were going out, there were
; 33 people who brought him a dumb man possessed by a daemon. And when
"' the daemon had been cast out, the dumb man spoke. And the crowd
,34 marvelled, saying, " Never was such a sight seen in Israel ! " But the
d Pharisees said, " He is casting out the daemons with the help of the ruler
-', of the daemons."

314 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [935— IO21
35 And Jesus made a tour through all the cities and the villages,
teaching in their synagogues, preaching the glad tidings of the Reign,
36 and healing all manner of disease and all manner of infirmity. And
when he saw the crowds he was moved with compassion for them,
because they were harassed and prostrate, like sheep without a shepherd.
37 Then he says to his disciples,
" The harvest is ample, but the labourers are few :
38 Entreat then the owner of the harvest to thrust out labourers into
his harvest."
10 1 And calling his twelve disciples to him, he gave them authority over
unclean spirits to cast them out, and to heal all manner of disease and
2 all manner of infirmity. Now these are the names of the twelve
apostles. First Simon (who is called Peter), with Andrew his brother,
3 and James the son of Zebedee and John his brother, Philip and
Bartholomew, Thomas and Matthew the tax-gatherer, James (the son of
4 Alphaeus) and Thaddaeus, Simon (" the zealot ") and Judas Iskariot (who
5 also betrayed him). These twelve men Jesus sent out, after charging
them in these words :
" Take no road to tbe Gentiles,
And enter no city of the Samaritans ;
6 Rather go to the lost sheep of the house of Israel.
7 And as you go, preach, saying, ' The reign of heaven is near.'
8 Heal the sick, raise the dead,
Make lepers clean, cast out daemons :
You received without fee,
Give without fee.
9, 10 Provide yourselves with no gold or silver or brass in your girdles, with
no wallet for your journey, nor with two tunics, nor with sandals, nor
11 with staff ; for the labourer is worthy of his food. And whatever city or
village you enter, ascertain who is worthy in it, and stay there till you
12 leave. As you enter the household, salute it.
13 Then if the household be worthy,
Let your peace come upon it :
But if it be not worthy,
Let your peace return to you.
14 And whoever shall not receive you or listen to your words,
As you go outside that house or that city, shake off the dust of your
feet;
15 I tell you truly, the land of Sodom and Gomorra shall find it more
bearable on the day of judgment than that city.
16 Lo, I despatch you like sheep amid wolves ;
Be shrewd then like serpents, and guileless like doves.
17 Beware of men :
For they will deliver you up to councils,
And scourge you in their synagogues.
18 Moreover before governors and kings shall you be brought for my sake,
For a witness to them and to the Gentiles.
19 Now when they deliver you up,
Be not anxious how to speak or what to say ;
What you are to say shall be given you in that hour.
20 For it is not so much you who speak,
As the Spirit of your Father which speaks in you.
21 Brother shall deliver up brother to death, and the father his child :
Children shall rise up against parents and have them put to death.

lO^-ll1] MATTHEW 315
22 And you shall be hated by all men for my name's sake ;
But he who endures to the end, he shall be saved.
23 When they persecute you in this city, flee to the next :
For I tell you truly, you shall not have got to the end of the cities of
Israel, before the Son of man comes.
24 A pupil is not above his teacher,
Nor a slave above his owner :
25 It is enough for the pupil to be like his teacher,
And the slave like his owner.
If they surnamed the master of the house ' Beel-zebub,'
How much more those of his household ?
26 So fear them not : for nothing is veiled that shall not be disclosed,
Or hidden that shall not be known.
27 What I tell you in the darkness, speak in the light :
And what is taught you in a whisper, proclaim on the
housetops.
28 And fear not those who kill the body but are not able to kill the soul :
Rather fear him who is able to destroy both soul and body in
Gehenna.
29 Are not two sparrows sold for a penny ?
Yet not one of them shall fall to the ground without your Father.
30 Yes, and as for you, the hairs of your head have been all numbered.
31 Fear not, then : you are worth more than many sparrows.
32 Everyone therefore who shall confess me before men,
I also will confess him before my Father who is in the heavens :
33 But whoever shall disown me before men,
I also will disown him before my Father who is in the heavens.
34 Think not that I came to bring peace on the earth,
I came not to bring peace but a sword.
35 For I came to set a man at variance against his father,
And the daughter against her mother,
And the daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law ;
36 Yea a man's enemies shall be the people ofhis own household.
37 He who loves father or mother more than me,
Is not worthy of me :
And he who loves son or daughter more than me,
Is not worthy of me :
38 And he who does not take his cross and follow after me,
Is not worthy of me.
39 He who has found his life,
Shall lose it :
And he who for my sake has lost his life,
Shall find it.
40 He who receives you receives me,
And he who receives me receives him who sent me.
•: 41 He who receives a prophet because he is a prophet,
Shall receive a prophet's reward :
And he who receives an upright man because he is an upright man,
Shall receive an upright man's reward :
42 And whosoever shall give one of these little ones, were it only a cup of
cold water, because he is a disciple,
I tell you truly, he shall not lose his reward."
11 1 And it came to pass when Jesus finished giving instructions to his twelve
disciples, he removed from there to teach and preach in their cities.

316 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll2"25
2 Now when John in the prison-house heard of the deeds of the Christ,
3 he sent a message to him by his disciples, " Art thou he ' who is to come ' ?
4 or are we to expect someone else ? " And in answer Jesus said to them,
" Go and report to John what you hear and see :
5 The blind regain their sight, and the lame walk,
The lepers are cleansed, and the deaf hear,
The dead also are raised, and the poor have glad tidings preached
to them.
6 And happy is he who is repelled by nothing in me."
7 Now as these men went on their way, Jesus began to speak about John
to the crowds :
" What did you go out into the wilderness to view ? A reed being
shaken by the wind ?
8 Nay, what did you go out to see 1 A man clothed in soft robes ?
Lo, those who wear soft robes are in kings' houses !
9 Nay, why did you go out ? to see a prophet ?
Yes, I tell you, and far more than a prophet.
10 This is he of whom it is written,
Lo, I send my messenger before thy face,
Who shall prepare thy way before thee.
Ill tell you truly, no one has arisen among those born of women, greater
than John the baptizer :
Yet he who is least in the heavenly realm is greater than he.
12 (And from the days of John the baptizer until now, the heavenly realm
is carried by storm, and the violent seize on it.)
13 For all the prophets and the law prophesied till John :
14 Yea, if you would receive it, this is Elijah who is to come.
15 He who has ears, let him hear.
16 To what shall I compare this generation?
It is like children sitting in the market-places, who address their play-
17 mates and say,
' We piped to you, and you did not dance :
We lamented, and you beat not your breasts.'
18 For John came neither eating nor drinking,
And men say, ' He has a daemon ' :
19 The Son of man came eating and drinking,
And men say, ' Here is a man of gluttony and wine, a friend of
tax-gatherers and sinners.'
(Yet wisdom is vindicated by her deeds.)"
20 Then he began to reproach the cities in which most of his miracles
had been wrought, because they did not repent.
21 "Woe to thee, Khorazin ! Woe to thee, Bethsaida !
For had the miracles wrought in you been wrought in Tyre and Sidon,
They had repented long ago in sackcloth and in ashes.
22 Yet I tell you, Tyre and Sidon shall find it more bearable on the day
of judgment than you.
23 And thou, Kapharnahum, shalt thou be raised to the sky? thou shalt go
down to Hades !
For had the miracles wrought in thee been wrought in Sodom,
It would have lasted until this day.
24 Yet I tell you, the land of Sodom shall find it more bearable on the
day of judgment than thou."
25 At that season Jesus spoke and said,
" I praise thee, Father, Lord of heaven anfl earth,

II26— 1224] MATTHEW 317
That thou didst hide these things from wise and clever men, reveal
ing them to babes.
26 Even so, Father !—
That thus it pleased thee.
27 All things have been delivered to me by my Father,
And no one understands the Son but the Father.
Nor does anyone understand the Father but the Son, and he to
whom the Son may choose to reveal him.
28 Come to me, all ye who are weary and burdened,
And I will give you rest.
29 Take my yoke on you and learn from me,
For I am gentle and humble in heart,
And you shall find rest for your souls:
30 For my yoke is easy and my burden light."
2 1 At that season Jesus went on the sabbath-day through the cornfields ;
and as his disciples hungered, they began to pluck ears of corn and eat.
2 Now the Pharisees saw it and said to him, " Lo ! thy disciples are
3 doing what it is wrong to do upon a sabbath." But he said to them,
"Have you not read what David did, when he and his companions
4 were hungry ? How he went into the house of God, and they ate the
show-bread, which neither he nor his companions had any right to eat,
5 but only the priests ? Or have you not read in the law that on the
sabbath-day the priests in the temple desecrate tbe sabbath and are guilt-
3, 7 less ? And I tell you, a greater than the temple is here. But had you
known what this means, It is mercy I care for, not sacrifice, you would
8 not have condemned the guiltless. For the Son of man is lord of the
10 sabbath." And removing thence he entered their synagogue. And
there was a man with a withered hand ; and they asked him, " Is it right
11 to heal on the sabbath-day?" — in order to accuse him. He said to them,
"What man of you shall there be who has one sheep, and, if this falls into
12 a ditch on the sabbath-day, will not lay hold of it and lift.it- out ? How
much more then is a man worth than a sheep ? So that it is right to
13 do good on the sabbath-day." Then he says to the man, " Stretch
out thy hand." And as he stretched out, it was restored sound
14 like the other one. Now the Pharisees went out and took counsel
15 against him, how to destroy him. But Jesus perceived it and retired
16 thence ; and many followed him, and he healed them all, charging
17 them not to make him known — that what was spoken through the
prophet Isaiah might be fulfilled, when he said,
18 Behold, my servant whom I have chosen,
My beloved, in whom my soul delights !
I will put my spirit upon him,
And he shall proclaim justice to the Gentiles.
19 He shall not wrangle nor clamour,
Nor shall his voice be heard in the streets.
20 A bruised reed he shall not break,
And smouldering flax he shall not quench,
Till he bring out justice triumphant :
21 And in his name shall the Gentiles hope.
22 Then one possessed by a daemon, blind and dumb, was brought him ;
23 and he healed him, so that the dumb man spoke and saw. And all the
crowds were amazed and said, "Can this be the son of David?"
24 But when the Pharisees heard it, they said, " This fellow is casting out

318 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l225"43
25 the daemons with the help of Beelzebub the ruler of the daemons." And
aware of their thoughts, he said to them,
" Any realm divided against itself comes to ruin,
And any city or household divided against itself shall not
stand ;
26 And if Satan casts out Satan, he is divided against himself :
How then shall his realm stand ?
27 And if I am casting out the daemons with the help of Beelzebub,
with whose help do your sons cast them out ?
Therefore shall they be your judges.
28 But if I am casting out the daemons with the help of God's Spirit,
Then God's reign has already reached you.
29 Why, how can one enter the house of the mighty man and spoil his
goods, unless one first of all binds the mighty man ? Then indeed he
will plunder his house.
30 Whoever is not with me is against me ;
And whoever gathers not with me, is scattering.
31 Therefore I tell you,
Every sin and blasphemy shall be forgiven men,
But the blasphemy against the Spirit shall not be forgiven.
32 And whoever speaks a word against the Son of man, shall be
forgiven :
But whoever speaks against the holy Spirit, shall not be for
given, neither in this age nor in that which is to come.
33 Either make the tree sound and its fruit sound,
Or make the tree rotten and its fruit rotten :
For by the fruit the tree is known.
34 Offspring of vipers ! how can you speak what is good, when you
are bad ?
For from the abundance of the heart the mouth speaks.
35 The good man from his good storehouse produces good,
And the bad man from his bad storehouse produces bad.
36 I tell you, for every useless word that men shall speak,
They shall render account on the day of judgment :
37 For by thy words shalt thou be justified,
And by thy words shalt thou be condemned."
38 Then some of the scribes and Pharisees answered him, "Teacher,
39 we would see a sign from thee ? " But he answered and said,
" It is an evil and adulterous generation that craves a sign :
Yet no sign shall be given it, save the sign of Jonah the prophet :
40 For as Jonah was in the sea-monster's belly for three days and three
nights,
So shall the Son of man be in the heart of the earth for three
days and three nights.
41 The men of Nineveh shall stand up at the judgment along with this
generation and condemn it ;
For they repented at the preaching of Jonah—
And lo, a greater than Jonah is here !
42 The queen of the South shall rise up at the judgment along with this
generation and condemn it ;
For she came from the ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of
Solomon —
And lo, a greater than Solomon is here !
43 When the unclean spirit leaves a man,

12M-1315] MATTHEW 319
It passes through waterless places in search of rest, yet finds
not any.
44 Then it says, ' I will return to my house, that I left ' ;
And on coming finds it vacant,1 swept clean and iu order :
45 Then it goes and fetches along with it seven other spirits more hurt
ful than itself,
And entering there they dwell — and that man's last state becomes
worse than his first.
So shall it be also with this evil generation."
46 While he was still speaking to the crowds, behold, his mother and his
48 brothers stood outside, trying to speak to him.2 But in reply he said
to him who told him, " Who is my mother ? and who are my brothers ? "
49 Then stretching his hand out towards his disciples he said, " Here are my
mother and my brothers !
50 For whoever shall obey the will of my Father who is in the heavens,
He is my brother and sister and mother."
i 1, 2 On that day, after leaving the house, Jesus sat by the seaside. And
great crowds gathered to him, so that Jesus entered a boat and sat
3 down, while all the crowd stood upon the beach. And he spoke of many
things to them in parables, saying :
" Behold, a sower went out to sow !
4 And as he sowed
Some seeds fell along the path,
And the birds came and ate them up.
5 And other seeds fell upon the rocky places, where they had not
much earth,
And shot up immediately because they had no depth of earth ;
6 But after sunrise they were scorched,
And because they had no root, they withered away.
7 And other seeds fell upon the thorns,
And the thorns came up and completely choked them.
8 And other seeds fell upon the good soil,
And began to produce a crop,
Some a hundred, some sixty, and some thirty fold.
9 He who has ears, let him hear."
10 And the disciples came and said to him, " Why speak to them in
11 parables ? " He answered and said,
" To you it is given to know the secrets of the reign of heaven,
But to them it is not given :
12 For whoever has,
To him shall be given, and amply given ;
But whoever has not,
From him shall be taken even that which he has.
13 This is why I speak to them in parables, because for all their sight
they see not, and for all their hearing they hear not, nor do they under-
14 stand. And with them the prophecy of Isaiah is being fulfilled, which
says: ' You shall hear and hear, yet never understand,
You shall see and see, yet never perceive.'
15 For dulled is the heart of this people,
Their ears are heavy of hearing,
1 Omitting [[*»/]].
2 Omitting [[.?rlv S. it; «_.«' 'I... r, fAvjryp troy xa d: uiit.qoi ffoj lioj iffTc.xatTiy ?>,..:.-*¦¦.
rot Ka^o-at]).

320 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [316"39
Tlieir eyes have they shut,
Lest haply they should see with their eyes
And hear with their ears
And understand with their heart and turn again,
For me to cure them.
16 But happy are your eyes, for they see !
And your ears, for they hear !
17 For I tell you truly, many prophets and just men were fain to see what
you see, yet they saw not ;
And to hear what you hear, yet they heard not.
18, 19 Listen you then to the parable of the sower. When anyone hears the
word of the Reign and understands it not, the evil one comes and
snatches away what has been sown in his heart. This is he who was
20 ' sown along the path.' And he who was ' sown upon the rocky places'—
21 this is he who hears the word and accepts it immediate^7 with joy ; but
he has no root in himself, he lasts merely for a time ; then at the rise
of distress or persecution for the word, he is immediately repelled.
22 And he who was ' sown among the thorns ' — this is he who hears the
word ; yet the anxiety of this world and the deceit of riches choke
23 the word, and it becomes unfruitful. But he who was 'sown upon
the good soil ' — this is he who hears the word and understands it, who
indeed bears fruit and brings forth, now a hundred, now sixty, now
thirty fold."
24 Another parable he set before them. "The reign of heaven," he said,
25 " is compared to a man who sowed good seed in his field ; but while men
were asleep, his enemy came and sowed darnel also among the corn, and
26 went away. Now when the corn sprouted and came to fruit, then the
27 darnel appeared as well. And the slaves of the master of the house came
and said to him, ' Sir, didst thou not sow good seed in thy field ? How
28 does it contain darnel, then ? ' And he said to them, ' An enemy has done
this.' The slaves say to him, ' Wilt thou have us go and gather it, then ?'
29 ' No,' he says ; ' while you are gathering the darnel, you might root up the
30 corn along with it. Let both of them grow together until the harvest ;
then at the harvest time I will tell the reapers, Gather the darnel first and
bind it in bundles for burning ; but collect the corn into my granary.'"
31 Another parable he set before them. " The reign of heaven,"
he said, " is like a grain of mustard-seed, which a man took and sowed in
32 his field. Though smaller than any seed, yet when it grows it is greater
than the vegetables, and it becomes a tree for the birds of the air to come
33 and rest in its branches." Another parable he spoke to them : " The
reigu of heaven is like leaven which a woman took and concealed in three
34 pecks of wheaten flour, till the whole was leavened." All these
things Jesus spoke to the crowds in parables, and except in parable he did
35 not speak to them — that what was spoken through the prophet might be
fulfilled, when he said,
i" will open my mouth in parables,
I will speak out what has been hidden from the world's foundation.
36 Then he left the crowds and went into the house. And his disciples
approached him and said, " Explain to us the parable of the darnel in the
37 field." And he answered and said, " He who sows the good seed is the
38 Son of man, the field is the world, as for the good seed — that is the
39 sons of the Realm, the darnel is the sons of the evil one, the enemy who
sowed them is the devil, the harvest is the close of the age, and the
reapers are angels.

1340__1412] MATTHEW 321
40 Just as the darnel then is gathered and burned with fire,
So shall it be at the close of the age.
41 The Son of man shall send forth his angels and they shall gather out
of his realm all hindrances and those who do evil,
43 And they shall throw them into the furnace of fire ;
There shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of teeth.
43 Then shall the upright shine out like the sun, in the reign of their Father.
He who has ears, let him hear.
44 The reign of heaven is like treasure hidden in the field, which a man
found and hid ; then in his joy over it he goes and sells all that he has, and
45 buys that field. Once more, the reign of heaven is like a merchant
46 who was seeking fine pearls ; on finding one very precious pearl, he went
47 off and at once sold all that he had, and bought it. Once more, the
reign of heaven is like a seine cast into the sea and collecting fish of every
48 kind ; when it was filled, they drew it up on the beach, sat down, and
gathered what was good into vessels, throwing away the bad.
49 So shall it be at the close of the age.
The angels shall come forth and separate the evil from among the
upright,
50 And they shall throw them into the furnace of fire ;
There shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of teeth.
51,52 Have you understood all this?" They tell him, "Yes." And he said
to them, " Therefore is every scribe who has become a disciple of the reign
of heaven, like a man who is master of a household, who produces from
his storehouse new things and old."
53 And it came to pass, when Jesus finished these parables he set out
54 from there. And on entering his own native place he taught them in
their synagogue, so that they were astonished and said, " Where has this
55 man got this wisdom and these miracles ? Is not this the carpenter's
son ? Is not his mother called Mary ? and his brothers, James and
56 Joseph and Simon and Judas ? And are not his sisters all with us ?
57 Where then has this man got all this ? " So they were repelled by him.
But Jesus said to them, " A prophet is not unhonoured except in his own
58 native place and in his own household." And he did not work many
miracles there, on account of their unbelief.
. 1, 2 At that season Herod the tetrarch heard the report about Jesus, and
,i he said to his servants, " This is John the baptizer ; he has risen from
the dead, and that is why miraculous powers are active in him."
3 For Herod had seized John and bound him and put him in
prison for the sake of Herodias, the wife of his brother Philip.
4 For John had repeated to him, " Thou hast no right to have her."
5 Yet, although he wanted to put him to death, he feared the crowd ;
6 for they held John to be a prophet. Now when Herod's birthday
arrived, the daughter of Herodias danced in public, to the delight of
7 Herod. Whereupon he promised with an oath to give her whatever
8 she should ask. Instigated by her mother, she says, " Give me
9 here on a dish the head of John the baptizer." And although the
king was sorry, yet for the sake of his oaths and of his guests he
10 commanded it to be given her ; so he sent and had John beheaded in
11 the prison. And his head was brought on a dish and given to the
12 girl, and she brought it to her mother. And his disciples came and
carried away the corpse and buried him ; then they went and told
Jesus.

322 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l413-158
13 Now when Jesus heard it, he retired from there in a boat to a desert
place in private. And when the crowds heard of it, they followed him
14 on foot from the cities. So on disembarking he saw a large crowd, and
15 moved with compassion for them he healed their sick folk. And when it
was evening, the disciples came to him saying, " It is a desert place, and
it is far on in the day. Dismiss the crowds, that they may go into the
16 villages and buy themselves food." Jesus said to them, " They need not
17 go away ; give them something to eat, yourselves." They say to him,
18 "We have only five loaves here and two fish." He said, "Bring them
19 here to me." Then he commanded the crowds to recline on the grass,
took the five loaves and the two fish, looked up to heaven, and after the
blessing broke the loaves and gave them to the disciples, and the disciples
20 to the crowds. And they all ate and were satisfied. Also, they took up
21 the fragments that were left over, twelve baskets full. (Those who ate
numbered about five thousand men, besides women and children.)
22 Then : he made the disciples embark in the boat and go before him to
23 the opposite side, till he could dismiss the crowds. And after dismissing
the crowds, he went up the mountain to pray in private. Now when
24 evening came he was there alone ; while the boat was by this time in the
middle of the sea, harassed by the waves (for the wind was contrary).
25 At the fourth watch of the night he came to them, walking over the sea.
26 And when the disciples saw him walking over the sea, they were troubled.
27 " It is an apparition ! " they said, and shouted for fear. But he 2
immediately spoke to them. " Be of good cheer ! " says he, " it is I, be
28 not afraid." Peter answered him and said, "Lord, if it be thou, com-
29 mand me to come to thee over the waters ! " He said, " Come." Then
Peter got down from the boat and walked over the waters and came to
30 Jesus. But he looked at the wind and got afraid ; and as he began to
31 sink he shouted, " Lord, save me ! " Immediately Jesus stretched out
his hand and caught hold of him, saying to him, " 0 man of little faith,
32 why didst thou doubt ? " And when the}' got up into the boat, the wind
33 dropped. And those who were in the boat did reverence to him, saying,
34 " Certainly thou art God's Son ! " And on crossing over they came
35 to land at Gennesaret. And when the men of that place recognised him,
they sent to the whole of the surrounding country and brought him all
36 who were ill, beseeching him to let them touch only the tassel of his
cloak ; and all who touched were quite restored.
15 1 Then Pharisees and scribes from Jerusalem come to Jesus, saying,
2 " Why are thy disciples transgressing the tradition of the elders ? For
3 they wash not their hands when they take a meal." And he answered
and said to them, " And why do you transgress God's commandment
for the sake of your tradition?
For God said :
Honour thy father and thy mother, and
He who speaks evil of father or mother, let him surely die.
5 But you say :
Whoever says to his father or his mother, ' What I might have
used to aid thee is a gift for God,'
6 He need not support his father.
So for the sake of your tradition you have cancelled God's word.
7 Hypocrites ! finely did Isaiah prophesy about you, when he said,
8 This people honours me with their lips,
While their heart is far away from me;
1 Omitting [[._..<.;]]. 2 Omitting [[. 'U,mcJ\.

159-16l MATTHEW 323
9 Yet in vain do they worship me,
Teaching doctrines which are mere human precepts."
10 And calling the crowd to him he said to them, " Listen and understand.
11 What goes into the mouth does not make a man unclean ;
But what issues from the mouth, that makes a man unclean."
12 Then the disciples came and said to him, " Knowest thou that the
13 Pharisees took offence at the word which they heard? " But he answered
and said, " Every plant which my heavenly Father has not planted shall be
14 rooted up. Leave them alone ; they are blind guides.1 And if a blind man
15 guides a blind man, both of them shall fall into a ditch." And
16 Peter answered and said to him, " Expound the parable to us." And
17 he said, " Are you also ignorant, even yet ? Do you not understand
that whatever enters the mouth passes into the belly and is thrown out
into the drain?
18 Whereas the things that issue from the mouth come out of the heart,
And it is they that make the man unclean.
19 For out of the heart come wicked designs, murders, adulteries, forni
cations, thefts, false witness, slanders :
20 These are what make the man unclean.
But to eat with unwashed hands does not make the man unclean."
21 And Jesus went out from there and retired into the districts of Tyre
22 and Sidon. And behold, a woman of Canaan came out from this territory,
crying aloud, " Have pity on me, Lord, Son of David ! My daughter is
23 cruelly possessed by a daemon." But he answered her not a word. And
his disciples came and begged him, saying, " Send her away. She is
24 crying out after us." But he answered and said, " I was only sent to the
25 lost sheep of the house of Israel." Then she came and kept doing
26 reverence to him, saying, "Help me, sir." He answered and said, "It is
27 not fair to take the children's bread and throw it to the dogs." And she
said, " True, sir ; for the dogs just eat the crumbs that fall from their
28 master's table ! " Then Jesus answered and said to her, " O woman,
great is thy faith ! Be it done for thee as thou wilt." And her daughter
was cured from that hour.
29 Then removing from there Jesus went along to the sea of Galilee ; and
30 going up the mountain he sat there. And large crowds came to him,
having with them lame, blind, dumb, maimed people, and many others,
31 whom they placed at his feet. And he healed them ; so that the crowd
marvelled as they saw the dumb speaking, the maimed sound, tbe lame
walking, and also the blind seeing ; and they magnified the God of Israel.
32 Now Jesus called his disciples to him and said, "I have compassion
on the crowd, because for three days now they have stayed by me, and they
have nothing to eat. Nor would I send them away fasting, lest they
33 faint on the road." And the disciples say to him, "Where are we to get
34 bread in a desert to satisfy such a crowd ? " And Jesus says to them,
" How many loaves have you ? " " Seven," they said, " and a few small
5, 36 fish." Then he charged the crowd to lie down on the ground. And he
took the seven loaves and the fish, and giving thanks he broke them and
37 went on giving to the disciples, and the disciples to the crowds. So they
all ate and were satisfied. And they took up seven large baskets full of the
38 fragments that were left over. (Those who ate numbered four thousand
; 39 men, besides women and children.) Then after dismissing the crowd, he
entered the boat and went to the territory of Magadan.
6 1 And the Pharisees and Sadducees approached and — to make trial of
i Omitting [[..cpAc-v]].

324 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l62~24
2 him— requested him to display for them a sign from the sky. But he
answered and said to them,
" [[When evening comes you say, ' It will be fine,
For the sky is red ' :
3 And in the morning, ' It will be stormy to-day,
For the sky is red and clouded.'
You know how to distinguish the appearance of the sky,
But you cannot distinguish the signs of the times.]]
4 It is an evil and adulterous generation that craves a sign :
Yet no sign shall be given it, save the sign of Jonah the prophet."
5 And he left them and went away. And the disciples had gone
6 to the opposite side, forgetting to take bread. Jesus said to them,
7 " See and beware of the leaven of the Pharisees and Sadducees." And
they began to argue among themselves, saying, " We did not take any
8 bread." But on perceiving it Jesus said,
" Why argue among yourselves, 0 men of little faith, because you
have no bread ?
9 Do you not yet understand ?
Do you not yet remember the five loaves of the five thousand
and how many baskets you got ?
10 Or the seven loaves of the four thousand, and how many large
baskets you got ?
11 How is it you do not understand ?
I did not speak to you about bread.
Nay, beware of the leaven ofthe Pharisees and Sadducees."
12 Then they realised that he told them to beware, not of the leaven of bread,
but of the teaching of the Pharisees and Sadducees.
13 NowJesus had come into the districts of Caesarea Philippi; andhebegan
to ask his disciples saying, "Who do people say that the Son of manis?"
14 They said, " Some John the baptizer, some Elijah, others Jeremiah or one
15 of the prophets." He says to them, " But you — who do you say that I
16 am ?" So Simon Peter answered, " Thou art the Christ, the Son of the
17 living God." Jesus answered,
" Happy art thou, Simon Bar-Jona !
For flesh and blood did not reveal that to thee,
It was my Father who is in the heavens.
18 And I tell thee,
Thou art Peter ; and on this rock I will build my Community,
And the gates of Hades shall not succeed against it.
19 I will give thee the keys of the heavenly realm :
And whatever thou shalt prohibit on earth shall be prohibited in
the heavens,
And whatever thou shalt permit on earth shall be permitted in
the heavens."
20 Then he enjoined the disciples to tell no one that he was the Christ.
21 From that time Jesus began to show his disciples that he must go
away to Jerusalem and suffer much from the elders and high priests and
22 scribes, and be killed, and on the third day rise. Then Peter took him
and started to rebuke him, saying, " Good gracious, Lord ! this never shall
23 befall thee ! " But he turned and said to Peter,
" Get behind me, thou Satan ! Thou art a hindrance to me !
Thy mind is not on the affairs of God but on the affairs of men.''
24 Then said Jesus to his disciples,

16---1720] MATTHEW 325
" If any man would come after me,
Let him deny himself, take up his cross, and follow me.
25 For whoever would save his life
Shall lose it :
And whoever loses his life for my sake
Shall find it.
26 What use will it be for a man, if he gain the whole world and forfeit
his life ?
Or what shall a man give in exchange for his life ?
27 For the Son of man is to come in the majesty of his Father with his
angels,
And then shall he render to everyone according to what he has done.
28 I tell you truly, there are some of those who stand here, who shall
not taste death, until they see the Son of man coming with his royal
power."
17 1 And after six days Jesus takes Peter and James and John his brother
2 aside and brings them up a high mountain privately. And he was trans
formed before them, and his face shone like the sun, while his garments
3 became white as light. And behold, Moses and Elijah appeared to them,
4 talking with him. Then Peter broke in ; " Lord," said he to Jesus, " it
is fine for us to be here. Pray, let me make three booths here, one
5 for thee and one for Moses and one for Elijah." While he was still
speaking, behold, a cloud full of light overshadowed them ; and behold, a
voice out of the cloud said,
" This is my Son, the beloved,
In whom I delight : hear him."
6 And on hearing it the disciples fell on their face and were terribly
7 afraid. So Jesus came near and touched them, saying, " Rise, and be not
8 afraid." Then lifting up their eyes they saw no one except Jesus alone.
9 And as they were descending from the mountain, Jesus charged them,
saying, " Tell the vision to no one until the Son of man rise from the
; 10 dead." And the disciples asked him, " How is it then that the scribes
11 say, 'Elijah must come first' ?" And he answered and said,
" Elijah indeed is coming
and he shall restore all ;
12 But I tell you, Elijah has already come,
and they have not recognised him, but have done whatever they
pleased to him.
. So shall the Son of man also suffer from them."
13 Then the disciples realised that he spoke to them of John the baptizer.
14 And when they came to the crowd, a man approached him, kneeling
15 to him and saying, " Lord, have pity on my son, because he is epileptic
and suffers cruelly ; often he falls into the fire, and often into the water.
16 And I brought him to thy disciples ; but they could not cure him."
17 Jesus answered and said, " 0 incredulous and perverse generation, how
long am I to be with you ? how long am I to bear with you ? Bring him
18 here to me." And Jesus rebuked the daemon, and it came out of him ;
19 and the boy was healed from that hour. Then the disciples came to
20 Jesus in private saying, " Why could we not cast it out ? " " On account
of your little- faith," he says to them ; "For I tell you truly,
If you have faith like a grain of mustard-seed,
You shall say to this mountain, ' Remove from this place to that,'
and remove it shall.
Nor shall anything be impossible to you."

326 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l722-18n
22 Now while they were travelling about in Galilee, Jesus said to them,
23 " The Son of man is to be delivered up into the hands of men, and they
shall kill him, and on the tliird day he shall rise." And they were
exceedingly sorry.
24 When they came to Kapharnahum, those who collected the temple-tax
came to Peter and said, "Does your teacher not pay the temple-tax?"
25 "Yes," he says. And when he came into the hou.-e Jesus anticipated
him by saying, " What thinkest thou, Simon ? From whom do the kings
of the earth collect customs or taxes ? From their own sons, or from
20 strangers?" And when he said, "From strangers," Jesus said to him,
27 " So then the sons are free. However, to give them no offence, go to the
sea, throw a hook in and take the first fish that comes up. Open its
mouth and thou shalt find a stater ; take that and pay it over to them
for me and for thyself."
18 1 At that time the disciples came to Jesus saying, "Pray, who is the
2 greatest in the reign of heaven ? " Then calling a little child to him, he
3 set it in their midst and said :
" I tell you truly,
Unless you turn and become like the little children,
You shall not enter the reign of heaven.
4 Whoso then shall humble himself like this little child,
He is the greatest in the reign of heaven.
5 Whosoever also shall receive one such little child in my name, re
ceives me :
6 But whosoever shall be a hindrance to one of these little ones, who
believe on me,
It were good for him were a great millstone hung round his neck,
and were he sunk in the deep sea.
7 Woe to the world for hindrances !
For it must needs be that hindrances come,
But woe to the man through whom the hindrance comes !
8 If thy hand or thy foot hinder thee, cut it off and throw it from thee :
Better for thee to enter life maimed or lame,
Than with two hands or two feet to be thrown into the fire
eternal !
9 And if thine eye hinder thee, tear it out and throw it from thee :
Better for thee to enter life with one eye,
Than with two eyes to be thrown into the Gehenna of fire !
10 See and despise not one of these little ones ;
For I tell you that their angels in the heavens look ever on the face
of my Father who is in the heavens.
12 What do you think ? If any man has a hundred sheep and one of them
strays, will he not leave the ninety-nine on the mountains and go in
13 search of the one that is straying ? And if so be that he find it, I tell
you truly he rejoices more over it than over the ninety-nine which
14 have not strayed. So it is not the will of your Father who is in the
heavens that one of these little ones should perish.
15 Now if thy brother sin, go and reprove him between thee and him
alone :
If he listens to thee, thou hast won over thy brother.
10 But if he does not listen, take one or two others along with thee,
So that on the statements of two or three witnesses every case «.»,>/'"•
decided.
17 But if he will not heed them, tell the Community :

1818-19n] MATTHEW 327
And if he will not heed even the Community, treat him as a
heathen or a tax-gatherer.
18 I tell you truly, whatever you shall prohibit on earth shall be pro
hibited in heaven,
And whatever you shall permit on earth shall be permitted in
heaven.
19 Once more,1 I tell you, if two of you shall agree on earth in regard
to any matter that they ask,
It shall be done for them by my Father who is in the heavens.
20 For where two or three are gathered together in my name,
There am I in the midst of them."
21 Then Peter came up and said to him, " Lord, how often is my brother
22 to sin against me, and I to forgive him ? Up to seven times ? " Jesus
says to him, " I say not to thee, ' Up to seven times,' but, ' Up to seventy
23 times seven.' For this reason the reign of heaven is compared to a king
24 who resolved to settle his accounts with his slaves. Now when he had
begun to settle them, one man was brought him who owed him two
25 million, four hundred thousand pounds. As he was unable to pay, the
lord commanded him to be sold, along with his wife and children and all
26 that he had, and payment to be made. The slave then fell down and
began to do him reverence, saying, ' Have patience with me, and I will
27 pay thee everything.' And as the lord of that slave was moved with coni-
28 passion, he released him and forgave him the debt. Now on going out,
that slave fell in with one of his fellow-slaves who was owing him twenty
pounds ; and he seized him and took him by the throat, saying, ' Pay
29 what thou owest.' His fellow-slave then fell down and kept beseeching
30 him, saying, ' Have patience with me, and I will pay thee.' But he
would not. He went away and had him thrown into prison, till he
31 should pay what was due. So when his fellow-slaves saw what had taken
place, they were exceedingly sorry ; and they went and explained to their
32 lord all that had taken place. Then the lord summoned him and said,
' Thou wicked slave ! I forgave thee all that debt, seeing that thou didst
33 beseech me. Oughtest thou not also to have had pity on thy fellow-slave,
34 just as I also had pity on thee ? ' And in anger the lord delivered him up to
35 the gaolers, until he should pay all that was due. So also shall my heavenly
Father do to you, unless you cordially forgive, everyone his brother."
19 1 And it came to pass when Jesus finished these words he set out from
2 Galilee and went into the territory of Judaea across the Jordan. And
large crowds followed him, and he healed them there.
3 And some Pharisees approached him, to make trial of him. " Is it
4 right," they said, " to divorce one's wife for any and every cause ? " And
he answered and said, " Have you not read that he who made them from
5 the beginning made them male and female, and said, For this cause a man
shall leave his father and mother and join himself to his wife, and the two
6 shall become one flesh ? So that they are no longer two, but one flesh.
7 What God has joined, then, let not man separate." " Why then," they
say to him, " did Moses command men to give a bill of repudiation and so
8 divorce her?" He says to them, "As your heart was stubborn, Moses
permitted you to divorce your wives ; but it has not been so from the
9 beginning. I tell you, Whoever shall divorce his wife— except for
10 fornication— and marry another, commits adultery." The disciples say
to him, " If this is the position of a man with his wife, there is no good
11 in marrying." But he said to them,
1 Omitting [[df--. »]].

328 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l912-208
" All men cannot receive this saying, but those only to whom it is
given.
12 For there are eunuchs who were born thus from their mother's
womb,
And there are eunuchs who were made eunuchs by men,
And there are eunuchs who made themselves eunuchs for the
sake of the reign of heaven.
He who is able to receive it, let him receive it."
13 Then little children were brought to him that he might lay his hands
14 on them and pray. The disciples rebuked them, but Jesus said, " Let the
little children come to me, and forbid them not ; for of such is the heavenly
15 realm." And after laying his hands on them, he went away from there.
16 And behold, a man came up to him and said, " Teacher, what good
17 thing am I to do that I may have eternal life ?" fie said to him, "AYhy
ask me about what is good ? One alone is good. But, if thy desire is to
18 enter life, keep the commandments." He says to him, "Which com
mandments ? " And Jesus said, " These : thou shalt not murder, thou shalt
not commit adultery, thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not bear false witness,
1 9 honour father and mother, and, thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself."
20 The young man says to him, " I have observed all these. What is lack-
21 ing still ?" Jesus said to him, " If thy desire is to be perfect, go, sell thy
goods and give them to x poor people ; so shalt thou have treasure in
22 heaven. Then come, follow me." But when the young man heard what was
said, he went away sorrowful ; for he was one who had great possessions.
23 Then Jesus said to his disciples, " I tell you truly, It is difficult
24 for a rich man to enter the reign of heaven. Once more I tell you,
It is easier for a camel to enter through a needle's eye,
Than for a rich man to enter God's reign."
25 Now on hearing it the disciples were greatly astonished. "Who then
26 can be saved ? " they said. Jesus looked at them and said to them,
" With men this is impossible,
But with God anything is possible."
27 Then Peter answered and said to him, " Lo, we have left all and followed
28 thee ! What then are we to get ? " Jesus said to them, " I tell you truly,
At the Restoration, when the Son of man shaU sit on the throne of
his majesty,
You, my followers, shall also sit on twelve thrones, governing the
twelve tribes of Israel.
29 And every one who leaves houses or brothers or sisters or father or
mother or children or lands for my name's sake, shall receive manifold
30 more, and inherit life eternal. But many who are first shall be last, and
20 1 the last first. For the reign of heaven is like the master of a house who
2 went out early in the morning to hire labourers for his vineyard. And
after agreeing with the labourers for a shilling a day, he sent them into
3 his vineyard. And on going out about the third hour, he saw other men
4 standing in the marketplace idle ; and he said to them, ' Go you also
into the vineyard, and I will pay you whatever is right' And they
5 went. Again2 he went out about the sixth and the ninth hour, and
6 acted in the same way. And on going out about the eleventh hour, he
found other men standing ; and he says to them, ' Why stand the whole
7 day idle here ? ' They say to him, ' Because no one has hired us.' He
8 says to them, ' Go you also into the vineyard.' Now when evening came,
the owner of the vineyard says to his manager, ' Call the labourers and
1 Omitting [O...JJ. 2 Omitting [p.]].

209-212] MATTHEW 329
9 pay their wages, beginning from the hist up to the first.' And when
those who had been hired about the eleventh hour came, they got a
10 shilling each. And when the first men came, they supposed they would
11 get more; yet they too got a shilling each. So on getting it they began
12 to murmur against the master of the house, saying, ' These last men
worked for a single hour ; yet thou hast made them equal to us, to men
13 who bore the burden of the day and the scorching wind ! ' But he
answered and said to one of them, 'Friend, I am not injuring thee.
14 Didst thou not agree with me for a shilling ? Take what is thine and go.
15 I choose to pay this last man what I pay thee. Have I not the right to do
as I choose with what is my own ? What ! dost thou look with envy
16 because I am generous ? ' So shall the last be first, and the first last."
17 And as Jesus was going up to Jerusalem, he took the twelve J aside
18 privately and said to them on the road, " Lo, we are going up to
Jerusalem ; and the Son of man shall be delivered to the high priests and
19 scribes. They shall sentence him to death and deliver him to tne Gentiles
to mock and scourge and crucify. Yet on the third day he shall rise."
20 Then the mother of the sons of Zebedee came up to him with her
21 sons, doing reverence to him and asking a favour from him. He said to
her, " What is thy wish ? " She says to him, " Say that these my sons
shall sit, one on thy right hand and one on thy left hand, in thy reign."
22 But Jesus answered and said,
" You know not what you are asking. Are you able to drink the cup
that I am to drink ? "
23 They say to him, "We are able." He says to them,
" My cup indeed you shall drink,
But to sit on my right hand and on my left hand is not mine to grant ;
That is for those for whom it has been made ready by my Father."
25 And on hearing of it, the ten were indignant at the two brothers. So
Jesus called them to him and said,
" You know that the rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them,
And their great men wield authority over them :
26 It shall not be so among you.
Nay, whosoever would become great among you,
Must be your servant,
, 27 And whoever would be first among you,
Must be your slave :
: 28 Even as the Son of man came not to be served but to serve,
, And to give his life a ransom for many."
,j 29 And as they were leaving Jericho, a large crowd followed him.
'. 30 And behold, two blind men sitting by the roadside heard that Jesus
was passing by; and they shouted, "Lord, have pity on us! Son of
':, 31 David ! " And the crowd admonished them to keep silence, but they
shouted more than ever, " Lord, have pity on us ! Son of David ! "
'; 32 Then Jesus stood still and caUed them, saying, " What will you have me
"'• 34 do to you ? " They say to him, " Lord, let our eyes be opened." Moved
( with compassion, Jesus touched their eyes ; and they immediately
d regained their sight, and followed him.
j'l 1 And when they drew nigh to Jerusalem and came to Bethphage, to the
'- 2 hill of Olives, then Jesus despatched two disciples, saying to them,
" Make your way into the village opposite you, and you shall at once find
P an ass tied, and a colt along with her. Untie them and bring them to
1 Omitting [[fiaStira; ]].

330 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [213"25
3 me. And if anyone says anything to you, you shall say, ' The Lord needs
4 them ' ; then he will send them at once." Now this came to pass that
what was spoken through the prophet might be fulfilled, when he said,
5 Tell the daughter of Zion,
" Lo, thy king is coming to thee,
Gentle, and riding on an ass
And on a colt, the foal of a beast of burden."
6, 7 So the disciples went and did as Jesus had instructed them. They
brought the ass and the colt and put their garments on them ; then he
8 sat upon them. And the greater part of the crowd spread their garments
on the road, and others kept cutting branches from the trees and spread
9 them on the road. And the crowds, those who went in front of him and
those who followed, shouted,
" Hosanna to the Son of David !
Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord!
Hosanna in the highest ! "
10 And when he entered Jerusalem, all the city was in a ferment with
11 the words, "Who is this?" And the crowds said, "This is the prophet
Jesus, who conies from Nazaret of Galilee."
12 Then Jesus entered the temple of God and drove out all the sellers
and buyers in the temple, and threw down the tables of the money-
13 changers, and the seats of those who sold the doves ; and he says to them,
"My house shall be called a house of prayer ;
But you make it a den of robbers ! "
14 And blind and lame people came to him in the temple, and he healed
15 them. Now, when the high priests and the scribes saw the wonders that
he did, and the children who were crying out in the temple and saying,
16 " Hosanna to the Son of David ! " they were indignant, and said to him,
" Dost thou hear what they are saying ? " And Jesus says to them, "Yes.
Have you never read, From the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast
17 fashioned praise ? " And leaving them he went outside the city to Bethany,
and passed the night there.
18 Now in the morning as he came back to the city, he grew hungry.
19 And noticing a single fig-tree on the roadside, he went to it, but found
nothing on it except mere leaves ; and he says to it, " Never shall there
20 be fruit from thee, after this ! " Instantly the fig-tree withered. And on
seeing it the disciples marvelled. "(How was it," they said, " that the fig-
21 tree instantly withered ? " Jesus answered and said to them,
" I teU you truly,
If you have faith and do not hesitate,
You shall not only do what has been done to this fig-tree,
But even if you say to this mountain, ' Be lifted and thrown into
the sea,'
It shall be done.
22 Yea, in all your asking and praying,
Believe and you shall receive."
23 And when he entered the temple, the high priests and the elders of the
people approached him as he taught, and said, " By what sort of authority
art thou acting thus? And who is it that gave thee this authority?
24 Jesus answered and said to them, " I will ask you one question myself ;
and if you tell me it, then I will tell you by what sort of authority I am
25 acting thus. The baptism of John — whence was it ? From heaven or
from men?" And they argued to themselves, "If we say, 'F1'™
heaven,' he will say to us, 'Why then did you not believe liimi

2i2fi-22s] .MATTHEW 331
26 But if we say, ' From men,' we fear the crowd ; for aU hold John to be a
27 prophet." So in reply to Jesus they said, " We do not know." Then he
said to them, " Neither do I tell you by what sort of authority I am acting
2S thus. What do you think ? a man had two sons. He went to the first
29 and said, ' Son, go and work in the vineyard to-day.' But he answered and
said, ' I will not ' ; afterwards, however, he changed his mind and went.
30 And he went to the second and spoke in the same way. And he answered
31 and said, ' I will, sir' ; but he did not go. Which of the two did the will
of his father ? " They say, "The first." Jesus says to them, "I tell you
truly, The tax-gatherers and the harlots go in front of you into the reign
of God.
32 For John came on the way of uprightness, yet you did not
believe him,
But the tax-gatherers and the harlots believed him ;
And though you saw it, you did not even change your mind
afterwards and believe him.
33 "Listen to another parable. There was a master of a house who
planted a vineyard and put a fence round it and dug a wine-vat in it and
34 built a tower ; then after leasing it to vinedressers he went abroad. Now
when the season for fruit approached, he despatched his slaves to the
35 vinedressers to collect his fruit. And the vinedressers took and flogged
36 one of his slaves, killed another, and stoned another. Once more he sent
other slaves more numerous than the first ; yet they treated them in the
37 same way. Afterwards he sent his son to them, saying, ' They will
38 reverence my son.' But when the vinedressers saw the son, they said to
themselves, ' This is the heir ; come, let us kill him, and seize his
39 inheritance.' So they took him and threw him outside the vineyard,
. 40 and killed him. When the owner of the vine}"ard conies, then, what wiU
41 he do to those vinedressers?" Thev say to him, "Wretches! he will
wretchedly destroy them, and lease the vineyard to other vinedressers,
42 who shall render him the fruits in their seasons." Jesus says to them,
" Have you never read in the scriptures ? —
The stone vjhich the builders rejected.,
This is made head of the corner :
This is the doing of the Lord,
And in our eyes it is marvellous.
43 Therefore I tell you, God:s reign shall be taken from you
And given to a nation that brings forth the fruits of the reign.
44 [[And he who falls upon this stone shaU be shattered,
But it shall crush to pieces whomsoever it falls upon.]] "
.. 45 Now on hearing his parables, the high priests and the Pharisees knew he
46 was speaking about them. Yet, while they tried to seize him, they feared
22 1 the crowds ; since they held him for a prophet. And Jesus started
2 to speak once more in parables. " The reign of heaven," he said to them,
3 " is compared to a king who gave a marriage-feast for his son. And he
despatched his slaves to summon those who had been invited to the
4 marriage-feast ; but they would not come. Again he despatched other
slaves, saying, ' Tell those who have been invited, '• Here have I got ready
my dinner : my oxen and my fatted beasts are killed, and everything is
\ 5 ready. Come to the marriage-feast." ' But they paid no heed, and went
6 off, one to his farm, another to his business ; while the rest seized his
7 slaves, ill-treated them and killed them. So in anger the king sent his
8 troops and destroyed those murderers and burned their city. Then

332 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [22^
he says to Ms slaves, ' The marriage is ready, but those who were invited
9 were not worthy. Go to the crossroads then, and invite as many people
10 as you find to' the marriage-feast.' And those slaves went out to the
roads and proceeded to gather aU they could find, both bad and good.
11 So the wedding was supplied with guests. Now when the king entered
to view the guests, he saw a man there who had no marriage-robe on ;
12 and he says to him, ' Friend, how didst thou come in here without a
13 marriage-robe?' And he was speechless. Then the king said to the
servants, ' Bind him hand and foot, and throw him out into the outer
14 darkness ; there shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of teeth.' For
many are called, but few chosen."
15 Then the Pharisees went and took counsel, in order to trap him in his
16 talk. And they despatch their disciples to him, along with the Herodians,
saying, " Teacher, we know thou art truthful, teaching the way of God in
truth and caring not for anyone ; for thou regardest not the person of
17 men. TeU us then : what dost thou think ? Is it right to pay taxes
18 to Caesar, or not?" But Jesus perceived their maHce and said, "Why
19 make trial of me, you hypocrites ? Show me the coin for the taxes." So
20 they handed him a denarius. And he says to them, "Wnose likeness
21 and inscription is this?" "Caesar's," they say. Then he says to them,
" WeU, render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the
22 things that are God's." And when they heard it they marvelled; and
leaving him they went away.
23 On that day the Sadducees approached him — they say there is no
24 resurrection — and they questioned him. " Teacher," they said, " Hoses
said, if a man dies without children, his brother shall become a husband to his
25 widow and raise up offspring for his brother. Now among us there were
26 seven brothers. The first married and died, and as he had no offspring
he left his wife to his brother ; the same thing took place with the second
27 also, and with the third, even to the seventh. And after them all the
28 woman died. At the resurrection, then, whose wife will she be of the
29 seven ? For they aU had her." Jesus answered and said to them, "You
30 are led astray by your ignorance of the scriptures and of God's power. For
at the resurrection people neither marry nor are given in marriage, but
31 are like angels in heaven. And as regards the resurrection of the dead,
32 have you not read what was spoken to you by God, when he said, lam
the God of Abraham, arid the God of Isaac, arid the God of Jacob* He is
33 not 1 God of the dead, but of the Hving." And when the crowds heard it,
they were astonished at his teaching.
34 Now when the Pharisees heard that he had silenced the Sadducees,
35 they mustered together ; and one of them, a lawyer, put a question to him
36 to make trial of him : " Teacher, what is the greatest commandment in
37 the law?" And he said to him, " Tfiou shalt lore the Lord thy God with
38 thy whole heart, with thy whole soul, with thy whole mind. This is the great
39 and chief commandment. A second is like it : Tliou shalt love thy neigh-
40 bour as thyself. On these two commandments hang the whole law and the
41 prophets." Now as the Pharisees had gathered together, Jesus
42 questioned them, saying, " What do vou think about the Christ ? Whose
43 son is he?" They "say to him, "David's." He says to them, "How is
it then that David in the Spirit caHs him ' Lord ' I saving,
44 The Lord said to my Lord, ' Sit at my right hand,
Till I put thine enemies below thy feet.'
45 If David then calls him by the name of ' Lord,' how is he his son?"
1 Omitting [[_]].

2240-2323] MATTHEW 333
46 And no one could answer him a word ; nor from that day did anyone dare
to question him any further.
1, 2 Then Jesus spoke to the crowds and to his disciples, saying,
" The scribes and the Pharisees sit on the seat of Moses ;
3 Obey and observe then all that ever they bid you.
But act not as they act,
For they talk and practise not.
4 They bind up heavy burdens and lay them on the shoulders of
men,
But they themselves will not move them with their finger.
5 They do all their deeds to be seen by men ;
For they make their phylacteries broad and enlarge their tassels,
6 And they like the chief place at the suppers and the chief seats
in the synagogues,
7 And the salutations in the marketplaces, and to be called ' Rabbi '
by men.
8 Now for your part — be not called ' Rabbi ' ;
For One is your teacher, and you are all brothers.
9 And call no one your ' father ' upon earth ;
For One is your father, the heavenly Father.
10 Nor be called ' leaders ' ;
For One is your leader, the Christ.
11 He who is greatest among you, must be your servant ;
12 Whoever shall raise himself shall be humbled,
And whoever shall humble himself shall be raised,
13 But woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, irreligious !
For you shut the heavenly realm in men's faces ;
You enter not yourselves, and you will not let those enter who are
entering.
15 Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, irreligious !
For you scour sea and dry land to make a single proselyte ;
And when he is won, you make him a son of Gehenna twice as
much as yourselves.
16 Woe to you, blind guides, who say :
' Whoever shall swear by the sanctuary, it is a mere nothing ;
But whoever shall swear by the gold of the sanctuary, he is
bound by his oath.'
17 Thoughtless and blind ! Which is greater, the gold or the sanctuary
that consecrated the gold ?
18 Also, ' Whoever shall swear by the altar, it is a mere nothing ;
But whoever shall swear by the gift that is on it, he is bound
by his oath.'
19 Blind men ! which is greater, the gift or the altar that consecrates
the gift?
20 He who swears, then, by the altar,
, Swears by it and by all that is on it.
21 And he who swears by the sanctuary,
Swears by it and by him who dwells in it.
22 And he who swears by heaven,
Swears by the throne of God and by him who sits upon it.
23 Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, irreligious !
For you tithe mint and dill and cummin,
And you have omitted the weightier matters of the law, justice and
mercy and faithfulness.

334 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2324-245
Now these you ought to have done — without omitting the
former.
24 Blind guides, filtering a gnat away, yet swallowing a camel !
25 Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, irreligious !
For you cleanse the outside of the cup and plate,
But inside they are filled with plunder and indulgence.
26 Blind Pharisee ! first cleanse the inside of the cup,1
That the outside of it also may become clean.
27 Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, irreligious !
For you resemble white-washed sepulchres,
Which outwardly appear beautiful,
But inwardly are filled with dead men's bones and all impurity.
28 So also do you outwardly appear to men upright,
But inwardly you are full of hypocrisy and wickedness.
29 Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, irreligious !
For you build the sepulchres of the prophets and adorn the tombs
of tbe just,
30 And you say, ' Had we been living in the days of our fathers,
We had not shared with them in the blood of the prophets.'
31 So you witness against yourselves that you are sons of those who
murdered the prophets !
32 Fill up then for yourselves the measure of your fathers.
33 Serpents ! offspring of vipers ! how can you escape being sentenced to
Gehenna ?
34 Therefore, behold I send to you prophets and wise men and
scribes :
Some of them you shall kill and crucify,
And some of them you shall scourge in your synagogues and pursue
from city to city —
35 That upon you may come all the innocent blood shed on the earth,
From the blood of Abel the upright down to the blood of Zachariah
the son of Barachiah, whom you murdered between the sanc
tuary and the altar.
36 I tell you truly, these things shall all come upon this generation.
37 Jerusalem, Jerusalem ! slayer of the prophets and stoner of those sent
to her !
How often would I have gathered thy children together,
Even as a fowl gathers her brood beneath her wings — and you.
would not !
38 Lo, your House is abandoned to yourselves, deserted!
39 For I tell you, after this you shall not see me until you say,
' Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord.' "
24 1 And Jesus went out of the temple and proceeded on his way ; and his
2 disciples came to point out to him the buildings of the temple. He
answered and said to them, " You see all these ? I tell you truly, not
one stone shall be left upon another here, that shall not be thrown down."
3 Now, as he was sitting on the hill of Olives, the disciples
came to him privately, saying, "Tell us, when shall these things be?
also, what shall be tbe sign of thy arrival and of the close of the age?"
4 And Jesus answered and said to them :
" Take care that no one leads you astray ¦
5 For many shall come relying on my name, saying, ' I am the Christ,'
and they shall lead many astray.
1 Omitting [[as«. rr; crapo^lSosJ],

SH6"32] MATTHEW 335
6 You shall hear of wars and rumours of wars : see and be not disquieted ;
For these must come to pass, but the end is not yet.
7 For nation shall rise against nation, and realm against realm,
And there shaU be famines and earthquakes in place after place :
8 Yet all these are but the beginning of birth-pangs.
9 Then shall they deliver you up to distress, and kill you,
And you shall be hated by all the nations for my name's sake.
10 Yea then shall many be repelled and deliver up one another and hate
one another ;
11 And many false prophets shall rise and lead many astray.
12 And as wickedness shall be multiplied, the love of the majority shall
grow cold ;
13 But he who endures to the end, he shall be saved.
14 And these glad tidings of the Reign shall be preached in the whole
world for a witness to the nations,
And then shall come the end.
15 So when you see the desolating abomination, which was spoken of through
Daniel the prophet, standing in the holy place (let the reader ponder),
16 Then let those who are in Judaea flee to the hills.
17 Let not him who is on the housetop
Go down to get what is in his house,
18 Nor let him who is in the field
Turn back to get his cloak.
19 But woe to women with child and to women who give suck in those days
20 And pray that your flight happen not in winter nor on a sabbath ;
21 For then there shall he great distress,
The like of which has not been, from the beginning of the world until
now, no and never shall be.
22 Yea, unleBS those days had been curtailed, no flesh would have been saved :
But for the sake of the chosen, those days shall be curtailed.
23 Then, should anyone say to you, ' Lo, here is the Christ ! ' or ' there ! '
believe it not.
24 For false Christs undfalse prophets shall arise, and shall exhibit great
signs and wonders,
25 So as to lead, if possible, even the chosen astray. Lo, I have told
you beforehand !
26 If they say to you then, ' Lo, he is in the wilderness ! ' go not out :
' Lo, he is in the inner chambers ! ' believe it not.
27 For as the lightning shoots from the east and flashes across to the west,
So shall be the arrival of the Son of man.
28 Wherever the dead body lies,
The vultures will be gathered there.
29 Immediately after the distress of those days
The sun shall be darkened, and the moon shall not give her light,
And the stars shall fall from the sky,
And the powers of the heavens shall be shaken :
30 And then shall the sign of the Son of man appear in the sky.
Then shall all tlie tribes of the earth wail,
And they shall see the Son of man coming on the clouds of fhe sky with
power and great majesty.
31 And he shall send forth his angels with a loud trumpet,
And they shall gather his chosen together from the four winds, from the
sky's one bound to the other.
32 Now from the fig-tree learn her parable.

336 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2433-2514
When her branch is already tender and is putting out its leaves,
You know that summer is near :
33 So also, when you see all this,
You know that He is near, at the doors.
34 I tell you truly, this generation shall not pass away
Till all these come to pass ;
35 Sky and earth shall pass away,
But never shall my words pass away.
36 Yet of that day and hour none knows,
Not even the angels of the heavens, not even the Son, but the Father alone.
37 For as were the days of Noah,
So shall be the arrival of the Son of man :
38 For as in the x days before the deluge they were feeding and drinking,
marrying and giving in marriage,
Up to the day that Noah entered the ark,
39 And knew nothing until the deluge came and swept them all away,
So shall be the arrival of the Son of man.
40 Then shall two men be in the field,
One is to be taken, one is to be left :
41 Two women shall be grinding with the mill-stone,
One is to be taken, one is to be left.
42 Watch then, for you know not on what day your Lord is coming.
43 Be sure of this ; had the master of the house known the watch in
which the thief was coming,
He would have been on the alert, and would not have allowed his
house to be broken into.
44 Then be you also ready,
For in an unexpected hour the Son of man is coming.
45 Who then is the faithful and shrewd slave whom his owner
has appointed over his household to give them their food in due season 1
46 Happy that slave whom his owner shall find so doing, when he comes !
47, 48 I tell you truly, he will appoint him over all he has. But if that evil
49 slave says in his heart, ' My owner is delaying,' and shall start to beat
50 his fellow-slaves, and to eat and drink with drunkards, the owner of that
slave shall come in a day when he does not look for him, and in an hour
51 when he does not know, and shall cut him in two and assign his part
among the irreligious : there shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of
25 1 teeth. Then shall the reign of heaven be like ten maidens who
2 took their lamps and went out to meet the bridegroom. Five of them were
3 thoughtless, and five were shrewd. The thoughtless took their lamps
4 but took no oil with them ; while the shrewd took oil in their vessels
5 with their lamps. Now while the bridegroom delayed, they all grew
6 drowsy and fell asleep. And at midnight a cry was raised, ' fiere is the
7 bridegroom ! Come out to meet him ! ' Then all those maidens rose
8 and trimmed their lamps. And the thoughtless said to the shrewd,
9 ' Give us some of your oil, because our lamps are going out.' But the
shrewd answered, ' Possibly there may not be enough for us and for yon.
10 Better go to those who sell it and buy for yourselves.' Now while
they went away to buy, the bridegroom came ; then those who were
ready went with him into the marriage- feast, and the door was shut.
1 1 Afterwards the other maidens also came, saying, ' Lord, lord, open to us ' ;
12, 13 but he answered and said, ' I tell you truly, I do not know you.' Watch
14 then, for you know not the day nor the hour. For it is like a man
1 Omitting [[.m/vc-p.]].

2515"37] MATTHEW 337
going abroad, who called his own slaves and handed over his property to
15 them. And he gave twelve hundred pounds to one, four hundred and
eighty to another, two hundred and forty to another, to each man accord-
16 ing to his individual ability. Then he went abroad. Immediately, he
who had got the twelve hundred went and traded with them and gained
17 twelve hundred more. In the same way, he who had got the four hundred
18 and eighty gained four hundred and eighty more. But he who had got
the two hundred and forty went away and dug a hole in the ground
19 and hid his owner's money. Now after a long time the owner of those
20 slaves comes and settles his accounts with them. Then he who had got
the twelve hundred came forward and brought twelve hundred more,
saying, ' Sir, thou didst hand over twelve hundred pounds to me. Here
21 I have gained twelve hundred more.' His owner said to him, 'Well
done, good and faithful slave ! Thou hast been faithful over a few
things, I will appoint thee over many things. Enter thine owner's feast.'
22 He who had got the four hundred and eighty also came forward and said,
' Sir, thou didst hand over four hundred and eighty pounds to me. Here
23 I have gained four hundred and eighty more.' His owner said to him,
' Well done, good and faithful slave ! Thou hast been faithful over a few
things, I will appoint thee over many things. Enter thine owner's feast.'
- 24 Then he who had got the two hundred and forty also came forward and said,
'Sir, I knew thou wast a hard man, reaping where thou hast not sown,
25 and gathering where thou hast not winnowed. So in fear I went away
and hid thy two hundred and forty pounds in the ground. Here, thou
" 26 hast what is thine.' His owner answered and said to him, ' 0 wicked
and backward slave ! Thou knowest that I reap where I have not sown,
27 and gather where I have not winnowed ! Then thou oughtest to have
placed my money with the bankers, and I would have gone and got my
.'28 own back with interest. Take away the two hundred and forty pounds
from him, then, and give them to him who has the twelve hundred.'
729 For to everyone who has,
_, Shall be given, and amply given ;
~ But from him who has not,
j." Even what he has shall be taken.
;;30 And throw out the useless slave into the outer darkness :
There shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of teeth.
'31 When the Son of man comes in his majesty and all the angels with him.,
"32 Then shall he sit on the throne of his majesty, and before him all
the nations shall be gathered,
And he shall separate them one from another, as the shepherd
separates the sheep from the goats,
33 And he shall set the sheep on his right hand, but the goats on his left.
34 Then shall the king say to those on his right hand :
' Come, you who are blessed by my Father,
Inherit the realm preparedfor youfrom the foundation of the world.
35 For I hungered and you gave me to eat,
I thirsted and you gave me drink,
\ I was a stranger and you entertained me,
46 Unclad and you clothed me,
I was ill and you visited me,
'' I was in prison and you came to me.'
¦ it Then shall the upright answer him, saying :
' Lord, when did we see thee hungry and feed thee ? or thirsty and
give thee drink ?

338 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [25^-26^
38 And when did we see thee a stranger and entertain thee ? or unclad
and clothe thee ?
39 And when did we see thee ill or in prison and come to thee ?'
40 And the king shall answer and say to them : ' I tell you truly,
In so far as you did it to one of these my brothers, even to the least,
You did it to me.'
41 Then shall he say also to those on the left hand :
' Depart from me, accursed,
Into the fire eternal prepared for the devil and his angels.
42 For I hungered and you gave me not to eat,
I thirsted and you gave me no drink,
43 I was a stranger and you entertained me not,
Unclad and you clothed me not,
111 and in prison and you visited me not.'
44 Then shall they also answer, saying :
' Lord, when did we see thee hungry or thirsty or a stranger or
unclad or ill or in prison
And not minister to thee ? '
45 Then shall he answer them, saying : ' I tell you truly,
In so far as you did it not to one of these least,
You did it not to me.'
46 And these shall go away into punishment eternal,
But the upright into life eternal."
26 1 And it came to pass when Jesus finished all these words, he said to
2 his disciples, "You know the passover is to be held after two days, and
3 the Son of man is to be delivered up for crucifixion." Then the
high priests and the elders of the people met in the palace of the high
4 priest, who was called Kaiaphas ; and they took counsel together to seize
5 Jesus by craft and kill him. But they said, " Not during the festival,
lest a tumult arise among the people."
6 Now when Jesus was in Bethany, in the house of Simon the leper,
7 a woman came to him with an alabaster flask of expensive perfume ; and
8 she proceeded to pour it on his head as he reclined at table. But when
the disciples saw it they were indignant, saying, " What is this waste
9 for ? This perfume might have been sold for a large sum, and given
10 to poor people." But when Jesus understood, he said to them, " Why
11 molest the woman ? She has done a noble deed for me. For you have
12 the poor always beside you, but you have not always me. In pouring
13 this perfume on my body she acted in view of my burial. I tell you
truly, Wherever these glad tidings shall be preached in the whole world,
this woman's deed shall be also told in memory of her."
14 Then one of the twelve, who was called " Judas Iskariot," went to the
15 high priests and said, "What are you willing to pay me, and I will
betray him to you." So they weighed out for him thirty silver -pieces.
16 And from that time he sought an opportune moment for betraying him.
17 Now on the first day of unleavened bread the disciples came to Jesus,
saying, "Where wilt thou have us make ready for thee to eat the
18 paschal lamb ? " Then he said, " Go your way into the city to such and
such a man and say to him, ' The teacher says, " My time is near ; I will
19 keep the passover with my disciples at thy house." ' " So the disciples did
20 as Jesus instructed them, and made ready the passover. Now when it
2 1 was evening, he was reclining at table with the twelve disciples ; and as tnejj
were eating, he said, " I tell you truly, one of you shall betray me.

2622"55] MATTHEW 339
22 Then in exceeding sorrow each one began to say to him, " Can it be
23 I, Lord ? " He answered and said, " He who dipped his hand with me in
the dish, he shall betray me.
24 The Son of man goes on his way, even as it is written of him.
But woe to that man through whom the Son of man is betrayed !
Better for that man had he never been born ! "
25 Judas, his betrayer, answered and said, " Can it be I, Rabbi ? " He says to
26 him, " It is as thou sayest." Now as they were eating, Jesus took
bread ; and after the blessing, he broke and gave it to the disciples, saying,
27 " Take, eat ; this is my body." Also he took a cup, and after giving
28 thanks he gave it to them, saying, " Drink of it, all of you ; for this is my
covenant-blood which is poured out for many, for the remission of sins.
29 I tell you, never shall I drink in future of this produce of the vine, till
that day when in my Father's reign I drink it with you new."
30 Thereupon after a song of praise they went out to the hill of Olives.
31 Then Jesus says to them, " You shall be all repelled through me, this
night ; for it is written, I will smite the shepherd, and the sheep of the
32 flock shall be scattered abroad. Yet after I rise, I will go before you into
33 Galilee." Peter answered and said to him, " Should all be repelled
34 through thee, never will I be repelled." Jesus said to him, " I tell thee
truly, this night, before the cock crows, three times thou shalt deny me."
35 "Even if I have to die with thee," says Peter to him, "I will not deny
36 thee." And all the disciples said the same. Then Jesus comes
with them to a piece of ground called Gethsenianed And he says to his
37 disciples, " Sit there, until I depart yonder and pray." And be took with
him Peter and the two sons of Zebedee, and began to be sorrowful
38 and sorely troubled. Then he says to them, " My soul is very sorrowful,
39 even to death : stay here and watch with me." So he went forward
a little and fell on his face in prayer, saying, " My Father ! if it be
possible, let this cup pass away from me. Nevertheless, not as I will,
40 but as thou wilt." Then coming to the disciples he finds them sleeping,
and says to Peter, " So you had not strength to watch with me a single
41 hour ? Watch and pray, lest you enter into temptation : the spirit is
42 eager, but the flesh is weak." Again he went away for a second time and
prayed, saying, " My Father ! if this cannot pass away unless I drink it,
43 thy will be done." And on coming again he found them sleeping, for their
44 eyes were heavy. And leaving them he again went away and prayed for
45 a third time, repeating the same words. Then coming to the disciples
he says to them, " So you sleep and rest ? Behold, the hour is near,
46 when the Son of man is betrayed into the hands of sinners ! Rise, let us
47 be going. Behold, my betrayer is near ! " And when he was still
speaking, behold Judas (one of the twelve) came, accompanied by a large
horde with swords and clubs, from the high priests and elders of the
48 people. Now his betrayer had given them a sign, saying, " Whomsoever
49 I kiss, that is the man ; seize him." So he immediately approached
50 Jesus, saying, " Hail, Rabbi ! " and kissed him fondly. Jesus said to
him, "Friend, do thine errand." Then they approached and laid hands
51 on Jesus and seized him. And behold, one of the companions of Jesus
stretched out his hand, drew his sword, smote the slave of the high priest
52 and cut off his ear. Then Jesus says to him, " Put back thy sword into
53 its place ; for all who take the sword shall perish by the sword. What !
dost thou think that I cannot appeal to my Father, and he will provide me
54 at this moment with more than twelve legions of angels ? But how then
55 should the scriptures be fulfilled, that thus it must come to pass ? " At

340 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [26s6-
that hour Jesus said to the hordes, " Did you come out as again
robber, with swords and clubs to arrest me ? Day by day I sat in
56 temple teaching, and you did not seize me. But the whole of
has come to pass, that the scriptures of the prophets might be fulfill
Then the disciples all left him alone and fled.
57 Now those who had seized Jesus led him away to Kaiaphas the 1
58 priest, where the scribes and the elders had gathered. Peter folloi
him from afar, up to the palace of the high priest ; then he went im
59 and sat with the officers to see the end. Now the high priests and in:
the whole Sanhedrin sought for false witness against Jesus that t!
60 might get him put to death ; but they found none, although many f;
witnesses came forward, fiowever two men came forward at I
61 and said, "This man said, 'I am able to break down the sancta
62 of God, and to build it after three days.' " And the high priest stood
and said to him, "Hast thou no answer ? Of what do these men b
63 evidence against thee ? " Jesus kept silence. And the high priest a
to him, " I adjure thee by the living God ! Tell us if thou art i
64 Christ, the Son of God?" Jesus says to him, "It is as thou sayi
Yet I tell you, in future you shall see the Son of man sitting at the ri
65 hand of the Power, and coming on the clouds of the sky." Then the hi
priest rent his vestments, saying, " He has blasphemed ! What furtl
66 witnesses do we need ? Look now, you heard the blasphemy ; wl
67 do you think ? " They said in reply, " He is doomed to die." Th
68 they spat on his face and buffeted him, and some dealt him blows, sayii
" Prophesy to us, Christ ! Who was it that struck thee ? "
69 Now Peter was sitting outside in the courtyard ; and a maidserva
70 came to him, saying, " Thou also wast with Jesus the Galilean." B
he denied it before them all, saying, " I know not what thou meanes
71 And when he went out into the porch, another maidservant saw hin
and she says to those who were there, " This man was with Jes
72 the Nazarene." And again he denied with an oath, " I know n
73 the man." After a little while the bystanders came up and said
Peter, " To be sure, thou art one of them too ; for indeed thy speei
74 betrays thee." Thereupon he began to loudly curse and swear, " I kno
75 not tbe man." And immediately the cock crowed. Then Peter remer
bered the word that Jesus had said, " Before the cock crows, three tim
shalt thou deny me." And he went out, and bitterly he wept.
27 1 Now when morning came, all the high priests and the elders
the people took counsel against Jesus, in order to get him put to deatl
2 and after binding him they led him away and delivered him up to Pila
3 the procurator. Then seeing that he was condemned, Judas h
betrayer repented ; and he returned the thirty silver pieces to the big
4 priests and elders, saying, " I have sinned by betraying innocent blood
5 " What is that to us ? " they said ; " that is thy concern ! " The
throwing down the silver pieces in the sanctuary he retired, an
6 went away and hung himself. Now when the high priests took tl
silver pieces, they said, " It is not right to put them into the sacre
7 treasury, since they are ' the price of blood.' " So after taking counsi
they bought with them the potter's field as a burying-place for stranger
8 Therefore that field has been called to this day, " Field of blood.
9 Then what was spoken through the prophet Jeremiah was fulfille(
when he said . And they took the thirty silver pieces, the price of hi/mwh
10 had been appraised, whom some of the sons of Israel appraised, and they gal
them for the potter's field, as the Lord instructed me.

2711"46] MATTHEW 341
11 Now Jesus stood before the procurator, and the procurator questioned
him, "Art thou the king of the Jews?" Jesus said to him,
12 " Certainly." But while he was being accused by the high priests and
13 elders, he made no answer. Then Pilate says to him, " Hearest thou not
14 how grave their evidence is against thee ? " Yet to the procurator's
15 great wonder he made no reply to him, not even a single word. Now
at festival time tbe procurator was accustomed to release for the crowd
16 any one prisoner whom they chose. At that time they had a notorious
17 prisoner called Bar- Abbas ; so when they had met, Pilate said to them,
"Whom do you wish me to release for you ? Bar- Abbas, or Jesus who is
18 called ' Christ' ? " (For he knew it was for envy that they had delivered
19 him up. Also, when he was sitting on the tribunal, his wife had sent to
say to him, " Have nothing to do with that innocent man ; for I have
20 suffered much to-day in a dream, on his account.") But the high priests
and the elders persuaded the crowd to ask for Bar-Abbas and have Jesus
21 destroyed. The procurator answered and said to them, " Which of the
two will you have me release for you ? " They said, " Bar- Abbas."
22 Pilate says to them, " Then what am I to do with Jesus who is called
23 'Christ'?" They all say, "Let him be crucified." And he said,
"Why, what evil has he done?" But they kept vehemently shouting,
24 " Let him be crucified." So when Pilate saw he was doing no good, but
on the contrary that a tumult was rising, he took water and washed his
hands before the crowd ; " I am innocent of this blood," he said ; " it
25 is your concern ! " And all the people answered and said, " His blood
26 be upon us and upon our children ! " Then he released for them Bar-
Abbas ; but after scourging Jesus, he delivered him up to be crucified.
27 Then the soldiers of the procurator took Jesus into the praetorium
28 and gathered the whole cohort to him. And after stripping him, they put
29 a scarlet mantle round him. And plaiting a wreath out of some thorns,
they put it on his head, with a reed in his right hand ; and kneeling
down before him they mocked him, saying, " Hail, king of the Jews ! "
30 And they spat on him, and taking the reed they kept striking him
31 on the head. Then after their mockery of him, they* stripped the
mantle off him and put his own garments upon him ; and they led him
32 away to be crucified. Now as they were going out, they came
upon a Cyrenian named Simon ; this man they forced to carry his cross.
33 Then coming to a place called Golgotha (which means, " The place of a
34 skull ") they offered him wine to drink with a bitter mixture ; but after
35 tasting it, he would not drink it. Now when they had crucified him,
36 they distributed his garments among them by casting lots, and sitting down
37 they kept watch there over him. And over his head they put the charge
against him in writing, THIS IS JESUS THE KING OF THE JEWS.
¦ 38 Then along with him two robbers are crucified, one on the right hand
39 and one on the left. And the passers-by heaped abuse on him, wagging
. 40 their heads and saying, " Thou who wouldst break down the sanctuary
- and build it in three days, save thyself ! If thou art God's son, come down
41 from the cross ! " Similarly, the high priests also mocked him, with the
: 42 scribes and the elders, saying, " Others he saved, himself he cannot save !
:¦ He is 'the king of Israel'! Let him come down now from the cross, and
¦ 43 we will believe upon him ! He puts his trust in God : let God rescue him
44 now, if he cares for him. For he said, ' I am God's son.' " And even the
robbers who were crucified along with him, denounced him in the
;¦ same fashion.
45 Now from the sixth hour a darkness covered all the land till

342 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2746-28u
46 the ninth hour. And about the ninth hour Jesus cried out with a
loud voice, Staying, " Elei, elei, lema sabachthanei ? " (that is, " 0 my God,
47 0 my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? ") And on hearing it some of the
48 bystanders there said, " He is calling Elijah." Then immediately one
of them ran, took and filled a sponge with vinegar, put it on a reed,
49 and offered him it to drink. The rest said, " Hold, let us see if Elijah
does come to save him." [[But another took a lance and pierced his side, and
50 out came water and blood.]] 1 Then once more Jesus cried out with a loud
51 voice and yielded up his spirit. And behold ! the veil of the sanctuary
was torn in two from top to bottom, the earth shook, the rocks were torn
52 apart, the tombs were opened, and many bodies of the saints who had
53 fallen asleep rose — and coming out of the tombs after his resurrection,
54 they entered the holy city and appeared to many people. Now when
the centurion and his companions who were watching Jesus saw the
earthquake and what took place, they were exceedingly afraid, and said,
55 " This man was certainly a son of God ! " And many women were there
looking on from a distance — women who had followed Jesus from Galilee,
56 ministering to him. Among them was Mary of Magdala, Mary the
mother of James and Joseph, and the mother of the sons of Zebedee.
57 Now when it was evening, a rich man from Arimathaea named Joseph
53 came, who also was himself a disciple of Christ. This man went to Pilate
and asked for the body of Jesus. Then Pilate ordered it to be given up.
59, 60 And Joseph took the body, and wrapped it in a clean linen cloth, and
laid it in his own new tomb which he had hewn out in the rock ; then,
after rolling a large stone to the entrance of the tomb, he went away.
61 Now Mary of Magdala was there with the other Mary, sitting opposite the
62 sepulchre. On the next day (that is, the day after the Prepara-
63 tion) the high priests and the Pharisees gathered to Pilate and said, " Sir,
we have remembered that when this impostor was still alive, he said,
64 ' After three days I rise.' Give orders then to have the sepulchre secured
until the third day ; in case the disciples come and steal him away, and
say to the people, ' He rose from the dead.' And so the last fraud will
65 be worse than the first?" Pilate said to them, "Take a guard and
66 begone ! Secure it yourselves, as you know how." So they went in
company with the guard, and secured the sepulchre by sealing the stone.
28 1 Now at the close of the sabbath-day, as it was just dawning to the
first day of the week, Mary of Magdala went with the other Mary to see
2 the sepulchre. And behold, a great earthquake took place ; for an angel
of the Lord came down from heaven and went and rolled away the stone
3 and sat on it. His countenance was like lightning, and his raiment white
4 like snow ; and for fear of him the watchers shook and became like dead
5 men. But the angel addressed the women, saying, "Be not you afraid!
6 I know you are seeking Jesus, the crucified. He is not here, for he
7 has risen, as he said. Come, see the place where he lay. Then go
quickly and tell his disciples, he has risen from the dead ; and lo, he
goes before you into Galilee ; you shall see him there. Lo, I have told
8 you." Then they went away quickly from the tomb with fear and great
9 joy, and ran to bring word to his disciples. [And behold, Jesus met
them, saying, " Hail ! " and they went to him, caught hold of his feet, and
10 did him reverence. Then Jesus says to them, " Be not afraid. Go your
way ; bring word to my brothers to go away into Galilee, and they shall
11 see me there."] Now while they were going, behold some of the
1 Adding [[«AA.. .E Xafidtv Zoyxvv _f_.|_. _;,.__ Ti.li crXlvpav, xxi ii-:j?.8lv .-ay xai atfiajj.

2812"20] MATTHEW 343
guard went into the city and brought word to the high priests of all
12 that had taken place. And after meeting with the elders and taking
13 counsel, they gave a considerable sum of money to the soldiers, telling
them, " Say ' his disciples came at night and stole him when we were
14 asleep.' And should this matter come before the procurator, we will
15 satisfy him and clear you of any trouble." So they took the money
and did as they were instructed. And this story has been disseminated
among the Jews, down to the present day.
16 Now the eleven disciples went into Galilee, to the mountain where
17 Jesus had appointed them. And on seeing him they did him reverence ;
18 but some doubted. And Jesus came and talked to them, saying,
" All authority has been given to me in heaven and upon earth ;
19 Go then and make disciples of all the nations,
Baptize them into the name of the Father and the Son and the
holy Spirit,
20 Teach them to observe all that ever I commanded you.
And lo, I myself am with you all the days until the close of the age ! "

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBEEWS
Like its successor Acts, Hebrews is an implicit apology for Christianity.
Only, there is this difference between them. The apologetic element in
the former is principally x concerned with the outward relationship of the
Christian faith (cp. Holtzmann, Das NT u. der Romische Staat, 1892, p.
13 f.) to the Roman Empire, fiebrews is directly a word of encourage
ment (1322) for those inside the church; it forms an attempt to emphasise
the sufficiency and finality of Christianity for those who accept Christ,
not a demonstration of its political innocence. Both books were written
primarily to instruct and edify their age. But while the method of Acts
is historical and retrospective, Hebrews is speculative and theological.
Luke and Acts establish the certainty of the faith by exhibiting its
growth in Jesus and its development into the expanded sphere of the
Empire. The author of Hebrews proves Christianity to be the ultimate
religion, by means of a long series of comparisons drawn between it and
the religion from which it sprang. His training leads him to use the
religious authority common to himself and his readers — the OT — and to
interpret this on Alexandrian principles of symbolism and typology. Hence
the impression of remoteness in his treatment of the religious situation of
Christendom within the Empire as compared with Acts, and especially with
the Apocalypse. This author does not deal with the Temple and the Jews
as they lived. His view is directed to the ideal tabernacle and the Levitical
services as these exist in the LXX. He and his readers are citizens of
Jerusalem, but it is the Jerusalem in heaven. He and they await the
crisis and end of the age ; but it is no outcome of a Roman campaign, it
is the act of God in fulfilment of older prophecy (Jer 3131t), when
the new covenant is introduced. The book reflects a situation of trial,
especially in the Roman church, but the attitude to Domitian is more
akin to that of Clem. Rom. than to that of the Apocalypse ; for the
character of the author and the object of the writing alike prevent the
political situation from becoming an absorbing feature of thought.
Before transcendentalism, political and social colours pale. Even the
later "First Epistle of John" is as silent upon the outer relations of the
churches under Trajan, as the Religio Medici upon the Star Chamber
and the fortunes of the Huguenots.
The very breath of Hebrews is antagonism to a retrograde movement
within the circle of Roman Christians to which it was probably addressed.
Behind the letter we can feel a tendency on the part of timid and
disheartened members to abandon the Christian faith under stress of
i Though in Acts also there is an implicit apology directed to contemporary
Judaism. The author strove to demonstrate that Christianity was the legitimate
heir to the Jewish law and its promises. He had before him a Jewish propaganda
(Ac lo-1) which attempted to jealously dispute that claim, and in view of this he
aimed at showing how Gentile Christianity had come from the heart and centre of
Judaism by a natural and unforced development. 344

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 345
contemporary trial. This is aggravated by the length of time which has
elapsed since the conversion of the readers — a period which has dimmed
the first brightness of their faith without producing a mature and intelli
gent experience. Mental seriousness 1 and moral stability are two qual
ities in which these people are found sadly deficient. Coupled also with
the external trial and internal sluggishness, there is an element of strain
existing between the readers and their church authorities. It is these
considerations rather than any mere outward features, which characterise
the writing.
The terminus ad quem for the date of Hebrews is fixed by the epistle
of Clemens Rom. in which it is certainly and copiously used (Euseb. HE,
3. 38, rrjs npbs 'Efipaiovs rroXXa vor)para napadeis, rjSg Se Kai ai)To\ei;et
pyTois <r'£ avrys xp-oo-apevos). As this epistle was composed c. 97 a.d.,
Hebrews cannot be much later than 94-95 ; and probably it was in exist
ence considerably before that time. The exact terminus a quo, however,
is much more difficult to fix. It is certain that the writing presupposes
an acquaintance with the Pauline epistles '- ; its indebtedness to Galatians,
1 Corinthians, and (especially) Romans lies on the surface, and as close —
in spite of divergent aims and standpoints — is its connection with
Ephesians s in conceptions and phraseology. A similar series of affinities
exists between 1 Peter* and Hebrews ; but here, as in the case of Ephesians,
the explanation of these is uncertain . If Ephesian sis authentic, it was used
by the author of Hebrews. If 1 Peter is authentic, on the other hand, its
use in Hebrews is possible, its similarity of atmosphere indubitable. The
latter may be due to the fact that both writings are coloured by an
independent use of Ephesians. The net result of these lines of criticism,
however, is merely to establish the post-Pauline date of Hebrews, and at
the same time to exhibit its affinities with two writings which upon other
grounds are often relegated to a much later date. The latter hint is
corroborated by the distinct connection of Hebrews with the group Luke-
Acts (cp. the excellent table in Simcox : Writers of NT, Appendix I.
Table 2 ; also Exp.3 viii. pp. 184-190), which has even suggested the
Lucan authorship of the epistle (Delitzsch). The similarities are to be
most reasonably explained by the hypothesis that all three writings are
neighbours in spirit and practically contemporaries in age. Other coin
cidences, between Hebrews and later works like the Apocalypse, the
Pastorals, and James, are too infrequent and subordinate to be decisive on
the question of the date.
i cf. 2" 5"-63 121-5-25 1322. " is there a Christ ? Is He the Heir of all things ?
Was He made flesh ? Did He offer the all-perfect sacrifice? Did He supersede fhe
old order of priests? Is He the mediator of a new and better Covenant? What
are the terms of that Covenant? There are no questions like these  I am
astonished at the imperative tone of this Epistle, and the element of holy scorn
against those who refuse to go into these great questions carefully" (James
Smetham's Letters, p. 170).
2 Evidence stated in Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 298, 299 ; Bruckner, Chron. pp.
236-241. The whole cast and temper of the writer's thought, along with an
incidental allusion like that in 1323, indicates a connection with the Pauline circle.
3 Heh. is 31 64 718 81 911-12 \C)W 122 1312 IO1*-** , . , , , , ,-,
Eph. SnflfWIiir^g5^-prp- : besldes words and phrases llke
atfta xai o-ap%, aypucrvuv, xpavy'/,, i-r.pavoj, its SoToXirputriv, aluv poiWoiv, crpoinpopa xai 8wria,
f-»-H (of God), capp-icia, etc.
4 The relative priority of Hebrews, which is largely held, is not certain upon the
grounds of mere literary criticism (cp. Usteri's ed. of 1 Peter, pp. 298-300, and von
Soden, HC, 111. 2, pp. 3, 4). The probable priority of 1 Peter to James also tells
strongly against it.

346 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
The Domitianic date, suggested by the literary connections of the
epistle, is corroborated by its internal evidence. The author appears to have
followed the history of the church from its beginning with affectionate
and intelligent interest. He appeals to a storm of affliction which broke
on them after their awakening to Christianity (IO3234), and may be
most naturally referred to the Neronic outburst, especially if the epistle
is considered as addressed to the Roman church. Such suffering, how
ever, is a matter of retrospect. At the time of writing, a further peril is
being experienced (123- 4)— evidently the rise of the Domitianic persecu
tion, which is not yet at its full height. Imprisonment (1323) and
banishment (131B), however, have befallen some of the Christian leaders,
and the church as a whole is being tried by the severity of the situation.
The writer alludes to these trials indefinitely.1 He was writing not a
history but a word of encouragement, treating the situation with a
practical aim on its religious side. But through the appeals (124- 11J3)
we can detect that the comparatively smooth existence of the church
(Allard, Hist. Perse'cut. i. pp. 81-133) during the earlier Flavian regime
has been rudely broken up. Persecution, unknown in recent years, is
upon the readers. And persecution has its attendant perils of relapse
and moral failure. Hence they are summoned to remember the past line
of heroes stretching from the patriarchs to the Maccabees, and also to
recall their own good record as a church. Further, they are reminded
that they — unlike some of their predecessors — have not yet had to face
(124) the worst. With all its discomforts their career hitherto has been
exempt from that supreme trial which is never quite away from the
horizon of a genuine faith.2
That the epistle was written at a late8 period (512), when the first
generation had long passed from the scene (cp. 23 with Luke l14), is
self-evident. The original founders and rulers (137) had been succeeded
by others whose authority was apparently apt to be somewhat ignored.
The severity of the situation, coupled with the length of time that had
elapsed since the primitive flush and freshness of the gospel, tended to
produce a dissatisfaction with Christianity ; and the temptation of the
" Hebrews " was to abandon its membership,4 as if it were an exhausted
1 The absence of exact references in Hebrews to the Imperial policy and r.gime
need excite as little surprise as the silence of the De Imitatione Christi upon Joan
of Arc and the wars and court of Louis xi., or of the Pilgrim's Progress upon the
brilliant immorality of Charles the Second and the dash of van Ruyter up the
Thames. The author's idealistic and speculative bent does not lead him to be
nearly as explicit as Clem. Rom., but the references of the latter quite hear out the
implicit hints of the situation conveyed by Hebrews. It is a less probable conjec
ture that the slight allusions iu Hebrews to political matters are purposely vague and
covert, from the prudential fear of compromising author or readers.
2 This, in spite of Zahn (Einl. ii. 126), seems the true sense of the words.
'J The reference to Timotheus (1323) unfortunately yields no evidence for the date,
as we have no data for ascertaining the length of his lifetime. I cannot see any
covert historical allusion in the use which the author makes of the period forty
years (317), although several editors regard this as an unequivocal proof that the
church had a Christian career of forty years behind it when the author wrote.
This would, of course, bring the date down past 70 A.D., but it must be pronounced
rather a prosaic and unnecessary reading of the words in question.
4 Same danger iu Clem. Rom. 462 (yiypacrrat yip- xoxxaa-St t... ayiots, on it xoU.ip.«"
airots ayiarHo-ovrat), Did. 162, Ignat. ad Ephes, 13, Barnab. 41°. Associations and
societies, however congenial to the spirit of the Roman Empire in the first and second
centuries (Foucart, Associat. religieuscs chez les Grecs), involved a certain strain and
sacrifice for some Christians. Evidently association required to be enforced as a

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 347
philosophic school (IO25), or to slacken their ties with it as though they had
received from it aU possible benefit. Besides, after 70 a.d. Christianity
found itself now in a twofold peril. It was an object of suspicion to the
political authorities, an object of jealousy to Judaism, its rival. The
former danger was the simpler, involving mainly the straightforward
attack of persecution. The latter was more complex. The propaganda of
Judaism affected Christians in at least three ways : by using against
them its influence with the Roman authorities (cp. the reiterated mention
of "jealousy" in Clem. Rom. v.-vi., apropos of the Christian hardships
under Nero) ; by insidiously representing itself as the ancient and
sufficient faith, of which this upstart heresy of the Nazarenes was but a
meagre offshoot ; and on the ground of history and scripture, by directly
challenging with bitterness and dialectic skill their historical right and
claims. It is for a situation affected chiefly by the second of these
phases that Hebrews is intended. The gospel of Matthew is the chief
witness to the third, as Acts is to the first.
This Domitianic date,1 i.e. previous to 96 a.d., is advocated by Schenkel
(Das Christusbild der Apostel, etc., 1879, pp. 123, 130 f.), Mangold
(Riimerbrief, 1884, p. 258 f.), Holtzmann (ZwTh, 1884, pp. 1-10 ; Einl.
pp. 292-309), Weizsacker (AA, ii. pp. 155-160), von Soden (JpTh, 1884,
pp. 435-493, 627-656 ; HG, m. 2, pp. 14-19), Lipsius (HC, n. 2, p. 83),
Jiilicher (Einl. pp. 103-106), and McGiffert (AA, pp. 463^70), while
Zahn practically agrees by dating the epistle c. 80 a.d. (Einl. ii. pp. 142-
158 ; RTK, vn. pp. 492-506). So Cone (The Gospel and its Interpretations,
p. 232 f .) ; also Rovers (Nieuw-test. Letterkunde, 1888, p. 80 f.), Bousset
(TR, 1897, pp. 9, 10), J. Reville (Les origines de I'Episcopat, pp. 363-366),
Kriiger (Altchristliche] Litteratur,2 1898, p. 11), Haring (SK, 1891,
pp. 589-598), and Bruckner (Chron. pp. 224-249). The last-named,
however, goes a little too far down, while Pfleiderer (Urc. pp. 627, 628)
seems to lean rather to the Trajanic than to the Domitianic date.
Unfortunately there is no decisive evidence for the place of Hebrews
within its group. It cannot be placed before 80 a.d. ; but if the third
gospel and Acts were composed by the beginning of the last decade of the
century, Hebrews may be dated slightly earlier, if not as practically
contemporary. The alternative date for Hebrews is between 60 and 70 a.d. This
largely supported view takes the epistle as implying the contemporary
existence of the Jewish temple and ritual, and as' written in view of the
religious dissolution which (813) culminated in a.d. 70.2 The arguments
in favour of this date have been in part already met by implication, and
in part they depend upon a view of the development of early Christianity,
duty, before it became a fixed and natural habit. "Aggregation does not appear
to have invariably followed belief." It was possible to be a Christian iu some
quarters, and yet, for different reasons, to stand aloof from or to abandon outward
adhesion to the community (Hatch, Oraanisation of the Early Christian Churches,
pp. 29, 30). i \ - J
1 For a date indefinitely later than 70 a.d., cp. also Professor W. Robertson
Smith (_?__, article "Hebrews"). Dr. A. B. Davidson (Hebrews, pp. 15-17), Wendt
(/wTh: 1895, pp. 157-160), and Reuss (?) (pp. 148-153). Harnack (Chron.
pp. 47.-479) also dates the writing subsequent to 1 Peter under Domitian, though
he thinks it might be somewhat earlier.
2 On the seventh decade date and the implied shock with which the crisis
threatened the religious feelings of the Hebrews, Dr. Davidson rightly remarks,
Such a despair ought to have seized all Hebrews alike, whether Christians or
not ; hut there is no historical evidence of such a thing."

348 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
which would require many pages to exhibit. The finest statements of
the case are given by Professor Bruce (Exp.s vii. p. 162 f. ; The Epistle to
the Hebrews, 1899; and in DB, ii. article "Hebrews"), Weiss (-Meyer,
and INT, ii. p. 30 f.), and Westcott (Epistle to Hebrews). Rendall
(Theology of Hebrew Christians, pp. 70-76), Professor Mackintosh
(Essays tow. a New Theology, 1889, pp. 291-297), and Adeney, BI,
p. 429 (c. 68 a.d.), prefer to place the writing as near as possible to the
crisis of 70 a.d., while a more or less earlier date (65-70) is chosen by
Bleek, Bevschlag (NTTh, ii. pp. 286-288), Renan (V Antichrist, chap, ix.),
Hilgenfeld (Einl. pp. 377-383), Clemen (Chron. pp. 277-279), Burton
(RLA), Farrar (CGT, "Hebrews"), Roberts (Greek the Language of Christ
and his Apostles, 1897, chap, viii.), Salmon (INT, pp. 430, 431), S.
Davidson (INT, i. pp. 183-250), Bovon (NTTh, ii. pp. 387-389), Menegoz,1
(La Theologie de I'epllre aux Hebreux, 1895), Professor G. G. Findlay
(Epistles of Paul, p. 263 f.), Stevens (NTTh, p. 485 f.), Schafer (Einl.
pp. 149-157), Trenkle (Einl. pp. 88-91), and G. Milligan (Theol. of Epistle
to Hebrews, 1899). With many others, these critics keenly defend the
Jewish Christian character of the writing (" Le monument le plus
eloigne du judaisme," Havet) and its date in the seventh decade of the
first century.2 As a phase of this theory, it may be noted that Ramsay,
retracting his former adhesion to the 64-66 date (GRE, p. 307), now
regards the writing as addressed to the Jewish party of the Jerusalem
church by Philip the Deacon, who wrote from Caesarea (59 A.D.) after
discussions with Paul (Exp.5 ix. pp. 407-422) ; while W. M. Lewis
(Thinker, Oct.-Nov. 1893; Biblical World, Aug. 1898, April 1899) had
already conjectured on similar lines that the epistle was a joint pro
duction of Paul and Luke, written from the Caesarean imprisonment
(Ac 2335). Such attempts possess the merit of novelty.3 But even upon
the ordinary theory, as argued by the critics already named, it seems
impossible to demonstrate that Hebrews was composed before the fall of
the temple in a.d. 70, in the sense in which one can determine, for
example, that a book like Tobit was written previously to its building
in B.C. 25. Ultimately, the question of the date rests upon the question
of the destination — the character and situation of the readers.
Of the localities to which the epistle is conjectured to have been
addressed — Palestine (Jerusalem or Syria 4), Alexandria, Rome (Italy) —
1 " Nous devons nous rtsigner a ignorer le lieu ou se trouvaient les destina.ai.es,
Tout ce qu'il nous est permis de conjecturer, c'est qu'ils vivaient dans une ville ou
clans une contree ou 1'iiinuence des Juifs — cultives plutot qu' incultes, ritualistes
plutot que 1-gahstes — constituait un danger pour la prosperite de la communant.
chretienne." Cp. also Dr. J. B. Crozier, Intell. Development (1897), i. PP- 333-
337. 2 The (a) seventh decade date is usually held with (b) the Jewish-Christian
hypothesis, and the (a) Domitianic date with'(/_) the Gentile-Christian. But some,
e.g. Dr. A. B. Davidsou and Zahn, accept (b) and come down later than 70, while
others, like Pfleideri-r, accept ($) with a second century date (Urc. pp. 620-640; so
Hausrath), or — like Haring — admit (a) with a modified form of (b).
3 Cp. a critique by G. Milligan, Ecp.' x. pp. 154-160 ; Bartlet (AA, pp. 2101,
281 f.) also dates it c. 62 a.d. as addressed to Caesarea.
4Kiibel (Kurzgefasster Comment. NT. 4, pp. 151-153) thinks the epistle was
written by Barnabas between 67 and 68 A.D. to the Syrian Jewish-Christians.
Rendall (Theology qf Hebrew Christians, pp. 67-69) also inclines to a Syrian
audience, possibly Antioch itself. Mr. Ayles (Destination, Date, and Authorship of
the Epistle to the Hebrews, 1899) makes Barnabas the author, and dates the book
c. 64 a.d. ; but, like e.g. Professor Ramsay, he unfortunately decides for Jerusalem
as the destination. Passages like 2" 5U 124— to mention no others— absolutely
prohibit this idea of Jerusalem as the circle of " Hebrews."

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 349
the last-named is upon the whole to be preferred (cp. Heb 1310'1C,
Ro 14), although the destination 1 of the letter is almost as dim as its
authorship. Rome suits the internal evidence of the letter,2 its connection
with Clem. Rom., and especially the reference in 1323- 24, where oi dirb rijs-
'IraXias (read in the light of Mt 151, Ac 2127 2418) surely means Italian
residents abroad. Possibly it was written from Alexandria.3 At any rate
its direct audience were tbe members of the particular church (1324) —
the rank and file, not the leaders, still less a group of evangelists
(Heinrici, ThLz, 1895, p. 289). Probably enough it was some special
community of older Christians at Rome, who are not to be identified
with the whole church (cp. the expressions in 51 IO25 1324), but may
have formed a household church by themselves (Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 146-
148; Harnack, ZNW, 1900, pp. 19-23, the latter, oddly enough,
attributing the authorship of the writing to Prisca and Aquila, chiefly
Prisca). It looks almost a paradox to assert that the epistle to the Hebrews4
was addressed to a church (in Rome or Italy) whose body and complexion
were predominantly Gentile. Yet the evidence of the writing seems to
leave no alternative (so Schiirer, Harnack, von Soden, Pfleiderer, Wendt,
Weizsacker, Jiilicher, and McGiffert among others). The copious and
elaborate reasoning that fills page after page, the verbal illustrations
and arguments from the LXX, the interest implied among the readers in
the OT and their acquaintance with its contents and scope, these and many
other characteristics spring, not from the fact that this circle of
Christians was specially rooted in Judaism, but from the whole ground
work of OT and Jewish associations, traditions, and presuppositions,
which underlay early Christianity. The epistle of Clem. Rom., e.g., is
simply woven through and through with OT quotations and references.
Yet it was addressed to a predominantly Gentile church, which was
evidently expected to understand and be profited by such a treatment
of the subject. So, too, in Paul's letters to Rome (413- l6) and Galatia (320)4.
1 Taking the title crpos 'E/_/>_..__<; with the other Alexandrian titles of the gospel
zaS' ' Efyaiovs and the gospel xar 'Ai'r.-...-.., Harnack (Chron. p. 479n.) conjectures
that'E/3/>. might mean the Hellenistic Jewish-Christians in Egypt, in which case the
epistle would be taken as addressed to Egypt at a time when the churches contained
Jewish-Christians, not Egyptian Gentile Christians (Alyvtrrlm). On our ignorance, how
ever, of Jewish-Christianity in early Egypt, cp. the caveat of Zahn, Einl. ii. p. 153.
2 Cp. the discussions in Dr. A. B. Davidson's edition (pp. 1,1-18; he dates the
epistle from Rome to some community of the Dispersion in the East) and Holtzmann
(Einl. pp. 303-308). Neither Rome nor Alexandria completely satisfies the evidence
of the epistle, but perhaps there are fewer difficulties on the Roman hypothesis than
upon any other (Zahu, Einl. ii. pp. 142-158). On the rovayajyi Al/Spim (CIG, 40,
9909), c-p.Exp.Ti. x. p. 422.
3 For an estimate of Alexandria and its significance in early Christianity, cp. J. S.
Riggs, AJT (1897), pp. 927-949 ; also, from another standpoint, Friedlander, Zur
Entstehungsgesehichte des Christenthums, ein excurs von den Septuaginta zum
Evangelium (1S94), espec. pp. 143-172.
4 Tho title zpos 'Eppatovs was, of course, added by later tradition. The superficial
appearance of the letter and its contents made it a very natural guess, but it has no
more weight or value than that of the Pauline authorship ("hardly more than a
reflection of the impression produced on an early copyist," W. R. Smith). Both
rose out of an age which had already lost all direct knowledge of the writing's origin
and standpoint (cp. Zahn's decisive remarks, Einl. ii. pp. 111-113, 118-120, a
recapitulation of his researches upon the cauonieal tradition). Klostermann (Zur
T/ieorie d. bibl. Weissagunq ... zur Char. d. Hebr. p. 55 f.) conjectures crpos
Xtpi>alovs=-Bspoiaiovs as the original form of the title, in which case the epistle was
written by Apollos to the Jewish-Christian community of Beroea (Ac 1710).

350 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
There, Jewish Christians formed certainly the minority of his audience ;
yet Abraham is termed " our forefather according to the flesh " (Ro 41,
cp. also 2 Co 610), and Gentile Christians are over and again assumed to
be the people of God. - Besides, such a use of the OT for didactic
purposes was quite a conventional method of instruction, as may be seen
in Philo (quis rer. divin. her., I. 511 ; de Monarch, n. 222 ; epprjveis yap
elo~iv oi Trpocprjrai, Beov Karaxpaipivov rois eKelvcov opyavois -irpbs dr}\o}(riv fav
av edeArjo-g), far too general to be confined merely to Jewish Christians.
The OT had been familiar to many members of the church, even
before they became Christians. Their first acquaintance with Jewish
history and hopes did not date from their reception of Christ. It was
originated by the propaganda, especially of Hellenistic Judaism. And
even after their entrance into the Christian faith, the OT rather grew in
significance. It was their religious codex, authoritative on worship and
theology ; any writer could with confidence appeal to it and argue from
it, as in the nature of the case it was certain that his readers and he
would be thus occupying common ground.
Positive arguments which tend to support this conclusion are drawn
(Jacoby, NT Ethik, p. 202 f.) from allusions such as those in 611 134
1312. The principles mentioned in 61£ are not such as would naturally
be required for Jewish Christians (Schiirer, SK, 1876, p. 776 f.); they
distinctly point, like 134, to the first steps not of Jewish but of pagan
converts, and the lapse feared in 1312 is a fall not into Judaism but away
to idols and pagan faith.
The church addressed, then, is Christian. Gentiles form the major
part of it, but the readers are viewed under no distinctions of race. At
the same time one or two passages (6G 1301G etc. ; cp. Hort, Jud. Chris
tianity, p. 156 f. : Haupt, SK, 1895, pp. 388-390) certainly seem to suggest
that the situation of the church included temptations of a specifically
Jewish character, which might appeal with especial force to Jewish
Christians,1 and an attempt has been made to explain these as the efforts
of a speculative Judaism which beset Gentile Christians during the
second decade after the fall of Jerusalem (Haring, SK, 1891, pp. 589-
598). At any rate, during the closing quarter of the century Jewish
propaganda flourished throughout the Empire. The genuine morality and
monotheism preached by the Hellenistic Jews especially must have
proved not merely a rival to Christianity in the eyes of the outside
pagans, but a dangerously attractive movement for those weaker and less
intelligent members of the Christian church who lay open, through birth
or circumstances, to such Jewish influences.2 Vivere more judaico was a
specious watch-word. It represented, as we find from Cerinthus after
wards, a distinct and subtle danger, prompting Gentile Christians—
especially proselytes— to revert to their old life.3 " Better," urges the
1 It is scarcely necessary to add that the occasional use of the present tense
(78. 20 83-5 96-9. 13 1310) jn the epistle is no argument for the contemporary existence
of the temple and its services. The writer is using a literary method, in common
with Jewish (Josephus, Antiq. iii. 6-12) and Christian writers (Clem. Rom. 404-41s ;
Diognet. 3, etc. ; Fourth gospel, 52), who had occasion to refer to the Jewish cultus
and customs after 70 a.d. (cp. Schiirer, HJP, I. ii. p. 268 f. ; Zahn, Einl. ii. PP-
141, 142). . . i.
2 On the exposure of provincial Christianity in the East to such Jewish apostasy,
cp. Wellhausen, Skizzen n. Vorarbeiten, in. p. 196 f., and Harnack, TU, I. 3,
p. 73 f.
3 Although Judaism may be reckoned— in spite of Bar-kokhba's revolt— as a lost
cause after 70, it was far from being a forsaken belief. It became, in spirit ana

THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS 351
shrill dogmatist some thirty years later — "better listen to Christianity
from a circumcised man than to Judaism from one uncircumcised "
(Ignat. ad Philad. 6).
In Hebrews some unknown Alexandrian 1 scholar uses the OT in a
characteristic fashion to state the superiority and finality of the Christian
religion. This feature is distinctive. Yet the application of Philonic
methods and phrases should not, by their very strangeness in the NT,
blind us to the dominating Christian spirit which is master of these
characteristics. Philonist and student of the wisdom literature as he
was, the author of Hebrews was supremely and essentially a Christian.
No more than his successor, the author of the fourth gospel, does he
suffer himself to be carried far away by the terminology and conceptions
which press upon him out of his early training. Their use is strictly
modified. They are at best subordinate to his leading principles and
beliefs. Consequently in Hebrews, as in the fourth gospel, the fact
that philosophic terms are employed in a sense occasionally different
to their original setting is a proof, not that these Christian authors stood
wholly remote from such speculative influences, but that they assimilated
them and used them freely as accessories to their own purposes. The
able thinker - who composed Hebrews used his contemplative philosophy
and command of rhetoric for genuinely religious ends.
situation, a rival of Christianity. This explains the differences of attitude to the
Jews, in Paul and in the fourth gospel (or Apocalypse), and the later keenness of tone
in the references to them made by Barnabas and Justin Martyr.
1 Besides the well-known exposition of Pfleiderer, cp. for the. Alexandrian culture
of the author of Hebrews, Wendt, ZwTh (1895), pp. 157-160 ; with Holtzmann,
STTh, ii. 281-295. The Philonic parallels are amply stated by Siegfried, Philo von
Alexandria als Ausleger des AT, p. 321 f., and reproduced by Menegoz, op. cit.
p. 197 f., and Pfleiderer, Urc. p. 629 f.
2 He was "the finest and most cultured genius of the primitive church. . . . The
fact that a writer of such rare power and grace should have left us only a single
monument of his genius, and that a mere letter, written for a definite practical
purpose, and that his name should have been entirely forgotten within less than a
century after his death, serves to remind us in a very forcible way of the limitations
of our knowledge respecting the early days of Christianity" (McGiffert). Menegoz has
his bright antithesis: "l'auteur de l'Epitre aux Hebreux est un ecolutionniste; saiut
Paul est un r_volutionnaire, en prenant ce ferine en son sens exclusivement moral et
religieux ... si l'on _ a pu comparer saint Paul a Luther, nous comparerions
volontiers l'auteur de l'Epitre aux H. a Melanchthon."

It is obvious that our Hebrews were familiar with the law, and had a high
regard for the ordinances of temple worship. In particular it appears that
they had not fully understood how the mediatorial functions of the OT were
superseded by the mediatorship of Christ. But their ritualism seems to have
been rather theoretical than practical. . . . The most natural view of the
apostle's argument, as it comes to a point in such passages as viii. 13, ix. 9, is
that the disappearance of the obsolete ritual of the old covenant is no blow to
Christian faith, because in Christ ascended into glory the church possesses in
heavenly verity all that the old ritual presented in mere earthly symbol. It
was the ruin of the Jewish state and worship which compelled Christianity to
find what is offered in our epistle — a theory of the disappearance of the old
dispensation in the new. — W. Robertson Smith.

Dogmatic : Jesus -SETTEE THAN
l1-218 (a) Angels — as son of God : his humanity and career.
31-413 (b) Moses — as son over f warning against unbelief,
God's house : (the opportunity of rest.
4U-101S (c) The high-peiest — as perfect in his
414-510 Sympathy : its grounds and character,
5U_g_o a remonstrance and a warning.
7 Priesthood, "after the order of Melchizedek."
81"13 (i.) superiority of new to old covenant,
91"14 (ii. ) superiority of new to old Levitical ministry
915-1018 (iii. ) finality of new covenant and new ministry.

101S~1311 Appeal and counsel : need of -

'confidence, stedfastness,faith — a historical panegyric upon
faith —
constancy, especially in trial,
mutual care :
a resume" of the old and the new economies :
131"17 a table of duties.
13_8-__ Epistolary conclusion.

HEBREWS
- 1 1 After speaking to the fathers long ago by fragments and forms manifold
2 in the prophets, God spoke to us at the end of these days in a Son, whom
he appointed heir of all things, through whom he also made the worlds ;
3 who, as the reflected^ radiance of his majesty and the facsimile of his
nature, sustaining also all things with the word of his power, sat down,
- after he had made purification of sins, at the right hand of the Sovereignty
: 4 on high, becoming so far better than the angels as the name he has
t 5 inherited is more excellent than they. For to which of the angels did
he ever say,
My Son thou art, to-day have I begotten thee ?
and again, I will be to him a Father, and he shall be a Son to me ?
6 And again, when he introduces the first-born into the world, he says,
And let all God's angels do him reverence.
7 And while he says of the angels,
Who makes his angels winds,
And his servants aflame of fire ;
8 he says of the Son,
Thy throne, 0 God, is ever and for ever,
And the sceptre of thy reign is the sceptre of equity.
9 Thou hast loved justice and hated lawlessness ;
Therefore has God anointed thee, thy God,
With oil of rejoicing above thy comrades.
10 And, 37.01. Lord didst found the earth at the beginning,
And the skies are works of thy hands :
,11 They shall perish, but thou remainest;
They shall all become worn out like a garment,
12 Yea, like a mantle thou shalt fold them up and l they shall be changed,
But thou art the same and thy years shall not fail.
13 And to which of the angels has he ever said,
Sit at my right hand,
Till I make thine enemies a footstool for thy feet 1
14 Are they not all spirits for service, sent out to minister on behalf of
• . 1 those who are to inherit salvation ? Therefore we must more
and more devote ourselves to what we have been taught, in case we drift
p 2 away. Eor if the word spoken through angels held good, and every
transgression and disobedience received a just recompense of reward,
3 how shall we escape if we have paid no heed to so great a salvation ? —
which began by being spoken through the Lord and was confirmed for
4 us by the hearers, while God bore witness along with them by signs and
also by wonders and by manifold miracles and by distributions of the
holy Spirit in virtue of his will.
1 Omitting [[is l/teirlov]].
23

354 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [26-3r
5 For it was not to angels that he subjected the world to come, of which
6 we speak : but someone has testified somewhere, saying,
What is man that thou rememberest him ?
Or the son of man that thou carest for him ?
7 Thou didst make him for a little while lower than the angels,
With majesty and honour thou didst crown him ;
8 Thou didst make all thiiigs subject under his feet.
In making all things subject to him he left nothing unsubjected to him.
9 Now as it is, we do not yet see all things subjected to him ; but we see
Jesus, who has been made for a little while lower than the angels, crowned
with majesty and honour for the suffering of death, that by the grace of
10 God he might taste death for everyone. For it became him for whom
are all things and by whom are all things, in bringing many sons to
majesty to make the leader of their salvation perfect through sufferings.
11 For the sanctifier and the sanctified all come from One; and this is
12 why he is not ashamed to call them brothers, saying,
I will declare thy name to my brothers,
In the midst of the assembly I will sing thy praise :
13 and again, -7 will put my trust in him :
and again, Here am I with the children whom God has given me !
14 Since then the children's share is blood and flesh,
Of these did he partake in the same way,
That through death he might put down him who has the power of
death (that is, the devil),
15 And deliver all who through fear of death were all their life-time
held under bondage.
16 For, one need hardly say, it is not angels that he takes in hand ;
No, he takes in hand the offspring of Abraham.
17 Hence he needed to be made like his brothers in all things,
That he might be merciful and a faithful high priest with regard
to God,
To make propitiation for the sins of the people.
18 For as he was tempted himself in what he suffered,
He is able to help the tempted.
3 1 Wherefore, holy brothers, partakers of a heavenly calling,
Consider Jesus, the apostle and high priest of our confession ;
2 Who -wns faithful to him who appointed him,
Like Moses in God's whole household.
3 For this man has been held worthy of more majesty than Moses,
Inasmuch as he who established the household is more honoured
than the household.
4 For every household is established by someone ;
But he who established all things is God.
5 And while Moses was faithful in God's whole household as a servant—
To bear testimony to what was to be spoken —
6 Christ was faithful as a son over his household ;
And we are his household,
If we hold fast and firm to the end our confidence and the hope
wherein we exult.
7 Therefore, as the holy Spirit says,
To-day, when you hear his voice,

3s-412] HEBREWS 355
8 Make not your heart stubborn as at the provocation
On the day of the trial, in the wilderness,
9 Where your fathers tried me by proving tne,
Yet saw my works for forty years.
10 Therefore was I exasperated with this generation.
And I said, "They are ever erring in their heart ."
Yea, they knew not my tvays.
11 So I swore in my wrath,
"They shall not enter into my rest."
12 Brothers, take care lest there is ever in any one of you an evil heart of
unbelief,
and you depart from the living God :
13 But exhort one another day by dav, as long as the call comes
"To-day"—
so that none of you may become stubborn by the deceit of sin.
14 For we are partakers of Christ,
If we hold fast and firm to the end the confidence with which we
began —
15 While it is said, To-day, when you hear his voice,
Make not your hearts stubborn as in the wilderness.
16 For who heard and yet provoked ?
Was it not all who came out of Egypt under Moses ?
17 And with whom was he exasperated for forty years ?
Was it not with those who had sinned, whose ccrrpses fell in the
wilderness ?
18 And to whom did he swear that they should not enter into his rest ?
: To whom but to those who had disobeyed ?
11 So it was owing to unbelief, we see, that they could not enter. Let
: us then be afraid lest, when there is stiH a promise left of enter
ing into his rest, any one of you be held to have fallen short of it.
2 For indeed we have had the glad tidings preached to us as they had also ;
r but to them the word of the message was of no avail, since the hearers
3 did not make it their own 1 by faith. For it is we who have believed
that enter into the rest ; as he said,
So I swore in my wrath,
" They shall not enter into my rest " —
although from the foundation of the world the works were finished.
4 For he spoke somewhere about the seventh day thus : And God rested on
j- 5 the seventh day from all his works, and again in this place, they shall not
6 enter into my rest. — Well then, since it is reserved for some to enter into it,
and since those who had the glad tidings previously preached to them
v, 7 did not enter on account of disobedience, he appoints a day once more ;
To-day (speaking in David after so long a time, as it has been already
said) To-day, when you hear his voice,
Make not your hearts stubborn.
. 8 For had they been given rest by Joshua, he would not afterwards have
9 spoken of another day. So then there is reserved for the people of God
10 a sabbath-rest ; for he who has entered into his rest, he also has rest from
11 his works, as God from his. Let us then eagerly endeavour to enter into
that rest, so that no one may follow the same example and fall into
"12 disobedience. For the Logos of God is living and active and sharper
than any two-edged sword, penetrating even to the division of soul
1 Reading o-vvxixipapoivcs.

356 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [4u-fi«
and spirit, of both joints and marrow, and quick to judge the thought,
and convictions of the heart :
13 And before Mm nothing created is concealed,
But all thingp are bare and laid open before the eyes of him with
whom we have to do.
14 As we have then a great high priest who has passed through the
heavens, Jesus the Son of God,
Let us hold to our confession.
15 For we have not a high priest who cannot be touched with compassion
for our weaknesses,
But one who has been tempted in all points lite ourselves, apart from sin.
16 Let us draw near then with confidence to the throne of grace,
That we may receive mercy and find grace for timely help.
5 1 For every high priest, being selected from among men, is wont
to be appointed for men Godward, that he may offer both gifts and
2 sacrifices for sins ; one who can bear gently with the ignorant and erring,
3 since he too is himself compassed with weakness, and needs for that
reason to make offering for sins, as for the people so also for hiD-self.
4 And no one takes the office to himself, but takes it when called by
5 God, exactly like Aaron. So Christ also did not exalt himself to the
high priesthood ; nay it was he who spoke to him,
My Son thou art, to-day have I begotten thee :
6 as he says also in another place,
Thou art priest for ever, after the order of Melchizedek.
1 He who in the days of his flesh offered up prayers and supplicatioiis
with strong crying and tears to him who was able to save him from
8 death, and owing to his reverence was heard ; he learned obedience—
9 though he was a Son — by what he suffered ; and after being made perfect,
10 he became the author of eternal salvation to all who obey him, styled by
God a high priest after the order of Melchizedek.
11 In regard to him we have much to say, and it is difficult to explain,
12 since you have become duH. For while you ought to be teachers
(considering the length of time), you again require someone to teach
you the elementary principles of the oracles of God, and you have
1 3 come to require milk and not solid food. For anyone who partakes
of milk is inexperienced in the word of uprightness, he is an infant
14 But soHd food is for the full -grown, for those who by virtue of
3 1 practice have their faculties trained to discern good and eviL Let
us therefore leave the elementary Christian instruction and passonto
what is f uU-grown, instead of laying a foundation over again with
2 repentance from dead actions and with faith towards God, with the
doctrine of baptisms and of laying on of hands, of resurrection of the
3 dead and of judgment eternal. And this we will do, if God permit.
4 For in regard to those who were once enlightened,
Who tasted the heavenly gift and became partakers of the
holy Spirit,
5 And tasted the goodness of God's word and the powers of
the age to come,
6 And then fell away —
It is impossible to be renewing them over again to repentance,
While they are crucifying the Son of God afresh for them
selves
And making him a public spectacle.

6r-715] HEBREWS 357
For the land which drinks in the rain that falls often upon it,
And bears plants suited for those for whose sake it is also tilled,
partakes of blessing from God :
I But if it produces thorns and thistles,
it is reprobate and on the verge of a curse ;
its fate is to be burned.
i But we are persuaded better things of you, beloved, and things con-
i nected with salvation, although we speak in this way. For God is
not unjust, so as to forget your work and the love you showed toward
his name in that you ministered to the saints and minister still.
And our desire is that each one of you may show to the very end
I the same earnestness for the fulness of your hope ; that you may not
become dull, but imitators of those who through faith and patience
: inherit the promises. For when God made a promise to
Abraham, he swore by himself, since he could swear by none greater,
saying, Richly will I bless thee : richly will I multiply thee. And
i so he obtained the promise, after enduring patiently. For men
swear by the greater one, and in every dispute of theirs the oath is
final and settles it. Wherefore, as God meant to demonstrate to
the heirs of the promise more and more the immutability of his
counsel, he intervened with an oath ; so that by two immutable
things in which it is impossible for God to lie, we who have fled
for refuge may have strong encouragement to hold to the hope set
before us, which we possess as an anchor of the soul, both sure and
1 firm, that enters also into what is within the veil, where Jesus entered
as a pioneer for us when he became for ever a high priest after the
order of Melchizedek.
For this Melchizedek, king of Salem, priest of the Most High God, who met
Abraham on his return from the slaughter of the kings and blessed him, and
to whom Abraham assigned a tenth part of all — being first of all by inter
pretation " King of uprightness," and then also King of Salem, which is
" King of peace " ; with no father, with no mother, with no genealogy,
without beginning of days or end of life, but made like to tbe Son of God
: — he remains a priest for all time. Now observe how great this
man was, a man to whom the patriarch A braharm gave a tenth from the best
of the spoils. Also, while those of Levi's sons who receive the priesthood
have a commandment to receive tithes from the people according to the law
(that is, from their brothers), although these people have come out of the
loins of Abraham, he who can trace no descent from them received tithes
from Abraham and blessed the possessor of the promises. Now it is quite
indisputable that the inferior is blessed by the superior. Also, while
here it is mortal men who receive tithes, there it is one of whom the
witness is, "he lives." And, one might almost say, even Levi the receiver of
tithes paid tithes through Abraham ; for he was yet in the loins of his father
when. Melchizedek met him. Now again, had there been perfection
•by the Levitical priesthood (for it was on the basis of that priesthood that
the law was established for the people), what further need was there for
' another priest arising after the order of Melchizedek and not being spoken
of as not after the order of Aaron ? — for when the priesthood is changed,
a change of the law necessarily takes place as well. For he who is thus
spoken of belongs to another tribe, no man of which devoted himself to
'the altar. For it is evident that our Lord has sprung from Judah, and
Moses said nothing about priests in connection with that tribe. And all
this is more plainly evident than ever, if another priest arises after the

358 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [716-8M
16 likeness of Melchizedek, one who has become priest not after the law of a
17 material commandment but after the power of a life indissoluble; for
the witness to him is,
Thou art priest for ever, after the order of Melchizedek.
18 For while a previous commandment is set aside on account of its weakness
19 and uselessness (for the law made nothing perfect), there is introduced
20 a better hope, through which we draw near to God. And
21 inasmuch as this was not done without an oath (for while they have
become priests without an oath, he became priest with an oath, through
him who said to him, The Lord swore and he will not repent, thou art priest
22 for ever), by so much also has Jesus become the surety of a better
covenant.
23 Also, while they have become priests in numbers,
Since they are prevented by death from living on,
24 He has his priesthood inviolate,
Since he abides for ever.
25 Hence also he is able to save to the uttermost those who draw near to
God through him,
Seeing that he ever lives to plead for them.
26 For l such was the proper high priest for us, holy, guileless, undef-led,
27 separated from sinners and made higher than the heavens, who does not
require to offer sacrifices day by day, like the high priest, first for his own
sins and then for those of the people ; he did this once for all by offering
himself.
28 For the law appoints to the high priesthood men who have weakness,
But tbe word of the oath which is after the law appoints a Son who
is made perfect for ever.
8 1 Now, to crown what we are saying ; such a high priest we have,
one who sat down at the right hand of the throne of the Sovereignty
2 in the heavens, a minister of the holy place and of the real tabernack
3 which the Lord pitched, not man. For every high priest is appointed to
offer both gifts and sacrifices ; hence it is necessary that this high
4 priest also should have somewhat to offer. While then he would not be
a priest at all if he were on earth, since there are those who offer the
5 gifts according to the law (men who serve what is an outline and a shadow
of the heavenly things — as Moses was divinely instructed when he was
about to execute the building of the tabernacle ; for see, it is said, that
thou make all things according to the pattern shown thee on the mountain—),
6 as it is, he has obtained a sacred service the more excellent inasmuch as
he is also the mediator of a better covenant, which has been established
7 by law upon better promises. For had not that first covenant been
8 defective, no occasion would have been required for a second. Finding
fault with them he says,
Lo, days are coming, saith the Lord,
When I will conclude a new covenant with the house of Israel om
with the house of Judah ;
9 Not according to the covenant I made with their fathers ,
In the day that I took them by the hand to lead them ovi o]
Egypt's land;
For they did not abide by my covenant,
And I paid no heed to them, saith the Lord.
10 For this is the covenant that I will make with the house of Israel
After those days, saith the Lord :
1 Omitting [[*«/]].

8u-921] HEBREWS 359
I will put my laws into their mind,
And upon their heart I will inscribe them;
And I will be to them a God,
And they shall be to me a people ;
¦ 11 And they shall not teach every man his fellow-citizen,
And every man his brother, saying, "Know the Lord " ;
Because all shall know me,
From the least to the greatest of them.
12 For I will be merciful to their iniquities,
And their sins I will remember no more.
13 In saying a new covenant, he has antiquated the first ; and what is
being antiquated and failing for age, is on the point of disappearing.
9 1 Now even the first covenant indeed had ordinances of sacred service
2 and its sanctuary of this world. For the first part of the tabernacle was
constructed to contain the lampstand and the table and the showbread ;
3 this part is called " holy." And behind the second veil is the tabernacle
4 called " holy of holies," with a golden altar of incense and the ark of the
covenant covered all over with gold and containing a golden pot with the
manna and the rod of Aaron that sprouted and the tablets of the
5 covenant, and above it cherubim of glory overshadowing the mercy-seat
6 — things of which one cannot speak now in detail. Now with these things
thus constructed, the priests are continually going into the first tabernacle
7 performing the services of worship ; but the high priest alone goes
once a year into the second — not without blood, which he offers for
8 himself and for the people's sins of ignorance. By this the holy Spirit
points out that the way into the holy place has not yet been opened, so
9 long as the first tabernacle is still in existence — a symbol as it is for the
present time, according to which both gifts and sacrifices are being offered
that cannot make the worshipper perfect as regards his conscience,
10 since they merely consist of food and drink and various ablutions, ordi-
; 11 nances of the flesh imposed until a time of reformation. But Christ,
on arriving as high priest of the good things to come, through the greater
and more perfect tabernacle which is not made by hands (that is to say,
1 12 not belonging to this creation), nor yet through blood of goats and oxen
but through his own blood, entered into the holy place once for all, and
obtained eternal redemption.
13 For if the blood of goats and oxen and the ashes of a heifer
Sanctify to make the flesh clean, by sprinkling the defiled,
14 How much more shall the blood of Christ who offered himself
through an eternal spirit faultless to God,
Cleanse our l conscience from dead actions to serve the living God ?
15 And hereby he is mediator of a new covenant, so that those who have
been called may receive the promised eternal inheritance, seeing that a
death has taken place to secure redemption from the transgressions under
16 the first covenant. For wherever a will is produced, the death of the
„•' 17 testator must be announced. A will holds good only in the case of the
dead ; since it never has any effect during the life-time of the testator.
18 Hence even the first covenant was not inaugurated apart from blood.
." 19 For after every commandment had been spokeni to all the people by
Moses according to the law, he took the blood of the calves and the goats,
with water and scarlet wool and hyssop, and sprinkled the book itself
20 and also all the people, saying, This is the blood of the covenant which
21 God has ordained with you. In the same way also be sprinkled with the
1 Reading i,u.Sv.

360 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT O^-IO16
22 blood the tabernacle and aU the vessels of the sacred service. Indeed we
may almost say that according to the law aU things are cleansed in
blood, and that "no remission takes place apart from the shedding of blood
23 It was needful then that what were outlines of the things in the heavens
should thus be cleansed,
But that the heavenly things themselves should be cleansed with
better sacrifices.
24 For Christ did not enter into a holy place made by hands (mere anti-type
of the real),
But into heaven itself, to appear now before the face of God for us ;
25 Nor was it to offer himself many times,
As the high priest enters year by year into the holy place with blood that
is not his own
26 (Since in that case he must have suffered many times, from the founda
tion of the world),
But, as it is, he has been disclosed once for all at the close of the
ages to set sin aside through his sacrifice.
27 And inasmuch as it is appointed for men
to die once for aU,
and thereafter to be judged ;
28 So also shaU Christ,
offered once for aU to bear the sins of many,
be seen a second time for salvation apart from sin, by those who
wait for him.
IO 1 For as the law has merely a shadow of the good things to come, not
the very image of the things, it is impossible to make those who draw
near perfect with the same sacrifices which they are perpetually offering
2 year by year. For in that case would they not have ceased to be offered,
because the worshippers would have been no longer conscious of sin after
3 being purified once for all . Whereas in those sacrifices there is year by
4 year a memory of sins. For it is impossible that the blood of oxen and
5 goats should take away sins ; therefore in coming into the world he says,
For sacrifice and offering thou didst not care,
But a body thou didst fashion for me ;
6 In holocausts and offerings for sin thou had.it no delight.
7 Then I said, " Lo, I have come
(In the roll of the book it is written of me)
To do thy will, 0 God."
8 After saying at the outset, For sacrifices and offerings and holocausts
and offerings for sin thou didst not care, and hadst no delight in them (in
9 things which are offered according to the law), he then said, Lo,Ihate
come to do thy will. He repeals the first, that he may set up the second.
10 And by this will we have been sanctified through the offering of the lody
of Jesus Christ once for all.
11 Also, while every priest stands ministering day by day
And offering the same sacrifices many times,
Sacrifices that never can take sins away,
12 He offered one sacrifice for sins,
And sat down at the right hand of God for all time,
13 Waiting henceforth till his enemies are made a footstool for his feet ;
14 For by one offering he has made those who are sanctified, perfect tor
aU time.
15 And the holy Spirit also bears witness to us. For after saying,
16 Tlvis is the covenant which I will make with them

IO17"39] HEBREWS 361
After those days, saith the Lord :
I will put my laws upon their heart,
And upon their mind I will inscribe them,
he adds
17 And their sins and their iniquities I will remember no more.
18 Now where there is remission of these,
There is no longer any offering for sin.
19 As we have confidence then, brothers, to enter the holy place
through the blood of Jesus,
20 By the fresh and living way which he inaugurated for us through
the veil (that is to say, through his flesh),
21 And as we have a great priest over the household of God,
22 Let us draw near with a true heart in fulness of trust,
Our hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience,
And our body washed with pure water :
23 Let us hold fast and unwavering the confession of our hope —
For he is faithful who promised —
24 And let us consider and incite one another to love and good deeds,
25 Not forsaking our way of gathering together —
as is the habit of some —
But exhorting one another ;
and the more so, as you see the Day drawing nigh.
26 For if we are sinning wilfully after receiving the full knowledge of
27 the truth, there is reserved for us no longer a sacrifice for sins, but a
dreadful prospect of judgment and a fury of fire which is to devour the

28 A man who has set aside the law of Moses,
Dies on the evidence of two or three witnesses without mercy ;
29 Of how much sorer punishment, think you, shall a man be held
worthy,
Who has trampled underfoot the Son of God,
And reckoned the blood of the covenant wherewith he was sanctified,
an unclean thing,
And outraged the Spirit of grace 1
30 For we know him who said,
Vengeance is mine, I will repay :
and again, The Lord shall judge his people.
31 It is a dreadful thing to fall into the hands of the living God.
',32 But recall the former days, when you endured a hard struggle with
33 sufferings after you were enlightened, partly as you were exposed to con-
* tempt both by reproaches and by distresses, partly as you became com-
.34 panions of those who had suchan experience. For you were touched with
compassion for those who were in fetters, and you also accepted with joy
the spoiling of your goods, knowing that you have in yourselves better
35 and lasting goods. Throw not away then your confidence, for it brings
36 great recompense of reward. For you have need of endurance, that you
37 may do the will of God and so obtain the promise. For a little while, yet
a very little, and
,„ The coming One shall come and shall not delay :
, 38 Now my upright one shall live by faith ;
"¦ Yet if he shrink back, my soul takes no delight in him.
39 But we belong, not to those who shrink back and are lost, but to those
> who have faith and so preserve the soul.

362 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll1"18
111 Now faith is to be confident of what we hope for,
to be convinced of what we do not see.
2 It was in this that witness was borne to the men of old.
3 By faith we understand that the worlds, have been fashioned by the
word of God,
So that what is visible has not been made out of things that appear.
4 By faith Abel offered to God a better sacrifice than Kain,
Through which he had witness borne him that he was upright
(As God bore witness in respect of his gifts) ;
And thereby it he still speaks in death.
5 By faith Enoch was removed, so that he saw not death :
Yea he was not to be found, for God had removed him.
For before his removal the witness borne to him was, that he had
pleased God well:
6 Now apart from faith it is impossible to please him well,
For he who draws near to God must believe that he exists, and that
he proves a rewarder of those who seek after him.
7 By faith Noah, on being divinely instructed concerning what he did
not see as yet,
Constructed reverently an ark to save his household :
Whereby he condemned the world,
And became heir of the uprightness that proceeds from faith.
8 By faith Abraham obeyed his call to go out into a place which he was to
receive as an inheritance,
And he went out knowing not where he was going.
9 By faith he became a sojourner in the promised land, as in a foreign
land,
Dwelling in tents with Isaac and Jacob, fellow-heirs with him of
the same promise ;
10 For he was waiting for that city with foundations,
Whose architect and builder is God.
11 By faith also Sarah herself received power to conceive offspring even
when she was past the proper age,
Since she reckoned him faithful who had promised.
13 Therefore even of one (and him as good as dead) there was begotten issue
Like the stars of the sky in multitude,
And like the sand which is by the seashore, innumerable.
13 In faith these all died, without obtaining the promises,
But after seeing and hailing them afar off,
And after confessing that they were " strangers and pilgrims on the
earth."
14 For those who speak thus make it evident that they are seeking for a
fatherland.
15 Yea, had they been mindful indeed of that country from which they
went out,
They would have had opportunity to return :
16 But as it is they aspire to a better, that is, a heavenly country ;
Therefore God is not ashamed of them, of being called their God,
For he has prepared a city for them. —
17 By faith Abraham, when he was tried, offered up Isaac :
Yea, he who had welcomed tbe promises was about to offer up his only
son,
] 8 (He to whom it had been said, Thy offspring shall be reckoned
Isaac),

H19"40] HEBREWS 363
19 Since he considered God was able to raise up even from the dead :
And from the dead (in a symbol) he did receive him back.
20 By faith Isaac blessed Jacob and Esau, even concerning things to come.
21 By faith Jacob, when he was dying, blessed each of the sons of Joseph,
And bowed over the top of his staff in worship.
22 By faith Joseph at his death made mention of the exodus of the sons of
Israel,
And gave charge concerning his bones.
23 By faith Moses after birth was hid for three months by his parents,
Because they saw he was a comely child ;
And they feared not the mandate of the king.
24 By faith, when Moses had grown up, he refused to be called the son of a
daughter of Pharaoh,
25 Preferring maltreatment with the people of God to the enjoyment of
sin for a time ;
26 Since he reckoned the reproach of Christ greater riches than the
treasures of Egypt —
For he was looking to the recompense of reward.
27 By faith he left Egypt, through no fear of the king's rage :
For he bore up as one who saw Him who is invisible.
28 By faith he observed the passover and the sprinkling of blood,
So that the destroyer might not touch their first-born.
29 By faith they crossed the Red Sea as on dry land,
Which the Egyptians attempted to do and were swallowed up.
30 By faith the walls of Jericho fell,
After being surrounded for seven days.
31 By faith Rahab the harlot did not perish along with the disobedient,
Because she had received the spies in peace.
32 And what more am I to say .
The time will fail me if I narrate
About Gideon, Barak, Samson, Jephthah,
About David and Samuel and the prophets :
33 Who through faith subdued realms, wrought upright deeds, obtained
promises,
34 Stopped the jaws of lions, quenched the power of fire, escaped the
edge of the sword,
Out of weakness became strong, waxed mighty in war, routed armies
of foreigners.
35 Women received their dead by a resurrection ;
Others were broken on the wheel, refusing to accept their release,
That they might obtain a better resurrection.
36 Others had experience of many a scoff and scourge,
Aye of fetters and imprisonment :
37 They were stoned,1 sawn asunder, slain with the sword,
They went about in sheepskins, in goatskins,
Destitute, distressed, maltreated
38 (Of whom the world was not worthy),
Wandering in deserts and mountains and caves and holes of the
earth.
39 And though all these had witness borne them through their faith,
Yet they obtained not the promise :
40 Since God had something better in view for us,
That apart from us they should not be made perfect.
1 Omitting Icr.ipatrB'vvav.

364 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l2M4
12 1 Therefore as we have round us so great a cloud of witnesses,
Let us too put away every encumbrance and the sin that clings so
close,
And let us run patiently the course set before us,
2 Looking to Jesus the leader and perf ecter of the faith,
Who for the joy set before him endured the cross, despising the shame,
And it seated at the right hand of the throne of God.
3 Yes, consider him who has endured such opposition from men who
were sinners against themselves,1
That you may not grow wearied and faint in your souls.
4 You have not yet resisted to blood in your struggle against sin :
5 And you have forgotten the appeal — one that reasons with you as with
sons —
My son, regard not the Lord's chastening lightly,
Nor faint, -when reproved by him ;
6 For whom the Lord loves, he chastens,
And scourges every son whom he receives.
7 It is for chastening that you endure. God is dealing with you as with
sons;
For what son is there whom his father does not chasten ?
8 H you are without chastening, in which aU come to partaie,
Then you are bastards, and not sons.
9 Furthermore, we used to have the fathers of our flesh to chasten us,
and them we reverenced :
Shall we not much rather be subject to the Father of spirits, and so
Hve ?
10 For while they chastened us after their good pleasure for a few days,
He chastens for our profit, that we may partake of his holiness.
11 For the moment indeed, aU chastening seems to be matter not of joy
but of sorrow;
Yet afterwards it yields peaceable fruit to those who have been
trained by it, fruit of uprightness.
12, 13 Therefore lift up the nerveless hands and the paralysed Imees, and make
even tracks for your feet, so that what is lame may not be dislocated but
14 rather cured. Aim at peace with all men, and at that sanctification
15 without which no one shall see the Lord ; watchful lest anyone
be falling short of the grace of God — lest any bitter root spring up to vex
16 you, and the many be defiled by it ; lest there be any fornicator or
worldly person Hke Esau, who for a single meal sold his own birth-rigid.
17 For you know that even when he afterwards desired to inherit the
blessing, though he sought for it with tears, he was rejected — for he got
no chance of repentance.
18 For you have not drawn near to afire that is felt and flaming, and to
19 blackness and to darkness and to storm, and, to the sound of trumpet and to
the sound of words (at which the hearers begged to have not a word more
20 added, for they could not bear the charge : If even a beast touch the
21 mountain, it shall be stoned) — and so dreadful was the appearance that
22 Moses said, " I am frightened and terrified." Nay, you have drawn near to
Mount Zion, and to the city of the living God, the heavenlv Jerusalem,
23 and to thousands of angels in festal gathering, and to the assembly of the
first-born registered in the heavens, and to the God of all, as judge, and
24 to the spirits of just men made perfect, and to Je^us, mediator of a fresh
covenant, and to that blood of sprinkling which speaks better than Abels.
1 Reading £_._..-..

122__1317] HEBREWS 365
25 See that you refuse not him who speaks :
For if they did not escape,
When they refused him who divinely instructed them on earth,
Much less shall we,
Who turn away from him who speaks from the heavens.
26 At that time his voice shook the earth :
But now he has promised, saying,
Once again will I make not only the earth but the sky also to quake.
27 Now this word "once again" points to the removal of what is shaken,
as of what has been created, so that what is not shaken may be lasting.
28 Therefore, as we receive a realm that is not to be shaken, let us give
thanks, and let us thereby render service that is well-pleasing to God,
29 with reverence and awe. For indeed our God is a consuming fire.
13 1 Let brotherly love continue.
2 Forget not to be hospitable,
For thereby some have entertained angels unawares.
3 Remember those in bonds, as bound with them :
Those who are maltreated, as being also in the body yourselves.
4 Let marriage be honoured among all, and let the bed be un-
defiled :
For God will judge fornicators and adulterers.
5 Let your character be free from the love of money,
Be content with what you have :
For He has said, " Never will I fail thee, never will I forsake thee " ;
6 So that we have confidence to say,
Tlie Lord is my helper, I will not fear.
What shall man do to me ?
7 Remember your chief men, those who spoke God's word to you :
Look back upon the close of their career, and imitate their faith .
8 Jesus Christ is the same, yesterday, to-day, and for ever.
9 Be not carried away by doctrines manifold and foreign ;
For it is good to have the heart confirmed by grace,
Not by foods, which were of no avail to those who had recourse to
them.
10 We have an altar of which they have no right to eat who serve the taber
nacle.
11 For the bodies of those animals, whose blood is brought into the holy place
by the high priest as an offering for sin,
Are burned outside the camp.
12 Therefore, to sanctify the people through his own blood,
Jesus also suffered outside the gate.
13 Then let us go out to him outside the camp, bearing his reproach.
14 (For we have no lasting city here,
We'seek for one which is to come.)
15 Through him then let us offer continually to God a sacrifice of praise,
That is, the fruit of lips confessing to his name.
= 16 And forget not beneficence and contributions ;
For God is well pleased with sacrifices like these.
17 Obey your chief men and be submissive to them, for they watch on behalf
of your souls as those who are to render an account. Let them watch thus
with joy instead of with grief — that would be to your own loss.

366 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [131*-25
18 Pray for us : for we are persuaded we have a good conscience
19 desiring to conduct ourselves aright in all points. And I appeal to vou
more and more to do this, that I may be restored to you the sooner.
20 Now the God of peace, n:ho brought up from the dead the great shepherd of
21 the sheep by the blood of the eternal covenant, even our Lord Jesus, equip yon
with all good for obedience to his will, working in us what is well-
pleasing in his sight through Jesus Christ — to whom be the honour for
ever and ever : Amen.
22 Now I appeal to you, brothers, bear with the word of appeal ; for
23 indeed I have written to you briefly. Know that our brother Timothens
has been released : in company with him I will see you, if he is coming
24 soon. Salute all your chief men, and all the saints. Those of Italy
salute you.
25 Grace be with vou all.

LUKE
For the writers of the gospels the religious interest is supremo. Their
main concern is not to give scrupulously exact accounts of facts, but to make the
moral and religious significance of the facts apparent. . . . One very marked
feature of this gospel is what may be called the idealisation of the characters
of Jesus and tbe disciples. These are contemplated not in tbe light of memory,
as in Mark, but through the brightly-coloured medium of faith. The evangelist
does not forget that the personages of whom he writes are now the risen Lord
and the apostles of the church. Jesus appears with an aureole round his
head, and the faults of the disciples are very tenderly handled. . . . The author
of the third gospel avowedly bad a. didactic aim. But there is no trace of a
dominant theological or controversial aim. He appears to be an eclectic,
rather than a man whose mind is dominated by a great ruling idea. Distinct
if not conflicting tendencies or religious types find house-room in his pages :
Pauline universalism, Jewish particularism, Ebionitic social ideals. A. E_. Bruce.

I1-4 Preface.
15_4_- j0hn and Jesus: the birth-narratives.
the boyhood of Jesus.
31'22 the career of John : the baptism of Jesus.
323"38 the genealogy of Jesus.
41"13 the temptation of Jesus.
-H__60 The Galilaean ministry :
414-5U Nazareth, — Kapharnahum, — the lake of Gennesaret — miracles
and teaching.
5i__g.„ Choice of the twelve — "sermon on mount."
7-927 Jesus and John — miracles and teaching.
928-50 The transfiguration : predictions of the Passion.
9..-19-. The ministry outside Galilee : towards Jerusalem.
Samaria — mission of the Seventy-two :
11-1710 teaching : cycle of sayings on prayer, Satan, signs, current
religion, providence, the coming of the Son of
man, repentance, the Sabbath.
miracles and parables.
17u-1830 teaching: cycle of sayings on "days of Son of man," prayer,
humility, etc.
1830-S4 prediction of Passion.
1835-19s? Jericho.
19---213- The mi„i8try ,-n Jerusalem :
1938-2047 entrance — in the temple — discussion and teaching.
21 the apocalypse of Jesus.
22-23 The Passion of Jesus :
Judas — the supper — in the garden.
the trial, sentence, crucifixion, and death.
the burial.
24 After death : appearances of Jesus — his charges and departure,
367

LUKE
1 1 Inasmuch as many have undertaken to compose a narrative upon the
2 subject of what are matters of conviction among us, even as they were
handed on to us by those who were eye-witnesses and servants of the word
3 from the beginning ; I also determined, as I have accurately investigated
all from the very first, that I would write them for thee in order, most
4 excellent Theophilus, to let thee understand the reliable truth about the
affairs of which thou hast been informed.
5 In the days of Herod, king of Judaea, there was a priest named
Zachariah, belonging to the course of Abijah ; and he had a wife belong-
§ ing to the daughters of Aaron, whose name was Elizabeth. They
were both upright before God, walking in all the commandments and
7 ordinances of the Lord blameless. But they had no child, because
Elizabeth was barren ; and they were both advanced in years.
8 Now it came to pass while he was officiating as priest before God in his
9 usual course, it fell to him by lot (after the custom of the priesthood) to
10 enter the sanctuary of the Lord and burn incense. And all the multitude
11 of the people were praying outside at the hour of incense. And an
angel of the Lord was seen by him, standing on the right side of the
12 altar of incense. And Zachariah was troubled, at the sight, and fear fell
13 upon him. But the angel said to him,
" Fear not, Zachariah ! for thy prayer has been heard,
And thy wife Elizabeth shall bear thee a son, and thou shalt call
his name John.
14 And joy shall be thine and rejoicing,
Yea many shall joy over his birth.
1 5 For he shall be great before the Lord,
And shall drink no wine or strong drink,
And with the holy Spirit shall he be filled even from his mother's
womb ;
16 And many of the sons of Israel shall he turn back to the Lord
their God.
17 Yea, he shall go in front before His face in the spirit and power of
Elijah,
To turn back the hearts of fathers to children, and the disobedient to
the thoughtfulness of the upright —
To make ready for the Lord a prepared people."
18 And Zachariah said to the angel, " How shall I be sure of this . for I am
19 an aged man, and my wife is advanced in years." And in reply the angel
said to him,
" I am Gabriel who stands before God,
And I was sent to speak to thee and bring thee these glad tidings.
20 And lo, thou shalt be silent and unable to speak
Until the day when this comes to pass,

121-40] LUKE 369
Because thou hast not believed my words,
Words that shall be fulfilled at their due time."
21 And the people were waiting for Zachariah ; and as he delayed in the
22 sanctuary, they wondered. When he did come out, he could not speak to
them, and they realised that he had seen a vision in the sanctuary ; then
23 he went on making signs to them, and continued dumb. And it came to
24 pass, when the days of his service had elapsed, he went away home. Now
after these days Elizabeth his wife conceived. And she concealed herself
25 for five months, saying, " Thus the Lord has dealt with me, in the days
when he has deigned to remove my reproach among men ! "
26 Now in the sixth month the angel Gabriel was sent from God to a
27 city of Galilee named Nazaret, to a maiden who was betrothed to a man
named Joseph, belonging to the house of David ; and the maiden's name
28 was Mary. And he came in to her and said, " Hail, 0 highly favoured !
29 The Lord be with thee ! " Startled at the saying, she began to reflect
30 what such a salutation as this could mean. But the angel said to her,
" Fear not, Mary ! thou hast found favour with God.
31 And lo, thou shalt conceive in thy womb and bear a son and call
his name Jesus !
32 He shall be great, and shall be called ' Son of the most High,'
And the Lord God shall give him the throne of David his father ;
33 And he shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever,
And of his reign there shall be no end."
34 And Mary said to the angel, " How shall this be, since I know not a
35 man . " And in reply the angel said to her,
" The holy Spirit shall come upon thee,
And the power of the most High shall overshadow thee,
Therefore also what is born shall be called holy, ' Son of God.'
36 And lo, Elizabeth thy kinswoman, she too has conceived a son in
her old age,
And she who was called ' barren ' is now in her sixth month ;
37 For with God nothing shall be impossible."
¦- 38 And Mary said, " Here am I, the handmaid of the Lord ! Be it to me
according to thy word." Then the angel went away from her.
39 Now in these days Mary rose and journeyed into the hill-country with haste
40 to a city of Judah, and she entered the house of Zachariah and saluted
41 Elizabeth. And it came to pass, when Elizabeth heard the salutation of
Mary, the infant leaped in her womb. And Elizabeth was filled with the
:42 holy Spirit, and she called out with a loud cry and said,
" Blessed art thou among women !
;.: And blessed the fruit of thy womb !
43 And what have I done that the mother of my Lord should come to me .
; '44 For lo, when the sound of thy salutation reached my ears,
The infant leaped in my womb with rejoicing.
,45 And happy is she who believed there should be fulfilment of what
had been told her from the Lord ! "
46 And Mary said,
\ " My soul magnifies the Lord,
jj.17 And my spirit has rejoiced in God my Saviour,
' 18 Because with favour has he looked on the humiliation of his handmaid —
For lo, from this time all generations shall call me happy —

;n9

Because the mighty One has done for me great things ;
And holy is his name.
24

370 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l50"77
50 And his mercy is to generations and, generations,
For those who fear him.
51 A deed of might has he done with his arm,
He has scattered the haughty with their heart's device ;
52 He has cast princes down from thrones and raised the humble,
53 The hungry he has satisfied with good things, and the rich he has
sent away empty.
54 He has given succour to Israel his servant,
That he might remember mercy —
55 Even as he spoke to our fathers —
For Abraham and for his offspring for ever."
56 So Mary stayed with her about three months, and returned to her own
house.
57 Now the time for Elizabeth's delivery had elapsed, and she bore a son.
58 And her neighbours and kinsfolk heard that the Lord had shown supreme
59 mercy to her, and they rejoiced with her. And it came to pass on the
eighth day that they came to circumcise the child ; and they were going
60 to call him after the name of his father, Zachariah. But his mother
61 answered and said, "No ! he shall be called John." And they said to
her, "There is Krone belonging to thy kinsfolk who is called by this
62 name." So they proceeded to make signs to his father, to find out what
63 he would have him called. And he demanded a writing-tablet, and
64 wrote the words, " His name is John." -And they all wondered. And
instantly his mouth was opened, and his tongue ; and he began to speak,
65 blessing God. And fear came on all their neighbours ; and all these
66 events were talked of throughout tbe whole hill-country of Judaea. And
all who heard them laid them up in their heart, saying, "What ever
is this child to be . " For the hand of the Lord also was with him.
67 And Zachariah, his father, was filled with the holy Spirit and
prophesied, saying :
68 " Blessed be the Lord, the God of Israel,
Because he has visited and wrought redemption for his people,
69 And raised, up a horn of salvation for us
In the house of David his servant —
70 Even as he spoke through the lips of his holy prophets from of
old —
71 Safety from our enemies and from the ha'nd of all who hate us;
72 To deal mercifully with our fathers,
And to remember his holy covenant,
73 Tlie oath which he swore to Abraha,m our father,
74 To grant that unafraid, rescued from the hand of our enemies,
75 We should serve him in holiness and uprightness
In his presence all our days.
76 Yea and thou, child, shalt be called, ' prophet of the most
High';
For thou shalt precede the face of tlie Lord to make ready
his ways,
77 To give knowledge of salvation to bis people
Through remission of their sins,

l78-226] LUKE 371
78 Because of our God's heart of mercy,
Whereby the dawn shall visit us from on high,
79 To shine upon those who sit in darkness and the shadow of death,
To direct our feet into the way of peace."
80 And the child grew and became strong in spirit, and he lived in the
deserts till the day of his commission to Israel.
2 1 Now it came to pass in those days that a decree was issued from Caesar
2 Augustus for a census to be taken of the whole world. (This was the first
3 census taken when Quirinius was governor of Syria.) And all went to
4 have themselves registered, every one at his own city. Now Joseph also
went up from the city of Nazaret in Galilee into Judaea, to the city of
David which is called Bethlehem — because he belonged to the house and
5 family of David — to have himself registered, accompanied by Mary his
6 betrothed, who was pregnant. And while they were there, it came to
7 pass that the days elapsed for her delivery. And she bore her firstborn
son ; and as there was no room for them in the khan, she wrapped him in
8 swaddling clothes and laid him in a cattle-stall. And there were
; shepherds in the same district who were out in the fields, keeping guard
: 9 by night over their flock. And an angel of the Lord came upon them,
and the brightness of the Lord shone round them ; and they were terribly
10 afraid. And the angel said to them,
" Fear not ; for lo, I bring you glad tidings of great joy which shall
be for all the people ;
11 For this day there is born to you in David's city a Saviour who
., is Christ the Lord.
,12 And here is a 1 sign for you :
You shall find an infant wrapped in swaddling clothes 2 within a
cattle-stall."
;13 And suddenly there was along with the angel a multitude of the heavenly
. host extolling God and saying,
,14 " Honour to God in the highest !
And on earth peace — among men of his pleasure ! "
15 And it came to pass when the angels had gone away from them into
heaven, the shepherds said to one another, " Come now ! let us go as far
'" as Bethlehem and see this affair that has come to pass, which the Lord
16 has made known to us." So they went with haste and found out Mary
17 and Joseph, and also the infant lying in the cattle-stall. And when they
saw it, they made known all about what had been told them with regard
¦ .8 to this child. And all who heard it wondered at what the shepherds
.9 told them. But Mary pondered all these things, musing over them in
10 her heart. Then the shepherds went back, magnifying and extolling
God for all they had heard and seen, just as it had been told them.
J And when eight days'had elapsed for circumcising him, his name
was called "Jesus" — the name given him by the angel before he had
been conceived in the womb.
,92 And when the days of their purification according to the law of Moses
had elapsed, they brought him up to Jerusalem to present him to the
3 Lord — even as it is written in the law of the Lord, every male that opens
i the womb shall be called "holy to the Lord," — and to offer a sacrifice accord
s' ing to what is said in the law of the Lord, a pair of turtledoves or two
,5 young pigeons. And behold there was a man in Jerusalem whose name
t'J was Symeon. And this man was upright and devout, waiting for the
6 consolation of Israel. And the holy Spirit was upon him, and he had
1 Omitting ... 2 Omitting xai ;-./>.»...

372 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [227-32
been divinely instructed by the holy Spirit, that he was not to see death
27 before he had seen the Christ of the Lord. And he came in the Spirit
into the temple ; and when the parents had brought in the child Jesus to
28 do for him after the usage of the law, then he took him up in his arms
and blessed God, and said :
29 " Now, Master, thou art releasing thy slave,
According to thy word, in peace ;
30 For mine eyes have seen thy salvation,
31 Which thou hast made ready before the face of all peoples,
32 A light for revelation to the Gentiles
And the glory of thy people Israel."
33 And his father and mother were in wonder at what was being said about
34 him. And Symeon blessed them, and said to Mary his mother,
"Lo,this child is destined to be the downfall and rise of many in Israel,
And a sign that is objected to —
35 Yea and through thine own soul a spear shall pierce —
That thoughts from many a heart may be disclosed."
36 And there was a prophetess Hannah, the daughter of Phanuel, belonging
to the tribe of Asher. She was far advanced in years, as she had lived
37 with her husband for seven years from her maidenhood, and had been a
widow now for eighty-four years. She was never away from the temple,
38 but worshipped, fasting and praying, night and day. And at that very
hour she came up to them ; and she offered praise to God and proceeded
to speak about him to all who were waiting for the redemption of Israel.
39 And when they had finished all that was prescribed by the
law of the Lord, they returned to Galilee, to their own city Nazaret.
40 And the child grew and became strong, being filled with wisdom ; and
God's favour was upon him.
41 And his parents used to journey every year to Jerusalem at the
42 festival of the passover. And when he was twelve years old they went
43 up as usual to the festival. And after the days had been completed, they
were on their way back, when the boy Jesus remained behind in
44 Jerusalem. But his parents did not know of it ; supposing he was in the
caravan, they went on their way for a day, and meanwhile searched for
45 him among their kinsfolk and acquaintances. And when they could
46 not find him, they went back to Jerusalem in search of him. And it
came to pass after three days they found him in the temple sitting
among the teachers, listening to them and also putting questions to them ;
47 and all who heard him were amazed at his intelligence and replies.
48 And when they saw him, they were astonished ; and his mother said to
him, " Child, why hast thou treated us in this way ? Lo, thy father and
49 I were seeking thee in anguish ! " And he said to them, " Why was it
that you sought me ? Did you not know that I fnust be within my Father's
50 house 1 " But they did not understand the word that he spake to
51 them. And he went down with them and came to Nazaret, and was
subject to them. And his mother kept all the sayings carefully in her
52 heart. And Jesus went on advancing in wisdom and stature, and in favour
with God and man.
3 1 Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, when
Pontius Pilate was procurator of Judaea, Herod tetrarch of Galilee,
Philip his brother tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and
2 Lysias tetrarch of Abilene — during the highpriesthood of Annas and
Kaiaphas, God's word came to John the son of Zachariah in the wilder-

33"22] LUKE 373
3 ness. And he went into all the country surrounding the Jordan,
preaching a baptism of repentance for the remission of sins — as it is
4 written in the book of the words of Isaiah the prophet,
The voice of one crying in the wilderness :
"Make ready the ivay ofthe Lord,
Make level his paths !
5 Every valley shall be filled up,
And every mountain and mound laid low,
And the crooked shall be made straight,
And the rough ways smooth ;
6 And all flesh shall see the salvation of God."
7 He said therefore to the crowds who journeyed out to get baptized by him,
"You offspring of vipers, who has directed you to flee from the
wrath to come .
8 Bear fruits, then, befitting your repentance :
And do not attempt to say to yourselves, ' We have Abraham as
our father ' ;
9 For I tell you, God can raise up children for Abraham from these
stones !
Even already is the axe laid at the root of the trees :
So shall each tree be hewn and thrown into the fire, unless it
bear sound fruit."
10 And the crowds plied him with questions, saying, " What are we to do,
- 11 then ? " And in reply he said to them,
" He who has two tunics, let him share with him who has none,
And let him who has food do likewise."
¦T2 Tax-gatherers also came to get baptized ; and they said to him, " Teacher,
13 what are we to do . " He said to them, " Exact no more than your
-14 instructions." Men on military service also questioned him, saying,
" And what are we to do . " And he told them, " Use no violence to
anyone, nor defraud by false charges, but be satisfied with your
pay."
pl5 Now as the people were in expectation and all were arguing in their
'-16 hearts about John, " Could this be the Christ . " — John answered, saying
to them all,
- " With water I baptize you ;
But one is coming mightier than I,
The thong of whose sandals I am not fit to untie,
He shall baptize you with the holy Spirit and fire —
17 Whose winnowing fan is in his hand for cleansing out his
i> threshing-floor,
To gather the corn into his granary,
•;. But the straw he will burn up with fire unquenchable."
i 8 Thus, with many other appeals as well, he preached glad tidings to
;, 9 the people. But Herod the tetrarch, who had been reproved by him for
> Herodias the wife of his brother, and for all the wickedness that be,
¦.0 Herod, had done, crowned it all by shutting up John in prison.
1 Now it came to pass, when all the people had been baptized, and
Jesus also had been baptized and was at prayer, the skies were opened
,¦2 and the holy Spirit came down in bodily form, like a dove, upon him ;
'. and a voice came out of the sky,
; " My Son thou art :
i. To-day have I begotten thee." 1
1 Reading vii; pmv .T crv, iyu tTvtpLlp.v yiyivvr,xa tri.

374 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [Z23-^
23 And Jesus himself, at the outset, was about thirty years old, being
24 the son (as it was supposed) of Joseph, the son of Heli, the son of
Matthat, the son of Levi, the son of Melchi, the son of Jannai, the son of
25 Joseph, the son of Mattathias, the son of Amos, the son of Nahum, the
26 son of Esli, the son of Naggai, the son of Maath, the son of Mattathias,
27 the son of Semein, the son of Josech, the son of Joda, the son of Joanan,
the son of Rhesa, the son of Zerubbabel, the son of Shealtiel, the son of
28 Neri, the son of Melchi, the son of Addi, the son of Kosam, the son of
29 Elmadam, the son of Er, the son of Jesus, the son of Eliezer, the son of
30 Joriui, the son of Matthat, the son of Levi, the son of Symeon, the son of
31 Judas, the son of Joseph, the son of Jonam, the son of Eliakim, the son of
Melea, the son of Menna, the son of Mattatha, the son of Natham, the son
32 of David, the son of Jesse, the son of Obed, the son of Boaz, the son of
33 Sala, the son of Nahshon, the son of Aminadab, the son of Admim, the son
34 of Ami, .he son of Hezron, the son of Perez, the son of Judah, the son of
Jacob, the son of Isaac, the son of Abraham, the son of Terah, the son of
35 Nachor, the son of Serug, the son of Reu, the son of Pelag, the son of
36 Eber, the son of Sala, the son of Kainan, the son of Arphaxad, the son of
37 Shem, the son of Noah, the son of Lamech, the son of Methuselah, the
son of Enoch, the son of Jared, the son of Maleleel, the son of Kainan,
38 the son of Enos, the son of Seth, the son of Adam, the son of God.
4 1 Now Jesus, full of the holy Spirit, returned from the Jordan, and in
2 the Spirit he was led for forty days within the wilderness, tempted by
the devil. And he ate nothing during those days ; and when they were
3 concluded, he was hungry. The devil said to him, " If thou art God's
4 Son, order this stone to become bread." But Jesus answered him,
5 It is written : "Not on bread alone is man to live." Then he brought him
up and showed him all the realms of the world in a single instant
6 And the devil said to him, " To thee will I give all the jurisdiction and
the grandeur of these ; for to me has it been delivered, and I give it to
7 whomsoever I choose. If thou wilt do reverence before me, then shall it
8 all be thine." Jesus said to him in reply, " It is written : Thou shall io
9 reverence to the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou worship." Then he
brought him to Jerusalem ; and setting him on the pinnacle of the
temple, he said to him, " If thou art God's Son, throw thyself down
10 from here ; for it is written :
He shall charge his angels concerning thee, to guard thee safe :
1 1 and, On their hands they shall bear thee,
Lest ever thou strike thy foot against a stone.''
12 But Jesus said to him in reply, "It is said: Thou shall not make trial of
13 tlie Lord thy God." And after exhausting every kind of temptation, the
devil left him till a fit opportunity.
14 And Jesus returned in the power of the Spirit to Galilee. And a
report about him went out through the whole of the surrounding
15 district. And he taught in their synagogues, while all magnified him.
16 And he came to Nazara where he had been brought up ; and as his
custom was, he entered the synagogue on the sabbath-day. And he
17 stood up to read, and was handed the book of the prophet Isaiah.
Then opening the book, he came upon the place where it was written :•
18 " The Spirit of the Lord is upon me,
Therefore he has anointed me to preach glad tidings to the poor,
He has sent me to -proclaim release to the captives and recovery of stfi
to the blind,

419"4*] LUKE 375
To set tlie oppressed at liberty,
19 To proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord."
20 And he folded up the book, handed it back to the attendant, and sat
21 down. And the eyes of all in the synagogue were fixed on him. And
he began to say to them, " To-day this scripture has been fulfilled in
22 your ears." And all spoke well of him and marvelled at the winsome
words that issued from his mouth ; and they kept saying, "Is not this
23 Joseph's son?" And he said to them, " No doubt you will tell me this
proverb : ' Physician, heal thyself. All that we have heard was done
24 at Kapharnahum, do here as well in thine own country.' I tell you
truly," said he, "no prophet is acceptable in his own native place.
25 I tell you for a fact,
In Israel there were many widows in the days of Elijah,
When the sky was closed for three years and six months,
When a great famine came over the land ;
26 Yet Elijah was sent to none of thern,
But only to Zarephath in the land of Sidon, to a woman who was a
widow.
27 And in Israel there were many lepers in the time of Elijah the
prophet ;
Yet none of them were cleansed,
But only Naaman the Syrian."
28 And all in the synagogue were filled with rage when they heard this.
29 And they rose up and threw him outside the city, and brought him to
the brow of the hill on which their city was built, in order to hurl him
30 down. But he passed through the midst of them and went on his way.
31 And he went'down to Kapharnahum, a city of Galilee. And he was
32 teaching them on the sabbath-day ; and they were astonished at his
33 teaching, because his word was invested with authority. And in the
34 synagogue there was a man with the spirit of an unclean daemon, and it
shrieked with a loud voice, " Ha ! what have we to do with thee, Jesus of
Nazaret ? Hast thou come to destroy us . I know who thou art, the
35 holy One of God." And Jesus rebuked it. "Silence ! " said he, "leave
him ! " And after throwing him down in the midst, the daemon left him
36 without having done him any injury. And wonder came upon all, and
they talked together with one another, saying, " What does this mean ?
For with authority and power he commands the unclean spirits, and
37 they leave ! " And a rumour about him spread to every place in the
38 surrounding country. Rising up, he went from the synagogue
into the house of Simon. Now the mother of Simon's wife was laid up
39 with a severe fever, and they asked him about her. And he stood over
her and rebuked the fever, and it left her ; and instantly she rose up and
40 ministered to them. Now when the sun was setting, all who had
any people sick with manifold diseases brought them to him, and he laid
4] his hands on every one of them and healed them. And daemons also
left many people, clamouring, " Thou art the Son of God ! " And rebuk
ing them he would not allow them to speak, because they knew he was
42 the Christ. Now when day broke, he went out and made his
way to a desert place. And the crowds searched for him and came to
him, and they would have detained him to prevent him leaving them.
43 But he said to them, " I must preach the glad tidings of God's reign to
44 the other cities as well, for that is what I was sent to do." Then he
continued preaching throughout the synagogues of Judaea.1
i Reading 'I.-So-.c...

376 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [51"30
5 1 Now it came to pass, while the crowd were pressing on him and
listening to the word of God, that he was standing beside the lake of
2 Gennesaret ; and he saw two boats lying beside the lake, but the fisher-
3 men had disembarked from them, and were washing their nets. And he
entered one of the boats, which belonged to Simon, and asked him to
push out a short distance from the land. And he sat down and proceeded
4 to teach the crowds out of the boat. And when he stopped speaking, he
said to Simon, " Push out into the deep water, and lower your nets for a
5 take." And Simon answered and said, " Chief, we have toiled the whole
night long, and got nothing ! — still, at thy word I will lower the nets."
6 And when they did so, they enclosed a huge shoal of fish. And their
7 nets began to break, and they made signs to their comrades in the other
boat to come and assist them. And they came and filled both the boats,
8 so that they began to sink. Now when Simon Peter saw it, he fell down
9 at the knees of Jesus, saying, " Lord, leave me ; I am a sinful man ! " For
wonder had seized him and all his companions at the take of fish which
10 they had caught ; and this was the case also with James and John,
Zebedee's sons, whom Simon had as partners. And Jesus said to Simon,
11 " Fear not, from this time thy captures shall be men." And when they
had brought their boats to land, they left all, and followed him.
12 And it came to pass, when he was in one of the cities, a man was there full of
leprosy. And when he saw Jesus, he fell on his face and entreated him,
13 saying, " Sir, if thou wilt, thou canst make me clean." And stretching
out his hand he touched him, saying, " I will : be clean." And ini-
14 mediately the leprosy left him. And he charged him to tell no one ;
" Go awajV said he, "show thyself to the priest, and offer for thy cleansing
15 as Moses commanded — as a proof to men." But the news about him
spread all the more, and large crowds kept gathering to hear and to be
16 healed of their illnesses. But he used to withdraw into the deserts and
17 pray. And it came to pass on one of those days that he was teaching,
while Pharisees and doctors of the law were sitting near who had come
out of every village of Galilee and Judaea and Jerusalem ; and the power
18 of the Lord was there, so that he could cure. And behold some men
bring on a bed a man who was paralysed ; and they tried to bring him
19 in and lay him before him. And as on account of the crowd they could
not find any way of bringing him in, they got up on the house-top, and
let him down through tlie tiles of the roof, couch and all, into the midst in
20 front of Jesus. And on seeing their faith, he said, " Man, thy sins are
21 forgiven thee." And the scribes and the Pharisees began to argue, "Who
is this fellow that talks blaspheni}' ? Who can forgive sins, except God
22 only ? " Now on understanding their thoughts, Jesus answered and said
23 to them, " What are you arguing about in your hearts . Which is easier,
24 to say, ' Thy sins are forgiven thee,' or to say, ' Rise and walk ' . But,
to let you know that the Son of man has authority on earth to forgive
sins"— he said to the paralysed man — "I say to thee, 'Rise, and take up
25 thy couch and go home.' " And instantly he rose before them, took up
26 what he was lying on, and went away home magnifying God. And
amazement took hold of them all, and they continued to magnify God,
and were filled with awe, saying, "We have seen incredible things
27 to-day." And after this he went out, and observing a tax-gatherer,
named Levi, who sat at the tax-office, he said to him, "Follow me."
28, 29 And leaving all, he rose and followed him. And Levi gave a great
banquet for him in his house ; and there was a large throng of tax-
30 gatherers and of others who were reclining at table with them. And the

531-615] LUKE 377
Pharisees and their scribes murmured against his disciples, saying, " Why
31 are vou citing and drinking with the tax-gatherers and sinners ? " And
in answer Jesus said to them,
" The healthy need not a physician, but those who are ill :
32 I have not come to call upright men but sinners to repentance."
33 And they said to him, '' The disciples of John fast frequently and oiler
prayers, as also do the disciples of the Pharisees ; but thy disciples eat aud
34 drink." And Jesus said to them,
" Can you make the sons of the bride-chamber fast,
While the bridegroom is with them ?
35 But days will come, days when the bridegroom shall be taken away
from them,
Then will they fast in those days."
36 Also he told them a parable :
" No man tears a piece from a new cloak and sews it on an old cloak :
Otherwise, he will tear the new,
Nor will the new piece match with the old.
37 And no man pours fresh wine into old wine-skins :
Otherwise, the fresh wine will burst the wine-skins,
It will be spilt itself, and the wine-skins lost.
38 No, fresh wine must be poured into new wine-skins.
39 Besides, no man who has drunk old wine wants fresh.
[['The old,' says he, 'is excellent.']]"
6 1 Now it came to pass on a sabbath-day x that he was passing through
the cornfields ; and his disciples plucked the ears of corn and ate them,
2 rubbing them in their hands. But some of the Pharisees said, " Why are
3 you doing what it is wrong to do upon the sabbath . " And in answer
Jesus said to them, " Have you not read even this deed of David when he
4 was hungry, he and his companions ? How he went into the house of God
and took and ate the show-bread, and gave it to his companions — bread
5 which no one except the priests has any right to eat . " And he said to
them, " The Son of man is lord even of the sabbath." [[On the same
day, observing a man at work on the sabbath, he said to him, " Man, if
• thou knowest what thou art doing, happy art thou ; but if thou knowest
6 not, thou art cursed, and a transgressor of the law."]] 2 And it came
to pass on another sabbath-day that he entered the synagogue and taught.
7 And a man was there, and his right hand was withered. And the scribes
and the Pharisees were watching him narrowly to see if he would heal on
8 the sabbath, that they might discover something to accuse him of. But,
aware of their thoughts, he said to the man who had the withered hand,
9 " Rise and stand forward." And he got up and stood forward. And
Jesus said to them, " I ask you, is it right to help or to harm upon the
10 sabbath-day . to save life or to destroy it . " And after looking round
upon them all, he said to him, " Stretch out thy hand." He did so, and
11 his hand was restored. But they became filled with rage, and began to
confer with one another about what they should do to Jesus.
12 Now it came to pass in these days that he went out to the mountain to
, 13 pray ; and he spent the whole night in prayer to God. And when day
broke he summoned his disciples, and from them he chose twelve, whom
14 he also named "apostles" : Simon (whom he also named Peter) and Andrew
15 his brother, and James and John, and Philip and Bartholomew, and
1 Omitting [f ilVTtpocrpiiToi]].
- Adding [[t-ji c__.)T vtpOipa Btacrapclvoc Tux IpyaCopi-vov rS crxSpdru li-zlv -,-Tc-- aiCf'_.£,
it jj^v oj.aj 77 rrcwtpV, piaxaptoc iT fi -s pih oTSa;, xtcrdpaTos xai TxpaSccTr,; u tov v.^~.."JJ.

378 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [616"36
Matthew and Thomas, and James the son of Alphaeus and Simon (who was
16 called "the Zealot "), and Judas the .-on of James and Judas of Kerioth
17 (who turned traitor). And he went down with them and stood on a level
spot, with a large throng of his disciples and a large multitude of the
people from all Judaea and Jerusalem and the sea-coast of Tyre and
18 Sidon, who had come to hear him and to be cured of their diseases. And
19 those '«rho were vexed with unclean spirits were healed. And all the
crowd made efforts to touch him, because power kept issuing from him
20 and curing aU. Then, lifting up his eyes on his disciples, he said :
" Happy ye who are poor !
For yours is the reign of God.
21 Happy ye who are hungry now !
For you shall be filled.
Happy ye who are weeping now !
For you shall laugh.
22 Happy are you when men shall hate you, and when they shall expel
you and denounce you and reject your name as evil, for the
sake of the Son of man.
23 Rejoice in that day and leap! for behold, great is your reward
in heaven.
For even so dealt their fathers with the prophets.
24 But woe to you who are rich !
For you are getting aU your comfort.
25 Woe to you who are satisfied now !
For you shaU hunger.
Woe, you who are laughing now !
For you shall mourn and weep.
26 Woe, when all men shall speak weU of you !
For even so dealt their fathers with the false prophets.
2 7 But I teU you who are listening :
Love your enemies, do good to these who hate you,
28 Bless those who curse you, pray for those who ill-treat you.
29 To him who strikes thee on the one cheek,
Offer the other also ;
And from him who takes thy cloak away,
Keep not back thy tunic also.
30 Give to every one who asks thee ;
And from him who takes away thy goods, ask them not again.
31 Yes, even as you would have men to do to you,
So do to them also, yourselves.
32 And if you love those who love you, what recompense is yours ?
Why, even sinners love those who love them.
33 And if you help those who help you, what recompense is yours .
Why, even sinners do that.
34 And if you lend to those from whom you hope to receive, what
recompense is yours .
Even sinners lend to sinners, to get back as much in return.
35 Rather, love your enemies and help and lend, looking for no return,
Then shall your reward be great,
And you shall be sons of the most High,
For he is kind to the ungrateful and evil.
36 Be pitiful,
Even as your Father is pitiful.

6s7-78] LUKE 379
37 Also : judge not, and you shall not be judged ;
Condemn not, and you shall not be condemned ;
Release, and you shall be released ;
38 Give, and it shall be given you —
Ample measure, pressed clown, shaken together and running over,
shall they pour into your bosom.
For with what measure you measure,
It shall be measured to you in return."
39 Now he also told them a parable :
" Can a blind man guide a blind man ?
Shall they not both fall into a ditch 1
40 A pupil is not above his teacher :
Yet every finished pupil shall be like his teacher.
41 Why look at the splinter in thy brother's eye,
And mark not the beam in thine own eye ?
42 How canst thou say to thy brother, ' Come, brother ! let me pull out
the splinter in thine eye,'
When thou thyself dost not look at the beam in thine eye 1
Hypocrite ! pull the beam out of thine own eye first,
Then indeed shalt thou see clearly to pull out the splinter in thy
brother's eye.
43 For there is no sound tree that brings forth rotten fruit,
Nor again is there a rotten tree that brings forth sound fruit :
44 Each tree is known by its own fruit.
Men do not gather figs from thorns,
Nor do they pluck grapes from a bramble-bush.
45 The good man from the good storehouse of his heart brings out what
is good,
And the bad man from the bad storehouse brings out what is bad :
For out of the heart's abundance the mouth of man speaks. —
46 Why call me ' Lord, Lord ! ' and do not what I say .
47 Everyone who comes to me and hears my words and obeys them,
48 I will let you know whom he is like.
He is like a man building a house, who dug and deepened and laid a
foundation upon the rock ;
And when a flood came, the stream broke against that house and had
no power to shake it, because it was well built.
49 But he who hears and obeys not,
Is like a man wdio built a house upon the earth without a foundation,
Against which the stream broke, and immediately it collapsed ;
and the ruin of that house was great."
7 1 When he had ended all his sayings in the hearing of the people, he
2 entered Kapharnahum. Now a centurion's slave, whom he
3 greatly valued, was ill and at the point of death. So when he heard
about Jesus, he despatched some elders of the Jews to him asking him to
i come and restore his slave. And on reaching Jesus they earnestly
5 besought him, saying, " He is worthy to have this boon from thee, for he
6 loves our nation, and has built the synagogue for us, himself." So Jesus
went with them. And when he was by this time not far from the house,
the centurion sent some friends to tell'him, " Do not trouble thyself, sir.
7 I am not fit to have thee come under my roof ; hence I did not even
consider myself worthy to come to thee. Say but the word, and let my
8 servant be cured. For indeed I am myself a man placed under authority,

380 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [79"31
with soldiers under me : and I say to this man, 'Go,' and he goes ; to
another, ' Come,' and he comes ; to my slave, ' Do this,' and he does it."
9 Now when Jesus heard this, he marvelled at him ; and turning to the
crowd that followed him, he said, " I tell you, not even in Israel have I
10 found such faith as this ! " And when the messengers went back to the
11 house, they found the slave in sound health. And it came to
pass shortly afterwards that he journeyed to a city called Nain ; and his dis-
12 ciples journeyed with him, and a large crowd. Now when he came near to
the gate of the city, behold a dead man was being carried out, the only son
of his mother — and she was a widow. And a considerable crowd from
13 the city accompanied her. So when the Lord saw her, he was moved with
14 compassion for her, and said to her, "Weep not." Then he went up and
touched the bier ; and the bearers stood still. And he said, " Young man,
15 I say to thee, Rise ! " And the corpse sat up and began to speak. And
16 he gave him to his mother. And fear took hold of all, and they began to
magnify God, saying, " A great prophet has risen among us 1 " and " God
17 has visited his people ! " And this story about him spread through the
whole of Judaea and all the surrounding country.
18, 19 And John had all this reported to him by his disciples. So calling
two of his disciples to him, he sent them to the Lord with the question,
20 "Art thou he 'who is to come"? or are we to expect another ? " And
when the men reached him, they said, "John the baptizer has sent us to
thee with the question, ' Art thou he " who is to come " . or are we to
21 expect another V " At that hour he healed many people of diseases and
plagues and hurtful spirits, and bestowed sight on many blind people.
22 And in answer he said to them, " Go and report to John what you have
Been and heard :
The blind regain their sight, the lame walk,
The lepers are cleansed, the deaf 1 hear,
The dead are raised, the poor have glad tidings preached to them.
23 And hapj.y is he who is repelled by nothing in me."
24 Now when the messengers had gone away, he began to speak about John
to the crowds :
" What did you go out into the wilderness to view ? A reed being
shaken by the wind .
25 Nay, what did you go out to see ? A man clothed in soft robes?
Lo, those who live in splendid apparel and luxury are in king's
palaces.
26 Nay, what did you go out to see 1 A prophet ?
Yes, I tell you, and far more than a prophet.
27 This is he of whom it is written,
Lo, I send my messenger before thy face,
JIHio shall prepare thy way before thee.
28 I tell you, among those born of women, none is greater than John ;
Yet he who is least in the realm of God is greater than he."
29 (And on hearing it all the people and the tax-gatherers acknowledged
God was right,
As they had received the baptism of John.
30 But the Pharisees and the lawyers frustrated God's purpose for
themselves,
As they did not get baptized by him.)
31 " To what then shall I compare the men of this generation .
And to what are they like ?
1 Omitting [[xai]].

782-85] LUKE 381
32 They are like children who sit in the marketplace and address one
another, saying,
' We piped to you, and you did not dance :
We lamented, and you did not weep.'
33 For John the baptizer has come, eating no bread and drinking no
wine,
And you say, ' He has a daemon ' :
34 The Son of man has come, eating and drinking,
And you say, ' Here is a man of gluttony and wine, a friend of
tax-gatherers and sinners.'
35 (Yet wisdom is vindicated by all her children.)"
36 Now one of the Pharisees asked him to eat with him. And he entered
37 the Pharisee's house and reclined at table. And lo, a woman who was
a sinner in the city ascertained that he was reclining at table in the
38 Pharisee's house ; and she brought an alabaster flask of ointment, and as
she stood behind at his feet and wept, she began to wet his feet with her
tears and wipe them with the hair of her head. And she continued to
39 fondly kiss his feet and to anoint them with the ointment. Now when the
Pharisee who had invited him saw it, he said to himself, " Were this man
a prophet, he would know who this woman is that is touching him, and
40 what is her character ; for she is a sinner." And in answer Jesus said to
him, "Simon, I have something to say to thee." And he says, "Say it,
41 teacher." " A moneylender had two debtors, one owed him five hundred
42 shillings and the other fifty. As they were unable to pay, he forgave
43 them both. Which of them therefore will love him most ? " Simon
answered and said, " The man, I suppose, to whom he forgave the most."
44 And he said to him, " Thou hast judged correctly." And turning to the
woman, he said to Simon, " Seest thou this woman 1 I came into thy
house ;
Thou gavest me no water for my feet,
But she has wet my feet with her tears and wiped them with her
hair :
45 Thou gavest me no kiss,
But she, from the time that I came in, has not ceased to fondly
kiss my feet :
46 Thou didst not anoint my feet with oil,
But she has anointed my feet with ointment.
47 Therefore I tell you ; many as her sins are, they are forgiven, because
she has loved much :
But he to whom little is forgiven has little love."
., 49 And he said to her, " Thy sins are forgiven." And his fellow-guests
50 began to say to themselves, " Who is this, that even forgives sins ? " But
he said to the woman, " Thy faith has restored thee, go in peace."
8 1 _ And it came to pass shortly afterwards that he travelled about from
city to city and village to village, preaching and bringing the glad tidings
2 of God's reign, accompanied by the twelve and by some women who had
been healed of hurtful spirits and illnesses, Mary (who was called " of
3 Magdala") from whom seven daemons had gone out, and Joanna the wife
of Chuzas (Herod's manager), and Susanna, and many others — women who
4 were ministering to them out of their goods. Now as a large crowd was
mustering and people from every city were resorting to him, he spoke by
means of a parable :
6 "A sower went out to sow his seed.
And as he sowed

382 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [s^27
Some seed fell along the path and was trampled under foot,
And the birds of the air ate it up.
6 And other seed dropped on the rock,
And springing up it withered away, because it had no moisture.
7 And other seed fell in the midst of the thorns,
And the thorns sprang up along with it, and completely choked it.
8 And other seed fell into the honest soil,
And springing up it produced a crop one hundredfold.'"
As he said this he cried aloud, " He who has ears to hear, let him hear."
9 Now his disciples plied him with questions about what this parable
10 could mean. And he said,
" To you it is given to know the secrets of God's reign ;
But for the rest it is by way of parables,
That for all their sight they may not .....
And. for all their hearing tliey may not understand.
11, 12 This is the parable. The seed is the word of God. Those 'along the
path ' are people who have heard ; then come, the devil and takes
away the word from their heart, that they may not believe and be saved.
13 Those 'on the rock' are people who, when they have heard, welcome
the word with joy ; yet these have no root, they believe for a time, and
14 in time of trial fall away. As for the seed that feU among the thorns,
that means people who have heard ; yet they come to be choked with
15 anxieties and riches and life's pleasures, and so they never ripen. But
as for the seed in the good ground — those are the peoole who in a good
and honest heart have heard the word and hold it fast ; and so, enduring
patiently, they bear fruit.
16 No man, after setting light to a lamp, covers it with a vessel or puts
it below a bed.
Nay, he puts it on a lampstand, that those who enter may see
the light.
17 For nothim. is hidden that shaU not be disclosed,
Nor concealed, that shall not be known and come to view.
1 5 Take heed then how you hear :
For whosoever has,
To him shaU be given :
But whosoever has not,
From him shaU be taken even what he thinks he has."
19 Now his mother and brothers arrived where he was, and could not
20 join him for the crowd. And word was brought him, ¦¦ Thy mother and
21 thy brothers are standing outside, wishing to see thee." But in answer
he said to them, " My mother and my brothers are those who hear and
obey the word of God."
22 Now it came to pass, one day, that he entered a boat with his disciples :
23 and he said to them, " Let us cross to the opposite side of the lake." S.
they set sail ; and during the voyage he fell a-leep. And down came
a squall of wind upon the lake, and they were be-ins swamped and were
24 in danger. So they went to him and woke him up, saying, " Chief !
chief ! we are perishing ! " Then wakening up he rebuked the wind
and the surge of the water ; and they ceased, and there was a calm.
25 Then he said to them, "Where is your faith?" And they feared and
marvelled, saying to one another, •¦ Whoever is this ? he orders even the
26 wind . and the water, and they obey him ! " And they put in at
27 the country of the Gerasenes, which is on the shore opposite Galilee. And
when he stepped out upon the land, he was met by a man from the city,

828"6*] LUKE 383
who had daemons ; for a considerable time he had worn no clothing, and
28 he stayed not in a house but among the tombs. And on seeing Jesus he
shrieked, and dropping down before him said with a loud voice, " What
have I to do with thee, Jesus, Son of the most High God . I entreat thee,
29 torment me not ! " (For he was charging the unclean spirit to leave the
man.) For many a time when it had gripped him, he had been fastened
and secured with chains and fetters ; yet he would break the bonds and
30 be driven by the daemon into the deserts. Then Jesus questioned
him,1 " What is thy name 1 " " Legion," said he (because many daemons
31 had entered him). And they besought him not to order them to depart
32 into the abyss. Now a drove of a good many swine was there, grazing
on the mountain ; and they besought him to permit them to enter these.
33 And he permitted them. Then the daemons left the man and entered
the swine, and the drove rushed down the steep slope into the lake and
34 was suffocated. Now when the herdsmen saw what had happened, they
35 fled and brought word of it to the city and the hamlets. And the people
came out to see what had happened ; and they came to Jesus and found,
seated at the feet of Jesus, the man whom the daemons had left, clothed
36 and sensible. And they were afraid. And those who had seen it told
them how he who had been possessed by daemons had been restored.
37 And all the multitude belonging to the surrounding country of tbe
Gerasenes asked him to depart from them, for they were possessed with
38 great fear. And he embarked in a boat and returned. Now the man
whom the daemons had left, entreated him that he might accompany
39 him ; but he sent him away, saying, " Return home and describe all that
God has done for thee." And he departed to preach throughout the
whole city all that Jesus had done for him.
40 Now it came to pass at the return of Jesus, that the crowd welcomed
41 him ; for they were all looking out for him. And behold, a man named
Jaeiros came (and he was a president of the synagogue) and fell down at
42 the feet of Jesus and besought him to come to his house, because he had
an only daughter about twelve years old, and she was dying. Now as he
43 went, the crowds were crushing him. And there was a woman who had
had an issue of blood for twelve years, who [[had besides spent the whole
of her livelihood upon physicians and]] could not be healed by anyone.
44 She came behind him and touched the tassel of his cloak ; and instantly
45 the issue of her blood stopped. Then said Jesus, " Who was it that touched
me?" And as everyone was denying it, Peter and his companions said,
46 "Master, the crowds are close to thee and pressing hard ! " But Jesus
said, " Someone did touch me, for I was conscious of power having issued
47 from me." So when the woman saw she had not escaped notice, she
came trembling and fell down before him and declared in the presence of
all the people her reason for touching him, and how she had been instantly
48 cured. And he said to her, " Daughter, thy faith has restored thee.
'.Z 49 Go in peace." While he was still speaking, someone comes
from the house of the president of the synagogue, saying, " Thy daughter
;;; 50 has died : do not trouble the teacher any further." But on hearing it
Jesus answered him, " Fear not : only believe, and she shall be restored."
51 And when he came to the house, he would not let anyone enter with him,
•; except Peter and John and James, also the father of the girl and her
" 52 mother. And everyone was weeping and bewailing her, but he said,
53 " Weep not ; she is not dead, but asleep." And they laughed him to
54 scorn, knowing that she was dead. But he took her hand and cried
1 Omitting [[x.>-i-»]].

384 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [855-926
55 aloud, " Rise, girl." And her spirit came back, and she rose up instantly.
56 And he instructed them to give her something to eat. And her parents
were amazed ; but he charged them to tell no one what had happened.
9 1 Now after calling the twelve together he gave them power and
authority over all the daemons, as well as for the healing of diseases.
2 And he sent them to preach the reign of God and to cure the infirm.1
3 And he said to them, " Take nothing for your journey, neither staff nor
4 wallet nor bread nor silver, nor have two tunics. And whatever house
5 you enter, stay there, and leave from there. And whoever do not wel
come you, when you are leaving that city, shake off the dust from your
6 feet, for a witness against them." And they went out and proceeded to
go through the villages, preaching the glad tidings and healing every-
7 where. Now when Herod the tetrarch heard of all that was
taking place, he was completely bewildered ; for some said, " John has
8 risen from the dead" ; some, " Elijah has appeared" ; and others, "One
9 of the ancient prophets has risen up." Herod said, "John I beheaded.
But who is this, of whom I hear such tales 'I " So he made efforts to see
10 him. And the apostles returned and described to him all that
they had done. And he took them and withdrew in private to a city
11 called Bethsaida. But when the crowds perceived it, they followed him ;
and he welcomed them and proceeded to speak to them of God's reign,
12 and to cure those who were in need of healing. Now the day began to
decline ; and the twelve came and said to him, " Dismiss the crowd, that
they may go and lodge in the surrounding villages and hamlets and get
13 provisions ; for we are in a desert place here." He said to them, " Give
them something to eat, yourselves." They said, " We have no more than
five loaves and two fish ! — unless indeed we are to go and buy food for
14 all this people." (For they numbered about five thousand men.) And
15 he said to his disciples, " Make them recline in rows of about fifty. And
16 they did so, and made them all recline. Then he took the five loaves
and the two fish, and after looking up to heaven he blessed and broke
them in pieces, and went on giving them to the disciples to set before the
17 crowd. And they all ate and were satisfied. Also, they took up twelve
baskets of fragments which they had left over.
18 And it came to pass, while he was praying alone, that the disciples
were with him. And he questioned them, saying, " Who do the crowds
19 say that I am . " They replied, " John the baptizer ; but others say
20 Elijah, and others that ' One of the ancient prophets has risen up.'" And
he said to them, " But you — who do you say that I am . " So Peter
21 answered, " The Christ of God." But he charged and commanded them
22 to tell this to no one, saying : " The Son of man must suffer much, and be
rejected by the elders and high priests and scribes, and be killed, and on
23 the third day rise." And he said to all,
" If any man would come after me,
Let him deny himself, take up his cross day by day, and follow me.
24 For whoever would save his life
Shall lose it :
And whoever loses his life for my sake,
He shall save it.
25 What use will it be for a man to gain the whole world and lose
or forfeit himself ?
26 For whoever is ashamed of me and of my words,
Of him shall the Son of man be ashamed
1 Adding «_. io-..n...

927"53] LUKE 385
When he comes in his majesty and in the majesty of the Father
and of the holy angels.
27 I tell you distinctly, there are some of those standing here who shall not
taste death, until they see God's reign."
28 Now it came to pass about eight days after this had been said, he took
Peter and John and James aside, and went up the mountain to pray.
29 And it came to pass while he was praying, the appearance of his face
30 altered and his clothing turned dazzling white. And behold, two men
31 (who were Moses and Elijah) were talking with him : they appeared in
splendour and spoke of his departure which he was to effect at Jerusalem.
32 Now Peter and his companions were heavy with sleep ; but as they kept
wide-awake, they saw his splendour and also the two men who stood
33 beside him. And it came to pass, when they were parting from him,
Peter said to Jesus, " Chief, it is fine for us to be here. Now, let us
make three booths, one for thee and one for Moses and one for Elijah "
34 (for he did not know what he was saying). But while he was saying
this, a cloud came and overshadowed them : and they feared as they
35 passed into the cloud. And a voice came out of the cloud, saying, "This
36 is my Son, the chosen one : listen to him." Then, after the voice had
passed, they found that Jesus was alone. And they kept silence and told
no one during those days anything of what they had seen.
37 Now it came to pass on the next day when they had descended from
38 the mountain, a large crowd met him. And behold, a man from the
crowd cried, saying, "Teacher, I entreat thee to look with favour on my
39 son ! for he is my only child ; and behold, a spirit catches him ! Then
suddenly he shrieks out. But it convulses him till he foams ; indeed it
40 will scarcely leave off bruising him. And I entreated thy disciples to
41 cast it out; but they could not." Jesus answered and said, "0 in
credulous and perverse generation ! how long am I to be with you and
42 bear with you . Fetch thy son here." But while he was still approach
ing, the daemon hurled him down and convulsed him terribly. So Jesus
rebuked the unclean spirit, cured the boy, and gave him back to bis
43 father. And all were astonished at the grandeur of God.
Now while all marvelled at all he was doing, he said to his disciples,
44 "Lay up these words in your ears : the Son of man is to be delivered
45 into the hands of men." But they did not understand this saying ; and
it was kept a secret from them, so that they could not fathom it.
46 Also, they were afraid to ask him about this saying. Now an
argument rose among them as to which of them would be the greatest.
47 But as Jesus knew their secret argument, he took hold of a little child
48 and set it beside himself ; then he said to them,
" Whosoever shall receive such a little child as this in my name, re
ceives me ;
And whoever shall receive me, receives him who sent me.
For he who is least among you all, he is great."
49 John answered and said, "Chief, we saw a man casting out daemons
in thy name ; and we tried to prevent him, because he is not a follower
50 of ours." But Jesus said to him, " Prevent him not : he who is not
against you is for you."
51 Now it came to pass, when the days for him to be taken up were
52 coming to a close, he set his face stedfastly to go to Jerusalem, and
despatched messengers in front of him. And on their way they entered
53 a village of the Samaritans, in order to make ready for him ; but the
25

386 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [951-1015
people would not receive him, because his face was turned in the
54 direction of Jerusalem. When his disciples James and John saw it,
they said, "Lord, wilt thou have us bid fire come down from the sky and
55, 56 consume them ?" But he turned and rebuked them. And they journeyed
to another village.
57 And as they journeyed on the road, a man said to him, " I will follow
58 thee wherever thou goest." Then said Jesus to him,
" The foxes have holes, and the birds of the air have shelters :
But the Son of man has no place to lay his head."
59 He said to another, " Follow me." And he said, " Let me go first and
60 bury my father." But he said to him,
" Let the dead bury their own dead :
Go thou and publish abroad the reign of God."
61 Also another said, " I will follow thee, Lord ; but first let me take leave
62 of those at home." But Jesus said to him, "No man who looks back,
after putting his hand to the plough, is fit for the reign of God."
IO 1 Now after this the Lord1 appointed seventy- two2 others, and
despatched them two and two in front of him into every city and place
2 where he intended to come himself. And he said to them,
" The harvest is ample, but the labourers are few :
Entreat then the owner of the harvest to thrust out labourers
into his harvest.
3 Go on your way •
Lo, I despatch you like lambs amid wolves.
4 Carry no purse, no wallet, no sandals,
And salute no one on the road.
5 Whatever household you enter first,
Say, ' Peace be to this household ! '
6 Then, if a son of peace be there, your peace shall rest upon it :
Otherwise, it shall return to you again.
7 Stay in the same house —
Eating and drinking what they provide,
For the labourer is worthy of his wages —
Shift not from house to house.
8 Also, whatever city you enter, and the people receive you,
Eat what is set before you,
9 And heal the infirm in it, telling them, ' The reign of God is
rear you.'
10 But whatever city you shall enter and the people receive you not,
Go out into its streets and say,
11 'Even the dust from your city which clings to our feet, we wipe
off against you.
But know this ; the reign of God is near.'
12 I tell you, on that Day Sodom shall find it more bearable than
that city.
1 3 Woe to thee, Khorazin ! Woe to thee, Bethsaida !
For had the miracles wrought in you been wrought in Tyre and
Sidon,
They had repented long ago, sitting in sackcloth and ashes.
14 Yet I tell you, Tyre and Sidon shall find it more bearable in the
judgment than you.
15 And thou, Kapharnahum, shalt thou be raised to the sky? thou shalt
be thrust down to Hades !
1 Omitting [[»*']]. 3 Adding ... (as in ver. 17).

IO16"40] LUKE 387
16 He who listens to you listens to me,
And he who rejects you rejects me :
And he who rejects me rejects him who sent me."
17 Now the seventy-two returned with joy, saying, "Lord, even the
18 daemons are subject to us in thy name ! " And he said to them, " I saw
Satan like lightning fall from heaven.
19 Lo, I have given you the power of treading on serpents and scorpions,
and over all the enemy's power,
And nothing shall injure you at all.
20 Yet joy not over this, that the spirits are subject to you,
But joy that your names are enrolled in the heavens."
21 At the same hour Jesus rejoiced in the holy Spirit, and said,
" I praise thee, Father, Lord of heaven and earth,
That thou didst conceal these things from wise and clever men,
revealing them to babes.
Even so, Father ! —
That thus it pleased thee.
22 All things have been delivered to me by my Father,
And no one knows who the Son is, but the Father,
And who the Father is, but the Son, and he to whom the Son may
choose to reveal him."
23 Then turning to the disciples he said privately,
" Happy the eyes that see what you see !
24 For I tell you, many prophets and kings desired to see what you
see, yet they saw not ;
And to hear what you hear, yet they heard not."
25 And behold, a lawyer stood up to make trial of him. "Teacher,"
26 said he, " What shall I do to inherit life eternal 1 " He said to him,
27 " What is written in the law . How readest thou 1 " He replied, " Thou
shalt love the Lord thy God with thy whole heart, with thy whole soul,
with thy whole strength, with thy whole mind ; also thy neighbour as thyself."
28 And he said to him, " Thou hast answered correctly. Do this and thou
29 shalt live." But as he wished to put himself in the right, he said to
30 Jesus, " And who is my neighbour ? " Jesus said in reply : " A certain
man was going down from Jerusalem to Jericho ; and he fell in with
robbers, who actually stripped him, and after showering stripes on him
31 went off, leaving him half-dead. Now it so happened that a priest was
going down by that road ; but on seeing him he went past, upon the
32 opposite side. Similarly too a Levite, on coming up to the spot and seeing
33 him, went past upon the opposite side. But a Samaritan traveller came
34 to where he was, and on seeing him was moved with compassion ; and
going to him, he bound up his wounds, pouring on them oil and wine.
And mounting Mm on his own beast, he brought him to an inn and took
35 care of him. And on the following day he took out two shillings and
gave them to the inn-keeper, saying, ' Take care of him ; and any extra
36 expense I will refund thee on my way back.' Which of these three,
thinkest thou, proved himself a neighbour to him who fell among tbe
37 robbers ? " He said, " The man who dealt mercifully with him." Jesus
said to him, " Go thou also, do likewise."
38 Now in the course of their journey he entered a village ; and a woman
39 named Martha welcomed him to her house. And she had a sister
called Mary, who for her part seated herself at the Lord's feet and
40 listened to his talk. But Martha was distracted with serving busily,
and she came up and said, " Lord, carest thou not that my sister has left

388 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [lO41— ll20
41 me to serve aU by myself? Come, teH her to help me." The Lord
answered and said to her, " Martha, Martha, thou art anxious and restless
42 about many things, yet few things are needed — few or only one.1 Marv
has chosen the good portion, and it shall not be taken away from her."
Ill And it came to pass while he was at a certain place praying, when he
ceased, one of his disciples said to him, " Lord, teach us to pray, just as
2 John also taught his disciples." He said to them, " When you pray, say :
Father, thy name be hallowed,
Thy reign come !
3 Our bread for the morrow give us day by day.
4 And forgive us our sins,
For we also forgive every debtor of ours.
And lead us not into temptation."
5 -And he said to them, " Which of you shaU have a friend, and shall go
to him at midnight and say to him, 'Friend, lend me three loaves;
6 for a friend of mine has arrived at my house from a journey, and I have
7 nothing to set before him ' ; — and he inside shall answer and say,
' Disturb me not : the door is shut by this time, and my children are in
8 bed with me. I cannot get up and give thee anything'? I tell yon,
though he will not get up and give him anything because he is a friend
of his, yet on account of his friend's persistence he will rise and give him
9 all that he requires. And I tell you,
Ask and it shall be given you,
Seek and you shaU find,
Knock and it shall be opened to you :
10 For everyone who asks receives
And he who seeks finds,
And to him who knocks it shaU be opened.
11 Now what father of you,2 if his son asks a fish, will hand him
instead of a fish, a serpent ?
12 Or if an egg, will hand him a scorpion 1
13 If you then, niggardly as you are, know how to give good gifts to
your children,
How much more shaU your Father give from heaven the holy
Spirit to those who ask him I "
14 And he was casting out a dumb daemon ; and it came to pass, when
the daemon had gone out, that the dumb man spoke. And tbe crowd.
15 marvelled, but some of them said, " It is with the help of Beelzebub the
16 ruler of the daemons, that he is casting out tbe daemons " ; while others —
17 to make trial of him — required from him a sign from the sky. And
aware of what they thought, he said to them :
"Any realm divided against itself comes to ruin,
And house falls upon house.
18 Also, if Satan is divided against himself,
How shall his realm stand ?
(Because you say, it is with the help of Beelzebub that I am casting out
the daemons.)
19 If I am casting out the daemons with the help of Beelzebub, with
whose help do your sons cast them out 1
Therefore shall they be your judges.
20 But if I am casting out the daemons with the finger of God,
Then God's reign has already reached you.
1 Reading _>.,>_;•, __ Xcnv z*0,a i i-.i;.
- Omitting £_..>, ,t_-> ;_.'..» ... -_.-•_( avTa ; r, xai.

Il2*-"] LUKE 389
21 When the mighty man, clad in full armour, is guarding his own
homestead,
His goods are undisturbed :
22 But when a mightier man attacks him and conquers him,
He seizes his full armour on which he relied, and divides up his
spoils.
23 Whoever is not with me is against me ;
And whoever gathers not with me, is scattering.
24 When the unclean spirit leaves a man,
It passes through waterless places in search of rest,
And unable to find any, it says, 'I will turn back to my house
that I left';
25 And on coming finds it swept clean and in order :
26 Then it goes and fetches other spirits more hurtful than itself, whole
seven of them,
And entering there they dwell — and that man's last state
becomes worse than his first."
27 Now it came to pass, while he was saying this, that a woman raised
her voice out of the crowd and said to him, " Happy the womb that
28 bore thee ! and the breasts that thou didst suck ! " And he said, "Happy,
29 rather, those who hear the word of God and observe it ! " Now
as the crowds thronged together, he began to say :
"This generation is an evil generation — it requires a sign,
Yet no sign shall be given it, save the sign of Jonah :
30 For as Jonah proved a sign to the Ninevites,
So too shall the Son of man be to this generation.
31 The queen of the South shall rise up at the judgment along with
the men of this generation and condemn them ;
For she came from the ends of the earth to hear the wisdom of
Solomon —
And lo, a greater than Solomon is here !
32 The men of Nineveh shall stand up at the judgment along with, this
generation and condemn it ;
For they repented at the preaching of Jonah —
And lo, a greater than Jonah is here !
33 No man, after setting light to a lamp, puts it in a cellar or under
the bushel,
But on the lampstand, that those who enter may see the light.
34 The lamp of the body is thine eye.
When thine eye is sound, then thy whole body is lit up :
But so soon as it is diseased, then thy whole body is darkened.
35 See to it then, lest the light that is in thee be not darkness.
36 If then thy whole body be lit up, with no part darkened, it shall
be wholly lit up,
As when the lamp lights thee with its gleam."
37 Now after he had spoken, a Pharisee asked him to dine with him ; so
38 he went in and lay down. And when the Pharisee saw it, he was
39 astonished that he had not first washed before dinner. But the Lord said
to him, " Here now 1 you Pharisees cleanse the outside of the cup and the
dish,
40 But your inside is filled with plunder and malice.
Senseless men ! did not he who made the outside make tlie inside
also?

390 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll41-126
41 [Only, give the contents as alms — and lo, all things are clean
to you !]
42 But woe to you Pharisees !
For you tithe mint and rue and every vegetable,
And disregard justice and the love of God :
Now these you ought to have practised — without neglecting the
former.
43 Woe to you Pharisees ! for you like the chief seat in the synagogues
and the salutations in the marketplaces.
44 Woe to you 1 for you are like unsuspected tombs,
And people who walk over them are unaware of it."
45 One of the lawyers says to him in reply, " Teacher, in saying this thou
46 art insulting even us ! " He said :
" Woe even to you lawyers ! for you load men with irksome burdens,
Yet you touch not the burdens with one of your own fingers.
47 Woe to you ! for you build the tombs of the prophets,
Yet your fathers killed them.
48 So then to your fathers' deeds you bear witness and consent :
For they killed them,
While you build their tombs !
49 Wherefore the Wisdom of God also said, ' I will send to them
prophets and apostles :
And some of them shall they kill and persecute —
50 That the blood of all the prophets shed from the foundation of the
world may be exacted from this generation,
51 From the blood of Abel down to the blood of Zachariah, who
perished between the altar and the House ' :
Yes, I tell you, from this generation shall it be exacted.
52 Woe to you lawyers ! for you have taken away the key of know
ledge :
You have not entered yourselves, and you have hindered those
who were entering."
53 And after he had gone away from here, the scribes and the Pharisees
began to press him keenly and to cross-examine him on many subjects,
54 lying in ambush to catch some word out of his lips.
12 1 Meanwhile, as the crowd was gathering in its thousands, so that they
were trampling on one another, he began to say to his disciples first of all:
" Take heed to yourselves and avoid the leaven of the Pharisees,
It is hypocrisy.
2 Nothing is covered up that shall not be disclosed,
Or hidden that shall not be known :
3 Since all that you have said in the darkness shall be taught in the
light,
And what you have whispered in the inner chambers shall be
proclaimed upon the housetops.
4 I tell you, my friends,
Fear not those who kill the body,
And after that can do nothing further.
5 I will let you know whom to fear :
Fear him who, after he has killed,
Has power to throw into Gehenna —
Yes, I tell you, fear him.
6 Are not five sparrows sold for twopence ?
Yet not one of them is forgotten in the sight of God.

127-30] LUKE 391
7 Nay, even the hairs of your head are all numbered :
Fear not, you are worth more than many sparrows.
8 I tell you,
Everyone who confesses me before men,
The Son of man also shall confess him before the angels of God .
9 But he who disowns me in the sight of men,
Shall be disowned in the sight of the angels of God.
10 Everyone also who speaks a word against the Son of man,
Shall be forgiven :
But for him who blasphemes against the holy Spirit,
There shall be no forgiveness.
11 Now when they bring you before the synagogues and the magistrates and
the authorities, Be not anxious how or what shall be your defence, or what you
shall say :
12 For in that very hour the holy Spirit shall teach you what you
ought to say."
13 And a man out of the crowd said to him, " Teacher, tell my brother
14 to share the inheritance with me." But he said to him, " Man, who made
15 me a judge or arbitrator over you ? " And he said to tliem :
" See and keep yourselves clear of every form of covetousness ;
For it is not in a man's wealth — in his goods — that his life consists."
16 And he told them a parable, saying, " A certain rich man's ground
17 bore fertile crops. And he began to argue to himself, ' What am I to do ?
18 I have no room to store my crops ! ' And he said, ' I will do this. I will
pull down my granaries and build larger ones ; so shall I store all my
19 produce and my goods. Then I will say to my soul, " Soul, thou hast
many goods laid up for many a year ; take a rest, eat, drink, and be
20 merry." ' But God said to him, ' Senseless man ! this very night thy life
is demanded from thee ; and who will get all that thou hast prepared ? '
21 So it is with the man who stores treasure for himself, instead of being
rich toward God."
22 And he said to his disciples : " Therefore I tell you,
Be not anxious for the life, about what you are to eat,
Nor yet for the body, about what you are to wear :
23 For life is more than food,
And the body than raiment.
24 Mark the ravens :
They neither sow nor reap,
Nor have they storehouse or granary,
Yet God feeds them. >
How much more are you worth than birds !
25 Which of you can add an ell to his stature by anxiety 1
26 If then you are unable even for a trifle, why be anxious about the
rest?
27 Mark how the lilies grow ! they toil not, neither do they spin :
Yet I tell you, even Solomon in all his grandeur was not robed
like one of these.
28 Now if God thus arrays the grass in the field, which lives to-day
and is thrown to-morrow into the oven,
0 men of little faith, how much more shall he array you ?
29 Seek not then what to eat and what to drink, tossed with disquiet.
30 For these things crave all the nations of the world ;
And your Father knows that you require these things.

392 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [1231"51
31 Nay, seek his reign,
And vou shaU have these things added besides.
32 Fear not, little flock :
For it is your Father's good pleasure to grant you the Reign.
33 Sell your goods and give alms ;
Make yourselves purses that will not wear out,
Treasure unfailing in the heavens,
Where no thief draws near and no moth destroys.
34 For where your treasure is,
There shaU your heart be also.
35 Let your loins be ready girt and your lamps burning ;
36 And" be you like men waiting for their lord's return from the
marriage-feast ;
That when he comes and knocks, they may open to him
at once.
37 Happy those slaves whom the lord, when he comes, shall find
watching !
I teH you truly, he shall gird himself and make them lie down
and come forward to serve them.
38 Be it in the second, be it in the third watch, that he comes and finds
them thus,
Happy are they !
39 Now be sure of this ; had the master of the house known at what
hour the thief wa- coming,
He would have been on the alert, and would not have let his
house be broken into.
40 Be you also ready ;
For in an unexpected hour the Son of man is coming."
41 Peter said, "Lord, is it for us thou art speaking this parable, or for
42 aU men besides ? " And the Lord said, " Well, who is the faithful,
shrewd steward, whom his owner shall appoint over his establishment
43 to give out the supplies in due season ? Happy that slave whom his
44 owner shall find so doing when he comes ! I teH you distinctly, he will
45 appoint him over aU he has. But if that slave says in his heart, 'My
owner delays to come,' and shaU start to beat the slaves and the maid-
46 servants, and to eat and drink and set drunk, the owner of that slave
shall come in a day when he does not look for him, and in an hour when
he does not know, and shall cut him in two, and assign his part among
the faithless.
47 That slave who knew his owner's will, yet did not make ready or do
as he willed,
Shall be flogged with many lashes :
48 But he who did not know and did what deserves stripes,
Shall be flogged with few lashes.
Everyone who has much given him
Shall have much required from him :
And he to whom men have entrusted much,
From him shall they demand the more.
49 I came to throw fire upon the earth,
And how I wish it were already kindled '.
50 I have a baptism to undergo,
And what distress I suffer till it be accomplished !
51 Do you suppose I am here to give peace on earth ]
Nay, I teU you, nothing but dissension.

1252-1316] LUKE 3 93
52 For from this time there shall be five in one household divided,
Three against two and two against three shall be divided,
53 Father against son, and son against father,
Mother against daughter, and daughter against mother,
Mother-in-law against 1 daughter-in-law, and daughter-in-law
against mother-in-law"
54 He said also to the crowds,
" When you see a cloud rise in the west, you say at once, ' A shower
is coming,' and so it is :
55 And when you see the south wind blow, you say, ' It will be
scorching heat,' and heat it is.
56 Hypocrites ! you can read the appearance of the earth and of the
sky,
But how is it you know not the way to read the present time ? . . .
57 And why not decide what is right, even by yourselves ?
. 58 Aye, as thou goest with thine opponent before the magistrate, try
hard to get quit of him on the road,
Lest he drag thee to the judge ; then the judge will deliver thee to
the jailer, and the jailer will throw thee into prison :
: 59 I tell thee, thou shalt not leave that place, till thou hast paid the
very last farthing."
3 1 Now at that very time some people had come and told him about the
•\ 2 Galilaeans whose blood Pilate had mixed with their sacrifices. And he
answered and said to them,
" Do you think those Galilaeans are shown to have been sinners beyond
all the Galilaeans, because they have suffered thus ?
3 Not so, I tell you.
Nay, unless you repent, you shall all perish likewise.
4 Or those eighteen men whom the tower at Siloam fell upon and
killed ?
Do you think they are shown to have been debtors beyond all the
,T men dwelling in Jerusalem ?
¦•¦ 5 Not so, I tell you.
Nay, unless you repent,2 you shall all perish in like manner."
j. 6 And he spoke this parable : " A certain man had a fig-tree planted in
I, 7 his vineyard ; and he came in search of fruit on it, but found none. So
^ he said to the vinedresser, ' Here have I come three years in search of
\ fruit on this fig-tree and found none ! Cut it down. Why should it
'''•' 8 cumber the ground at all ? ' He says to him in reply, ' Sir, leave it alone
,, 9 for this year as well, until I dig round it and put in manure. Then if
it bears fruit next season, all right. Otherwise, thou shalt have it cut
down.1"
10 Now he was teaching in one of the synagogues on the sabbath-day.
Ml And behold, there was a woman with a spirit of debility for eighteen
years ; indeed she was bent double and quite unable to raise herself. ,
12 When Jesus saw her, he addressed her and said, "Woman, thou art
13 released from thy debility." Then he laid his hands upon her, and
14 instantly she was straightened and began to magnify God. Now the
president of the synagogue was indignant that Jesus had healed on the
sabbath ; and in reply he proceeded to say to the crowd, " There are six
days on which work ought to be done ; come therefore and get healed on
15 them, instead of on the sabbath-day." But the Lord answered him and
! said, " Hypocrites 1 does not each of you on the sabbath loose his ox or
1 Omitting avrr,t. 2 Reading p.iTavor,Ti.

394 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l316-145
16 ass from the stall, and lead it away to drink ? This woman, a daughter
of Abraham, whom Satan has bound for these eighteen years, ought she
17 not to have been loosed from this bond on the sabbath-day ? " And as he
said this, all his adversaries were put to shame ; but all the crowd rejoiced
18 at all the splendid things he did. So he went on to say:
19 " What is God's reign like . And to what shall I compare it ? It is like
a grain of mustard-seed, which a man took and put into his garden ; then
it grew up and became a tree, and the birds of the air rested in its branches."
20, 21 And again he said, "To what shall I compare God's reign? It is like
leaven, which a woman took and hid in three pecks of wheaten flour, till
the whole was leavened."
22 And he passed through the cities and villages one after another,
23 teaching, as he made his way to Jerusalem. Now a certain man said to
him, " Lord, are the saved few ? " And he said to them,
24 " Strive hard to enter by the narrow gate :
For many, I tell you, will seek to enter and be powerless.
25 When once the master of the house has risen up and shut fast the
door,
And you begin to stand outside and knock at the door, saying,
' Open to us, Lord ! '
He shall answer and say to you, ' I know not where you come
from.'
26 Then shall you begin to say, ' We ate and drank in thy presence,
and thou hast taught in our streets ! '
27 And he shall say, " I tell you, I know not where you come from :
depart from me, all ye workers of iniquity.
28 There shall the weeping be, and the gnashing of teeth,
When you see Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all the prophets
in God's realm,
And yourselves thrown outside.
29 Yea, they shall come from east and west and from north and south,
And recline in God's realm.
30 And lo, there are last who shall be first,
And there are first who shall be last."
31 At that very hour some Pharisees came and said to him, "Away, leave
32 this place ! for Herod intends to kill thee." But he said to them, " Go
and tell that fox, ' behold, I cast out daemons and perform cures to-day and
33 to-morrow, and on the third day I am perfected ! ' But to-day and
to-morrow and the clay following I must go upon my way ; for it cannot
be that a prophet perish outside Jerusalem.
34 Jerusalem, Jerusalem ! slayer of the prophets and stoner of those sent
to her !
How often would I have gathered thy children together,
Even as a fowl her brood beneath her wings— and you would not!
35 Lo, your House is abandoned to yourselves !
I tell l you, you shall not see me till 2 you say,
' Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord.' "
14 1 And it came to pass when he went into the house of one of the rulers
of the Pharisees to take a meal on a sabbath, that they watched him
2 narrowly. And behold, there was in front of him a man with dropsy.
3 And Jesus addressed the lawyers and Pharisees, saying, " Is it right to
4 heal on the sabbath, or not ? " They held their peace. Then Jesus took
5 hold of him, cured him, and sent him away. And he said to them,
i Omitting [[..]]. = Omitting [[SiS.i on]].

146"27] LUKE 395
" Which of you, when a son or an ox has fallen into a well, will not
6 immediately draw him up on a sabbath-day ? " And they could not
7 dispute this. Now he went on to speak this parable to those who
had been invited, when he observed how they selected the chief seats ; he
said to them,
8 " When thou art invited by anyone to a marriage-feast,
Do not recline in the chief seat, lest perhaps he has invited some
one of higher rank than thyself ;
9 Then he who invited you both shall come and say to thee,
' Make room for this man,'
And then thou shalt start with shame to take the lowest place.
.0 Nay, when thou art invited,
Go and lie down in the lowest place ;
That when he who has invited thee comes, he may say to thee,
' Friend, come higher up ' —
Then shalt thou have honour in the presence of all thy
fellow-guests.
11 For everyone who raises himself shall be humbled,
And he who humbles himself shall be raised."
12 He also went on to say to the Inan who had invited him,
"When thou givest a dinner or a supper,
Bid not thy friends or thy brothers or thy kinsfolk or thy rich
neighbours ;
Lest perhaps they too invite thee in return,
And so thou be repaid.
13 Nay, when thou givest a banquet,
Invite the poor, the maimed, the lame, the blind,
14 And thou shalt be happy. For they are unable to repay thee ;
Thou shalt be repaid at the resurrection of the just."
15 Now on hearing this, one of his fellow-guests said to him, " Happy the
16 man who takes his meal in the realm of God ! " But he said to him,
"A certain man was giving a large supper, and had invited many
17 people. And at the hour for the supper, he despatched his slave to bid
18 those who had been invited, ' Come, for things are ready now.' Then all
alike started to decline. The first said to him, ' I have bought a field,
and I require to go and look at it. I pray thee to consider me excused.'
19 And another said, ' I have bought five pair of oxen, and I am on my way
.0 to try them. I pray thee to consider me excused.' And another said, ' I
!1 have married a wife, and therefore I cannot come.' So the slave went
and reported this to his owner. Then in anger the master of the house
said to his slave, ' Go out quickly into the streets and thoroughfares of
the city, and bring in here the poor and disabled and blind and lame.'
2 And the slave said, 'Sir, thy order has been carried out; yet still there is
3 room.' And the owner said to the slave, ' Go out to the roads and hedges,
4 and compel people to come in ; that my house may be filled. For I tell
you, not one of those men who were invited shall taste my supper.' "
5 Now large crowds were journeying along with him ; and he turned
and said to them,
6 "If anyone comes to me and hates not his father and mother and
wife and children and brothers and sisters, yes and his own
life also,
' He cannot be my disciple.
•' And he who does not carry his own cross and come after me,
Cannot be my disciple.

396 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [liw-l5ls
28 For which of you, wishing to build a tower, does not sit down first
and count up the expense,
To see if he has money to complete it ? —
29 In case, after he has laid the foundation and lacked means to finish,
30 all the spectators begin to mock him, saying,
' This man began to build, but he lacked means to finish.'
31 Or what king, on starting to encounter another king in battle,
will not sit down first and deliberate
Whether he is able with ten thousand men to meet him who is
coming against him with twenty thousand 1
32 And if not — when the other is still far away,
He sends an embassy and negotiates 1 for peace.
33 So then everyone of you who does not part with all his goods,
Cannot be mj- disciple.
34 Yes, salt is a capital thing.
But if even salt has lost its savour,
Wherewith shall it be seasoned?
35 It is fit neither for the land nor for the dunghill :
Men throw it out.
He who has ears to hear, let him hear."
15 1 Now all the tax-gatherers and the sinners were drawing near him to
2 listen to him. But the Pharisees and the scribes were complaining,
3 " This man is receiving sinners and eating along with them ! " So he told
them this parable :
4 "What man of you," said he, "who has a hundred sheep and has
lost one of them,
Does not leave the ninety-nine in the wilderness and go after the
lost one till he finds it ?
5 And after finding it, he lays it on his shoulders rejoicing ;
6 And on coming home he calls his friends and neighbours together,
saying to them,
' Rejoice with me, for I have found my lost sheep.'
7 I tell you, so shall there be joy in heaven over one sinner who
repents,
More than over ninety -nine upright people who have no need of
repentance.
8 Or, what woman with ten drachmae — if she has lost one drachma,
Does not set light to a lamp and sweep the house clean and search
diligently until she finds it ?
9 And after finding it, she caUs her women-friends and neighbour-
together, saying,
' Rejoice with me, for I have found the drachma which I lost.'
10 So, I teU you, joy rises in the presence of the angels of God over
one sinner who repents."
11,1 2 And he said, "A certain man had two sons. And the younger of them
said to his father, ' Father, give me that portion of the property which
13 falls to me.' So he divided his livelihood for them. And not many days
afterwards the younger son sold off everything and went abroad to a
distant country, where he squandered his property by a profligate life.
14 Now when he had spent everything, a severe famine set in throughout
15 that country ; and he began to feel in want. And he went and attached
himself to one of the citizens of that country, who sent him into his fields
16 to feed swine. And fain would he have filled himself with the bean-pods
1 Omitting ra.

1517-1612] LUKE 397
17 that the swine were eating ; yet no one gave him anything. So on coming
to himself he said, ' How many of my father's hired servants have bread
18 enough and to spare, while I am perishing here with hunger ! I will rise
and go to my father and say to him, " Father, I have sinned against heaven
19 and before thee. I am no longer worthy to be called thy son : make me
20 like one of thy hired servants." ' And he rose and went to his father.
Now, while he was still far away, his father saw him ; and moved with
21 compassion, he ran, fell upon his neck, and kissed him fondly. But the
son said to him, ' Father, I have sinned against heaven and before thee.
22 I am no longer worthy to be called thy son.' And the father said to his
slaves, 'Quick, bring the best robe and put it on him ! And give him a
23 ring for his hand and sandals for his feet ! And bring the fattened calf,
24 kill it, and let us eat and make merry ! For my son here was dead and
has come back to life, was lost and has been found.' And they began to
25 make merry. Now his elder son was in the field. And when he came
26 and drew near to the house, he heard music and dancing ; and summoning
27 one of the servants he enquired what was the meaning of this. And he
said to him, ' Thy brother has come ; and thy father has killed the fattened
28 calf, because he has got him back safe and sound.' Now he got angry
and would not go in. And his father went out and sought to appease
29 him. But he answered and said : ' Look at all the years I have served
thee, and never disregarded a command of thine ! Yet thou hast never
30 given me a kid, that I might make merry with my friends. But when
thy son has come — this fellow who has wasted thy livelihood with harlots
31 — thou hast killed the fattened calf for him ! ' He said to him, ' My
32 son, thou art always with me, and all that is mine is thine. It behoved
us to make merry and rejoice, for thy brother here was dead and has
6 1 become alive ; though lost, he has been found.' " And he went
on also to say to his disciples : " There was a rich man who had a steward,
2 and this steward was accused to him of squandering his goods. So he
called him and said to him, ' What is this I hear about thee ? Give in the
statement of thy stewardship, for thou canst not be steward any longer.'
3 Now the steward said to himself, ' What am I to do, seeing that my owner -
is taking the stewardship away from me ? To dig I have no strength, to
4 beg I am ashamed. — I know what I will do, so that, when I am deposed
5 from the stewardship, people may admit me to their houses ! ' Then
summoning every single one of his owner's debtors, he proceeded to say to
6 the first, ' How much art thou owing to my owner ? ' and he said, ' A
hundred barrels of oil.' And he said to him, ' Here, take thy bond, sit
7 down at once and write fifty instead.' Then he said to another, ' And
how much art thou owing ? ' And he said, ' A hundred quarters of
wheat.' He says to him, ' Here, take thy bond and write eighty instead.'
8 And the owner praised the dishonest steward because he had acted
shrewdly ; — for the sons of this world are more shrewd in dealing with
9 their own generation than are the sons of the light. And I tell you,
Make friends for yourselves with the mammon of dishonesty ;
So that when it fails, they may admit you to the eternal tents.
10 He who is faithful in what is least, is faithful also in what is great ;
And he who is honest in what is least, is dishonest also in what
is great.
11 If then you have not proved faithful in the dishonest mammon,
Who will trust you with the true ?
12 And if you have not proved faithful in what is another's,
Who will give you what is your own ?

398 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l613-17s
13 No servant can serve two masters :
For either he will hate the one and love the other,
Or else he will hold to one and despise the other.
You cannot serve God and Mammon."
14 Now the Pharisees, who were money-lovers, were listening to all this
15 and sneering at him. So he said to them,
" You are the people who justify themselves in the sight of men,
But God knows your hearts :
For what is high in human view,
Is in the sight of God abomination. . . .
16 The law and the prophets lasted until John ;
From that time the glad tidings of God's reign are preached,
And everyone storms his way in. . . .
17 But it is easier for sky and earth to pass away,
Than for one upstroke of a letter in the law to fail. . . .
18 Everyone who divorces his wife and marries another commits
adultery,
And he who marries a woman divorced from her husband commits
adultery. . . .
19 Now there was a rich man, and he was clothed in purple and fine
20 linen, enjoying a sumptuous life from day to day. And a poor man
21 named Lazarus lay at his gateway : he was a mass of ulcers, and fain to
fill himself with what fell from the rich man's table ; yes, even the dogs
22 used to come and lick his ulcers. Now it came to pass that the poor man
died and was carried away by the angels into the bosom of Abraham.
23 The rich man also died, and was buried. And in Hades he lifted up his
eyes, tormented as he was, and sees Abraham far off with Lazarus in his
24 bosom. And he cried aloud and said, ' Father Abraham, have pity on
me, and send Lazarus to dip his finger-tip in water and cool my tongue,
25 for I am in anguish in this flame ! ' But Abraham said, ' My son,
remember thou didst get all thy good in thy lifetime, and Lazarus like
wise his evil :
Now he is in comfort here, and thou in anguish.
26 And besides all this, between us and you a great chasm is fixed,
So that those who would pass from here to you may not. be able,
Nor may any ] cross from there to us.'
27 And he said, 'Then I pray thee, father, send him to my father's
28 house — for I have five brothers — that he may bear testimony to them, so
29 that they may not come to this place of torment too.' But Abraham
says, ' They have Moses and the prophets, let them listen to them.'
30 ' Nay, father Abraham,' says he, ' but if some one were to go to them
31 from the dead, they would repent.' But he said to him,
' If they do not listen to Moses and the prophets,
They will not be persuaded, not even were one to rise from the dead.
17 1 And he said to his disciples,
" It is inevitable that hindrances should come,
But woe to him through whom they come !
2 It would be gain for him were a millstone fastened round his
neck, and were he tossed into the sea,
Rather than be a hindrance to one of these little ones !
3 Take heed to yourselves.
If thy brother sins, rebuke him :
And if he repents, forgive him.
1 Omitting [[..]].

174"28] LUKE 399
4 And if he sins against thee seven times in the day,
And turns back to thee seven times, saying, ' I repent,'
Thou shalt forgive him."
5, 6 And the apostles said to the Lord, " Give us more faith." Said the
Lord, " Had you faith like a grain of mustard-seed,
You had said to this mulberry-tree, ' Be rooted up and planted in
the sea,'
And it would have obeyed you !
7 Now which of you is there who has a slave ploughing or shepherding,
and will say to him when he conies from the field, ' Come forward at
8 once ; lie down and eat' ? Will he not rather say to him, ' Get some
thing ready for my supper, and gird thyself and wait upon me while I
9 eat and drink ; then after that thou shalt eat and drink thyself ' ? Does
10 he give thanks to the slave for doing as he was instructed ? So too with
yourselves —
When you have done all as you were instructed, say, ' We are
useless slaves,
We have merely done what we were bound to do.' "
11 And it came to pass on the journey to Jerusalem that he passed
12 between Samaria and Galilee. And as he entered a certain village, there
13 came to meet him ten lepers, who stood at a distance and lifted up their
14 voice, saying, " Jesus, chief, have pity on us ! " And on seeing them he
said to them, " Go and show yourselves to the priests." And it came to
15 pass, while they were on the way, they were made clean. Now one of
them, on seeing he was cured, returned, magnifying God with a loud
. 16 voice ; and he fell on his face at his feet giving him thanks. And he
17 was a Samaritan. Jesus answered and said, " Were the ten not made
18 clean ? Where 1 are the nine ? Is there no one to return and do honour
, 19 to God except this foreigner ?" And he said to him, "Rise and go : thy
faith has restored thee."
20 Now, on being questioned by the Pharisees when God's reign was to
come, he answered them and said :
" God's reign comes not by way of observation,
21 Nor shall men say, ' Lo, here it is ! ' or ' There ! '
Why, here is God's reign among you ! "
;, 22 And he said to his disciples :
" Days will come when you would fain see one of the days of the
Son of man,
Yet you shall not see it.
23 And men will say to you, ' Lo, here it is ! ' or ' Lo, there it is ! ' —
Go not after them, nor follow them.
24 For as the lightning shoots and gleams from one side of the sky
to the other,
So shall the Son of man be3.
25 (But first he must suffer much and be rejected by this generation.)
, , 26 And even as it was in the days of Noah,
So shall it be also in the days of the Son of man :
27 They were eating, drinking, marrying, giving in marriage,
; Up tp the day that Noah entered, the ark,
Then came the deluge and destroyed them all.
28 Likewise, even as it was in the days of Lot :
1 Omitting [[..]]. - Omitting Iv t% ytpOpa avrov.

400 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [H29-^18
They were eating, drinking, buying, selling, planting, building,
29 But on the day when Lot went out of Sodom,
It rained fire and brimstone from the sky and destroyed them all;
30 In the same way shall it be on the day when the Son of man
is revealed.
31 On that day let not him who is on the housetop, with his goods inside
the house, go down to get them ;
32 And likewise let not him who is in the field turn back. (Remember
Lot's wife.)
33 Whoever shall seek to possess his life,
Shall lose it,
And whoever shall lose it,
Shall preserve it.
34 I tell you, two men shall be in one bed upon that night,
The one shall be taken and the other shall be left :
35 Two women shall be grinding together,
The one shall be taken and the other shall be left."
37 Then they answer and say to him, " Where, Lord ?" He said to them,
" Where the body lies,
The vultures also will be gathered there."
18 1 And he spoke a parable to them upon the need of always praying and
2 never losing heart. " There was a judge in a certain city," he said, "who
3 had no fear of God or reverence for man. And in that city there was
a widow ; and she used to come to him, saying, ' Grant me protection
4 from my opponent.' Yet for some time he would not. Afterwards,
however, he said to himself, ' Although I have no fear of God nor even
5 reverence for man, yet since this widow disturbs me I will give her pro-
6 tection — that she may not plague me by for ever coming.' " And the Lord
said, " Listen to what the unjust judge says !
7 Now, shaU not God vindicate his chosen ones who cr}- to him day and night,
Though to their foes he is longsuffering %
8 I tell you, he will vindicate them speedily —
Yet, when the Son of man comes, shall he find faith upon earth?"
9 He also told this parable to some who were confident of their own
10 uprightness and despised all other people. " Two men went up to the
11 temple to pray ; one was a Pharisee, and the other a tax-gatherer. The \
Pharisee stood and began to pray by himself, as follows : ' 0 God, I give
thanks to thee that I am not like the rest of men — extortioners, unjust,
12 adulterers — or even like this tax-gatherer : I fast twice a week, I pay ((
13 tithes upon all my income.' But the tax-gatherer stood far off and would
not even lift up his eyes to heaven, but kept beating his breast, saying,
14 ' 0 God, be gracious to me the sinner ! ' I teU you, this man went down
to his house justified more than the other man ;
For every one who raises himself shall be humbled,
But he who humbles himself shall be raised."
15 Now people were bringing him even their infants that he might
16 touch them. On seeing it the disciples kept rebuking them, but Jesus
called them to him, saying,
" Let the little children come to me, and forbid them not,
for of such is the reign of God.
17 I tell you truly, whoever shall not receive the reign of God like a
little child,
shall not enter it."
18 And a certain president questioned him, saying, " Good teacher, what .

18i9_19io] LUKE 401
19 shall I do to inherit life eternal ? " Jesus said to him, " Why call me
20 ' good ' ? No one is good, except God x alone. Thou knowest the com
mandments : Do not commit adultery, do not murder, do not steal, do not
21 bear false witness, honour thy father and mother." He said, " All these
22 have I observed from youth." Now on hearing this Jesus said to him,
"One thing thou lackest. Sell all that ever thou hast and distribute
to poor people ; so shalt thou have treasure in the heavens. Then come,
23 follow me." But when he heard this he grew very sorrowful ; for he was
24 enormously rich. So looking at him, Jesus said, " With what difficulty
shall the wealthy enter God's reign !
25 It is easier for a camel to enter through a needle's eye,
Than for a rich man to enter God's reign."
27 And those who heard him said, " Then who can be saved ? " Jesus
28 said, " What is impossible with men is possible with God." Said Peter,
29 " Lo, we have left what belonged to us and followed thee ! " And
he said to them, " I tell you truly ; there is no man who leaves house
or wife or brothers or parents or children for the sake of God's reign,
30 who shall not get back in this time manifold more ; and in the age to
come, life eternal."
31 Then he took the twelve aside and said to them, " Lo, we are going up
to Jerusalem, and all that has been written for the Son of man through
232 the prophets shall be accomplished ; for he shall be delivered to the
-33 Gentiles, mocked, ill-treated, spit upon ; they shall scourge him and kill
: 34 him. Yet on the third day lie shall rise again." But of this they under-
. stood nothing ; indeed this saying was hidden from them, and they did
h not know what was said.
d!5 Now it came to pass, while he was drawing near to Jericho, a blind
d!6 man sat by the roadside, begging. And as he heard a crowd passing
17 along he began to enquire what was the matter. So they told him that
:.;8 Jesus the Nazarene was passing. Then he cried, saying, " Jesus, son of
;9 David, have pity on me ! " And those who were walking in front
admonished him to keep silence, but he cried out all the more, " Son of
.0 David, have pity on me ! " So Jesus stood still and ordered him to be
1 brought to him. When he came near, he questioned him, " What wilt
thou have me do to thee ? " " Lord," he said, " let me regain my sight."
3 Then Jesus said to him, " Thy faith has restored thee." And instantly
he regained his sight and followed him, magnifying God. And all the
s people gave praise to God when they saw it.
,2 And he entered and went on his way through Jericho. And behold,
¦ there was a man called by the name of Zacchaeus ; he was head of the
5 tax-gatherers, and a rich man. And he sought to see who Jesus was, but
A could not for the crowd, because he was small of stature. So running on in
front of him, he climbed up into a sycamore-tree to see him ; because he
i was to pass that way. And when Jesus came to the spot, he looked up
and said to him, " Zacchaeus, make haste and come down ; I must stay at
jg! thy house to-day." Then he made haste and came down and welcomed
i ' him with joy. And on seeing it, everyone began to complain, " He has
-' gone in to lodge with a sinner ! " But Zacchaeus stood and said to the
,, Lord, " Behold, I will give the half of my goods to the poor, Lord ; and
'' whatever I have defrauded anyone of, by a false charge, I will give it back
,; fourfold ! " Jesus said to him, " Salvation has come to this house to-day,
1 seeing that he also is a son of Abraham. For the Son of man came to
seek and save what has been lost."
j, i Omitting [[.]].
*' 26

402 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l9lw»
11 Now as they listened to this he went on to tell a parable, since he was
near Jerusalem, and since they imagined God's reign was to be instantly
12 made visible. So he said, " A certain man of high birth journeyed to
a distant country to obtain royal power for himself and then return.
13 So he called ten of his slaves, gave them forty pounds, and said to them,
14 ' Trade till I come back.' Now his citizens hated him ; and they sent
an embassy after him to say, ' We will not have this fellow to reign over
15 us.' And it came to pass when he came back again after obtaining the
royal power, he bade those slaves be called to him, who had been given
16 the money, that he might ascertain what business they had done. The
first came up, saying, ' Sir, thy four pounds have earned forty pounds more.'
17 And he said to him, ' Good slave, capital ! because thou hast proved
18 faithful in a small matter, receive authority over ten cities.' Then came
19 the second, saying, ' Thy four pounds, sir, have made twenty pounds.' And
20 he said to this man also, ' Be thou promoted also over five cities.' And
the other came, saying, ' There are thy four pounds, sir. I kept them
21 laid away in a napkin. For I was afraid of thee, because thou art an
exacting man — thou dost lift what thou hast not laid down, and reapest
22 what thou hast not sown.' He says to him, ' Out of thine own lips I
will judge thee, 0 wicked slave. Thou didst know that I was an exact
ing man, lifting what I have not laid down, and reaping what I have not
23 sowed ! Then why didst thou not put my money into the bank ? — and
24 then I could have gone and claimed it with interest.' And he said to
the bystanders, ' Take the four pounds from him, and give them to him
25 who has the forty pounds.' And they said to him, ' Lord, he has forty
26 pounds already ! ' 'I tell you,
To every one who has,
Shall be given ;
But from him who has not,
Even what he has shall be taken.
27 But, as for those enemies of mine who would not have me to reign
over them,
Bring them here and slaughter them before me.' "
28, 29 And saying this he went forward on his way up to Jerusalem. And
it came to pass when he drew nigh Bethphage and Bethany, at the hill
30 called " the olive orchard," he despatched two of his disciples, saying, " Go
into the village opposite. On entering you shall find tied in it a colt on
which no man has yet sat ; then, after you have untied it, bring it here.
31 And if anyone asks you, ' Why are you untying it ? ' yon shall say this,
32 ' The Lord needs it.' So the messengers went off and found exactly as
33 he had told them. As they were untying the colt, its owners said to
34 them, " Why are you untying the colt ? " They said, " The Lord needs
35 it." Then they brought it to Jesus, and after throwing their garments on
36 the colt, they mounted Jesus upon it. Now as he went along, people spread
37 their garments beneath him on the road. And when he was now close
to the descent of the hill of Olives, all the multitude of the disciples
began to extol God joyfully with a loud voice, for all the miracles they
38 had seen ; saying,
" Blessed is he who comes
As king ... the name of the Lord !
Peace in heaven,
And honour in the highest ! "
39 And some of the Pharisees said to him from the crowd, " Teacher,
40 rebuke thy disciples." But in reply he said, " I tell you, if they keep

19«-2020] LUKE 403
41 silence, the very stones will shout." And when he drew nigh,
42 he saw the city, and wept over it, saying,
" 0 that thou hadst known what makes for peace ! — Even thou,
even at this day !
— But, ah, it is hidden from thine eyes —
43 For days will come upon thee,
When thine enemies will throw up an earthwork round thee, and
encircle thee, and besiege thee on every side,
44 When they will raze thee and thy children within thee to the ground,
When they shall not leave one stone upon another within thee,
Because thou knewest not the time of thy visitation."
45, 46 Then he entered the temple and started to drive out the sellers, saying
to them, " It is written,
And my house shall be a house of prayer ;
But you have made it a den of robbers!"
47 And day by day he taught in the temple. The high priests and the scribes
48 and the leading men of the people made efforts to destroy him ; yet they could
not discover what was to be done, for the people. all hung upon his lips.
20 1 And it came to pass one day as he was teaching the people in the
temple and preaching the glad tidings, the high priests and the scribes
2 accompanied by the elders came up to him. " Tell us," they said to him,
"by what sort of authority art thou acting thus ? Or who is it that gave
3 thee this authority ? " Jesus answered and said to them, " I will ask you
4 a question myself ; tell me now, Was the baptism of John from heaven or
5 from men ? " And they reasoned to themselves : " If we say, ' From heaven,'
6 he will say to us, ' Why did you not believe him ? ' But if we say, ' From
men,' the people will all stone us ; for they are persuaded that John was a
7 prophet." So they replied that they did not know where it was from.
8 Then Jesus said to them, " Neither do I tell you by what sort of authority
9 I am acting thus." And he started to speak this parable to the
people : " A man planted a vineyard, and after leasing it to vinedressers
10 he went abroad for a considerable time. And in due season he despatched
a slave to the vinedressers that they might give him some of the fruit of the
vineyard ; but the vinedressers flogged him and dismissed him empty-
11 handed. Then he proceeded to send another slave ; but him also they
12 flogged, insulted, and dismissed empty-handed. Then he proceeded
13 to send a third ; but this one also they wounded and threw out. So the
owner of the vineyard said, ' What am I to do ? I will send my beloved
14 son ; probably they will reverence him.' But when the vinedressers saw
him, they argued one with another, saying, ' This is the heir ; let us kill
15 him, to get the inheritance.' So they threw him outside the vineyard and
killed him. What therefore will the owner of the vineyard do to them ?
16 He will come and destroy these vinedressers, and give the vineyard to
17 others." And when they heard it, they said, " God forbid ! " He looked
at them and said, " Then what is this that has been written —
The stone which the builders rejected,
This is made head of the corner ?
18 Everyone who falls upon that stone shall be shattered,
And it shall crush to pieces whomsoever it falls upon."
19 And at that very hour the scribes and the high priests tried to lay
hands on him (yet they feared the people), for they knew it was against
20 them that he had told his parable. So watching their chance, they
despatched spies, who posed as upright men, to lay hold of what he said ;
so that they could deliver him up to the magistrate and to the authority of

404 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2021-218
21 the procurator. And they questioned him, saying, "Teacher, we know
thou speakest and teachest correctly, and regardest not the person of any-
22 one, but teachest the way of God with truth. Is it right for us to pay
23 tribute to Caesar, or not ? " But he marked their craftiness, and said to
24 them, " Show me a denarius. Whose likeness and inscription does it
25 bear?" "Caesar's," they said. "Then," said he to them, "render to
Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to God the things that are God's."
26 And they were unable to lay hold of the saying before the people ; so,
marvelling at his answer, they kept silence.
27 Now some of the Sadducees approached — those who say there is no
28 resurrection— and questioned him, saying, "Teacher, Moses wrote for us,
If a man's brother die married and leave no children, his brother is to take his
29 -widow and raise up offspring for his brother. Well, there were seven
30 brothers. So the first took a wife, and died childless. Then the second
31 and the third took her, and likewise also the seven ; they left no children
32, 33 when they died. Last of all the woman died also. At the resurrection,
then, whose wife will she be ? For the seven of them had her as wife."
34 And Jesus said to them,
" The sons of this age marry and are given in marriage :
35 But those who are held worthy of attaining to that age and to
the resurrection from the dead, neither marry nor are given in
marriage ;
36 Nor can they die any more, for they are equal to the angels,
And being sons of the resurrection they are sons of God.
37 And, that the dead are raised, even Moses intimated at the place of
'the Bush,' when he calls the Lord 'God of Abraham, and God of Isaac,
38 and God of Jacob.' Now God is God not of the dead but of the living ;
39 for him they all live." And some of the scribes answered and said,
40 " Teacher, thou hast spoken ably " ; for they no longer dared question
41 him at all. And he said to them, " How is it that they say
42 the Christ is David's son ? For David himself says in the book of
psalms, The Lord said to my Lord, ' Sit at my right hand,
43 Till I make thine enemies a footstool for thy feet.'
44 David therefore calls him ' Lord.' Then how is he his son ? "
45, 46 And in the hearing of all the people he said to the disciples, " Beware
of the scribes, who are fond of walking in long robes and like salutations
in the marketplaces and chief seats in the synagogues and chief places at
47 the suppers — men who devour widows' properties, and make long prayers
21 1 for a pretext. These men shall be more heavily sentenced." Now
on looking up he saw rich people putting their gifts into the treasury.
2, 3 Also, he saw a destitute widow putting in two farthings ; and he said, " I
4 tell you distinctly, this poor widow has put in more than all of them. For
all these people put in a contribution out of their wealth ; but out of her
want, she has put in all the livelihood she possessed."
5 And as some were speaking of the temple with its adornment of
6 splendid stones and votive offerings, he said, " As for these things that
you behold, days will come in which not one stone shall be left here upon
7 another, that shall not be thrown clown." And they questioned him,
saying, "Teacher, when shall these things be, then? Also, what is the
8 sign when these things are to come to pass ? " So he said,
" Take care that you are not led astray :
For many shall come relying on my name, saying, ' I am he,' and
' The time is near ' — go not after them.

219"31] LUKE 405
9 And when you hear of wars and tumults, be not startled ;
For these things must come to pass first, but the end is not im
mediately."
10 Then he said to them,
"Nation shall rise against nation, and realm against realm,
11 Great earthquakes shall there be, with famines and pestilences in
place after place,
Alarms there shall be, and great signs from the sky.
12 But ere all this they shall lay their hands on you and perse
cute you,
Delivering you up to the synagogues and prisons,
To drag you before kings and governors for my name's sake :
13 It will turn out a witness for you.
14 Resolve in your hearts then, not to draw up your defence before
hand,
15 For I myself will give you words and wisdom which your
adversaries one and all shall be unable to withstand or to
gainsay.
16 You shall be delivered up even by parents and brothers and kins
men and friends,
And they shall have some of you put to death ;
17 And you shall be hated by all men for my name's sake.
18 Yet not a hair from your head shall perish :
19 You shall win your souls as you endure.
20 But when you see Jerusalem being surrounded by armies,
Then know that her desolation is near.
21 Then let those who are in Judaea flee to the hills,
And let those who are in the midst of her take flight,
And let not those who are in the country enter her :
22 For these are days of Vengeance, for the fulfilment of all that is
written.
23 Woe to women with child and to women who give suck in those days !
For there shall be great trouble on the earth, and for this people
Wrath ;
24 They shall fall by the edge of the sword and be led captive among all
the nations,
25 And Jerusalem shall be trampled on by the Gentiles until the times
of the Gentiles be fulfilled.
And there shall be signs in sun and moon and stars,
And upon the earth misery of nations in perplexity at the sound of
sea and waves,
26 Men swooning away from fear and foreboding of what is to befall the
world ;
For the powers of the heavens shall be shaken.
27 And then shall they see the Son of -man coming in a cloud with power
and great majesty.
28 But when these things begin to come to pass, be elated and raise
your heads ; for your release draws near."
29 And he told them a parable :
30 "Look at the fig-tree and indeed all the trees — as soon as they
shoot out,
You see and know for yourselves that summer now is near ;
31 So also, when you see this come to pass,
You know that God's reign is near.

406 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2132-2225
32 I tell you truly, this generation shall not pass away
Till all come to pass ;
33 Sky and earth shall pass away,
But shall never my words pass away.
34 Now take heed to yourselves, lest your hearts be overpowered with
debauch and drunkenness and anxieties of this life,
And that Day come upon you suddenly like a snare ;
35 For come it will upon all the inhabitants over the surface of all the earth.
36 Be wakeful and pray at every season,
That you may succeed in escaping all this that shall come to pass,
And stand before the Son of man."
37 Now during the day he used to teach in the temple, but at night he
went out and passed the night on the hill which is called " the olive-
orchard." And early in the morning all the people used to resort to him
in the temple to listen to him.
22 1 Now the festival of unleavened bread drew near, which is caUed "the
2 passover " ; and the high priests and the scribes sought how they could
3 slay him (for they feared the people). Then Satan entered Judas
4 who was called " Iskariot," one of the twelve ; and he went off and con
ferred with the high priests and commanders about how he could betray
5 him to them. And they were delighted, and consented to pay him
6 money. So he agreed and sought an opportune moment for betraying
him in the absence of the crowd.
7 Now the day of unleavened bread came, on which the passover lamb
8 had to be sacrificed ; and he despatched Peter and John, saying, " Go and
9 make ready the paschal lamb that we may eat it." They said to him,
10 "Where wilt thou have us make ready?" He said to them, "Behold,
when you enter the city, a man shall meet you carrying a pitcher of
1 1 water ; follow him into the house that he enters. And you shall say to
the master of the house, ' The teacher says to thee, "Where is the guest-
12 chamber where I may eat the paschal lamb with my disciples?"' And
he will show you a large upper room, spread with couches ; make
13 ready there." So they went away and found it was exactly as he had
14 told them ; and they made ready the passover. And when
15 the hour came he lay down, and the apostles with him. And he said
to them, " Keenly have I desired to eat this passover with you before I
suffer :
16 For I tell you, I shall not eat it until it be fulfilled in God's reign."
17 And on receiving a cup, he gave thanks and said,
" Take this and distribute it among yourselves :
18 For I tell you I shall not drink of the produce of the vine from this
moment, till God's reign come."
19 Then he took bread, and after giving thanks he broke it and gave to
them, saying, " This is my body [[which is given for you : do this in
20 memory of me." Likewise also the cup after supper, saying, " This cup
21 is the new covenant in my blood, which is poured out for you]]. But lo,
22 tbe hand of my betrayer is with me on the table ! For the Son of man
departs as it has been determined ; but woe to that man through whom
23 he is betrayed ! " And they began to discuss with themselves, which of
24 them it could be who was about to do this. A contention also
got up among them, as to which of them was looked up to as the greatest.
25 So he said to them,
" The kings of the Gentiles lord it over them,

222f)-62] LUKE 407
And those who exercise authority over them take the name of
' benefactors ' :
26 Not so with you.
Nay, let him who is greatest among you
Be as the youngest,
And he who is chief
As one who serves.
27 For which is greater, guest or servant ?
Is it not the guest ?
And I am in the midst of you
As one who serves.
28 You are the men who have remained with me throughout my
trials ;
29 And I assign you, even as my Father has assigned me, regal
power,
30 To eat and drink at my table in my reign —
And you shall sit upon thrones, governing the twelve tribes of
Israel.
31 Simon, Simon ! lo, Satan has obtained his request to sift you like
wheat ;
32 But I have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not.
And when once thou hast turned back, establish thou thy
brothers."
33 And he said to him, "Lord, I am ready to go with thee, even to prison
34 and to death." But he said, " I tell thee, Peter, the cock shall not crow
to-day, till thou hast three times denied that thou knowest me."
35 And he said to them, " When I despatched you without purse and wallet
36 and sandals, did you lack anything ? " And they said, " Nothing." And
he said to them, "But let him who has a purse take it now, and the same
with a wallet ; and let him who has no sword sell his cloak and buy one.
37 For I tell you, this thing that is written must be fulfilled in me — And he
was reckoned among the wicked. For indeed all that concerns me is being
38 accomplished." And they said, " Lord, behold here are two swords ! " He
said to them, "Enough! Enough!"
39 Then he went out as usual upon his way to the hill of Olives, followed
40 also by the disciples ; and on reaching the spot he said to them, " Pray that
41 you may not enter temptation." And he withdrew himself about a stone's
42 throw from them, and kneeling down he continued in prayer, saying,
" Father, if it please thee, take this cup away from me. Nevertheless,
43 not my will, but thine, be done." [[Now an angel from heaven appeared
44 to him to strengthen him ; and agonised with terror he prayed more
earnestly than ever, and his sweat became like clots of blood, dropping
45 on the ground.]] Then rising from his prayer he came to the disciples
46 and found them asleep for sorrow ; and he said to them, " Why sleep ? rise
47 and pray, that you enter not into temptation." When he was
still speaking, behold, a horde came, preceded by the man called Judas (one
48 of the twelve). And he came near Jesus to kiss him. But Jesus said to
49 him, " Judas ! betray the Son of man with a kiss!" Now when his
associates saw what was going to happen, thev said, "Lord, shall we
50 smite with the sword?" Indeed one of them did smite the slave of the
51 high priest and cut off his right ear. But Jesus spoke out, saying, " Let
52 me do this, at least " ; and touching his ear, he cured him. Then said
Jesus to the high priests and the commanders of the temple and the elders
who had appeared against him, " Did you come out as against a robber, with

408 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2253-23w
53 swords and clubs . When I was beside you day by day in the temple,
you did not stretch out your hands against me. But this is your hour ;
this is the power of darkness ! "
54 Now after arresting him, they took and brought him into the house
55 of the high priest. Peter followed at a distance; and when they kindled
a fire in the middle of the court-yard and sat down together, Peter
56 seated himself among them. Now a maidservant saw him sitting by the
firelight, and fixing her eyes on him, she said, " This fellow was with
57, 58 him too." But he denied it, saying, " Woman, I know him not." Then
"~ shortly afterwards another person — a man — saw him, and said, " Thou
59 art one of them too." Said Peter, " Man, I am not." Then after an
interval of about an hour, some one else stoutly declared, " Quite true,
60 this fellow was along with him too ! Why, he is a Galilean ! " Said
Peter, " Man, I know not what thou meanest." Then instantly, while he
61 was still speaking, the cock crowed. And the Lord turned and looked
at Peter; then Peter remembered the word of the Lord, how he had
said to him, " Before the cock crows to-day, thou shalt three times deny
62 me." And he went out, and bitterly he wept.
63 And the men who held Jesus kept mocking and flogging him ;
64 and after blindfolding him they plied him with questions, saying,
65 " Prophesy, who was it that struck thee ? " And much more abuse they
uttered against him.
66 And as soon as day broke, the assembly of the elders of the people
met, both high priests and scribes, and brought x him before their
67 Sanhedrin, saying, " If thou art the Christ, teU us." He said to them,
68, 69 " You will not believe, if I teH you ; nor will you answer, if I ask. But
from this time the Son of man shall be seated at the right hand of GoSs
70 power." And they aH said, "Art thou the Son of God, then?" And he
71 said to them, "Certainly, I am." So they said, "What further evidence
do we need ? We have heard it ourselves from his own Hps."
23 1, 2 Then aU the multitude rose up and led him to Pilate. And they began
to accuse him, saving, '¦ We found this fellow perverting our nation, for
bidding people to pay tribute to Caesar, and declaring himself to be ' Christ,1
3 a king." Pilate asked him, " Art thou the King of the Jews 1 " And in reply
4 to him he said, " Certainly." Said Pilate to the high priests and the
5 crowds, " I find nothing criminal in this man." But they persisted in
alleging, " He stirs up the people by teaching throughout the whole of
6 Judaea, starting from Galilee and coming even here." Hearing this,
7 Pilate asked them, " Is the man a Galilean ? " And when he ascertained
that he belonged to the jurisdiction of Herod, he remitted him to Herod,
8 as he too was at Jerusalem during these days. Now when Herod saw
Jesus he was exceedingly delighted, for he had long had a desire to see
him, owing to what he had heard of him ; besides, he was in hopes of
9 seeing some sign performed by him. So he questioned him with many a
10 word ; but he did not answer him at aU. Meanwhile the high priests
11 and the scribes stood and accused him with might and main. And after
Herod, along with his troops, had scoffed at him and mocked him, he
12 arrayed him in bright raiment and sent him back to Pilate. On that
day Herod and Pilate became friends together ; for previously they had
13 been at enmity with one another. Now after Pilate had called
14 together the high priests and the rulers and the people, he said to them,
" You brought me this man as a seducer of the people ; yet here have I
examined him before you, and found nothing criminal in him, for all
1 Reading avxyay..,.

2315"48] LUKE 409
15 your accusations against him. No, nor even has Herod, for he remitted
16 him to us. Behold, he has done nothing to deserve death. I will
18 chastise him then, and release him." But one and all they shrieked, " Off
19 with him ! Release for us Bar- Abbas " (a man who had been thrown
into prison on account of a riot which had taken place in the city, as well
20 as on a charge of murder). Pilate once more addressed them, in his
21 desire to release Jesus ; but they kept roaring out, " Crucify ! Crucify
22 him ! " For the third time he said to them, " Why, what evil has this
man done ? I have found nothing criminal in him — no capital offence.
23 I will chastise him then, and release him." But they loudly pressed
their demand to have him crucified ; and their voices carried the day.
1, 25 So Pilate gave sentence that their request was to be granted. He released
the man they requested, who had been thrown into prison for riot and
murder ; and he delivered up Jesus to their pleasure.
26 And as they led him away, they laid hold of Simon, a Cyrenian,
who was on his way from the country, and put the cross upon him to
27 bear it after Jesus. Now he was followed by a large multitude of the
28 people, and of women who beat their breasts and lamented him. But
Jesus turned to them and said,
" Daughters of Jerusalem ! weep not for me,
But weep for yourselves and for your children :
29 For behold ! days are coming when it shall be said,
' Happy the barren — the wombs that have not borne, the breasts
that have not given suck ! '
30 Then shall they begin to say to the mountains, ' Fall on us,'
And to the mounds, ' Cover us ' ;
31 For if they do this in the green tree,
What shall be done in the dry ? "
32 There were also two other criminals led along with him to be put to
33 death. So when they came to the place which is called " The Skull,"
they crucified him there along with the criminals, one on the right hand
34 and one on the left. [[And Jesus kept saying, "Father, forgive them—
they know not what they are doing."]] Then distributing his garments
35 among them, they cast lots. And the people stood and looked. But x the rulers
sneered at him, saying, " Others he saved ; let him save himself, if he is
36 the chosen Christ of God ! " The soldiers also mocked him by coming up
37 and handing him vinegar, and saying, " If thou art the King of the Jews,
38 save thyself." (There was also a title over him, THIS IS THE KING
39 OF THE JEWS.) And one of the criminals wdio had been hung, heaped
abuse on him, saying, " Art thou not the Christ ? Save thyself and us."
40 But the other in reply rebuked him, saying, " Hast thou not even fear of
41 God, seeing that thou art under the same condemnation? And we
indeed justly, for we get what our deeds deserve ; but this man has done
42 no harm." And he said, " Remember me, Jesus, when thou comest in thy
, 43 royal power." And he said to him, " I tell thee truly, thou shalt be in
paradise with me to-day."
44 By this time it was about the sixth hour, and a darkness covered the
45 whole land till the ninth hour, owing to an eclipse of the sun ; also, the
46 veil in the middle of the sanctuary was torn. Then Jesus cried with a
loud voice, and said, " Father, into thy hands I trust my spirit." And on
47 saying this, he expired. Now when the centurion saw what had taken
, 48 place, he magnified God, saying, " This man was really innocent." And
when all the crowds who had collected for this spectacle, observed what
i Omitting xai.

410 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2340-2428
49 had taken place, they went away back, smiting their breasts. But all hi,
acquaintances stood at a distance and saw this, along with the women who
had accompanied him from Galilee.
50 .And behold, there was a man named Joseph, who was a councillor,
51 a good and upright man — he had not voted for their scheme and deed.
He belonged to Arimathaea, a city of the Jews ; and he was waiting for
52 the reign of God. He went to Pilate and asked for the body of Jesus.
53 Then he took it down, wrapped it up in a linen cloth, and laid it in a tomb
54 cut out of stone, where no one had ever yet been buried. It was the
day of Preparation, and the sabbath-day was just dawning.
55 Now the women who had come with him from Galilee followed behind,
56 and after noting the tomb and how his body was laid, they returned and
got ready spices and ointments.
And on the sabbath they did nothing, according to the command-
24 1 ment ; but at early dawn on the first day of the week they went to the
2 tomb, bringing tbe spices they had got ready. They found the stone
3 roUed away from the tomb, but when they went in they did not find the
4 body [[of the Lord Jesus]]. And it came to pass, while they were
puzzling over this, behold, two men came upon them in dazzling
5 raiment. And as they grew terrified and bent their faces to the ground,
6 they said to them, " Why seek the living among the dead ? [[He is not
here : he has risen.]] Remember how he spoke to }_ou when he was
7 still in Galilee, saying, 'The Son of man must be delivered into the
hands of sinful men, and be crucified, and on the third day rise again.'"
8, 9 Then they remembered his words, and returning from the tomb they
10 brought word of all this to the eleven and to all the others. (It was
the Mary who belonged to Magdala, and Joanna and Mary the mother of
1 1 James who, with the rest of the women, told this to the apostles.) Yet
these words appeared in their view to be nonsense, and they disbelieved
12 the women. [[Peter, however, rose up and ran to the tomb; yet on
gazing in, he sees only the linen bandages. So he went away home,
wondering at what had taken place.]]
13 And behold, two of them were journeying on that very day to a
village named Emmaus, six and a half miles distant from Jerusalem ;
14, 15 and they were conversing together about all these events. And it came
to pass during their converse and discussion that Jesus himself drew
16 near and journeyed along with them. (But they were prevented from
17 recognising him.) And he said to them, "What words are these that
are passing between you as you walk 1 " And they stood still, dejected.
18 And one of them, Cleopas by name, answered and said to him, "Art thou
the solitary inhabitant of Jerusalem — to be ignorant of what has taken
19 place in it during these days?" And he said to them, "What?" They
said to him, " All about Jesus of Nazaret, who proved himself a prophet
20 mighty in deed and word before God and all the people : and about how
the high priests and our rulers delivered him up to be condemned to
21 death, and crucified him. Now we had hoped he was to be the redeemer
of Israel ; yet for all that, three days have passed since this took place.
22 Still, at the same time, some women of our number have amazed us.
23 They reached the tomb early and could not find his body; yet they came to
tell us that they had actually seen a vision of angels, who said he was living.
24 And some of our companions went away to the tomb. They found it was
25 exactly as the women had said ; but him they saw not." And he said to
them, " 0 foolish and slow of heart in believing, after all that the
26 prophets have uttered ! Was it not necessary for the Christ to suffer thus

2427"63] LUKE 411
27 and enter his majesty?" And beginning with Moses and all the
prophets, he interpreted to them what referred to himself throughout all
28 the scriptures. And they drew near the village to which they were
29 journeying. He pretended he was going further on ; but they urged
him, saying, "Stay with us, for it is towards evening, and the day has
30 now declined." So he went in to stay with them. And it came to pass
while he was reclining at table with them he took the bread and, after the
31 blessing, broke it, and proceeded to hand it to them. So their eyes were
32 opened, and they recognised him ; but he vanished from their sight. And
they said to one another, " Did not our heart glow within us while he
33 talked to us on the road, while he opened the scriptures to us ? " And
they rose up that very hour and returned to Jerusalem, where they found
34 the eleven and their companions all mustered, saying, " The Lord has
35 really risen, and he has appeared to Simon !" Then they recounted what
had taken place on the road, and how they knew him by the breaking of
36 the bread. Now as they were thus talking, he stood in the
37 midst of them [[and says to them, " Peace to you ! "]]. But startled and
38 terrified, they supposed they saw a spirit. And he said to them, "Why
are you troubled, and why do questionings start up in your heart?
39 Look at my hands and my feet ; it is I ! Handle me and see ; for a
40 spirit has not flesh and bones, as you see that I have." [[And saying
41 this, he showed them his hands and his feet.]] Now as they still dis
believed for joy and wondered, he said to them, "Have you any food
, 43 here ? So they handed him a piece of broiled fish. And he took and ate
44 it before them. And he said to them, "These are my words that
I spoke to you when I was still with you — that everything written in the
law of Moses and in the prophets and psalms concerning me, must be
, 46 fulfilled." Then he opened their mind to understand the scriptures, and
said to them, " Thus it is written : the Christ is to suffer and rise again
47 from the dead on the third day, and repentance for the remission of sins
is to be preached in his name to all the nations — starting from Jerusalem.
49 You are witnesses of these things. And lo ! I send forth upon you what
my Father has promised. But do you settle in the city, until you are
clothed with power from on high."
50 And he led them out as far as to Bethany; then lifting up his hands,
51 he blessed them. And it came to pass while he blessed them, he parted
52 from them [[and was carried up into heaven]]. Then they [[did him
53 reverence and]] returned to Jerusalem with great joy ; and they were con
stantly within the temple, blessing God.

ACTS
The unmistakable care bestowed in the third gospel upon the associa
tion of the evangelic history with the events of the larger Empire is
accentuated in its sequel, which definitely sympathises with the feelings
and hopes of Christianity in its consciousness of peril under Domitian.
The new faith was not yet legally proscribed. Suspicion had to be
averted from it, if possible ; and an implicit defence could still be offered
on its behalf, by " a temperate and solemn record ... of the real facts
regarding the formation of the church, its steady and unswerving loyalty
in the past, its firm resolve to accept the facts of Imperial government,
its friendly reception by many Romans." x Acts is thus an appeal for,
because it is a series of reminiscences - of, Imperial respect and con
sideration. But this feature of the book is subordinate. Its primary
function is to edify the contemporary church by a true account of how
Judaism had been slowly and painfully supplanted in the course of
Providence by the Christian church. Besides the interest in apostolic
teaching and travels, one remarkable feature of the book consists in its
reflection of Christianity as constituting already an extensive pheno-
i Ramsay, SPT, pp. 22, 309, 3871 On this "apologetic" element in Acts, cp.
Zeller-Overbeck (Eng. tr.), i. p. 231, ii. 1611 ; Weizsacker, AA, ii. pp. 122-124;
Renan, Les Apotres, Introd. ; Pfleiderer, OVc.pp. 544-614 ; Holtzmann, HG, n. 2, Einl.;
McGiffert, AA, pp. 345-348 ; Bartlet, AA, p. 168 1, 409 f. ; and especially J. Weiss,
Absicht, pp. 56-60. In Luke the Roman attitude towards Christianity is exhibited
in a favourable light (Lk 2314 22). In Acts, cp. the conduct of the proconsuls
(1312 1812, etc.) and the Asiarchs (1931). Paul is never formally condemned by the
authorities, and it is easy to understand Luke's silence upon his final condemnation,
as upon the three occasions when he had been flogged by lictors (2 Co ll25).
Aberle (Tab. Theol. Quartalsehr. 1863, pp. 84-134) in an exaggerated way seems
to have considered Acts as a document designed to be put in at Paul's trial, with
a view of vindicating his political inoffensiveness ; just as he had previously (ibid.
1859, pp. 567-588) viewed Matthew as a reply to some antichristian circular letter
issued by the Jewish Sanhedrin. The activity of historical composition
among the Jews of this period seems to have been concentrated upon the Roman
campaign under Vespasian which culminated in the overthrow of Jerusalem. This
subject was treated by numerous writers of more or less reliability (Josephus, pre
face to Trews of Jews). Justus of Tiberias is the best known of them.
For the guess that Acts formed the seeond (Ae l1) part of a historical workwhose
third volume was never written, cp. Ramsay, SPT, pp. 23, 27, 28, 309, and Zahn,
Einl. ii. pp. 371 1, 389. The hint was originally thrown out by Bengel.
2 We have hardly any means of knowing what information the readers possessed
on such matters, and how far they had the power of checking an incorrect state
ment in their author. But there is no reason to be suspicious of the narrative at these
points ; even although they are not complete, they may be true as far as they go.
Tendency, either here or in the gospels, is uot correlative necessarily with indiffer
ence to fact or licence of imagination. The presence of a conciliatory motive in
Acts does not ipso facto throw doubts upon the historicity ofthe facts adduced. On
the contrary, prejudice would be averted most effectively by a "plain unvarnished
tale " of what really happened. The strength of the Apologia would consist largely
in the indisputable and notorious evidence of facts, and so far as these are brought
forward, it is likely that upon the whole they are reliable in most essential points.
412

ACTS 413
menon. Numberless traces point to the hold which the new religion 1 was
taking of the Empire at the time when this book was written, as well as
to the evident sympathy with which the author viewed that extension.
Apart from minor expressions like 1? (eas e'o-xdrov 1-77. y^_-=1347, from
Isa 49'" LXX) 913 IO-5 29 IO36 13" « 1427 2215- 21 2311 26lr- ls, the whole
narrative2 of chapter 2 is dominated by the conception of the church
as initially catholic (26t), inaugurated for universal ends and destined
from the start to expand beyond purely national bounds. The enumera
tion of the audience, sweeping from East to West (2r'"n), the conscious
scheme "from Jerusalem through Syrian Antioch to Rome" which
underlies the whole book, the introduction of narratives like 85-13 10,
ll19 L 15, 185t, the cosmopolitan outlook on the religious historv of
the world (1415-lr 17-=t = Ro 325), and the dramatic finale (28- :'t)3
with the characteristic words put into the mouth of Paul, rois edvea-iv
aireoTakg toito to carryptov rov 6eov' carol Kai aKOvaovrai, — these and
other lines of evidence betray a fine religious pragmatism, by which the
mission to the Gentiles was conceived as a natural, legitimate, and provi
dential development. The author in fact read back the developed hopes
and feelings of his own age into these sketches of nascent Christianity,
because he heartily believed that catholicity of spirit was an essential
part of the faith produced by the historical Jesus. These two ideas, (a)
the catholicity and freedom, and (b) the spread of the Christian faith, are
correlative. Inherent in the original teaching of Jesus, and substantially
reproduced in the apostolic mind, they came to be understood and expressed
with special emphasis in this literature of tbe last quarter of the century.
Compare the close of the third gospel (245-- 5- ) and the close of Acts (2851),
with their similar note of unrestrained vigour, also the patent universalism
of the gospel with its characteristic touches like 1910 (gXdev yap 6 vlbs rov
dvdpamov ljfri)o-m koi uHo-rn to a.-no\ayK6s), 736 5", and 1711'19, etc. The note
of the age (75-100), so far as Christianity's relation to Judaism is con
cerned, may be fairly summed up in the antithesis : Judaism as a religion is
identical with and consummated in Christianity, Judaism as a nationality
has become completely antagonistic to Christianity (Holtzmann).
The relative date of this book is easily determined. If, as is almost
unanimously held (cp. the arguments marshaUed in Overbeck-Zeller, ii. p.
213f., and Friedrich, Das Lukasevangelium und die Apgeschichte werke dessel-
ben Verfassers, 1890), it is by the author of the third gospel, then the
composition of Acts (8evrepos Xoyos-) falls into a more or less subsequent
period. The time elapsing between the two has been variously reckoned
(about nine or ten years, Renan), but is generally held to have been
appreciable, chiefly owing to the difference of tradition 4 in Lk 23, 24
1 True to his historical function, the writer did not represent the early organisation,
however, as a mature and official system. It is impossible to make sense of DB, i. 32
(last two sentences), and the remarkupon the next page — "No object could be gained by
the representation which is given of its form and character" — betrays a deficient grasp
of historical criticism. Consult Seufert, Ursp. v.. Bedeut. d. Apostolates, pp. 77-95.
- As even Blass admits in ver. 5 (as on S35) : quae sequuntur etiam magis quam
priora tpkwx!; narrata sunt, non iVt__;»-7.. On the moral apologues and sus
piciously unhistorieal elements in Ac 1-5, cp. Holtzmann, EC, i. pp. 310—340,
and P_amsay, SPT, pp. 367-372 ; generally, Clemen, Chron. pp. 17-28, with
the authorities there cited, and McGifFert's sensible and masterly treatment.
3 After iaa-xirT.,- D adds the needless but congenial words, >d>-_.» !.. .;•.« lr- <>
• Xfiisrif - -/«_ ... ._.., _i ,? fiiyj.it Tat (./.s.) _ xitraxc xpintrBai. i: "\ ictoria verbi Dei,
Paulas Bomae, apex evangelii " (Bengel).
4 Acts 1 represents a fuller and later development of the resurrection- "and
ascension-stories, which apparently did not come into the writer's hands until the

414 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
and Ac 1. However, we do not possess any evidence which enables a
calculation like this to be made with much accuracy. At any rate, 80-85
A.D. is the terminus a quo. After that period Acts was finally composed.
The main considerations which indicate its period are twofold, (a) One
is the incipient " Catholicism " 1 of the ideas and institutions in the
writing, as in Clem. Rom. Acts stands little nearer to the events wliicli
it records, than the third gospel to the life of Jesus. The writer, a
Gentile Christian, is at some distance from them, viewing retrospectively
the earlier conflicts which have subsided into the more settled state of
agreement and consolidation by which he is surrounded. This would
naturally point to the closing decades of the century. A growth lies
behind the author, and with the help of written sources he sets himself to
trace that growth for the purpose of edifying his contemporaries and
throwing light upon the status quo. (b) The other feature is, as already
noted, the tone and feeling of the church toward the State, which has been
rightly held to be incompatible with a date much posterior to the Flavian
regime. On the ground of this evident endeavour 2 to exhibit Chris
tianity in association with the Empire, and to indicate it as an innocent
religious movement, Ramsay argues with great force that the third
gospel was composed before (and finished in) 79-81, immediately after
which the Acts was written. This is, however, to be too precise, and
there is no ground for his further suggestion that the book was left
incomplete owing to Luke's martyrdom under Domitian (SPT, pp. 23,
386 f. ; so, for different reasons, Spitta). After Hilgenfeld (95-100 a.d.),
Mangold (-Bleek) selected the beginning of the last decade of tbe
century, Reuss (pp. 296-310) its last quarter ; Keim chose a slightly
earlier period, 80-90 a.d. (i. 63), but Wendt (-Meyer) has recently
gone back to 95-100. Bleek and Renan,3 followed by Dr. Sanday, come
down even as far as c. 80 (so Adeney, BI, p. 345, and Bartlet, AA, pp. 511),
Headlam (DB, i. pp. 29, 30) and Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 424-439) to c. 75,
or to " a period shortly after 70."
It is impossible to believe the preposterous idea (Euseb. HE, n. 22)
that the book was written contemporaneously with or just after (vih
Blass, Proleg. § 2) the events recorded at its close.4 Those only who
find the author's silence upon Paul's death unaccountable if he wrote
gospel was published. Otherwise the inconsistencies are quite incredible. Sir John
Hawkins (florae Synopt. pp. 140-161) infers that a considerable interval elapsed
between the two books, on account ofthe differences in vocabulary and phraseology.
1 "Nicht Paulus wird judaisirt, nicht Petrus paulinisirt, sondern Paulus und
Petrus lucanisirt d. h. katholisirt " (Jiilicher) : " Der Verfasser hat nicht tenden-ios
den Petrus pauliuisiert und den Paulus petrinisiert ; er hat vielmehr beiden Aposteln
seine eigene christlichen Gedanken, die Auschauungen des Heidenchristenthums
der nach-apostolischen Zeit geliehen " (Wendt).
2 So Schafer : " Die Apgeschiehte ist keine Geschichte d. app. sondern eine
Apologie des Kirche" (1890).
s SoLesApbtres, pp. xi.l.butcp. Les Evangiles, chap. xix. , for a later date, c. 100.
4 So L. Schultze (Handbuch der theolog. Wissenschaften, Band i. Abth. %
p. 741), Rendall (Acts, 1897), Barde (Comm. sur les Actes, pp. 508-583), and E. B.
Rackham (JTS, Oct. 1899, pp. 76-87). That Acts could have been written
at the close of the two years' imprisonment of the apostle (Ac 2830) is a pre'
critical theory which rests on sentimental or subjective grounds, and is only ten
able when the phenomena both of Acts and of the third gospel are ignored (as
by Schafer, Einl. p. 2901), or minimised. At this time of day one must be
excused from discussing the merits of a hypothesis which involves the composition
of the third gospel some nine or ten years before ( !) the crisis of a.d. 70. Knowling
seems to incline to Blass's position (ExGT, ii. 34-36), in a learned and candid edition
which reflects the conservative standpoint.

ACTS 415
after that event, are obliged to take up a position which does violence to
all considerations of its standpoint and literary relations. Hardly
more ground exists for a deep second-century date. The older Tubingen
school en masse, absorbed in the idea of pragmatic tendencies, put the
Acts under Trajan or Hadrian (so Zeller-Overbeck, ii. pp. 267-284, and
Hausrath). Pfleiderer, like S. Davidson (INT. ii. pp. 76-176), still is
unable to find its period of composition earlier than 110-120 a.d. (Urc.
pp. 613-614), and he is followed as usual by Martineau (Seat of Authority,
p. 257). But this is scarcely justified, though Rovers (Nieuw-test Letter-
kunde, 1888, pp. 205, 206) and Schmiedel still (EBi, i. pp. 49, 50) bold
to 105 (110)-130 a.d. Jiilicher, while he rejects the Lucan authorship
(Einl. p. 262 f.) of this " ideal church history," will not go further down
than 100-105 a.d. Similarly, in the main, Holtzmann (HG, i. p. 5) and
Weizsacker ; while, like Gfrorer, Schleiermacher, and Keim, McGiffert
(AA, pp. 348 f., 437 f.) places the book in Domitian's reign, as do Loning
(Gemeinde-J'erfassung, p. 62) and J. Reville (Les origines de I'e'piscopat, I.
pp. 43, 44 : dating it previous to the pastoral epistles). The epistle of Clem.
Rom. is sometimes taken as a terminus ad quem; but while the resem
blances are striking (cp. the similar use of Ps 8921 LXX in Ac 1322 and
CR 181, Ac2035 = CR21, Ac I25 = CR 54- 7), they do not decisively prove
dependence either way. So far as later literary connections are con
cerned, the question of the date of Acts is left practically open.
From the standpoint of modern realism it would no doubt be more
satisfactory to have had Acts rounded off with an account of Paul's
martyr death. But to expect such a finale is to mistake the whole
current of the book. The author's silence upon Paul's death almost
certainly means that the apostle was condemned by the Roman
authorities, or that the Christian church had — by the end of the first
century — lost all definite knowledge of how and when he died ; a con
clusion which is corroborated by the vague allusions in Clem. Rom.
Yet even had he known tbe details of the apostle's death, there is no
reason why this writer should have added them. The taste for details
of Christian martyrdom was a later growth. Besides, Acts is not a
biography of Paul, but a sketch of the early church in its development
through the jars and problems and energies of the early apostles to
its culminating hold upon Rome. And as the author does not give even
a full sketch of Paul's previous career, it is not uncharacteristic of him to
stop short of that tragic event which followed the two years' residence
in Rome. As writer and readers probably were aware of the general fact
of Paul's death, the former had as little interest in telling it as in sup
pressing it, particularly as it contradicted the general purport of his
volume. Possibly, too, Nero's treatment of Paul was silently omitted
as a deplorable exception to the normal policy of the State. As for the
apostle's career at the close, it is clear that in the belief of the author of
Acts (2025), Paul never revisited Asia Minoj — a proposition which is
irreconcilable with the tradition underlying the "pastoral" letters.
Zahn's attempt to prove that ovuiri is not equivalent to oi iraKiv, and
that the parting was for long, but not necessarily for ever, is a bit of
special pleading (Einl. i. pp. 444, 445) which evades the plain force of
this passage, just as the conventional ecclesiastical exegesis shrinks from
Mt l25. The usage of ovk_t. in Jo 1610- 19 is no parallel, as there the
context carefully explains the meaning. Ac 2025 is more than a pre
sentiment of the speaker. It is obviously a tragic fact, solemnly ratified
by the historian (2038).

416 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
For the recent hypotheses on the composite origin of the book, cp. below
in the Appendix. These do not seriously affect the question of its date as
a literary unity ; nor does the ingenious theory of Blass, according to
which our Codex Bezae (in Acts) was a first rough draft (R) of the
work whose later and revised form (A) is extant in our present Acts.
The latter text is condensed, the Western text much fuller. The reason
of this is, in Blass's view, that Luke, being a poor man, would be obliged
to do his own copying ; and in writing out a copy of his work for
Theophilus he would naturally feel the tendency, common to such
situations, to abbreviate, or to omit here and there clauses and para
graphs. Even if this were so, the double recension would be practically
synchronous. Broadly speaking, the relative position of Acts in the series of NT
documents lies between Luke's gospel and the fourth gospel, earlier
at an}- rate than the pastorals, and possibly somewhere in the last quarter
or even in the last decade of the first century a.d. Harnack (Chron.
pp. 246-250; inclines to the period 80-93 ; similarly, but with hesitation,
Lightfoot, Smith's Die. B- (1893), i. pp. 25-42. At all events, it cannot be
earlier. If Josephus x is used in Acts, the latter's date would be of course
subsequent to 93-94 a.d. The proofs of such an indebtedness, however,
are not convincing, and have not yet been established with certainty.
Evidence for its use by Clem. Rom. is unfortunately as indecisive. At the
other extreme there is even less evidence to support the hypothesis that the
book — like the 8th book of Thucydides — was left unfinished at its author's
death, or that the book ended because at the moment of its completion (c. 62)
the writer had no more to tell. This is a pure guess, which depends
upon the further hypothesis, equally incapable of proof, that the author
intended to write a full account of Paul's life so far as he knew it
Similarly, the failure to notice Peter's residence at Rome (1 P 513), sup
posing that his letter was known to the author of Acts, is explicable
enough when we remember that the fact probably fell outside the time-
limits of the history, even if it were granted that he would have cared to
mention it or Peter's death at all.
Upon the other side, if it can be shown that the Pauline letters did
not form a source for Acts, this makes an argument in favour of a first-
century date, as after 90 a.d. — to judge from the sub-apostolic literature—
the knowledge of these letters became widespread. The point is still in
dispute. But upon the whole Acts does not show any definite traces of
tbe Pauline epistles such as are plentiful in Barnabas, Ignatius, etc.
The main reason for adhering to this position is the total silence of
Acts upon the Pauline epistles, even at points where their mention
would have been natural, or where the slightest acquaintance with their
contents would have either prevented the historian from misconceiving2 the
situation, or given him a fuller narrative (see the ample evidence collected
by Zahn, Einl. ii. p. 408 f .). The author of Acts might indeed have
1 On the relation of Josephus to the XT generally and Acts in particular, cp. above,
p. 271, and Clemen's full note (Chron. pp. 66-69). Like Wendt, the latter is disposed
to assume that the editor of Acts was acquainted with Josephus (cp. also SE, 1895,
p. 3391). Ou the other hand, Ramsay's arguments are very damaging to such a
theory ( Was Christ born at Bethlehem ? pp. 251-259), and Knowling has some acute
objections in ExGT, ii. pp. 30-34. So J. A. Cross, Exp. Ti. xi. pp. 538-540.
2 To the author of Acts as to Justin Martyr it seems the prerogative of the
Twelve to be the primary channel for God's mission to the world. Both writers
reproduce this conventional idea, though the original Pauline sources at the dis
posal of the former must have pointed to a rather different conception of affairs.

ACTS 417
known Paul's letters. There is nothing in his age or situation that we
know of, to have prevented such an acquaintance. But, so far as the
contents of Acts permit us to judge, the evidence negative and positive
alike tells against any serious literary use of the apostle's writings.
Such knowledge of Paul's movements as the book contains was probably
drawn either from written sources, like the we-journal, or from oral
traditions ; and there is a possibility that the latter may have included
Paul's own reminiscences. Harnack (Ghron. p. 248 f .), Zahn (op. cit. ), Weiss,
Felten, Schmidt, Jiilicher, McGiffert, Bartlet, Knowling, Wendt, and
Sabatier (in an essay published in the Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des hautes dtudes,
Sciences religieuses, I. 1889, p. 202 f.), besides adherents of Steck's theory
(ZSchz, 1890, 153 f .), substantially take up this position, that the Pauline
letters do not form a source for Acts. It is naturally axiomatic for the
recent school who regard the latter as the basis for the former. Other
wise, one must imagine that Acts presupposes and is meant to illuminate
the epistles (e.g. Ramsay, SPT, p. 385), a position which is not very tenable
in face of recent critical developments. In fact, when the aim of Acts is
rightly conceived, the alternative is either (i.) to suppose that the author
knew but had largely forgotten Paul's epistles; or to admit (ii.) that the book
silently contradicts them, going upon its own independent and erroneous
road. The former is hardly credible, least of all when the author is held to
be Luke, Paul's companion and the diligent investigator who wrote the
third gospel. Nor can Overbeck's intermediate suggestion be accepted,
that the author knew the extant Pauline epistles, but never employed
them as sources for his work. Such a procedure would argue a far from
" intense interest in Paul and Paulinism " (Overbeck - Zeller, i. 64).
More logical and natural would be (ii.) the latter hypothesis, which
practically formed a postulate of the older Tubingen critics (so still
Schmiedel, EBi, i. pp. 42, 43), and is still held by several (e.g. Jacob-
sen, Clemen, and Spitta) analysts of Acts, as well as by others
(Holtzmann, Pfleiderer, and Weizsacker in particular) from a different
standpoint. Such a hypothesis of course indefinitely lowers one's
estimate of the author's historicity and trustworthiness, but at any rate
it does more justice to the facts of all the writings concerned than the
"supplementary" hypothesis above alluded to (cp. Schulze, SK, 1900,
pp. 119-124, on Ac 2018'31), if any literary relation is to be presupposed.
The recent expansion of the church in the years 60-80 naturally
produced an unwonted and growing self-consciousness. If the gospels
witness to her intense practical desire for possessing some historical
basis of the faith in the life and sayings of Jesus, the book of Acts affords
evidence that this reflective and retrospective attitude extended to the
province of her own history — which was indeed viewed as a natural
continuation of Christ's activity (Ac l15). In the last quarter of the
century it is plain that this interest in herself had deepened. An
eagerness to take cognisance of the past was abroad throughout the
church. The book of Acts, one may be sure, was no mere jeu d'esprit.
Its characteristics — even the pro-Roman and anti-Jewish tendencies,
as the gospel of Peter indicates — are not those of an isolated thinker
who occupied a novel or independent standpoint. The composition
of the work was prompted, just as its character was largely determined,
by the spirit of the age; and that spirit included the tendency to
look back and inquire into those processes and crises through which
the church had reached her present and fairly definite condition, into
the origin of her organisation, institutions, and doctrines, her relation
27

418 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
to OT prophecy and contemporary Judaism,1 her attitude under per
secutions and towards errors, her debt to the twelve apostles 2 and early
leaders, and in general the bases and guarantees which the status quo
towards the close of the first century possessed, in the acts and
authority of the primitive community. To the feeling of historical
sympathy with this creative and heroic age, as well as to the sources
with which the author worked, is due the attractive element of the book.
"Les Actes des Apdtres, expression de ce premier elan de la conscience
chretienne, sont un livre de joie, d'ardeur sereine. Depuis les poeines
homeriques, on n'avait pas vu d'oeuvre pleine de sensations aussi fraiches.
Une brise matinale, une odeur de mer, penetre tout le livre. Ce fut la
seconde poesie du christianisme. Le lac de Tiberiade et ses barques de
pecheurs avaient fourni la premiere " (Renan).
Gathering up the various traces and tendencies which have been
already indicated, we may say that the period to which the book is with
great probability to be referred, is the middle period of Domitian's reigD.3
The history then becomes an implicit apolog}- for the Christian faith.
The author intends to show by his picture of early church history the
friendly attitude of the Roman officials to the Pauline generation, their
recognition and protection of Paul, the emancipation of Christianity
from its primitive Judaic surroundings (note the weighty repetition,
134S1 1861 199), as well as its imperial aim. It is written in view of
Imperial interference and Judaistic propaganda. Against both of these
contemporary currents the writer seeks to vindicate the innocence, in
dependence, and superiority of the Christian faith. Yet, after all, the
supreme interest in his mind is religious. Writing for a generation
which had only memories of the great apostles who had laid here and
there the foundations of their church, he aimed at establishing their faith
by a transcript of the stages through which — as it appeared to him — the
living spirit of Jesus had achieved this result.4
1 Acts, like the other NT writings after 70 a.d., points to the developing self-
consciousness of the church along two lines, (i.) The detachment of the Christian
society from the outward and ancestral framework of Judaism gave a new sense of
freedom, of the church's right and need of self-government, of its prospects and career
as God's kingdom, (ii.) The rivalry of Judaism brought to light with increasing clear
ness the Divine mission of the church. While it compelled Christians to vindicate
tbeir OT prerogatives and right of succession, it opened to them a truer insight into the
eternal purpose of God which was to find its fulfilment through Jesus Christ among
Christians. These ideas constitute the dominant tendency under which Acts
was composed. It was an attempt not so much to justify the Gentile Christianity
of the author and his time, which was already on the way to Catholicism, as to justify
an existing and incipient stage of Catholicism which was practically equivalent to
Gentile Christianity.
2 Harnack, HD, i. pp. 158 1, 213 f. Tbe words of 4s2 (tov _< Tt.r.iovt tSv Titrnusiw, h
xapSia j.c_i -J,, xi fj.',a) ' ' may be regarded as forming a motto for the book " (Schmiedel).
And how suggestive is the mere fact that the author of a gospel wrote as its natural
sequel an apostolic history !
3 On the recrudescence of persecution under the "timid and inhuman Domitian,"
cp. Renan, Les Evangiles, chaps, xii., xiv. ; and below, pp. 460, 461.
4 Hence, e.g., the absorption in Paul which marks the latter part of the book. It
is his arrival, not that of the gospel, in Rome that forms the apex of the history.
Christianity had preceded him there, but that is not the book's concern. To the
writer (or writers) of the sources, especially of the we-journal, Paul was interesting
as a personality. Memory and affection bound him to them. But to the editor of
the book Paul was chiefly a type of the Christianity which existed around him and
his readers. The apostles represented their faith in its original Jewish correctness,
in its ultimate superiority, in its rightful vindication before the Roman authorities,
and especially in its Divine sanction and impulse for universal diffusion.

ACTS 419
As a historical document, not merely for the period 1 75-100 but even
for some points in the age of which it treats, Acts is a most serviceable and
invaluable writing. For many parts of the apostolic age the author
apparently possessed no sources and had access to few traditions. The
result is that these parts are omitted, while in elaborating others he seems
again to present a record at variance with the traits preserved in Paul's
epistles. Yet even with the gaps, deviations, and contradictions of this
history, it serves often as a useful outline for historical research, providing
materials for the reconstruction of events and ideas which otherwise
would remain even more dim than they now are. As Resch, I think, has
somewhere observed with considerable truth, apart from the "Acts of the
Apostles," the epistolary literature of the NT would be like a book sealed
with seven seals. One may well admit this, without denying at the same
time that in the history of early Christianity there are several points
where the narrative, when inf erentially gathered from the Pauline letters,
gains in clearness and consistency as Acts is either set aside or regarded
as a secondary source.
The following analysis has been adopted from Mr. C. H. Turner's
article (DB, i. pp. 412 f ., " the picture is cut up, as it were, into six panels,
each labelled with a general summary of progress ").
1 Note the presence of such elements as these in the contemporary situation :
(i.) a conciliatory tendency towards emphasis upon harmony and agreement as notes
ofthe earlier development (cp. Ephesians, and the supremacy of the Twelve in the
Apocalypse, where Paul is absolutely ignored, even in his famous sphere at Ephesus) ;
(ii. ) a disposition to]smooth over primitive conflicts in the interests of a later generation
which would not be edified by their recital ; (iii.) the existence of errorists and in
cipient officialism (e.g., especially Ac 2028-31 = Pastorals and Apoc 2-3, 21"9) in tlie
Asiatic communities; (iv.) the blurred reflection (iu the Pauliue speeches, as in
1 Pet.) of Paul's ideas upon, e.g., Christ's redemption, Israel's destiny, the spiritual
life, the charismata, his independent apostolate, etc. ; besides (v. ) the less restrained
handling of stories such as those told in Ac l16f- etc. On the latter passage, see Prof.
Rendel Harris (AJT, July, 1900, pp. 490-513), who attempts to show that behind
it, and even behind the corresponding story in Mt 273S there lay in the primitive
tradition a legendary account of the death of Judas, modelled upon the tale of a
similar fate suffered by Nadan, the traitorous nephew of Ahikar. The taste for such
heightened anecdotes naturally rose in proportion as their original nucleus receded
iu tradition. It is more noticeable in Acts than in the synoptic gospels (cp. above,
pp. 17-18 ; also, for other instances of naively realistic expressions of religious truth
in primitive Christianity, Gunkel's die Wirkungen des heiligen Geistes,2 pp. 47-49) ;
though, even in the pictured pages of the former book, few sections would deserve a
verdict as severe as that pronounced by Dr. Harris on the Judas-legends : " iu any
case, the value of the early Christian traditions with regard to the death of the
traitor is reduced almost to zero."

It is certain that in the second part the person and fortunes of Paul are
supremely prominent, but it is just as plain that upon tbe whole "Acts" is
intended to describe something other than the life of Paul. The author
regards Paul as the representative of the cause which he himself is advocat
ing, namely, the Gentile Christian church of bis own day, and he wishes to
describe how this church came to spread itself over the whole Empire,
irresistibly. In his representation of the history, he has no animus against
Jewish Christianity, far less against Peter or James. What he is absorbed in
is the breach with Judaism, for in Judaism he sees tbe real opponent of
Christianity. I cannot understand "Acts" except _s_ defence ofthe
Christian religion before the Gentiles against the denunciation of the Jews,
which is meant to show how Christianity, with its mission to the world, has
proved to be the annulling of Judaism. That the author of this apologetic
treatise, written about the close of the first century, chooses to put his leading
ideas in narrative rather than in argumentative form, is due to the nature of
the case. He was in no sense dealing with a subject that was generally known,
but with a religion just in the bud. Besides, he seems to have held the
opinion that the best way to know things is to know their origin and develop
ment. The result is, that the general view of Christianity adopted by this
author brings him and his composition really nearer to the apologists than to
the writings of Paul. — J. Weiss.

ACTS

l1-.1"' i. Origin of church at Jerusalem :
preaching of Peter.
double imprisonment of Peter
and John :
miracles of Peter :
appointment of seven.
67 Summary.
6s-930 ii. Extension of church through
Palestine : preaching of Peter
and Stephen :
persecution of church :
acts of Philip : Simon Magus :
conversion of Saul.
931 Summary.
932-12K iii. Extension of church to Antioch:
preaching of Peter :
acts of Peter :
church founded at Antioch :
Herod's persecution : Peter in
prison.
1224 Summary.
1225-164 iv. Extension of church through
Asia Minor: preaching of
Paul and Barnabas :
Cyprus : Elymas :
Asia Minor :
Council at Jerusalem.
165 Summary.
166-1919 v. Extension of church to Europe :
preaching of Paul :
acts of Paul :
Macedonia and Achaia.
1920 Summary.
ig2i_28-o vj Extension of church to Rome:
preaching of Paul.

Ephesus, Macedonia, Achaia,
Asia Minor :
Paul imprisoned : Jerusalem
and Caesarea :
Paul's journey to Rome.
2831 Summary.

Speech of Peter 115":

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,, Paul 1316"41 1415-17
\\ Peter 357"11
,, James 1513"21

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221-31
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ACTS
1 1 Ix my first treatise, 0 Theophilus, I wrote of all that Je-us began both
2 to do and to teach until the day that he was taken up, after giving com-
3 mands through the holy Spirit to the apostles whom he had chosen, to
whom also he presented himself alive after his suffering by many sure
proofs, appearing to them during forty day.s and speaking of whatcon-
4 cerned God's reign. Also, as be ate with them, be charged them not to
withdraw from Jerusalem but to await what the Father had promised,
5 about which, said he, " I have taught you ; for John baptized with water,
but you shall be baptized with the holy Spirit not many days after this."
6 So when they had gathered together, they asked him, saying,
" Lord, is this the time when thou art to restore the royal power to Israel ? "
7 He said to them, "It is not for you to know times or seasons which the
8 Father has appointed by his own authority. But you shall receive power
when the holy Spirit comes upon you, and you shall be my witnesses both
in Jerusalem and in all Judaea and Samaria and to the end of the earth."
9 And on saying this he was taken up while they looked on, and a cloud
10 received him out of sight. And as he went, their eyes were fixed on
heaven ; meanwhile, behold, there stood beside them two men dressed in
11 white, who also said, "Men of Galilee, why stand looking to heaven?
This Jesus who was taken up from you to heaven, shall come just in the
12 same way as you saw him go to heaven." Then they turned back to
Jerusalem from tbe hill called " the olive - orchard," which is near
13 Jerusalem, at the distance of a sabbath-day's journey. And on entering,
they went up into the upper chamber where they were accustomed to
stay : both Peter and John and James and .Andrew, Philip and Thomas,
Bartholomew and Matthew, James (the son of Alphaeus) and Simon (the
14 zealot), and Judas the son of James. All these men with one accord gave
themselves to prayer, along with some women and with Mary the mother
of Jesus and with his brothers.
15 And in these day.s Peter stood up in the midst of the brothers (there
was a throng of person- together, about a hundred and twenty) and said :
16 "Men and brothers, that scripture had to be fulfilled which the holy
Spirit spoke'beforehand through the mouth of David, with regard to Judas
17 who acted as guide to those who arrested Jesus ; for he became one of our
18 number and was allotted a share in this mini-try. This man purchased
a piece of ground, then, with the wages of Ms iniquity ; and falling face
foremost, lie burst open in the middle and all his bowels poured out.
19 And the matter became known to all the resident, in Jerusalem, so that
in their language that piece of ground was called Akeldamach (that is,
20 Ground of Blood). For it is written in the book of psalms,
Desolate be his abode,
And let -none inhabit if:
ah.o, His office of overseer let another take.
__2

121-221] ACTS 423
21 So of the men who have been our companions [during all the time
22 that the Lord Jesus went in and out among us, beginning from the
baptism of John down to the day that he was taken up from us], one
23 of these must become a witness with us of his resurrection." And they
brought forward two, Joseph called Bar-Sabbas (surnamed Justus) and
24 Matthias ; and they prayed, saying, " 0 Lord, who knowest all hearts,
do thou appoint from these two men the one whom thou hast chosen
25 to take his place in this ministry and apostleship from which Judas
26 turned away to go to his own place." And they cast lots for them, and
the lot fell on Matthias, and he was assigned his position with the eleven
apostles.
2 1 And in the course of the day of Pentecost they were all gathered
2 together. And suddenly there came from heaven a sound, as it were of a
3 rushing violent blast, and it filled the whole house where they sat. And
there appeared to them tongues, as if of fire, distributing themselves ;
4 and a tongue sat on each one of them. And they were all filled with the
holy Spirit, and began to talk with other tongues as the Spirit granted
5 them utterance. Now there were Jews residing in Jerusalem,
6 devout men from every nation under the sky. And when this sound was
heard, the multitude gathered and was confounded, for each man heard
7 them talking in his own language. And they were amazed and astonished,
saying, " Look 1 are they not all Galileans, those men who are talking .
8 Then how is it that each one of us hears them in his own native language ?
9 Parthians and Medes and Elamites, and the residents in Mesopotamia, in
10 Judaea and Kappadocia, in Pontus and Asia, in Phrygia and Pamphylia,
in Egypt and the districts of Libya about Cyrene, besides visitors from
11 Rome, Jews as well as proselytes, Cretans and Arabians, we hear these
12 men talking in our tongues of the grandeurs of God." And they were all
amazed and completely bewildered, saying one to another, "What can
13 this mean 1" Others said with a sneer, "They are filled full of sweet
14 wine." But Peter stood up with the eleven and raised his voice
in utterance to them :
" Men of Judaea and all ye residents in Jerusalem, be this known to
15 you, and attend to my words : these men are not, as you suppose, drunk.
16 It is only the third hour of the day ! No, this is what has been spoken
through the prophet Joel :
17 And it shall be in the last days, saith God,
I will pour out of my Spirit on all flesh,
And your sons and your daughters shall prophesy,
Your young men shall see visions,
Your old men shall dream dreams :
18 Yea, on my slaves and on my handmaids in those days
I will pour out of my Spirit,
And they shall prophesy.
19 And I will show wonders in the sky above
And signs on the earth below,
Blood and fire and vapour of smoke :
20 The sun shall be changed into darkness,
And the moon into blood,

Ere the Lord's great day

come.

21 And it shall be that whoever shall call upon the Lord's name shall be
1 Omitting xai iTUfxvri.

424 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [222-32
22 Men of Israel, listen to these words : — Jesus the Nazarene, a man
accredited to you from God by miracles and wonders and signs which
God performed by him in your midst, even as you yourselves know:
23 this man, who was betrayed in the deliberate purpose and foreknowledge
24 of God, you nailed up and slew by the hand of wicked men. But God
raised him by loosening the pangs of death, because it was not possible
25 for him to be confined by it. For David says in reference to him :
1 saio the Lord before my face always,
For he is at my right hand that I be not shaken.
26 Therefore my heart is glad,
And my tongue rejoices,
Yea, and my flesh shall rest in hope :
For thou wilt not forsake my soul in Hades,
27 JVor suffer thy holy one to see corruption.
28 Thou hast made known to me the ways of life,
Thou shalt fill me with delight in thy presence.
29 Men and brothers, I can speak to you frankly about the patriarch David :
30 he died and was buried, and his tomb is with us to this day. Well, as he
was a prophet, and knew that God had sworn to him by oath that from the
31 fruit of his loins he would seat someone upon his throne, he spoke with
foresight of the resurrection of the Christ, declaring that he was not for-
32 saken in Hades nor did his flesh see corruption. This Jesus, God raised ; a
33 fact of which we are all witnesses. Uplifted then by God's right hand,
and having received from the Father the promised holy Spirit, he has
34 poured this out, as you see and hear. For David did not go up into the
heavens ; he says himself,
The Lord said to my Lord : ' Sit at my right hand,
35 Till I make thine enemies a footstool for thy feet.'
36 Let all the house of Israel know then for a certainty that God has made
him both Lord and Christ, this very Jesus whom you crucified."
37 Now on hearing this they were pierced to the heart ; so they
said to Peter and the rest of the apostles, " What are we to do, men and
38 brothers . " Peter said to them, " Repent and get baptized every one of
you upon x the name of Jesus Christ for the remission of your sins ; and
39 you shall receive the free gift of the holy Spirit. For the promise belongs
to you and to your children and to all who are far off, even all whom the
40 Lord our God shall call to him." "With many other words likewise he
solemnly charged and exhorted them, saying, "Be saved from this
41 crooked generation." So then, those who accepted his word were baptized,
42 and about three thousand souls were added on that day. And they gave
themselves to the instruction and the fellowship of the apostles, to the
43 breaking of bread and the prayers. [And every soul was in fear.
44 And many wonders and signs were done through the apostles. Also, all
45 who believed kept together ; they had everything in common, and used to
sell their possessions and goods and distribute them to all, just as any one
46 came to be in need. Day by day, staying with one accord in the temple
and breaking bread at home, they took their food with rejoicing and
47 with ingenuous heart, extolling God and being in favour with the whole
people. And day by day the Lord added the saved to their number.]
3 1 Now Peter and John were on their way up to the temple for the hour
2 of prayer, the ninth hour ; and a man lame from his mother's womb was
being carried along, who was laid day by day at that door of the temple
1 Reading ._•/.

33-45] ACTS 425
which is called Beautiful, to ask alms from those who entered the
3 temple. Seeing Peter and John on the point of entering the temple,
4 he begged to receive alms. Peter, however, along with John, fixed his
5 eves on him and said, " Look at us ! " And he attended to them,
6 expecting to get something from them. But Peter said, " No silver and no
gold are mine, but I give thee what I have. In the name of Jesus Christ
7 the Nazarene, walk ! " Then catching him by the right hand, lie raised
8 him. Instantly his feet and ankles were strengthened, and leaping up
he stood and began to walk ; and he went along with them into the
9 temple, walking and leaping and extolling God. And all the people saw
10 him walking and extolling God, and recognised that this was the man
who had sat for alms at the Beautiful gate of the temple. And they
were filled with astonishment and amazement at what had happened to
11 him. While he kept hold of Peter and John, all the people hurriedly
gathered to join them in the portico which is called Solomon'-, in utter
12 wonder. But when Peter saw it, he addressed the people : " Men of
Israel, why wonder at this man ? or why fix your eyes on us, as if we had
13 made him walk by our own power or piety? The God of Abraham and,
Isaac and Jacob, the God of our fathers, has exalted his servant Jesus, whom
you delivered up and refused before Pilate. Pilate had determined to
] 4 release him, but you refused the holy and upright one and asked for a
15 murderer to be given up to you ; you killed the leader of Life, whom
16 Ood raised from the dead — a fact of wliich we are witnesses. (And
his name has strengthened this man whom you see and know, thanks to
faith in his name ; yes, it is the faith which comes through him that has
17 made this man sound and whole in the sight of you all.) And now,
18 brothers, I know you did it, like your rulers, in ignorance ; yet God
thus fulfilled what he had announced beforehand through the lips of all
19 the prophets, that his Christ should suffer. Repent then and turn, for
your sins to be blotted out, so that seasons of revival may come from the
20 Lord's presence, and that he may send Jesus, the Christ appointed for
21 you, whom heaven must receive until the times when all things are
restored — times of which God has spoken through the lips of his holy
22 prophets from of old. Moses said :
A prophet shall the Lord our God raise up for you from among your
brothers, as lie raised me :
To him you shall listen, whatsoever he may say to you.
23 And it shall be that every soul which shall not listen to that prophet
shall be exterminated/from the people.
24 And moreover, all the prophets who spoke, from Samuel and those
25 after him, proclaimed those days. You are the sons of the prophets and
of the covenant which God made with your fathers, saying to Abraham :
26 And in thy offspring all the families of the earth shall be blessed. God
raised up his servant and sent him first to you, to bless you as you turn,
each of you, from his iniquities."
4 1 Isow as they were speaking to the people, the priests and the
2 commander of the temple and the Sadducees came up to them, sorely
annoyed because they taught the people and proclaimed in Jesus the
3 resurrection from the dead. And they laid hands on them and placed
them in custody till the next day. For by this time it was evening.
4 [But many of those who heard the word believed, and the number of the
5 men amounted to x five thousand.] Now it came to pass on the next
day that a gathering was held of their rulers and elders and scribes in
1 Omitting [[<-.]].

426 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [46"211
6 Jerusalem, along with Annas the high priest and Kaiaphas and John and
7 Alexander and all who belonged to the high priest's kindred. And
placing them in the middle, they inquired, " By what sort of power or in
8 what sort of name have people like you done this ? " Then Peter was
filled with the holy Spirit and. said to them : " Rulers of the people and
9 elders, if we are being cross-questioned to-day about a benefit conferred
10 on an infirm man, about the means of this man's healing — be it known to
you all and to all the people of Israel that in the name of Jesus Christ
the Nazarene, whom you crucified, whom God raised from the dead, in
11 this Name he stands here before you, cured. He is the stone despised by
12 you builders, who is made head of the corner. And in none else salvation
lies, for indeed there is not under the sky another Name appointed among
13 men whereby you x must be saved." Now when they saw the confidence
of Peter and John and found that they were unlettered and uneducated,
14 they marvelled and recognised them as having been with Jesus. At
the same time, as they saw the man who had been healed standing
15 beside them, they were unable to gainsay anything. After ordering
them, however, to withdraw from the Sanhedrin, they proceeded to confer
16 with one another, saying : " What are we to do to these men . It is
obvious to all the residents in Jerusalem that an acknowledged sign has
17 taken place by means of them, and we cannot deny it. Still, to prevent
it from spreading more widely among the people, let us forbid them with
18 threats to speak to any man after this about this Name." So they
summoned them and charged them to neither speak nor teach at all about
19 the name of Jesus. But Peter and John answered and said to them,
"Whether it is right before God to listen to you rather than to God,
20 judge for yourselves : we cannot but speak what we have seen and
21 heard." And after further threats they released them, as owing to the
people they could not find any means of punishing them ; since all men
22 were magnifying God for what had taken place. (For the man in whose
case this sign of a cure had taken place, was more than forty years old.)
23 Now on being released they went to their own company, and
24 related all that the high priests and elders had said to them. And on
hearing it they with one accord lifted up their voice to God and said :
" Master, thou art he who made the sky, the earth, the sea, and all that
in them is :
25 He who said to our fathers 2 through 3 the lips of David thy
servant,
Why did the Gentiles rage
And the peoples vainly plot ?
26 The kings of the earth stood ready,
And the rulers mustered together,
Against the Lord and against his Christ.
27 For they actually mustered within this city
Against thy holy servant Jesus whom thou didst anoint,
Both Herod and Pontius Pilate
Along with the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel,
28 To do all that thy hand and i purpose appointed beforehand to
take place.
29 And now, Lord, look on their threats :
And grant that thy slaves may speak thy word with perfect con
fidence, 1 Reading vpias. 2 Reading .... crarpairiv.
3 Omitting crvlv/J-aros ayiov. i OmittiDg irov.

430-521] ACTS 427
30 While thy hand is reached out to cure and to work signs and
wonders through the name of thy holy servant Jesus."
31 And after their prayer, the place in which they were gathered was
shaken ; and they were all filled with the holy Spirit and spoke the word
of God with confidence.
32 Now the multitude of the believers were of one heart and soul, and
not a single one of them considered any of his goods his own ; they had all
33 things in common. And the apostles of the Lord Jesus rendered their
witness of the resurrection with great power, and great grace was upon
34 them all. Neither was there among them any needy person ; for all who
were owners of land or houses used to sell them and bring the proceeds
35 of the sale and lay them at the apostles' feet ; and distribution was
36 made to each just as anyone came to be in need. Now Joseph,
who was surnamed by the apostle Barnabas (which when translated
37 means " son of exhortation "), a Levite, a Cypriote by race, sold a field
which he had, and brought the money and laid it at the apostles' feet.
5 1 But a man named Ananias, with his wife Sapphira, sold a possession,
2 and after embezzling part of the price, with the knowledge of his
3 wife, he brought a part and laid it at the apostles' feet. Peter said,
" Ananias, why has Satan filled thy heart to cheat the holy Spirit and to
4 embezzle part of the price of the land ? While it remained unsold, did
it not remain thine . And when sold, was it not at thine own disposal ?
How is it thou didst harbour this design . Thou hast lied not to men
5 so much as to God." On hearing these words Ananias dropped down
6 and expired. And great fear fell upon all who heard it. But the
younger men rose, wrapped him round, and carried him out to burial.
7 Now it came to pass, after an interval of about three hours,
8 that his wife came in, unconscious of what had taken place. And Peter
addressed her, " Tell me, did you sell the land for such and such a sum ? "
9 She said," Yes, for such and such a sum." Peter said to her, " How is it
that you have agreed to make trial of the Spirit of the Lord ? Look, the
feet of those who have buried thy husband are at the door, and they shall
10 carry thee out ! " Instantly she dropped down at his feet and expired,
and the young men came in to find her dead ; then they carried her out
11 and buried her beside her husband. And great fear fell upon the whole
Community and upon all who heard this.
12 Now many signs and wonders were done among the people by the
agency of the apostles. And they were all with one accord in the
13 portico of Solomon. No one of the rest dared join himself to them, but
14 the people magnified them. [And still more believed and were added
15 to the Lord, multitudes both of men and women.] So that they even
carried the infirm out into the streets and laid them on beds and pallets ;
that, when Peter came, his shadow at least might overshadow some of
16 them. Even from the towns round about Jerusalem the multitude
gathered, bringing infirm people and those vexed with unclean spirits ;
and they were all healed.
17 But the high priest rose up with all his associates (that is, the party
18 of the Sadducees), and filled with jealousy they laid hands on the
19 apostles and put them into public custody. During the night, however,
an angel of the Lord opened the doors of the prison, brought them out,
20 and said, " Go, stand in the temple and speak to the people all the words
21 of this Life." On hearing this, they entered the temple at daybreak and
proceeded to teach. Now when the high priest and his associates
arrived, they called the Sanhedrin together, and indeed all the elders'

428 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [522-66
council of the sons of Israel. Then they sent off to the prison-house to
22 have them brought. When the officers arrived, however, they did not
23 find them in the prison ; so they came back and reported, " We found
the prison-house shut perfectly safe, and the guards standing at the
24 doors, but on opening it we found no one inside." Now when the
commander of the temple and the high priests heard these words, they
were completely bewildered with regard to them, to know what would
25 come of this. However, some one arrived and brought word to them,
" Look ! the men you put in prison are standing and teaching the people
26 in the temple." Then off went the commander with the officers and
brought them, but without any violence, for they were afraid the people
27 would pelt them with stones. And when they had brought them, they
placed them before the Sanhedrin, and the high priest questioned them :
28 "We strictly charged you to say nothing about this Name: and here
you have filled Jerusalem with your teaching, and want to bring the
29 blood of this man upon us ! " But Peter and the apostles answered and
30 said, " One must obey God rather than men. The God of our fathers
31 raised Jesus, whom you murdered by hanging him upon a gibbet. God
uplifted him by his right hand as leader and saviour, to give repentance
32 to Israel and remission of sins. And in Israel we are : witnesses of
these matters, along with the holy Spirit which God has given to those
33 who obey him." When they heard this they were cut to the heart,
34 and wanted to slay them. But a Pharisee rose up in the Sanhedrin,
Gamaliel by name, a doctor of the law who was held in honour by all
35 the people ; lie ordered the men to be withdrawn for a little, and said
to them : " Men of Israel, take care what you are going to do with
36 regard to these men. In clays gone by Theudas rose up alleging himself
to be somebody great ; and a number of men, about four hundred, rallied
to him. He was slain, and all his followers were dispersed and came to
37 nothing. After him Judas the, Galilaean rose up in the days of the
census, and made people desert to him. He too perished, and all his
38 followers were scattered abroad. And now I tell you ; leave these men
alone and let them be (for should this scheme or this enterprise spring from
39 men it will be overthrown, but if it really springs from God you will be
unable to overthrow them), in case it turns out you are fighting God."
40 So they gave way to him ; and after summoning the apostles they
flogged them, charged them not to speak about the name of Jesus, and
41 released them. Then they went from the presence of the Sanhedrin
rejoicing that they had been held worthy of suffering insult for the
42 sake of the Name ; nor did they cease to teach and preach every day in
the temple and at home the gospel of Jesus the Christ.
6 1 Now in these days, when the disciples were increasing in number,
murmuring against the Hebrews arose among the Hellenists, on the
ground that their widows were being overlooked in the daily ministry.
2 So the twelve summoned the multitude of the disciples, and said : " It
is not desirable that we should abandon the word of God and serve at
3 tables. However, look out seven men from among yourselves, brothers,
men of good reputation, full of the Spirit and wisdom, and we will
4 appoint them to this duty. But as for us, we will give ourselves to
5 prayer and to the ministry of the word." And what they said pleased all
the multitude ; so they chose Stephen, a man full of faith and the holy
Spirit, and Philip and Prochorus and Nikanor and Timon and Parmenas
6 and Nikolaos a proselyte from Antioch. These men they put forward
1 Reading \v alrSi.

67-722] ACTS 429
before the apostles, and after prayer they laid hands on them.
7 [And the word of the Lord continued to grow, and the number of the
disciples in Jerusalem multiplied very greatly ; a large throng of the
priests also were obedient to the faith.]
8 Now Stephen, full of grace and power, was performing great wonders
9 and signs among the people. But some of those who belonged to the
synagogue of the Libertini and of the Cyrenians and Alexandrians, also
10 of those from Cilicia and Asia, rose up and disputed with Stephen ; yet
they were unable to withstand the wisdom and the Spirit with which be
11 spoke. [Thereupon they suborned men to say, "We have heard him
12 speaking words of blasphemy against Moses and God," and thus they
roused up the people and the elders and the scribes ; then, making an
assault, they dragged him away and brought him into the Sanhedrin.]
13 And they brought forward false witnesses who said, " This man never
14 ceases talking against this J holy place and the law. We have heard him
say that this fellow, Jesus the Nazarene, shall destroy this place and
15 change the customs which Moses delivered to us." [And as all who sat in
the Sanhedrin fixed their eyes on him, the}' saw his face was like the face
7 1 of an angel.] Then said the high priest, " Is this the case . " And he said :
2 " Brothers and fathers, listen. The God of glory appeared to our father
3 Abraham when he was in Mesopotamia, before he dwelt in Haran, and
said to him, 'Leave thy land and thy kinsfolk, and come into the land that I
4 shall show thee.' Then he left the land of the Chaldeans and dwelt in
Haran. And after his father's death God removed him thence into this
5 land where you now dwell. He gave him no inheritance in it, not even
the breadth of a foot, yet promised he would give it to him and to his off-
6 spring after him as a possession — though he had not then a child. Thus
God spoke : ' His offspring shall sojourn in a foreign land, and men shall
7 make them slaves and ill-use them for four hundred years. And I will
judge,' God said, 'the nation whose slaves they are. And after that, they
8 shall leave and worship me in this place.' Also, he gave him the covenant
of circumcision. And so Abraham begat Isaac and circumcised him on the
eighth day, and Isaac begat Jacob, and Jacob the twelve patriarchs.
9 And out of jealousy the patriarchs sold Joseph into Egypt. Yet God was with
10 him and delivered him from all his distresses, and granted him favour and
wisdom before Pharaoh king of Egypt, who appointed him viceroy over Egypt
11 and his whole household. Now a famine came over the whole of Egypt and
Canaan, accompanied by great distress ; and our fathers could not find
12 provender. But on hearing that there was food in Egypt, Jacob despatched
13 our fathers the first time ; and at their second visit Joseph made himself
known to his brothers, and Joseph's kindred was disclosed to Pharaoh.
14 Then Joseph sent and summoned his father Jacob and all his kinsfolk,
15 consisting of seventy-five souls. So3 Jacob went down to Egypt; and when
16 Ae and our fathers died, they were carried over to Shechem and laid in the
tomb which Abraham had bought for a sum of money from the sons of Hamor
17 in Shechem. Now as the time drew near for the promise which
18 God had made to Abraham, the people grew and multiplied in Egypt, till
19 another king rose up over Egypt who knew nothing of Joseph. He treated
our race craftily and ill-used our fathers, forcing them to expose their
20 infants to prevent them being kept alive. At this time Moses was born ;
and he was divinely fair. For three months he was brought up in his
21 father's house ; and when he was exposed, the daughter of Pharaoh lifted
22 him and brought him up for herself as a son. And Moses was educated
1 Reading i..t... - Reading Si.

430 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [723^8
in all the wisdom of the Egyptians ; he was mighty in what he said and
23 did. But when he had completed his fortieth year, it came into his
24 mind to visit his brothers, the sons of Israel. And on seeing one of them
suffering wrong he defended him, smote the Egyptian, and so avenged the
25 man who was being worsted. (He thought his brothers would under
stand that God was to give them deliverance by his hand ; but they did
26 not understand.) On the next day also he appeared to them as they were
fighting ; and he tried to pacify them, saying, ' Men, you are brothers !
2 7 Why wrong one another . ' But the man who was wronging his neighbour
thrust him aside, saying, ' Who made thee ruler and umpire over m?
28 Wouldst thou slay me, just as thou didst slay the Egyptian yesterday,"
29 At this saying Moses fled and became a sojourner in the land of Midian,
30 where he begat two sons. And when forty yeara were completed, there
appeared, to him, in the wilderness of Mount Sinai an angel in the flames of a
31 burning thorn-bush. Now when Moses saw it, he wondered at the vision.
32 But as he approached to look at it, the Lord's voice came : 'I am the God
of thy fathers, the God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob.' And Moses was
33 terrified and did not dare to look at it. And the Lord said to him, 'Loose
the sandal from off thy feet : for the place wliere thou art standing is My
34 ground. I have surely seen the ill-usage of my people who are in Egypt, and.
I have heard, their groaning, and I have come down to deliver them. And
35 now come, let me send, thee to Egypt.' This Moses whom the/ refused,
saying, ' Wlio made thee ruler and umpire over us?' — this very man God
sent to be both ruler and redeemer, by the agency of the angel who
36 appeared to him in the bush. He it was who led them out, performing
Vjonders and signs in Egypt and in the Red Sea and in the wilder-ness during
37 forty years. (This is the Moses who said to the sons of Israel, 'A prophet
38 shall God raise up for you from among your brothers, as he raised, me.') This
is he who, in the Community in the wilderness, intervened between the
angel who spoke to him in Mount Sinai and our fathers, he who received
39 living oracles to give to you.1 Yet to him our fathers would not yield
obedience. Nay, they thrust him aside and turned, in their hearts to Egypt,
40 saying to Aaron, 'Make gods for us, to go in front of us ; as for thisMoses
who led us out of the land of Egypt — we know not what has happened to him.'
41 And in those days they made a calf, and brought sacrifice to the idol, and
42 made merry over the work of their hands. So God turned away and
gave them up to the worship of the host of heaven ; even as it is written
in the book of the prophets,
Did you offer me victims and sacrifices
For the forty years in the wilderness, house of Israel?
43 Nay ! you, carried the tabernacle of Moloch,
And the star of the god, Bampha,2
Tlie figures you made, for worship.
So shall I transport you to beyond Babylon
44 Our fathers had the tabernacle of witness in the -wilderness, as was
arranged by him who told Moses to make it after the figure he had seen.
45 Our fathers in tbeir turn received it and brought it in with Joshua, when
they took possession of the territory of the nations which God thrust out
46 before the face of our fathers. So it was down to the days of David. He
found favour in the sight of God, and asked that lie might procure a dwelling
47 for the Lord 3 of Jacob. It was Solomon, however, who built him a house.
48 Yet the most High dwells not in houses made by hands : even as the
prophet says,
1 Reading -,-d.. 2 Reading p.-k:*. 3 Reading »-;'?•

749-818] ACTS 431
49 ' The sky is my throne,
And the earth is a footstool for my feet ;
What kind of house will you build me,' saith the Lord,
z, ' Or what is the place of my rest ?
50 Did not my hand make all these things ? '
51 Stiff-necked and uncircumcised in heart and ear! you are always oppos-
: 52 ing the holy Spirit ! As did your fathers, so do you. Which of the
prophets did not your fathers persecute 1 Yea, they killed those who
announced beforehand the coming of the upright One. And now you
53 have become his betrayers and murderers — yes, you who received the
law administered through angels, yet have not observed it."
54 On hearing this they were cut to the very heart, and gnashed at
-. 55 him with their teeth. He, full of the holy Spirit, fixed his eyes upon
the sky and saw the brightness of God, with Jesus standing at the right
. 56 hand of God ; and he said, " Lo, I see the heavens opened, and the Son of
57 man standing at the right hand of God ! " With a loud cry they
¦ 58 stopped their ears ; then with one accord rushed at him, threw him out of
the city, and began to stone him. [And the witnesses laid their garments
59 down at the feet of a young man called Saul.] And as they stoned
Stephen, he appealed to Jesus and said, " Lord Jesus, receive my spirit ! "
- 60 Then he knelt down and cried with a loud voice, " Lord, lay not this sin
.8 1 to their charge ! " And when he had said this, he fell asleep. [Now
Saul approved of his murder.]
And on that day a great persecution broke out against the Community
I which was in Jerusalem : with the exception of the apostles, all ! were
2 scattered abroad over the regions of Judaea and Samaria. And devout
, 3 men buried Stephen and made great lamentation over him. [But Saul
kept ravaging the Community ; entering house after house, he dragged
' off men and women, and delivered them up to be imprisoned.]
4 Those then who were scattered abroad went through the country
5 preaching the word of the gospel. Now Philip went down to the city of
6 Samaria, and proceeded to preach the Christ to them. And the crowds
attended with one accord to what Philip said, when they heard and saw
7 the signs he did. For unclean spirits came out of many of those who
were possessed, shouting with a loud cry ; and many paralysed and lame
; 8 people were healed. So there was much joy in that city.
9 Now a man named Simon had previously been practising magic in the
city and amazing the people of Samaria ; for he gave himself out to be a
10 great man, and from the least to the greatest they all devoted them
selves to him, saying, " This man is that Power of God which is called
11 'The Great Power.'" They devoted themselves to him because for a con-
12 siderable time he had amazed them with his magic arts. But when they
believed Philip, who preached the gospel of God's reign and the name of
13 Jesus Christ, they had themselves baptized, both men and women. Even
Simon himself also believed, and after baptism attached himself to
Philip ; and when he saw the signs and great miracles that were taking
14 place, he was amazed. Now when the apostles who were at Jerusalem
heard that Samaria had accepted the word of God, they despatched to them
15 Peter and John. These men came down and prayed for them that they
16 might receive the holy Spirit. (For as yet it had not fallen upon any of
them ; they had merely got baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus.)
17 Then they proceeded to lay their hands on them ; and they received the
18 holy Spirit. Now Simon noticed it was through the laying on of the
i Omitting [[..J].

432 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [819-.7
apostles' hands that the Spirit was given ; so he brought them money,
19 saying, " Give me also this power, so that anyone on whom I lay my
20 hands may receive the holy Spirit." But Peter said to him, " Thy money
perish with thyself ! — since thou didst think to purchase God's free gift
21 with money. In this matter thou hast neither part nor lot, for thy
22 heart is not straight-forvjard in God's sight. Repent then of this thy
wickedness, and entreat the Lord that thy heart's design perchance may
23 be forgiven thee. For I see thou wilt become a bitter poison and a bond
24 of iniquity." And Simon answered, " Do you entreat the Lord for me,
25 that nothing of what you have said may befall me." So after
attesting and speaking the word of the Lord, they went on their way
back to Jerusalem, preaching the glad tidings to many of the Samaritan
villages.
26 But an angel of the Lord spoke to Philip, saying, " Rise up and
make your way about noon to the road that goes down from Jerusalem
27 to Gaza " [the road is desert]. And he rose up and went on his way.
And behold, an Ethiopian eunuch holding high office under Kandace
queen of the Ethiopians (he was over all her treasure), who had come to
28 Jerusalem for worship, was on his way back, sitting in his chariot and
29 reading the prophet Isaiah. The Spirit said to Philip, "Approach
30 and join this chariot." So when Philip ran up to him, he heard him
reading Isaiah the prophet. And he said, " And dost thou understand
31 what thou readest 1 " He said, " Why, how could I — unless some one
be my guide 1 " And he besought Philip to come up and sit beside him.
32 Now the contents of the scripture which he was reading were as follows:
Like a sheep ivas he led to the slaughter ;
And as a lamb before its shearer is dumb,
So he opens not his mouth.
33 Humbling himself, he had his doom removed.
Who shall describe his generation ?
For his life is cut off from the earth.
34 So the eunuch answered and said to Philip, " I pray thee, about whom
35 does the prophet say this . about himself or about some one else ?" And
Philip opened his mouth, and starting from this scripture he preached to
36 him the glad tidings of Jesus. Now as they travelled along the road they
came to some water. And the eunuch says, " Look, here is water ! what
38 is to prevent me from being baptized 1 " So he ordered the chariot to
stop ; and they both went down to the water, Philip as well as the eunuch,
39 and he baptized him. After they had gone up from the water, the
Spirit of the Lord caught Philip away ; and the eunuch saw him no
40 longer, for he went on his own way rejoicing. But Philip found himself
at Azotus ; and as he passed on, he preached the glad tidings to all the
cities, till he arrived at Caesarea.
9 1 Meanwhile Saul, still breathing threats and murder against the
2 disciples of the Lord, went to the high priest and asked him for letters
addressed to the synagogues at Damascus, so that he might bring bound to
Jerusalem any person (man or woman) whom he could find, that belonged
3 to the Way. Now on his journey it came to pass that when he drew
4 near to Damascus, suddenly a light from the sky flashed round him ; and
dropping on the ground he heard a voice saying to him, " Saul, Saul, why
5 art thou persecuting me . " And he said, " Who art thou, sir ? " And he
6 said, " I am Jesus, and thou art persecuting me. Come, rise up and go
7 into the city, and thou shalt be told what thou must do." Now his
fellow-travellers stood speechless, for while they heard the voice they

98-35] ACTS 433
8 nobody. And Saul rose from the ground, but when he opened his eyes he
could see nothing. So they led him by the hand, and brought him to
9 Damascus. And for three days he was sightless, and neither ate nor drank.
10 Now there was a disciple in Damascus named Ananias. And the
Lord said to him in a vision, "Ananias." And he said, "Here am I,
11 Lord." And the Lord said to him, "Rise and go to the thoroughfare
which is called ' Straight,' and enquire at the house of Judas for a man of
12 Tarsus named Saul. For lo, he is praying, and he has seen a man named
Ananias enter and lay his hands on him, that he may see again."
13 Ananias answered, " Lord, I have heard from many people about this man,
14 and about all the evil he has done to thy saints in Jerusalem. And here
also he has authority from the high priests to bind all who call upon thy
15 name ! " But the Lord said to him, " Go : I have in this man a chosen
vessel, for carrying my name before Gentiles and kings, as well as before
16 the sons of Israel. I myself will show him all that he must suffer for
17 my name's sake." So Ananias went away and entered the house ; and
laying his hands on him he said, " Saul, my brother, I am sent by the
Lord, by Jesus who appeared to thee on the road as thou earnest, that
18 thou mayest see again and be filled with the holy Spirit." And instantly
there fell from his eyes as it were scales, and he saw again ; and he stood
19 up, and had himself baptized. Then he took food and recovered his
strength.
20 Now for some days he remained with the disciples in Damascus, and
he immediately proceeded to preach Jesus in the synagogues, saying,
21 " This is the Son of God." And all who heard him were amazed, and said,
" Is not this the man who made havoc in Jerusalem of those who called
upon this Name, and who came here for the express purpose of bringing
22 them bound to the high priests . " But Saul became stronger than ever,
and went on confounding the Jews who dwelt in Damascus by proving
23 that " this is the Christ." Now after a considerable number of days had
24 elapsed, the Jews took counsel together to slay him. (However, their plot
became known to Saul.) They kept watch even on the gates both day
25 and night, so as to slay him. But one night his disciples took and let
him down over the wall by lowering him in a large basket.
26 On reaching Jerusalem he attempted to join the disciples ; but they
were all afraid of him, because they did not believe he was a disciple.
27 However, Barnabas took him and brought him to the apostles, and
described to them how he had seen the Lord upon the road and how he
had spoken to him, and how he had spoken out confidently at Damascus in
28 the name of Jesus. And he went in and out with them at Jerusalem,
29 speaking out confidently in the name of the Lord. He also talked and
30 disputed with the Hellenists ; but they made attempts to slay him. On
ascertaining this the brothers brought him down to Caesarea and sent him
31 away to Tarsus. So the Community had peace throughout the
whole of Judaea [and Galilee] and Samaria ; it was built up and it walked
in the fear of the Lord. And through the encouragement of the holy
Spirit it was multiplied.
32 Now it came to pass as Peter moved about among them all, that he
33 came down also to the saints who resided in Lydda. There he found a
man named Aeneas who had lain on a pallet for eight years with paralysis.
34 And Peter said to him, " Aeneas, Jesus Christ cures thee ; rise and make
35 thy bed." And immediately he rose. And all who resided in Lydda and
Saron saw him, and they turned to the Lord.
23

434 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [936-102S
36 Now at Joppa there was a disciple named Tabitha (that is, when
translated, " Gazelle ") ; she was full of good works and almsdeeds which
37 she practised. But it came to pass that in those days she fell ill and
38 died ; and after washing her they laid her in an upper chamber. Now
Lydda was near Joppa ; so, on hearing that Peter was there, the disciples
sent two men to him with the entreaty, " Come on to us without delay."
39 And Peter rose and accompanied them. When he arrived they took him
into tbe upper chamber, and all the widows stood beside him weeping
and showing the tunics and garments that she, " the Gazelle," had made
40 while she was with them. But Peter put them all out, knelt down, and
prayed. Then turning to the corpse, he said, " Tabitha, rise up." And
41 she opened her eyes, and on seeing Peter she sat up. Then he gave her
his hand and raised her up, and calling the saints and widows he
42 presented her alive. And it became known throughout the whole of
43 Joppa ; and many believed on the Lord. And it came to pass that he
remained for many days in Joppa with a man Simon who was a tanner.
10 1 Now there was a man in Caesarea, Kornelius by name, a centurion of
2 the cohort called the " Italian " cohort ; he was a pious man who feared God
with all his house, gave liberal alms to the people, and always prayed to
3 God. About the ninth hour of the day he distinctly saw in a vision an
4 angel of God coming in to him and saying to him, " Kornelius." And
with eyes fixed on him in terror, he said, " What is it, Lord 1 " And he
said to him, " Thy prayers and thine alms have risen as an offering of
5 remembrance before God. So now, send men to Joppa and send for a
6 man Simon who is surnamed Peter ; he is staying with a man Simon a
7 tanner, whose house stands by the sea." And when the angel who
spoke to him had gone, he called two servants of his household and a
8 pious soldier who belonged to his retinue, and after recounting everything
9 to them he sent them to Joppa. Now the next day, while they
were upon the road and nearing the city, Peter went up to the housetop to
10 pray, about the sixth hour. And he became very hungry and desired to
11 eat. But as they were making ready, a trance came over him. He
sees the sky opened and a vessel coming down, like a great sheet lowered
12 by four corners to the earth. In it were all the four-footed and creeping
13 things of the earth, and the birds of the air. And a voice came to him,
14 " Rise, Peter, kill and eat." But Peter said, "By no means, Lord : never
15 have I eaten anything common or unclean." And once more a voice came
to him, for the second time, " What God has cleansed, hold not thou
16 common." This happened three times ; then the vessel was immediately
17 taken up into the sky. Now while Peter was completely bewildered to
know what was the meaning of the vision he had seen, behold, the men
sent by Kornelius had made enquiries for the house of Simon and now
18 stood at the gate ; and they called out to ask if Simon, surnamed Peter,
19 was staying there. And while Peter was pondering the vision, the Spirit
20 said to him, " Lo, there are two J men seeking thee. Come, rise and go
down and accompany them ; hesitate not, for I myself have sent them."
21 So Peter went clown to the men, and said, " I am the man you are seeking.
22 "What is your reason for coming ? " And they said, " A centurion
Kornelius, a man who is upright and fears God and has a good reputation
among the whole nation of the Jews, was divinely instructed by a holy angel
23 to send for thee to his house and to hear what thou hadst to say." There
upon he invited them in and entertained them. And the next day
he rose and went off with them, accompanied by some of the brothers
1 Reading _-<>,

1024-lle] ACTS 435
24 from Joppa ; and on the day following he entered Caesarea. Now
Kornelius was expecting them, and had called together his kinsmen and
25 intimate friends. So when it came to pass that Peter was going to enter
the house, Kornelius met him, fell down at his feet, and did him
26 reverence. But Peter raised him up, saying " Stand up : I am a man
27 myself." Then conversing with him he entered the house, to find a large
28 company assembled. And he said to them, " You know yourselves that
it is illegal for a Jew to join or accost anyone bidonging to another
nation. Yet God has shown me that I am not to call any man common
29 or unclean ; and for that reason I came without demur when I was sent
30 for. I ask then, why was it that you sent for me . " And Kornelius
said, "Three days ago at this very hour, I was praying at the ninth hour
31 in my house. And lo, a man stood before me in bright dress, saying,
' Kornelius, thy prayer is heard and thine alms are held in remembrance
32 before God. Send therefore to Joppa and summon Simon who is
surnamed Peter ; he is staying in the house of Simon a tanner beside the
33 sea.' So I sent at once for thee, and thou hast done right in coming.
Well now, here we are all present before God to hear what the Lord has
34 commanded thee to say." So Peter opened his mouth and said, " I
35 certainly find that God is no respecter of persons, but that in every nation he
36 who fears him and acts uprightly is acceptable to him. The word J he sent
to the sons of Israel, preaching through Jesus Christ the gospel of peace —
37 that word is 2 for all. You know yourselves what took place throughout
the whole of Judaea [starting from Galilee] after the baptism which John
38 preached : that is, how God anointed Jesus of Nazareth with the holj- Spirit
and power, and how he went about doing good and curing all oppressed
39 by the devil ; for God was with him. And we are witnesses of all he did
both in the country of the Jews and in Jerusalem. They slew him
40 by hanging him upon a gibbet. On the third day God raised him, and
41 granted that he should be made manifest, not to all the people but to
witnesses previously chosen by God, even to us who ate and drank with
42 him after his resurrection from the dead. And he charged us to preach
to the people and testify that ' this is he whom God has appointed to be
43 judge of the living and the dead.' All the prophets bear him witness,
that everyone who believes on him shall receive through his Name the
44 remission of sins." While Peter was still saying these words, the holy
45 Spirit fell upon all who heard the word. And those of the circumcision
who were believers (and had accompanied Peter) were amazed, because the
free gift of the holy Spirit had been poured out even on the Gentiles
46 (for they heard them speak with tongues and magnify God). Then Peter
47 answered, " Can anyone refuse the water for baptizing these people —
48 these who just like ourselves have received the holy Spirit ? " And he
commanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ. Then they
prayed him to stay for some days.
11 1 Now the apostles and the" brothers who lived throughout Judaea
2 heard that the Gentiles also had received the word of God. So when
Peter came up to Jerusalem, those who belonged to the circumcision fell
3 foul of him ; "Thou didst go in," they said, "to visit uncircumcised men,
4 and didst eat with them." So Peter began and unfolded the facts to
5 them in order : " I was in the city of Joppa," he said, " praying. And
in a trance I saw a vision, a vessel coming down like a great sheet
6 lowered from the sky by four corners ; and it came down to me. On it I
fixed my eyes and marked ; and I saw the fourfooted things of the earth
1 Omitting [[.»]]. 2 Omitting xiptos.

436 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll7— 12*
and the wild beasts and the creeping things and the birds of the air.
7, 8 Also I heard a voice saying to me, ' Rise, Peter, kill and eat.' But I said,
'By no means, Lord ; nothing common or unclean has ever entered my
9 mouth.' But a voice answered the second time out of the sky, 'What
10 God has cleansed, hold thou not common.' And this was done three
11 times, then everything was again drawn up into tbe sky. And lo, at this
instant three men arrived at the house where we lived, who had been sent
12 to me from Caesarea. Now the Spirit told me to accompany them
without hesitation ; these six brothers came with me as well, and
1 3 we entered the man's house. He related to us how he had seen the angel
stand in his house and say, ' Send to Joppa and send for Simon who is
14 surnamed Peter ; he will speak to thee words by which thou shalt be
15 saved, thou and all thy house.' And when I started to speak, the holy
16 Spirit fell upon them just as upon ourselves at the beginning. And I
remembered the word of the Lord, how he said, 'John baptized with
17 water, but you shall be baptized with the holy Spirit.' If God then gave to
them exactly the same free gift as also he gave to us when we believed on
18 the Lord Jesus Christ, who was I — had I the power to hinder God . " On
hearing this they held their peace, and proceeded 1 to magnify God,
saying, 'So God has given to the Gentiles also the repentance that
brings life ! ' "
19 So those who had been scattered abroad upon the distress
occasioned by Stephen, passed on as far as Phoenice and Cyprus and
20 Antioch, without speaking the word to anyone except Jew?. Some of
them, however, were Cypriotes and Cyrenians, who on coming to Antioch.
21 told the Greeks also the gospel of the Lord Jesus. And the hand of the
Lord was with them ; a large number believed and turned to the Lord.
22 [Now the news about them reached the ears of the Community in
23 Jerusalem : and they despatched Barnabas to Antioch. He came, and on
seeing the grace of God rejoiced, and exhorted them all to hold by the
24 Lord with hearty aim. (For he was a good man, and full of the holy
Spirit and faith.) And a considerable number were added to the Lord.
25, 26 So he went off to Tarsus to search for Saul ; and after finding him he
brought him to Antioch. And it came to pass that for a whole year
they were guests of the Community and taught a considerable number.]
It was at Antioch also that the disciples were originally styled " Chris
tians."
27 Now during these days prophets came down from Jerusalem to
28 Antioch, and 2 there was great rejoicing. When we had gathered
together, one of them [named Agabus] spoke, indicating through the
Spirit that a great famine was to come over the whole world (it took
29 place in the reign of Claudius). So the disciples each set apart money,
just as every man had means to spare, for aid to be sent to the brothers
30 who dwelt in Judaea. [This also they carried out, sending their aid to
the elders by the hand of Barnabas and Saul.]
13 1 Now about that time Herod the king laid hands on some members of
2 the Community, to ill-use them. James the brother of John, he slew
3 with the sword ; and when he saw that it pleased the Jews, he went on to
4 seize Peter as well. (It was the days of unleavened bread.) When he had
arrested him, he put him in prison and delivered him to a guard of four
1 Reading lloia^ov.
2 Reading ?,v __ toMIj ayaWtacris- ervvcvTpapLpiivm h\ r,'xuv _;:. its E. «-•<_> or. A.
s-vip&aivtov.

125-133] ACTS 437
quaternions of soldiers, intending after the Passover to bring him up
5 before the people. So Peter lay closely watched in the prison ; but
6 prayer was earnestly offered to God for him by the Community. Now
on the very night before Herod meant to have him brought out, Peter
was sleeping between two soldiers, fastened by two chains, while guards
7 in front of the door watched the prison. And lo, an angel of the Lord
stood beside him, and a light shone in the cell ; striking Peter on the
side he woke him, saying, " Quick, rise up ! " And off dropped his chains
8 from his hands. And the angel said to him, "Gird thyself and bind on
thy sandals." He did so. Then he says to him, " Throw thy cloak round
9 thee and follow me." And out he went, following him ; yet he did not
know that what was taking place by means of the angel was real, but rather
10 imagined that he saw a vision. Now when they had passed the first and
the second guard, they came to the iron gate leading into the city ; this
opened to them of its own accord, so they went out and had passed on
11 through one thoroughfare, when immediately the angel left him. And
on coming to himself Peter said, " Now I really know that the Lord has
sent forth his angel and delivered me out of Plerod's hand and from all
12 that the Jewish people anticipated." On realising this, he went to the
house of Mary the mother of John (surnamed Mark), where a number of
13 people had collected for prayer. And when he knocked at the door of
14 the porch, a maidservant named Rhoda came to answer it. And on
recognising the voice of Peter, in her joy she did not open the porch, but
ran in and announced that Peter was standing in front of the porch.
15 They said to her, " Thou art mad." But she stoutly declared it was the
16 case. They said, " It is his angel." Meanwhile Peter kept on knocking ;
17 and when they did open, they saw him and were amazed. But beckoning
to them with his hand for silence, he described to them how the Lord
had brought him out of the prison. " Report this," he said, " to James
18 and to the brothers," and off he went on his way to another place. Now
when day broke, there was no slight commotion among the soldiers over
19 what could have become of Peter. And when Herod had searched for
him and failed to find him, he cross-questioned the guards, and ordered
them off to death ; then he went down from Judaea to Caesarea, and spent
20 some time there. Now he was at bitter feud with the people of
Tyre and Sidon ; so they came to him with one accord, and, after conciliat
ing the king's chamberlain Blastus, begged for peace, seeing that their
21 country depended upon the king's for supplies of food. And on a stated
day Herod arrayed himself in royal robes, took his seat upon tbe dais,
22 and proceeded to harangue them. And the people roared, " A god's
23 voice, not a man's ! " Instantly an angel of the Lord smote him, because
he gave not God due honour ; and he was eaten by worms and expired.
24 But the word of the Lord r grew and multiplied.
25 [Now Barnabas and Saul returned from Jerusalem after they had dis
charged their mission, taking along with them John who was surnamed
3 1 Mark.] Now in the local Community at Antioch there were
prophets and teachers, Barnabas, Symeon (called Niger), and Lucius the
Oyrenian, besides Manaen (foster-brother of Herod the tetrarch) and
2 Saul. And as they worshipped the Lord and fasted, the holy Spirit
said, " Come I set me apart Barnabas and Saul for the work to which I
3 have called them." Then, after thev had fasted and prayed and laid
their hands on them, they let them go.
1 Reading xvpiw.

438 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l34"33
4 So then, sent out by the holy Spirit, they went down to Seleuceia ;
5 and from there they sailed away to Cyprus. And on reaching Salami.
they proclaimed the word of God in the synagogues of the Jews
6 (and they had John also as their attendant). Now on traversing the
whole island as far as Paphos, they fell in with a Jewish magician and
7 false prophet, named Bar-Jesus. He was in the suite of the proconsul
Sergius Paulus, a man of intelligence, who summoned Barnabas and Saul
8 and sought to hear the word of God. But the magician Elymas (for that
is the translation of his name) opposed them, trying to turn aside the
9 proconsul from the faith. And Saul (whose name also is Paul) became
10 filled with the holy Spirit, fixed his eyes on him, and said, " Thou son of
the devil, enemy of all that is upright, full of all guile and all villainy,
11 wilt thou not cease to turn aside the straight ways of the Lord ? Now then,
lo, the Lord's hand is upon thee, and thou shalt be blind, seeing not the
sun for a time." Instantly there fell upon him mist and darkness, and
12 he groped about for some one to lead him by the hand. Then the
proconsul believed when he saw what had happened, astonished at the
teaching of the Lord.
13 Setting sail from Paphos, Paul and his associates reached Perga in
Pamphylia ; John, however, departed from them and turned back to
14 Jerusalem. Passing on from Perga they arrived at Pisidian Antioch, and
15 entering the synagogue on the sabbath-day they sat down. After the
reading of the law and the prophets, the presidents of the synagogue sent
to them, saying, " Men and brothers, if you have any word of exhortation
16 for the people, say on." So Paul stood up, and with a movement of his
17 hand said : "Men of Israel, and you who fear God, listen. The God of
this people Israel chose our fathers and raised the people as they
sojourned in the land of Egypt, and with a high arm led them out of it. And
18, 19 for about forty years he nursed them like a father 1 in the wilderness; and
after destroying seven nations in the land of Canaan, he gave them their land
20 as an inheritance for about four hundred and fifty years. And after that
21 he gave them judges, down to Samuel the prophet. Then it was that
they begged for a king ; and God gave them for forty years Saul, the son
22 of Kish, a man of the tribe of Benjamin. And after deposing him he
raised up David as their king ; to whom he bore witness, saying, ' I home
found in David, the son of Jesse, a man after my own heart, who will do
23 all my commands.' From this man's offspring God brought Israel, as he
24 promised, a saviour — Jesus — after that, previous to his coming, John had
already preached the baptism of repentance to all the people of Israel.
25 As John fulfilled his course, he said, ' What do you imagine I am! I
am not he. Nay, behold, he is coming after me ! and the sandal of
26 his feet I am not fit to untie.' Men and brothers, sons of
Abraham's race, and those among you who fear God, to us was the word
27 of this salvation sent forth. For those who dwell in Jerusalem and their
rulers did not know him ; and in condemning him they fulfilled the
28 sayings of the prophets which are read every sabbath ; yea, although they
found no crime in him deserving death, yet they begged Pilate to have
29 him slain. Then, after fulfilling all that was written about him, they
30 lowered him from the gibbet and laid him in a tomb. But God raised
31 him from the dead. For many days he was seen by those who had come
up with him from Galilee to Jerusalem, by those who are now his witnesses
32 to the people. So we bring you glad tidings of the promise made to
33 the fathers, namely, that God 'made good this promise to the children—
1 Readiug ../.op-p.^cnv.

1334-148] ACTS 439
to us,1 when he raised up Jesus : as it is written also in the first 2
psalm, My son thou art :
To-day have I begotten thee.
34 And that he raised him up from the dead, to return no more to
corruption, has been thus declared by him : I will give you the holiness of
35 David that fails not. For it is also said in another psalm,
Thou wilt not let thy holy one see corruption.
36 David, indeed, serving God's purpose in his own generation, fell asleep
37 and was laid beside his fathers ; and he saw corruption. But he, whom
38 God raised up, did not see corruption. Be it known to you
then, men and brothers, that through this man there is proclaimed to you
39 the remission of sins : every one s who believes is absolved by this man
40 from all that you could not be absolved from by the law of Moses. Take
care, then, lest what is spoken of in the prophets befall you —
41 Look, you disdainful, wonder and perish :
For I do a work in your days,
A work you will never believe, even were one to inform you.'"
42 [Now as they went out, the people made an appeal to have these words
43 spoken to them on the following sabbath.] And when the synagogue
broke up, many of the Jews and of the devout proselytes followed Paul
and Barnabas, who spoke to them and urged them to hold by the grace
44 of God. [On the next sabbath, nearly all the city met to hear the
45 word of the Lord. But when the Jews saw the crowds they were filled
46 with jealousy, and began to abuse and contradict what Paul said. So
Paul and Barnabas spoke out with confidence, and said, " It was necessary
that the word of God should be spoken to you first. Since you thrust it
aside and adjudge yourselves unworthy of eternal life — lo, we turn to
47 the Gentiles ! For the Lord has given us this commandment,
I have placed thee for a light to the Gentiles,
For salvation to the end of the earth."
48 Now as the Gentiles heard it they were glad, and magnified the word of
49 God ; and all who had been appointed to life eternal, believed.] And
the word of the Lord spread abroad throughout the whole country.
50 [But the Jews incited the devout women who were of good position, as
well as the leading men of the city ; and they stirred up a persecution
51 against Paul and Barnabas, and expelled them from their territory. So
they shook off the dust of their feet against them and went to Ikonium.]
52 And the disciples were full of joy and of the holy Spirit.
14 1 Now the same thing happened in Ikonium. They entered the
synagogue of the Jews and spoke in such a way that a large multitude
3 both of Jews and of Greeks believed. So they spent a considerable
time there, speaking out confidently in the Lord, who bore witness to the
word of his grace by granting signs and wonders to be performed by
2 their agency. But the Jews who were disobedient stirred up the minds
4 of the Gentiles, and embittered them against the brothers. And the
multitude of the city was divided ; some held with the Jews and some
5 with the apostles. But when they became aware of a movement on the
part both of the Gentiles and of the Jews and their rulers to ill-treat and
6 stone them, they fled to the Lycaonian cities of Lystra and Derbe and to
7 the surrounding country ; and there the}- went on preaching the glad
tidings.
8 And in Lystra there sat a man who was infirm in his feet [lame
1 Reading SipOiv. 2 Reading crp&iu. 3 Omitting [*•;].

440 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l49-156
9 from his mother's womb] — he had never walked. This man listened 1
to what Paul said ; and he, fixing his eyes on him, and seeing that
10 he had faith to be restored, said with a loud voice, " Stand upright
11 on thy feet !" And up he leapt and began to walk. On seeing
what Paul had done, the crowds raised their voice, saying in the
Lycaonian tongue, "The gods in human guise have come down
12 to us ! " Barnabas they called Zeus ; and since Paul was the chief
13 spokesman, they called him Hermes. And the priest of the Zeus
whose temple stood in front of the city, brought oxen and gar-
14 lands, intending to offer sacrifice along with the crowds. But when
the apostles, Barnabas and Paul, beard it, they rent their garments
15 and sprang out among the crowd, shouting, " Men, what is this you
are doing ? We are but human, with natures like your own ; we
preach the glad tidings to you, namely, that you turn from these
futile things to a living God ivho made the sky, the earth, the sea,
16 and all that in them is. In bygone generations he allowed all the
17 nations to go on their own ways. Yet as the bountiful giver he
has not left himself without a witness, giving you rain from heaven
and fruitful seasons, filling your hearts with food and delight."
18 Yet even by saying this, they could scarcely restrain the crowds
19 from sacrificing to them. But Jews arrived from Antioch
and Ikonium, who won over the crowds ; and after pelting Paul with
stones, they dragged him out of the city, thinking he was dead.
20 When the disciples gathered round him, however, he stood up and
entered the city. And on the next day he went off with Barnabas
to Derbe.
21 And when they had preached the glad tidings to that city and made
many disciples, they turned back to Lystra, Ikonium, and Antioch,
22 confirming the souls of the disciples, exhorting them to abide by the
faith, and saying, " through many a distress we have to enter God's realm."
23 So, after choosing elders for them in every Community, they entrusted
them with prayer and fasting to the Lord on whom tliey had believed.
24, 25 Then they passed through Pisidia and came to Pamphylia. And after
26 speaking the word in Perga they went down to Attaleia, and from there
they sailed away to Antioch, whence they had been commended to the
27 grace of God for the work which they had now completed. So when
they arrived and had gathered the Community together, they reported all
that God had done along with them, and that " he opened a door to faith
28 for the Gentiles." And they spent no little time with the disciples.
15 1 And some persons came down from Judaea and taught the
brothers, "Unless you are circumcised after the custom of Moses,
2 you cannot be saved." Now no slight discussion and controversy
arose between them and Paul and Barnabas ; whereupon the
brothers appointed Paul and Barnabas and some others of their
number to go up to the apostles and elders at Jerusalem about
3 this question. Sped then upon their journey by the Community,
they passed through both Phoenice and Samaria, informing them
that the Gentiles had turned, and so causing great joy to all the
4 brothers. On arriving at Jerusalem, they were received by the
Community and the apostles and the elders ; and they reported all
5 that God had done along with them. But some of the believers
who belonged to the party of the Pharisees, rose up and said, " It is
1 Reading Hxevn.

156"29] ACTS 441
necessary to circumcise them and to charge them to keep the law of
Moses." Now the apostles and the elders met to investigate this subject.
And after a keen controversy, Peter stood up and said to them :
" Men and brothers, you know that from early days God chose me
from among you to let the Gentiles hear through my lips the word of
the glad tidings, and so believe. And God who knows the heart bore
them witness, by giving them the holy Spirit even as he gave it
to us ; nor did he make the slightest distinction between us and
them, as he cleansed their hearts by faith. Now then, why do
you attempt1 to put a yoke on the neck of the disciples that
neither our fathers nor we had strength to bear . Nay, it is
through the grace of the Lord Jesus that we believe we shall
be saved, just as they." So all the meeting became silent, and
listened to Barnabas and Paul as they recounted what signs and
wonders God had performed through them among the Gentiles.
After they had finished speaking, James answered and said :
" Listen to me, men and brothers. Symeon has recounted how it
was God's care at the very outset to take from among the Gentiles
a people for his name. And with this the words of the prophets
agree ; even as it is written,
After this I will come back
And rebuild David's fallen tent ;
Its ruins I will rebuild,
And I will erect it anew,
That the rest of men may seek after the Lord,
Even all the Gentiles who are called by my name :
saith the Lord, who makes this known from of old. Therefore
in my opinion we should not molest those who are turning to God
from among the Gentiles, but write enjoining them to abstain
from what is contaminated by idols, from fornication, from what
is strangled, and from blood ; for in every city Moses has had for
generations past those who preach him, as he is read in the
synagogues every sabbath." Thereupon the apostles and the
elders, together with the whole Community, determined to choose
some of their number and send them with Paul and Barnabas to
Antioch. These were Judas (called Bar-Sabbas) and Silas, chief
men among the brothers. They conveyed a letter to the following
effect :
" The apostles and the elders, as brothers,
to the brothers who belong to the Gentiles throughout
Antioch and Syria and Cilicia : greeting.
As we have learned that some of our number2 have troubled
you with their talk and unsettled your souls (they had no
instructions from us), we have now determined with one accord
to choose men from our number and send them to you, along
with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, who have risked their lives
for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have sent Judas
and Silas then, who will give you this message orally as well.
For the holy Spirit and we have determined to lay on you no
greater burden— apart from the following essentials : that you
abstain from food offered to idols, from blood, from things
strangled, and from fornication. Keep yourselves clear of these,
1 Omitting .»« 0e.v. 2 Omitting .£....-»*...

442 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l530-1617
30 and you shall prosper. Farewell." So they were allowed
to go, and went down to Antioch, and after gathering the multitude
31 together they handed over the letter. Now on reading it they
32 rejoiced at the exhortation ; and as Judas and Silas were prophets
themselves, they exhorted the brothers with many words and
33 confirmed them. Then after some time had passed, the brothers
let them go in peace to those who had sent them.
35 Paul and Barnabas, however, stayed on in Antioch, teaching and
preaching the word of the Lord along with many others.
36 Some days after, Paul said to Barnabas, " Come, let us go back and
visit the brothers in every city where we proclaimed the word of the
37 Lord, and see how they fare." Now Barnabas wanted to take John
38 (who was called Mark) along with them. Paul, however, held it was
wrong to take a man with them who had deserted them at Pamphylia,
39 instead of accompanying them to the work. So in irritation they
separated from one another ; Barnabas took Mark with him and sailed
40 off to Cyprus ; while Paul selected Silas and departed, commended by the
41 brothers to the grace of the Lord. And he passed on through Syria and
16 1 Cilicia, confirming the communities. Now he also arrived at
Derbe and Lystra. And behold, there was a disciple there named
2 Timotheus, the son of a Jewess who believed, but of a Greek father ; he had
3 a good reputation among the brothers at Lystra and Ikonium. This man
Paul desired to go abroad with him ; so he took and circumcised him
on account of the Jews in those parts — for they all knew his father had
4 been a Greek. [And on they journeyed through the cities, handing over
the resolutions which the apostles and elders in Jerusalem had decided
5 were to be observed.] [So the Communities were strengthened
in the faith, and increased in number day by day.]
6 Now they passed on through the Phrygian or Galatic region. And
when they were opposite Mysia, as the holy Spirit had forbidden them to
7 speak the word in Asia, they tried to enter Bithynia. But the Spirit of
8 Jesus would not allow them. So ignoring Mysia they went down to
9 Troas. And a vision appeared to Paul by night : a Macedonian stood
and besought him, saying, " Cross over to Macedonia and help us."
10 Now immediately he had seen the vision, we made efforts to start for
Macedonia, concluding that God had called us to preach the glad tidings to
them.
11 Setting sail then from Troas we ran straight to Samothraki. and the
12 following day to Neapolis; and from there we came to a Roman colony,
Philippi, a city which belongs to the first 1 section of Macedonia. In this
13 city we spent some days. And on the sabbath-day we went outside the gate
to the bank of the river, where as usual 2 there was a place of prayer; and
14 sitting down we spoke to the women who had gathered. And a woman
named Lydia, a seller of purple who belonged to the city of Thyatira, a God
fearing proselyte, was listening. Her heart was opened by the Lord to
1 5 attend to what Paul said ; and when she had been baptized, together with
her household, she besought us, saying, " If you are convinced that I am a
believer in the Lord, come and stay at my house." And she compelled
16 us. Now it came to pass, when we were going to the place of
prayer, that a slave-girl met us, possessed by a spirit — a python,— who
17 brought considerable gain to her owners by soothsaying. She followed
Paul and us, shouting, " These men are slaves of the most High God, who
1 Reading Tpvtv.t. - Reading ._ ivopcOiiro nponv^i.

1618-176] AOTS 443
18 proclaim to you the way of salvation." This she did for many days. But
Paul was sorely annoyed, and turning round he said to the spirit,
" I charge thee in the name of Jesus Christ, leave her ! " And it left her
19 that very instant. Now when her owners saw that the hope of their gain
had gone, they took Paul and Silas and dragged them into the forum
20 before the magistrates ; and when they had brought them to the praetors,
21 they said, " These fellows are Jews who are convulsing our city by
proclaiming customs which it is not lawful for us as Romans to accept or
22 to observe." And up rose the crowd against them, and the praetors
23 tore off their garments and ordered them to be beaten with rods ; then
after showering many stripes on them, they threw them into prison and
24 charged the jailor to keep tfiem safely. He, on getting such a charge, put
25 them into the inner prison and secured their feet in the stocks. [Now
about midnight Paul and Silas were praying and singing praise to God,
26 while the prisoners listened to them. And suddenly there was a great
earthquake, so that the foundations of the prison-house were shaken ; all
27 the doors instantly flew open, and everyone's fetters were loosened. And
when the jailor was roused from sleep and saw the doors of the prison
open, he drew his sword and was about to kill himself, supposing that
28 the prisoners had escaped. But Paul cried with a loud voice, " Do thy-
29 self no harm, we are all here ! " Then calling for lights he sprang in,
30 fell down in terror before Paul and Silas, and brought them out (after he
had secured the other prisoners),1 saying, " Sirs, what must I do to be
31 saved?" They said, "Believe on the Lord Jesus and thou shalt
32 be saved, thou and thy house." And they spoke the word of the Lord
33 to him and to all who were in his house. Then he took them at that very
hour of the night and washed their stripes ; and he got baptized, he and
34 all his, instantly. Conducting them up into his house, he set food
before them ; and he rejoiced with all his family, for he had believed in
35 God.] Now when day broke, the praetors sent the lictors to say,
36 " Release those men." These 2 words were repeated by the jailor to
Paul; " The praetors," he said, "have sent to release you. Now then,
37 come out and go in peace." But Paul said to them, " They flogged us
publicly, unconvicted, though we are Roman citizens. And now they
would expel us secretly ? No, indeed ! let them come and bring us out
38 themselves." These words the lictors reported to the praetors. Now on
39 hearing that the men were Roman citizens, they were afraid ; so they went
and sought to appease them, and after bringing them out they begged
40 them to go away from the city. So they left the prison and went into
Lydia's house ; and after they had seen the brothers and exhorted them,
they departed.
17 1 Now when they had travelled along the Roman road through Amphi-
polis and Apollonia they came to Thessalonika, where the Jews had a
2 synagogue. As his custom was, Paul went in to them ; and he conversed
with them for three sabbaths, explaining and quoting passages from the
3 scriptures to prove that " the Christ had to suffer and rise again irom
the dead," and that " this is the Christ, even Jesus whom I proclaim to
4 you." And some of them were persuaded and threw in their lot with
Paul and Silas, that is, a large multitude of the God-fearing Greeks and
5 not a few of the leading women. But the Jews grew jealous ; they got
bold of some worthless loafers, gathered a crowd, and proceeded to
rouse the city ; then assaulting the house of Jason they sought to bring
6 them out before the popular assembly. Failing to find them, however,
' Adding .cl. \olcrov; atrrfa^to-apiivK. - Adding t._t....

444 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l7?-31
they proceeded to drag Jason and some of the brothers before the
politarchs, shouting, " These fellows who have stirred up the world
7 have come here as well ! Jason has welcomed them ! And they all
violate the decrees of Caesar, by saying that some one else — Jesus— is
8, 9 king." On hearing this the crowd and the politarchs were troubled ; but
after binding over Jason and the rest to keep the peace, they let them
10 go. Now the brothers at once sent Paul and Silas off by night
to Beroea ; and ou arriving there, they betook themselves to the Jewish
11 synagogue. These people were nobler than those in Thessalonika; for
they received the word with perfect heartiness, and inquired every day
12 into the scriptures to see if such things were the case. So many of them
believed, together with not a few Greeks, women of good position as well
13 as men. But when the Jews of Thessalonika learned that the word of
God had been proclaimed by Paul at Beroea also, they went and
14 disturbed and excited the crowds in that place as well. Thereupon the
brothers at once sent Paul off on his way to 1 the sea, while Silas and
1 5 Timotheus remained where they were. Those who escorted Paul took
him as far as Athens, and returned with a message from him for Silas
and Timotheus, charging them to join him as soon as possible.
16 Now while Paul awaited them at Athens his spirit was irritated
17 within him as he observed that the city was full of idols. Accordingly
he began to converse in the synagogue with the Jews and the God
fearing people, and in the marketplace with those who chanced to
18 be there, from day to day. Some of the Epicurean and Stoic
philosophers also came across him. And some said, " What does
this fellow mean with his chatter ? " others, " He seems to be a
proclaimer of foreign deities " (because he preached " Jesus " and " the
19 Resurrection"). So2 they took him and brought him before the
Areopagus, saying, " May we know what this new teaching is which
20 thou settest forth ? Thou speakest of certain matters that are novel to
21 us. It is our wish, then, to know what they mean ! " (Indeed, all the
Athenians and the foreign visitors occupied themselves with nothing
22 but repeating or listening to the latest novelty.) So Paul stood in the
middle of the Areopagus and said : " Men of Athens, I observe you are
23 rather superstitious. For as I passed along and scanned your objects of
worship, I actually came upon an altar with the inscription TO AN UN
KNOWN GOD. Well, I proclaim to you what you are worshipping in
24 your ignorance. The God who made the world and all things in ii— he,
25 Lord of sky and earth, dwells not in shrines made by hands ; nor is he
served by human hands as though he were in need of anything, for he it
26 is that gives life to all, and breath and all things ; and out of one
he made every nation of men, that they should dwell all over the
earth's surface, defining their fixed periods and the boundaries of their
27 settlement, that they should seek God and by groping (if it might be)
28 find him — nor is he far indeed from any one of us. For in him we live
and move and are ; as also some of your own poets have said,
His issue too are we.
29 As God's issue, then, we ought not to think that the divine nature
resembles gold or silver or stone, engraved by art and man's device.
30 The times of ignorance, it is true, God overlooked ; but now he is
31 announcing to men repentance everywhere for all, inasmuch as he has a
day set in which he is to judge the world in uprightness by a man whom he
has appointed. Proof of this he has afforded to all, by raising him
1 Reading m. 2 Reading ...

1732_1826] ACTS 445
32 from the dead." — Now on hearing of a " resurrection of dead men," some
sneered, while others said, "We will hear thee yet again upon this
34 matter." So Paul departed from their midst. Some men, however,
joined him and believed; among them was Dionysius the Areopagite, also
a woman named Damaris, besides others.
, 2 After this he withdrew from Athens and went to Corinth. And
falling in with a Jew named Aquila, a native of Pontus, who had lately
come from Italy, accompanied by his wife Priscilla (as Claudius had
3 ordered all Jews to withdraw from Rome), he accosted them ; and as he
belonged to the same trade, he stayed with them, and they worked
4 together. They were workers in leather by trade. And every sabbath he
discoursed in the synagogue, persuading both Jews and Greeks.
5 Now by the time that Silas and Timotheus came down from Macedonia,
Paul was engrossed in the word [testifying to the Jews that Jesus was the
6 Christ. But as they resisted and gave abuse, he shook out his garments
and said to them, " Your blood be on your own head ! I am clean !
7 From this moment I go to the Gentiles "]. And removing from there he
went into the house of a God-fearing proselyte named Titus Justus,
8 whose house adjoined the synagogue. And Krispus, the president of the
synagogue, believed along with his whole household in the Lord ; many
also of the Corinthians believed as they listened, and had themselves
9 baptized. And the Lord said to Paul in the night by a vision,
" Fear not,
Speak on and be not silent :
10 For I am with thee, and no one shall set on thee to ill-use thee ;
For I have many people in this city."
11 So he settled there for a year and six months, teaching the word
12 of God in their midst. But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the
Jews rose up with one accord against Paul and brought him before the
13 tribunal, saying, " This fellow incites men to worship God contrary to the
14 law." However, just as Paul was on the point of opening his lips, Gallio
said to the Jews, " Had it been a misdemeanour or villainous crime, 0
15 Jews, there would be some reason for me putting up with you. But as
it is a question of words, and of names, and of your law, you can see to
16 it yourselves. I decline to be a judge in these affairs." And he drove them
17 from the tribunal. Then all the Greeks1 seized hold of Sosthenes the pre
sident of the synagogue, and beat him before the tribunal ; but Gallio took
18 no notice. For many days after this, Paul still waited on. Then,
taking leave of the brothers, he began his voyage to Syria, accompanied
by Priscilla and Aquila (as the latter was under a vow, he had his head
19 shaved at Kenchreae). On arriving at Ephesus, Paul left them there.
20 For himself [he entered the synagogue and conversed with the Jews ;
21 and] instead of consenting to remain longer when they asked him, he
took leave of them, saying, " I will return to you again, if God wills."
22 Setting sail from Ephesus he reached Caesarea, went up to the capital
23 and saluted the Community, and then went down to Antioch. After
spending some time there, he departed on a journey through the Galatic
region and Phrygia in order, establishing all the disciples.
24 Now a Jew named Apollos arrived at Ephesus ; he was a native of
25 Alexandria, a learned man, mighty in the scriptures, who had been
instructed in the way of the Lord. He spoke with fervour of spirit and
taught with accuracy upon the subject of Jesus [[acquainted merely with
26 the baptism of John. And in the synagogue he started to speak out con-
1 Adding oi "EM-,».f .

446 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [1827-!.24
fidently]]. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him they took him
27 home, and unfolded to him the way of God still more accurately. Then,
as he wanted to pass over into Achaia, the brothers encouraged him and
wrote to the disciples to welcome him. And on his arrival he proved of
28 great use to those who had believed through grace ; for he publicly con
futed the Jews with might and main, demonstrating by means of the
19 1 scriptures that Jesus was the Christ. Now it came to pass
while Apollos was at Corinth that Paul passed through the upper-lying
districts and came to Ephesus. There he fell in with some disciples,
2 and said to them, " Did you receive the holy Spirit when you believed ?"
" No," they said to him, " we did not even hear whether there was a holy
3 Spirit." "Then what," said he, "did you get baptized into?" "Into
4 John's baptism," they said. And Paul said, "John baptized with the
baptism of repentance, telling the people to believe on One who was to
5 come after him — that is, on Jesus." When they heard this, they had
6 themselves baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus [ ; and after Paul
laid his hands on them, the holy Spirit came on them, and they began to
7 speak with tongues and to prophesy]. They amounted in all to about
8 twelve men. Now he entered the synagogue and for three months spoke
out confidently, discoursing and persuading with regard to God's reign.
9 But, as some became stubborn and disobedient, decrying the Way before
the multitude, he departed and separated the disciples from them, dis
coursing day by day from the fifth to the tenth hour x in the lecture-room
10 of Tyrannus. This went on for two years, so that all who resided in
Asia, Jews as weU as Greeks, heard the word of the Lord.
11, 12 God also worked uncommon miracles by the agency of Paul, so
that people even carried away napkins or aprons from his body to the
sick ; thus their diseases quitted them and the evil spirits went out.
13 Now some of the strolling Jewish exorcists also undertook to pro
nounce the name of the Lord Jesus over those who had evil spirits ;
"I adjure you," they said, "by the Jesus whom Paul preaches!"
14 (There were seven sons of a man Scevas, a Jewish high priest, who
15 did this.) But the evil spirit answered and said to them, "Jesus I
16 recognise, and Paul I know, but you — who are you ? " And the man
in whom was the evil spirit, leapt on them, mastered both of them,
and belaboured them. So out of that house they fled, stripped and
17 wounded. Now this became known to aU the residents of Ephesus,
Jews as well as Greeks ; and fear fell on them aU, and the name of the
18 Lord Jesus was magnified. Also, many of those who had believed,
19 kept coming to confess and disclose their practices. And a con
siderable number of those who had practised magic arts, collected
their books and burned them in the sight of all. (On estimating the
value of these they found it amounted to fifty thousand pieces of
silver.)
20 Thus mightily did the word of the Lord increase and prevail.
21 Now at the close of this, Paul resolved in the spirit to travel through
Macedonia and Achaia, and then journey to Jerusalem. "After going
22 there," he said, " I must also visit Rome." So he despatched two of his
assistants to Macedonia, Timotheus and Erastus, while he himself stayed
23 on for a while in Asia. Now about that time no slight commotion
24 arose over the Way. It came about thus. By making silver shrines of
Artemis, a man named Demetrius, a silversmith, brought no little trade
1 Adding v.to aipae dctTT^f .a/e _.»<_.»;..

1925-209] ACTS 447
25 to the craftsmen ; these he collected, along with the workmen who
belonged to similar trades, and said, " Men, you know that this trade is
26 the source of our wealth, and you see and hear that not merely at Ephesus,
but almost all through Asia, this fellow Paul has drawn away a consider
able multitude by his persuasions, declaring that gods who are made by
27 hands are no gods at all. Now there is a risk, not merely of our finding
this trade discredited, but also that the temple of the great goddess
Artemis may be made light of, and even her grandeur come to be
28 degraded — she whom the whole of Asia and the world worship ! " Hearing
this they were filled with rage and ran into the street,1 shouting " Great
29 is Artemis of Ephesus 1 " So the city was filled with confusion ; and
they rushed with one accord into the theatre, dragging with them Gaius
30 and Aristarchus, Macedonians who were fellow-travellers of Paul. (Paul
wanted to enter the popular assembly, but the disciples would not allow
31 him. Besides, some of the Asiarchs who were friends of his, also sent
32 repeatedly to entreat him not to venture into the theatre.) Now some
shouted one thing, some other ; for the assembly was in confusion, and
33 the majority had no idea what was the cause of their gathering. Some
of the crowd, however, concluded it must be Alexander, as the Jews
pushed him forward ; so Alexander waved his hand and intended to
34 defend himself before the people. But when they found out he was a
Jew, a roar broke from them all — for about two hours they shouted,
35 " Great is Artemis of Ephesus ! Great is Artemis of Ephesus ! " 2 Now
after the Secretary of State had got the crowd quieted, he says : " Men of
Ephesus, who on earth does not know that the city of Ephesus is
custodian of the temple of the great Artemis, and of the image that fell
36 from heaven ? The thing is undeniable. Well then, you should keep
37 quiet and do nothing reckless ; whereas you have brought these men here
38 who are neither guilty of sacrilege nor blasphemers of our goddess. Now
if Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen have a grievance against anyone,
let both parties make their charges ; assizes are held, and there is always
39 a proconsul. If you desire anything further, the case must be settled in
40 the regular assembly. For there is a risk of our being charged with
riot in regard to this day's assembly ; not a single reason exists which will 3
41 enable us to account for the present disorderly concourse." Saying this, he
0 1 dismissed the assembly. Now after the tumult had ceased, Paul sent
for and exhorted the disciples ; then after saluting them, he went off on
2 his journey to Macedonia. After passing through those districts and
3 exhorting the people with many a word, he came to Greece. There he
spent three months, and was on the point of sailing for Syria, when the
Jews laid a plot against him. He determined therefore to return through
4 Macedonia. His company, as far as Asia,4 consisted of Sopater of Beroea
(the son of Pyrrhus), Aristarchus and Secundus from Thessalonika, Gaius
5 of Derbe, and Timotheus, with Tychicus and Trophimus from Asia. When
6 they 5 got the length of Asia, they waited for us at Troas ; while we
sailed away from Philippi, after the days of unleavened bread, and in
7 five days joined them at Troas. There we spent some days. Now when
we had met on the first day of the week to break bread, Paul proceeded
to converse with them, as he was to leave on the morrow ; and he prolonged
8 his discourse till it was midnight. (There were large lamps in the upper
9 chamber where we were gathered.) In the window sat a young man
called Eutychus, who became overpowered with drowsiness as Paul's dis-
1 Adding cipapiovrts us .- apupobov. a Adding fAiya}*, r, " ' Aprlpcts 'Eqio-iojv.
s Omitting ... 4 Adding axpt .S. ' Ao-las. 5 Reading crpoo-oQovris.

448 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [SO10-^1
course went on and on ; dropping asleep, he fell down from the third storey,
10 and was picked up a corpse. But Paul went down, fell on him, and
11 embraced him, saying, "Wail not: his life is in him." Then he went
up, broke bread, and ate ; and after conversing with them for a good
12 while, till it was dawn, finally went off. (As for the lad, they took him away
13 alive, and were extremely relieved.) Now we had gone on before
hand to the ship and set sail for Assos, with the intention of taking Paul
on board there. This indeed was his own arrangement, as he intended to
14 travel himself by land. He met us then at Assos. Taking him on board,
15 we went to Mityl6n6, and sailing thence on the following day we arrived
off Chios ; in the evening 1 we crossed over to Samos, and after stopping at
16 Trogyllium 2 went on, the next day, to Miletus. This was because Paul
had decided to sail past Ephesus, so as to avoid loss of time in Asia ; he
was hastening to reach Jerusalem — if he could manage it — by the day of
Pentecost.
17 From Miletus, however, he sent to Ephesus and summoned the elders
18 of the Community. And when they came to him, he said : "You know
yourselves the way in which I lived with you during all the time since
19 the day that I first set foot in Asia, serving the Lord with all humility
and tears and trials which I encountered through the plots of the Jews ;
20 and how I did not shrink from disclosing anything profitable to you, or
21 from teaching you in public and from house to house, bearing witness to
Jews and Greeks alike of repentance to God and faith to our Lord Jesus.3
22 And now, mark ! I go to Jerusalem fettered in spirit, not knowing
23 what is to befall me there. Only, in city after city the holy Spirit
24 testifies to me that fetters and distresses await me. But then, I set no
value on my life, provided that4 I may complete my course and the
ministry which I received from the Lord Jesus, to attest the glad tidings
25 of the grace of God. And now, mark ! I know that none of you
shall ever see my face again — you among whom I went about and preached
26 the Reign. [Therefore I do protest to you this day, I am clean from the
27 blood of all ; I did not shrink from disclosing to you all God's purpose.]
28 Take heed to yourselves and to all the flock of which the holy Spirit has
appointed you overseers : be shepherds to the Community of God which he
29 has purchased with his own blood. I know that after my departure fierce
30 wolves shall enter your midst and spare not the flock ; from your own
midst also shall men rise up with perverse words, to draw the disciples
31 away after them. Watch therefore, and remember that for three years
night and day I ceased not to admonish everyone with tears.
32 And now I entrust you to God and to the word of his grace, who is able
to build you up and give you the inheritance among all who are sanctified
33, 34 [Silver, gold, or apparel, I never coveted. You know yourselves that these
35 hands provided entirely for my needs and my companions. I showed
you an example of how you ought thus to labour and give succour to the
weak, remembering the words of the Lord Jesus — for he said himself,
36 ' To give is happier than to get ']." And saying this he knelt down and
37 prayed with them all. But all burst into loud weeping, and fell on
38 Paul's neck and fondly kissed him, sorrowing chiefly because he had told
them they were never to see his face again. Then they escorted him to
the ship.
21 1 Now it came to pass, when we had torn ourselves away from them
and set sail, we made a straight run to Kos, the next day to Rhodes, and
1 Reading ircripa. 2 Adding xai pilivavrls iv TpojyvMioi.
3 Omitting [[xpio-rev]]. & Reading -We nMiuo-at.

212-28] ACTS 449
2 thence to Patara. And as we found there a ship crossing over to Phoenici.,
3 we went on board, and set sail. After sighting Cyprus and leaving it on
our left, we sailed for Syria, and landed at Tyre ; for there the ship was to
4 unload her cargo. So we found out the disciples, and stayed there for seven
days. These disciples told Paul through the Spirit not to set foot in
5 Jerusalem. But when it came to pass that our time was completed, we
departed on our journey, escorted by them, women and children and all,
till we were outside the city. Then, kneeling down on the beach we
6 prayed, and bade each other farewell ; we went on board, and they returned
7 home. From Tyre, then, we continued our voyage and reached
Ptolemais ; and after saluting the brothers we stayed one day with them.
8 Starting on the morrow we came to Caesarea, and entering the house of the
9 evangelist Philip (who was one of the Seven) we stayed with him. [He had
10 four unmarried daughters who prophesied.] While we remained there for
11 several days, a prophet named Agabus came down from Judaea. And he
came to us, took Paul's girdle and bound his own feet and hands, saying,
" The holy Spirit speaks thus : ' so shall the Jews bind the man who owns
this girdle at Jerusalem, and deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles.' "
12 Now when we heard this, both we and the people of the place appealed to
13 Paul not to go up to Jerusalem. Then answered Paul, " What do you
mean by weeping and disheartening me ? I am ready not only to be bound
14 but also to die at Jerusalem, for the name of the Lord Jesus." So, as he
would not be persuaded, we held our peace, and said, " The will of the
Lord be done."
15 Now after these days we made our preparations and went on our way
16 up to Jerusalem. Some of the disciples from Caesarea also accompanied us,
and conducted us to the house of Mnason, a Cypriote, with whom we were to
17 lodge (he was a disciple of long standing). Now when we arrived
18 at Jerusalem, the brothers welcomed us gladly. On the next day Paul went
19 in with us to James ; the elders also were all present. And after saluting
them he recounted in detail what God had done among the Gentiles by
20 means of his ministry. On hearing it they magnified God [; and they
said to him, " Brother, thou seest how many thousands of believers there
21 are among the Jews, all of them zealots for the law. Now tliey have
been informed with regard to thee, that thou art teaching apostasy from
Moses, to all the Jews who live among the Gentiles, telling them not to
22 circumcise their children nor to walk by the prescribed customs. Well,
23 what is to be done 1 They will be sure to hear thou hast come ; so do
24 what we tell thee. We have four men here who are under a vow : take
them, have thyself purified along with them, and pay their expenses, so
that they may be able to have their heads shaved. Then everybody will
understand that his information about thee is worthless, and that, on
the contrary, thou art thyself walking in the regular observances of the
25 law. As for the Gentiles who have believed, we wrote them our decision,
that they should keep themselves from food offered to idols, from
26 blood, from what is strangled, and from fornication." Therefore Paul
took the men next day, had himself purified along with them, and
went into the temple to" give notice of the time when the days of puri
fication would be completed — the time, that is to say, until the sacrifice
^ should be offered on behalf of each one of them].
27 Now the seven days were almost brought to a close, when the Jews
from Asia saw him in the temple, and proceeded to stir up all tbe crowd ;
28 then they laid hands on him, shouting, " To the rescue, men of Israel !
Here is the man who teaches everyone everywhere against the people and
29

450 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2129-22M
the law and this place ! Yes, and actually he has brought Greeks into
29 the temple and defiled this holy place ! " (For they had previously seen
him in the city with Trophimus the Ephesian, and supposed that Paul
30 had brought him into the temple.) And [the whole city was thrown into
turmoil ;] the people ran together, and seizing Paul they dragged him
31 outside the temple ; whereupon the doors were immediately shut. While
they were trying to kill him, tidings came up to the military tribune of the
32 cohort that the whole of Jerusalem was in confusion. He at once took
some soldiers and centurions and ran down to them ; and when they saw
33 the tribune and the soldiers, they stopped beating Paul. The tribune
then came near and seized him, ordered him to be bound with a couple
of chains, and proceeded to inquire, "Who is he?" and "What has he
34 done ? " But some in the crowd roared one thing, some another ; and as
he could not ascertain the truth owing to the tumult, he commanded him
35 to be brought into the barracks. By the time that he reached the stairs
he had actually to be carried by tbe soldiers, on account of the violence
36 of the crowd ; for the multitude followed, shouting, " Away with him !"
37 And as he was on the point of being brought into the barracks, Paul said
to the tribune, " Can I speak a word to thee ? " " Dost thou know
38 Greek ? " he said. " Then thou art not tbe Egyptian who in days gone
by raised the four thousand Assassins, and led them out into the
39 wilderness ? " Paul said, " I am a Jew, a man of Tarsus in Cilicia, a
citizen of no mean city ; I pray thee, permit me to speak to the people?"
40 As he gave his permission, Paul stood on the stairs and waved with his
hand to the people ; then, during a great hush, he addressed them in the
22 1 Hebrew language, saying : " Brothers and fathers, listen to the defence
2 which I now make to you." — Now when they heard him address them in
3 the Hebrew language they became still more quiet ; so he proceeds— "I
am a Jew, born at Tarsus in Cilicia, but brought up in this city, educated
at the feet of Gamaliel according to the rigorous law of the fathers ; a
4 zealot for God, as you all are this day. I persecuted this Way to the
5 death, chaining and delivering up to prison men and women alike, as
also the high priest and all the assembly of the elders can testify for me.
It was from them too that I received letters for the brothers, and
journeyed to Damascus to bind those who were there, and bring them
6 also to Jerusalem for punishment. Now it came to pass that as I
journeyed and drew near to Damascus, suddenly, about noon, a great
7 light from the sky flashed round me ; and I dropped to the earth, and
heard a voice saying to me, 'Saul, Saul, why art thou persecuting me?'
8 I answered, ' Who art thou, sir 1 ' And he said to me, ' I am Jesus the
9 Nazarene, and thou art persecuting me.' (Now my companions beheld
10 the light, but they did not hear the voice of him who spoke to me.) And
I said, ' Lord, what shall I do ? ' And the Lord said to me, ' Rise, and
go into Damascus, and there thou shalt be told of all that is appointed
11 thee to do.' So, as I could not see for the brightness of that light, my
12 companions led me into Damascus by the hands. And there came to me
a certain Ananias, a devout man according to the law, who had a good
13 reputation among all the Jewish residents ; standing by me, he said,
' Saul, my brother, see again ! ' At that very moment I saw again, and
14 looked up at him. And he said, ' The God of our fathers has appointed
thee to know his will, and to see the upright One, and to hear a voice
15 from his own lips ; for thou shalt be a witness for him to all men, of
16 what thou hast seen and beard. And now, why linger? Rise, have
17 thyself baptized and wash away thy sins, calling upon his name.' Now it

22i8_2314] ACTS 451
came to pass when I had returned to Jerusalem, and was praying in the
18 temple, I fell into a trance, and saw Him saying to me, ' Make haste and
depart from Jerusalem quickly, for they will not admit any evidence of
19 thine regarding me.' And I said, 'But, Lord, they know it was I who
imprisoned and flogged those who believed on thee, in synagogue after
20 synagogue; and when the blood of thy witness Stephen was being shed,
I stood by also and approved, and took charge of the garments of those
21 who slew him. Yet he said to me, 'Depart : I will send thee forth afar
22 to the Gentiles — .' " Up to this sentence they had listened to him ;
then they raised a cry of, " Away with such a fellow from the earth 1 He
23 is not fit to live ! " As they went on clamouring, tossing their garments,
24 and throwing dust into the air, the tribune commanded him to be
brought into the barracks, giving orders to have him examined by
scourging, so as to ascertain the reason why they shouted at him in this
25 way. But after they had strapped him up for the lash, Paul said to the
centurion who was standing by, " Is it lawful for you to scourge a Roman
26 citizen, and that too unconvicted ? " On hearing this, the centurion went
to the tribune and told him, saying, "What is to be done ? this man is a
27 Roman citizen." So the tribune went to him and said, " Tell me, art
28 thou a Roman citizen?" And he said, "Yes." The tribune answered,
"I purchased this citizenship for a large sum?" Paul said, " But I was
29 born in it ? " Then those who were going to examine him left him alone
at once. Moreover, the tribune himself was alarmed to find that he was
a Roman citizen, and that he had bound him.
30 [Now on the morrow, in his desire to ascertain the true reason why he
was accused by the Jews, he unbound him and ordered the high priests and
all the Sanhedrin to assemble ; then he brought Paul down and set him
23 1 before them. Fixing his eyes on the Sanhedrin, Paul said : " Men and
brothers, I have borne myself towards God down to this day with a
2 perfectly good conscience." And the high priest Ananias commanded
3 those who stood beside him to strike him on the mouth. Then Paul said
to him, " God shall strike thee, thou white- washed wall ! What ! art
thou sitting to judge me according to the law and yet ordering me against
4 the law to be struck ? " The bystanders said, " Revilest thou the high
5 priest of God?" " Brothers," said Paul, "I did not know he was high
priest." (For it is written, thou shalt not speak evil of a ruler of thy
6 people.) But when Paul discovered that the one half were Sadducees
and the other half Pharisees, he cried out in the Sanhedrin, " Men and
brothers, I am a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees ! For the hope — for the
7 resurrection of the dead I am on trial ! " Hardly had he said this, when
a discussion broke out between the Pharisees and the Sadducees, and the
8 meeting was divided. For while the Sadducees say there is no
9 resurrection, no angel or spirit, the Pharisees acknowledge both. So a
mighty clamour broke out, and some of the scribes who belonged to the
Pharisaic party stood up and hotly maintained, " We find no evil in this
10 man. What if a spirit has spoken to him, or an angel — 1" Now as
the discussion grew violent, the tribune became afraid they would tear
Paid asunder ; so he ordered the troop of soldiers to go down and carry
11 him from their midst by force, and bring him into the barracks.] The
following night the Lord stood by him and said, " Be of good cheer : as
thou hast borne witness in Jerusalem to me, so too must thou witness in
12 Rome." When day broke the Jews formed a conspiracy, binding
themselves by a curse to neither eat nor drink until they killed Paul.
13, 14 There were more than forty who formed this intrigue. They went to

452 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2315-245
the high priests and the elders, and said, " We have bound ourselves by
15 a solemn curse to taste nothing until we kill Paul. Now then, make
you representations to the tribune along with the Sanhedrin, inducing
him to bring him down to you on the plea that you propose to investigate
his case more accurately ; we are all ready to slay him on the road."
16 Now the son of Paul's sister heard of their ambush, and getting entrance
17 into the barracks he told Paul. And Paul summoned one of the
centurions and said, " Take this young man to the tribune, for he has
18 some news to give him." So he took and brought him to the tribune,
saying, " The prisoner Paul summoned me, and asked me to bring this
19 young man to thee, as he has something to tell thee. Taking him by the
hand the tribune retired, and proceeded in private to ask him, "What
20 news hast thou to give me ? " He said, " The Jews have agreed to
ask thee to bring Paul down to-morrow to the Sanhedrin on the plea
21 that it is proposed l to make a more accurate inquiry into his case. Now,
do not let them persuade thee. For an ambush is being laid against him
by more than forty men, who have bound themselves by a curse to
neither eat nor drink until they slay him. They are all ready at this
22 very moment, expecting thou wilt consent." The tribune then dismissed
the young man with the injunction, " Let nobody know that thou hast
23 disclosed this to me." And summoning two of the centurions, he said,
" Get ready two hundred infantry to march as far as Caesarea, also
seventy troopers and two hundred spearmen, at the third hour of
24 the night." Beasts were also to be provided, on which|they were to
25 mount Paul, and conduct him in safety to Felix the procurator. Then
he wrote a letter in this style :
26 " Claudius Lysias,
to the most excellent procurator Felix :
greeting.
27 This man had been arrested by the Jews and was on the point of being
slain by them when I came upon them with the troop of soldiers and
28 delivered him, on learning he was a Roman citizen. [In my desire to
ascertain the reason why they accused him, I brought him down to their
29 Sanhedrin. Then I found he was accused about questions of their law,
30 but not impeached for anything that deserved death or bonds.] As I am
informed that a plot is to be laid against the man, I am sending him to
thee forthwith, at the same time enjoining his accusers to impeach him
31 before thee." The soldiers then, in obedience to their instructions,
32 took Paul and brought him by night to Antipatris ; on the morrow they
33 returned to the barracks, leaving the troopers to go on with him. They
reached Caesarea, presented the letter to the procurator, and also handed
34 Paul over to him. On reading the letter, he asked what province he
35 belonged to ; and when he ascertained that it was Cilicia, " I will hear
thy cause," said he, "so soon as thy accusers have also arrived." His
orders were that he was to be kept in tbe praetorium of Herod.
24 1 Five days later the high priest Ananias came down with some elders
and Tertullus, a barrister. Tliey made representations to the procurator
2 against Paul ; and after he had been called, Tertullus began to accuse
him, saying : " As owing to thee we are in the enjoyment of great peace,
and as it is owing to thy forethought that this nation has secured reforms
3 everyway and everywhere, we accept these, most excellent Felix, with
4 all gratitude. But — not to detain thee too long — I entreat thee to grant
5 us, in thy courtesy, a brief hearing. We have found this man is a pest,
1 Reading poixxcv.

24e-256] ACTS 453
an inciter of riot among all the Jews throughout the world, a ringleader
6 of the party of the Nazarenes. He even tried to desecrate the temple ;
but we seized him,1 and intended to try him according to our own
7 law. However, Lysias the tribune came forward and took him out of
8 our hands with great violence, ordering his accusers to go to thee.
Examine Lysias for thyself and thou wilt be able to ascertain from him
9 about all these accusations that we bring against the prisoner." The Jews
10 also joined in the attack, alleging that such was the case. Then the pro
curator nodded to Paul to speak, and he answered : " As I know thou
hast been judge to this nation for a number of years, I am greatly encour-
11 aged in making my defence. As thou canst ascertain, not more than
12 twelve days have passed since I went up to worship at Jerusalem. They
never found me in the temple or in the synagogues or in the city disput-
13 ing with anyone or causing a riot in the crowd ; nor can they offer thee
14 any proof of the accusations that they now bring against me. This I
certainly own to thee, that according to the way which they call a ' party '
I serve our fathers' God ; for I believe all that is written throughout the
15 law and in the prophets, cherishing the hope towards God that these men
also entertain themselves, namely, that there will be a resurrection of
16 the just and of the unjust. Hence I too take constant pains to keep my
17 conscience clear towards God and men. Now after several years
18 I came with alms and offerings for my nation ; and it was in presenting
these that they found me in the temple, a man who had been purified,
19 with neither crowd nor tumult. But some Jews from Asia — and they
ought to have been here before thee to accuse me of whatever charge
20 they have against me ! Or, let these men here speak for themselves !
21 What fault did they find in my appearance before the Sanhedrin ? — unless
. it was in my one cry as I stood among them, ' For the resurrection of the
22 dead I am on trial to-day before you.' " However, as Felix had a somewhat
accurate knowledge of the Way, he put them off, saying, "When Lysias
23 the tribune comes down, I will decide your case." He also gave instruc
tions to the centurion to keep him in custody, but to allow him relaxation,
and not to prevent any of his associates from waiting on him.
24 Some days afterwards, Felix arrived with his wife Drusilla, a Jewess ;
and sending for Paul he listened to what he said upon faith in Christ Jesus.
25 But as he reasoned upon uprightness, self-control, and the judgment to
come, Felix became uneasy and answered, "Leave me for the present.
26 When I get an opportunity, I will summon thee." At the same time he
hoped Paul would give him money, and so he sent for him all the more
27 frequently, and conversed with him". But when two years were
completed, Felix was succeeded by Porcius Festus ; and as be wished to
ingratiate himself with the Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds.
25 1 So Festus entered on his province, and after three days went up from
2 Caesarea to Jerusalem. And the high priests and leading men of the
Jews made representations to him against Paul ; also, they besought and
3 begged him, as a favour, to send for him to Jerusalem [while they lay in
4 ambush to kill him on the road]. Festus thereupon replied that Paul
was in custody at Caesarea ; and as he was himself to leave before long
5 for that place, " Let the principal men among you," said he, " go down
6 with me and accuse the man of whatever harm is in him." Now,
after staying among them for eight or ten days at the most, he went down
to Caesarea. On the next day he seated himself upon the tribunal and
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454 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [257-265
7 ordered Paul to be brought. When he arrived, the Jews who had come
down from Jerusalem stood round him and brought many weighty
8 charges against him, which they were unable to prove, Paul arguing in
his defence, " Neither against the Jewish law, nor against the temple, nor
9 against Caesar, have I sinned at all." Wishing to ingratiate himself with
the Jews, Festus answered Paul and said, " Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem
10 and be tried there on these charges before me 1 " Paul said, " I stand
before Caesar's tribunal, and there I should be tried ; I have committed
no offence at all against Jews, and thou knowest that perfectly well.
11 Now, if I am a criminal and have done anything to deserve death, I do
not object to die ; but if none of their charges against me is true, no
12 one can give me up to them. I appeal to Caesar ! " Then, after confer
ring with the council, Festus replied, " Thou hast appealed to Caesar : to
Caesar shalt thou go."
13 Now after the lapse of some days, Agrippa the king and Bernice
14 reached Caesarea to pay their respects to Festus. As they were spending
a number of days there, Festus laid Paul's case before the king, saying,
15 " There is a man whom Felix has left behind in prison ; and when I was
at Jerusalem, the high priests and the elders of the Jews made representa-
16 tions to me about him, asking for sentence to be passed upon him. My
answer to them was, that Romans are not accustomed to give up any man
until the accused meets the accusers face to face, and has had a chance of
17 defending himself against tbe impeachment. So when they came here
with me, I interposed no delay; the very next day, I seated myself on the
18 tribunal and ordered the man to be brought. But when the accusers came
forward, they laid no accusation of such crimes as I had surmised in this
19 case ; their questions in which they opposed him, related to their own
superstition, and to some dead person Jesus, whom Paul alleged to be alive.
20 Perplexed about the method of inquiry into these subjects, I asked if he
21 would go to Jerusalem and be tried upon them there ; but as Paul entered
an appeal to be kept and examined by the Emperor, I ordered him to be
22 kept till I could remit him to Caesar." " I should like," said Agrippa to
Festus, " to hear the man myself." " Thou shalt hear him," said he, "to-
23 morrow." So the next day, Agrippa and Bernice came with great
pomp and entered the hall of audience, accompanied by tbe military tri
bunes and the prominent men of the city ; and by order of Festus, Paul was
24 brought in. Then says Festus, " King Agrippa and all the company now
present, here you see the man about whom all the Jewish multitude, both
at Jerusalem and in this place, have applied to me, loudly declaring tbat he
25 must live no longer. However, I found that he had done nothing to
deserve death ; and as he entered an appeal himself to the Emperor, I
26 decided to send him. But as I have nothing reliable to write with
regard to him to the sovereign, I have brought him before you; and
especially before thee, king Agrippa, that as the result of an examination
27 I may have something to write. For it seems to me absurd to send a
prisoner without indicating at the same time the particulars of which he
26 1 is accused." So Agrippa said to Paul, " Thou hast permission to speak
for thyself." Then Paul stretched out his hand and proceeded with his
2 defence : " I consider myself fortunate, king Agrippa, in being able
to-day to defend myself before thee upon all that the Jews charge ^ me
3 with, as thou art particularly well informed upon all Jewish questions
4 and customs. I pray thee then to hear me patiently. My general life
from youth up, passed from the outset among my own nation and
5 at Jerusalem, is known to all the Jews. From the very first they

266-272] ACTS 455
know, if they would own to it, that I lived according to the most rigor-
6 ous party in our religion, as a Pharisee. (And now it is for the hope of
7 the promise which God made to our fathers that I stand here on trial, a
promise which our twelve tribes hope to attain by serving God earnestly
night and day. It is for this hope, 0 king, that Jews impeach me ! — )
9 Well then, I thought to myself that 1 must actively oppose the name of Jesus
10 the Nazarene. Which indeed I did in Jerusalem, by shutting up many of
the saints in prison, after I got authority from the high priests ; also by
11 giving my vote against them when they were put to death ; also by attempt
ing to compel them to blaspheme, by frequently punishing them in every
synagogue. Maddened beyond measure against them, I pursued them
12 actually as far as the foreign cities. In the course of this, as I journeyed
13 to Damascus with the authority and commission of the high priests, I saw
on the road at midday, 0 king, a light from the sky more dazzling than
14 the sim, flash round me and my fellow-travellers. We all fell to the
ground. And I heard a voice saying to me in the Hebrew language,
" Saul, Saul, why art thou persecuting me ? It is ill for thee to kick
15 against the goad." And I said, "Who art thou, sir?" And the Lord
16 said, " I am Jesus, and thou art persecuting me. But rise and stand on thy
feet; for I have appeared to thee in order to appoint thee a servant and
a witness of what thou hast seen, and of the visions in which thou shalt
17 see me. 1 will rescue thee from the people and from the Gentiles — to whom I
18 send thee for the opening of their eyes that they may turn/roro darkness to
light and from the power of Satan to God, that they may receive the remis
sion of sins and an inheritance among those who are sanctified, by faith in
19 me." Upon this, 0 king Agrippa, I was not disobedient to the heavenly
20 vision, but I brought word first to those at Damascus and at Jerusalem,
then through all the land of Judaea, and also to the Gentiles, that they were
21 to repent and turn to God, by doing deeds that befitted repentance. This is
22 why Jews arrested me in the temple and attempted to murder me. Thanks
then to the succour which I have to this day obtained from God, here I
stand, testifying both to small and great, saying nothing but what the pro-
8 phets and Moses said would come to pass. Why should you judge it incred-
23 ible that God should raise the dead, that the Christ should suffer, that he
first by a resurrection from the dead should proclaim light both to the
24 people and to the Gentiles ? " As he made this defence, Festus
said with a loud voice, " Paul, thou art mad ! Great learning drives thee
25 insane ! " " Most excellent Festus," Paul said, " I am not mad ; I utter words
26 of truth and sense. Why, the king knows about these things ! To the king
I speak with confidence, for I cannot believe any one of these things is
27 unfamiliar to him ; this has not taken place in a corner. King Agrippa,
28 dost thou believe the prophets ? I know thou dost." — And Agrippa
said to Paul, " A little more and thou wouldst have me act the Christian ! "
29 "A little more or not," said Paul, "I would to God not only thou but
also all who hear me this day might become what I am, except for these
bonds ! "
30 Then the king rose and the procurator, also Bernice and those who
31 sat with them ; and on retiring and talking to one another they agreed,
32 " This man has done nothing to deserve death or bonds." As for Agrippa,
be said to Festus, " This man might have been released, if he had not
appealed to Caesar."
f 1 Now when it was decided that we should sail for Italy, they handed
over Paul and some other prisoners to a centurion of the Imperial cohort
2 named Julius. Embarking in an Adramyttian ship which was bound for

45 6 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT 27s"33]
the Asiatic seaports, we set sail — accompanied by a Macedonian, Aris-
3 tarchus of Thessalonika — and put in, next day, at Sidon. There Julins
acted humanely to Paul, by permitting him to visit his friends and be
4 attended to. Putting to sea from there, we sailed under the lee of Cyprus,
5 as the winds were against us : then sailing for fifteen 1 days through the
Cilician and Pamphylian waters, we came to the town of Myrra in Lycia.
6 There the centurion found an Alexandrian ship bound for Italy, and put us
7 on board of her. For many days we sailed slowly, and only arrived off
Cnidus with difficulty. Then, as the wind checked our progress, we sailed
8 under the lee of Crete off Cape Salmon e, and by coasting along it we reached
with difficulty a place called Fairhavens ; near it lay a city called Lasea.
9 When a considerable time had elapsed and sailing had now become
dangerous (for the Fast was now over), Paul gave them his advice in these
1 0 words, ' ' Si_3, 1 see that the voyage is going to be attended with hardship and
heavy loss, not merely to the cargo and the ship, but also to our own lives."
11 The centurion, however, was more influenced by the sailing-master and
12 the captain than by what Paul said ; and, as the harbour was ill-adapted for
wintering in, the majority proposed to set sail and try, if possible, to reach
Phoenix and winter there — it is a Cretan harbour which looks SW and NW.
13 When a moderate southerly breeze sprang up, they imagined they had
secured their end ; and after weighing anchor, they sailed close inshore
14 along the Cretan coast. Presently down rushed a hurricane of a wind from
1 5 the island, called Euraquilo ; and as the ship was caught and unable to
16 face the wind, we gave way and let her drive along. Running under
the lee of a small island called Kauda, we managed with difficulty to
17 get the boat hauled in; and after it had been hoisted up, they made
use of ropes 2 to undergird the ship. Then, in fear of being swept upon
the Syrtis sands, they lowered the sail, and let the ship drive as she was.
1 8 Terribly were we beaten by the storm. The very next day, they had to
19 jettison the cargo, and on the third day they threw the ship's gear over-
20 board with their own hands. For many days neither sun nor stars were
visible, the storm pressed heavily, and we were at last divested of all hope
21 of being saved. [Then after they had gone without food for some time,
Paul stood up among them and said, "You should have obeyed me, sire,
and spared yourselves this damage and loss, by not setting sail from
22 Crete. And now my advice to you is, take heart ; there shall be no
23 loss of life among you, only of the ship. For this night an angel from
24 God, the God whose I am and whom I serve, stood before me, saying, ' Fear
not, Paul, thou must stand before Caesar. And lo, God has given thee
25 all thy fellow- voyagers ! ' So take heart, sirs ; for I believe God that
26 it shall be exactly as I have been told. However, we must be cast upon
27 some island.' "] When the fourteenth night came, we were drifting
to and fro in the sea of Adria, and about midnight the sailors surmised some
28 land was near. On taking soundings they found twenty fathoms; and a
29 little further on, when they sounded again, they found fifteen. Then
fearing we might get cast upon a rocky coast, they let go four anchors
30 from the stern, and longed for daylight. The sailors, however, tried
to escape from the ship ; they had even lowered the boat into the sea
31 on the pretext of going to lay out anchors from the bcw, when Paul
said to the centurion and soldiers, "Unless these men stay by the ship, yon
32 cannot be saved." Thereupon the soldiers cut away the ropes of the boat
33 and let her fall off. Now before the day broke, Paul besought them all to
take some food. ''For fourteen days," said he, "you have been con-
1 Adding Sd %uApZv c,ixx,.tivti, 2 Reading /......iff.

273__28i7] ACTS 457
34 stantly on the watch without eating ; you have taken nothing. I beseech
you, therefore, to take some food ; it will conduce to your safety — for not
35 one hair of your head shall perish." Saying this he took bread, gave
36 thanks to God before them all, broke it and began to eat. Then they all
37 cheered up and took food for themselves (there were about 1 seventy-six
38 souls of us in the ship, all told) ; and after eating their fill, they started
39 to lighten the ship by throwing out the provisions into the sea. When day
broke, they did not recognise the land; however, they observed a sort
of creek with a sandy beach, where they resolved (if possible) to run the
40 ship ashore. So the anchors were cast off and left in the sea, while at the
same time the men unlashed the fastenings of the rudders, hoisted the
41 foresail to the breeze, and headed for the beach. Coming upon a place
where two seas met, they drove the ship aground ; but, while the prow
struck and remained immovable, the stern began to break up under
42 the force of the waves. Now the soldiers' plan was to kill the prisoners,
43 in case of anyone swimming away and escaping. However, as the
centurion wished to save Paul, he hindered them from their purpose,
ordering those who could swim to jump overboard and get first to the land,
44 while the rest were to get upon planks or on pieces of the ship. And
so it came to pass that all escaped safe to land.
3 1 Then after our escape we found out that the island was called Melita.
2 And the foreigners behaved with uncommon humanity to us ; for, as rain
had come on and as it was cold, they kindled a fire and welcomed us all to it.
3 Now Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks and laid them on the fire, when
4 a viper came out with the heat and fastened on his hand. When the
foreigners saw the creature hanging from his hand, they said to one
another, " This man is certainly a murderer. He has escaped the sea,
; 5 but Justice will not let him live." However, he shook off the creature
, 6 into the fire, and was none the worse. Now they were waiting for him
,, to swell or drop down suddenly a corpse ; but after waiting a long while
and seeing that no harm came to him, they changed their minds and said
7 he was a god. And in the neighbourhood of that place there
were lands belonging to the head man of the island, whose name was
Publius. He bade us welcome and entertained us courteously for three
. 8 days. Now it so happened that the father of Publius was laid up with
, fever and dysentery; but Paul went in to him, prayed, laid his hands
j. 9 on him, and cured him. When this took place, the rest in the island who
10 had diseases also came and got cured. And they paid us many honours,
and furnished us, when we set sail, with necessaries.
,11 We set sail, after three months, in au Alexandrian vessel which had
.12 wintered in the island (her sign was " The Twin Brothers"), and putting
T3 in at Syracuse we stayed for three days. Tacking round from there we
arrived at Rhegium ; and as one day later a south wind sprang up, we
j 14 came upon the second day to Puteoli. There we fell in with brothers,
i. in whose company we found refreshment during our stay2 of seven days.
, 15 And so to Rome we came. As the brothers there had heard about us, they
' came out as far as Appii Forum and Tres Tabernae to meet us ; and
,16 when Paul saw them, he thanked God and took courage. When
we entered Rome, Paul was given permission to stay by himself, with
the soldiers who guarded him.
,17 Now it came to pass after three days that he called the leading Jews
Jj together ; and when they had assembled, he said to them, " Men and
. brothers, though I have done nothing against the People or the customs
1 Reading is. 2 Reading iaipuivavTis.

458 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2818"31
of our fathers, I have been handed over to the Romans as a prisoner
18 from Jerusalem. They examined me and meant to release me, as I
19 was clear of any crime deserving death. The Jews, however, objected,
and I was compelled to appeal to Caesar — not that I had any charge
20 to bring against my own nation. This, then, is my reason for asking
to see you and to speak with you, namely, because it is for the sake of
21 Israel's hope that I wear this chain." They said to him, " We have had
no letters about thee from Judaea, and no brother has come here with any
22 bad report or tale of thee. However, we think it only right to hear thee
state thy opinions ; for, the fact is, we know that everywhere this party
23 is objected to." So they fixed a day with him, and came in large
numbers to meet him in his lodging ; and from morning to evening he un
folded and attested to them the reign of God, trying to convince them
24 about Jesus, from the law of Moses and from the prophets. And some
25 were convinced by what was said, but others disbelieved ; so, disagreeing
among themselves, they went away. But not till Paul said one word
more ; " Right well did the holy Spirit speak through Isaiah the prophet
to your fathers :
26 Go to this people and say,
' You shall hear and hear, yet never understand,
You shall see and see, yet never perceive.'
27 For dulled is the heart of this people,
Their ears are heavy of hearing,
Their eyes have they shut,
Lest haply they should see with their eyes,
And hear with their ears,
And understand with their hearts and turn again,
For me to cure them.
28 Be it known to you then, that this salvation of God has been sent to
30 the Gentiles: they will listen." Now for two whole years he
remained in his private lodging and welcomed all who went to see him,
31 preaching the reign of God, and teaching about the Lord Jesus Christ
with perfect confidence, unhindered.

THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN
The really cogent data for determining the period of this book's com
position are (a) the interpretation of special allusions like the " seven
heads" (1710), as a historical series of Roman Emperors, the "beast," the
number 666, and so forth ; (6) the evidence of severe and recent perse
cution, of wars, physical disturbances, occupation of Jerusalem by
foreigners, famine, pestilence, etc. ; (c) the implied condition of the
Christian communities addressed. These data have been variously read,
and point apparently in different directions, either to the period 68-70
or to the later reign of Domitian, 81-96, when early Christian literature
was drawn into the whirlpool of apocalyptic.
The former period was once widely accepted, chiefly on account of the
curious and definite way in which the circumstances and personality of Nero
seem to fit the apocalyptic conception of the antichrist. Between June 68,
when Nero died, and September 70, when Jerusalem fell, it is held that this
book was composed. In this event, it reflects the passion of the Chris
tians against Rome ( = Babylon, drunken with the blood of the saints and of
the martyrs of Jesus), the contemporary existence of the temple (ll1), and
the flight of the Christians to Pella (126- 14). So formerly Liicke, Keim
(i. 63, v. 227), and Weiss (INT, ii. 81-84), followed more recently by Beck
(Erkldrung d. Offenbarung Joh. 1885, who dates the book 65-69) ; Reuss
(pp. 154-162), and Farrar (Early Days of Christianity, pp. 404-436) ; W.
H. Simcox (GGT, 1890), Hort (Judaistic Christianity, p. 160 f.), and un
fortunately by A. Reville (i. p. 261 f.). It is the period adopted also by
Hausrath (iv. pp. 171, 256-282), Beyschlag (NTTh, ii. pp. 347-361), and
Scholten (JpTh, 1883, pp. 608-610) ; but of course a statement like that
made by Mr. T. B. Strong (DB ii. 690), that " the majority of modern
critics are of opinion that the book was written in the time of Nero," be
comes true only if the word " not " be read between " was " and " written."
The former popularity of this date was probably due in some degree
to Renan's presentment, in what forms the most, brilliant volume of his
series upon early Christianity, L'antdchrist (espec. chaps, xv.-xvii.).
Besides, the lapse of years which intervenes between the Neronic period
of the apocalypse, and the much later date of the fourth gospel, obviously
helped to remove some of the difficulties felt by those who were anxious
to accept both as works of the same author.
The true period of the book, however, is indicated by Mommsen
(Provinces ofB. E. ii. p. 199), although he does not come down beyond 69-79
a.d. The book, as he rightly finds, is "written demonstrably after
Nero's fall, and when his return from the East was expected. . . . The
foundation of the apocalypse is indisputably the destruction of the
earthly Jerusalem, and the prospect thereby for the first time opened up
of its future ideal restoration." On this view the leading ideas of the
book and its situation are (a) the Imperial cultus advocated by the pro
vincial authorities of the State, and (b) the belief in Nero's reappearance,

460 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
which did not prevail to any wide extent earlier than 70, and sprang rip
to its luxuriant maturity in all likelihood (Suetonius, Nero, 57) some
twenty years later than his death.1
Hence, as the Neronic reference of the "beast "-pictures does not
absolutely require the composition of the book c. 70 A.D., and as other
elements — mainly though not decisively that of the Imperial cultus,
which had grown like a fungus beside the earlier local cults (Ac 1927)—
urge a considerably later date, modern criticism has heartily adopted the
traditional date (cp. e.g. especially the remark in Euseb. HE, v. 8. 6
[Iren. Adv. Haer. v. 30, 3] : ovSe -yap irpb rroWov xP°vov ewpa.Br], Sk\a
crxe&bv ew\ rr)s yperepas yeveas, -rrpbs ra rekei -rys Aoperiavov ap-)/rjs), ....
c. 95 a.d. Under Domitian, tradition unmistakably fixed the banishment
of John ; his retirement, voluntary or compulsory, was due very prob
ably to the acute persecution varying from death to exile,2 which seems
to have attended the enforcement of the Imperial cultus, especially in
the Asiatic provinces (Rushforth, Latin Inscriptions, pp. 47, 48). Then
it was that Christians were persecuted on definitely religious grounds
(1315 149 204) ; and not only, as in Nero's day, was the persecution active
in the capital, but also throughout the provinces (Neumann, Der Bom.
Staat und die allgemeine Kirche bis auf Diocletian, 1890, I. pp. 9, 11, 15).
The situation and prospects of Christianity during the later period of
Domitian's reign ("quum jam semianimum laceraret Flavius orbem
ultimus et calvo serviret Roma Neroni ") are the subject_of the
apocalypse. It reflects the music of humanity, sad but not still, within
Christendom, during the earlier stages of that settled and serious policy
adopted by Rome towards those who, like the Christians, were indisposed
to worship the Emperor as Deus ac Dominus nosier, and thus incurred
the charge of high treason The full-blown procedure (Cognitiones de
Christianis) which prevailed under Trajan (Plin. Ep. 1098) was little in
advance of what must have been experienced during Domitian's reign
(Neumann, pp. 13-15). Traces of this age,3 with its hues of earthquake
and eclipse, its current agony and bitterness, are obvious in Apoc 2-3,
where the figurative language discloses not merely, as in Hebrews, a con
siderable retrospect and partial decline, but a persecution (l9 310), general
and varying in severity.4 Most editors and critics therefore find them-
i The belief in Xero's existence and in his return from Parthia was not confined
to Roman superstition. It passed into Jewish (cp. especially 4th bk. of Sibyll. iv
110, 137) and Christian (Apoc 17) circles in Asia Minor during the la..t quarter ofthe
first century, and lasted till c. 100 a.d. (Dio Chrysost. Orat. 21. 10).
2 " Plenum exsiliis mare, infecti ca.dibus scopuli" (Tacit. Ann. xv. 44 ; Hist. i.
2). If the allusion in Apoc l9 refers to this, the last note ofthe prophetic literature
resemble . in its origin the earliest, and the exiled John is brother across eight cen
turies to the gagged Amos (Apoe l1, <-__z«'/..J,.s . . . _.._=,_; r_7. 2__x_/. «._... (107)=Amos
d', =c_v jj.y, u.Toxa.c.v-i.-r, craihiiav Tfoc -...? &..A.1.. a_T._), who sped a written message to
the world from under an official ban. On Domitian's attitude to and effect upon the
church, cp. Victor Schultze, HTK, pp. 787, 788, and Ramsay, CUE, chap, xiii
3 Tas ah;t--,ic^s xai i-cy.}/, ,j.o:s yc;c,u.ivas Y'O.v cr_c_-_.._.f xai TiptTT^T-.ts (Clem. Rom. t).
Also Dio Cassius, Epit. lxvii. 14. The Apocalypse is the stormy petrel of ancient
literature. A rough era produced apocalypses and sent people back to reail the
older pieces of apocalyptic romance. Prof. Rendel Harris declares that after the
recent massacres in Armenia a similar tendency could be observed ; the " renewed
and devout study" ofthe people was directed not merely to the Bible but to the
apocalyptic parts, and especially the book of Daniel (C'ontemp. R-i: Dec. 16..,
p. 812). 4 Cp. Church Quart. Per. (ISPS), pp. 39-52 ; and generally Zahn, Apok. Studien,
ZKWL (1885), pp. 523 f., 561 f.

THE APOCALYPSE OE JOHN 461
selves obliged not merely with Mommseu to leave the pre-70 period 1
as a dethroned hypothesis, but to come down as far as the close of the
first century. One of the surest results of modern research on the NT
is the Domitianic situation of the Apocalypse ; and the period of com
position cannot be much later. So,2 besides some of the older editors,
Allard (Hist. d. Perseiut. i. p. 113 f .), Havet (Le christianisme et ses Origines,
iv. pp. 314-344), L. Schultze (Handbuch der theolog. Wissenschaften,
Band i. Abth. 2, p. 121 f.), Milligan (Discussions on the Apocalypse, pp.
75-148), Salmon (INT, pp. 221-245), F. C. Arnold (Die Neronische
Christenverfolgung, 1888), Neumann (LG, 1888, pp. 842, 843, in his review
of Arnold), Abbott (Common Tradition, p. xv.), Schafer (Einl. pp.
347-355), Holtzmann (Einl. pp. 417-419; HG, iv. 2, pp. 296-303),
Ramsay (GEE, pp. 268-302), Jiilicher (Einl. p. 179), Weizsacker (A A,
ii. pp. 19 f., 173-205), Harnack (Chron. pp. 245, 246), McGiffert (AA, pp.
634 f.), Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 582-616), Adeney (BI, pp. 464, 465) ; but
especially Bousset (-Meyer, Die Offenbarung Joh. 1896, pp. 1-208), who
dates the writing 3 not later than the beginning of Trajan's reign. The
Apocalypse, then, unites two elements : the experience of a persecution
which has already claimed its martyrs, and the outlook upon a future of
final distress and victory. The question at issue between Rome and the
Christians is the worship of the Emperor as God. The Christians are no
longer within Judaism, though Jewish phrases and ideas are very naturally
caught up in the crisis ; they are independent of the older religion.
These indications converge and point to one period — the later years of
Domitian, where inner and outer evidence, conceptions and tradition
alike, combine to place the writing.
The Domitianic date, however, implies less the composition than the
final editing of the book. Probably enough a nucleus (e.g. visions like
those in 11, 13, 17) 4 originally referred to Nero, if not to Caligula. The
whole writing in its extant form was put together some thirty years
later, and forms — like its contemporary, the Apocalypse of Baruch— a
composite book. So far as the question of the date is concerned, it is
practically immaterial whether the book is considered as an earlier work
which has been largely interpolated and recast at a later day, or as a com
position of the last decade of the century, in which older apocalyptic
pieces have been incorporated. Both processes are congenial to this class
1 Among many internal traces of a comparatively late period, cp. e.g. the phrase
i xvptaxti tpiipx (Apoc V>) which only displaced the earlier Jewish expression (1 Co
162, Ac 207) at an advanced stage of the church consciousness.
2 Apparently also the late Dr. H. R. Reynolds (DB, ii. p. 707), and Cliurch
Quart. Rev. (1894), pp. 446-472. The Apocalypse cannot be much later than the
opening of the second century, as it was early accredited by Papias and Justin, and
is possibly used even in the Ignatian epistles (Ad. Eph. 15, Ad Philad. 61). This gives
a terminus ad quem within the first quarter of the century.
3 The author wrote in the time of the tenth head (chap. 13), i.e. in the beginning
of the reign of Trajan, after whom he expected Nero redivivus. Bartlet (AA,
pp.388-408), at the other extreme, abides by Vespasian's reign (75-80 a.d.) as the
period ofthe book's composition, neglecting the various strata in the book.
4 Holtzmann, " if the beast-sketch is originally Jewish, it dates from the time of
Caligula ; if, on the other hand, its reference to Nero or Domitian is demonstrable,
then it is Christian." The words (136) ^xao-^fmsat to 'dvopa avrov xai tw trxr,vnv
«...» are certainly suitable to Caligula. Chap. 17 contains two aspects of Nero, as
the returning monarch and as the beast rising from tbe abyss. Like chap. 18, it is
silent upon the great question that dominates the Apocalypse, namely, the idolatrous
eult of the Caesars ; and Bousset accordingly prefers to find the roots of the fragment
in Vespasian's reign.

462 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of literature, and either would explain the facts. It was characteristic of
writers in apocalyptic literature to borrow and reproduce from older
pieces, as well as to adapt earlier writings to subsequent emergencies.
There is every likelihood that the Apocalypse of John was affected by
this contemporary practice of incorporating fragments. For all the unity
of style and spirit with which it is pervaded, as well as the freshness of its
main conceptions, the book is in several passages — to resume Professor
Masson's phrase for Paradise Lost — full of flakes from all that is greatest
in tbe preceding literature. Some hypothesis like this is required to
explain the very divergent lines of historical reference and religions
temper within a writing which, as a whole, springs indubitably from the
soil of 90-100 a.d. Consequently, a large part of the modern interest in
research upon the Apocalypse has passed to discussions x upon the
composite origin of the book, the number, character, and date of the
component parts, or of the successive revisions which are imbedded in
its pages. A common feature of these and other theories is their re
cognition of Neronic references in the Apocalypse, either in the original
nucleus or in some incorporated fragments ; and one or two critics, like 0.
Holtzmann, K. Erbes, and Spitta, are disposed to trace even earlier pieces
which fall within Caligula's reign. But, apart from details, the composite
origin, like the Domitianic period of the Apocalypse, may be regarded as
a postulate of criticism ; although it is easier to fix the time, than to
determine the character or the extent, of its final redaction.
Upon two other points, indefiniteness seems to be necessary. An
exact correspondence is not to be looked for between the traits and
feelings of such a book and the actual career of any historical figure.
The fabric of the visions has its starting-point in history, and that is
all ; their scope is not local or definite, any more than Dante's travel
into Purgatory from the Tiber's mouth. It is true that sanity is being
slowly introduced into the criticism of the Apocalypse by adopting the
principle which attempts not to explain history from the prophecy, but
to read the prophecy by the aid of history. Still, from the nature
of the book, one cannot fairly expect to find the apocalyptic enigmas
precisely reproduced among the personages and forces of the age.
" Events in history are not carried on by sevens or by twelves." Such an
endeavour neglects the supernatural or ideal element in the book, and its
consequentlj'' blurred, vague outlines. " The conflict in it, though waged
on earth, is not a human warfare ; it is waged by combatants who are
divine or diabolical. Satan gave his power to the beast. All these
interpretations, therefore, . . . which find actual human persons in the
beast or false prophet, are manifestly untrue to John's idea." 2 Indeed,
this indefiniteness attaches to Jewish conceptions throughout their apoca
lyptic books. As Mommsen remarks, from the historian's point of view, the
facts regularly run away into generalities ; and this makes it precarious
i Chiefly by 6. J. Weyland in Holland, Sabatier and Schon in France, Dr.
Briggs in America, and a cohort of Germans (see Appendix). Dr. S. Davidson (INT,
ii. pp. 176-233) goes on a way of his own ; he regards the main body of the
Apocalypse as a work composed originally in Aramaic at an early date (after
61 a.d.), and translated with interpolations at a subsequent period ; the epistles to
the churches were written in Hadrian's reign when sectaries began to swarm, and
were prefixed by the translator to the larger work.
2 Dr. A. B. Davidson, Exp. Ti. ii. p. 183. On the apocalyptic temper which
accompanied the legal spirit among the Pharisees in the later Judaism, cp. Balden
sperger, Selbstbeumsstsein Jesu2 (1892), pt. I.

THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 463
work to infer much from supposed correspondences.1 The other point of
dubiety is the authorship. It is impossible to name the writer with any
certainty. Either the book is like most apocalypses, pseudonymous—
"in Saturn's reign, such mixture was not held a stain" — ; or, if the
"John " of l4- 9 be the author, it was written by some otherwise unknown
Christian prophet (229) of that name, quite possibly (as Eusebius sug
gested) the Presbyter. Modern criticism has hardly got beyond the dis
junctive canon adopted in the third century by Dionysius of Alexandria,
in the striking and sensible criticism which Eusebius has preserved
(HE, vii. 25. 15, concluding reKpalpopai yap e< re tov rjBovs eKarepav Kal tov
tg-v \6y<ov eldovs teal rrjs tov ftiftAtov 6ie£ayayr)s Aeyopevys, pg rbv airrbv elvai),
namely, that the differences in diction and style between the fourth
gospel and the apocalypse prove that the John of l4- 9 is not identical with
John the Apostle. The identification is suggested by nothing in the
book itself, and is contradicted indeed by the distant look of the writer's
relation to Jesus. The book originated in Asia Minor, probably in the
Ephesian community : it is also by a different author from the writer of
the fourth gospel, although both shared a common atmosphere of thought
and language. The hypothesis that the final editor of the Apocalypse
was the author of the fourth gospel, seems to lack either evidence or
probability. Judged from the historical standpoint, then, the Apocalypse is an
invaluable pi|ece of literature, not merely for illustrating the methods by
which Jewish Christianity originally developed, or for its light upon the
political and feocial situation of Christianity at the close of the first century,
but also fori showing the amazing vitality of the Christian spirit. If
apocalyptic fantasy has always been felt to appear somewhat foreign and
strange beside the genuine religion of Israel which appropriated it: —
miraturque novas frondes, et non sua poma — how much more, beside the
faith of Jesus. Yet most of the NT writings have their apocalyptic
element, even Paul's letters and the gospels. This writer had more
stubborn and apparently incongruous materials to work with, however,
and his task was immensely harder than theirs. That he succeeded in
mastering them, in reducing them to shape, and in partially transforming
their uncouth and fantastic contents, is a proof not merely of his own
mental grasp, but of the assimilating vigour and energy that possessed
men who were still in touch with the simplicity and sanity of Jesus.
Compare it even with 4th Esdras, the queen of Jewish apocalypses in that
age, and its superiority is evident. The book naturally bears the rough
signature of its age. Its religious nobility consists not in the entire
absence of such bizarre and weird elements, but in the fact that these are
dwarfed by the writer's moral force and controlling piety. He is the
sole instance, within the NT literature, of the prophet's strange and
honourable role including the charism of writing. '; Hitherto, for the
most part, the OT had served as the handbook and textbook of prophecy,
although there are passages (Is 491 = Gal l15) in Paul's writings (e.g.
1 Th 413£, 2 Th 21 <¦, 1 Co 13, 2 Co 41 '-, Ro 9-11, Eph 610 *, Philipp 3-' '•)
which could only have been composed by one who was himself " among
the prophets." To these, it is true, may be added pieces expressed in the
spirit and language of prophecy, like parts of Hebrews, some early
speeches in " Acts," possibly — as Dr. Hatch suggested — the later epistles
of Judas and 2 Peter. Yet the Apocalypse is really the first definite
1 But Gunkel's remarks (Schbpf. und Chaos, p. 230 f.) on the bankruptcy ofthe
historical method are surely too pessimistic and severe (cp. also KA P, ii. p. 343).

464 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
composition of that class. It marks a stage at which the older spon
taneous, passionately impulsive, utterances were yielding to less irregular
visions transcribed by their authors in artistic shape. The Apocalypse
is written by a prophet (229), and like Ephesians (220 34) singles out
prophets for honour, ranking them with the saints (16G 1820) ; it is the
prophetic impulse set to the further task of recording its own utterances
for the sake of edification (1 Co 144, o Se TrpodjTjrevmv rr)v etcKhyaiav
o.koSo/x_I), and claiming for this fresh method the old authority (22T- 9- 181).
The seer writes to quiet and fortify the church in a crisis. But he is
more than a teacher. His aim is to produce a permanent and effective
impression, and for this purpose he has collected and composed pieces of
literature saturated with the spirit of genuine prophecy, which are com
parable only to the book of Daniel, that prototype and Magna Charta
(Baldensperger) of the apocalyptic school in Judaism.
The occasion demanded such an effort. Apart from the political
situation, the condition of the Christian communities (Clem. Rom. b, and
the retrospective evidence of Pliny's letters), especially in Proconsular
Asia Minor, during the closing years of the century, was one of moral
laxity and general exposure to the deteriorating influences of heresy.
Censure and comfort are intermixed in chaps. 2 and 3, to meet the
dual situation. In striking contrast to Corinth, where at that period
(Clem. Rom. iii.) partisanship, dissension, and restlessness under church-
authority seem to have been rife, the main mischief in these Asian
churches comes from the Jews. They stir up trouble from the outside at
Smyrna and Philadelphia, and are denounced as a devilish association
(= Jo 844, 1 Jn 38'10). To the author the unbelieving Jews are no Jews
at all. The genuine Jew is the Christian. At Thyatira, a party, or an
individual pagan prophetess, is at work seducing even the Christians.
Under the rather appropriate sobriquet of Jezebel,1 she is denounced
with passionate vehemence, quite in the spirit and speech of the OT
prophets. A discreditable 2 libertine party is disowned at Ephesus, but
partly tolerated at Pergamos, where the pagan cultus of Asklepios was
influential and popular. The Balaamites may be similar to those Nikolai-
tans, whom Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. III. 11. 1) stamps as precursors of
Cerinthus. But the heresies at any rate are as a whole practical (yet
cp. 214- 15- 22 for their (jictaxb) in character and issues. Throughout the
book the demand is for loyalty and perseverance. The author's8 re
iterated, unswerving encouragement is a promise of the second advent of
Jesus with reward and relief ; but the circumstances of his readers in
the churches 4 vary from lukewarmness to zeal, from comparative insigni-
1 Cp. Schiirer's es<;ay, ThA, pp. 37-58, on "the prophetess Jezebel in Thyatira,"
whom he identifies with the Chaldean Sibyll, Sambathe.
2 Seesemann still traces back the Nikolaitans to Nikolaos CAc 65) the deacon (.Si',
1895, pp. 47-82).
3 Renan aptly describes him as, in all respects — apart from serenity and harmony
— a brother of Deutero-Isaiah, that marvellous poet, " who^e luminous soul seem-
as it were impregnated, six hundred years in advance, with all the dew and all the
perfumes ofthe future. " The moral grandeur ofhis aim overwhelms the cryptograph)'
and fantasy in his materials and even, in his methods. We forget tlie frog-faced
imps and weird beasts of the drama, when the light falls on One who wipes the tears
from every eye.
4 " All of them either in Lydia itself, or on the frontier of it : in nature Lydian
all — richest in gold, delicatest in luxury, softest iu mu^ic, tenderest in art ofthe
then world " (Ruskin, Fors Cl-ivigera (Letter lxxxiv.)). On their Imperial status, cp.
Marquardt, Pomische Staatsverwaltung, I. pp. 340-342; and on Laodiceia, Hierapolis,
and Colossai, see Ramsay's Cities and Bishq/rrics of Phrygia, I., pp. 32 f., 84 f., 208 f.

THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 465
ficance to prominence, from religious decline to progress, from stagnation
to endurance and even aggressive propaganda.
No form of early Christian literature answers so well as the Apoca
lypse to the Baconian definition of the service rendered by genuine
poetry in raising and erecting the mind above the tyranny of mere
appearances. Emphatically the Apocalypse aims at " submitting the
shows of things to the desires of the mind." It reads history under the
light of faith and hope ; it floods the evil present with transcendent
anticipations ; it reasserts the supremacy of the ideal and of the Spirit,
against depressing memory and forebodings. It is a pictorial expansion of
the Christian principle (2 Co 416-510) : 8ict rrlo-rews wepi-naTovpev, ov bict
elSovs. From Pliny's account of the Imperial policy in Bithynia some years later (Epp. x.
98, 99), we may infer what it was earlier and elsewhere in Asia. To clear oneself of
the charge of Christianity, it was necessary to (a) worship and sacrifice to the statue
of the Emperor, and (b) curse Jesus. Although iu Pliny's day and earlier, some of
the Bithyman Christians had recanted, the outstanding feature of the "superstition "
was the obstinate tenacity with which most of its members clung to it (pertinaciam
et inflexibilem obstinationem). He incidentally confirms the evidence of the Apo
calypse upon the gradual revival of Paganism in Asia Minor, especially as the local
cults were associated with the Imperial worship.

30

THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN.

The Apocalypse constitutes the classic example of that bitter enmity for the
empire with which many disciples returned the latter's hostility, and it con
stitutes at the same time the classic example of the way in which persecution
led the church to lay emphasis upon the approaching consummation and upon
the blessedness and glory to be enjoyed by Christ's followers in his kingdom.
This, in fact, was the second marked effect of persecution. The original
expectation that Christ would speedily return to establish his kingdom, could
not fail to be enhanced by the terrible experiences of the latter part of the first
century. . . . But the hostility of the State had the effect also of compacting
the church and broadening the line which separated it from the world at large.
One of the notable facts to which the literature of the late first and early second
centuries bears testimony, is the increasing realisation of the ideal of Christian
unity and the growing effort to give that ideal practical expression and visible
embodiment. — McGiffert.

I1"8 Prologue : John in Patmos — a vision of Jesus.
l9^22 Seven letters to Asiatic churches : (i) Ephesus.
(ii) Smyrna.
(iii) Pergamos.
(iv) Thyatira.
(v) Sardis.
(vi) Philadelphia.
(vii) Laodicea.
41-617 Seven seals : a vision of heaven : the throne, the Lamb, the sealed
book : of (i) the white horse.
(ii) the red horse.
(iii) the black horse.
(iv) the pale horse.
(v) the souls of the slain.
(vi) the earthquake.

Intermezzo [episode of angels :
sealing of redeemed]

(vii) the silence.

THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN

467

Seven trumpets : a vision of an angel and censer, of seven angels and
trumpets for (i) the earth.
(ii) the sea,
(iii) the streams : star Wormwood.
(iv) a darkness.
(v) a woe of locusts.
(vi) a woe of horsemen.

lO'-ll13

J 1-4-1.
12i-n131J8 141--
146-_o

Intermezzo [episode of angel
and little book : apoca
lypse of two witnesses] (vii) great voices.
Saga of the woman and the red dragon : a war in heaven.
Saga of the beasts from sea and land : a war on earth.
Vision of tbe Lamb and the redeemed : in heaven.
Vision of angels and of doom : on earth.

l..1-^21 Seven vials : a vision of seven angels and of their plagues upon
(i) the earth.
(ii) the sea.
(iii) the waters.
(iv) the sun.
(v) the beast's kingdom.
(vi) the Euphrates.
(vii) the air.
171-2010 Vision of Doom : on (i) Babylon the great, her fate and fall :
the song of wailing on earth.
the song of triumph in heaven.
I918-21 (ii) the Beast : procession of forces in heaven.
doom of beast and his followers
in lake of fire.
(iii) the Dragon, Satan : his final defeat.

201-10
2011-22li 211-s
219-225 226-si

Vision of End : (i) the great white throne : the world's
judgment.
(ii) the new sky and earth : God's consola
tion.
(iii) the new Jerusalem.
Epilogue i the seer and the angel.

THE APOCALYPSE OP JOHN
1 1 The revelation of Jesus Christ
which God granted him to show to his slaves —
even what must shortly come to pass —
2 and he disclosed it, sending by his angel to his slave John, who bore
witness to the word of God and to the testimony of Jesus Christ, to all
that he saw.
3 Happy the reader and the hearers of the words of the prophecy,
Who also keep what is written in it !
For the time is near.
4 John to the seven Communities in Asia :
grace to you and peace
from him who is and who was and who is to come,
and from the seven spirits which are before his throne,
5 and from Jesus Christ the faithful witness, the firstborn ofthe dead, and the
ruler of the kings of the earth.
6 To him who loves us and loosed us from our sins by his blood — yea, lie
made us a realm of priests to his God and Father — to him be the majesty
and the dominion for ever and ever : Amen.
7 Lo, he comes with the clouds and shall be seen by every eye,
Even by those who impaled him ;
And all the tribes of the earth shall wail because of him.
Even so : Amen.
8 "I am the alpha and the omega,"
Saith the Lord God who is and who was and who is to come, the almighty.
9 I John, your brother and companion in the distress and reign and
patience which are in Jesus, was in the island called Patmos, on account
10 of the word of God and the testimony of Jesus. I was in the Spirit on
the Lord's day, and I heard a loud voice behind me like a trumpet,
11 saying, "Write what thou seest in a book, and send it to the seven
Communities, to Ephesus and to Smyrna and to Pergamos and to
12 Thyatira and to Sardis and to Philadelphia and to Laodicea." And I
turned to see the voice that talked with me. And on turning I saw
13 seven golden lampstands, and in the middle of the lampstands One who
was like a son of man, clothed with a robe to his feet and girt about his
14 breasts with a golden girdle. White were his head and hair like white
15 wool, like snow, his eyes like a flaming fire, his feet like burnished brass,
refined as it were in a furnace, his voice like the sound of many waters.
16 In his right hand he had seven stars, and from his mouth issued a sword,
17 sharp, two-edged, and his face was like the sun shining in its mighty And
when I saw him, I fell at his feet as one dead. And he laid bis right
hand upon me, saying,

1is_2l3-j THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 469
" Fear not :
18 I am thefirst and the last and the living one ; and I was dead, and lo, I am
alive for ever and ever,
And I have the keys of death and Hades.
19 Write then what thou hast seen, and what is, and ichat is to come to pa,ss
after this.
20 As for the symbol of the seven stars which thou didst see on my right
hand, And the seven golden lampstands : —
The seven stars are the angels of the seven Communities,
And the seven lampstands are the seven Communities.
21 To the angel of the Community in Ephesus write :
these things saith he who holds the seven stars in his right hand,
who walks in the middle of the seven golden lampstands.
2 ' I know thy works and thy labour and thy patience,
And that thou canst not bear wicked men,
And didst try those who allege themselves to be apostles and are not, and
didst find them false ;
3 And thou hast patience, and for my name's sake didst bear and hast not
grown weary.
4 But I have this against thee :
Thou hast left thy first love.
5 Remember then where thou hast fallen from,
And repent and do the first works ;
Else I will come to thee and move thy lampstand out of its place,
Unless thou repent.
6 Yet thou hast this :
Thou hatest the works of the Nikolaitans, which I also hate.'
7 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities.
' To him who conquers will I grant to eat of the tree of life, which is
in the paradise of God.'
8 And to the angel of the Community in Smyrna write :
these things saith the first and the last,
who was dead and became alive.
9 ' I know thy distress and poverty (but thou art rich),
And the slander of those who allege themselves to be Jews and are not,
but are a synagogue of Satan.
10 Fear not what thou art to suffer.
Lo, the devil is to throw some of you into prison that you may be tried,
And for ten days you shall have distress.
Be faithful to death,
And I will give thee the wreath of life.'
11 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities.
'He who conquers shall not be injured by the second death.'
12 And to the angel of the Community in Pergamos write :
these things saith he who has the two-edged sword.
13 ' I know where thou dwellest,
Where the throne of Satan is ;
Yet thou holdest fast my name

470 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [21^29
And didst not renounce my faith even in the days of Antipas my faithful
witness who was killed among you,
Where Satan dwells.
14 But I have a few things against thee :
Thou hast some people there who hold to the teaching of Balaam,
Who taught Balak to put a pitfall before the sons of Israel,
The eating of food offered to idols, and the committing of fornication;
15 Even so thou hast some people who hold to the teaching of the
Nikolaitans in the same way.
16 Repent : 1
Else I will come to thee speedily and fight against them with the
sword of my mouth.'
17 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities.
' To him who conquers I will give a share of the hidden manna,
Also I will give him a white stone,
And written on the stone a new name,
Which no one knows save he who receives it.'
18 And to the angel of the Community in Thyatira write :
these things saith the son of God,
with his eyes like a flame oi fire and his feet like burnished brass.
19 ' I know thy works,
Even thy love and faith and ministry and patience,
And that thy last works are more than the first.
20 But I have this against thee :
Thou dost tolerate the woman Jezebel who calls herself a
prophetess,
Teaching and seducing my slaves to commit fornication and to mt
food offered to idols.
21 And I have given her time to repent,
Yet she refuses to repent of her fornication.
22 Lo, I throw her into a bed,
And her adulterers into great distress, unless they repent of her
works,
23 And her children I will utterly slay :
So all the Communities shall know that I am the searcher oj
reins and heart,
And I will give to each of you according to your works.
24 But to you, to the rest in Thyatira, I say,
Even to all who hold not this teaching,
Who do not (in their phrase) " know the depths of Satan "—
I put no other burden on you.
25 Only, hold to what you have, until I come.
26 And as for him who conquers and who keeps my works until the
end,
I will give him authority over the nations
27 (And he shall shepherd them with a rod of iron, as a potter's vessels are
broken to shivers),
As I also have received it from my Father :
28 Also I will give him the star of the morning.'
29 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities.
1 Omitting __"».

31"14] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 471
1 And to the angel of the Community in Sardis write :
these things saith he who has the seven spirits of God and the
seven stars.
' I know thy works :
Thou hast the name of being " alive,"
And thou art dead.
2 Be wakeful and establish the things that remain,
That are on the point of dying,
For I have not found thy works completed before God.
3 Remember then that thou hast received and heard ;
Yea, keep it and repent.
If thou art not wakeful then,
I will come like a thief,
Nor shalt thou know at what hour I will come upon thee.
4 Yet thou hast a few souls in Sardis, who have not defiled their gar
ments :
And they shall walk with me in white, for they are worthy.
5 He who conquers shall thus be clad in white garments,
And I will not blot his name out ofthe book of life,
But will confess his name before my Father and before his angels.'
6 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities.
7 And to the angel of the Community in Philadelphia write :
these things saith the holy One, the true,
he who has the key of David,
he who opens and none shall shut,
and shuts and none shall open.
8 ' I know thy works.
Lo, I have set before thee an open door,
Which none is able to shut.
For thou hast little strength,
Yet thou didst keep my word and didst not disown my name.
9 Lo, I make those of the synagogue of Satan, who allege they are Jews
and are not, but are liars —
Lo, I will make them come and do reverence before thy feet,
And learn that I have loved thee.
10 Because thou didst keep my word of patience,
I also will keep thee from the hour of trial,
Which is about to come upon the whole world to try the dwellers
on the earth.
Ill come speedily :
Hold to what thou hast, that no one seize thy wreath.
12 As for him who conquers,
I will make him a pillar in the temple of my God,
And nevermore shall he go out of it ;
Also, I will write the name of my God on him,
And the name of the city of my God, the new Jerusalem,
Which comes down out of heaven from my God,
And my own new name.'
13 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities.
14 And to the angel of the Community in Laodicea write :

472 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [315-48
these things saith the Amen,
the faithful and true witness,
the origin of God's creation.
15 ' I know thy works :
Thou art neither cold nor hot-
Would thou wert either cold or hot !
16 So, because thou art lukewarm and neither cold nor hot,
I am soon to vomit thee out of my mouth.
17 Since thou sayest "I am rich and have grown rich and am in need of
nothing," And knowest not that thou art the one who is wretched, beggared,
blind, and naked —
18 I counsel thee to buy from me gold refined out of the furnace,
That thou mayest gain riches,
And white garments,
That thou mayest be clad, and that the shame of thy nakedness be
not disclosed,
And salve, To rub on thine ej-es for sight.
19 Those whom I love, I reprove and chasten:
Be zealous therefore and repent. *
20 Lo, I stand at the door and knock !
If anyone hears my voice and opens the door,
I will come in and sup with him, and he with me.
21 As for him who conquers,
I will grant him to sit down with me upon my throne ;
As I also conquered,
And sat down with my Father upon his throne.'
22 He who has an ear,
Let him hear what the Spirit saith to the Communities."
1 1 After this I looked, and lo, a door stood open in heaven ! And the
voice like a trumpet, which I had heard first talking with me, said,
" Gome up hither, and I will show thee what must come to pass after
2 this." Immediately I was in the Spirit,
And lo, a throne stood in heaven,
And one sat on the throne,
3 And he who sat was in appearance like a jasper and sardius stone ;
And round the throne was a rainbow like an emerald in appearance.
4 And round the throne were four and twenty thrones,
And on the thrones four and twenty elders sitting,
Clothed in white garments with golden'wreaths upon their heads.
5 And out of the throne issue lightnings and voices and thunders,
And seven torches of fire were burning before the throne,
Which are the seven spirits of God.
6 And before the throne there was as it were a sea of glass, like crystal.
And in the midst of the throne and round the throne were four living
creatures, full of eyes before and behind :
7 The first creature was like a lion,
The second creature like a calf,
The third creature had a face like a man's,
The fourth creature was like an eagle flying.
8 And the four living creatures, with six wings apiece, are full of eyes round
them and inside them ;

49-5u] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 473
And they cease not day and night to say,
" Holy, holy, holy is the Lord God the almighty,
Who was and who is and who is to come."
9 And whenever the living creatures give x praise and honour and thanks
To him who sits upon the throne, who lives for ever and ever,
10 The four and twenty elders fall down
Before him who sits upon the throne,
And they worship
Him who lives for ever and ever,
And they cast their wreaths
Before the throne, saying,
11 " Worthy art thou, our Lord and God,
To take the praise, the honour, and the power :
For all things thou didst create,
Yea, by thy will they existed and were created."
: 5 1 And I saw on the right hand of him who sat upon the throne, a book
2 written inside and on tlie back, sealed fast with seven seals. Also I saw a
strong angel proclaiming with a loud voice, " Who is worthy to open the
3 book and unloose the seals of it 1 " And no one in heaven or on the
earth or under the earth was able to open the book or to look at it.
4 And I wept greatly, because no one was found worthy to open the book
5 or to look at it. And one of the elders says to me, " Weep not ; lo,
the lion which is from the tribe of Judah, the scion of David, has con-
6 quered, so that he can open the book and the seven seals of it." And in
the midst of the throne and of the four living creatures, and in the midst
of the four and twenty elders, I saw a Lamb standing as if slain, with seven
horns and seven eyes, which are the seven spirits of God sent out into all
7 the earth. And he came and took the book from the right hand of him
8 who sits upon the throne. And when he had taken it, the four living
creatures and the four and twenty elders fell down before the Lamb,
each holding a harp and golden bowls full of incense (which is the
¦ 9 prayers of the saints). And they sing a new song, saying,
" Worthy art thou to take the book
And to open the seals of it,
For thou wast slain and hast bought for God by thy blood
Men from every tribe and language and people and nation,
10 And hast made them a realm and priests to our God,
;¦ And they shall reign 2 on the earth."
,, 11 And I looked, and round the throne and the living creatures and the
elders, I heard3 the voice of many angels (and their number was ten
12 thousand times ten thousand, and thousands of thousands), saying with a loud
voice, " Worthy is the Lamb which has been slain,
To take the power and riches and wisdom and might
And honour and majesty and blessing."
13 And I heard every creature in heaven and on the earth and under the
earth and on the sea, and all things in them, saying,
" To him who sits upon the throne and to the Lamb
Be the blessing and the honour
And the majesty and the dominion
For ever and ever."
14 And the four living creatures said " Amen," and the elders fell down and
worshipped. 1 Reading Umo-tv. 2 Beading pao-atio-ovo-i*. s Omitting [[is]].

474 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [6a-75
6 1 And I looked when the Lamb opened one of the seven seals, and I
heard one of the four living creatures say, as with a voice of thunder,
2 " Come." And I looked, and lo, a white horse : and he who sat on it had a
bow, and a wreath was given him, and he went out conquering and to conquer.
3 And when he opened the second seal, I heard the second living
4 creature say, " Come." And another horse went out, a red horse: and it
was granted him who sat on it to take peace from the earth, and to make
men slay one another, and a great sword was given him.
5 And when he opened the third seal, I heard the third living creature
say, " Come." And I looked, and lo, a black horse : and he who sat on it
6 had a pair of scales in his hand. And I heard as it were a voice in the
middle of the four living creatures, saying, " A measure of wheat for a
denarius, and three measures of barley for a denarius ; and injure not the
the oil and wine."
7 And when he opened the fourth seal, I heard the voice of the fourth
8 living creature say, " Come." And I looked, and lo, a pale horse : and he
who sat on it was called " Death," and " Hades " followed him. And he 1
was given power over the fourth part of the earth, to kill with the sword
and with famine and with plague, and by means of the wild beasts ofthe earth.
9 And when he opened the fifth seal, I saw underneath the altar the
souls of those who had been slain for the word of God and for the
10 testimony which they bore. And they cried with a loud voice, "Master,
hoi}' and true ! how long wilt thou refrain from charging and avenging our
1 1 blood on those who dwell upon the earth ? " And they were given each a white
robe, and they were told to rest a little while yet, until their number should
be completed 2 by their fellow-slaves and their brothers also, who were to
be killed like themselves.
12 And I looked when he opened the sixth seal, and a great earthquake
took place ; and the sun became black as hair sackcloth, and the full moon
13 became like blood, and the stars of the sky fell to the earth, as a fig-tree
14 shaken by a strong wind casts her unripe figs. And the sky was put aside
like a book when it is folded up, and all mountains and islands were moved
15 out of their places. And the kings of the earth and the magnates and the
generals and the rich and the strong and every slave and freeman, hid
16 themselves in the caves and among the rocks of the mountains ; and they say
to the mountains and the rocks,
" Fall upon us and hide us
From the face of him who sits upon the throne
[And from the wrath of the Lamb] ;
17 For the great day o/his3 wrath has come,
And who is able to stand?"
7 1 After4 this I saw four angels stand at the four comers ofthe earth and
hold fast the four winds of the earth, to prevent any wind from blowing on
2 the earth or on the sea or on any tree. And I saw another angel come np
from the east with the seal of the living God, and he cried with a loud
voice to the four angels who were permitted to injure the earth and the
3 sea, saying, " Injure not the earth nor the sea nor the trees, till we seal the
4 slaves of our God on their foreheads." And I heard the number of those
who were sealed, a hundred and forty-four thousand, sealed out of every
tribe of the sons of Israel,
5 of the tribe of Judah twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Eeuben twelve thousand, sealed :
1 Reading xutZ. 2 Reading T^/x-.wcm,
3 Reading avTov. 4 Omitting [[*«']].

7«-88] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 475
of the tribe of Gad twelve thousand, sealed :
6 of the tribe of Asher twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Naphtali twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Manasseh twelve thousand, sealed :
7 of the tribe of Symeon twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Levi twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Issachar twelve thousand, sealed :
8 of the tribe of Zebulun twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Joseph twelve thousand, sealed :
of the tribe of Benjamin twelve thousand, sealed :
9 After this I looked, and lo, a great multitude which no one could
number, from every nation and from all tribes and peoples and languages,
standing before the throne and before the Lamb, clad in white robes,
10 with palms in their hands, and crying with a loud voice, " Salvation to
11 our God who sits upon the throne, and to the Lamb." And all the angels
were standing round the throne and round the elders and the four living
creatures, and they fell on their faces before the throne and worshipped
12 God, saying, "Amen : Jlay the blessing and the majesty and the wisdom
And the thanksgiving and the honour and the power and the
might
Be to our God for ever and ever : Amen."
13 And one of the elders addressed me, saying, "Those clad in the white
. 14 robes — who are they, and where have they come from ? " And I said to
him, " Sir, thou knowest ? " And he said to me,
" These are they who come out of the great distress,
Who washed their robes and made them white in th e blood of the Lamb.
: 15 Therefore they are before God's throne
And serve him day and night within his temple,
And he who sits upon the throne shall spread his tabernacle over them.
: 16 They shall hunger no more, nor thirst any more,
The sun shall not beat on them, nor any heat ;
17 For the Lamb who is in the midst of the throne shall be their
. shepherd,
And guide them to fountains of living water,
And God shall wipe ali tears from their eyes."
8 1 And when he opened the seventh seal, a silence reigned in heaven for
2 about half-an-hour. And I saw the seven angels who stand before God, and
3 seven trumpets were given to them. And another angel came and
stood at the altar with a golden censer, and much incense was given him to
be added to the prayers of all the saints, upon the golden altar before the
4 throne. And the smoke of the incense rose up from the angel's hand to
5 aid the prayers of the saints before God. And the angel took the censer
and filled it with the fire of the altar, and threw it on the earth ; and there
came thunders and voices and lightnings and an earthquake.
6 And the seven angels who held the seven trumpets made themselves
ready to blow.
7 And the first blew ; and there came hail and fire mixed with blood,
and they were thrown on the earth. And the third part of the earth was
burnt up, and the third part of the trees was burnt up, and all green
grass was burnt up.
8 And the second angel blew ; and as it were a great mountain burning
with fire was thrown into the sea. And the third part of the sea became

476 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [89-917
9 blood, and the third part of the creatures in the sea — of living things-
died, and the third part of the ships was destroyed.
10 And the third angel blew ; and there fell from the sky a great star
burning like a torch, and it fell on the third part of the rivers and on the
11 fountains of the waters. And the name of the star is called "Worm
wood." And the third part of the waters became wormwood, and many
men died of the waters, because they had become bitter.
12 And the fourth angel blew ; and the third part of the sun was smitten,
with the third part of the moon and the third part of the stars, so as to
darken the third part of them, and prevent a third of the day from
shining, and of the night likewise.
13 And I looked, and I heard an eagle flying in mid-heaven and saying
with a loud voice, " Woe, woe, woe to the dwellers on the earth, for the
rest of the trumpet-voices of the three angels who are about to blow."
9 1 And the fifth angel blew ;
And I saw a star fallen from the sky to the earth,
And he was given the key of tbe pit of the abyss.
2 And he opened the pit of the abyss,
And smoke rose up out of the pit like the smoke of a great furnace,
And the sun and the air were darkened with the smoke from the pit.
3 And out of the smoke came locusts on the earth,
And they were given power like the power of the scorpions of the earth,
4 And they were told not to injure the grass of the earth or any green thing
or any tree,
But only such men as had not the seal of God upon their foreheads.
5 And they were permitted, not to kill but to torture them for five months,
And their torture was like the torture of a scorpion stinging a man.
6 And in those days men shall seek death,
Yet they shall not find it :
Yea, they shall desire to die,
Yet death flees from them.
7 And in likeness the locusts were like horses armed for battle,
And on their heads they had as it were WTeaths like gold,
And their faces were like men's faces.
8 And they had hair like women's hair,
And their teeth were like lions' teeth,
9 And they had coats of mail, as it were iron coats of mail,
And the sound of their wings was like the sound of chariots with many
horses rushing into battle ;
10 And they have tails like scorpions, and stings,
And their power of injuring men for five months is in their tails.
11 They have a king over them, the angel of the abyss,
Who is called in Hebrew "Abaddon," and in Greek "Apollyon."
12 The first woe has passed :
Lo, after this, two woes are still to come.
13 And the sixth angel blew ; and I heard a voice from the four 1 horns
14 of the golden altar before God, saying to the sixth angel with the trumpet,
15 " Unloose the four angels bound at the great river Euphrates." And the
four angels were unloosed, who had been in readiness for the hour and
16 day and month and year, to kill the third part of men. And the number
of the troops of the cavalry was twice ten thousand times ten thousand ;
17 1 heard their number. And I saw the horses in the vision and those
who sat on them, thus : they wore coats of mail the colour of fire and
1 Reading Tio-o-dpuv.

9-._ll6] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 477
jacinth and brimstone; the heads of the horses were like lions' heads, and
from their mouths issue fire and smoke and brimstone. By these three
plagues the third part of men was killed, by the fire and the smoke and
the brimstone issuing from their mouths.
For the power of the horses is in their mouth and in their tails :
Their tails are like serpents, they have heads and with them they
do injury.
And the rest of men, who were not killed by these plagues, did not :
repent of the works of their hands, to give up worshipping the daemons and
the idols of gold and silver and brass and stone and wood, which can neither
see nor hear nor walk ; and they did not repent of their murders, nor of
their sorcery, nor of their fornication, nor of their thefts.
And I saw another strong angel come down from heaven, clad in
a cloud ; the rainbow on his head, his face like the sun, his feet
like columns of fire, and in his hand a little book open. And he
set his right foot on the sea and his left on the earth, and cried
with a loud voice, as a lion roars ; and when he cried, the seven
thunders spoke aloud. And when the seven thunders bad spoken,
I was going to write ; but I heard a voice from heaven saying,
"Seal what the seven thunders have spoken, and write it not."
And the angel whom I saw standing on the sea and earth, lifted
his right hand to the sky and swore by him who lives for ever and ever,
who created the sky and the things in it, and the earth and the things
in it, and, the sea and the things in it, that there shall not be a
respite any longer, but that in the days of the seventh angel's voice,
when he is to blow, then shall the secret of God be finished, according
to the glad tidings which he gave to his slaves the prophets. And
the voice which I had heard from heaven talked once more with me
and said, " Go, take the book that lies open in the hand of the angel
who stands on the sea and on the earth." So I went away to the
angel and bade him give me the little book; and he says to me,
" Take and eat it, and it shall make thy belly bitter, but in thy mouth
it shall be sweet as honey." And I took the little book from the
hand of the angel and ate it, and it was sweet as honey in my mouth ;
yet, when I had eaten it, my belly became bitter. And they say to
me, " Thou must again prophesy of many peoples and nations and
languages and kings."
And there was given to me a reed like a staff, with the words,
'' Rise and measure the temple of God, and the altar, and those who
worship there ; yet leave out the court which is outside the temple ;
measure it not, for it has been given to the nations, and they shall
trample on the holy city for two and forty months. And I will
permit my two witnesses to prophesy for one thousand two hundred
and sixty days, clad in sackcloth. These are the two olives and the
two lampstands which stand before the Lord of the earth.
And if anyone would injure them,
Fire issues from their mouth and devours their enemies ;
Tea, if anyone should wish to injure them,
So must he be killed !
These have the power of closing the sky,
So that no rain falls during the days of their prophesying ;
And they have power over the waters,
To turn them into blood, 1 Reading oi.

478 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll7-126
And to smite the earth
With every plague, as often as they wish.
7 And when they finish their testimony, the beast who ascends out of the
abyss shall make war against them and conquer them and kill them.
8 And their corpses lie in the street of the great city which is called
spiritually ' Sodom ' and ' Egypt,' where their Lord also was crucified.
9 And men from the peoples and tribes and languages and nations
look on their corpses for three days and a half, and will not allow
10 their corpses to be laid in a tomb. And the dwellers on earth
rejoice over them and are glad, yea, they shall exchange presents;
11 for these two prophets tortured the dwellers on the earth. And after
the three days and a half, the spirit of life from God entered them and
12 they stood on their feet, and great fear fell on those who saw them. Then
they heard a loud voice from heaven saying to them, "Come up hither."
And they ascended intoheaven in the cloud, and their enemies sawthem.
13 And at that hour a great earthquake came, and the tenth part of the
city fell ; and in the earthquake seven thousand persons were killed,
and the rest became terrified and did honour to the God of heaven."
14 The second woe has passed :
Lo, the third woe is coming speedily.
15 And the seventh angel blew ; and there followed loud voices in
heaven saying,
" The realm of the world has become our Lord's and his Christ's,
And he shall reign for ever and ever."
16 And the four and twenty elders who sit upon their thrones before God,
17 fell on their faces and worshipped God, saying,
" We give thanks to thee, Lord God the almighty,
Who art and who wast,
For thou hast taken thy great power
And entered on thy reign.
1 8 And the nations were wroth ;
Then thy wrath came,
And the time for the dead to be judged,
And for their reward to be given to thy slaves the prophets,
And^to the saints 1 who fear thy name,
The small and the great,2
And for the destroyers of the earth to be destroyed."
19 And the temple of God in heaven was opened,
And the ark of his covenant was seen in his temple;
And there came lightnings and voices and thunders and an earthquake and
great hail.
12 1 And a great sign was seen in heaven, a woman clad with the sun,
beneath her feet the moon, and on her head a wreath of twelve stars ;
2 and being with child, she cries out in her pangs of travail, in anguish for
3 delivery. And another sign was seen in heaven : lo, a great red dragon
4 with seven heads and ten horns, and on his heads seven diadems ; and his
tail dragged the third part of the stars of the sky and threw them to the
earth. And the dragon stands before the woman who is on the point of
being delivered ; so that when she is delivered, he may devour her child.
5 And she bore a son, a male, who is to shepherd all the nations with an iron
6 rod ; and her child was caught up to God and to his throne. Then the
woman fled into the wilderness, where she has a place prepared by God,
that they may nourish her there for one thousand two hundred and sixty
1 Omitting xai. - Reading toIs puxpo7s xai to., p-.yaxots.

127— 13s] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 479
7 dayg. And war broke out in heaven, Michael and his angels
8 warring with the dragon. And the dragon and his angels fought, yet
they prevailed not ; and there was no longer any place for them in heaven.
9 And the great dragon was thrown down, tlie old serpent, who is called
the "Devil" and " Satan," who seduces the whole world — he was thrown
10 down to the earth, and his angels were thrown down with him. And I
heard a loud voice in heaven saving,
" Now has come the salvation and the power,
And the reign of our God and the authority of his Christ,
Because the accuser of our brothers is thrown down,
Their accuser day and night before our God.
11 And they conquered him by the blood of the Lamb,
And by the word of their testimony ;
Yea, they loved not their life to the death.
12 Be glad for this, 0 heavens,
And ye that dwell in them !
Woe to the earth and the sea !
Since the devil has gone down to you greatly enraged,
For he knows that his time is short."
13 And when the dragon saw that he was thrown down to the earth, he
14 pursued the woman who had borne the male child. But the woman had
the two wings of the great eagle given her, to fly into the wilderness to
her place, where she is nourished for a time and times anil half a time,
15 away from the serpent. And out of his mouth the serpent threw water
16 after the woman like a river, to get her swept away by the stream. But
the earth helped the woman, and opened its mouth, and swallowed up
17 the river which the dragon threw out of his mouth. And the dragon was
wroth at the woman, and went off to make war with the rest of her
offspring, with those who keep the commandments of God, and hold the
testimony of Jesus.
I 1 And I stood l on the sand of the sea and saw a beast coming up out ofthe
sea with ten horns and seven heads, and on his horns ten diadems, and
2 on his heads a blasphemous name.2 And the beast which I saw was like a
leopard, and his feet were like a bear's, and his jaws like a lion's jaws ; and
the dragon gave him his power and his throne and great authority.
3 And I saw one of his heads, as it were slain and dead ; yet his mortal
wound was healed.
And the whole earth went after the beast in wonder :
4 And they worshipped the dragon for having given his authority to the
beast,And they worshipped the beast, saying,
" Who is like the beast .
And who can fight with him . "
5 And he had a mouth given him with big and blasphemous words,
And he had authority given him to exercise for two and forty months.
6 And he opened his mouth for blasphemies against God, to blaspheme his
name and his dwelling and 3 the dwellers in heaven.
7 And he was permitted to make war with the saints and, to conquer them,
And he had authority given him over every tribe and people and
language and nation.
8 And he shall be worshipped by all the dwellers on the earth-
By everyone whose name has not been written from the foundation
of the world in the book of life [of the slain Lamb].
1 Reading mih,,, _ Reading nopca. 3 Adding xai.

480 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l39-148
9 If anyone has an ear,
Let him hear.
10 If anyone makes captive,
Captive shall he go :
If anyone kills with the sword,
With the sward must he be killed.
Here is room for the patience and the faith of the saints.
11 And I saw another beast coming up out of the earth, and he
12 had two horns like a lamb, and he spoke like a dragon. And he exercises
the entire authority of the first beast, in his presence, and makes the earth
and the dwellers on it worship the first beast, whose mortal wound was
13 healed. And he performs great signs, so as even to make fire come
14 down from the sky upon earth before men. And he seduces the
dwellers on earth by the signs which he was permitted to perform in
presence of the beast, bidding the dwellers on the earth make an image
15 for the beast who has the wound of the sword and yet lives. And he was
permitted to give breath to the image of the beast, that the image of the
beast should speak, and should also cause all who do not worship the image
16 of the beast to be killed. And all, the small and the great, the rich and
the poor, the free men and the slaves, he causes to have a mark set on
17 their right hand or on their forehead, so that 1 no one can buy or sell unless
he is marked with the name of the beast or the number of his name.
18 Now for " wisdom " : let him who has understanding count the number
of the beast, for it is the number of a man ; and his number is 666.
14 1 And I looked,
And lo, the Lamb stood on the mountain of Zion,
And with him one hundred and forty -four thousand, who had his name
and his Father's name written on their foreheads.
2 And I heard a voice from heaven like the sound of many waters and the
sound of loud thunder,
And the voice which I heard was like the sound of harpers harping on
their harps ;
3 And they sing a 2 -new song before the throne and before the four living
creatures and the elders ;
And no one could learn the song, except the hundred and forty-four
thousand who are bought from out of the earth.
4 These are men who have not defiled themselves with women ; they
are celibates.
These are men who follow the Lamb, wherever he goes.
These are bought from among men as firstfruits to God [and to the
Lamb].
5 And in their mouth no lie was found; they are faultless.
6 And I saw another angel flying in mid-heaven with an eternal gospel
for the inhabitants of the earth, and for every nation and tribe and
7 language and people, saying with a loud voice,
" Fear God and do him honour,
Because the hour of his judgment is come ;
And worship the maker of the sky and earth, the sea and fountains of
waters."
8 And another, a second, angel succeeded, saying,
" Fallen, fallen is Babylon fits great,
She who has made all the nations drink
Of the wine of the passion of her fornication."
1 Omitting [[W]]. 2 Omitting ....

149— 15*] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 481
9 And another, a third, angel succeeded them, saying with a loud voice,
" If anyone worships the beast and his image,
And accepts the mark on his forehead or on his hand,
10 He too drinks of the wine of God's wrath,
Poured out unmixed in the cup of his anger,
And shall be tortured with fire and brimstone
In the presence of tbe holy angels [and in presence of the Lamb] ;
11 And the smoke of their torment goes up for ever and for ever,
And they have no rest by day or night,
The worshippers of the beast and of his image,
And he who accepts the mark of his name.
12 [Here is room for the patience of the saints,
Of those who keep the commandments of God and the faith of
Jesus."
13 And I heard a voice from heaven saying, " Write :
' Happy the dead who die from henceforth in the Lord !
Yea, saith the Spirit, happy to rest from their labours !
For their works follow after them.' "]
14 And I looked : and lo, a white cloud, and on the cloud one sitting like a
son of man, with a golden wreath on his head, and in his hand a sharp
15 sickle. And another angel came out of the temple, crying with a loud voice
to him who sat upon the cloud,
" Thrust in thy sickle, and reap :
For the reaping hour is come,
For the harvest of the earth is ripe and dry."
16 Then he who sat on the cloud threw his sickle on the earth, and the earth
17 was reaped. And another angel came out of the temple which is
18 in heaven, he too with a sharp sickle. And another angel came out of the
altar, with ! power over the fire ; and he cried with a loud voice to him who
had the sharp sickle, saying,
" Thrust in thy sharp sickle
And pluck the clusters of the vine of the earth ;
For her grapes are fully ripe."
19 Then the angel threw his sickle to the earth and plucked the vintage of
20 the earth and threw it into the great winepress of God's wrath. And the
winepress was trampled outside the city ; and out came blood from the
winepress, high as horse-bridles and covering two hundred miles.
5 1 And I saw another sign in heaven, great and marvellous ; seven angels
with seven plagues — the last plagues, because in them the wrath of God is
2 finished. And I saw as it were a sea of glass mingled with fire,
and those who came off conquerors from the beast and from his image and
from the number of his name, standing beside the sea of glass with harps
3 of God. And they sing the song of Moses the slave qf God [and the song of
the Lamb], saying,
" Great and marvellous are thy works,
Lord God the almighty !
Just and true thy ways,
King of the nation's !
4 Who shall not fear, 0 Lord, and magnify thy name ?
For thou alone art holy,
For all nations shall come and worship before thee,
Because thy judgments have been disclosed."
i Omitting [[is]].
3i

482 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l55-16a
5 And after this I looked, and the temple of the tent of the testimony in
6 heaven was opened ; and out of the temple came the seven angels with
the seven plagues, arrayed in pure dazzling linen, and their breasts girt
7 with golden girdles. And one of the four living creatures gave the seven
angels seven golden bowls, full of the wrath of the God who lives for ever
8 and ever. And the temple was filled with smoke from the splendour of God
and from his power, and no one could enter the temple till the seven plagues
16 1 of the seven angels were finished. And I heard a loud voice ovi
of the temple saying to the seven angels, " Go and pour out the seven bowls
of God's wrath on the earth."
2 And the first went off and poured out his bowl on the earth ; and, a
noisome and painful ulcer came upon the men who had the mark of the
beast and who worshipped his image.
3 And the second poured out his bowl on the sea ; and it became blood
as of a dead man ; and the things in the sea, every living soul, died.
4 And the third poured out his bowl on the rivers and the fountains of
5 the waters ; and they became blood. And I heard the angel of the waters
say, " Just art thou,
Who art and who wast, 0 holy One,
Because of these thy judgments 1
6 Blood of saint3 and prophets they poured out,
And blood thou hast given them to drink,
As they deserve."
7 And I heard the altar say,
" Yea, Lord God the almighty !
True and just are thy judgments ! "
8 And the fourth poured out his bowl upon the sun ; and he was per-
9 mitted to scorch men with fire. And men were scorched with great heat,
and they blasphemed the name of the God who has the power over these
plagues ; yet they did not repent and do him honour.
10 And the fifth poured out his bowl on the throne of the beast ; and
11 his realm was darkened, and men gnawed their tongues for pain and
blasphemed the God of heaven for their pains and for their ulcers ; yet
they did not repent of their works.
12 And the sixth poured out his bowl on the great river1 Euphrates;
and its water was dried up, to prepare the way for the kings from, the east.
13 And I saw issuing from the mouth of the dragon and from the mouth of
the beast and from the mouth of the false prophet, three unclean spirits
14 like frogs: they are spirits of daemons, performing signs, and they go forth
to the kings of the whole world to muster them for the war of the great
15 day of God, the almighty. [Lo, I come like a thief. Happy the man who
is wakeful and keeps his garments, not to go naked and have his shame
16 seen !] And they mustered them at the place called in Hebrew, " Har-
Magedon."
17 And the seventh poured out his bowl on the air ; and there came a
18 loud voice out of the temple, from the throne, saying, " It is done." Then
came lightnings and voices and thunders; and a great earthquake took
place, so great, so mighty an earthquake as has -not been since man was
19 upon earth. And the great city parted in three, and the cities of the
nations fell. So God remembered Babylon the great, to give her the cup
20 of the wine of the wrath of his anger. And every island fled away, and the
21 mountains were not to be found. And great hail, stones about a talent's
1 Omitting [[.->JJ.

^-lo2] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 483
weight, dropped from the sky upon men ; and men blasphemed God for
the plague ofthe hail, because the plague of it is terribly great.
1 And one of the seven angels who had the seven bowls came and talked
with me, saying, "Come hither, I will show thee the judgment of the
great harlot who sits upon many waters :
2 The Icings of the earth
Committed fornication -with her,
And the dwellers on the earth
Were made drunk with the wine of her fornication."
3 And in the Spirit he bore me away into a wilderness. And I saw a
woman sitting on a scarlet beast, which was full of blasphemous names,
4 with seven heads and ten horns. And the woman was clad in purple
and scarlet, and she had ornaments of gold and precious stones
and pearls, with a golden cup full of abominations, the impurities
5 of her fornication, in her right hand, and on her forehead a name
8 written which is a symbol : " Babylon the great, mother of
6 THE HARLOTS AND THE ABOMINATIONS OP THE EARTH." And I Saw
the woman drunk with the blood of the saints [and with the blood
of the witnesses of Jesus]. And mightily I wondered, when I saw
7 her. And the angel said to me, " Why wonder ? I will explain to
thee the symbol of the woman, and of the beast with the seven heads
8 and the ten horns that carries her. The beast which thou didst see,
was, and is not, and is to come up out of the abyss, and to perdition he
goes.1 And the dwellers on the earth shall wonder (all whose names are
not written from the foundation of the world in the book of life) when they
9 find that the beast was and is not and comes again. Now for the mind
which has ' wisdom ' :— the seven heads are seven mountains where the
10 woman sits. And there are seven kings ; five are fallen, one is, the other
has not yet come, and when he comes, he must remain but a little
11 while. And the beast which was and is not, is the eighth, and also belongs
12 to the seven ; and to perdition he goes. And the ten horns which thou
didst see are ten kings, who have received no royal power as yet, but
13 receive authority for an hour as kings along with the beast. These
have one purpose, and their power and their authority they give to
the beast.
14 These shall fight with the Lamb
And by the Lamb shall they be conquered —
Because he is Lord of lords and King of kings —
And by those who are with him, called and chosen and faithful."
15 And he said to me, " The waters which thou didst see, where the harlot
16 sits, are peoples and throngs and nations and languages. As for the ten
horns which thou didst see, and the beast, these shall hate the harlot, and
make her desolate and naked, and devour her flesh, and burn her up with
17 fire. For God has put it in their hearts to execute his purpose, to agree
upon one purpose and also to give their royal power to the beast, till the
18 words of God shall be fulfilled. And the woman whom thou didst see,
is the great city whose reign is over the kings of the earth."
J 1 After this I saw another angel come down from heaven with great
2 authority, and the earth was lit up with his brightness. And he cried
with a mighty voice, saying,
" Fallen, fallen is Babylon the great,
And become a dwelling of daemons,
1 Reading Ix&yn.

484 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l8;
And a prison of every spirit unclean,
And a prison of every bird unclean and hateful ;
3 Because of the wine of the passion of her fornication
All the nations have drunk,
And the kings of the earth
Have committed fornication with her,
And the merchants of the earth
Have become rich by her wealth of wantonness."
4 And I heard another voice from heaven say,
" Come out of her, my people,
That you share not in her sins,
And that you partake not of her plagues ;
5 For heaped up to the sky are her sins,
And God has remembered her misdeeds.
6 Render to her even as she rendered,
Yea double her measure according to her works ;
In the cup that she mixed, mix for her double :
7 As she magnified herself and wantoned,
Give her as much torture and mourning.
Because in her heart she says, "A Queen I sit,
No widow am I, and mourning I shall not see ; "
8 Therefore in one day her plagues shall come,
Death and mourning and famine,
And with fire she shall be burned up ;
For strong is the Lord God her judge.
9 And over her shall weep and wail the kings of the earth,
JFho committed fornication with her and wantoned,
When they look on the smoke of her burning —
10 Standing far away in dread of her torture,
Saying " Woe, woe for the great city,
Babylon the strong city !
For in one hour has thy judgment come."
1 1 And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn over her,
For no one buys their merchandise any more :
12 Merchandise of gold and silver and precious stones and
pearls,
And fine linen and purple and silk and scarlet,
And all citron- wood and every article of ivory,
And every article of most precious wood,
And of brass and iron and marble :
13 And cinnamon and amomum and incense and perfume and
frankincense,
And wine and oil and fine flour and wheat,
And cattle and sheep and horses and chariots,
And slaves and human souls.
1 5 The merchants of these things, who gained wealth by her,
Far away shall they stand in dread of her torture,
Weeping and mourning :
16 Saying, " Woe, woe for the great city,
Clad in fine linen and purple and scarlet,
With ornaments of gold and precious stones and pearls !
17 For in one hour all this wealth has come to ruin."
And every shipmaster and every coasting mariner,
And sailors and all whose business is on the sea,

3-17

1818-196] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 485
Stood far away and cried, as they looked on the smoke of her
burning,
" What is like the great city . "
And they threw dust on their heads and cried,
Weeping and mourning ; " Woe, woe for the great city,
Where all who had ships in tlie sea gained riches,
By means of her wealth!
For in one hour she has come to ruin."
Be glad over her, 0 heaven,
Ye saints, apostles, and prophets :
For God has judged her with your judgment."
And a strong angel took up a stone like a great mill-stone, and threw it
into the sea, saying,
" So shall Babylon the great city be thrown down with sudden onset,
And never be found any more.
And the sound of harpers and musicians and tiuteplayers and
trumpeters
Shall never be heard in thee more :
And a craftsman of any craft
Shall never be found in thee more :
And the sound of a mill-stone
Shall never be heard in thee more :
And the light of a lamp
ShaU never be seen in thee more :
And the voice of bridegroom and bride
Shall never be heard in thee more.
And the ripe fruit of thy soul's desire
Has gone from thee !
And all things rich and radiant
Have perished from thee.
Nevermore shall they be found !
For thy merchants were the magnates of the earth ;
For by thy sorcery all the nations were seduced.
[And in her was found the blood of prophets and of saints,
And of all who have been slain upon the earth.] "
After this I heard as it were a loud voice of a great multitude in
heaven, saying, " Hallelujah !
The salvation and the majesty and the power belong to our God,
For true and just are his judgments :
For he has judged the great harlot,
Who destroyed the earth with her fornication,
And has avenged the blood of his slaves
At her hand."
And a second time they said,
"Hallelujah!
And the smoke of her goes up for ever and ever ! "
And the four and twenty elders and the four living creatures fell
down and worshipped the God who sits upon the throne, saying, "Amen :
Hallelujah." And a voice came out of the throne, saying,
" Extol our God, all ye his slaves,
Ye who fear him, small and great."
And I heard as it were the voice of a great multitude, and as it were the
sound of many waters, and as it were the sound of mighty thunders, saying,

486 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l97— 20s
" Hallelujah !
For the Lord our God almighty is king.
7 Let us joy and rejoice
And give him due honour ;
For the marriage of the Lamb has come,
And his wife has made herself ready,
8 And she is permitted to put on fine linen, dazzling and pure
(The fine linen is the upright deeds of the saints)."
9 And he says to me, " Write : ' Happy those who are called to the marriage-
supper of the Lamb ! ' " And he says to me, " These are the 1 true words
10 of God." And I fell down before his feet to worship him. But he says
to me, " Not so ! beware !
I am a fellow-slave of thine,
And of thy brothers who hold the testimony of Jesus.
Worship God !
[For the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy.] "
11 And I saw heaven opened :
And lo, a white horse !
And he who sits on it is called " Faithful " and " True,"
And vAth uprightness he judges and fights.
12 His eyes are a flame of fire,
And on his head are many diadems.
And he has a name which none knows, save himself ;
13 And he is clad in a garment dipped in blood
[And his name is called " The Logos of God "].
14 And the troops in heaven followed him on white horses,
Clothed in fine linen, white and pure.
15 And from his mouth issues a sharp sword, wherewith to smite the
nations :
And he shall shepherd, them -with an iron rod,.
And he tra mp les the winepress of the wrath of the anger of tlie almighty God.
16 And on his garment and on his thigh he has a name written,
" King of Kings and Lord of Lords."
17 And I saw an angel stand in the sun, and he cried with a loud voice
to all the birdj that fly in mid-heaven, " Come, gather to the great supper of
18 God, to eat the flesh of kings, and the flesh of generals, and the flesh of the
strong, and the flesh of horses and of their riders, and the flesh of all men,
19 free and slaves and small and great." And I saw the beast and th
kings of the earth and their troops, gathered to make war against him who
20 sat on the horse and against his troops. -And the beast was caught, and
along with him the false prophet, who performed in his presence the sign?
by which he seduced those who had accepted the mark of the beast and
who worshipped his image ; they were thrown down, these two, alive
21 into the lake of fire that burns with brimstone. And the rest were killed
by the sword of him who sits on the horse, bv the sword which went out
of his mouth ; and all the birds were glutted with their flesh.
20 1 And I saw an angel come down from heaven with the key of the
2 abyss and a great chain upon his hand. And he seized the dragon, the
old serpent, who is " the Devil " and " Satan," and bound him for a
3 thousand years, then threw him into the abyss, and shut and sealed it on
the top of him, that he should no more seduce the nations until the
thousand years were finished ; after this he must be unloosed for a little
1 Reading «/ &>.*._;»»..

204-216] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 487
4 while. And I saw thrones, and they sat on them and they were permitted
to judge; yea, I saw the souls of those who had been beheaded for the
testimony of Jesus and for the word of God, who did not worship the
beast or his image, and did not accept the mark on their forehead and on
their hand ; and they lived and reigned with the Christ for a thousand
5 years. The rest of the dead lived not until the thousand years were
6 finished. This is the first resurrection. Happy and holy is he who has
part in the first resurrection ! Over such the second death has no power ;
they shall be priests of God and of the Christ, and shall reign with
7 him for the thousand years. And when the thousand years are
8 finished, the Satan shall be unloosed from his prison, and he shall come
out to seduce the nations in the four corners of the earth, Gog and Magog, to
muster them for the war ; and their number is as the sand of the sea.
9 And they went up over the broad earth and encircled the camp of the
saints and the beloved city. And fire came down from the sky and devoured
10 them. And the devil, their seducer, was thrown into the lake of fire and
brimstone, where the beast and the false prophet also are ; and they shall
be tormented day and night for ever and ever.
11 And I saw a great white throne,
And him who sat thereon :
Earth and sky fled from his face,
And no place was found for them.
12 And I saw the dead, the great and the small, standing before the
throne ;
And there were books opened,
And another book was opened, which is the book of life.
And the dead were judged from what was written in the books,
According to their works.
13 And the sea gave up the dead in her,
And death and Hades gave up the dead in them ;
And they were judged each
According to their works.
14 And death and Hades were thrown into the lake of fire.
This is the second death, the lake of fire.
15 And he who was not found written in the book of life, was thrown into the
lake of fire.
21 1 And I saw a new sky and a new earth,
For the first sky and the first earth have passed away :
And the sea is no more.
2 And I saw the holy city, new Jerusalem, come down out of heaven from
God,
Prepared like a bride adorned for her husband.
3 And I heard a loud voice out of the throne, saying :
" Lo, the tabernacle of God is with men,
And he shall dwell with them ;
And they shall be his peoples,
And God himself shall be with them.
4 And he shall wipe all tears from their eyes,
And death shall be no more,
Nor shall mourning or crying or pain be any more ;
For thefirst things have passed away."
5 And he who sits upon the throne said, " Lo, I make all things new." And
6 he says, "Write ; 'these words are sure and true.' " And he said to me,

488 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [21r-222
" It is done. I am the alpha and the omega,
The beginning and the end.
I will give to him who is athirst, of the fountain of the water of life freely.
7 He who conquers shall inherit these things,
And I will be his God,
And he shall be my son.
8 But as for the timid and faithless and abominable and murderers and
fornicators and sorcerers and idolaters and all liars — their part is in the
lake that burns with fire and brimstone, which is the second death."
9 And there came one of the seven angels who had the seven bowls full
of the seven last plagues ; and he talked with me, saying, " Come hither,
10 I will show thee the bride, the wife of the Lamb." And in the Spirit he
bore me away to u, great and high mountain, and showed me the holy city
11 Jerusalem coming down out of heaven from God, with the splendour of God;
her brilliance is like a very precious stone, as it were a jasper, crystal clear;
12 she has a great and high wall with twelve gates, and at the gates twelve
angels, and names inscribed which are the names of the twelve tribes of the
13 sons of Israel. Three gates on the east, and three gates on the north, and three
14 gates on the south, and three gates on the west. And the wall of the city
has twelve foundations, and on them twelve names of the twelve apostles
15 of the Lamb. And he who talked with me had a golden reed for a
16 measure, to measure the city with her gates and her wall. And the city
lies foursquare, and her length is as great as her breadth. So he
measured the city with tbe reed, fifteen hundred miles ; the length and
17 the breadth and the height of her are equal. And he measured her wall,
seventy-two yards by a man's measure, which is that of an angel.
18 And her wall was constructed oi jasper,
And the city was pure gold, like pure glass.
19 [The foundations of the city were adorned with every precious stone;
the first foundation was jasper, the second sapphire, the third chalcedony,
20 the fourth emerald, the fifth sardonyx, the sixth sardius, the seventh
chrysolite, the eighth beryl, the ninth topaz, the tenth chrysoprasus, the
eleventh jacinth, the twelfth amethyst.]
21 And the twelve gates were twelve pearls,
Each of the gates was formed of a single pearl.
And the street of the city was pure gold, transparent as glass.
22 And I saw no temple in her,
For the Lord God the Almighty and the Lamb are her temple.
23 And the city needs not the sun or the moon to shine on her,
For the splendour of God is her brightness,
And her lamp the Lamb.
24 And the nations shall walk in her light,
And the kings of the earth bring their splendour into her. .
25 And her gates shall never be shut by da,y
(For night shall be there no more),
26 And they shall bring the splendour and honour of the nations
into her.
27 (Yet never shall anything unclean enter her,
Nor anyone who practises abomination and falsehood :
But only those who are written in the Lamb's book of life.)
22 1 And he showed me a river of the water of life, clear as crystal,
2 Issuing from the throne of God and of the Lamb, in the midst of
her street.
And on either side of the river was the tree of life,

223"18] THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN 489
Bearing twelve fruits, yielding its fruit according to each month:
And tlie leaves of the tree -were for the healing of the nations.
3 And there shall be no more anything accursed.
And the throne of God and of the Lamb shall be in her,
And his slaves shaU serve him :
4 And they shall see his face,
And his name shall be on their foreheads.
5 And there shall be night no more.
And they need no lamplight or sunlight,
For the Lord God shall be their brightness.
And they shall reign for ever and ever.
6 And he said to me :
" These words are sure and true ; and the Lord God of the spirits of the
prophets has sent his angel to show his slaves what must shortly come to pass.
- 1 And lo, I come speedily !
Happy he who keeps the words of the prophecy of this book."
8 And I John am he who heard and saw these things. And when I
heard and saw, I fell down to worship before the feet of the angel who
9 showed these things to me. But he says to me,
" Not so ! Beware !
I am a fellow-slave of thine,
And of thy brothers the prophets,
And of those who keep the words of this book.
: Worship God ! "
10 And he says to me :
" Seal not the words of the prophecy of this book,
For the time is near.
11 Let the wicked still be wicked,
Let the filthy still be filthy,
- Let the upright act uprightly still,
Let the holy still be holy.
12 Lo, I come speedily !
And my reward is with me,
To render to every man according as his ivork is.
13 I am the alpha and the omega,
Thefirst and the last,
The beginning and the end.
14 Happy they who wash their robes, that theirs may be the right to the tree of
15 life, and that they may enter the city by the gates. Outside are the dogs
and the sorcerers and the fornicators and the murderers and the idolaters
and every one who loves and practises falsehood.
16 I Jesus have sent my angel to testify these things to you in the
Communities.
I am the scion and the offspring of David,
The bright star of the morning."
17 And the Spirit and the bride say, " Come " :
And let him who hears say, " Come" :
And let him who is athirst come,
Let him who chooses take the water of life freely.
18 I testify to every man who hears the ivords of the prophecy of this
book :

490 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [2219-21
If any man add to them,
God shall add to him the plagues written in this book ;
19 And if any man take away from the words of the book of this
prophecy,
God shall take away his part from the tree of life and out of the
holy city, written in this book.
20 He who bears this testimony saith :
" Even so, I come speedily ! "
Amen. Come, Lord Jesus.
21 The grace of the Lord Jesus be with the saints.

THE FOTJBTH GOSPEL
The terminus a quo for this book is fixed by the date of tbe synoptic
gospels, which it presupposes. As a certain interval must be allowed for
their circulation and the rise of so independent a narrative, John can
not be placed earlier than the last decade of the first century. Mark,
Matthew, and Luke are all sources for the author of the fourth gospel,
who omits, corrects, supplements, and reproduces their narrative and
sayings (E. Abbott, New World, 1895, pp. 459-483), incorporating as much
as proved suitable for his purpose along with his own original materials.1
This freedom in method is accompanied by an equal freedom in con
ception. Theological reflection upon the words of Jesus himself, which
already was at work in the synoptic gospels, and of which a casual
example is given in the Oxyrhyncite Logia, assumes a wider function in
the fourth gospel. In its Christology, the fourth gospel is an advance even
upon Hebrews, which forms (like the tradition preserved in 1 "Ti 316) an
intermediate stage between the later Pauline epistles and the Johannine
conceptions. Jesus is pictured in terms of a current metaphysic, and his
pre-existence developed to an extent hitherto unparalleled. In fact, the
whole spirit of the -book points to an advanced period.2 Mystical
reflection and moralising upon reminiscences of Jesus is accompanied
throughout by the use of antitheses (light and darkness, life and death,
etc.). The treatment of the subject in form and contents constantly
exhibits the careful skill and speculative grasp of a trained thinner who
lived at a time when he was no longer overpowered by the primitive
evangelic tradition, although he naturally professes to base his account
upon the direct testimony3 of an eye-witness (1935). The idealistic1
1 Good summaries in Wendt, LJ, i. p. 251 f., Eas Joh. Evglm. (1900), pp. 8-44,
and Wernle, Die Synopt. Frage, pp. 234-248 ; also from another standpoint in
Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 498-518* On the supremacy of the fourth gospel in the develop
ment of early Christianity, cp. the appreciative paragraphs in T. H. Green, Works,
iii. pp. 170, 171, 214-220.
2 Holtzmann puts it in a sentence, "Die johanneisclie Lehre ist der popularisirte,
verein.a-hte und durch seine Anwendung auf eine historische Ersolieinuug, iiber-
haupt durch Combination mit der synoptischen und paulinischen Tradition niodi-
ficirte Alexandrinismus."
3 The exact relation of this tradition to the author is hard to understand. If the
identity of the eye-witness and the incognito "disciple whom Jesus loved" (1323
19-6.27 202-5) were heyond dispute, it might be concluded (i.) that a historical tradi
tion due to the apostle John lies at the basis of the fourth gospel, and (ii.) that the
gospel was written by an adherent of the Johannine school in Asia Minor, possibly
by John the presbyter. In both of these conclusions there is pith and moment.
4 A candid and ingenious attempt has recently been made by Loofs (Die Auferste-
hungsberichte und ihr Wert, 1898, pp. 33-36; RTE, iv. p. 29 f.) to explain this
feature of the book, by means of psychological considerations drawn from the per
sonality ofthe apostle John. Loofs frankly admits the lack of historicity in (a) the
speeches of Jesus, (b) the representation of the Jews, (e) tbe miraculous element.
On its apologetic and polemical features cp. Baldensperger, Prolog, pp. 152-165 ; and
Bruce, Apologetics, pp. 476-492. 491

492 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
method of the author, coupled with his strong mental idiosyncrasies,
leads him to treat the preceding 1 tradition of the synoptists in quite a
free manner. His attitude to them is independent and unfettered,
dominated strongly by the mystic's sense of " repose and hope amid eternal
things." Yet all the traces of omission, tacit correction, and variation,
shown in his treatment of the earlier histories, are less notable than his
adherence notwithstanding to the historical plan, upon which his own
work is often a symbolic comment. It evidently constituted an accept
able channel for conveying new Christian teaching. The fourth gospel
certainly proves that the first three were not considered adequate or
authoritative by the whole mass of Christians at that time, and that they
did not satisfy some circles in the church. But it also signifies that,
especially for those who were deprived of direct evidence (2029), the
historical tradition was a welcome method of instruction and impression,
although for the "esoteric"2 purposes of this writer it had to be freely
and freshly handled. If it can hardly be said that his aim was to pro
duce a semi-philosophical romance (eine philosophische Dichtung mit
religib'ser Tendenz), it was at least to furnish an exposition of God's
mind and providence in tbe personality of Jesus, by which these might
be accessible and intelligible to his readers as they were defined in terms
of a current philosophy, and with reference to an environment of Hellen
istic thought and feeling. " Christianity," in fact, at that epoch "had to
become speculative, if it was to coalesce with human intelligence"
(Denney, CR, 1900, p. 258).
It was owing to the Alexandrian culture of the author and his circle
that the term Xoyos- came to be adopted, and adapted as a practical
and timely category for the person of Jesus. It was intelligible3 to
1 It is most unsafe to imagine that after the fourth gospel (c. 100 a.d.) the
synoptic gospels were finally edited in so trenchant a style as to permit of the
omission of certain discourses and narratives because John had already recorded them
(Wilkinson, Four Lectures, pp. 99-100). This is to invert what evidence we possess for
the historicity of the synoptists. Similarly, all the evidence contradicts clever attempts
like those made by Wuttig (Das Joh. Evgl'ni. und seine Abfassungszeit, 1897), and
independently by Halcombe (Historic Relation of Gospels), to date the fourth gospel
before the synoptists. Indications of the late period are to be heard unequivocally
in passages like 4s8 IO16 154- 6 1720 ; ep. especially Thoma, Die Genes, d. Johannes-
Ecglm. (1882) pp. 353-372. Discussions on Halcombe's theory in Exp. Ti. iii. iv. ;
reviews of Wuttig by Dr. H. A. A. Kennedy (CR, 1897, pp. 354-356), Blass (PG,
241-243), and Holtzmann (with suitable severity, ThLz, 1897, pp. 379-384). Havet
remarks of Luke (iv. 296) : "Son evaugile a ete alors par excellence celui des simples,
comme le quatrieme etait celui des raffines " ; and later (p. 367) : " II semble que les
premiers evangiles repondent autour d'eux ces fleurs des champs dont ils nous parlent,
qui poussent partout, pour la ioie de tors ; celles du quatrieme' sont des fleurs de
serre d'espeee rare, reservees a quelques vines seulement, qui en sont eblouis ou
enivres." 2 The expression is Zahn's (Einl. ii. p. 528). He lays stress upon the obvious
fact that the gospel's purpose were not to introduce the knowledge of Jesus for the
first time to men hitherto unacquainted with the synoptic tradition. " It is not the
herald of the gospel preaching to the whole people, but the later pastor of individual
souls committed to his care, who has drawn it up in order that those who already
believe on Jesus may believe more fully, and become truer disciples." Cp. on this
E. H. Hall, Papias (1889), pp. 199-240.
3 Weizsacker (AA, ii. 226-236), O. Holtzmann (Das Joh.-Evglm. 1887, p. 91).
Harnack (HD, i. p. 329 n. ; ZThK, 1892, pp. 189-232) carries this a step further.
" The prologue to tbe gospel," be writes, "is not the key to the comprehension ofthe
book, but it prepares the Hellenistic readers for this comprehension. It starts with
a familiar object, tbe Logos, works upon it, transforms it—implicitly opposing false
Christologies — in order to substitute for it Jesus Christ as the poovoyoiis *«'<:, or in

THE FOURTH GOSPEL 493
the readers for whom the author wrote, and he employed it as the
nearest equivalent in order to suggest to them the standpoint from which
they could view Jesus. " Introite, nam et hie Aoyos- " (TR, 1899, p. 295).
The affinities of the term were not confined to the idiosyncrasies of the
writer's own mind, nor does it follow that the Logos-idea, with its dog
matic substructure of Incarnation-theology, is the final and permanent
expression of Christ's person. The historical evidence points to a much
more modest scope, lt also distinctly indicates Philonic influence, how
ever vague and indirect that influence may have been. .There is a
modern reaction in many quarters (Loofs, Leit-faden, pp. 10-12) against
the older view which referred Johannine thought too exclusively to
Alexandrian influence, as though Philo were some Alexandrian John the
baptizer. The reaction is healthy, especially in its emphasis upon
the OT elements1 in the Johannine theology. But, as Reville has
shown, even with these germs or anticipations, the Philonic filiation 2 is
unmistakable. The appropriation of the Logos-idea in early Christianity
was merely another instance of the way in which Hebrew originality and
independence spoiled the Egyptians for the sake of its own purposes,
upon the threshold of fresh progress. It was for this fine issue that the
genius who composed the fourth gospel was so finely touched, for the
translation of the evangelic tradition into a semi-allegorical form, which —
although not final — was most timely and vital.
The wider outlook already won in the third gospel and Acts is even
more conspicuous in the spacious atmosphere of Hellenism which
surrounds the fourth gospel.3 Yet the passion for exhibiting Jesus as
the climax and fulfilment of Messianic Judaism, is as plain here as the
corresponding effort to present him under the category of the Absolute,
order to reveal it as this Jesus Christ. The moment this takes place, tbe Logos-idea
is allowed to drop." It is true that the author does not seek to prove Christ's
divinity by means of external philosophical and cosmological considerations, but it is
doubtful whether the idea of the Logos is so sharply and totally dropped as Harnack
argues, in the rest of the gospel: cp. Resell (TU, x. 4, p. 41 f.), and Holtzmann
(ZwTh, 1893, pp. 385-406 ; NTTh, ii. p. 396 f. ; HC, iv. i. pp. 40-45), and for tbe
connection of the prologue with the gospel, Prof. R. A. Falconer (E;qj.5 ilarch
1897, pp. 222-234), Baldensperger (Prolog, pp. 165-171), and Wendt (Joh.-Evglm.
pp. 205-215).
1 In A. H. Franke's monograph (Das Alte Testament bei Joh. 1885) tbe author of
the gospel is made a Jewish-Christian of legal prochvities : see Riebm's critique (SE,
1884, pp. 563-582). The use of italics in the text of the preseut edition will serve to
bring out the facts upon which such theories rest. Yet, even when full allowance is
made for these, it must be said that to discard the Philonic atmosphere is to assign
early Christianity a self-isolating tendency within distinctly Judaistic lines, for which
the evidence is quite insufficient. By the last quarter of the first century, and to
some extent before that, outside influences were beginning to make themselves felt
on most sides of the primitive faith.
2 Still, Thoma's standard discussion is not so balanced as that of 0. Holtzmann.
The latter rightly gives a less academic and more natural view of the book ; be takes
it, not as the exposition of a religious philosophy in historical guise, but as a life of
Jesus written for the purposes of Christian devotion by an author who, in all likeli
hood of Jewish birth himself, had been influenced by Alexandrian Judaism, and was
acquainted with Pauline ideas. This does not exclude the possibility that the Logos-
speculations throve in Ephesus almost independently of Alexandria (Sabatier, Revue
del' Hist, des Religions, 1897, p. 173 f.).
3 0. Holtzmann, Neutest. Zeitgesch. §§ 38-40, pp. 232-245. As Kuenen points
out (Relig. Israel (Eng. tr.) iii. p. 202 f.j, the fruits of Hellenism were plucked by
philosophy and Christianity rather than by Judaism. " In the history of the Jewish
religion after the year 70 of our era, it may be passed over almost in silence." Cp.
Harnack (ThLz, 1889, p. 173 ; Das Wesen des Christentums, 1900, pp. 126-128).

494 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
God's Son in deed and word. These tendencies are alike due to the
fact that the book is preoccupied with the semi-Christian and anti-
Christian beliefs of the age ; and yet it is easier to feel in its pages the
contemporary problem of Judaism than even the prevailing errors and
needs of Hellenism. Here we have the conception of an antagonism
between Jesus and the Jews, which steadily deepens through revel
ation and unbelief, until it culminates in his rejection and their doom.
But this is more than an interpretation of the life of Jesus.1 It is meant
to be a symbol of the actual outcome, in history, of the relation between
Christianity and Judaism during the years 30-90 a.d. The experience
of Christ2 is made the microcosm of the church's career (compare
Jo 1240 with Ac 28271). Under tbe dialogue and discourses there is the
underlying consciousness of Judaism as an active and subtle propaganda,
whose rivalry and polemic have to be dialectically met. This helps to
explain the curiously distant tone in which the Jews are spoken of
throughout the book (cp. M. Arnold, God and the Bible, pp. 142, 143),
and throws light upon theological debates like those in chapters 5-10,
which turn upon questions and controversies vital mainly to the age of the
Epigoni, when the character and authority of Jesus had come to be
openly canvassed by Jewish critics.
After the political overthrow of Judaism, Christianity was free to
trace back her origin to the older national faith, without the fear of
being misunderstood, and without that need of asserting her distinctiveness
and independence, which pressed for example on Paul at an earlier stage
(Gal l13'24). Even then Jerusalem had been acknowledged as in a sense
the centre of the world (Ro 1519, airo 'lepovcraAgp). But this germ was
developed in the later writings, in Acts where the writer's pragmatism
leads him to find the start of Christianity in the old capital and in its
church (l1— 81), in the apocalypse of John with its " new Jerusalem "—
although the language is poetic, and the aim visionary — and especially
in the fourth gospel, where Jerusalem absorbs almost all the ministry of
Jesus. It is present to a lesser degree in the synoptic gospels, where the
Jerusalem tendency is only developing. Christianity in fact came to be
more and more put forward (cp. Ep. Barnabas, passim) as the fruit and
fulfilment of Judaism. This view must have prevailed of course in
embryo previous to 70 A.D., but it was only after that epoch that the
conception of the new religion as a sublimated Judaism could become
characteristic and dominant in the literature (vide Hilgenfeld on "the
anti-Judaism of the fourth gospel " : ZwTh, 1898, pp. 507-517).
1 Tavra 5j y'-ypaTTat, 'Iva critrTivo"/,Ti oti '\v,trovs Itrnv o Upttrrcs o vies tov &lov, xxi i'v* crnrrliiews
'Co>r,v 'ix-oT. \v t£ ovopcaTt uvtov (Jo 2031). It is curious to read the almost contemporary
language of Tacitus at the close of his biography of Agricola, with its grave ethical
beauty: "Id flliae quoque uxorique praeceperim, sic patris, sic mariti memoriam
venerari, ut omnia facta dictaque eius secum resolvant, formamque ac figuram animi
magis quam corporis complectantur . . . ut vultus hominum, ita simulacra vultus
imbecilla ac mortalia sunt, forma mentis aeterna, quam tenere et exprimere non per
alienam materiam et artem, sed tuis ipse moribus possis." God fully and finally
revealed in Jesus — that is the theme of the fourth gospel. To justify and commend
this conviction is the author's purpose, and under this dominating tendency history
becomes essentially the handmaiden of faith. See this argued most capably by Schiirer
in the work cited below, and compare Philo's use of Moses to illustrate the Logos.
2 Perhaps this helps to account for the argumentative aspect of Christ's self-
revelation in the gospel, which contrasts strangely with the synoptic method of self-
expression through deeds and dialogue. " Ici le Dieu argument* afin de demontrer
sa divinite. C'est la rose se faisant disputeuse pour prouver son parfum " (Kenan,
L'Eglise Chr it. p. 62). See also above, pp. 35-36.

THE FOURTH GOSPEL 495
In regard to the question of the date, then, the Johannine problem
has now been brought to a somewhat final if approximate (E. H. Hall,
Papias, pp. 301-314) conclusion — and that upon fairly traditional lines.
Formerly the gospel was put far down into the second century among
currents of Gnosticism, Montanism, and the Easter-controversy in Asia
Minor (Baur = 170 A.D.,Zeller = before 150 c). After Hilgenfeld (pp. 132-
140) and Scholten, Thoma (Die Gen. d. Johan. Evangel. 1882) came
down to 140 c.1 and has been followed more recently by Martineau (Seat
of Authority, pp. 189-243), H. J. Holtzmann (HG, iv. i. pp. 14, 15) and
Pfleiderer (Urc. pp. 776-786). Still further, 110-115 a.d., or later, was
adopted by Reuss, Sabatier, and Renan (L'Eglise Chretienne, chaps, iv. v.,
dating gospel and epistles in Hadrian's reign), after Keim (i. pp. 183-207),
who subsequently relapsed to 130 a.d. Dr. Cone (Gospel Criticism, pp. 224-
253) inclines to 125-150 ; Wendt and Jiilicher (Einl. pp, 247-250) again
choose broadly the first quarter of the second century, while 100-150 is
advocated by Oscar Holtzmann (Das Joh. Evglium. 1887) and A. Reville
(130-150). Forty years ago, however, Ritschl (Entstehung, p. 48 n.) had
broken quite away from the second-century date, and his instinct has been
corroborated by some modern movements in criticism which tend to fix
the gospel between 90 and 100. "We may look forward," wrote Lightfoot,
" to the time when it will be held discreditable to the reputation of any
critic for sobriety and judgment to assign to this gospel any later date
than the end of the first century, or the very beginning of the second "
(ExpA i. 10). The forecast has only been a trifle too sanguine. Besides the
fact that a commentary (Herakleon's) could be written upon it, as an
authoritative book, by 160 a.d., the use of the gospel by Justin Martyr (147
a.d.) and Basileides (c. 125, quoted in the Philosophumena, vii. 22) points
to its circulation (Zahn, GK, i. pp. 220-262) comparatively early in the
second century. This furnishes a terminus ad quem ; and the argument is
reinforced, for those who accept the Johannine authorship, by the tradition
(but cp. Harnack, Chron. pp. 320 f., 656 f.) which extends the lifetime
and Ephesian residence of John down to the reign of Trajan, when the
apostle would be Left alive
Like a sea-jelly weak on Patmos strand,
To tell dry sea-beach gazers how I fared
When there was mid-sea, and the mighty things ;
Left to repeat, "I saw, I heard, I knew,"
And go all over the old ground again,
With antichrist already in the world.
Generally between 95 and 115 — nearer the latter year, in all
probability, than the former— the gospel may be conjectured to have
been written,2 separated from the period of its subject by an interval
which, it is interesting to notice, roughly corresponds with that which lies
between Columba and his biographer Adamnan. Sanday,3 after Godet
^Relying on the rather hazardous interpretation of 5® ll43 as reflections of the
Jewish revolt and annihilation under Bar-kokhba, 135 a.d. For a conclusive rejec
tion of the older idea, that the date of the gospel was affected by its supposed refer
ences to the quarto-deciman controversy, cp. Drummond (AJT, i. pp. 601-637).
3 So Wilkinson (Four Lectures on Early History of Gospels), attributing the author
ship to John the presbyter. Similarly McGiffert (AA, pp. 609-614). Apart from
the question of authorship (which— if decided in favour of John the apostle— imposes
c 100 as a limit), the main help in fixing this approximate date, as has been iudicated,
comes from the results gained in the criticism of the synoptic gospels.
3 "The present position of the Johannine Question" (Exp* v. 91). Zahn

496 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
(" John " (Eng. tr.), i. pp. 184-251), limits the date more precisely to 83-89,
but it is much safer 1 (with Schanz and Schafer) to take the closing
decade of the century as the earliest limit. So M. Arnold (God and the
Bible, pp. 135-225), Weiss, Westcott (John xxxv.-xl. ; Study of the Gospels,
p. 239), Plummer (GGT, 80-95 a.d.), Reith (Gospel of John, i. p. xxix),
and Adeney (BI, p. 337). Harnack, denying the authorship to John
the apostle, chooses widely 80-110 a.d. (Chron. pp. 655-680) ; and cp.
Weizsacker, A A, ii. pp. 150 f., 166 f., 206-236; Untersuchungen, Erster
Theil. The universalism of the writing (1718, Kocrpos occurs seventy-eight
times in John, fifteen times in the synoptists) rests upon the inherent
nature of Jesus (1°) and his resurrection (1232) : and it is quite in keeping
with this " catholic " tendency, which marks the opening of the seeond
century, that the nations share in Christ's kingdom owing to its natural ex
pansion, and not on account of anyabrogation of the obstacles in the Jewish
law. " It is no longer necessary to discuss terms with the obligatoriness
of the law." Christianity is itself a new Law, its conditions not
natural but universal, not external but inward. The Jews have set them
selves aside by their hostility to Jesus (123S4°) ; to them in fact he appeared
what Julius Caesar had become for Lucan, the embodiment of a hateful
and ruinous success. Hence the saying, ev rfj dpaprla ipav a-troOaveio-Be
(821- 21) is substantially the epitaph of Judaism, written by Christianity
as the first century closed.
Evidently also the period was one when the primitive tradition of
Jesus, as held by the early church, could no longer suffice by itself
(1612- 13), but required to be supplemented by expansion (1625) into fuller
and richer developments through fresh revelations of the Spirit in its
continuity (1416- 26- etc.). Parallel with this lie traces of extensive
activity (438) and its results (1016 1720), very possibly too of disappoint
ments and failure (IO12 156 1) ; above all, the need of unity (17).2
Outward and inward evidence, then, converge to a date +100, although
they do not permit of any greater precision in regard, at any rate, to the
time of this book's composition.
The way in which the Logos-conception is introduced and used,
indicates that it was familiar to the writer's audience ; for, as Hebrews
suggests, the gnostical method had already begun to permeate certain
circles of early Christianity. The later literature not merely points to
the popularity of the method (e.g. Barnabas), but shows that it was not
without dangers for the faith. Signs of a reaction are not awanting.
The first epistle of John is a protest against certain inferences which were
drawn from such gnostical treatment of the evangelic history, and
singularly puts the gospel and epistles between 80 and 90 a.d. (Einl. ii. pp. 549-564).
Schtirer's invaluable paper ( Ueber die gegenwartigen Stand d. Joh. Frage), read at the
Giessen Conference of 1889, has been reproduced in the Contemp. Review for
September 1891, pp. 388-417, with a conservative reply from Sanday (ibid. pp. 529-
544) containing some important admissions on the question of the Johannine style
as an exact historical medium.
1 Especially if it is held that while our synoptic gospels belong to the years pre
ceeding 90, and the Johannine gospel came into existence shortly afterwards, the
canon of our four gospels rose soon after the publication of tbe fourth gospel in
Asia Minor. So, with Harnack and Zahn, Dr. Paul Rohrbach (Der Schluss ate
Markusevangeliums, p. 66) ; cp. also Eck (Preussisehe Jahrb'dcher, 1898, pp. 25-45),
who makes John the presbyter the author of tbe book.
2 Compare the fine eucharistie prayer (Didache) almost contemporary with the
fourth gospel : 'oieTlp %v tovto to xXao-pia %tarxopctt7pdvov icravu tuv op'im xai avvttxw
lyivlTo 'iv, outoj a-vvaxQtlToi irov n ixx\r,eria axo txv crlparoiv TVS y~f,s its tv)v <rr,v $atri\Otav,

THE FOURTH GOSPEL 497
threatened to dissipate the faith (particularly the human life and death
of Jesus) in a subjective spiritualism. So afterwards, e.g. in 2 Ti 217,
the resurrection 1 (and with it the return of Jesus) bad to be recovered
from this thaw of abstract speculation, and in Judas and 2 l\-ter the
distinctive- eschatological hopes are reiterated in their archaic forms
against the novel disparagement which they suffered at the hands of
semi-philosophic conceptions. Thus the fourth gospel marks an epoch
in two senses. It denotes the entrance of this Hellenistic guosis on a
large scale into early Christian literature, while it furnishes at the same
time a standpoint from which the later literature can be definitely
estimated in its varied currents. The strength of the gnostical spirit in
early Christianity is shown not merely by the way in which the author
of the fourth gospel exploited it for the sake of presenting the historical
faith, but by the fact that its fascination soon required a corrective and
almost a protest in the very circles where it had first been welcomed
(Wendt, Joh. Evglm. p. 211 f.). As the first epistle of John indicates,
the interests of historical religion and piety alike required a check to be
placed upon the tendencies that made for the identification of Philonic
conceptions with the Christian doctrines of Jesus and his central
personality. The possibility that all the gospels were finally edited (in Asia Minor,
or even Ephesus) during the first quarter of the second century hardly
affects the main problem of their dates. Such editing involved the har
monising and supplementing of the synoptic texts, but these — with the
exception of one or two obvious passages— already existed in what is sub
stantially their present form. The extent and the nature of this process
are questions which belong rather to the literary criticism of the writings
or to the history of the canon, than to the chronological determination
of the original texts. Upon the latter problem they throw little light.
Thus even Zahn, after a rather unsuccessful endeavour to minimise the
differences of style between the fourth gospel and the apocalypse, is forced
to conclude with the admission that John may haA'e allowed the style of
his writings to be revised by more accomplished friends (Einl. ii. p. 617).
A similar device was adopted by Josephus (c. Apion. i. 9). Wendt again
identifies the author of his " source " used in the fourth gospel with the
author of the first epistle, but refuses to identify either this author
or the fourth evangelist with the author of the apocalypse.
Finally, the terms " genuine " and " Johannine " are out of place in
strictly scientific work upon the fourth gospel. It is genuine upon the
score not of authorship but of contents — thanks to the fidelity and
insight with which it serves to express certain elements of Christianity
as the personal spirit and mind of Jesus. Similarly it is Johannine,
niany critics would admit, upon any theory of its origin. Even although
they see no adequate reason for accepting the tradition which assigns the
book to the apostle John, and several cogent reasons to the contrary, they
would hardly deny that nevertheless the volume is Johannine — in the
sense that any historical element throughout its pages may be traced
back directly or indirectly to that apostle and his school.
iAkin perhaps to the system of Simon Magus' pupil, Menander (Iren
Haer. I. 23. 5), who taught that his baptism involved freedom from death (
discipulos ultra non posse mori, sed perseverare non senescentes et immortales ").

32

Adr. eius

The gospel was written under tbe colours of a primitive apostle. But
under cover of that teacher's passionately defended authority we have a
new spirit, views that go far beyond those of the primitive church. This
teaching does not merely presuppose Paulinism and its consequences, to which
indeed there is nowhere a clear reference. It already implies the existence
of that Christianity which had begun on heathen soil to develop into an
unfettered world -religion, and had carried with it all the healthier elements
of Jewish Christianity. . . . The union at so early a date of the personal faith
in Jesus with the doctrine of the Logos, in itself became of the greatest
significance for the history of Christianity. It meant neither more nor less
than that the church had come to regard its religion as universal, and that,
in a form which prepared the way for the whole future amalgamation of the
Christian idea with the highest thought of Greek philosophy. ... For a
primitive apostle, this is inconceivable. But by one who wrote at second-hand
the communications of an apostle could be related to a theology which justified
and explained faith in Christ as faith in the Logos of God ; by such a writer
the whole life, the whole aspect of it, could be transformed into a great
haggadic, didactic work. — Weizsacker.

40S

THE FOTJBTH GOSPEL

1-6
11-13
119-51 oi_jJP
4*-671

1-12
;>-io*

Prologue : the Logos, God, and the world. f John : his ministry and
The preparation : witness borne to Jesus by-! confession.
[the first disciples.
Galilee : (i) miracle of water and wine.
Jerusalem : festival of passover.
Samaria : two days.

The earlier ministry :

/The conflict:

11-12

13-20

Galilee : (ii) miracle, cure of officer's son.
Jerusalem : festival, (iii) miracle : speech —
the Son and the Father.
Galilee : (iv) miracle of loaves, (v) miracle
of walking on sea : speech —
Christ and men, the bread of
life.
(Jerusalem : festival of tabernacles, renewed
opposition of priests and
Pharisees :
teaching in temple, con
troversy.
(vi) miracle, cure of blind
man,fresb controversy.
festival of dedication.debate and
controversy. retirement of Jesus out
side Judaea.
Judaea : (vii) miracle, resurrection of
Lazarus, conspiracy o f priests
and Pharisees :
retirement of Jesus.
triumphal entry and welcome into
Jerusalem :
. close of public ministry.
festival of passover.
i the last supper.

('the union of Christ
and his disciples.
the Spirit and the
13-17 Jesus and the disciples : the last speeches on*, future.
the work of Christ
in and for his
disciples.
Uhe Lord's prayer.
fin the garden — betrayal by Judas.
before Armas and Kaiaphas — denial 1 iv
18-19 Jesus and the passion : - Peter.
before Pilate — trial, crucifixion, death,
v. and burial. |"Mary Magdalene.
After death: the threefold appearance of Jesus to- the ten disciples.
[the eleven disciples.
[Appendix : Jesus and the disciples at the lake of Galilee.]
499

2021

THE FOUKTH GOSPEL
1 1 Ix the beginning was the Logos,
And the Logos was with God,
And the Logos was God :
2 The same was in the beginning with God.
3 All things were made through him,
And apart from him not one thing was made that has been made.
4 In him was life,
And the life was the light of men.
5 And the light shines in the darkness,
Yet the darkness has not extinguished it.
6 There appeared a man sent from God, whose name was John.
7 The same came to bear witness,
To witness concerning the light,
That all might believe through him.
8 He was not the light,
But he came to witness concerning the light.
9 The true light which lightens every man was coming into the world.
10 In the world he was,
And through him the world was made,
Yet the world knew him not :
1 1 He came to his home,
Yet his own people did not welcome him.
12 But to all who accepted him he gave the power of becoming God's
children —
Even to those who believe on his name —
13 Who were born, not of blood, nor of the inclination of the flesh, nor
of the inclination of man, but of God.
14 And the Logos became flesh and dwelt among us.
And we beheld his majesty, majesty such as the only Son has from
the Father,
Full of grace and truth ;
15 (John bears witness of him, and cries, saying, " This is he of whom I said ;
' He who comes after me is put before me,
For he was earlier than I.' ")
16 For out of his fulness we have all received,
Even grace upon grace.
17 For the law was given through Moses :
The grace and the truth came through Jesus Christ.
18 No one has ever seen God :
The only Son, who is in the bosom of the Father, it was he who
unfolded him.
19 And this is the witness of John. When the Jews sent priests and
20 Levites to him from Jerusalem to ask him, " Who art thou 1 " he owned
— he would not deny it — he owned, " It is not I who am the Christ."
600

121-50] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 501
21 And they asked him, " What then ? Art thou Elijah ? " And he says, " I
22 am not." " Art thou the Prophet ? " And he answered, " No." They
said to him then, " Who art thou 1 tell us, that we may have a reply to
23 give to those who sent us. What sayest thou of thyself ? " He said, " I am
The voice of one crying in the wilderness,
' Make level the way of the Lord ' ;
24 even as the prophet Isaiah said." And it was some of the Pharisees
25 who had been sent ; and they asked him, and said to him, " Why art
thou baptizing then, if thou art neither the Christ, nor Elijah, nor the
26 Prophet V John answered them, saying,
" With water I baptize.
In the midst of you stands one whom you know not,'
27 He who comes after me :
The thong of whose sandal I am not worthy to untie.''
28 This took place in Bethany across the Jordan, where John was baptizing.
29 On the next day he sees Jesus coming to him, and says, " Behold ! it is
30 the Lamb of God, who takes the sin ot the world away. This is he of
whom I said, ' After me comes a man who is put before me ; for he was
31 earlier than I.' And I did not know him myself ; but I have come
32 baptizing with water, in order that he may be disclosed to Israel." And
John bore witness, saying, " I have beheld the Spirit descending like a
33 dove out of the sky, and it rested upon him. And I did not know him
myself ; but he who sent me to baptize with water, he said to me, ' On
whomsoever thou shalt see the Spirit descending and resting upon him,
34 the same is he who baptizes with the holy Spirit. ' And I have seen,
and I have borne witness that this is the Son of God."
35 On the next day again John was standing along with two of his
36 disciples, and as Jesus walked he looked at him and says, " Behold ! it is
37 the Lamb of God ! " And the two disciples heard him speak, and they
38 followed Jesus. Now Jesus turned and observed them following ; and
he says to them, " What do you want ? " And they said to him,
" Babbi,"— (that is, when translated, "Teacher") — "where art thou
39 staying ? " He says to them, " Come, and you shall see." So they
came and saw where he stayed, and they stayed with, him that day (it
40 was about the tenth hour). One of the two men who heard what John
41 said and followed him, was Andrew, Simon Peter's brother. First of all
he finds his own brother Simon, and says to him, " We have found the
42 Messiah" (that is, when translated, "Christ"). He brought him to
Jesus. Jesus looked at him and said, " Thou art Simon, the son of
John. Thou shalt be called Kephas " (that is, when translated, " Peter ").
43 On the next day he desired to depart into Galilee, and there
44 he finds Philip. And Jesus says to him, " Follow me." Now Philip
was from Bethsaida, he belonged to the city of Andrew and Peter.
45 Philip finds Nathanael and says to him, "We have found him of whom
Moses wrote in the law, and of whom the prophets wrote, Jesus the son
46 of Joseph, who is from Nazaret." And Nathanael said to him, " Can
anything good come out of Nazaret 1 " Philip says to him, " Come and
47 see." Jesus saw Nathanael coming to him, and says of him, " Look !
48 there is an Israelite, to be sure, in whom there is no guile ! " Nathanael
says to him, " Whence knowest thou me?" Jesus answered and said to
him, " Before Philip called thee, I saw thee, when thou wast under the
49 fig-tree." Nathanael answered him, " Kabbi, thou art the Son of God,
50 thou art king of Israel ! " Jesus answered and said to him, " Believest
thou, because I said to thee that I saw thee below the fig-tree ? Thou shalt

502 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l51-34
51 see greater things than these." And he says to him, " Truly, I tell yon,
truly, you shall see the sky opened, and the angels of God ascending and
descending upon the Son of man."
2 1 And on the tliird day a marriage took place in Kana of Galilee ; and
2 the mother of Jesus was there. Now Jesus had also been invited to the
3 marriage, with his disciples. And on the wine running short, the mother
4 of Jesus says to him, " They have no wine." But Jesus says to her,
"Woman, what have I to do* with thee? My hour has not come yet."
5, 6 His mother says to the servants, " Do whatever he tells you." Now
there were six stone water-jars lying there, in accordance with the Jew;'
7 practice of purification, each holding about twenty gallons. Jesus says
to them, " Fill the water-jars with water." And they filled them up to
8 the brim. And he says to them, " Now, draw some out and take it to
9 the master of the table." And they took it. Now when the master of
the table tasted the water which had become wine, and knew not where
it had come from (but the servants who had drawn the water knew), the
10 master of the table calls the bridegroom and says to him, "Everyman
serves the good wine first, and when people have got drunk he serves the
poorer wine. Thou hast kept the good wine until now ! "
11 Jesus made this beginning of the signs in Kana of Galilee, and disclosed
his majesty ; and his disciples believed on him.
12 After this he went down to Kapharnahum, he and his mother and
his brothers and his disciples ; and there they stayed for a few days.
13 And when the passover of the Jews was near, Jesus went up
14 to Jerusalem. And he found sitting in the temple sellers of oxen and
15 sheep and doves, and money -brokers. Then, making a scourge of cords
he drove them all, sheep and oxen together, out of the temple, and he
16 scattered the coins of the money-changers and upset their tables ; and he
said to the seUers of doves, " Take these hence. Make not my Father's
17 house a house of trade." (His disciples remembered that it was
18 written, Zeal for thy house consumes me.) The Jews then addressed him,
saying, "What sign hast thou to show us, since thou art acting thus?"
19 Jesus answered and said to them, "Destroy this sanctuary, and in three
20 days I will raise it up." The Jews then said, " Six and forty years
this sanctuary took to build. And thou wilt raise it up in three days'
21, 22 time ! " But he was speaking of the sanctuary of his body. (So when
he rose from the dead, his disciples remembered that he said this ;
and they believed the scripture and the word which Jesus had
spoken.)
23 Now when he was in Jerusalem at the passover, celebrating the
festival, many believed on his name when they saw his signs which he
24 was performing. But he, Jesus, would not trust himself to them, since
25 he knew them all, and because he recpuired no one to bear witness
3 1 concerning man ; for he knew what was in man. Now there
was a man belonging to the Pharisees named Nfkodemus, a ruler of the
2 Jews. He came to him by night and said to him,
" Babbi, we know thou hast come as a teacher from God :
For no one can perform those signs which thou art performing,
unless God be with him."
3 Jesus answered and said to him,
" Truly, I tell thee, truly,
Unless a man be born from above
He cannot see the reign of God."
4 Nikodemus says to him,

35-27] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 503
" How can a man be born when he is old ?
Can he enter his mother's womb a second time and be born ? "
5 Jesus replied,
" Truly, I tell thee, truly,
Unless a man be born of water and Spirit,
He cannot enter the reign of God.
6 What is born of the flesh is flesh :
And what is born of the Spirit is spirit.
7 Marvel not that I said to thee,
' You must be born from above.'
8 The wind blows where it wills, and thou hearest its sound,
But whence it comes and whither it goes, thou knowest not :
So is it with every one born of the Spirit."
9 Nikodemus answered and said to him, " How can these things be ? "
10 Jesus answered and said to him, " Art thou the teacher of Israel, and
1 1 understandest thou not these things ? Truly, I tell thee, truly,
We speak of what we know and bear witness to what we have
seen,
Yet you accept not our witness.
12 If I told you earthly things and you believe not,
How shall you believe if I tell you heavenly things ?
13 And no one has ascended into heaven except he who descended
from heaven,
The Son of man who is in heaven.
14 And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness,
So must the Son of man be lifted up,
15 That every one who believes in him may have life eternal.
16 For God so loved the world that he gave his only Son,
That every one who believes on him might not perish but have
life eternal.
17 For God sent not his Son that he might judge the world,
But that the world might be saved through him.
18 He who believes on him is not condemned :
Whoever believes not, is condemned already,
Because he has not believed on the name of the only Son of God.
19 And the condemnation is this ; that the light has come into the
world,
Yet men have loved the darkness rather than the light,
For their deeds are evil.
20 For every one who does ill hates the light and comes not to the
light,
Lest his works should be exposed.
21 But he who practises the truth comes to the light,
That his deeds may be disclosed, because they have been
wrought in God."
22 After this, Jesus and his disciples went into the land of Judaea ; and
23 there he spent some time with them and baptized. Now John also was
baptizing in Aenon near Salim, as there was plenty of water there ; and
24 people came and had themselves baptized (for John, was not yet thrown
25 into prison). Thereupon a controversy arose between some of John's
26 disciples and a Jew in regard to purification. And they came to John
and said to him, "Rabbi, he who was with thee across the Jordan, to
whom thou hast borne witness — lo, he is baptizing, and all men come to
27 him ! " John answered and said, " A man cannot receive anything,

504 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [.328-420
28 unless it has been given him from heaven. You yourselves bear nie
29 witness that I said, ' I am not the Christ, but I am sent before him.' He
who has the bride is the bridegroom. But the friend of the bridegroom
who stands and listens to him, rejoices keenly at the bridegroom's voice:
30 this my joy, then, is complete. He must increase, but I must decrease."
31 He who conies from above is far above all,
He who is of the earth, of the earth he is and of the earth he
speaks :
32 He who comes from heaven x bears witness to what he has seen
and heard,
Yet no man accepts his witness :
33 He who has accepted his witness has certified that God is
truthful.
34 For he whom God has sent speaks the words of God,
For he gives not the Spirit sparingly.
35 The Father loves the Son,
And he has given all things into his hand.
36 He who believes on the Son has life eternal :
And he who is disobedient to the Son shall not see life,
But the wrath of God rests upon him.
4 1 When therefore the Lord learned that the Pharisees had heard of
2 Jesus making and baptizing more disciples than John (though indeed
3 Jesus did not himself baptize, it was his disciples), he left Judaea and
4, 5 went away again to Galilee. Now he had to pass through Samaria. So
he comes to a city of Samaria called Sychar, near the piece of land that
6 Jacob gave to his son Joseph ; and Jacob's spring was there. Wearied
8 therefore with his journey, Jesus sat as he was beside the spring ; for
his disciples had gone away into the city to buy provisions. It was
7 about tbe sixth hour. A woman of Samaria comes to draw water.
9 Jesus says to her, "Give me a drink?" The Samaritan woman says to
him therefore, " How is it that thou, who art a Jew, askest drink from
me, a Samaritan woman ? " (For Jews did not associate with Samaritans.)
10 Jesus answered and said to her, " Hadst thou known the free gift of God,
and who it is that says to thee, ' Give me to drink,' thou wouldst have
11 asked him, and he would have given thee living water?" The woman
says to him, ' Sir, thou hast nothing to draw with, and the well is deep !
12 From whence then hast thou the living water ? Thou ! art thou greater
than our father Jacob who gave us the well, and drank of it himself, with
13 his sons and his cattle 1" Jesus answered and said to her,
"Every one who drinks of this water
Shall thirst again.
14 But every one who drinks of the water that I shall give him,
Shall never thirst at all ;
But the water that I shall give liim
Shall become in him a spring of water welling up to life eternal."
15 The woman says to him, " Sir, give me this water, that I may not
16 thirst, or have to come here all the way to draw." Jesus says to her,
17 " Go, call thy husband, and come back here." The woman answered
and said,2 " I have no husband." Jesus says to her, " Thou wert right in
18 saying, ' I have no husband ' ; for thou hast had five husbands, and he
whom thou hast now is not thy husband. Therein thou hast spoken
19, 20 truly." The woman says to him, " Sir, I see thou art a prophet. Our
i Omitting iTavo. Tavtw io-riv . . tovto. 2 Omitting [[«yT?.]]

421"47] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 505
fathers worshipped on this mountain ; and you say that the place where
21 men ought to worship is at Jerusalem." Jesus says to her,
" Believe me, woman, the hour is coming
When neither at Jerusalem nor on this mountain
Shall you worship the Father.
22 You worship what you know not :
We worship what we know
(For salvation comes from the Jews).
23 But the hour is coming and now is,
When the true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and
truth ;
For such indeed the Father seeks to be his worshippers.
24 God is a Spirit :
And those who worship him must worship in spirit and truth."
25 The woman says to him, "I know that Messiah (that is 'Christ') is
26 to come. When he has come, he will disclose everything to us." Jesus
27 says to her, " I am he, I who speak to thee." And at this point
his disciples came, and they wondered that he was talking with a
woman. However, no one said, "What dost thou want?" or "Why art
28 thou talking with her?" So the woman left her water- jar and went
29 away to the city ; and she says to the people, " Come ! see a man who
30 told me all that ever I did. Can this be the ' Christ ' ? " They left the
31 city and went on their way to him. Meanwhile the disciples
32 were begging him, saying, " Rabbi, eat." But he said to them, " I have
33 food to eat, of which you know nothing." So the disciples began to say
34 to one another, " Has anyone brought him something to eat ? " Jesus
says to them, " My food is to obey the will of him who sent me, and
to accomplish his work.
35 Do you not say, ' Four months still, then harvest comes ' ?
Lo, I say to you, lift up your eyes and look on the fields, they are
white for harvest.
36 Already the reaper gets his wages and gathers fruit to life
eternal ;
That the sower and the reaper may rejoice together.
37 For herein is the saying true,
' One sows, another reaps ' :
38 I sent you to reap what you have not laboured at ;
Others have laboured, and into their labour you have entered."
39 Now many of the Samaritans of that city believed on him, owing to
40 the woman's word of witness : " He told me all that ever I did." So
when the Samaritans came to him, they begged him to stay with them.
41 And he stayed there for two days. And many more believed on account
42 of his word ; and they said to the woman, " It is no longer owing to thy
story that we believe. For we have heard for ourselves, and we know
that this man really is the Saviour of the world."
:3, 44 ^ Now after the two days he departed thence to Galilee (for Jesus
himself testified that a "prophet has no honour in his own native
45 place"). So when he came to Galilee, the Galilaeans received him,
because they had seen all he did in Jerusalem at the festival (for they
too went to the festival).
46 So he came once more to Kana of Galilee, where he had made the
water wine. And there was a king's officer whose son was ill at
47 Kapharnahum. On hearing that Jesus had arrived in Galilee from Judaea,
this man went to him and begged him to come down and cure his son

506 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT ^-o20
48 for he was at the point of death. Jesus said to him therefore, " Unless
49 you see signs and wonders, you will not believe." The king's officer
50 says to him, " Come down, Sir, before the child dies." Jesus saya
to him, " Go thy way ; thy son is alive." The man believed the word
51 that Jesus spoke to him, and went on his way. Now when he was still
on the way down, his slaves met him x with the news that his son was
52 living. So he inquired of them the hour at which he began to improve.
They said to him therefore, " Yesterday at the seventh hour, the fever left
53 him." So the father knew it had left him at the very hour at which
Jesus had said to him, " Thy son lives." And he believed, he and the
54 whole of his household. This was the second sign that Jesus performed
once more after coming out of Judaea into Galilee.
5 1 After this there was a festival of the Jews ; and Jesus went up to
2 Jerusalem. Now in Jerusalem there is a pool beside tbe sheep-gate,
3 which is called in Hebrew " Beth-zatha," and has five porticoes. In these
a crowd of invalids used to lie, blind, lame, withered 2 [[, awaiting the
¦i bubbling of the water. For an angel of the Lord stepped down from time
to time into the pool and stirred the water. He then who stepped in first
5 was made whole, no matter what disease he was subject to]]. And one
6 man was there, who had been ill for thirty-eight years. When Jesus saw
him lying and learned that he had been ill for a long time now, he says to
7 him, " Wouldst thou be made whole ? " The invalid answered him, " Sir,
I have no man to put me into the pool when the water is stirred ; and
8 while I am coming myself, another steps down before me." Jesus says to
9 him, " Bise, take up thy pallet and walk." Amd the man immediately
became whole, and he took up his pallet and began to walk.
10 Now it was the sabbath on that day.. So the Jews said to him who had
been cured, " It is the sabbath ; and thou hast no right to take up thy pallet."
11 But he answered them, " The man who made me whole, told me, ' Take up
12 thy pallet and walk.'" They asked him, "Who is the fellow who told
13 thee, ' Take it up and walk ' 1 " Now he who had been cured did not know
who it was ; for (owing to the crowd at the spot) Jesus had slipped away.
14 After this, Jesus comes upon him in the temple, and he said to him, " Be
hold, thou hast been made whole : sin no more, lest something worse befall
15 thee." Away went the man and told the Jews that it was Jesus who had
16 made him whole. And for this reason the Jews began to persecute
17 Jesus, because he did these deeds on the sabbath. But Jesus addressed
18 them, " My Father is working up till now, and I am working." For this
reason then the Jews sought all the more to kill him, because he was not
merely breaking the sabbath but also calling God his own "Father,"
19 making himself equal to God. Jesus then answered and said
to them, " Truly, I tell you, truly,
The Son can do nothing of himself,
Unless he sees the Father doing it ;
For whatever things he does,
These also the Son does in the same way.
20 For the Father loves the Son,
And shows him all that he does himself.
And he will show him greater works than these —
1 Omitting [xai vtyyltXav],
- Adding [[ixhtxopcivcvv ry,v tov v^aris xivtjcnv' "AyyO.cs yap xvp'tov xara xatpov xarljialviv
iv tyi xo?.v/a(3v,8pa xai lTapatro-1 to iiiotp' o ovv crpuTcs \fx$as lyt-'.s lyivlTo o'lu iy,croTl xarli%iio
VOITY,piMTif\.

521"43] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 507
To your wonder.
21 For as the Father raises the dead and makes them live,
So the Son also makes those live whom he will :
22 For indeed the Father condemns no man,
But has given the judgment entirely to the Son,
23 That all may honour the Son,
Even as they honour the Father.
He who honours not the Son,
Honours not the Father who sent him.
24 Truly, I tell you, truly,
He who hears my word and believes him who sent me,
Has life eternal, and comes not under condemnation, but has
passed from death into life.
25 Truly, I tell you, truly,
The hour is coming and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice
of the Son of God,
And those who hear shall live.
26 For as the Father has life in himself, so has he granted the
Son also to have life in himself,
27 And he has given him authority to execute judgment, because
he is a son of man.
28 Wonder not at this :
For the hour comes in which all who are in the tombs shall hear
his voice ;
29 A ndthey shall come out,
Those who have done good, for a resurrection to life,
And those who have done ill, for a resurrection to con
demnation.
30 I cannot do anything of myself. As I hear, I judge :
And my judgment is just, because I seek not my own will but
the will of him who sent me.
31 If I should bear witness concerning myself, my witness is not true.
32 It is another who bears witness concerning me, and I know that
his witness concerning me is true.
33 You have sent to John and he has borne witness to the truth :
34 (The witness I accept is not from man,
But I say this that you may be saved)
35 He was the burning and shining lamp, and for a time you were
pleased to rejoice in his light.
36 But the witness which I have is greater than John's ;
For the works that the Father has given me to accomplish, the
very works I am doing,
Bear witness concerning me that the Father has sent me.
"' And the Father who sent me, he has borne witness concerning me.
His voice you have never heard, and his form you have never seen ;
And you have not his word abiding in you, for you believe not
him whom he sent.
You search the scriptures, for you imagine that in them you have
life eternal
(And indeed they are what bears witness concerning me),
Yet you will not come to me, that you may have life.

38
3940
jl I catch at no credit from men,
** But I know that you have not love to God in you.
™ I have come in the name of my Father, yet you accept me not :

508 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [5^i7 715-24 61"17
If another comes in his own name, him you will accept.
44 How can you believe, when you catch at credit from one another,
And seek not the credit that is from the only God 1
45 Do not imagine I will accuse )rou before the Father :
There is one who accuses you, even Moses on whom your hope
is set.
46 For if you believed Moses, you would believe me ; for it was of me
that he wrote.
47 But if you believe not his writings, how shall you believe my
words?"
7 15 The Jews then marvelled, saying, " How does this man know letters
16 when he has never studied ?" So Jesus answered them and said,
" My teaching is not my own, but his who sent me.
17 If anyone chooses to obey his will, he shall know about the teach
ing, whether it be of God, or whether I speak from myself.
18 He who speaks from himself seeks his own credit :
But he who seeks the credit of him who sent him, he is truthful
and no dishonesty is in him.
19 Has not Moses given x you the law ? yet none of you obeys the law.
20 Why seek to kill me ? " The crowd answered, " Thou hast a daemon !
21 Who seeks to kill thee 1" Jesus answered and said to them, " One work
22 I did, and you are all marvelling. Moses has given you circumcision
(not that its source is Moses, it is the fathers), and on the sabbath you
23 circumcise a man. If a man receives circumcision on the sabbath, that
the law of Moses may not be broken, are you wroth with me, because I
24 made a man entirely whole on the sabbath? Judge not by appearances,
judge uprightly."
6 1 After this Jesus went away to the opposite side of the sea of Galilee,
2 (which is the sea of Tiberias). Now a large crowd used to foUow him,
3 because they saw the signs he performed among those who were ill. And
4 Jesus went up the mountain, and there he sat with his disciples. (Now
5 the passover, the festival of the Jews, was near.) On lifting up his eyes
then, and seeing that a large crowd was coming to him, Jesus says to
6 Philip, " Where are we to buy bread that these people may eat 1" (Now
he said this to make trial of him; for he knew himself what he was going
7 to do.) Philip answered him, " Two hundred shillings' worth of bread is
8 not enough to enable each of them to get a little." One of his disciples,
9 Andrew the brother of Simon Peter, says to him, " There is a little boy
here, who has five barley loaves and two fish. But what are these among
10 so many?" Jesus said, "Make the people lie down." (Now there was
plenty of grass at the spot.) So the men lay down, numbering about
11 five thousand. Jesus then took the loaves, and after giving thanks he
distributed them to those who were reclining ; so also with the fish, as much
12 as they wished. And when they were satisfied, he says to the disciples,
" Gather up the fragments that are left over, so that nothing may be lost."
13 So they gathered them up, and filled twelve baskets with fragments
of the five barley loaves, which had been left over by those who had
14 eaten. When the people therefore saw the sign which he per
formed, they said, " This is really the Prophet, who is to come into the
15 world." So on learning that they were about to come and seize him, in
order to make him Mug, Jesus retired once more to the mountain by
16 himself alone. When it was evening his disciples went down
17 to the sea, and after embarking in a boat proceeded across the sea to
1 Reading oi'ouxiv.

6i8"42] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 509
Kapharnahum. By this time it had become dark, and Jesus had not yet
18 19 come to them ; the sea too was rising, as a strong wind blew. Now after
rowing for three or four miles, they see Jesus walking on the sea and
20 drawing near to the boat. And they were afraid. But he says to them,
21 " It is I ; be not afraid." Then they were ready to take him into the
boat. And immediately the boat was at the land for which they were
making.
22 On the next day, the crowd that stood on the other side of the sea saw
that no small boat had been there except one, and that Jesus had not
entered the boat with his disciples, but that his disciples had gone away
23 alone. (Still, small boats had arrived from Tiberias near to the spot
24 where they ate the bread after the Lord had given thanks.) When the
crowd therefore saw that Jesus was not there, nor his disciples, they em
barked in the small boats themselves and went to Kapharnahum in search
25 of Jesus. And after finding him on the other side of the sea, they said to
26 him, " Babbi, when didst thou come here ? " Jesus answered them and
said, " Truly, I tell you, truly, you are seeking me, not because you saw
signs, but because you ate of the loaves and were satisfied.
27 Work not for the food that perishes,
But for the food that lasts to life eternal ;
And that shall the Son of man give you,
For the Father, even God, has authorised him."
28 Accordingly they said to him, " What are we to do, that we may perform
29 the works of God ? " Jesus answered and said to them, " This is the work
30 of God, to believe on him whom he has sent." So they said to him,
" What dost thou perform then as a sign, that we should see and believe
31 thee? What workest thou? Our fathers ate the manna in the wilder-
32 ness ; even as it is written, He gave them bread out of heaven to eat." So
Jesus said to them, " Truly, I tell you, truly,
Moses did not give you the bread out of heaven ;
It is my Father who gives you the true bread out of heaven.
33 For the bread of God is what comes down out of heaven and gives
life to the world."
34, 35 They said to him therefore, " Lord, ever give us this bread." Jesus
said to them,
" I am the bread of life :
He who comes to me shall never hunger,
And he who believes on me shall never thirst any more.
36 But I said to you, that you have seen,1 yet you believe not.
37 All that the Father gives me shall come to me,
And him who comes to me I never will cast out.
38 For I have come down from heaven
Not to obey my own will but the will of him who sent me.
39 And this is the will of him who sent me :
That I should lose nothing of all that he has given me,
But that I should raise it up at the last day.
40 For this is the will of my Father :
That every one who sees the Son and believes on him, should
have life eternal,
And that I should raise him up at the last day."
41 The Jews then began to murmur about him, because he said, " I am
42 the bread which came down out of heaven." And they said, " Is not this
Jesus, the son of Joseph ? We know his father and mother ! How is he
i Omitting pet.

510 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [643"71
43 now saying, ' I have come down out of heaven ' ? " Jesus answered and
said to them, " Murmur not among yourselves.
44 No one can come to me, unless the Father who sent me draws him :
And I will raise him up at the last day.
45 It is written in the prophets, and they shall all be instructed by God.
Every one who has been taught by the Father and has learned,
comes to me.
46 Not that anyone has seen the Father,
Save he who is from God, he has seen the Father.
47 Truly, I tell you, truly,
48 He who believes has life eternal. I am the bread of life.
49 Your fathers ate the manna in the wilderness, and they died :
50 This is the bread which comes down out of heaven,
That a man may eat of it and may not die.
51 I am the living bread which came down out of heaven :
If anyone eats of this bread, he shall live for ever.
And moreover, the bread that I will give is my flesh,
Which I will give 1 for the life of the world."
52 The Jews then began to wrangle with one another, saying, "How can
53 this man give us his flesh to eat ? " So Jesus said to them, " Truly, I tell
you, truly, Unless you eat the flesh of the Son of man and drink his blood,
You have no life in you.
54 He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood
Has life eternal : and I will raise him up at the last day.
55 For my flesh is genuine food, and my blood is genuine drink.
56 He who eats my flesh and drinks my blood
Abides in me and I in him.
57 As the living Father sent me,
And I live owing to the Father :
So he who eats me,
He also shall live owing to me.
58 This is the bread which came down out of heaven —
Not such as the fathers ate and died —
He who eats this bread shaU live for ever."
59 This he said in the synagogue, as he taught in Kapharnahum.
60 Manv of his disciples then, on hearing it, said, " This is a harsh say-
61 ing! Who can listen to it?" But Jesus, conscious that his disciples
were murmuring at this, said to them, " Does this make you stumble ?
62 What then if you see the Son of man going up to where he was before ?
63 It is the spirit that makes alive,
The flesh is of no avail.
The words that I have spoken to you are spirit and life : —
64 . Yet there are some of you who believe not."
(For Jesus knew from the beginning who they were who did not believe,and
65 who was to betray him.) And he said, " It is for this reason that I told
you, ' No one can come to me, unless it be granted him by the Father.' "
66 Upon this many of his disciples drew back and walked no longer
67 with him. So Jesus said to the twelve, "You will not leave me, too?"
68 Simon Peter answered him, " Lord, to whom shall we go ? Thou hast
69 words of life eternal. And for our part we have believed and know that
70 thou art the holy One of God." Jesus answered them, " Have I not
71 chosen you, the twelve ? Yet one of you is a devil." (He meant Judas
1 Adding *d iyo. h^e-u.

7i-i4. 25-40] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 511
the son of Simon of Kerioth ; for it was he who was to betray him,
though he was one of the twelve.)
7 1 And after this Jesus walked in Galilee ; for he would not walk in
2 Judaea, because the Jews were seeking to kill him. Now the Jews'
3 festival, the festival of tabernacles, was near. So his brothers said to
him, " Depart from here and go away into Judaea, so that thy disciples
4 also may see thy works which thou art doing. For no one who seeks to
be publicly known does anything in secret. If thou really doest those
5 things, disclose thyself to the world." (For even his brothers did not
6 believe on him.) So Jesus says to them, "My time has not yet arrived,
7 but your time is always at hand. The world cannot hate you ; but it
8 hates me, because my witness about it is that its deeds are evil. Go you
up to the festival : I am not going up to this festival, because my time
9 is not yet fulfilled." And after saying this to them, he remained in
10 Galilee. But when his brothers had gone up to the festival,
11 then he also went up, not openly but secretly. The Jews therefore
12 were seeking him at the festival, and saying, " Where is he ? " And there
was great discussion among the crowds in regard to him ; some said, " He
is a good man," but others said, " No : he is leading the mob astray."
13 However, no one spoke of him openly, for fear of the Jews.
14 Now when the festival was by this time half-done, Jesus went up into
25 the temple and proceeded to teach. Some of the Jerusalemites
therefore began to say, " Is this not the man they are seeking to kill ?
26 Yet behold, he speaks openly and they say nothing to him ! Surely the
27 rulers cannot have really discovered that this man is the Christ ? No
indeed, we know where this man is from ; but when the Christ comes, no
28 one knows where he is from." So Jesus cried in the temple, as he taught,
and said, "You know me and you know where I am from.
Yet I have not come of myself, but he who sent me is real, and
him you know not.
29 I know him ; for I am from him, and he sent me."
30 They sought therefore to arrest him ; yet no one laid hands on him,
31 because his hour had not yet come. But many out of the crowd believed
on him, and said, " When the Christ comes, will he perform more signs
32 than what this man performs ? " The Pharisees heard the crowd discuss
ing him thus, and officers were sent by the high priests and the Pharisees
33 to arrest him. So Jesus said,
" A little while yet I am with you ;
Then I go to him who sent me.
34 You shall seek me and shall not find me ;
And where I am, you cannot come."
35 The Jews then said to themselves, " Where will this man go, that we
shall not find him ? Will he go to the dispersion among the Greeks, and
36 teach the Greeks ? What is the meaning of this saying that he spoke,
' You shall seek me and shall not find me ;
And where I am, you cannot come ' ? "
37 Now on the last day, the great day of the festival, Jesus stood and
cried, saying,
" If anyone thirst, let him come to me and drink.
38 He who believes on me, even as the scripture hath said, ' out of him
39 shall flow rivers of living waters.' " (He said this with reference to the
Spirit, which those who believed on him were to receive — for as yet there
40 was no Spirit present, because Jesus had not yet been exalted.) Some of

512 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [741-818
tbe crowd then, on hearing these words, said, " This really is the Pro-
41 phet." Others said, " This is the Christ." But some said, " What ! the
42 Christ come out of Galilee ? Hath not the scripture said that the Christ
comes of the offspring of David and from Bethlehem, the village where David
43, 44 lived ? " So a division arose among the crowd over him. Some of them
45 would have arrested him ; yet no one laid hands on him. The officers
therefore came to the high priests and Pharisees ; and they said to them,
46 " Why did you not bring him ? " The officers answered, " Never did
47 man speak as this man speaks." So the Pharisees answered them, " Are
48 you led astray as well ? Has anyone of the rulers believed on him, or
49 anyone of the Pharisees ? But as for this mob, with its ignorance of the
50 law — it is accursed." Nikodemus,1 who was one of them, says to them,
51 "Does our law pass judgment on a man, without first hearing what he
52 has to say and understanding his offence ? " They answered and said to
him, " Art thou out of Galilee too ? Search and learn that out of Galilee
no prophet ever arises."
53, 8 1 [[And every one of them went home, but Jesus went to the mount of
2 Olives. Now early in the morning he again arrived at the temple, and all
3 the people came to him ; and he sat down and began to teach them. And
the scribes and the Pharisees bring a woman who had been caught in
4 adultery ; and after placing her in the midst, they say to him, ' ' Teacher,
5 this woman has been caught in the very act of committing adultery. Now
in the law Moses commanded us to stone such women. What sayest thou,
6 then ? " (Now they said this to make trial of him, that they might have
something to accuse him of.) Jesus stooped and began to write with
7 his finger on the ground. But as they persisted with their question, he
raised himself and said to them, ' ' Let him who is sinless among you be
8 the first to throw a stone at her." And once more he stooped and went
9 on writing with his finger ou the ground. Now when they heard that,
they went out one by one, beginning with the eldest ; and he was left
10 alone with the woman in the midst. Raising himself, Jesus said to her,
11 " Woman, where are they ? did no one condemn thee ? " "No one, Sir,"
she said. Jesus said to her, ' ' Neither do I condemn thee. Go thy way.
Henceforward sin no more."]]
12 Jesus then spoke to them once more, saying,
" I am the light of the world :
He who follows me shall not walk in the darkness, but shall have
the light of life."
13 The Pharisees then said to him, "Thou art bearing witness con-
14 cerning thyself : thy witness is not true." Jesus answered and said to
them, " Even if ever I bear witness concerning myself, my witness is true,
For I know whence I came and where I go.
But you know not whence I come or where I go.
15 You judge after the flesh : I judge no one.
16 Moreover, even if I do judge, my judgment is true :
For I am not alone, but he 2 who sent me is along with me.
17 Besides, in your law it is written, the evidence of two men is
true :
18 I am one who bears witness concerning myself ; also, the Father
who sent me bears witness concerning me."
1 Omitting a l*9&v crpos avrov crpinpov. 2 Omitting [[t«t^/)]].

819"42] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 513
19 They said to him then, " Where is thy father ? " Jesus answered,
" You know neither me nor my Father :
Had you known me, you would have known my Father also."
20 These words he spoke in the treasury, as he taught in the temple ; yet
no one arrested him, because his hour had not yet come.
21 Once more then he said to them,
" I go away :
And you shall seek me, yet you shall die in your sin.
Where I go, you cannot come."
22 The Jews therefore said, " Will he kill himself, that he says, ' Where I
23 go, you cannot come ' ? " And he said to them,
" You are from below,
I am from above.
You are of this world,
I am not of this world.
24 I said to you therefore, ' You shall die in your sins ' :
For unless you believe it is I, you shall die in your sins."
25 They said therefore to him, " Who art thou ? " Jesus said to them,
" How is it that I speak to you at all 1
26 Much have I to say and judge regarding you ;
But he who sent me is truthful,
And to the world I speak what he has taught me."
27 They did not understand that he was speaking to them of the Father.
28 So Jesus said,
" When you have lifted up the Son of man,
Then shall you know it is I, and that I do nothing of myself,
But that I speak even as the Father has taught me.
29 And he who sent me is with me, he has not left me alone :
Because I always do what pleases him."
, 31 As he spoke thus, many believed on him. So Jesus said to the
Jews who had believed him,
" If you remain in my word, you are really my disciples :
32 So shall you know the truth, and the truth shall make you free."
33 They made answer to him, " We are Abraham's offspring, and never have
been slaves to any one. How is it that thou sayest, ' You shall become
34 free ' ? " Jesus answered them, " Truly, I tell you, truly,
Every one who commits sin is the slave of sin.
35 And the slave abides not in the house for ever :
The son abides for ever.
36 So if the Son shall make you free, you shall be really free.
37 I know you are Abraham's offspring :
Yet you seek to kill me, because you have no room for my word.
38 I speak what I have seen with my Father :
And you do also what you have been taught by your father."
39 They answered and said to him, " Abraham is our father." Jesus says to
them, " If you are Abraham's children,
Do 1 the deeds of Abraham.
40 But, as it is, you seek to kill me, a man who has told you the truth
which God has taught me :
41 Abraham did not do this. You do your father's deeds."
They said to him, " We were not born of fornication : we have one
42 Father, God." Jesus said to them, 1 Reading auiiti.
33

514 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [843-98
" Were God your Father, you would love me :
For from God I came out and I am here ;
Nor have I eome of myself, it was he who sent me.
43 Why do you not understand my speech ?
It is because you cannot listen to my word.
44 You have a father — the devil,
And the lusts of your father you choose to obey.
He was a man-slayer from the beginning, and stands not in the
truth,
For there is no truth in him.
When he tells a lie he speaks from his own nature,
For a liar is he and the liar's father.
45 But because I speak the truth,
You believe me not.
46 Which of you convicts me of sin ?
If I speak truth, why not believe me ?
47 He who is of God listens to the words of God :
For this reason you do not listen to them, because you are not of
God."
48 The Jews answered and said to him, " Are we not right in saying thou
49 art a Samaritan and hast a daemon ? " Jesus answered,
" I have no daemon ; I honour my Father, yet you dishonour me.
50 Still, I seek not my own credit ; there is one who seeks it and he is
judge.
51 Truly, I tell you, truly, if anyone keeps my word, he shall never look
on death."
52 The Jews said to him, " Now we are sure thou hast a daemon. Abraham
is dead, and also the prophets. Yet thou sayest, 'If anyone keeps my
53 word, he shall never taste death ' ! Art thou greater than our father
Abraham ? He is dead, and the prophets are dead. Whom dost thou
54 make thyself out to be ? " Jesus answered, " If I magnify myself, my
credit is a mere nothing. It is my Father who magnifies me ; and of him
55 you say, he is your God. But you know him not. I know him ; and
were I to say, ' I know him not,' I should be a liar like you. But I do
know him, and I keep his word.
56 Your father Abraham rejoiced that he was to see my day :
He did see it, and was glad."
57 The Jews then said to him, " Thou art not yet fifty years old, and hast
58 thou seen Abraham ? " Jesus said to them, " Truly, I tell you, truly,
Before Abraham was born, I am."
59 At this they lifted stones to throw at him, but Jesus hid himself by
going out of the temple.
9 1 And as he passed by, he saw a man who had been blind from his
2 birth. And his disciples asked him, saying, " Rabbi, who sinned — this
3 man or his parents — so that he should be born blind ? " Jesus answered,
" Neither this man nor his parents sinned : he was born blind that the
works of God might be disclosed in him.
4 We must perform the works of him who sent me, while it is day :
The night comes, when no man can work.
5 When I am in the world, I am the light of the world."
6 Saying this, he spat on the ground, and made clay with the spittle, and
7 rubbed his eyes with the clay; and he said to him, "Go, wash in the
pool of Siloam " (which is translated, " sent "). So he went away and
8 washed ; and he came, seeing. The neighbours then, and those who had

99-41] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 515
formerly known him by sight as a beggar, began to say, " Is not this the
9 man who used to sit and beg?" Others said, "It is he"; others said,
10 " No, but it is like him." The man said, " It is I." So they said to him,
11 " How then were thine eyes opened ? " He answered, " The man who is
called ' Jesus ' made clay, and rubbed my eyes, and said to me, ' Go
to Siloam and wash.' So I went away and washed, and I regained
12 my sight." They said to him, " Where is he ? " He says, " I do not
13 know." They bring him who had once been blind, to the
14 Pharisees. (Now on the day when Jesus made the clay and opened his
15 eyes, it was the sabbath.) Once more then the Pharisees also asked him
how he had regained his sight. And he said to them, " He put clay
16 upon my eyes ; I washed, and I see." Some of the Pharisees therefore
said, " This man is not from God, because he does not keep the sabbath."
But others said, " How can a man who is a sinner perform such signs ? "
17 And there was a division among them. So once more they said to the
blind man, "What sayest thou of him, seeing that he opened thine
18 eyes?" And he said, "He is a prophet." Now the Jews would not
believe that he had been blind and had regained his sight, until they
19 called the parents of him who had regained his sight and asked them,
saying, " Is this your son who was born, as you say, blind ? How then
20 does he now see ?" His parents answered and said, " We know that this
21 is our son, and that he was born blind. But how he now sees, we know
not ; nor do we know who opened his eyes. Ask him ; he is of age,
22 he will speak for himself." (His parents spoke in this way because they
were afraid of the Jews ; for the Jews had already agreed that if anyone
should confess him to be Christ, he should be excommunicated from the
23 synagogue. This was why his parents said, " He is of age, ask him.")
24 So a second time they called the man who had been blind, and said
25 to him, " Give God the honour : we know this man is a sinner." He
answered then, " Whether he is a sinner, I do not know. One thing I
26 do know : blind as I was, I now see." They said to him therefore,
27 " What did he do to thee 1 How did he open thine eyes ? " He answered
them, " I told you already, and you did not listen. Why would you hear
28 it again ? Would you also become disciples of his ? " They reviled him
29 and said, "Thou art his disciple, but we are disciples of Moses. We
know God has spoken to Moses ; but as for this man, we know not
30 where he is from." The man answered and said to them, " Now here
is the surprising thing ! You know not where he is from, and yet he
81 opened my eyes ! We know that God does not listen to sinners ; but
32 that if anyone is religious and obeys his will, he listens to him. Since
the world began it is a thing unheard of, for anyone to open the eyes of
33 a man born blind. Unless this man were from God, he could do
34 nothing." They answered and said to him, " Thou wast born in sins
every whit, and wouldst thou teach us?" And they cast him
35 out. Jesus heard that they had cast him out ; .and coming upon
36 him, he said, " Believest thou on the Son of man ? " He answered and
37 said, "And who is he, Sir, that I may believe on him ?" Jesus said to
38 him, " Thou hast seen him, and it is he who is talking with thee." And
39 he said, " Lord, I believe "; and he did him reverence. And Jesus said,
" For judgment I came into this world :
That those who see not may see,
And that those who see may turn blind."
40 Some of the Pharisees, those who were with him, heard this ; and they
41 said to him, " Then are we blind too ? " Jesus said to them,

516 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [lO1"22
" If you were blind,
You would have no sin :
But, as it is, you say, ' We see ' —
Your sin remains.
10 1 Truly, I tell you, truly,
He who enters not by the door into the sheep-fold, but climbs up
elsewhere,
He is a thief and a robber ;
2 But he who enters by the door
Is shepherd of the sheep.
3 To him the door-keeper opens, and the sheep listen to his voice,
And he calls his own sheep by name and leads them out.
4 When he has put out all his own, he goes before them; and
the sheep follow him,
Because they know his voice.
5 A stranger they will never follow, but will flee from him,
Because they know not the voice of strangers."
6 Jesus spoke this allegory to them, but they did not understand what he
7 was saying to them. Once more then he said to them, " Truly, I tell you,
truly, I am the door to the sheep.
8 All who came before me were thieves and robbers,
But the sheep did not listen to them.
9 I am the door.
If anyone enters by me, he shall be saved,
And he shall go in and go out and find pasture.
10 Tbe thief comes only to steal and kill and destroy :
I came that they might have life, and have it amply.
11 I am tbe true shepherd :
The true shepherd lays down his life for the sheep.
12 The hired servant, who is no shepherd, whose own the sheep
are not,
Sees the wolf coming and leaves the sheep and flees
— And the wolf snatches and scatters them —
13 Because he is a hired servant, and cares not for the sheep.
14 I am the true shepherd,
And I know my own and my own know me — ¦
15 Even as the Father knows me and I know the Father —
And I lay down my life for the sheep.
16 And other sheep have I, which are not of this fold :
Those I must also bring,
And they shall listen to my voice ;
And there shall come to be one flock, one shepherd.
17 For this my Father loves me, because I lay down my life in order
to take it again.
18 No one takes it away from me ; I lay it down of myself.
I have a right to lay it down, and I have a right to take it
again. -
This commandment I received from my Father."
19 Once more a division arose among the Jews on account of these words.
20 And many of them said, " He has a daemon, and is mad ! Why listen
21 to him ? " Others said, " These are not the sayings of one who is
possessed by a daemon. Can a daemon open the eyes of the blind ?"
22 Now the festival of dedication took place in Jerusalem. It was ,

1023_ni2] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 517
24 winter, and Jesus was walking in the temple, in Solomon's portico. So
the Jews surrounded him and kept saying to him, " How long wilt thou
25 keep us in suspense ? If thou art the Christ, tell us frankly." Jesus
answered them,
" I told you,
Yet you believe not.
The works that I do in my Father's name, these bear witness
concerning me ;
26 But you believe not, because you are not of my sheep.
27 My sheep listen to my voice,
And I know them and they follow me :
28 I give them life eternal, and never shall they perish,
And no one shall snatch them out of my hand.
29 My Father 1 who has given me them is greater than all,
And no one can snatch aught out of the Father's hand.
31 I and the Father are one — " The Jews again took up stones to
32 stone him. Jesus answered them, " Many good works have I shown you
33 from the Father. For which of these works would you stone me?" The
Jews answered him, " We do not stone thee for a good work, but for
34 blasphemy ; because indeed, man as thou art, thou makest thyself out to
35 be God." Jesus answered them, " Is it not written in your law, I said,
S6 ' You are gods ' ? If he caUed them ' gods,' to whom the word of God
came — and the scriptures cannot be broken— do you say of him, whom
the Father consecrated and sent into the world, ' Thou blasphemest,'
because I said, ' I am God's Son ' ?
37 If I am not doing the works of my Father, believe me not.
38 But if I am doing them, believe the works, even should you believe
me not ;
That you may know and be sure that the Father is in me, and I in
the Father."
39 Once more then they sought to arrest him ; but he escaped from their hands.
10 And he went away again across the Jordan to the place where John
U had baptized at first, and there he remained. And many came to him ;
and they said, " John performed no sign, but all that John ever said of
(2 this man was true." And many believed on him there.
1 Now there was a man Lazarus ill, who belonged to Bethany, the
2 village of Mary and her sister Martha. (The Mary whose brother
Lazarus was ill, was the Mary who anointed the Lord with perfume, and
3 wiped his feet with her hair.) So the sisters sent to him, saying, " Lord,
4 behold, he whom thou lovest is ill." But on hearing it Jesus said, " This
illness is not to death ; it is for the honour of God, that the Son of God
5 may be magnified thereby." (Now Jesus loved Martha and her sister and
6 Lazarus.) So on hearing that he was ill, he still remained for two days
7 in the place where he was ; then, after that, he says to his disciples, " Let
8 us go once more into Judaea." The disciples say to him, " Rabbi, the
Jews sought but recently to stone thee ! And art thou going thither
9 again ? " Jesus answered, " Are there not twelve hours in the day ?
If a man walks in the day, he stumbles not ;
For he sees the light of this world.
10 But if a man walks in the night, he stumbles ;
For the light is not in him."
jl Thus he spoke. And after that, he says to them, " Our friend Lazarus
12 has fallen asleep ; but I am going to wake him from sleep." The
1 Reading os liloixO . . . puiZow.

518 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [ll13"48
disciples therefore said to him, " Lord, if he has fallen asleep, he will
13 recover." Now Jesus had spoken of his death, but they imagined that he
14 was speaking of taking rest in sleep. So Jesus then said to them frankly,
15 " Lazarus is dead. And for your sakes I am glad I was not there, that
16 you may believe. But let us go to him." At this, Thomas (that is, "the
Twin") said to his fellow- disciples, " Let us go too, that we may die with
17 him." Now when Jesus came, he found that he had been four
18 days already in the tomb. (Now Bethany was near Jerusalem, at a
19 distance of nearly two miles ; and many of the Jews had come to visit
20 Martha and Mary, to console them about tbeir brother.) So on hearing
that Jesus was coming, Martha went and met him ; but Mary sat in the
21 bouse. Martha then said to Jesus, " Lord, hadst thou been here, my
22 brother would not have died. And even now I know that God will give
23 thee whatever thou shalt ask of God." Jesus says to her, "Thy brother
24 shall rise again." Martha says to him, " I know he shall rise again in the
25 resurrection at the last day." Jesus said to her, " I am the resurrection
and the life ;
He who believes on me, though he die, shall live :
26 And whoever lives and believes on me shall never die at all.
27 Believest thou this ? " She says to him, " Yes, Lord. I do believe thou
art the Christ, the Son of God, he 'who is to come into the world.'"
28 And after saying this she went off and called her sister Mary, saying
29 to her secretly, " Tbe Teacher is here, and he is calling thee." On
30 bearing it she arose quickly and went to him. (Jesus had not yet
entered the village, but was still in the spot where Martha met him.)
31 The Jews then, who were with ber in the house consoling her, saw that
Mary rose up quickly and went out ; and they followed her, as they
32 imagined that she was going to the tomb to wail there. Now when Mary
came to where Jesus was and saw him, she fell down at his feet, saying to
him, " Lord, hadst thou been here, my brother would not have died."
33 When Jesus therefore saw her wailing, and the Jews who accompanied
34 her wailing, he groaned in his spirit and was in distress ; and he said,
35 " Where have you laid him? " They say to him, " Come, Sir, and see." Jesus
CC, 37 wept. So the Jews began to say, " Behold, how he loved him ! " But
some of them said, " Could not this man, who opened the blind man's
38 eyes, have also prevented this man from dying ? " Jesus then, groaning
once more within himself, goes to the tomb. It was a cave, and a stone
39 lay against it. Jesus says, " Remove the stone." Martha, the dead man's
sister, says to him, " Lord, by this time he is stinking ; for he has been
40 four days dead." Jesus says to her, " Did I not tell thee that if thou
41 wouldst believe, thou shouldst see the majesty of God ? " So they removed
the stone. And Jesus lifted up his eyes and said, "Father, I thank thee
42 for listening to me. I knew indeed that thou ever listenest to me ; but I
have spoken for the sake of the crowd which is standing round, that they
43 may believe that thou hast sent me." And after saying this he exclaimed
44 with a loud voice, " Lazarus, come forth ! " Forth came the dead man,
his hands and feet swathed with grave-bands, and his face tied round
with a napkin. Jesus says to them, " Loose him and let him go."
45 Many of the Jews, then, who had come to visit Mary, and who saw the
46 deed he had done, believed on him ; but some of them went away to the
47 Pharisees and told them what Jesus had done. So the high priests
and the Pharisees gathered a Sanhedrin, and said, "What are we to do ? This
48 man is performing many signs. If we let him alone like this, every one
will believe on him ; and the Romans will come and take away both our

11*°— 1221] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 519
49 land and our nation." But one of them, Kaiaphas, who was high priest for
50 that year, said to them, " You know simply nothing. You do not keep
in mind that it is for your advantage that one man should die for the
51 people, instead of the whole nation perishing." (Now he did not say this
of himself ; he was high priest for that year, and he spoke prophetically,
52 inasmuch as Jesus was to die for the nation, and not merely for the nation,
53 but also for the gathering of God's scattered children into one.) So from
that day forward their plan was to put him to death.
54 Jesus therefore no longer walked in public among the Jews, but went
away from there into the country near the wilderness, to a city called
55 Ephraim, where he remained with the disciples. Now when the passover
of the Jews was , near, many went up from the country to Jerusalem
56 before the passover, to purify themselves. So they sought for Jesus, and
said to one another as they stood in the temple, " What do you think ?
57 He will not come to the festival." The high priests and the Pharisees
had issued orders that if any person knew where he was, he was to give
them information, so that they might arrest him.
2 1 Six days before the passover, then, Jesus came to Bethany, where
2 Lazarus stayed, whom Jesus had raised from the dead. So they made
him a supper there ; and Martha waited upon them, while Lazarus was
3 one of his fellow-guests. But Mary took a pound of expensive pure
nard perfume, and anointed the feet of Jesus, and wiped his feet with her
4 hair. And the house was filled with the odour of the perfume. But one
5 of his disciples, Judas of Kerioth, who was to betray him, says, " Why
was not this perfume sold for three hundred shillings and given to poor
6 people ? " (Now he said this, not that he cared for the poor, but because he
was a thief ; and because he pilfered what was put into the purse, of
7 which he had charge.) Then said Jesus, " Let her alone ; let her keep it
8 for the day of my burial. For you have the poor always beside you, but you
9 have not always me." Now the common folk of the Jews learned
that he was there ; and they came, not merely for the sake of Jesus, but
10 also to see Lazarus whom he had raised from the dead. So the high
11 priests' plan was to put Lazarus also to death, since it was owing to him
that many of the Jews went and believed on Jesus.
12 On the next day, when a large crowd, who had come to the festival,
13 heard that Jesus was coming to Jerusalem, they took branches of the
palms and went out to meet him. And they exclaimed,
" Hosanna 1
Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord,
Even the king of Israel !"
14 And Jesus came across a young ass and sat on it : even as it is written,
15 " Fear not, daughter of Zion :
Lo, thy king is coming,
Seated on an ass's colt ! "
16 (His disciples did not understand these things at first ; but when
Jesus was exalted, then they remembered that these things had been
17 written of him, and that they had acted thus to him.) Now witness was
borne by the crowd that was with him when he called Lazarus out of the
18 tomb and raised him from the dead. This indeed was the reason why the
crowd went and met him, because they heard that he had performed this
19 sign. The Pharisees therefore said to each other, " You are helpless, you
see. Behold, the world has gone after him!"
20 Now there were some Greeks among those who came up to worship at
21 the festival. So these men came to Philip (who belonged to Bethsaida of

520 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [1222"36"' 44-50' 36i
22 Galilee) and asked him, saying, " Sir, we want to see Jesus." Philip comes
23 and tells Andrew; Andrew accompanies Philip, and they tell Jesus. And
Jesus answers them, saying, " The hour has come for the Son of man to
24 be exalted. Truly, I tell you, truly,
Unless the grain of wheat falls into the earth and dies, it remains
by itself alone :
But if it dies, it bears plentiful fruit.
25 He who loves his life, loses it :
And he who hates his life in this world, shall preserve it to life
eternal.
26 If anyone serves me, let him follow me :
And where I am, there also shall my servant be.
If anyone serves me,
Him will the Father honour.
27 Now is my soul in distress ; and what am I to say ?
' Father, save me from this hour ' ?
Nay, it was for this that I came to this hour. —
28 Father, magnify thy name ! '
At this a voice came out of the sky, " I have magnified it, and I will
29 magnify it again." The crowd then, who stood by and heard it, said there
30 had been thunder ; others said, " An angel has spoken to him." Jesus
answered and said, " Not for my sake has this voice come, but for yours.
31 Now is this world condemned,
Now shall the ruler of this world be cast out.
32 Yet I, when I am lifted up from the earth,
Will draw to myself all men."
33, 34 (In saying this, he indicated the kind of death he was to die.) The
crowd then answered him, "We have learned from the law that the
Christ abides for ever. How is it then that thou sayest, ' The Son of man
35 must be lifted up ' ? Who is this ' Son of man' ? " So Jesus said to them,
" For a little while yet the light is among you ;
Walk while you have the light, that darkness overtake you not.
He who walks in the darkness knows not where he is going ;
36<z While you have the light, believe on the light, that you may
become sons of light."
44 And Jesus cried and said,
" He who believes on me,
Believes not so much on me as on him who sent me :
45 And he who sees me,
Sees him who sent me.
46 I have come into the world as a light,
That whoever believes on me may not remain in the darkness.
47 Yet if anyone hears my sayings and observes them not, I do not
judge him :
For I came not to judge the world, but to save the world.
48 He who rejects me and accepts not my sayings has one to judge
him :
The word I have spoken, that shall judge him on the last day.
49 For I have not spoken of myself,
But the Father who sent me has himself commanded me what
to say and what to speak ;
50 And I know his commandment is life eternal.
In my speaking, then, I speak even as the Father has told me."
366 After saying this, Jesus departed and hid himself from them.

1237-43 13l-20-j THE FOURTH GOSPEL 521
37 But for aU the signs he had performed before them, they would not
38 believe on him ; that the word might be fulfilled which Isaiah the
prophet spoke,
Lord,, who has had faith in our message ?
And to whom has the arm of the Lord been disclosed ?
39 This was the reason why they could not believe ; because Isaiah had
again said,
40 He has blinded their eyes and hardened their heart,
That they might not see with their eyes, nor understand with their heart,
and turn,
For me to cure them.
41 Isaiah spoke thus because he saw his majesty; indeed he spoke of him.
42 All the same, however, many even of the rulers believed on him ; but on
account of the Pharisees they would not confess him, in case of being ex-
43 communicated from the synagogue. For they loved the praise of men
more than the praise of God.
3 l Now before the festival of the passover Jesus was aware that the hour
had come for him to depart out of this world to the Father ; he had
loved his own who were in the world, and he loved them to the end.
2 And at supper-time — after the devil had already put it into the heart of
3 Judas Iskariot, son of Simon, to betray him — as he knew that the Father
had given all things into his hand, and that he had come out from God and
4 was going to God, he rises from supper and lays his garments aside.
5 Then he took a towel and girded himself. Next, he pours water into the
basin, and started to wash the disciples' feet, and to wipe them with
6 the towel which he was girded with. So he comes to Simon Peter.
7 " Lord," says he to him, " thou wash my feet ! " Jesus answered and
said to him, " What I am doing thou knowest not now, but afterwards
8 thou shalt understand." Peter says to him, " Never shalt thou wash my
feet." Jesus answered him, "Unless I wash thee, thou hast no part
9 in me." Simon Peter says to him, " Lord, not only my feet but my head
10 and hands as well ! " Jesus says to him,
" He who is bathed does not need to be washed,1 but is wholly clean.
And you are clean — but not all."
11 (For he knew his betrayer ; that was why he said, " You are not all
12 clean.") So when he had washed their feet and resumed his
garments and reclined again, he said to them, " Do you know what I
have done to you ?
13 You call me ' Teacher ' and ' Lord,'
And you say rightly : for so I am.
14 If I, the Lord and Teacher, then, have washed your feet,
You also are bound to wash the feet of one another.
15 For I have given you an example,
That you also should do even as I have done to you.
16 Truly, I tell you, truly,
A slave is not greater than his owner,
Nor is a messenger greater than he who sent him.
', 18 Since you know this, happy are you if you do it. (I am not speaking
of you all : I know whom I have chosen — but all has happened that
the scripture may be fulfilled, He who eats my bread, has lifted up his heel
19 against me. In future I teH you before it comes to pass ; that when
20 it does come to pass, you may believe it is I.) Truly, I tell you, truly,
1 Omitting [[ii pin tovs crolas']].

522 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l321_31a 15W5
He who accepts whomsover I send, accepts me ;
And he who accepts me, accepts him whom I sent."
21 On saying this Jesus became distressed in his spirit, and he testified and
22 said, " Truly, I tell you, truly, one of you shall betray me." The disciples
23 looked at one another, puzzled to know whom he meant. One of his
24 disciples, whom Jesus loved, was reclining on the bosom of Jesus. So
Simon Peter nods to him and says to him, " Tell us who it is that he means."
25 He leant back, as he was, on the breast of Jesus, and says to him, " Lord,
26 who is it?" Jesus then answers, "It is he for whom I shall dip the
morsel, and to whom I shall give it." So after dipping the morsel, he takes
27 and gives it to Judas, son of Simon of Kerioth. Thereupon, after the
morsel, Satan entered him. Jesus then says to him, " What thou doest,
28 do quickly." (Now none of the guests knew why he said this to him.
29 Some imagined, because Judas held the purse, that Jesus told him, " Buy
what we require for the festival," or bade him give something to the poor.)
30 He took the morsel therefore, and immediately went out. And it was
31a night. So when he had gone out, Jesus says,
15 1 " I am the real vine, and my Father is the vine-dresser ;
2 Every branch in me that bears not fruit, he takes it away,
And every branch that does bear fruit he prunes, that it may bear
more fruit.
3 — You are pruned clean already, by the word that I have
spoken to you.
4 Remain in me, and I in you.
As the branch cannot bear fruit by itself, unless it remains in
the vine ;
No more can you, unless you remain in me.
5 I am the vine, you are the branches.
He who remains in me — and I in him — he bears plentiful fruit :
For apart from me you can do nothing.
6 If anyone remains not in me, he is cast out like a branch and withers :
And they gather them and throw them into the fire, and
they are burned,
7 If you remain in me, and my words remain in you,
Ask whatever you will, and it shall be done for you.
8 Herein is my Father exalted,
That you bear plentiful fruit and thus show yourselves disciples
of mine.
9 As the Father has loved me, I also have loved you :
Remain in my love.
10 If you keep my commandments,
You shall remain in my love :
As I have kept the ' Father's commandments,
And remain in his love.
11 (These things I have spoken to you, that my joy may be in you,
And that your joy may be complete.)
12 This is my commandment,
^ That you love one another as I have loved you.
13 No one has greater love than this,
That one lay down his life for his friends :
14 You are my friends,
If you do what I command you.
15 I call you ' slaves' no longer, 1 Omitting [[/wv]].

151C-167] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 523
For the slave knows not what his owner is doing :
I have called you ' friends,'
For all that I 'have been taught by my Father, I have made
known to you.
16 You have not chosen me, but I have chosen you,
And appointed you to go and bear fruit, and your fruit to remain ;
That the Father may give you whatever you shall ask from him
in my name.
17 This I command you,
That you love one another.
18 If the world hates you,
Know that it has hated me first.1
19 Were you of the world,
The world would love what was its own ;
But because you are not of the world
(Nay, I have chosen you out of the world),
For this the world hates you.
20 Remember the word that I said to you,
' A slave is not greater than his owner ' :
!If they have persecuted me, they will also persecute you ;
If they have kept my word, they will keep yours also.
21 But all this they will do to you on account of my name,
For they know not him who sent me.
22 Had I not come and spoken to them, they had not had sin :
23 But now they have no excuse for their sin. He who hates me,
hates my Father also.
24 Had I not performed among them the works which none else
performed, they had not had sin :
But now they have seen, and they have hated, both me and my Father.
25 Yea, they do so that the word written in their law may be fulfilled,
They hated me without a cause.
26 When the advocate comes, whom I shall send you from the Father,
The Spirit of truth which issues from the Father,
He shall bear witness concerning me :
27 Moreover, do you bear witness also,
Because you have been with me from the beginning.
16 1 I have spoken of these things to you, that you may not be made
to stumble.
2 They shall have you excommunicated from the synagogue :
Yea, an hour is coming when every one who kills you shall imagine
he is offering a sacrifice — a service to God.
3 And these things they will do,
Because they have known neither the Father nor me.
4 But I have spoken of these things to you, that when the hour for
them comes, you may remember that I told you of them.
I did not tell you these things at the beginning ; because I was
with you.
5 But I am going now to him who sent me ; yet none of you asks
me, ' Where art thou going ? '
6 Nay, because I have spoken of these things to you, sorrow has filled
your heart.
7 Yet I am telling you the truth : it is for your advantage that I go
away. 1 Omitting ipoSiv.

524 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l68 27
For if I go not away, the advocate will not come to you ;
But if I go, I shall send him to you. ,
8 And when he comes, he will convince the world of sin, and of
uprightness, and of condemnation ;
9 Of sin, because they believe not on me :
10 Of uprightness, because I go to the Father and you no longer
see me :
11 Of condemnation, because the ruler of this world has been
condemned.
12 I have many things to tell you still ;
But you cannot bear them at this moment.
13 Yet when he comes, the Spirit of truth,
He shall guide you into all the truth ;
For he shall not speak from himself,
But he shall speak all that he hears,
And he shall disclose to you all that is coming.
14 He shall exalt me,
For he shall take of what is mine and disclose it to you.
15 All that the Father has is mine :
Hence I said, he takes of what is mine and shall disclose it to
you.
16 A little while, and you shall see me no longer ;
And again a little while, and you shall see me."
17 Some of his disciples then said to one another, "What is this he
is saying to us ? — ' A little while, and you shall not see me ; and again a
little while, and you shall see me,' and ' because I go to the Father ' ! "
18 They kept saying then, " What is this ' little while ' of which he speaks ?
19 We do not understand what he is saying." Jesus understood that they
wished to question him ; so he said to them, " Is this why you are
inquiring one with another, because I said,
' A little while, and you shall not see me,
And again a little while, and you shall see me ' ?
20 Truly, I tell you, truly,
You shall wail and lament, while the world shall rejoice :
Sorrowful shall you be, but your sorrow shall be turned into joy.
21 When a woman is in travail she has sorrow, for her hour has
come;
But when the child is born, she remembers the distress no
longer,
In her joy that a human being is born into the world.
22 So then with you ; now, you have sorrow,
But I will see you again and your heart shall rejoice,
And no one shall take your joy away from you.
23 And on that day you shall not question me at all.
Truly, I tell you, truly, if you shall ask anything from the Father, he
will give you it in my name.
24 Up till now you have asked nothing in my name ;
Ask and you shall receive, that your joy may be complete.
25 (I have spoken to you of these things in figures.
The hour is coming, when I shall no longer speak to you in figures,
But bring you word of the Father openly.)
26 On that day you shall ask in my name :
And I do not say to you that I will ask the Father for you,
27 For the Father loves you himself,

1628-33 133i»-38_14i-9] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 525
Because you have loved me and believed that I came out from
the Father.
28 I came out from the Father, and I have come into the world :
Again, I am leaving the world and going to the Father."
29 His disciples say,
" Behold, now thou art talking openly and speaking no figure.
30 Now we know that thou knowest all and requirest no one to
question thee ;
Hereby we believe thou earnest out from God."
31, 32 Jesus answered them, "You now believe ? Lo, the hour is coming (and
has come) for you to be scattered, each to his home, leaving me alone.
Yet I am not alone, for the Father is with me.
33 I have spoken of these things to you that in me you may have
peace :
In the world you shall have distress ; but be of good cheer, I have
conquered the world.
13 315 Now is the Son of man exalted,
And in him God is exalted !
32 Yea, God shall exalt him in himself,
And sb.aU exalt him immediately.
33 Little children, only for a little while I shall be with you now.
You shall seek me ; but as I said to the Jews, so now I say to you,
' Where I go, you cannot come.'
34 I give you a new commandment, to love one another,
Even as I have loved you, that you also love one another.
35 Herein all men shall recognise that you are my disciples,
If you have love for one another."
36 Simon Peter says to him, " Lord, where art thou going ? " Jesus answered,
" Where I go, thou canst not follow me now ;
But thou shalt follow me afterwards."
37 Peter says to him, " Lord, why cannot I follow thee at this moment ? I
38 will lay down my life for thee." Jesus replies, " Lay down thy life for
me ! Truly, I tell thee, truly, the cock shall not crow, till thou hast three
times disowned me."
141 " Let not your heart be troubled :
Believe in God, believe also in me.
2 In my Father's house are many abodes ;
Were it not so, would I have told you that ' I go to prepare you
a place ' ?
3 And when I go and prepare you a place,
I am coming again and I will welcome you to my home,
That where I am, you may be also.
4 And you know the way to where I am going — "
5 Thomas says to him, " Lord, we do not know where thou goest ; how
6 then are we to know the way ? " Jesus says to Mm,
" I am the way, and the truth, and the life ;
No one comes to the Father except through me.
V Had you known me, you would have known my Father also :
Henceforward you know him and have seen him."
8 Philip says to him, " Lord, show us the Father, and we are satisfied."
9 Jesus says to him, " Have I been all this time with you, and dost thou not
know me, Philip ? He who has seen me, has seen the Father. How is it
that thou sayest, ' Show us the Father ' 1

526 HISTOEICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l41(Hil 171
10 Believest thou not that I am in the Father, and the Father in me ?
The words that I speak to you, I speak not from myself ;
The Father who abides in me performs his works.
11 Believe me, I am in the Father, and the Father in me :
Or else believe me on account of the works themselves.
12 Truly, I tell you, truly,
He who believes on me, he also shall perform the works that I do :
And greater works than these shall he perform, because I am going
to the Father.
13 And whatever you shall ask for in my name, I will do it ;
That the Father may be exalted in the Son.
14 * If you shall ask 1 for anything in my name, I will do it.
15 If you love me, you will keep my commandments.
16 And I will pray the Father, and he shall give you another
17 advocate to be with you for ever, even the Spirit of truth :—
Which the world cannot receive, for the world neither sees it nor
knows it ;
But you know it, because it remains with you and is in you.
18 I will not leave you orphans ; I am coming to you.
19 A little while yet, and the world no longer sees me ;
But you shall see me, since I live and since you shall live.
20 On that day you shall know that I am in my Father, and you
in me, and I in you.
21 He who holds fast my commandments and keeps them,
He it is who loves me :
And he who loves me shall be loved by my Father,
And I will love him and will appear to him."
22 Judas (not the Iskariot) says to him, " Lord, why is it that thou art to
23 appear to us, and not to the world ? " Jesus answered and said to him,
If a man loves me, he will keep my word ;
And my Father will love him, and we will come to him and
make our abode with him.
24 He who loves me not, keeps not my words :
And the word you are taught is not mine, but the Father's who
sent me.
25 I have spoken of these things to you, while I remain with you.
26 But the advocate, the holy Spirit which the Father will send in my
name,
He shall teach you all things and remind you of all that I have
told you.
27 Peace I leave to you, my peace I give to you :
Not as the world gives, give I to you.
Let not your heart be troubled, or timid.
28 You heard me say to you, ' I am going away, and I am coming to
you.' If you loved me, you would have rejoiced' that I am going to the
29 Father ; for the Father is greater than I. And now I have told you
before it comes to pass ; so that when it does come to pass you may
30 believe. I will no longer talk much with you, for the ruler of the
31 world is coming. In me indeed he can claim nothing ; but all this
happens that the world may know that I love the Father, and that I
act even as the Father gave me commandment. Rise, let us be going
hence."
17 1 Thus Jesus spoke ; then, lifting up his eyes to heaven, he said,
1 Omitting rj>iTJ.

172"20] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 527
" Father, the hour has come.
' Exalt thy Son,
That the Son may exalt thee :
2 Since thou gavest him authority over all flesh,
That he should give to them life eternal —
Even to all whom thou hast given him.
3 [And this is life eternal :
That they should know thee, the only real God,
And him whom thou hast sent, even Jesus Christ.]
4 I have exalted thee on earth,
By accomplishing the work thou hast given me to do :
5 And now, Father, exalt thou me beside thyself,
With the majesty I had beside thee ere the world began.
6 I have disclosed thy name to the men whom thou gavest me out of
the world
(Thine they were, and thou gavest me them),
And they have kept thy word.
7 They know now that all thou hast given me is from thee ;
8 For I have given them the words thou gavest me,
And they have accepted them ;
And they really know that I came out from thee,
And have believed that thou hast sent me.
9 I pray for them ;
Not for the world I pray, but for those whom thou hast given me.
For they are thine
10 (And all mine is thine, and thine is mine),
And I am exalted in them.
11 No longer am I to be in the world —
Yet these are to be in the world, and I come to thee.
Holy Father, keep them in thy name which thou hast given me,
That they may be one, even as we are one.
12 While I was with them, I kept them in thy name which thou hast
given me ;
Yea, I guarded them, nor did one of them perish —
Except the son of perdition, that the scripture might be fulfilled.
13 But now I come to thee.
And I speak thus in the world,
That in themselves they may have my joy complete.
14 I have given them thy word ;
And the world hated them,
For they are not of the world,
Even as I am not of the world.
15 I pray not that thou wouldst take them out of the world,
But that thou wouldst keep them from the evil one.
16 They are not of the world,
Even as I am not of the world.
17 Consecrate them by the truth :
Thy word is truth.
18 As thou hast sent me into the world,
So have I sent them into the world.
19 And on their behalf I consecrate myself,
That they also may be consecrated in truth.
20 I pray not for these alone,
But also for those who through their word believe in me,

528 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [l721~26 181"14' 19"24- 15
21 That they may all be one :
Even as thou, Father, art in me and I in thee,
That they may also be in us —
That the world may believe that thou hast sent me.
22 Yea, the majesty thou hast given me, I have given them ;
That they may be one, even as we are one,
23 I in them, and thou in me,
That they may be perfected in one —
That the world may know that thou hast sent me,
And hast loved them even as thou hast loved me.
24 Father, I would that they — thy gift to me — may be with me where
I am,
To see my majesty which thou hast given me ;
For thou hast loved me before the foundation of the world.
25 Just Father ! while the world knows thee not, I know thee,
And these know that thou hast sent me ;
26 And I have made known and will make known thy name to them,
That the love wherewith thou hast loved me may be in them,
And I in them."
18 1 On saying this, Jesus went out with his disciples across the ravine of
Kedron to where there was a garden, which he and his disciples entered.
2 Now Judas his betrayer was also acquainted with the place ; for Jesus
3 and his disciples had often met together there. So, after getting the cohort
and officers from the high priests and the Pharisees, Judas comes there
4 with lanterns and torches and weapons. Thereupon, aware of all that
was coming upon him, Jesus went out ; and he says to them, " Whom do
5 you seek?" They answered him, "Jesus the Nazarene." He says to
them, " I am he." (Now Judas his betrayer was also standing along with
6 them.) So when he said to them, " I am he,"£they drew back and fell to
7 the ground. Once more then he questioned them, " Whom do you seek 1 "
8 They said, "Jesus the Nazarene." Jesus replied, "I told you that I am he.
9 If then it is I whom you are seeking, let these men go" (that the word which
he had spoken might be fulfilled, " Of those whom thou hast given me, I
10 did not lose one "). At this, Simon Peter, who wore a sword, drew it and
struck the slave of the high priest, cutting off his right ear. (The slave's
11 name was Malchus). Jesus then said to Peter, " Put the sword into the
sheath. Shall I not drink the cup which the Father has given me ? "
12 So the cohort and the tribune and the officers of the Jews arrested Jesus
13 and bound him, and led him first to Annas ; he was the father-in-law of
14 Kaiaphas, who was high priest for that year. (It, was Kaiaphas who had
counselled the Jews that it was for their advantage that one man should
19 die for the people.) The high priest therefore questioned Jesus
20 about his disciples and about his teaching. Jesus answered him, " I have
spoken openly to the world : I have taught always in synagogue and
temple, where all the Jews gather, nor have I spoken of anything in secret.
2 1 Why question me ? Question those who have heard me, upon what I said
22 to them. Look, these men know what I said ! " Now when he said this,
one of the officers who was standing by gave Jesus a blow, saying,
23 " Answerest thou the high priest so 1 " Jesus answered him, " If I have
spoken wrongly, give evidence of the wrong ; but if rightly, why beat
24 me ? " So Annas sent him bound to Kaiaphas the high priest.
15 Now Simon Peter along with another disciple followed Jesus. That
disciple was known to the high priest ; so he entered the high priest's

18l6-is. 25-40 igi-io] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 529
16 palace along with Jesus, while Peter stood outside at the door. Thereupon
the other disciple (who was known to the high priest) went out, and after
17 speaking to the woman who kept the door, brought Peter in. The maid
servant therefore who kept the door says to Peter, " But art not thou one
18 of this man's disciples also ? " He says, "No." Now the slaves and the
officers were standing at a fire of coals which they had made, because it
25 was cold. And Peter also stood beside them and warmed himself. So they
said to him, " But art not thou one of his disciples also ? " He. denied it
26 and said, " No." Says one of the slaves of the high priest (who was a
kinsman of the man whose ear Peter had cut off), " Did I not see thee
27 myself along with him in the garden?" At this Peter denied it again.
And immediately the cock crowed.
28 They led Jesus then from the house of Kaiaphas into the praetorium.
Now it was early, and they did not enter the praetorium themselves, in order
that they might be able to eat the paschal lamb instead of being poUuted.
29 So Pilate went out to them and says, " What charge do j-ou bring against
30 this man ? " They answered and said, " Were this man not a wrongdoer,
31 we would not have delivered him up to thee." Pilate then said to them,
"Take him yourselves and judge him by your law." The Jews said to
32 him, "We have no right to put anyone to death" (that the word which
Jesus had spoken might be fulfilled, when he indicated the kind of death
33 he was to die). Pilate then entered the praetorium once more, and
34 calling Jesus he said to him, " Art thou the king of the Jews ? " Jesus
replied, " Sayest thou this of thyself, or did others tell thee about me ? "
35 Pilate answered, " Am I a Jew ? Thy nation and the high priests have
36 delivered thee to me. What hast thou done ? " Jesus answered, " My
reign is not of this world. Were my reign of this world, my officers
would have fought to prevent me from being delivered to the Jews. But,
37 as it is, my realm is not from hence." Pilate then said to him, " So thou
art a king ! " Jesus replied, " Certainly, I am a king. For this have I
been born and for this have I come into the world, to bear witness to the
38 truth. Everyone who is of the truth hears my voice." Pilate says to
him, " Truth ! what is truth ? " And after saying this he went
out once more to the Jews and says to them, " I cannot discover any
39 crime in him. But you have a custom that at the passover I should
release one man for you. Is it your will then that I release for j'ou the
40 king of the Jews ? " At this they cried out again, "Not this man, but
Bar-Abbas!" Now Bar- Abbas was a robber.
11,2 Now after that Pilate took and scourged Jesus. And the soldiers
plaited a wreath out of some thorns and put it on his head ; they also
3 arrayed him in a purple robe, and kept going up to him and saying,
4 " Hail, king of the Jews ! " giving him blows. And Pilate
once more went outside and says to them, " Look, I am bringing him out
5 to you, to let you know that I cannot discover any crime in him ! " So
Jesus came out, wearing the wreath of thorns and the purple robe. And
6 Pilate says to them, " Here is the man ! " So, on seeing him, the high
priests and attendants clamoured, " Crucify him ! crucify him ! " Pilate
says to them, " Take him yourselves and crucify him. As for me, I
7 cannot discover any crime in him." The Jews answered him, "We have
a law, and by the law he ought to die, because he made himself out to be
8 God's son." So when Pilate heard this saying, he was still more afraid ;
9 and again he entered the praetorium and says to Jesus, " Whence art
10 thou?" But Jesus made no reply to him. Pilate then says to him,
" Thou wilt not speak to me ? Knowest thou not that I have power to release
34

530 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [1911"36
11 thee and power to crucify thee?" Jesus answered him, "Thou wouldst
have no power at all over me, had it not been given thee from above ;
12 therefore he has the greater sin who delivered me to thee." Upon this
Pilate sought to release him ; but the Jews kept clamouring, " If thou
dost release this man, thou art no friend of Caesar's : everyone who
13 makes himself out to be a king, is a rebel against Caesar." On hearing
these words then, Pilate brought Jesus outside and sat down on the
tribunal at a place called " The tesselated pavement " (in Hebrew it is
14 " Gabbatha"). Now it was the day of preparation for the passover : it
was about the sixth hour. And he says to the Jews, " Look, it is your
15 king !" At that they clamoured, "Away with him ! away with him !
crucify him ! " Pilate says to them, " Am I to crucify your king ? " The
16 high priests answered, " We have no king but Caesar." Now after that he
delivered him up to them to be crucified.
17 So they took Jesus ; and he went out, bearing the cross for himself,
to what is called "The place of a skull" (which in Hebrew is called
18 " Golgotha"), and there they crucified him, and along with him two others,
19 one on each side, Jesus being in the middle. Pilate also wrote a title
and had it put upon the cross ; and what was written was, JESUS THE
20 NAZARENE, THE KING OF THE JEWS. This title then was read
by many of the Jews, as the place where Jesus was crucified was near the
21 city, and as the writing was in Hebrew, Latin, and Greek. So the high
priests of the Jews said to Pilate, "Write not, ' The King of the Jews' ;
22 write that ' he said, I am King of the Jews.' " Pilate answered, " What
I have written, I have written."
23 Now when the soldiers had crucified Jesus, they took his garments
and made them into four parts, one part for every soldier. They also
took the tunic. Now the tunic was seamless, woven in one piece from the
24 top. So they said to one another, "Let us not tear it, let us cast lots to
decide whose it is to be" — that the scripture might be fulfilled which says,
They distributed my garments among them,
And over my apparel they cast lots.
25 This then was what the soldiers did. Now beside the cross of Jesus
stood his mother and his mother's sister, Mary the wife of Klopas, also
26 Mary of Magdala. So when Jesus saw his mother and the disciple whom
he loved standing by, he says to his mother, " Woman, there is thy son!"
27 Then he says to the disciple, " Son, there is thy mother ! " And from that
28 hour the disciple took her to his home. After this, aware that
all had now been finished, Jesus says — in order that the scripture might
29 be accomplished — " I thirst." A vessel full of vinegar was lying there.
So they put a sponge full of the vinegar upon a lance 1 and held it to his
30 mouth. When Jesus therefore had received the vinegar, he said, " It is
31 finished." He bent his head and gave up his spirit. As it
was the day of preparation, then, in order to prevent the bodies remaining
upon the cross during the sabbath (for that sabbath-day was a great day),
the Jews asked Pilate to have their legs broken and the bodies taken
32 away. So the soldiers came and broke the legs of the first man, and of
33 the other man who was crucified along with him. However, when they
came to Jesus and saw that he was dead already, they did not break his
34 legs ; but one of the soldiers pierced his side with a lance, and im-
35 mediately there came out blood and water. And he who saw it has
borne witness, and his witness is true (yea, he knows he is telling the
36 truth), that you also may believe. For this came to pass that the
1 Reading io-trf .

1937_2022-] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 531
37 scripture might be fulfilled, No bone of him shall be brolcen. And again
another scripture says, Tiny shall look oti him whom they impaled.
38 Now after this, Joseph of Ariniathaea, who was a disciple of J esus — but
a secret disciple for fear of the Jews — asked Pilate that he might take
away the body of Jesus. And Pilate gave him permission. So he went
39 and took away his body ; and Nikodemus also went (he who had come to
him at first by night), with about a hundred pounds of myrrh and aloes
40 mixed. So they took and swathed the body of Jesus in linen bandages
41 with the spices, according to the Jewish custom of burial. Now at the
place where he was crucified there was a garden, and in the garden a new
42 tomb where as yet no man had ever been laid. So on account of the
Jews' day of preparation, seeing that the tomb was close at hand, they
laid Jesus there.
0 1 Now on the first day of the week Mary of Magdala goes to the tomb
very early, when it was still dark, and sees the stone removed from the
2 tomb. So she runs and goes to Simon Peter, and to the other disciple,
whom Jesus loved, and says to them, " They have removed the Lord from
3 the tomb, and we know not where they have laid him." Peter went out
then with the other disciple, and they went on their way to the tomb.
4 They both ran together ; but the other disciple ran faster than Peter
5 and reached the tomb first ; and on gazing in he sees the linen bandages
6 lying. However he did not go in. Now Simon Peter also comes, following
him ; and he went into the tomb, and notices the linen bandages lying,
7 and also that the napkin, which had been upon his head, was not lying
8 with the linen bandages but was wrapped up in a place by itself. Then
the other disciple, who had come to the tomb first, went in and saw and
9 believed. (For as yet they did not know the scripture, that he must rise
10 again from the dead.) Thereupon the disciples went away again to their
11 home. Mary stood outside at the tomb, weeping. Now as she wept, she
12 gazed into the tomb ; and she notices two angels in white sitting where
13 the body of Jesus had lain, one at the head and one at the feet. And
they say to her, " Woman, why weepest thou ? " She says to them,
" Because they have removed my Lord, and I know not where they have
14 laid him." She said this and turned back ; and she notices Jesus
15 standing, yet she did not know it was Jesus. Jesus says to her, " Woman,
why weepest thou ? whom seekest thou 1 " Imagining him to be the
gardener, she says to him, " Sir, if it was thou who didst carry him off,
16 tell me where thou hast laid him, and I will take him away." Jesus says
to her, "Mary." She turns and says to him, in Hebrew, "Rabbuni"
17 (that is, "Teacher"). Jesus says to her, "Touch me not, for I have not
ascended yet to the Father ; but go to my brothers and say to them : ' I
18 ascend to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God.' " Mary
of Magdala goes to the disciples with the news, " I have seen the Lord,"
and that he had said this to her.
19 So when it was evening on that day, the first day of the week, and
when the doors at the place where the disciples were had been shut for
fear of the Jews, Jesus came and stood in the midst, and says to them,
20 " Peace to you ! " Aaid saying this he showed them his hands and bis
21 side. Then were the disciples glad when they saw the Lord. So he 1
says to them once more, " Peace to you ! As the Father has sent me
22 forth, so also am I sending you." And saying this he breathed on them
and says to them, "Receive the holy Spirit ;
1 Omitting [[<> 'UnZt"J.

532 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT Oo23-^!15
23 If you forgive the sins of anyone, they are forgiven ;
If you retain them, thev are retained."
24 Now Thomas, one of the' twelve (that is, " the Twin "), was not with
25 them when Jesus came. So the other disciples told him, " We have seen
the Lord." But he said to them, " Unless I see the mark of the nails in
his hands, and put my finger into the mark of the nails, and put my hand
26 into his side, I will not believe." And after eight daj's his disciples were
once more within the house, and Thomas with them. Jesus came,
though the doors had been shut, and stood in the midst and said, " Peace
27 to you ! " Then he says to Thomas, " Reach hither thy finger, here are
my hands ! Reach thy hand also, and put it into my side ; and be not
28 incredulous, but believe." Thomas answered and said to him, " My Lord
29 and my God ! " Jesus says to him,
" Because thou hast seen me, thou hast believed :
Happy they who have not seen, yet have believed ! "
30 Many other signs indeed did Jesus perform in presence of his dis-
31 ciples, which are not written in this book ; but these have been written
that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that
believing you may have life in his Name.

THE APPENDIX
21 1 [After this Jesus disclosed himself once more to the disciples at the
2 sea of Tiberias. He disclosed himself in this way. Simon Peter and
Thomas (that is, " the Twin ") and Nathanael of Kana in Galilee and the
3 sons of Zebedee and two others of his disciples were together. Simon
Peter says to them, " I am going to fish." They say to him, " We are
coming with thee too." They went out and embarked in the boat, but
i that night they caught nothing. Now at the break of day Jesus stood
5 upon the beach : however, the disciples did not know it was Jesus. So
Jesus says to them, " Lads, have you caught any fish ? " They answered
6 him, " No." And he said to them, " Throw the net on the right side of
the boat, and you shall find something." So they threw the net, and now
7 they could not haul it in for the multitude of fish. That disciple then
whom Jesus loved says to Peter, " It is the Lord." So on hearing it was
the Lord, Simon Peter girt his blouse round him (for he was unclad) and
8 plunged into tbe sea ; meanwhile the other disciples came in the small
boat (for they were not far from the land, but about a hundred yards off)
9 dragging the netful of fish. So when they got ashore, they see a fire of
10 coals laid, and some fish laid on it, and bread. Jesus says to them,
11 "Bring some of the fish you caught just now." Simon Peter then went
on board and hauled the net to land, full of large fish, a hundred and
fifty-three of them ; and for all their number, the net was not torn.
12 Jesus says to them, " Come and breakfast." (Now none of the disciples
dared to inquire of him, " Who art thou ? " for they knew it was the
13 Lord.) Jesus goes, takes the bread and gives it to them ; and so with the
14 fish. This was the third time now, that Jesus was disclosed to the
disciples after he had risen from the dead.
15 So when they had breakfasted, Jesus says to Simon Peter, "Simon,

2116"26] THE FOURTH GOSPEL 533
son of John, lovest thou me more than these do?" He says to him,
" Yes, Lord : thou knowest that I love thee." He says to him, " Feed my
16 lambs." Once more he says to him a second time, " Simon, son of John,
lovest thou me ? " He says to him, " Yes, Lord : thou knowest that I
17 love thee." He says to him, "Be a shepherd to my sheep." For the
third time he says to him, " Simon, son of John, lovest thou me!" Peter
was grieved because he said to him, "Lovest thou me?" for the third
time ; and he said to him, " Lord, thou knowest all things : thou seest
18 that I love thee." Jesus says to him, " Feed my sheep. Truly, I tell
thee, truly, When thou wast young, thou didst gird thyself and walk where thou
didst choose :
But when thou growest old, thou shalt hold out thy hands, and
another shall gird thee and bring thee where thou dost not choose."
19 (He said this to indicate the kind of death by which he was to honour
20 God.) And after saying this he says to him, " Follow me." On turning
round, Peter sees the disciple whom Jesus loved, following' — the one who
leant back on his breast at the supper and said, "Lord, who is thy
21 betrayer?" So on seeing him Peter says to Jesus, "Lord, and what
22 about this man ? " Jesus says to him, " If I choose that he should survive
23 till I come, what is that to thee 1 Follow thou me." So this rumour
spread abroad among the brothers, namely, that that disciple was not to
die. Yet Jesus did not tell him he was not to die ; he said, " If I choose
that he should survive till I come, what is that to thee ? "
24 This is the disciple who bears witness concerning these things and who
has written these things ; and his witness, we know, is true.]
25 [[Now there are many other things besides, which Jesus did ; were
they written one by one, I suppose that not even the world itself would
have room for the books that would be written.]]

THE LETTEES OF JOHN
For the historical understanding of these letters the data are scanty and
ambiguous : —
(a) The relative position of the fourth gospel and the first epistle.1
The remarkable similarities of thought and diction between the two
writings indicate a common situation. Both writings are addressed to
practically the same condition of things in the Christian community,
although they approach it from different sides. The epistle naturaUy has
a more marked polemical tendency than the gospel, and it has been con
jectured that the author of the epistle endeavoured in the interests of
popular Christianity to recast the ideas of the fourth gospel and thereby
introduce them to a wider public.2 Such a motive and method is quite
credible. Whether it involves a dual authorship or not (cp. Julicher,
Einl. pp. 155-158, and Salmond, DB, ii. pp. 737, 738) is a further question,
and a question for which no evidence — least of all the stylistic resem
blance — supplies a final answer, although probabilities favour unity. At
any rate the writing is a product of the Johannine school in Ephesus, a
postscript rather than (as ts.gr. Renan and Tolstoi think) a preface to the
larger history. Taking the epistle with most (cp. especially Pfleiderer,
Urc. p. 791 f., and 0. Holtzmann, op. cit. pp. 166-171, but on other side
Bartlet, AA, p. 435 f.) as subsequent in time to the gospel, we find that its
period lies not earlier than 95-100 a.d. It is the application and repro
duction of the Johannine ideas, addressed to some definite and local
circle ("non videtur peregre misisse, sed coram impertiisse auditoribus,"
Bengel), and yet passing beyond these limits to the needs of wider
Christendom. Here too, " simple truth " has been " miscalled simplicity."
But the verdict is not adequate. Patiently the author turns and repeats
his leading themes, like a teacher, with a monotony that wins upon one
till it becomes often impressive and — within its own limits — attractive.3
" The style is not flowing and articulated ; the sentences come like minute-
i Exhaustively discussed hy Holtzmann, JpTh (1881), pp. 690-712, (1882), pp.
316-342, whose arguments are reviewed by Weiss (-Meyer, 1888, Epp. Joh. pp. 4r-9).
The differences are held by numerous critics (e.g. in this country S. Davidson, M.
Arnold, and Martineau, Seat of Authority, pp. 509-512) to be incompatible in a
single author. Wendt (Joh. Evglm. pp. 158-162) also finds that the resemblances
refer to the source, not to the editor of the fourth gospel.
2 Cp. Schmiedel, EWE, n. 34, p. 368. The absence of title or greeting gives this
anonymous writing the appearance of a homily, or set of homilies, addressed to an
intimate circle ; but there is no evidence to show that the readers owed their
Christian faith to the author.
3 Weiss, NTTh, ii. pp. 317, 318. "His whole spiritual work is a contemplative
sinking of himself in a small circle of great truths." At the same time, in com
parison with the preceding and the subsequent letters of the NT, there is no denying
that in 1 John the range of interest and ideas is limited if not meagre, and that the
treatment ia frequently tautological, although the style often approaches limpidity
and the conceptions grandeur. 534

THE LETTERS OF JOHN 535
guns, as they would drop from a natural Hebrew. The writer moves
indeed amidst that order of religious ideas which meets us in the fourth
gospel, and which was that of the Greek world wherein he found himself.
He moves amongst these new ideas, however, not with the practical
felicity of the evangelist, but with something of helplessness, although
the depth and serene beauty of his spirit give to all he says an infinite
impressiveness and charm " (Arnold).
(6) The evidence of the errors J presupposed (1 Jn 4G 218 222). As in the
case of the fourth gospel, these have been variously and vaguely inter
preted as dualism, doketism, Gnostic, Basilidian, and Montanist tendencies,
etc. Consequently 140-150 a.d. has been taken as the period of the
first epistle's composition (e.g. by Pfleiderer, Urc. p. 790 f .), owing to the
supposed development of Gnostic errors. The comparative absence of
emphasis upon the personalities of the Logos and the Spirit is probably
due, upon this theory, to the monarchian dread of approximating to
the Gnostic aeons which swarmed between man and the Divine being.
After the results reached in regard to the gospel, however, it is un
necessary to look for any period later than the opening decade of the
second century, since the religious and moral atmosphere of the one writing
is essentiaUy that of the other. Among the incipient forms of the Cerin-
thian heresy the epistle is accordingly to be placed. So most of the
recent editors ; Westcott, Haupt, Weiss, Plummer (GGT).2 The two
main features of heresy against which the writer sets up the true faith,
spring from a loosened hold of the historical tradition ; they are (i.) the
denial of the divine sonship of the incarnate (42) Jesus, and (ii.) a practical
libertinism which, as in the later pastoral epistles, was marked by anti-
nomian principles. This false and speculative teaching, with its Christo-
logical basis and ethical (34) consequences, forms the occasion for the positive
statement of Christianity as a body of truth based on tradition and experi
ence, that is conveyed in the pages of this anonymous epistle. The writer,
too, like the later author of James, has to face an abuse of Pauline ideas,
which failed to maintain the vital connection between uprightness by
faith and the exercise of uprightness in moral acts (229 310 3lr ').
The second and third letters are even more elusive than the first.
Both spring from the same school of thought and feeling, if not from the
1 Internal dangers not external persecutions are the topic that absorbs the writer.
On other grounds it is highly probable, if not certain, that the epistle falls later than
the period covered by the Domitian persecution ; but it is scarcely safe to argue that
it must have been "written in a time of peace as it contains no allusion to " any such
rough experiences (BI, p. 454). The cast of the writer's idealism makes it unlikely
that he would have eared to notice such temporal and outward circumstances. His
interests are elsewhere and higher ; his atmosphere is too rarified for such sub
lunary concerns. The esoteric tone of the gospel is in fact reproduced here, along
with a broad and denationalised interest. "It is the view of a temper wrapped in
itself, a view which could satisfy and promote the quiet life of an isolated community,
hut could not render possible the task involved in the grand mission to the world.
For that it had no taste " (Weizsacker, A A, ii. p. 297).
2 Cp. Haring ThA (1892), pp. 173-200, besides Weiss, INT, ii. pp. 175-197 (and
in Meyer), and Keim, i. p. 200 f. (*' The epistle and the gospel are the evident, acute,
and comprehensive answer to this Cerinthus "). On the curious attempt (Jn 1934,
1 Jn5M)at a semi-mystical allegorising of baptism, after the Philonic pattern, which
is common to both writings, cp. Abbott, EB, article "Gospels," pp. 828-830 : '|It
reveals an exaggerated notice of the importance of baptism by water, against whieh
the author feels compelled to contend." But it is also a bit of polemic against
Cerinthus and the school of John the Baptist, who laid excessive stress upon the
baptism of Jesus.

536 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
same author ; r and both also are unpretending notes evidently subse
quent to 1 John, whether they were written by the apostle, or — as was
widely and early felt in the church (Jerome, De Vir. Elust. 3) — by the
Presbyter John. The doctrinal and ecclesiastical circumstances which
they reflect have suggested 130-140 a.d. as the date of their origin. So
Hilgenfeld (Einl. pp. 682-694), Holtzmann (HG, iv. 2, pp. 268, 272), and
Weizsacker (A A, ii. 239), who reckon the epistles as products of the
Johannine school which were composed about the time when the great
Gnostic systems began to rise. But this is to interpret far too rigidly
their occasional references. Their atmosphere is similar to, though less
developed than, that of the " pastorals " ; so much at least can be traced
in their incidental allusions. Also, the similarity of ecclesiastical life to
that portrayed in the Didache (c. 130 a.d.) becomes significant only when
it is remembered that the latter implies a system which has been in exist
ence for some time previously. The letters may be put, therefore, into
the opening decades of the century 2 when that system was in process of
consolidation (J. Reville, Les origines de I'Episcop. pp. 204-208).
The emphasis in the second epistle is on doctrine. But the false
teaching which is insidiously permeating the church is apparently none
other than that already controverted in the first epistle. Although the
third epistle is addressed to an individual, the second seems to imply a
community veiled under the semi-poetic, semi-playful title of " the elect
Lady." The tenor of the counsels suits the circumstances of those who
were the members (or " children ") of this church, in their exposure to
heresy and uncharitableness. Evidently, ultra-spiritualism was also one
of the dangers of that critical period. Its failure to do justice to the
historical basis of the faith had to be corrected by a sharp recall to the
apostolic tradition in which that basis was preserved.
In the third epistle, again, the organisation of the church comes into
greater prominence. If Harnack's ingenious theory3 be correct in the main,
it is a ray of light upon the passage of the early church from the earlier
and undeveloped state of primitive itinerant preachers to one where the
more settled order of monarchical bishops (like Diotrephes) and church-
officials was assuming control ; though in some aspects Diotrephes seems
] Reville (loc. cit.) remarks : " II faut se representer la coexistence de ces courants
intellectuels differents dans les petits cercles mystiques de l'Asie-Mineure grecque,
de la meme facon'que s'associent, dans certaines society mystiques de la fin du
moyen iige, le legalisme monastique et la plus large independence a l'egard de la
theologie ecclesiastique ofiicielle." Eusebius (HE, rv. 22) mentions a certain Theo-
butis (Thebutis) who, according to Hegesippus, corrupted a pure church (crapBivo.)
with his teaching (axoals pixraiats), owing to anger at missing a bishopric. A proto
type or comrade of Diotrephes ! Bruckner ( Chron. pp. 302-306), I observe, agrees that
the two smaller epistles are due to one hand ; he is not sure if this writer also wrote
the first epistle, but in any case it was not the author of the gospel. There is really
no reason, however, to doubt the obvious fact — noticed long ago by Erasmus and
Grotius, and amply confirmed by modem criticism — that these notes are to be
relegated to John the presbyter.
2 Adeney (BI, pp. 455-458), like Weiss and Westcott, puts them towards the end
of the first century, a position which is of course necessary if they are ascribed to
John the apostle. Zahn goes even earlier, to the 9th decade of the first century
(Einl. ii. pp. 576-582), and is followed by Bartlet (AA, pp. 418-433).
3 Cp. TCI, xv. 3. " Es ist der Kampf der alten patriarchalischen und provinzialen
Missionsorganization gegen die sich konsolidierende Einzelgemeinde, die zum Zweck
ihrer Konsolidierung und strengen Abschliessung nach aussen den monarchischen
Episkopat aus ihrer Mitte hervortreibt " (p. 21) ; also HD, i. p. 213 f. But see
reviews by Baldensperger (Prolog, p. 148), Kriiger (ZwTh, 1898, pp. 307-311), and
Hilgenfeld (Ibid. 316-320).

THE LETTERS OF JOHN 537
more like the champion of the old order. It is at any rate the private
note of an ecclesiastic, varying from irate criticism of an influential rival
to generous approval of his correspondent's hospitality and character.
Official rights are in the air, and here as in Clem. Rom. (13-15) their
possessors insist upon deference. Order and unity are the object of
desire within the church, as the Ignatian epistles clearly indicate,
although the origin of this movement to hegemony (Palestinian Jewish
Christianity, or Asiatic Hellenism) remains far from clear.
Questions of authorship ] and object apart, however, the three Johan
nine epistles undoubtedly follow in the wake of the fourth gospel. It is
safest to print them immediately after it, as the epistles themselves are
so isolated in the NT that they fail to furnish evidence 2 which would
enable us to determine their relative position with an}' more definiteness,
from literary affinities with the subsequent records. There is equally
little evidence for the supposition that the first epistle was composed
after the others.
Evidence for the late stage of development in the apostolic consciousness
is furnished incidentally by the use of the collective name avrixpioros.
The word, while evidently a familiar term and implying a tradition (1 Jn
43- 6, d/cT/Kocn-e), only occurs — and that figuratively — in 1-2 Jn (cp. the
quotation and commentary in Polyk. Ad Philip, vii.). From denoting, as
in 2 Thess and Apoc 13, 17 (probably earlier portions of the book), a
personage or world-power, primarily Jewish and secondarily pagan, the
idea has become that of a principle, i.e. the Gnostic denial of Jesus' true
humanity. This heresy 3 (a spirit, 1 Jn 43) may again be represented in
numerous individuals. These exponents of the idea become " anti
christs," as they oppose and displace Christ, by their belief in other
divine powers, idolatrous and untrue (vide Baldensperger, Prolog, pp.
145-147). In the crisis and change which mark the opening of the
second century, this untoward result has already taken place within the
sphere of Christianity (<a\ vvv . . . ghg). The " great " church is being
driven to the verge of a distinction between the visible and the invisible
ecclesia (2 Ti 220). Her increasing self-consciousness demands that the
cleavage (Jn 179, 1 Jn 516, 2 Jn 10) be recognised between herself and the
heretics of the day. Through her communion, founded on apostolic
tradition (1 Jn lls 46), communion with God is alone possible for men.
From the point of historical interest, then, these writings help inci
dentally to corroborate (1 Jn l1'4, 2 Jn 12) the traditional theory that even
alongside of the written gospels oral teaching with its systematic
catechism * kept a tenacious existence and supplemented the records, just
1 2 and 3 John were in all likelihood written by John the presbyter, as Jerome
admits. 1 John at any rate cannot have been written by the man who wrote Apoc.
2, 3. The contrast between concrete pregnant advice and abstract review is fatal to
identity of authorship.
2 2 Jn 7 is too vague to be taken as a reflection of the Domitianic persecution. It
could have been written at almost any time after 65 a.d.
5 The evidence for the existence of a party who perverted Paulinism (1 Jo 37, etc.)
within the church, is scarcely adequate, although the fact is perfectly probable.
The main issues of Paul's epoch are of course ancient history to this writer.
4 "There must be, we admit, a fairly constant impact. A wandering voice will
not fill the mind, it will prove like a fine symphony heard once and then only faintly
remembered. . . . But, given a long-continued and sustained personal influence over
receptive minds, we think that the power of the living voice as an organ of reason
cannot be dispensed with or surpassed" (Spectator, March 1899, p. 411, "On the
Living Voice and the Printed Page"). Cp. Zahn, GK, i. p. 840 f., on oral tradition
and the gospels. An interesting instance in Pliny's Epp. ii. 3.

538 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
as the use of stone implements (Reville) persisted after the discovery and
employment of various metals. Through all the Johannine epistles stress
falls not on the appeal to scripture or the sayings of Jesus, but on the
authority and personality of the writer conveyed usually viva voce and
specially in writing, as well as on tradition (d-rr' dpxgs) and the spiritual
conscience. Individually, the notes have a certain distinctiveness. In the
first epistle J the atmosphere is the antinomian Gnosticism and libertine
tendencies of the second century. Between the epistle and the gospel there
is a manifest identity of phrases and ideas, and although the former has
its own characteristics, these are not psychologically incompatible with
the unity of authorship. They are explicable upon the supposition that
some years later the author of the gospel had occasion to re-state in
another and more polemical form some of his convictions and principles
in view of a more developed situation. His main concern is with the
inward errors and dangers which were in operation (46) throughout the
Christian society in regard to the person of Christ and the moral obliga
tions of faith ; 2 the extension and organisation of the church are not
upon his horizon. The unimportant, homely notes which have been
preserved under the titles 2 and 3 John have quite an ecclesiastical tinge.
Evidently they were written by some one familiar with the Johannine
circle of ideas, but fortunately their date does not depend upon their
authorship. Their world is the world of 1 John, partially of the
" pastoral epistles," and they afford but a glimpse into one corner of that
world. Like drops of water under a microscope, these tiny letters never
theless can be made to disclose a teeming activity of life, though it is
limited withal and comparatively speaking petty.
1 Cp. a lucid article by A. Zahn ( Wanderungen durch Schrift. und Geschichte,
1S91, pp. 3-74) on the conception of sin in the first epistle of John, especially
chap, i., with Wiesinger's analysis ofthe book in SE (1899), pp. 575-581, and Karl's
paragraphs (Johan. Studien, I. 1898, pp. 97-104).
2 Haring, ThA, pp, 187-200. Evidently the church has been able to shed off the
unsound members of her communion (1 Jn 219 44). But the state of matters corrobor
ates the impression of trouble with the Asiatic churches which is left by the earlier
record in Ac 2029- 3°.

I. JOHN
1 John is a writing meant to controvert an antinomian Gnosticism. It is
a defence of that true Gnosis, which upon the one hand finds in the incarnate
Son of God the full knowledge of God and all that pertains to that knowledge
(even life eternal), while upon the other hand it feels the need of breaking
with sin and showing love ; nor can it urge too often against the pride of the
so-called "spirituals," that what we possess in religion and morals is a gift of
God. Every sentence of our epistle is in aid of such a defence. The author
never thinks he has brought forward sufficient arguments. Over and again
he comes back to what he has already handled, nor does he fear to con
tradict himself. Indeed, he brings out from his world of thought whatever
will be of service in this battle against moral and religious anarchy, doing so
not for its own sake, but simply as he can make use of it in order to strengthen
the confidence of his readers in anti-Gnostic Christianity. There is a
striking connection between 1 John and the gospel of John, which is explained
with the. greatest probability when the epistle is regarded as a later composition
of the evangelist. His reason for allowing it to follow the earlier work was not
to present the main thoughts of that great predecessor in a popular form, or to
express them over again as propositions that could be remembered. It was
because his gospel and conceptions of Christianity were seriously threatened
now by Gnostics, who frankly made a partial use of his formulas to recommend
themselves to the ignorant, and indeed found many points in his own views
with whieh they coincided. In composing his defence, he chose the form of an
"epistle," which, thanks to Paul, had eome into high favour ; but this did not
materially alter his own style. — jiilicher.

I1"4 Introduction : fellowship with God and man.
l6-217 Light and darkness : the conditions of fellowship —
the forgiveness of sins.
the commandment of love.
218"29 Truth and falsehood : the dangers of fellowship —
the spirit of antichrist.
31"12 Children of God and children of the devil : the character of
fellowship —
sinlessness and love.
S^S1' Brotherly love : resulting in, confidence towards God.
41"6 moral and spiritual insight.
47"21 union with God.
51"13 based upon faith in the Son of God— the victory of faith.
513"21 Epilogue : a resumed

I. JOHN"
1 1 That which was from the beginning :
which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes,
which we looked on, and our hands handled .
concerning the word of life —
2 yea, the life was disclosed,
and we have seen and bear witness, and bring word to you of
the life eternal,
which was with the Father
and was disclosed to us —
3 of that which we have seen and heard we bring word to you as
well,
that you also may have fellowship with us :
yea, and our fellowship is with the Father, and with his Son
Jesus Christ.
4 And these things we write,
that our joy may be complete.
5 And the message which we have learned from him and disclose to you
is this :
" God is light, and in him is no darkness at all."
6 If we say, " We have fellowship with him," and walk in the darkness,
We lie and we do not practise the truth :
7 But if we walk in the light, as he is in the light,
We have fellowship one with another,
And the blood of Jesus his Son cleanses us from all sin.
8 If we say, " We have no sin,"
We lead ourselves astray,
And the truth is not in us.
9 If we confess our sins,
Faithful is he and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from
aU iniquity.
10 If we say, "We have not sinned,"
We make him a liar,
And his word is not in us.
2 1 My little children, these things I write to you
That you may not sin.
Yet if anyone sins,
We have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the upright.
2 And he is the propitiation for our sins,
Yet not for ours only, but also for the whole world.
3 And hereby we know that we know him,
If we keep his commandments.
4 He who says, " I know him," and keeps not his commandments,
Is a liar, and the truth is not in him :
540

25"22] I. JOHN 541
5 But whoever keeps his word,
God's love has really been perfected in him.
Hereby we know we are in him ;
6 He who says he " remains in him," is bound also to walk himself
even as he walked.
7 Beloved, I write no new commandment to you, but an old commandment
which you have had from the beginning :
The old commandment is the word which you have learned.
8 Again I write a new commandment to you,
Namely, that which is true in him and in you :
For the darkness is passing away, and already the true light shines.
9 He who says he is " in the light," and yet hates his brother, is still in
the darkness :
10 He who loves his brother remains in the light, and in him there is no
pitfall.
11 But he who hates his brother is in the darkness, and walks in the
darkness, and knows not where he is going, because the darkness
has blinded his eyes.
12 Little children, I write to you,
Because your sins are forgiven you for his name's sake :
13 Fathers, I write to you,
Because you know him who is from the beginning :
Young men, I write to you,
Because you have conquered the evil one.
Little children, I have written to you,
Because you know the Father :
14 Fathers, I have written to you,
Because you know him who is from the beginning :
Young men, I have written to you
Because you are strong, and the word of God remains in you, and
you have conquered the evil one.
15 Love not the world, nor yet what is in the world :
If any man loves the world, the love of the Father is not in him.
16 For all that is in the world,
The desire of the flesh, the desire of the eyes, the proud glory of life,
Is not of the Father but is of the world ;
17 And the world is passing away with its desire,
But he who obeys the will of God remains for ever.
18 Little ones, it is the last hour ;
And as you have heard that "antichrist is coming," many anti
christs have appeared even now.
Hence we know it is the last hour.
19 From us they went out, but of us they were not :
Had they been of us, they would have remained with us,
But they went out, to make it plain that they were none of us.
20 And you have an anointing from the holy One, and you all have
knowledge :
21 I have not written to you because you do not know the truth, but
because you know it, and because no lie is of the truth.
22 Who is the liar if not he who denies that Jesus is the Christ 1
The denier of the Father and of the Son, he is the anti
christ.

542 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [223-312
23 Whoever denies the Son, has not the Father :
He who confesses the Son has the Father also.
24 Let that remain in you which you have learned from the beginning :
If what you have learned from the beginning remain in you, you
also shall remain in the Son and in the Father ;
25 And this is the promise which he has given us, the life eternal.
26 I have written to you thus concerning those who lead you astray :
27 Yet as for you, the anointing 3^011 received from him remains in you,
and you have no need of anyone to teach you.
Nay,1 his anointing teaches you concerningall things, and is true, andisnolie;
And even as it has taught you, you remain in him.
28 And now, little children, remain in him,
That we may have confidence when he is disclosed,
And not shrink from him in shame, at his arrival.
29 As you know that he is upright,
You know that every one who practises uprightness is born
of him.
3 1 Look, what a love the Father has given to us, that we should be called
" children of God " ; and children of God we are.
The world knows us not, for this reason, that it knew not him.
2 Beloved, we are children of God now ;
Yet what we shall be has not yet been disclosed.
When he is disclosed, we know we shall be like him,
For we shall see him even as he is.
3 And every one who sets this hope on him
Purifies himself, even as he is pure.
4 Anyone who commits sin commits lawlessness also ;
Yea, sin is lawlessness.
5 And you know that he was disclosed to take away sins,
And in him is no sin.
6 Anyone who abides in him sins not :
Anyone who sins has neither seen him nor known him.
7 Little children, let no one lead you astray —
He who practises uprightness is upright,
Even as God is upright :
8 He who commits sin is of the devil,
For the devil has sinned from the beginning.
For this the Son of God was disclosed,
To destroy the deeds of the devil.
9 Anyone born of God commits no sin,
Because his Birth remains in him :
Yea, he cannot sin,
Because he is born of God.
10 Herein the children of God and the children of the devil are to be
recognised.
Anyone who does not practise uprightness is not of God,
Nor is he who loves not his brother.
11 For the message you have learned from the beginning is this :
That we should love one another.
12 Not as Kain was of tbe evil one,
And slew his brother.
And for what reason did he slay him ?
Because his own deeds were evil, and his brother's upright.
1 Reading **x«.

313-48] I. JOHN 543
13 Marvel not, brothers, that the world hates you :
14 We know we have passed from death into life,
Because we love the brothers.
He who loves not, remains in death :
15 Every one who hates his brother is a manslayer,
And you know that no manslayer has life eternal remaining in him.
16 Hereby we know love, because he laid down his life for us :
And we are bound to lay down our lives for the brothers.
17 But whoever has this world's resources, and observes his brother in need,
yet shuts up his compassion from him,
How is the love of God to remain in him 1
18 Little children, let us not love with word or with the tongue,
But in deed and truth.
19 Hereby 1 we shall know that we are of the truth,
And so reassure our hearts before him.
20 For, if our heart condemn us,
It is plain that God is greater than our heart, and knows all things.
21 Beloved, if our heart condemn us not,
We have confidence towards God,
22 And whatever we ask we receive from him,
Because we keep his commandments, and do what is pleasing in his
sight.
23 And his commandment is this :
That we should believe the name of his Son Jesus Christ, and love
one another, even as he gave us a commandment.
24 And he who keeps his commandments remains in him, and he in him.
And hereby we know he remains in us, by the Spirit which he gave
us.
1 1 Beloved, believe not every spirit,
But test whether the spirits are of God ;
Because many false prophets have gone out into the world.
2 Know the spirit of God by this : —
Every spirit which confesses that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh,
Is of God ;
3 And every spirit which confesses not Jesus,
Is not of God.
Yea, this is the spirit of the antichrist which you heard was coming,
And at this moment it is already in the world.
4 You are of God, little children, and you have conquered them ;
Because he who is in you is greater than he who is in the world.
5 They are of the world,
Therefore of the world they speak, and to them the world listens.
6 We are of God :
He who knows God listens to us,
He who is not of God listens not to us.
Hereby we know the spirit of truth
And the spirit of error.
7 Beloved, let us love one another : —
For love is of God,
And every one who loves is born of God and knows God :
8 He who loves not knows not God,
For God is love. 1 Omitting [[*«)]].

544 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [49-56
9 Herein the love of God was manifested for us,
That God sent his only Son into the world, that we might live
through him.
10 Herein is love : not that we loved God but that he loved us,
And sent his Son as the propitiation for our sins.
11 Beloved, if God loved us so,
Then we are bound to love one another.
12 As for God, no one has ever beheld him.
If we love one another,
God remains in us and in us his love is perfected :
13 Hereby we know that we remain in him and he in us,
Because he has given us of his Spirit.
1 4 And we have beheld and bear witness
That the Father sent the Son as the saviour of the world.
15 Whoever shall confess that "Jesus is the Son of God,"
God remains in him and he in God.
16 And we know and have believed the love God has for us :
God is love,
And he who remains in love remains in God, and God remains
in him.
17 Herein love is perfected with us,
That we have confidence at the day of judgment ;
For even as he is, so are we in this world.
18 In love there is no fear :
Nay, perfect love casts out fear ;
For fear goes with punishment,
And he who fears is not perfected in love.
19 We love, because he first loved us.
20 If anyone says, " I love God," and yet hates his brother,
He is a liar ;
For he who loves not his brother whom he has seen,
Cannot love God whom he has not seen.
21 And we have this commandment from him,
That he who loves God love his brother also.
5 1 Every one who believes that Jesus is the Christ,
Is born of God.
And every one who loves him who begat,
Loves him J who is born of him.
2 Hereby we know that we love the children of God,
When we love God and obey his commandments ;
3 For the love of God is this,
That we keep his commandments.
And his commandments are not heavy,
4 Because whatsoever is born of God conquers the world ;
Yea, this is the conquest that has conquered the world,
Even our faith.
5 Who is the conqueror of the world ?
Who but he that believes Jesus is the Son of God 1
6 This is he, Jesus Christ, who came through water and blood,
Not with the water only, but with the water and with the blood.
And it is the Spirit that is witness,
Because the Spirit is the truth.
1 Omitting xai.

57"21] I. JOHN 545
8 For the witnesses are three, the Spirit and the water and the blood,
And the three are at one.
9 If we receive the evidence of men, the evidence of God is greater ;
For the evidence of God is this, that he has borne evidence concern
ing his Son.
10 He who believes on the Son of God
Carries the evidence within himself :
He who believes not God
Has made him a liar,
Because he has not believed in the evidence which God has borne
concerning his Son.
11 And the evidence is this,
That God gave us life eternal, and this life is in his Son :
12 He who has the Son has the life,
He who has not the Son of God has not the life.
13 These things I have written to you who believe on the name of tbe Son
of God, That you may know you have life eternal.
14 And the confidence we have towards him is this,
That if we ask anything according to his will, he listens to us ;
15 And if we know he listens to us, in whatever we ask,
We know that we have the requests we have asked from him.
16 If anyone sees his brother committing a sin which is not to death,
He shall ask and so give life to him — to those who sin not to
death.
There is a sin to death ;
I do not say he is to pray about that.
17 All iniquity is sin ;
Yet there is a sin not to death.
18 We know that anyone born of God sins not :
Nay, He who was born of God keeps him,
And the evil one touches him not.
19 We know that we are of God,
And the whole world lies in the power of the evil one.
20 But we know that the Son of God has come,
And has given us understanding to know him who is real,
And we are in him who is real, in his Son Jesus Christ.
Here is the real God and life eternal.
21 Little children, keep yourselves clear of idols.

35

All points to a period which had to do, not merely with the beginnings of
Gnosis, but with the doctrines of the great Gnostics. The Johannine tradition
was now defending itself with all its energy against this phase of a speculation
which had drawn its support from its own teaching. The second letter of
John is neither more nor less than a short extract from the first ; it has an
external motive, and is addressed to a definite, though unknown, church.
Trouble threatened the church from the Gnostic teaching which is now
combated. — Weizsacker.

1-3 Greeting.

Farewell.

546

II. JOHN
1 THBpresbyter
to the choice Lady and her children, whom I sincerely love — and
2 not I alone, but also all who know the truth — for the sake of the truth
which remains in us, and with us it shall be for ever :
3 With us shall be grace, mercy, peace, from God the Father and from
Jesus Christ the Son of the Father, in truth and love.
4 I was overjoyed to find some of thy children walking in truth, even
5 as we received commandment from the Father. And now I entreat thee,
Lady, not as though I wrote thee a new commandment — nay, it is the
commandment which we had from the beginning, that we love one an-
6 other. And love is this, that we walk after his commandments ; this is
the commandment, even as you have learned from the beginning, for you to
7 walk in. For many impostors have gone out into the world, men who do
not confess Jesus Christ as coming in the flesh ; there is " the impostor,"
8 there "the antichrist." Look to yourselves, that you lose not what you
have worked for, but that you receive a full reward.
9 Every one who is " advanced " and does not remain by the teaching
of the Christ,
Has not God :
He who remains by the teaching,
He has both the Father and the Son.
10 If anyone comes to you and brings not this teaching, receive him not
11 into the house nor give him any greeting ; for he who gives him greeting
has a share in his evil deeds.
12 I have many things to write to you, but I do not mean to use paper
and ink ; I hope to be with you, and to speak face to face, so that our J
joy may be complete.
13 The children of thy choice Sister salute thee.
1 Reading ny-Sv.

547

The great interest of this epistle lies in the insight which it gives us into
the ordinary life of the Christian communities of those early times and this wide
Asiatic territory. . . . It shows us something of their independence, of the kind
of ministry that was in exercise among them, and their relation to it, of their
order also and administration. It seems to mark a notable stage in the growth
of the church and the history of its organisations. It discloses a condition
of things like that with which the DidacM has made us familiar. It places us
at the point of transition from the apostolic to the post-apostolic, from the
primitive simplicity to a more developed constitution. — S. D. F. Salmond.

1 Greeting.
2"4 Praise of Gaius' character and
5-8 hospitality.
9-12 Warning against Diotrephes.
Commendation of Demetrius.
IS"14 Farewell.

648

III. JOHN
1 The presbyter
to Gaius the beloved, whom I sincerely love.
2 Beloved, it is my desire that in all respects thou mayest prosper and
3 be in health, even as thy soul prospers. I was overjoyed at the coming
of brothers who bore witness to thy truth, even as thou art walking in
4 truth. I have no greater joy than to hear of my own children walking
5 in the truth. Beloved, in any work of thine for those who are brothers,
6 aye and strangers, thou art acting faithfully ; they have borne witness
before the Community to thy love, and thou wilt do weU to speed them
7 on their journey in a manner worthy of God. For it is for the Name's
sake that they have gone out, not accepting anything from the heathen.
8 We are bound, then, to support such people, that we may show ourselves
fellow-workers with the truth.
9 I have written something to the Community ; but Diotrephes, who
10 loves to domineer among them, repudiates us. Therefore, when I come,
I will recall the works he is doing, as he babbles against us with evil
words ; and, not satisfied with that, he refuses a welcome to the brothers
himself, prevents those who would give it, and expels them from the
Community.
11 Beloved, imitate not what is wrong but what is right.
He who does what is right, is of God :
He who does what is wrong, has not seen God.
12 Demetrius has witness borne him from all and from the truth itself :
yes, and we bear witness also, and thou knowest that our witness is true.
13 I had many things to write to thee, but I am unwilling to write to
14 thee with ink and pen. I hope, however, to see thee immediately, and we
shall speak face to face.
Peace to thee.
The friends salute thee.
Salute the friends by name.

A FKAGMENT OF EVANGELIC TRADITION
[Mk 169"20]
This interesting and detached fragment is to be dated probably within
a century after the resurrection, somewhere in the first quarter of the
second century. Its regular place in the MSS is at the close of Mark's
gospel, which it was evidently designed to supplement.1 That it did not
form the original close to that work, is a conclusion which may be
regarded as impregnable.2 The two points for serious discussion are (a)
its date, including the question of authorship, and (6) the resultant
critical question with regard to Mark's gospel. Whether it was originally
composed for its present place in the gap (Bruckner), or existed in
dependently in whole or part, can scarcely be determined upon the
evidence at our command, though the latter is the more probable
hypothesis. (a) The date of the fragment has been recently connected with its
authorship by Mr. F. C. Conybeare (Exp.* viii. p. 241 f., and Exp.5 ii
p. 401 f.). From a recently discovered Armenian codex (of 986 a.d.) con
taining after e'oJo/3. ydp the verses 9-20, preceded by the words " Ariston
Eritzou" (= of the presbyter Ariston) in red uncials, he inferred that the
Ariston or Aristion mentioned there was the Christian of the same name
mentioned in Eusebius (HE, in. 39. 4) as one of the teachers of Papias,
and along with the presbyter John as a disciple of the Lord. This is a
conjecture which has been widely accepted, e.g. by Harnack, Swete (ed.
of Mark, 1898, pp. xcvi-cv), Eck (Preussiche Jahrbilcher, 1898, pp.
40-43), and Sanday (DB, ii. pp. 638, 639). It is curious that Papias
1 The " shorter conclusion " printed in most critical editions of the text is poorly
attested, and does not fall to he noticed here. As to the origin of [ilk l&--*>], there is
just a possibility that it formed the close of some narrative of the resurrection,
based upon apostolic tradition, the opening of which has been irretrievably lost.
Zahn (GK, i. p. 922 n.) thinks of the Teaching or Preaching of Peter as a possible
source or contemporary document.
- All that can, together with a good deal that cannot, be said in favour ofthe
passage and its authenticity, may be seen by the curious in Burgon's well-known
treatise (The Last Twelve Verses ofthe Gospel according to St. Mark, 1871). Critical
data in Zahn, GE, ii. pp. 910-938, and Tischendorf, AT (8th ed.), i. pp. 403-407.
Apart from the usual editions (cp. recently Swete, pp. xcvi-cv) and Introductions
(particularly Zahn, ii. pp. 227-240), there is a popular and frank summary of the
case in Abbott's Common Tradition, pp. xviii-xxiii, gathering up the cumulative
argument from (a) textual criticism, (6) style, the absence of Marcan characteristics
and the presence of unMarcan expressions, and (c) internal contents. Literature in
DB, iii. pp. 252, 253.
Harnack points out (TU, xh. 1) that Jerome (c. Pelag. n. 15) found in some
codices between verses 14 and 15 the following passage (in quibusdam exemplaribns
et maxime in Graecis Codd.):— "Et illi satisfaciebant dicentes : Saeculum istud
iniquitatis et incredulitatis sub satana (Codd. substantia) est, qui (Codd. quae)
non sinit per immundos spiritus veram dei apprehendi virtutem, idcirco jam nunc
revela justitiam tuam."

A FRAGMENT OF EVANGELIC TRADITION 551
should not have mentioned the circumstance, and it is also strange that
Aristion should have taken the trouble to compile so second-hand and
loose a narrative.1 Still it may have actually come from his &irjyr)aeis
(cf. Lk l1), in which case its date would be towards the beginning of
the second century or slightly later. Resch (TU, x. 2, pp. 449-456 ;
ThSt, pp. 109, 110) suggests Ariston of Pella as the author, a Jewish-
Christian presbyter who —on Resch's very shaky hypothesis — edited the
first canon of the gospels, c. 140 a.d. For less conjectural reasons,
Warfeld dates the fragment not later than the first thirty years of the
second century. He imagines that it was taken, along with the pericope
Jn 753-8u, from the book of illustrations of the gospel narrative com
posed by Papias, c. 120 a.d. (Textual Criticism of the NT, pp. 199-205).
Rohrbach, again, conjectures 110-120 a.d. as the period when the in
complete gospel was furnished in Asia Minor with its unauthentic
conclusion, at the same time as the appendix (21), in which that con
clusion was used, was added to the fourth gospel.
Here as elsewhere, however, while there is plenty of good argument
to prove that the passage is an interpolation, signs fail for its date.
Further, it must be borne in mind that a passage may have existed in
written form before it was inserted in its present place in the MSS, as
is the case with the Homeric catalogue of the troops in the second
book of the Iliad (lines 484-877) ; also, that it represents in all likeli
hood a tradition older than itself. Relatively, indeed, limits can be
fixed within which it must lie. The fragment presupposes Luke
(CP- 17I18 with Ac 21-13 283'6 V if not John" Xt is an eoll° °f the Preced"
ing traditions, inserted at the close of Mark by an early editor in order to
supplement the defective resurrection-narrative.3 Upon the other side,
if its use can be traced in Justin Martyr (Apol. i. 45), a terminus ad quem
would be established. The evidence for this, however, is too indefinite.4
1 So much so that Zahn, who had already (GK, i. p. 913 f.) referred vers. 15, 16 to
an extra-canonical source, now prefers to confine Aristion's share to vers. 14-18.
He appeals, in confirmation of this, to the marginal gloss written by a Scholiast in
Rufmus's translation of Eusebius, which quotes Aristion's authority for a story of
Justus, surnamed Bar-Sabbas (Ac l23), who miraculously recovered after drinking
some deadly poison ( = Mk 1618). Baeon (Journ. Bibl. Lit. 1898, pp. 176-183) now
conjectures that Papias's description of Aristion and John the presbyter as disciples
rov xupiov originally read tovtojv (i.e. r£v aToo-roXwv). In any case the oral tradition
from which a fragment like this sprang, must have been exposed to contamination.
Even Papias was tainted with millenarianism, and we may be sure this penchant was
not in conflict with the teaching of the elders upon whom he leaned so heavily and
from whom he repeated legendary tales like that of Justus Bar-Sabbas and his
poison, besides \ivas rtvas crapa(Zo\xs rov 1o)TT,pos xai dt^ao-xa^ias avrov xai riva a\>a
pcvStxinpa, if we can trust the unsympathetic notice of Eusebius (HE, in. 39).
2 Add Jn 20118 + Lk 82 = Mk 169-u, while vers. 19, 20 are a colourless review of
previous apostolic history (Lk 2460-61, Ac l9"11). I do not see any convincing
evidence for the use of Mk 16»-a° in Jn 21.
3 1 append a table, re-arranged from Loofs (Die Auferstehungsberichte und ihr
Wert, 1898), to bring out the role of this fragment in the cycle and growth of the
resurrection stories. The correct inference from these in general is that the tradi
tion was largely fluid and for a long time indeterminate, while the Galilaean appear
ances do not rest upon very adequate historical evideuce. For a more conservative
statement, cp. Beyschlag, SK (1899), pp. 507-539, and Schwartzkopff, Prophecies of
Jesus Christ, pp. 87-124.
4 Dr. C. Taylor (Exp.i viii. pp. 71-80, argues for such a use even earlier, in
Barnabas aud Clem. Bom., but the evidence is far from conclusive. The same holds
true of the gospel of Peter. It is a disputed point whether the resurrection narrat-
[Continued on page 553.

552

HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT

" A fact so stupendous as the Resurrection needs to be supported by
strong evidence, and very strong evidence both as regards quantity and
qualitv is forthcoming ; but all parts of it are not of equal value, and it
is well that the authorities should be compared with each other and
critically estimated. . . . Whichever way we turn, difficulties meet us,
which the documents to which we have access do not enable us to
remove." — Sanday.

JERUSALEM

Gospel op
1 Cor 15.
(Mark —
Appendix).
Gospel of
Hebrews.
(No locality
Mark.
Matthew.
Luke.
John.
Peter.
'No locality
mentioned )
mentioned)
Mary Magd.
Mary Magd.
Mary- Magd.
Mary Magd.
Mary Magd.
Mary the
and the
Joanna,
and her
mother of
other Mary
Mary the
friends
James, and
mother of
Salome
James
find grave
find grave
find grave
finds grave
find grave
empty
empty
empty
empty
Peter and
the other
disciple find grave
empty
empty
see an
see an
see two
Mary Magd.
see an
angel,
angel, who
angels
sees two
angel.
who re
refers
angels
fers them
them to
to Galilee.
Galilee,and then
meet Jesus.
sees Jesus
Mary Magd.
first sees
Jesus
Peter sees
Peter sees
Jesus
Jesus
the two
travellers to
Emmaus
two travel
lers see
Jesus
then the
the eleven
the eleven
the eleven
twelve
see Jesus
and are
parted from
him at Beth
any.
(withoutThomas) see Jesus
see Jesus,
and are
parted from him.
then 500
brothers
then James
Jesus ap
pears to
James
then all the
the eleven
then to
apostles.
(withThomas) see Jesus.
Peter and
those with:
him.
GALILEE

(21)
the eleven
Simon
Simon
meet Jesus
Peter and
Peter and
at the
six other
others
mountain.
disciples see Jesus
at Lake
Tiberias
conve rsa-
tion be-
t w e e n
Peter and
Jesus.
(Andrew, Levi) see
Jesus in
Galilee.
A FRAGMENT OF EVANGELIC TRADITION 553
Dr. Chase (Syriac Element in Codex Bezae, pp. 150-157) thinks that a
Syriac version of the section can be proved to have existed by the middle
of the second century, and that consequently the primitive Greek text is to
be dated almost in the first quarter of the century. Upon some such date,
at any rate, the various probabilities of the evidence converge. Certainly
neither Matthew nor Luke had before them any text of Mark that went
beyond 168 (cp. Wernle, op. cit. pp. 36, 177, 218, 219), nor does the passage
reflect an independent source. It is a vague, meagre, and secondary
summary of previous traditions, a Kypvypa or Siyyyo-is, though scarcely to
be dismissed as a fragment of a thoroughly poetic nature, in keeping with
the gospel to which it has been added (W. Bruckner).
(b) The removal of [Mk 16920] leaves the conclusion of that gospel in
a state which demands some hypothesis to account for its unfinished or
mutilated condition. On all hands it is admitted that no author could
have intended his work to close with the words eqboftovvro ydp. Either
then, (i.) the original conclusion has been lost, or (ii.) the author was
prevented by accident or death from finishing his book. In the former
case (i.) the continuation must have been lost at a very early date,
previous to the transcription of the earliest copy, as no trace of it exists.
This difficulty, however, is not insuperable. A leaf may have been de
tached, or some accident may have occurred to the original autograph.
Zahn, however (GK, ii. p. 928 f.), has recently contended for (ii.),
principally on the ground that the existence and disappearance of such
an x as the other theory requires, must be held incredible. Mark, he
thinks, was prevented by Peter's death from completing the volume ; then,
before he could interfere, his friends had read and copied the unfinished
work. Blair (Apostolic Gospel, pp. 372-385) more sensibly concludes that
the lost ending could not have been longer than Mt 289"20, as Matthew
usually enlarges his sources; also that Lk 249-11-12 preserve in their
integrity the details which were contained in the lost ending. The
verbal contradiction between the one passage (Lk 248) and the other
(Mk 168) led, as he thinks, to the deliberate rejection of the original con
clusion in order to avoid a discrepancy. But it is possible also that if
the original ending of Mark was brief, it failed to satisfy the needs of
later generations, and was consequently superseded (Reville). When
the passage is taken as an integral part of the gospel, its phenomena affect
the date of the whole work, and leave no alternative except (with Dr.
Salmon, INT, pp. 143-151) to bring the gospel down to a period anterior
to Matthew and Luke. In face of modern criticism upon the synoptic
problem, this is of course an indefensible position.
ive of that gospel goes back to Mk I69-50, or — as has even been conjectured — to the
lost original conclusion of Mark. The double stream of tradition upon the resurrec
tion is best traced by Reville (n. pp. 428-452), and by Rohrbach in his Die Berichte
iiber die AvfersUhung J. C. (1898) ; cp. also Harnack, ThLz (1899), pp. 174-176. W.
Bruckner's articles (PM, 1899, pp. 41-47, 96-110, 153-160) give a review and
discussion, largely of Rohrbach's position.
1 Something of this kind occurred in the case of tbe notes taken by Arrian during
the lectures of Epiktetus. Like the first edition of the Religio Medici, they were
afterwards published surreptitiously, or at least apart from the connivance of the
author.

Whether they are historically trustworthy or not, their contents are not
such as could have been invented by any scribe or editor of the gospel [of
Mark] in his desire to supply tbe observed defect by a substantial and dignified
ending. . . . There is, however, no difficulty in supposing that a scribe or
editor, unwilling to change the words of the text before him or to add words of
his own, was willing to furnish the gospel with what seemed a worthy conclu
sion, by incorporating with it unchanged a narrative of Christ's appearances after
the Resurrection, which he found in some secondary record then surviving from a
previous generation. . . It is shown by its language and structure to be com
plete in itself, beginning with the Resurrection and ending with the Ascension.
It thus constitutes a condensed fifth narrative of the forty days. It manifestly
cannot claim any apostolic authority ; but it is doubtless founded on some
tradition of the apostolic age. — Westcott and Hort.

[Mk 169"20] After death.
9-11 Jesus seen by Mary Magdalene.
12- 13 two disciples.
14-18 the eleven : his commission to them.
is. 20 Summary of apostolic preaching.

A FKAGMENT OF EVANGELIC TEADITION
[tl6
9 Now after he had arisen early on the first day of the week, he appeared
10 first to Mary of Magdala from whom he had cast out seven daemons. She
went and brought word to those who had been with him, as they
11 mourned and wept ; yet although they heard he was alive and had been
12 seen by her, they disbelieved. Now after this he was disclosed
in a different form to two of them, who were walking on their way into
13 the country. And they went off and brought word to the rest ; yet they
14 would not believe even them. Afterwards 1 he was disclosed to
the eleven themselves, as they reclined at table ; and he reproached them
for their unbelief and stubbornness of heart, because they would not
,_ 15 believe those who had seen him after he rose. And he said to them,
"Go into all the world and preach the glad tidings to all the
creation :
16 He who believes and is baptized shall be saved,
But he who disbelieves shall be condemned.
17 And these signs shall accompany those who believe :
In my name they shall cast out daemons,
They shall talk with new tongues,
18 They shall lift serpents,
And if they drink anything deadly, it shall not injure them ;
They shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover."
I 19 So then, after speaking to them, the Lord 2 ivas taken up into heaven, and
[ 20 sat down at the right hand of God. But they went out and preached
everywhere, the Lord working with them and confirming the word by the
signs that followed. i Omitting [[«]]. 2 Omitting [['Ii)««]].

THE EPISTLES TO TIMOTHEUS AND TITUS1
The terminus ad quem for these writings is fixed by their probable use
in the epistles of Ignatius and Polykarp.2 The literary affinities between
them and Hebrews-Luke- Acts (Simcox, Exp.3 viii. pp. 182, 183 ; Zeller-
Overbeck, ii. pp. 286, 287), Clem. Rom., and Barnabas, imply not so much
the dependence of the one upon the other, as a common spirit and atmo
sphere, so that no serviceable terminus a quo can be fixed upon the side
of literary relationships. The internal evidence, however, leaves little
doubt that in their final and extant form this group of writings belongs to
the first quarter of the second century. This is especially clear in view of the
heresies and errors denounced. These, the spawn of a Jewish and Gnostic
syncretism (Holtzmann, Die Pastoralbriefe, 1880, pp. 126-158), are at once
cognate to and more advanced than those of 1 John (cp. von Soden, HC,
in. 1, pp. 166, 167, 179), while they are less acute and developed than
those of Jud-2 Peter.3 It is unfortunate in a sense that for insight into
the situation of the pastoral epistles as well as of the following NT writings,
we have more and more to go outside the NT itself. The problem of
their origin is solved, not only upon the ground of the earlier Pauline
letters, but also by a study of sub-apostolic writings like the Didache,
Clem. Rom., Polykarp, and Ignatius. Place these side by side with the
pastorals, and it is difficult to resist the idea, which returns upon one with
almost every sentence, that their world is practically the same, and that
the pastorals are astonishingly superior. Their common historical pre
supposition is incipient Gnosticism, not in a special form but rather in
its general climate (Clem. Strom, vn. 17), theoretical, practical, mytho
logical, ethical. This is corroborated by the official and ecclesiastical
spirit which dominates the three epistles. Christianity is becoming a
system of piety (evce/Seia) and sound teaching (8iSao-Ka\ia) as opposed to
moral and intellectual error. Its citadel is the church, whose organisation
is a matter of great moment, and whose regulations form the background
of the epistles. By the author, Timotheus and Titus are not merely taken
as patterns of Pauline scholars, but also as representatives and types of
1 The inadequate and misleading title "pastorals," uuder which these writings
have suffered for about 90 years, can only be retained (and used as seldom as possible)
on the score of convenience.
- Cp. Harnack, Chron. pp. 480-48".. He dates tbe epistles in their present form
substantially between 90 and 100: "Dass die Pastoralbriefe, so wie sie vorliegen,
nicht vom Apostel Paulus geschrieben, dass sie aber auf paulinischen Briefen auf-
gebaut sind, ist ein Ergebniss der Kritik, welches nicht aufs neue beweisen ra
werden braucht." The remarkable parallels between the pastorals and the Apost.
Constit. in regard to ecclesiastical organisations point, in Harnack's judgment (ibid.
pp. 483, 484 ; TU, n. 5, p. 49 f. ), possibly to the use of a common source.
3 The striking coincidences between the pastorals and Jud-Peter prove either
a similarity of situation or literary dependence, possibly both (von Soden, pp. 166.
167, 179). In Tit and 1 Tim especially, 1 Peter seems to be used (Holtzmann,
Past. pp. 267-270 ; Bruckner, Chron. pp. 57-59, 277-286), and in the latter of tie
two, Luke's gospel. 556

THE EPISTLES TO TIMOTHEUS AND TITUS 557
the monarchical episcopate which — as 3 John indicates — was now coming
to supersede the earlier officials, and had by this time displaced the
"spiritual gifts " in ordinary church management.
The criteria of tone and spirit, then, combine to favour and even to
demand a date not earlier than the last decade of the first century and
probably somewhat later. Formerly, indeed, a period towards the middle
of the second century was considered necessary : so Baur, Pfleiderer
(Urc. p. 862 ff.), and even Ritschl — to whom the Gnosticism of the apostolic
age was still a mere hypothesis (Entstehung, p. 242). The recent re
searches into Gnosticism, together with investigations into the develop
ment of church organisation (Holtzmann, Past. pp. 190-252, an ex
haustive discussion), have allowed scholars to come down nearer the
opening of the second century, and here criticism is practically unanimous.
Within these decades (95-135) lies the only period known to us when
the pastorals actually possess a career and object of their own. They
represent a transition from the earlier Paulinism to " Catholicism," the
original ideas of the apostle being modified and stereotyped under the
pressure of ecclesiastical requirements. More definitely, according to
Beyschlag (NTTh, ii. pp. 3, 4, 501-504), they also help to present the com
mon Christianity as it developed in regions that were dominated by the
influence of Paul during the opening of the second century (so Bourquin,
fttude critique sur Past. Epllres, 1890, pp. 51-64). Some general verdict of
this kind would probably unite the majority of reasonable critics. As it
is, the arguments are so detailed and weighty that in a brief note it is
fortunately unnecessary, as it is hardly possible, to do more than mention
their bearing and refer to their various expositions. The most adequate
statement is furnished by Holtzmann's classical monograph, whose
positions are recapitulated in his Einl. pp. 272-292, and NTTh, ii.
pp. 259-281. His standpoint is practically shared and reproduced by
Hilgenfeld, Weizsacker, S. Davidson, Mangold, Sabatier, Hatch 1 (EB,
articles " Paul " and " Pastorals "), Cone (Gospel and its Interpret, p. 327 f.),
Reville (Les origine de I'Episcop. pp. 262-286), and McGiffert (A A, pp.
398-420), etc. The only question which at the present day is seriously
in dispute is the precise date. Renan 2 and Mangold go back to the end
of the first century, while von Soden (HG, in. 1, pp. 155-254) places
2 Tim not earlier than Domitian's reign and the other two after 110. It
is better, however, to remain by the first quarter 3 of the second century
(so Jiilicher and Reville). No other position is upon the whole so self-
consistent and helpful in solving the contradictory facts presented by a
set of writings which' otherwise form one of those religious and literary
enigmas whose keys have been in the meantime — perhaps for all time —
lost. 1 Chiefly owing to the " difficulty of believing that so elaborate a debasement of
Christianity had grown up in the brief interval between Paul's first contact with
Hellenism and his death." Ou the keen prominence given to moral reform and
theory by the early part of the second century, cp. Addis, Christianity and the
Roman Empire, pp. 130-141.
2 S. Paul, p. 1. In L'Eglise Chretienne (chap, vi.) the composition of the pastorals
is made synchronous with the publication of Paul's collected epistles at Rome.
They are "un premier essai de fausses decrebales."
t J Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. 17 : xaroj M crtpi rovs 'A^ptavov rov -Qao-tXiots XP^°^< °* Tas
aipmis mvor,o-atrts ytynairi. The lack of exactness in defining the heresies com
bated is natural. "L'auteur parlait de quelque chose de courant et, pour etre
compris par les lecteurs de son temps, il lui suffisait de designer simplement ses
aaversaires sans les peindre " (Bourquin).

558 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
The natural desire to take these writings for what they literally pur
port to be, i.e. letters written by Paul himself, is rendered impossible not
merely by the positive evidence of their contents which has been already
outlined, but also by two negative arguments of crucial importance,
(a) The style, which is somewhat stiff and unelastic, is incompatible with
the Pauline authorship.1 Even when allowance has been made for the
difference between public and private letters, for the possible effect of
age on Paul, and for the use of phrases caught up from fresh interests and
controversies, the only fair verdict upon the anomalous grammar and
diction of the pastoral epistles is unfavourable to their Pauline origin
ality. Pauline elements of course occur, but the groundwork is radically
different. Fresh groups of words are -introduced (e.g. the compounds in
a-privative, du-ho-, o-atfipo-, Siodo-K-, oIko-), familiar Pauline expressions
(" vlo8eo-ia, God our Father ") are either dropped or (wio-ris, SiKaiovoSai)
modified, and out of almost nine hundred words one hundred and seventy-
one (one hundred and seventy-six) are a-rra^ Aeyopeva. The peculiarities
of vocabulary and style point almost unmistakably to a writer who used
Pauline phrases to help his own looser and less vigorous methods of expres
sion. "Es fehlt durchweg die ernste, wiirdige und gedankenschwere
Plerophorie der paul. Rede ; es fehlen jene charakteristischen Damm-
briiche, welche in Folge der schwellenden Gedankenfiille die Construction
erleidet " (Holtzmann). Nor is it very probable that Paul would have met
false teaching either by repeated and vague denunciation or by falling back
upon a traditional crystallised faith, which forms the " sound " teaching
of the organised church. Besides, the characteristically Pauline interests
are obliterated. The question of the law, the rule of the Jews, adoption,
redemption, life in the Spirit, these are no longer central. As even Weiss
admits, strange prominence is given to such ideas as those of reward, a
good conscience, the individual and social value of Christian morality
rather than its religious character. Nor is it easy to satisfactorily explain,
on the traditional hypothesis (Zahn, GK, i. p. 634 f.), the absence of these
epistles from Marcion's canon. He may have rejected them on account of
their teaching (e.g. on asceticism, doketism, and the OT), which in some
points controverts his own principles ; but at any rate it tells heavily
against them as genuine reproductions of the Pauline spirit, that a
Pauline enthusiast 2 ignored them in drawing up his list of epistles.
That he omitted them because they were private letters, is refuted by
the fact that they are private letters only in a most superficial sense,
1 " Nirgends eine Spur von dem Schwung des Paulus und seiner Energie, kanm
je eine Anakolutbie, eine Inconcinnitat, eine Dunkelheit infolge des Vorwartsdrangen
der Ideen ; ailes ist in Past regelmiissig, leicht, aber auch ohne Wueht und Farbe.
Viele Worte und wenige Gedanken : von P. diirfte genau das umgekehrte gelten "
(Jiilicher). The standard discussion is Holtzmann's (Past. pp. 86-118). Prof. G. G. Findlay,
in his careful appendix to Sabatier's Paul, has been able, like Ramsay (ORE,
pp. 248-251), to correct a few of Holtzmann's more extreme statements on this and
some other points. But while the latter's cumulative argument requires to be modi
fied in one or two details, it remains an irresistible and lucid piece of historical and
literary criticism, whose main conclusions are to be accepted as almost axiomatic,
Instances have been collected (cp. "Pastoral Epistles," CGT, p. xxxix.) which indi
cate in the pastorals the use of 2 Maccabees, a book of which there is no trace in
Paul's writings.
2 "Un homme qui, malgre l'esprit d' a priori dogmatique qu'il porta souvent
dans la correction des livres saints, eut souvent des Eclairs de vrai critique" (Renan).
A similar difficulty is occasioned by the fact 11: at while Marcion's sheet-anchor was
the third gospel, be omits Acts altogether from his canon.

THE EPISTLES TO TIMOTHEUS AND TITUS 559
and that Marcion had no hesitation in accepting Philemon, which is a
genuinely private note.
(b) Even more fatal to the traditional hypothesis of the pastorals is
the fact (Holtzmann, Past. pp. 15-37) that they cannot be fitted into any
reasonable scheme of Paul's life.1 Had they been written by him, they
must have dated from a period during which he travelled widely and
extended his mission-tours in the Eastern Mediterranean, for the attempts
to fix all or any of the epistles previous to his first captivity are not to be
seriously mentioned. But this period in Paul's life is a terra incognita.
It is bound up with the hypothesis of his release from prison and of his
second captivity and martyrdom, for which the evidence is decidedly
scanty. In recent years, it is true, apart altogether from the question of
the pastorals, attempts have been made to rehabilitate this hypothesis.2
But even were these more successful than they are, the pastorals would
still be un-Pauline. Such a hypothesis, if proved, would make the tradi
tional3 date of the pastorals possible, not by any means necessary. It
would merely make room for them between 62 and 67, or, if the earlier
chronology be accepted, between 59 and 64. But on other grounds the
epistles refuse to meet this situation, and indeed the efforts to adapt them
to it may be for the most part characterised as proofs of the ingenuity of
exegetical despair rather than of historical investigation.
Substantially identical in texture and spirit as all three are, each
has evidently its distinctive characteristics. These idiosyncrasies upon
examination seem to give sufficient if not peremptory proof that 2 Tim
was the earliest of the three, while 1 Tim was the latest, written to
enforce or supplement its predecessors. The evidence for this position
is led at length by von Soden and McGiffert, to whose works the reader
is referred for a convincing statement of the case. The chief lines are (a)
the preponderance of Pauline matter in 2 Tim. Most nearly of all the
three it attaches to Paul's personality (particularly as that appears in
Philippians and Romans), it is richest in references to his character
and work, and includes direct reminiscences — perhaps even notes — of tho
1 The demonstration of this is the special merit of Renan's discussion (S. Paul,
pp. xxviii-xlviii). Cp. also von Soden, op. cit. pp. 159-163. Zahn's laboured
attempt to construct a world for the epistles in the seventh decade, fails to produce
any coherent results, and on the whole the same must be said of Bartlet's scholarly
discussion (A A, p. 199 f.). Similar attempts up to 1880 are sufficiently exposed by
Holtzmann (Past. pp. 37-53).
2Cp. Spitta, Urc. i. pp. 1-108, and R. Steinmetz's monograph, "Die zweite
rb'mische Gefangenschaft des Apostels Paulus " (1897). Renan, Harnack, Blass, and
Belser (TQ, 1894, p. 40 f.) accept the tradition: cp. also von Manen, Theol. Tijd-
schrift (1894), p. 214; J. Weiss, ThLz. (1893), 394 f. ; and Hesse (Entstehung, p. 244 f. ).
At the same time it is even doubtful whether (i. ) Paul died in the Neronian perse
cution, and (ii.) suffered martyrdom contemporaneously with Peter. The tradition
is late and not always self-consistent. Erbes (TU, neue Folge, vierter Band,
Heft 1, 1899) strongly opposes both ideas, and indeed the whole hypothesis of the
second imprisonment. See above, p. 133.
' Besides Weiss (-Meyer ; A JT, i. pp. 393-403 and INT, i. pp. 374-420), Zahn
(Einl. i. pp. 398-489), and Godet, a number of Anglican scholars are still able to
accept the pastorals as totally Pauline, e.g. Salmon, Wace (Speaker's Comm. ), Farrar,
Phimmer (Expos. Bible, 1888), Hort (Jud. Christianity, p. 130 ; Ecclesia, p. 171), and
J. H. Bernard (CGT). The case for the authenticity has been also argued by Fr.
Roos (Die Briefe des Apostels Paulus und die Reden des Herrn Jesu, pp. 156-202),
G. H. Gilbert (Life of Paul, 1899, pp. 225-232), Ruegg (Aus Schrift und Geschichte
(1898), " Theol. Abhandlungen u. Skizzen,"pp. 59-108), and Bertrand (Essai critique
mr Tauth. d. Epttres Past. 1888). Macpherson (AJT, 1900, pp. 23-48) gives up the
second imprisonment, but holds to the authenticity of the pastorals.

560 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
apostle. One central feature of the writing is its steady adherence to the
personality and teaching of Paul, e.g. 21- 2 310. A change upon this point
can be noticed in Titus, and more so in 1 Tim. There the personality of
Paul retires into the background, and church-organisation tends to become
the supreme concern. The references to the apostle's individuality are
neither so fresh nor so frequent, while at the same time the motives and
appeals become more abstract. Correlative to this, however, and quite
in the second-century manner of reliance upon the " apostolic" deposit, is
the emphasis still laid on Paul's bare authority — in his person no less
than in his teaching — with a view to preserve the traditional faith and
safeguard the interests of conservative organisation, (b) In 2 Tim, again,
the situation is less advanced. Titus and 1 Tim represent errors more
sharply defined and vigorously combated ; the ideas and circumstances
are treated with much greater precision and detail. In 2 Tim, e.g., bishops
are unmentioned, and Titus is silent upon deacons. In 1 Tim both are
provided with official regulations, and other features of organisation
abound. Evidently, when the writer came to compose Titus and 1 Tim,
he had before him a more copious and advanced state of matters within
the church (on which see some evidence from the inscriptions collected
by Achelis, ZNW (1900), p. 93 f.). 1 Tim, in fact, of all the NT books,
shows almost a preoccupation with ecclesiastical interests, (c) The
supplementary argument from language urges, among other points, the
fact that out of the arrag Xeyopeva,1 while only forty-six occur in 2 Tim,
twenty-eight are counted in Titus (a book half the size of the others),
and no fewer than seventy-four in 1 Tim. In 2 Tim there is no clear
instance of v-io-ris = fides quae creditur, while this use does occur in the
others. In 2 Tim owtjp is used only of Christ, in Titus of Christ and
God (as in Lk V, Jud 25), in 1 Tim of God alone. Similar develop
ments are noted in connection with the characteristic words, SioWicaAia
and eio-efiieia. Consequently, though the argument is cumulative, 2 Tim
is to be regarded as prior — possibly by some years — to the others,
although there are no grounds for doubting that one author wrote all
three. The impression of its superiority to the others has been widely
felt,2 and in this case superiority implies a closer proximity to the
apostolic tradition (Hilgenfeld, ZwTh, 1897, pp. 1-86). Thus Reuss
(Les Epttres Paulin. vol. ii.) rejects the other two, but retains 2 Tim
as actually genuine ; while older critics like Usteri, Liicke, Bleek
(§§ 183-187), Neander, and Ritschl found themselves quite unable to
attribute at least 1 Tim to the apostle.
In writing 2 Tim, then, the author stood nearest to the Pauline
tradition. Probably he had before him genuine notes or at least
1 They are variously enumerated, but the argument remains substantially un
impaired. Mr. W. P. Workman (Exp. Ti. vii. pp. 418, 419) gives 2 Tim=53, Tit=33,
1 Tim = 82. His parallel from Shakspere is rather vitiated by the obvious fact
that an early Christian writer cannot be judged by the standards applicable to a
literary artist, and particularly to a dramatist, to whom flexibility of expression is
congenial. 2 Even Zahn, like Spitta ( Urc. i. pp. 36-47) starts his discussion of their situation
by analysing 2 Tim in preference to either of the others. Similarly Dr. Salmon
(INT, pp. 397-413) admits the supremacy of 2 Tim, and allows that if the other two
letters ' ' had come by themselves, the way in which both begin would excite suspicion."
As a detail, it may be noted that 2 Tim 21''-20 has more point if it precedes, than if
it follows, the remark of 1 Tim 12». Reminiscences of 2 Tim also recur (223=1 Tim V
i7, Tit 39 ; iu=i. 2? ; 31=1. 41). The superiority of 2 Tim chiefly lies in (a) the
naturalness and vivid colouring of the personal references, (b) the greater coherence
and balance of the arguments, and (c) the directness of the religious feeling.

THE EPISTLES TO TIMOTHEUS AND TITUS 561
authentic reminiscences of the apostle, which have been worked up
into the epistle. Titus and 1 Tim were written later and for similar
purposes, though in a slightly more developed state of affairs. The three
represent together the historical climax of Paulinism within the NT.
They are not Paul's but Pauline. Their author was an adherent of the
apostle's, who reproduced his master's ideas to meet not only the rising
interest in personal religion throughout the Empire, but also the need of
protection against the current heresy and trouble within the churches.
Hence the apparently incongruous combination of passages which have
a thoroughly Pauline ring (n. I1518 239 458- ™-18, Tit 31114, I. I12-1") with
others like n. I6 226-39, Tit l10f- 35 39f', i. 23"15 3, 41"3- " 511'23
g3-io. 20. 21. in these last-quoted verses it is impossible to miss the tone
of semi-legalism, ecclesiastical formality,1 and anxiety, which begins to
be heard in the sub-apostolic literature. To suppose that such utter
ances were due to Paul before 67 a.d., is not merely to violently
contradict the apostle's self-revelation in his other epistles, but also to
throw the whole development of early Christian ideas and institutions
into gratuitous and inextricable confusion. Justice can only be done to
the double element in these epistles by approaching them upon the lines
of the criticism just indicated. And 2 Tim occupies a position of
priority among the pastorals upon historical and exegetical grounds
very similar to those which prove Mark to be the earliest of the synoptic
gospels. We feel the original tradition vibrating most unmistakably
within its pages. 1 Tim, again, gives us the impression of a book which is
in many respects an expansion or free summary of ideas already put into
circulation. The arguments for this order of the pastorals are not, it
must be admitted, so transparently convincing as those for their general
date; but they seem the most satisfactory solution of the problem. So,
in the sense above explained, Liicke, Neander, and Ritschl, after
Schleiermacher. Accepting the critical view of all three, Baur (Church
Hist. (Eng. tr.), ii. pp. 30, 31), Pfleiderer (Paulinism, ii. p. 198 n.; Urc.
p. 822 n.), Holtzmann (Past. pp. 253-256, " Die Reihenfolge der Briefe "),
S. Davidson (INT, ii. pp. 21-76), Beyschlag (NTTh, ii. pp. 502, 503),
M. A. Rovers (Nieuw-test. Letterkunde,2 1888, pp. 66-78), and Bruckner
(Chron. pp. 277-286) are the main advocates of this order, which is also
accepted by von Soden, McGiffert, and Jiilicher (Einl. pp. 126, 127).2
The reversed order of the epistles in the canon can be very
naturally explained, and does not constitute any valid objection to the
critical theory of their origin. The titles of course formed no part of
the original autographs. When the epistles came to be incorporated in
the canon, as both were ex hypothesi Pauline, that one was numbered 2
which contained fuller and later references to the apostle's life, and thus
appeared to form, with its rich personal contents, a climax to his career ;
the other, which lacked these intimate and farewell touches, was supposed
to have been written previously. This inversion was unavoidable in an
1 On which cp. especially Renan, op. cit., and Holtzmann, Past. pp. 212 f.
2 So evidently Mangold (Die Irrlehrer d. Pastoralbr.) and Schmiedel (EBi, i.
pp. 49, 50). Cp. further on this point, Bourquin (op. cit. p. 67 f.), Clemen (Einheit.
1894, pp. 142-178), and Haupt (SE, 1895, p. 381).
The Latinisms and affinities with Clem. Rom., Luke, and Acts suggest Rome as
the place where the pastorals were composed (" L'intention qui a dicte l'eerit, savoir
le desk d'augmenter la force du principe hiedarchique et l'autorite de I'Eglise, en
presentant un modele de piete, de docilite, d' "esprit ecelesiastique " trace par
l|3P3tre lui-meme, est tout a fait en harmonie avec ce que nous savons du caractere de
I'Eglise romaine des le ler siecle." — Renan). But Asia Minor is not impossible.
3<5

562 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
age which had no clue to guide it in the criticism of the epistles except
the tradition of their Pauline origin. Upon the contrary, when the
titles are provisionally set aside, and the writings examined upon their
own merits, it becomes fairly evident (a) that their common atmosphere
is to be found not earlier than the first quarter of the second century,
and (b) also — though less conclusively — that the writing which has come
down to us under the title of " 2 Tim " really preceded its companions
in the order of composition. The letters are addressed to Timotheus and
Titus, in all likelihood, as these men were traditional companions of the
apostle and figures of prominence in the earlier church. This choice
of names would be specially seasonable if the author possessed already
Pauline notes addressed to them. It is obvious from their character and
contents that they can be termed " private " letters only in a very
restricted sense. The author is writing with his eye on the community ; :
he portrays, like the fourth evangelist, ideal types for all.
Finally, it need hardly be said that this view of the " pastorals ''
does not rest on a presupposition that everything Paul wrote must
needs have been upon the same level of thought and style. The
admittedly genuine epistles prove this was not the case. In Galatians
and 1 Corinthians themselves, there are passages far below the originality
and conclusiveness of what is seen to be Paul's ordinary height at other
times, and even in these very epistles. But what is urged, and urged
forcibly, is that there are in the " pastorals " levels which are inexplicably
different even from Paul's least excellent and characteristic moods.
When criticism refuses 2 to accept these as Pauline, it is proceeding upon
straightforward historical principles, and not necessarily upon the
application of too rigid and uniform a standard of Paulinism.
On the question of pseudonymity raised by this solution of the
problem, in addition to the remarks in the Appendix (cp. below),
it is worth while to quote the following sentences from a moderate
statement by Rev. W. H. Simcox : — " It is far likelier that the pastoral
epistles, if written not by the apostle but by friends and disciples of his,
were written without any fraudulent intent. To a writer of the period,
it would appear as legitimate an artifice to compose a letter as to
compose a speech in the name of a great man whose sentiments it was
desired to reproduce and record ; the question which seems so important
1 This slips through in the greetings (2 Tim i~, Tit 315, 1 Tim 621). But indeed the
whole point of the writings is lost if they are taken as instructions for individuals-
individuals, too, in a long and close friendship with the writer. How incredible that,
after all that intimacy, they should still need direction for divers moral duties of
life, and also information upon the elementary facts and ideas of their friend!
Warnings against juvenile vices are hardly applicable to one who, like Timothy,
must have been nearly twenty years a Christian minister and forty years of age.
2 In contrast to the timid and misleading statements which still continue to be
made upon the subject, it is refreshing to find the liter date of these epistles frankly
recognised by so eminent a conservative leader as Beyschlag (NTTh, ii. pp. 3, 4;
cp. p. 501 f.). " We must," he writes, " with as much certainty as in such things
is possible, reject the pastoral epistles as records of Pauline teachings ; ... the
account of their origin, which they contain, is in itself untenable. They betray
the conditions and motives of a later age, from whieh they can only be artifically
and imperfectly transferred to the lifetime of the apostle, and except in a few
phrases (which may have belonged to a genuine letter here embodied), they are as far
apart as the poles from Paul's own modes of thinking and writing. Especially in the
greatest [largest ?] of the three— the First Epistle to Timothy— we may confidently
say: the man who is now able to ascribe it to the author of the Epistles to the
Romans and Galatians has never comprehended the literary peculiarity and greatness
of the apostle."

THE EPISTLES TO TIMOTHEUS AND TITUS 563
to us, whether the words and even the sentiments are the great man's
own, or only his historian's, seems then hardly to have occurred either
to writer or readers. Now the pastoral epistles are undoubtedly so
ancient and so like St. Paul, that their author may be presumed to have
known well the events and the sentiments of the close of his life. If we
have in them not the apostle's own utterances, but only the record of
a disciple, we need not doubt that that disciple was aided in recording
them, after the fashion of his time, by the same divine Spirit that dwelt
in the apostle himself" (The Writers ofthe New Testament, 1890, p. 38).
These three letters, then, which form the weightiest part of the post-
Johannine literature, reflect two parallel tendencies in the age : (a) the
growing emphasis laid on apostolic tradition as the guarantee of
doctrine and the basis of organisation, and (6) the special reverence still
paid to Paid in certain circles of the church. The former might explain
the composition of a note like that of Judas ; it certainly is the key to
2 Peter. The latter is quite obvious in Justin Martyr and earlier in
Clem. Rom. The three " pastoral " letters, however, express not only a
warm attachment to Paul and Paulinism, but more broadly the spirit and
character of the neo-catholic church. The atmosphere of error is fairly
uniform, although it includes different aspects and elements. The
church, troubled and not untainted, is being driven to consolidate her
constitution and discipline, as well as to develop special functions of office
as safeguards against heresy. The approach is felt of what may be
called, from the standpoint of primitive Christianity, the heresy of
ecclesiasticism. Institutions are coming to be more than ever the
condition of orthodoxy (2 Tim 215). A guarantee for the soundness of
the dogmatic principle is being shifted from the individual faith and
consciousness to officialism (Tit l9). Under the exigencies of the time
and place, the Qepekios, which initially was Christ (1 Co 311) and later
the apostles and prophets (Eph 220), is now defined simply and solely as
the church (2 Ti 219) visible. Errorists are denounced, as already in
Apoc 2-3, and confronted with the fixed "sound" faith of the church,
which is a crystallised and objective entity, involving a confession and
the germs of a creed. Parallel to this identification of Christianity with
SiSao-KaXia goes the emphasis put upon practical piety as obligatory for
the members of the church. The timely aspect of the faith is, to the
writer's mind, its moral discipline (Tit 212) ; his writings are unique
and frequent in their use of the term evo-ej3eia and its compounds. In
all these directions the letters represent germs of Paulinism developed
under a new climate, the elements of which are the elements of the
second century — the Hellenistic emphasis upon ethics, the impetus
received by Christianity from the example as well as the policy of
Empire towards the shaping of her institutions, and also the manifold
antagonistic forces which were beginning even at that time to force the
church into the crystallisation of her doctrine and constitution.
A future is before her in this world (n. 43 31, I. 215). The outlook now
is to a period of effort and advance rather than to an ajDocalyptic
manifestation of God's reign.

Here the riddle of the Epistles is unveiled ; they are the first specimens of
a literature of church organisation which afterwards produced the Stbaxv rviv
cnroo-roKwv and the Apostolic Constitutions. A man belonging to tbe Pauline
circle of churches, who had a thorough knowledge of the life of the apostle to
the Gentiles, undertook to combat the growing Gnosticism, in the spirit of the
apostle, by urging a simple, practical, and apostolic Christianity, and a moral
and vigorous Christian organisation. Here, therefore, we have a memorable
picture of the average form of church doctrine and church life, as both were
developed on the basis of Paul's activity, perhaps about fifty years after his
death — a picture, that is, ofthe transition of the Pauline into the old Catholic
Christianity. The epistles probably originated by degrees ; the earliest is the
second, which may be based on a genuine letter of Paul to Timothy, from
which the many personal references are taken ; the latest is the first epistle to
Timothy, which frequently suggests improved conditions and which has the
air of a later work, repeating and supplementing the earlier. — Beyschlag.

I1"2 Greeting;.
I3-513 Thanksgiving for faith of Timotheus :
Counsel for his life and work — against false shame.
from Paul's own life and teaching.
lls_18 personal notices.
21"13 Need and reward of endurance — against weakness, iriarbs b
Xbyos. . . 2n.
2l4-/ps Against the errorists :
214-26 Timotheus' conduct toward them :
his attitude and efforts.
31"9 An exposure of their principles
and methods.
310-17 Charge to Timotheus of: obedience to principles of Paul, in spite
of suffering.
adherence to scriptures.
41"8 resume : Paul's final charge and confession.
49"°- Personal : personal notices.
greetings : farewell.

564

II. TIMOTHEUS
1 1 Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus through the will of God, according
to the promise of the life that is in Christ Jesus,
2 to Timotheus, my beloved child :
grace, mercy, peace, from God the Father and Christ Jesus our
Lord.
3 I give thanks to God, whom I serve from my ancestors with a pure
conscience, at every mention of thee in my prayers ; and I mention thee
4 unceasingly — for when I remember thy tears, I long night and day to see
5 thee, that I may be filled with joy, since I am reminded of that unfeigned
faith in thee, which dwelt first of all in thy grandmother Lois and thy
6 mother Eunice, and dwells, I am persuaded, in thyself as well. Where
fore I remind thee to 'rekindle the Divine talent which is in thee through
7 the laying on of my hands. For God gave us a spirit not of cowardice
8 but of power and love and self -discipline. Be not ashamed then of the
testimony of our Lord, or of me his prisoner ; but take thy share of
9 hardship for the gospel's sake, by the power of God who saved us and
called us with a holy calling, not by virtue of our deeds, but by virtue
of a purpose and grace of his own, granted us in Christ Jesus before
10 times eternal, but now disclosed through the appearing of our Saviour
Christ Jesus, who put down death, but brought life and the imperishable
11 to light through the gospel, for which I was mj^self appointed a herald
12 and apostle and teacher. This also is the reason why I suffer thus.
But I am not ashamed. I know whom I have believed, and I am
13 persuaded that he is able to guard my trust until that Day. Hold as a
model of sound words those which thou hast heard from me, in the faith
14 and love that are in Christ Jesus. Guard thy noble trust through the
15 holy Spirit, who dwells within us. Thou art aware that all who
are now in Asia turned away from me, among them Phygelus and
16 Hermogenes. The Lord grant mercy to the household of Onesiphorus, for
17 many a time he revived me ; nor was he ashamed of my chain, but on
18 coming to Rome he sought eagerly for me, and found me. The Lord
grant he may find mercy from the Lord in that Day ! and thou knowest
quite well all the services he did me in Ephesus.
1,2 Be strong then, my child, in the grace that is in Christ Jesus ; and
entrust what thou hast learned from me — confirmed by many witnesses
—to faithful men ; for they shall be qualified to teach others as well.
3, 4 Take thy share of hardship, like an able soldier of Christ Jesus. A
soldier on active service refuses to entangle himself in occupations for a
5 livelihood, in order that he may please him who enlisted him. Again,
if a man competes in the games, he is not crowned unless he keeps the
6 rules of the game. The first to partake of the fruits must be the
7 husbandman who labours. Ponder what I am saying ; for the Lord
8 shall grant thee intelligence in everything. Remember Jesus Christ
"risen from the dead, belonging to the offspring of David," according
565

566 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [29-3u
9 to my gospel — through which I suffer hardship, even to the extent of
imprisonment as a criminal. But the word of God has not been fettered ;
10 therefore I endure everything for the sake of the chosen, that they too
may obtain the salvation which is in Christ Jesus and also majesty
11 eternal. The saying is sure :
" If with him we died, then with him shall we live :
12 If we endure, then with him shall we reign :
If we disown him, then he will disown us :
13 If we are faithless, faithful he remains,"
14 for to himself he cannot be untrue. Remind them of these
things, and charge them solemnly in the sight of the Lord1 not to
wrangle over words — there is no gain in that, it means the ruin of the
15 hearers. Make every effort to present thyself genuine to God, a workman
16 with no cause for shame, handling the word of the truth aright. But
avoid men of worldly babble ; for such people will proceed still further in
17 impiety, and their talk will spread like a gangrene. Among them are
18 Hymenaeus and Philetus, men who have swerved in the matter of the
truth, by alleging that the resurrection has taken place already. They
19 are indeed subverting some people's faith. Nevertheless, the solid
foundation of God stands firm, with this inscription,
" Known to the Lord are those who are his : "
and " Let every one who names the name of the Lord depart from iniquity."
20 Now in a large house there are vessels not only of gold and silver but
also of wood and clay ; and while some are for honour, others are for
21 dishonour. If a man then purge himself from these things, he shall be
a vessel for honour, sanctified, serviceable to the Master, prepared for
22 every good deed. So flee from youthful lusts, and pursue uprightness,
faith, love, peace, in company with those who from a pure heart call
23 upon the Lord. But have nothing to do with foolish and fatuous
24 controversies, knowing that they engender wrangles. And a slave of the
Lord must not wrangle ; he must be kindly towards all, a skilful
25 teacher, meek, correcting with gentleness those who set themselves in
opposition — possibly God may grant them to repent and gain full
26 knowledge of the truth, and so they may get back to their sober senses
from the snare of the devil, who has captured them to do that devil's
will.
3 1,2 But know this : in the last days hard times shall be imminent. Men
shall be lovers of self, lovers of money, braggarts, haughty, abusive,
3 disobedient to their parents, ungrateful, unholy, without natural
affection, implacable, slanderous, self-indulgent, fierce, no lovers of
4 good, traitors, reckless, besotted, lovers of pleasure rather than lovers
5 of God, maintaining a semblance of piety but having renounced its
6 power ; from these men turn thou away. For to them belong those who
creep into households and captivate poor womankind overwhelmed with
7 sins, led away by manifold lusts, ever learning and never able to arrive
8 at a full knowledge of the truth. Now just as Jannes and Jambres
opposed Moses, so also do these men oppose the truth, men corrupted in
9 mind, reprobate as regards the faith. Still, they shall not proceed any
further ; for their folly shall be quite evident to all men, as the folly of
10 those magicians also became quite evident. But thou hast
followed the course of my life in doctrine, conduct, purpose, faith,
11 endurance, love, patience, persecutions, sufferings, all that befell me at
1 Reading xvpiov.

312-42'2] II. TIMOTHEUS 5 67
Antioch, at Ikonium, at Lystra, all the persecutions that I bore ; yet out of
>. 12 them all the Lord rescued me. Yea, and all who would live piously in Christ
13 Jesus shall be persecuted. Evil men and impostors shall proceed to what
14 is worse and worse, seducing and seduced. But remain thou in what
thou hast learned and been convinced of, as thou knowest those from
15 whom thou hast, learned it, and as thou hast known from infancy the
sacred writings, which are able to instruct thee for salvation through the
16 faith which is in Christ Jesus. Every scripture is inspired by God and
good for teaching, for reproof, for amendment, for education in upright-
17 ness ; in order that the man of God may be complete, thoroughly fitted
4 1 for every good deed. In the sight of God and of Christ Jesus
who is to judge living and dead, by his appearing and also by his reign, I
2 solemnly charge thee : proclaim the word, opportunely or inopportunely
be urgent, refute, rebuke, exhort, with all manner of long-suffering and
3 instruction. For there will be a time when people will not put up with
the sound doctrine, but will follow their own fancies and amass teacher
4 after teacher in their itching to hear ; and as they turn away from
5 listening to the truth, they will turn aside to myths. But be thou sober
in all things, suffer hardship, do the work of an evangelist, fulfil thy
6 ministry. As for me, I am already being poured out as an offering ; my
7 time for departure is at hand. I have played my part in the noble
8 contest. I have finished the course. I have kept the faith. Hence there
is laid up for me the wreath of uprightness with which the Lord — the
upright judge — will reward me on that Day ; and not me alone, but also
all who have loved his appearing.
9, 10 Make haste and come to me soon ; for Demas, in love with the present
world, has forsaken me and gone to Thessalonika ; Crescens has gone to
11 Galatia, Titus to Dahnatia. Luke alone is with me. Pick up Mark and
bring him along with thee, for he is serviceable to me in the way of
12, 13 ministry. (I sent Tychicus to Ephesus.) When thou comest, bring the
f mantle that I left with Karpus at Troas, and the books — especially the
14 parchments. Alexander the blacksmith has displayed great malice
15 towards me ; the Lord will render to him according to his deeds (do thou
[ 16 eschew him also), for he stoutly opposed our words. At my first defence
no one came to stand by me ; all forsook me. May it not be laid to their
'. 17 charge ! But the Lord stood at my side and strengthened me, that by
means of me the message might be fully proclaimed, and that all the
18 Gentiles might hear ; and I was rescued from the lion's jaws. From every
wicked deed will the Lord rescue me and save me for his heavenly reign :
to whom be the majesty for ever and ever. Amen.
A 20 Salute Prisca and Aquila, and the household of Onesiphorus. Erastus
21 remained at Corinth ; but I left Trophimus at Miletus, as he was ill. Make
haste and come before the winter. Eubulus salutes thee, and so do
Pudens and Linus and Claudia and all the brothers.
22 The Lord be with thy spirit.
Grace be with you.

In 2 Timothy he [the redactor of the pastoral epistles] denounces at consider
able length and with great vehemence the doctrine of certain false teachers,
and the practices of certain libertines. In the epistle to Titus he is also con
cerned to do away with false doctrine and corrupt practice, but he takes a
somewhat different course, emphasising the need of proper officers who shall
guard tbe churches against such evils. There is less denunciation of heresy in
Titus than in 2 Timothy, but much more emphasis is laid upon church organ
isation and upon the practical duties of the Christian life. — McGiffert.

I1"4 Greeting.
I5"18 Rules : for elders and bishops in Crete :
in view of current errors,
and immorality.
gi_^u Ethical : the moral obligations ofthe Christian truth, upou
different ages, sexes, conditions :
to one another, to outsiders :
tbe necessity of good conduct,
in Christianity.
38"11 a resume : the conduct of Titus, maris
6 Abyos. . . 38.
31P-U persona|,
315 Farewell.

TITUS
1 1 Paul, a slave of God and an apostle of Jesus Christ, according to the faith
of God's chosen ones and the full knowledge of the truth which is
2 according to piety ; in hope of life eternal, which God (who is no liar)
3 promised before times eternal — and in due season he disclosed his word
in the message with which I myself was entrusted according to the
command of our Saviour, God,
4 to Titus, my genuine child in virtue of a common faith :
grace and peace from God the Father and Christ Jesus our
Saviour.
5 I left thee behind in Crete for the purpose of settling what still
remained to be set in order, and of appointing elders in every city, as I
6 gave thee instructions — namely, any man who is irreproachable, the
husband of one wife, with children who believe and are neither accused
7 of profligacy nor insubordinate. [For a bishop must be blameless, as
God's steward, not self-willed, not irascible, not drunken or quarrelsome,
8 not greedy for base gain; but hospitable, a lover of good, sober-minded,
9 just, holy, self-controlled, holding to the sure word which is in accordance
with the doctrine, so that he may be able to give exhortation in the
10 sound doctrine, and also to refute objectors.] For there are many insubor
dinate persons, chatterers and cheats, especially those who have come
11 from the Circumcision — their mouths must be stopped, for they are sub
verting whole households by teaching improper doctrine for tbe sake of
12 base gain. One of their own nation, a prophet of their own, said,
"Cretans are liars at all times, evil monsters, lazy gluttons."
13 This testimony is true. So reprove them with severity, that they
14 may be sound in the faith, instead of devoting themselves to Jewish
15 myths and commandments of men who turn away from the truth. All
things are pure to the pure ; but to the polluted and unbelieving nothing
is pure. Nay, both their mind and their conscience have been polluted.
16 They publicly confess that they know God ; but they renounce him by
their deeds, abominable as they are, and disobedient, and useless for any
good deed.
2 1, 2 But speak thou as befits the sound doctrine : teaching that aged men
are to be temperate, serious, sober-minded, sound in faith, in love, in
3 patience. That aged women likewise are to be reverent in demean
our, not slanderous or enslaved to much wine ; they are to give good in-
4 struction, so as to educate the younger women to love their husbands, to love
5 their children, to be sober-minded, chaste, domestic, kind, subject to their
own husbands — that the word of God may not be maligned.
6, 7 Likewise exhort the younger men to be sober in all respects ; and show
thyself a pattern of good deeds with nothing corrupt in thy teaching, with
8 seriousness, with sound speech that is not open to condemnation ; so that
he who is on the opposite side may be put to shame, since he has no ill to
9 say of us. Exhort slaves to be subject to their own masters,
569

570 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [210-315
10 ready to please in everything, not refractory, not embezzling, but showing
all true fidelity, that in all respects they may adorn the doctrine of our
11 Saviour, God. For the grace of God has appeared with its saving
12 power for all mankind, training us to renounce impiety and wordly lusts,
13 and to live soberly and uprightly and piously in this present world, as we
wait for the blessed hope, even for the appearing of the majesty of the great
14 God and of our Saviour Christ Jesus, who gave himself for us that he
might redeem us from all iniquity and cleanse for himself a people to be his
15 own possession, bent upon good deeds. Speak thus and exhort and
3 1 reprove with all manner of authority. Let no one despise thee. Remind
them to be subject to rulers — to authorities, to be obedient, to be ready
2 for every good deed, to abuse no man, to be no wranglers, to be forbearing,
3 showing all gentleness to all men. For once we too were senseless, foolish,
disobedient, seduced, slaves to manifold lusts and pleasures, living in
4 malice and envy, detestable, hating one another. But when the humane
5 kindness of our Saviour God. appeared, then, not by deeds which we had
accomplished by our own uprightness, but according to his mercy, he
saved us through a bath which wrought regeneration and renewal by the
6 holy Spirit, which he poured out richly upon us through Jesus Christ
7 our Saviour ; that "justified by his grace we might become heirs of life
8 eternal according to hope." The satixg is sure. And I desire thee to
insist strongly with regard to these matters, that those who have believed
God may be careful to take the lead in good deeds. They are good and
9 profitable to men. But avoid foolish controversies and genealogies and
quarrelling and wrangles about tbe law ; for they are useless and futile.
10 After a first and a second admonition, have nothing to do with a factious
11 man ; be sure a man like that is perverted, and sins against his own
conscience.
12 When I send Artemas to thee, or Tychicus, make haste and come to me
13 at Nikopolis ; for I have decided to winter there. Speed eagerly upon
their journey Zenas the lawyer and Apollos, so that they may be in lack
14 of nothing. Let our people also learn to take the lead in good deeds, as
occasion requires, that they may not be unfruitful.
15 All who are with me salute thee.
Salute those who love us '• in the faith.
Grace be with you all. 1 Reading npias.

I. TIMOTHEUS
Church matters mainly give the Epistles before us (especially the first to
Timothy) their peculiar impress, inasmuch as they show how, when in danger
of heresy, the consciousness of tbe Church and Church organisation grew
strong on the lines indicated by Paul. As far as the main dogmas are con
cerned, we find but few traces of the contest with Gnosticism, and those
chiefly in reference to the doctrines regarding God. For the rest they are the
main traditional doctrines of Paulinism, modified by the tendency of the age
towards practical piety.— Pfleiderer.

I1"2 Greeting.
i3"20 Personal : the truth of Christianity against error :
Paul the representative of this saving truth. marbs
6 Xbyos . . . I15.
I18'10 his warning and charge to Timotheus.
2l-316 Rules for church-life:
21"7 general, 1 , , .
*"» the sexes, )prayerand™rS}np-
31"7 bishops, 1 ¦ i- ttiotos 6 \6yos . . . 3l.
^ deacons, f °^^tron.
314-16 Conclusion.
fi-S21 Rules for the conduct and ministry of Timotheus: in relation to
41"16 ascetic errorists and their practices : irio-rbs b Xbyos . . . 49.
51"2 different ages and sexes :
53"16 widows — their maintenance and ministry :
elders — their maintenance and discipline :
'•>" l" [private advice to Timotheus]
61"2 slaves and their masters. Closing advice on
6 ° the errorists — covetousness :
611"16 true Christianity, a charge :
61'"19 Supplement : a word to rich people :
6s0"21 a word against heresy.

o

I. TIMOTHEUS
1 1 Paul, an apostle of Christ Jesus according to the command of God our
Saviour and of Christ Jesus our hope,
2 to Timotheus, my genuine child in faith :
grace, mercy, peace from God the Father and Christ Jesus our
Lord.
3 As I appealed to thee, when I was going into Macedonia, wait on at
4 Ephesus and charge certain people not to be teachers of novelties, and
not to devote themselves to myths and interminable genealogies, seeing
that these promote out of the way investigations rather than God's
5 dispensation which is in faith. The aim of the charge is love, out of
6 a pure heart and a good conscience and an unfeigned faith ; things from
7 which some have swerved and turned aside to chatter, in their desire to
be doctors of the law — though they understand neither what they say nor
8 what they strongly insist upon. Certainly we are aware that the law is
9 excellent, if a teacher uses it in a lawful spirit, realising that laws are laid
down not for an upright man but for the lawless and insubordinate, the
impious and sinful, the unholy and worldly, parricides and matricides,
10 manslayers, fornicators, sodomites, slave-dealers, liars, perjurers, and what-
1 1 ever else is opposed to the sound doctrine — according to the gospel of the
majesty of the blessed God with which I myself was entrusted.
12 I give thanks to Christ Jesus our Lord who strengthened me, because he
13 reckoned me trustworthy by appointing me to the ministry, although
I was formerly a blasphemer and a persecutor and outrageous. But I
14 obtained mercy, because I did it ignorantly in unbelief ; and the grace
15 of our Lord overflowed with faith and love in Christ Jesus. The saving
is sure and worthy of all approbation, that " Christ Jesus came into the
16 world to save sinners." And of sinners I am the chief. But I obtained
mercy for this reason, that in me first Christ Jesus might display his
utmost long-suffering, as a typical instance for those who were hereafter
17 to believe on him to life eternal. Now to the King of the ages, who is
imperishable, invisible, who alone is God, be honour and majesty for ever
and ever : Amen.
18 This charge I entrust to thee, my child Timotheus, according to the
prophecies that first led me to thee ; that in their strength thou mayest
19 wage the noble warfare, possessing faith and a good conscience, which
20 certain people have thrust aside and so suffered shipwreck in the matter of
the faith ; including Hymenaeus and Alexander, whom I have delivered
to Satan, that they may learn not to blaspheme.
2 1 Well, I exhort first of all that supplications, prayers, petitions,
2 thanksgivings, be offered for all men, for kings and all who are in high
authority, that we may lead a tranquil and quiet life in all piety and
3 respectfulness. This is good and welcome in the sight of our Saviour
4 God, who would have all men saved and arrive at a full knowledge of the
5 truth. For there is "one God," also "one mediator between God and
672

2M5] I- TIMOTHEUS 573
6 men, the man Christ Jesus, who gave himself as a ransom for all " — this
7 is the testimony in due season, and for this I myself was appointed
a herald and apostle (I speak the truth, I lie not), a teacher of the
8 Gentiles in faith and truth. I desire then that in every place the
men should offer prayer, lifting up holy hands without anger and disputa-
9 tion. Likewise that women adorn themselves in decent apparel, modestly
and moderately, not with braids of hair and gold, nor with pearls nor with
10 costly raiment, but (as befits women who make a religious profession) by
11 means of good deeds. Let a woman learn quietly, with entire sub-
12 mission. I do not permit a woman to teach or to dictate to man. She
is to keep quiet.
13 For Adam was formed first of all,
Then Eve :
14 And Adam was not deceived,
It was Eve who was beguiled and fell into transgression.
15 Still " women shall be brought safely through their childbearing, if they
1 continue in faith and love and sanctification, with soberness." The saying
is sure.
2 If anyone aspires to a bishopric, he is desiring a noble task. Now a
bishop must be unblamable, the husband of one wife, temperate, sober-
3 minded, orderly, hospitable, a skilful teacher, not drunken or quarrel-
4 some, but forbearing ; no wrangler, no lover of money, one who presides
ably over his own household, with his children in submission and entirely
5 respectful — if a man does not know how to preside over his own house-
6 hold, how is he to take care of a Community of God 1 — not a novice, lest
7 his head should be turned and he fall into the devil's doom. Also, he
must have a creditable report from outsiders, lest he fall into the devil's
8 reproach and snare. Deacons likewise are to be serious, not
9 talebearers, not addicted to much wine, not greedy for base gain, holding
10 in a pure conscience the secret of the faith. Also, let these men first of
all be tested ; then let them serve as deacons, if they are irreproachable.
11 Women likewise are to be serious — not slanderers, but temperate, trust-
12 worthy in all respects. Let deacons be husbands of one wife, presiding
13 ably over their children and their own households. For those who have
served ably as deacons acquire for themselves a good position and great
14 confidence in the faith which is in Christ Jesus. Though I
15 hope to come to thee soon, I am writing to thee thus, in order that,
if I am long in coming, thou mayest know how it is right to behave in
God's household, that is, in the ' Community of the living God, a pillar
16 and prop of the truth. And admittedly great is the secret of piety :—
" Who was disclosed in the flesh,
Vindicated in the spirit,
Seen by angels,
Proclaimed among the Gentiles,
Believed on in the world,
Taken up in majesty."
t 1 But the Spirit expressly says that in later times some shall fall away
from the faith by their devotion to seducing spirits and doctrines of
2 daemons, through the hypocrisy of men who speak falsely, who have their
3 own conscience branded and marked, who forbid marriage and enjoin
abstinence from food — things which God created to be thankfully par-
4 taken of by those who believe and who know the truth. For everything
created by God is excellent ; and nothing is to be rejected if it be thank-
5 fully received, for then it is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer.

574 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [46-522
6 Give this advice to the brothers ; so shalt thou be an excellent
minister of Christ Jesus, nourishing thyself upon the words of the faith
7 and of the excellent doctrine whose course thou hast followed. But as for
8 worldly and old wives' myths, have nothing to do with them. Train
thyself to piety ; " bodily training is profitable for a little, but piety is pro
fitable for everything, as it has the promise of the present life and of the
9, 10 life to come." The saying is sure, and worthy of all approbation ; for
this is why we labour and are denounced,1 because we have set our hope
upon the living God, who is a Saviour of all men, especially of those who
11,12 believe. Charge thus and teach. Let no one despise thy youth ;
but show thyself a pattern to the believers in word, in conduct, in love, in
13 faith, in purity. Till I come, devote thyself to the reading, the exhort-
14 ing, the teaching. (Neglect not the talent within thee, which was given
thee through prophecy, along with the laying on of hands by the elders'
15 assembly.) Practise these. Be absorbed in them, that thy progress
16 may be obvious to all. Pay attention to th}'self and to thy teaching.
Persevere with these, for by so doing thou shalt save both thyself and
thy hearers.
5 1 Chide not a senior sharply, but appeal to him as a father ; appeal to
2 younger men as brothers, to older women as mothers, to younger women
3 as sisters, with all purity. Support widows who are really widows.
4 (But if any widow has children or grandchildren, let them learn first to
act piously to their own household and to render some return to those who
have brought them up ; for this is a welcome tiling in the sight of God.)
5 Now she who is really a widow and left desolate, has her hope set on
6 God, and perseveres night and day in supplications and prayers ; but she
7 who lives in dissipation is dead in life. Give this charge also, that they
8 may be unblamable : if anyone does not provide for his own people,
and especially for his own household, he has renounced the faith, he is
9 worse than an unbeliever. Let no one be registered as a widow, who is
less than sixty years of age ; and she only who has been the wife of one
10 husband, who has a reputation for good deeds, who has brought up
children, practised hospitality, washed the saints' feet, relieved the
11 distressed, diligently practised every good deed. But refuse to register
younger widows ; for when they come to wax wanton against Christ they
12, 13 wish to marry, and so get sentenced for breaking their first troth. Besides,
by going about from house to house they learn also to be idle ; and not
merely to be idle but also babblers and busybodies, talking of what they
14 have no right to mention. So I desire younger women to marry, to
-bear children, to manage their households, to give the adversary no
15 opportunity for reviling — for some are turned aside already after
16 Satan. If any believing woman has widows, let her relieve them ;
nor let the Community be burdened, rather let it relieve those who
are really widows.
17 Let the elders who preside ably be held worthy of double support,
18 especially those who labour in word and teaching; for the scripture
saith, Thou shalt not muzzle an ox when he is treading out corn, and " The
19 labourer is worthy of his wages." Accept no accusation against an elder,
20 unless it is certified by two or three witnesses. Those who sin, reprove
21 in the sight of all ; so that the rest may also be in fear. In the sight of
God and of Christ Jesus and of the chosen angels, I solemnly charge thee
to be unprejudiced in following these directions, to be utterly impartial.
22 Lay hands on no one hastily, and have no share in other people's sins :
1 Reading ovstdtK*,ai8a.

S23-^21] L TIMOTHEUS 575
23 keep thyself pure. — Be a total abstainer no longer, but use a little wine
on account of thy stomach and thy frequent illnesses. —
24 The sins of some men are conspicuous, preceding them to judgment ;
But they also follow after some men.
25 Likewise, while good deeds are conspicuous,
Even those that are otherwise cannot be hidden.
6 1 Let all who are slaves under the yoke reckon their masters worthy of
2 all honour, that God's name and the doctrine may not be maligned. And
let not those who have believers as their masters, despise them because
they are brothers ; nay, let them render service all the more heartily,
seeing that those who enjoy the benefit of the service are believers and
beloved.
3 Teach thus and exhort. If anyone is a teacher of novelties and
refuses to assent to the sound words of our Lord Jesus Christ and to the
4 doctrine which is in accordance with piety, he is besotted ; he knows
nothing, but is morbidly excited about controversies and wranglings
over words, which produce envy, quarrelling, slanders, wicked suspicions,
5 incessant disputes, among men corrupted in mind and deprived of the
6 truth, who think piety is a source of profit. Piety with content-
7 ment indeed is a great source of profit. For we take nothing into the
8 world, nor x can we take anything out ; yet if we have food and clothing,
9 we are to be satisfied with these. But those who desire to be rich fall
into temptation and a snare, and into many desires which are senseless
10 and injurious, such as sink men in destruction and perdition. For the
love of money is a root of all evils, and in aspiring to money some have
been led astray from the faith and have pierced themselves through with
11 many a pain. But flee thou from these things, O man of God,
12 and pursue uprightness, piety, faith, love, patience, meekness. Play thy
part in the noble contest of the faith ; lay hold of the eternal life for
which thou wast called and didst make the noble confession in the sight
13 of many witnesses. In the sight of God, who makes all things live, and
of Christ Jesus, " who bore witness in the noble confession before Pontius
14 Pilate," I charge thee to keep the commandment unstained, unblamable,
15 until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ, which shall be shown in
due season by the blessed and only Prince — the King of kings, the Lord
16 of lords — who alone has immortality, dwelling in light unapproachable,
whom no man has seen or is able to see. To him be honour and eternal
power : Amen.
17 [Charge those who are rich in the present world not to be highminded,
and not to set their hope on the uncertainty of riches, but on God who
18 provides us richly with all things for enjoyment ; charge them to be
19 bountiful, to be rich in good deeds, liberal givers, generous, storing up
for themselves a good foundation for the future, that they may lay hold of
the life which really is life.
20 0 Timotheus, guard thy trust ; and turn away from the worldly babble
and "antitheses" of "the knowledge" (which is falsely named "know-
21 ledge "), by professing which some persons have swerved in the matter
of the faith.]
Grace be with you. 1 Omitting 'in.

THE EPISTLE OF JAMES
Like the book of Joel in the OT, the epistle of James must be dated either
at the very outset or towards the close of the literature. The inter
mediate position (Schafer, Einl. p. 304 f.; Trenkle, Einl. pp. 210, 211), i.e.
in the seventh decade, as a correction of the Pauline doctrine of faith and
works in some of its abuses, cannot any longer be held. The old notion
that this wilting contains any direct polemic against Paul, or that it
could have been composed previous to 62 a.d., by James, the brother of
Jesus, with any such intention, is one of the least defensible hypotheses in
NT criticism, and is rightly abandoned by the majority of conservative
and radical critics alike. Weizsacker, however, still defends a modified
form of it (AA, ii. pp. 27-32) ; and the traditional position is defended in
this country by Farrar (Early Days of Christianity, pp. 309-311), Hort
(Jud. Christianity, p. 148), and some others.1
But it is impossible that such a letter could be addressed by James
after the Council of Jerusalem to Jewish-Christians of the Diaspora,
without a reference to the relations between themselves and the Gentile-
Christians; and that Communities existed at that time which were
wholly free from proselytes or Gentile-Christians is an unproved assertion.
The truth is—
(1) In spite of all that is urged 2 in favour of Galilean education, it
is scarcely conceivable that a brother of Jesus should possess the wide
culture, the fluent and idiomatic Greek style, and the powers of literary
expression and allusion that mark this writing. (2) The tradition of the
Jacobine authorship is very late ; the epistle is absent from the Mura
torian Canon, and unknown to Hegesippus and Eusebius, while even its
first mention (by Origen in the third century) implies considerable doubt
as to its authenticity. (3) There is nothing in the rest of the NT (Ac 2118'20)
to suggest on the part of James such a violent polemic against Paul as that
given in chap. 2 must be, when the writing is taken as written during
Paul's Christian activity and lifetime. (4) The complete absence of
allusions to the Resurrection or Messiahship of Jesus, the scanty and
distant references to him at all, and the failure to introduce these where
they might naturally have been expected, are irreconcilable with what we
know of the primitive church and with what would justly have been looked
for in a brother of our Lord. To him Jesus must have been of vital and
absorbing importance, on the score of birth and faith alike. But in fact
the whole hypothesis of the Jacobine authorship 3 breaks down, whatever
1 Renan (L'antechrist, chap, iii.) dates it c. 62 a.d. as an invective against Paulin
ism and also against the rich and overbearing Sadducees in Jerusalem, though he
hesitates to relegate the manifesto to the apostle. Not very differently Jacoby
(NT Ethik, p. 200 f.).
2 E.g., by Mayor (-p. cit., chap, x.) and in Prof. Roberts' Greek the Language of
Christ and his Apostles, chap. ix.
3 The rigidity of the Christian Jews in Jerusalem upon the question of the law
would have made it impossible lor anyone to attain repute and authority among
576

THE EPISTLE OF JAMES 577
date be taken for the writing. The only position for which a case can
really be stated, is to suppose that the question of faith and works was
started not by Paul's preaching, but by the previous training of the early
Christians in Jewish rabbinical discussions, and that the " epistle," as a
literary form of Christian teaching, was due not to Paul but to this solitary
apostle. In this case James would be the earliest writing in the NT.
This hypothesis of James as a pre-Pauline document, a product of
Christianity while it was still within the synagogue with a primitive,
undeveloped, theology, is still held by some scholars. Besides Mangold,
Hofmann, and Lechler, the theory has been strongly urged by Erdmann,
Mangold, and Weiss (INT, ii. pp. 100-128) ; but the champion of this date
was Beyschlag (-Meyer) in Germany, until the recent appearance of
Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 52-108). Cp. also F. H. Kriiger, Bevue Ghre'tienne
(1887), pp. 605 f. ,,685 f. ; P. Ewald, Das Hauptproblem (1890), p. 58 ; and
Blanc-Milsand, Etude sur I'origine et le de'veloppement de la The'ol. Apost.
(1884), pp. 36-57. There is little pith or moment in such theories, but
in this country the view has always been a favourite, from Alford
and Bassett (1876) to Lumby (EB, article " James "), Salmon (INT, pp.
448-468), Carr (CGT (1896), and Meyrick (Smith's Did. B. (2nd ed. 1893),
pp. 1520-1522) ; the recent edition 'by Prof. J. B. Mayor (2nd ed. 1897 ;
also in DB, ii. article "James") gives the weightiest and most elaborate
statement of the case in English,1 and Bartlet (A A, pp. 217-250) ingeniously
pleads for it in the endeavour to make James a liberal Jewish-Christian.
Certainly Jewish Christianity was different from Paulinism, nor had the
latter anything like a monopoly during the years 45-55. But it could
not have been different to the point of what is an almost entire indifference
to the characteristic hopes and motives of Jesus.
In addition, however, to the arguments already advanced, it may be
urged that to date the epistle before the Council at Jerusalem (c. 50 a.d.)
is to leave too little space for the development of the vices in the
Christian situation. Such a doctrine of faith, such hollow piety and
widespread worldliness, such indifference to the human life of Jesus and
his heavenly glory, such a feeling of delay in regard to the second coming,
are simply incredible upon the threshold of the young church. Further,
if this letter with its meagre appreciation of Jesus represents the early
Christian consciousness, as exhibited in a brother of Jesus himself, who
was living at the centre of Christian tradition, the subsequent develop
ment of Christianity becomes a hopeless enigma. If such were the
dominant and official ideas in the church, the later literature and life are
inexplicable — grapes from thorns ! But the positive and conclusive
arguments against such a position are best given in a statement of what
seem to be the true character and relationships of the writing in question.
The literary history and connections of James suggest a post-Pauline
origin. The writer's acquaintance with the Pauline writings seems to
admit of no serious denial (against Feine, Jakobusbrief, pp. 100-122), and
it is hard to understand why Sanday and Headlam, who allow the use
them, who did not share their position generally ; that James did so, is proved by
Acts and Galatians, and corroborated by tradition. Comparative strictness was the
atmosphere of the capital. The leader of the local Christians owed his rank to legal
correctness and the prestige of birth. And these are the very points absent from
the epistle of James — care for the Law or references to Jesus.
1 Cp. also Burton (RLA), Dr. J. B. Crozier (Intell. Development, i. pp. 331, 332),
Adeney (BI, pp. 434-440), Stevens (NTTh, pp. 249-252), and Chase (DB, iii. p. 765).
The last-named unconvincmglv suggests that the epistle was carried by the messengers
of James (Gal 2).
37

578 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
of Romans in Hebrews, deny any literary relation between Romans
and an epistle which— though not a third of the size of Hebrews-
furnishes three times as many coincidences (Bomans, ICC, pp. lxxvi-
lxxix) of an even more striking character. The proofs, gathered best by
Zimmer (ZwTh, 1893, pp. 481-503), are substantially decisive for the
priority of Paul. A similar conclusion is reached from a comparison
of James with 1 Peter. In spite of Beyschlag, Spitta, Schmiedel, and
Zahn, it must be held that the latter epistle presents a more concrete
form of several sayings than that preserved by James, who rather gives
the impression of having quoted and adopted them from a previous
writer : cp. the evidence and arguments in Bruckner (Chron. pp. 60-65),
Wrede (LG, 1896, pp. 450-451), Holtzmann (ZwTh, 1882, "Die Zeitlage
des Jakobusbriefs," pp. 292-310), supported by Weiss, von Soden, Pfleid
erer, Klopper, and Usteri (in his edition of 1 Peter, especially pp. 292-298).
The parallels are best printed in Spitta, Urc. ii. pp. 184-187. That
Hebrews is also used by James is urged by the same critics, with the
exception of von Soden and the addition of Schmiedel (EWK, n. 34,
article " Catholic Epistles "). On the other hand, the connections between
/Jas l1921 225 313 41 416 214"lr \
James and Clem. Rom. (CR' lgl  12i 382 46s 21s 3Q3— ) and the
/Jas l12 l18 25 59 "\
Apocalypse1 (A oc g10 14* 29 320^' d° n0t aPPear to Prove more than
community of atmosphere, nor is it safe to infer much more than this from
the coincidences (reminiscences, P. Ewald, Das Hauptproblem, p. 59f.) in the
/Jas l18 l25 520 21 l22* 41 \
fourth gospel (_ Jq ^sJ^w^rr,4i-QS-i± 3i6-2iJ and tlle pastoral epistles
/Jas. 213 51*' 513 5» 41-8 42  \
VPast. II. I16- 18 Tt l5 etc. II. 29 45 I. 56 TtT33 II. 2™r JameS 1S thUS' 0n
the evidence of its contents, a secondary writing in the NT ; its strong
and fresh treatment goes back for materials not merely to pre-Christian
or non-Christian but Christian sources. Also, its closest relations from a
literary point of view are with writings towards the end of the first or in
the first quarter of the second century. The terminus ad quem is fixed by
Hermas,2 in which James is almost certainly used. Before 140 c. it
must have been composed, and — if it uses Hebrews — after 90.
A date within the Domitianic period has been favoured generally by
Hilgenfeld (Einl. pp. 537-542) and S. Davidson (doubtfully) ; McGiffert
(A A, pp. 579-585), like J. Reville (Les origines de I' E~piscopat,-p. 230 f.), puts
it before the end of the first century, as A. H. Blom (" De acbtergrond van
den Jakobusbrief," Theol. Tijd. 1881, pp. 439-449) had already argued.
Similarly Rovers, Nieuw-test. Letterkunde (1888), p. 93. But the tone
and literary connections of the epistle point to a later period. Most
probably it was composed about the same time as the pastoral epistles,
although the date of composition can only be fixed approximately. So
Baur (Church History (Eng. tr.) i. pp. 128-130), Schwegler (Das nach-apost.
Zeitalter, I. pp. 413 f'., 441 f.), Zeller, and Volkmar (ZwTh, 1861, p. 427),
followed by Hausrath and Pfleiderer3 (Urc. pp. 865-880). The last-
1 Spitta, Offenbar. Joh. p. 521 f. ; Feine. pp. 131-133.
2 Cogent proofs in Spitta, Urc. ii. pp. 236 f., 382-391, also Dr. C. Taylor,
Journal of Philol. xvin. p. 297 f., and Zabn's edition of Hermas, pp. 396-409.
3 With whom, as far as the date is concerned, R. Steck practically agrees ("Die
Konfession des Jakobusbrief es," Z.Schz. 1889, xv. 3); also J. H. Wilkinson, ^/J1,
ii. pp. 120-123.

THE EPISTLE OF JAMES 579
named regards the latter as a protest, like Hermas, against the
secularising of Christianity ; he finds a parallel to its plain and
practical1 spirit, in the Waldensian church or in the Minorites.
Bruckner (Chron. pp. 60-64, 287-296) regards the writing as the
product of some little conventicle of Jewish-Christian Essenism in
the reign of Hadrian, 117-138 a.d., directed against the Gnosticising
tendencies of contemporary Paulinism. Jiilicher (Einl. p. 140 f.), like
Usteri (SiT, 1889, pp. 211-256), dates2 the book 125-150 a.d., and von
Soden (EC, in. 2, pp. 175, 176) agrees that there is nothing to
prevent a theory of its composition before 130 a.d., though he inclines
to an earlier date (JpTh, 1884, pp. 137-192). Some corroboration of
this general period may be found in the naive tradition, preserved by
Hegesippus (Eus. RE, in. 32, iv. 22), that the church had remained
a pure virgin up till the martyrdom of Symeon (c. 107 a.d.), after
which heresies and errors openly grew active. It is c. 130 a.d. that
Harnack also dates the percolation of Hellenism upon a large scale
into Christianity : the religious philosophy of Greece began then to
reach the centre of the new religion, and, simultaneously with this, the
older enthusiasm passed from the communities (Das Wesen des Christen-
tums, 1900, p. 1251'.).
Austere and frequently ironical in tone, aphoristic in form, pregnant
in expression, the successive paragraphs resemble more than once the
sentences in Bacon's Essays. They are brief, condensed, direct. They
"do not seem to end, but fall." Their quick thrusts are quite in
keeping with the author's rigorous demands upon his readers. Severe
and urgent warnings abound. In one hundred and eight verses fifty-four
imperatives have been counted. They lie side by side with more tender
consolations ; but of praise there is not a syllable. The laxity of the
moral situation is too keenly felt by the writer ; and he never lets his
readers go far from the agenda of Christianity. "Er ist der Apostel der
That, fiir welchem ailes auf die That ankommt" (Rovers). He has
been called the Jeremiah of the NT, but he has affinities equally with
the stubborn and pungent realism of Amos. The so-called primitiveness
of this undogmatic — even antidogmatic — writing is explicable when it is
set against the background, not of a nascent, elementary stage in
Christianity (for the existence of which the evidence is quite inadequate),
but of tendencies and features which here, as in Hermas and 2 Clem., reveal
phrases of almost moralistic3 religion side by side with the deeper or
elaborated aspects of the faith. This standpoint helps one to rightly
orientate the writings and its pithy phrases. It was a time of aberration
(519-20), when the supreme call was for personal reformation (lla- 27) and
the reclaiming of others (516- 20). The long development of Christianity,
even within the personal experience of the readers (31), had begun to
1 Eeuss (pp. 140-143 ; also Hist. Christ. Theol. i. pp. 423, 424) from a different
standpoint underlines this dislike on the writer's part to theological disputation.
"His warnings read like the first startled shrinking of piety from the nights of
science"; he is a man "to whom all talking and disputing about religious subjects
seemed like stepping out of the temple altogether." Similarly the pastorals.
2 Cp. Bousset. (TR, 1897, p. 15). Harnack's period is also c. 110-130 a.d. He
denies that the writing is an epistle ; comparing it with 2 Clem., he regards both as
homilies, composed of isolated exhortations to the community anil to individuals.
Certainly tvvayotyi, (2a) is a term transferred from Greek worship as an equivalent of
iwaun'e (514) ; cp_ Heinrici, ZwTh (1876), pp. 103-109, 523, 524.
3 In 4th Esdras (8&-W 971. etc.) a similar emphasis falls on works in relation
to faith.

580 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
betray symptoms of moral degeneracy.1 Along with the wide diffusion
of Christianity, abuses — especially of money and mind — had crept into
the church, with the result that (as Klopper graphically puts it) the
moral deficiencies of Christian conduct were being covered by the
withered fig-leaf of a merely intellectual belief. Neither talk nor
theories make up life, this prophet thunders. Without morality they are
a corpse. Words — words by themselves are alike the source of quarrel
ling and the substitute for honest conduct. No wonder that such a
development or rather degeneration was followed some thirty years later
by the Montanist reformation. This letter bears much the same relation
to that movement as that which existed between the writings of Barclay
or Tyndale and the English Reformation in the sixteenth century.
From another side than that of the pastorals, and yet with some sub
stantial kinship, the epistle of James comes into the Christian develop
ment. Here, as in the pastorals, practical piety - is the dominant note.
But the author, who was one of the wise men (Mt 2334) in his age, and
himself a teacher (31), instead of presenting his conceptions in the spirit
of Paul, occupies the standpoint of an emancipated Jewish Hellenist.3
To him (cp. Denney, DB, iii. 82) as to many in the second century,
Christianity appeared in all its attractiveness mainly as a new law,4
the supreme manifestion and expression of ethical monotheism and
plain morality. To obey tbe commandments of God — that is the
religious ideal of the age. Contrasted with the wearisome scheme of
Judaism (Mt II29), it is a light and easy obedience (1 Jn 53, Jas l25). In
the Johannine apocalypse and epistles this legal conception is bound up
with a rich Christology, and even in the pastorals these two are not
wholly severed. But the author of James stands nearer to the blanched
Christology of the Didache (on which see Harnack, Apostellehre, pp. 14-
20) than to these NT writings, and his motives for the observance of the
moral law are not drawn from God's Fatherhood and man's love to him.
The horizon is Christendom, but the atmosphere and situation are
nearer the Jewish moralism of the Didache5 than the distinctively Christian
writings that lie within the NT canon. There is nothing specially re
ferring to the Gentiles, it is true. But the Jews are as decidedly left out
of account. These racial divisions do not exist for the writer. A Jew
1 Hints of Gnostic trouble (315=Jud 10) and persecution (l2- 3- 12 57-11) are not very
luminous. 2 Cp. the remarkable parallel on charity (1 Jn 317 = Jas 2i417), a good instance of
the mystic and the moralist each pressing in his own fashion upon the same point of
conduct. Add 1 Jn 21" = Jas 4*, 1 Jn 2^ = Jas l12.
3 On the theology of James cp. especially Usteri, loc. cit. ; Holtzmann, NTTh.
ii. pp. 328-350, and in ZwTh (1893), pp. 57-69. For the reproduction of the wisdom-
ideas cp. the great section iu the Book of Baruch (39-44), where wisdom is claimed
as the privilege and security of Israel. The monotheism of the Diaspora is excellently
illustrated by the Sibylline oracles (Blass, KAP, ii. p. 179 f., and slightly other
wise, Zahn, ZKWL, 1886, pp. 77-87).
4 Christianity as law is characteristic of the sub-apostolic age (Barnabas 26, • xatm
voices rov xvpiov r,u.*v av-v \vyov avayxv.s uv). On the beginnings of this conception cp.
Gottschick, RTK, vi. pp. 634, 635, and Seeberg, Lehrbuch der Doamengeschichte,
1895, I. pp. 33 f., 35 f. y *
. _ Jas 1« (48) 36 8 a '. 3i«s 516 ,
5 Cp. gig- p  gs  25  fii>" ^e et'llcal preoccupation of James need
not seem so surprising when one remembers the traces of such a conception of
Christianity already given in passages like Ac 17, 141M7, ii"*. There the author,
apparently without any sense of incongruity, makes Paul speak in semi-Jewiih
terms which are scarcely more Christian than the conceptions in James' epistle.

THE EPISTLE OF JAMES 581
by birth, in all likelihood, he lives and writes in an age when these
parties are neither included nor excluded ; they are simply transcended.
A fusion has taken place in the church. The Christianity in vogue is
not now Paulinism, it is a diffused Gentile Christianity which no longer
needs to remain in opposition to the semi-legal x conception of the faith,
but is permeated with Hellenising influences (A. Meyer, Die moderne
Forschung ilber d. NT, pjj. 54-56) analogous to those stirred in the
ethical revival of the first century by the Cynic " street-preachers '' of
the age, and by the fascination exerted by the Hellenic mysteries upon
those who were dissatisfied with the superstition and moral impotence
of current religions. The influence of this atmosphere on Christianity
only began to be felt to any great extent as the new faith moved out into
the Empire, certainly not before the third quarter of the first century.
To the writer, impatient and distrustful of theorising, Christianity then
appears quite in the second-century manner as a law, " the perfect law "
(l25), i.e. the fulfilment of Judaism. The Christian is he who by a
practical and consistent life obeys that royal law (28 = Just. Apol. I12),
and is thus a perfect man. Here, as in the later literature, the first notes
of Protestantism are heard, though the author reminds us also of the
Humanists in his taste for older literature. Contemporary religion had
already developed far enough to be liable to aberrations which, in this
man's view, were best remedied by a sharp recall to the primitive
elements, and especially to the forgotten commonplace that a divorce
between faith and conduct is ruinous to both. His polemic implies that
Paul's original conceptions of faith and works were being misapprehended
and abused.2 But he is no pupil of Paul's, eager to re-state the dis
tinctive Pauline doctrines, much less an opponent who writes with the
ulterior and covert purpose of refuting such positions. To this author
Christianity is not, as it was to Paul, an overpoweringly new spirit. It is
the legal and moral heir of all that was best in Judaism. Of grace, of the
Messiahship of Jesus, — the burning question of the primitive church, — of
the hope of eternal life, there is as little mention as of circumcision and
the Mosaic law, or of man's personal union with Jesus Christ. These are
not the writer's world.3 His ideal is " the truth," " the wisdom,"—
practically equivalent to a good, moral life, which is an observance of
God's law. Of God's Fatherhood and kingdom, truths which were the
very life of Christ's first disciples, there is but the slightest mention. So
far as distinctiveness and characteristics go, this document is to early
Christianity pretty much what writings like those of pseudo-Phokylides
are to the Judaism of the first century ; both are genuine products, but
tend to concentrate their attention upon the general moralistic features
of the faith in question, instead of upon its particular tenets (cp. Jacoby,
NT Ethik, pp. 151-201).
1 With this sublimated conception of "law," which proved so influential in early
Christianity, there may be compared the post-exilian attitude to the Hebrew Law,
with its nourishment of rich and genuine piety (cp. Montefiore's Hibbert Lectures, chap.
ix., and I. Abrahams, "Jewish Life under the Law," Jewish Quart. Review, July
1899, pp. 626-642). Fourth Maccabees is an example of the stress laid on this piety
[tinflit) by Judaism, when touched by a Stoical devotion to ethics.
2 Cp. Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 333-335. That the readers were specifically Jewish-
Christian is maintained by several scholars (e.g. Reuss, Weizsacker, Klopper,
Schmiedel). That they were liable to risk from some form of ultra- Paulinism seems
indisputable. 3 Familiarity with the terminology of the Greek mystics (e.g., as Hilgenfeld has
shown with the Orphites 3s, whom Dr. Gardner finds already behind a passage like

582 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
While the address implies an oecumenical Christianity which is viewed
under the comprehensive and idealised symbols of the OT (the twelve
tribes, l1, being equivalent to God's people, an ideal number like Apoc 74
141, or 1 P l1), the letter bears distinct marks of a local and concrete situa
tion.1 But it is no longer possible to reconstruct a picture of it. The
generic term 6 Sitcaios (56, cp. Wisd Sol 212"20), however, corroborates the
other evidence of the epistle by indicating that the writer felt in greatest
sympathy with the class represented by the tttoo^oi of Pss. Sol, or the
" mansueti et quiescentes " of 4 Esdras (ll32), the suffering lower classes
who represented by their Puritanism the true piety of the age. How far
this is due to the archaic style of the writer, and how far to his actual
environments, it is hard to say. If the latter hypothesis were pressed,
the indications might point to Syria or Palestine, as in the case of the
Didache. But in all probability the tone of the letter represents the
author's ideal. His sympathies revolted from the ostentatious religion of
the better classes and clung to an Essene-like character, which resembles —
it has been suggested — the simplicity and winsomeness of Francis the
great Poverello. The connection of the writing with Romans, Hebrews,
and Hermas has led several scholars (e.g. Bruckner and von Soden) to
think of Rome as the locus of the epistle ; but indeed certainty on this
matter is unattainable, and conjectures are simply guesswork.
It is equally impossible to discover who the unknown James was, who
wrote the letter. There is not any sufficient reason for holding it a pseudo
nymous document. Had the writer wished to pose as the first bishop of
the Jerusalem church, he would (like the author of 2 P) have taken care
to introduce unmistakable allusions to his traditional character. As it is,
no one would dream that the apostle James was meant by the James of
ver. 1, merely by reading the contents of the epistle. More local colour
and detail would certainly have been necessary to produce this conviction
among the first readers and authenticate the epistle. Had the writer in
tended to represent himself as the brother of the Lord — and much more,
if he had actually been so — he would have emphasised his self-designation
in the title and contents of the writing.2
1 Pet 318 ; Ex,plor. Evangelica, chap, xxi.), certain echoes of Philonic phraseology and
the reproduction of ideas and sentences from Wisd. Sol. and Ecclus. (Spitta, Urc. ii.
pp. 14-155, a rich series of parallels), do not in this practised scholar and writer
affect the question of the date much more than the use of apocalyptic quotations
in the Epistle of Judas. They merely tell against apostolic authorship. "Cet
helleuiste familier avec les ressources de la rh^torique est uu meme temps un philo-
sophe, fusion des deux types alors commune et en honneur dans le monde grec. On se
rappelle son systeme dualiste " (Massebieau).
1 It will scarcely do, I fear, to regard the warning aud denunciation of 4I3-56 as
an apostrophe addressed to "the rich as a class" (Adeney, BI, p. 436). Surely
here, as throughout the epistle, the author speaks as one who has known, suffered
with and from, studied and lived beside, the individuals who prompt his utterances?
2 How inconclusive and improbable all attempts at a biography are, made from
the side either of internal evidence or of later tradition, may be seen from what is
their best statement in Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 72-88.

JAMES
The author of this epistle seldom quotes Scripture, but he works with it.
He has a particular liking for the prophetic tone, which passes with him not
infrequently into the tone of Jewish apocalyptic. He lives iu the religious out
look of the later Judaism. Free from every kind of mysticism, no less than
from any interest in speculation, so bent upon tbe practical that he scarcely
allows any independent value to the specifically religious element, he is bitter
in his censure, rugged in his descriptions, a realist who plunges straight into
daily life, and paints with a broad brush, a man of clear-cut diction when he
unfolds his own ideas, the Jeremiah of the NT. The further we
go down, the more intelligible become not merely the conditions which the
epistle presupposes amongst Christians, e.g. the significance of the persecu
tions, and the limitation of miraculous power to the officers of the congregation,
but also the ethical nature of the writing, its complete divergence from the
main ideas of the Pauline preaching, its conception of Christianity as a
law, and lastly its relations to the early Christian literature. — von Soden.

I1 Address,

l2"'2

Trial, in relation to men :

its reason and reward.

J 13-18

in relation to God :

the false view.

the true view.
pS-226
Deeds, the issue and proof of religion :
21-1S
to be shown specially in treatment of poor.
214-28
else faith is useless.
31-lS
Words, the power and sins of :
strife and bitterness.
41-512
Moral counsels, a series of: against
41-KI
worldliness and pride,
411-12
fault-finding,
413-17
presumptuous self-confidence,
51-6
the injustice ofthe rich,
57-11
the impatience of the poor,
512
swearing.
513-20
Epilogue : directions for
worship,
sickness,
prayer,
reclaiming the lapsed.
JAMES
1 1 James, a slave of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ,
to the twelve tribes in the dispersion : greeting.
2 Reckon it all joy, my brothers, when you fall among manifold trials,
3 As you know that the testing of your faith results in endurance :
4 Now iet endurance come to perfection,
That you may be perfect and entire, lacking in nothing.
5 But if anyone of you lacks wisdom, let him ask from the God who
gives to all generously and without reproaching,
And it shall be given him.
6 But let him ask in faith, with never a doubt ;
For the doubter is like the surge of the sea, wind-swept and tossed
to and fro.
7 Let not that man suppose he will receive anything from the Lord,
8 Double-minded that he is and restless in all his ways.
9 Let the humble brother exult in his exaltation ;
10 But the rich in his humiliation,
Because like the flower of the grass he shall pass away.
11 For up comes the sun with the scorching wind and withers the
grass,
And the flower of it falls off and the beauty of its appearance is
ruined :
So shall the rich man also fade in his pursuits.
12 Happy the man who endures trial !
For after he has been tried he shall receive the wreath of life which
He has promised to those who love him.
13 Let no man who is being tempted say, " My temptation is from God " ;
For God is not to be tempted himself by evil, and he tempts
no man.
14 Every one is tempted by his own lust, lured away and beguiled :
15 Then lust conceives and gives birth to sin,
And when sin is matured, it brings forth death.
16 Be not misled, my beloved brothers.
17 "Every gift that is good and every gift that is perfect" is from
above,
Coming down from the Father of lights, with whom there is no
shifting or shadow of change.
18 He willed to bring us forth by the word of truth,
To be a kind of firstfruits of his creatures.
19 You know that, my beloved brothers.
Now let every man be quick to hear, slow to speak, slow to anger :
20 For man's anger does not produce the uprightness of God.
584

12l_223] JAMES 585
21 Therefore, putting away all the filthy dregs of malice,
Accept with meekness the implanted word which is able to save your
souls.
22 Prove yourselves obedient to the word,
Instead of merely hearing — and so deluding yourselves.
23 For if anyone hears the word and obeys not,
He is like a man looking at his natural face in a mirror :
24 He looks at himself and is off,
And immediately forgets what kind of man he is.
25 But he who gazes into the perfect law— the law of freedom — and remains
there,
Proving himself no forgetful hearer but actively obedient,
This man shall be happy in his obedience.
26 If any man imagines that he is religious, and does not bridle his
27 tongue, but deceives his own heart, this man's religion is futile. Religion
pure and undefiled before our God and Father is this : —
to care for orphans and widows in their distress,
to keep oneself unstained from the world.
2 1 My brothers, hold not the faith of [our] Lord of majesty [Jesus
2 Christ], with respect of persons. For if a man enters your gathering with
gold rings and splendidly dressed, and a poor man also enters in a dirty
3 dress, and you favour him who wears the splendid dress and say, " Sit
here in comfort," and say to the poor man, " Stand there ! " or " Sit under
4 my footstool " — have you not made distinctions among yourselves and
5 shown that you judge with evil designs 1 Listen, my beloved brothers.
Has not God chosen those who are poor in this world to be rich in faith,
and to be heirs of the realm which he has promised to those who love
6 him ? Now, you have insulted the poor man. Is it not the rich who
7 oppress you ? and is it not they who drag you to the courts 1 Is it not
8 they who blaspheme the noble Name by which you are called 1 If, how
ever, you fulfil the royal law according to the scripture, Thou shalt love thy
9 neighbour as thyself, well and good. But if you have respect of persons
10 you are committing sin ; the law convicts you as transgressors. For
whoever shall keep the law as a whole and yet stumble in a single point,
11 is guilty of everything. For he who said, Commit no adultery, said also,
Do not murder. Now, if thou committest no adultery but murderest, thou
12 hast become a transgressor of the law. So speak and so act, as those who
13 are to be judged by a law of freedom. For judgment is merciless to him
14 who has shown no mercy : mercy exults over judgment. What is
the use, my brothers, of a man saying he has faith, without having deeds ?
15 Can his faith save him 1 If a brother or a sister be ill-clad and in lack of
16 daily food, and one of you says to them, " Go in peace, get warmed and
fed ! " without giving them the necessaries of the body, what is the use of
', 18 it ? So too with faith ; unless it brings deeds, it is dead in itself. But
will some one say, " Hast thou faith— thou ! " ? Yes, and I have deeds as
well. Show me thy faith apart from deeds, and I will show thee my
19 faith by my deeds. Thou believest in one God ? x well and good. The
20 daemons also believe and shudder. Wilt thou understand, 0 empty man,
21 that faith is useless apart from deeds ? Was not our father Abraham
22 justified by deeds, when he offered his son Isaac upon the altar ? Thou
aeeat that faith was working along with his deeds, that by deeds faith
23 was perfected, and that the scripture was fulfilled which saith, Now
Abraham believed God and it was counted to him as uprightness, and he was
1 Reading us Sios 'io-nv ;

586 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [224-4J
24 called God's friend. You see it is by deeds a man is justified, and not
25 merely by faith. In the same way, was not Rahab the harlot also
justified by deeds, as she welcomed the messengers and dismissed them
26 by another way ? For
Just as apart from the breath the body is dead,
So also faith is dead apart from deeds.
3 1 Crowd not to be teachers, my brothers,
Since you know we shall be the more heavily sentenced.
2 For in many points we all stumble :
He is a perfect man who stumbles not in speech,
He is able to bridle his whole body as well.
3 If we put bridles into the horses' mouths to make them obey us,
We turn about their whole bod}' as well.
4 Look at the ships too ! for all their size and their speed under stiff winds,
They are turned about by a very small rudder, wherever the impulse
of the steersman decides.
5 So also the tongue is a small member,
Yet it boasts of great exploits.
Look at the forest kindled by a tiny fire !
6 And the tongue — that world of iniquity —
The tongue proves itself a very fire among our members :
Besides staining tbe whole body,
It fires the Wheel of being,
Fired itself by Gehenna.
7 For every kind of beast and bird, of things creeping and marine, is tamed
and has been tamed by mankind :
8 But no man can tame the tongue —
Restless evil that it is, full of mortal poison.
9 With it we bless the Lord and Father,
And with it we curse men made after the likeness of God:
10 From the same mouth issue blessing and cursing ;
My brothers, this ought not to be so.
11 Does a fountain send out fresh water and brackish water from the same

opening

12 Can a fig-tree, my brothers, produce olives ?
Or a vine, figs ?
No more can ivalt water produce fresh.
13 Who is wise and sage among you ?
In meekness of wisdom let him show his deeds by good conduct.
14 But if in your heart you have bitter jealousy and. factiousness,
Exult not over the truth nor lie against it.
15 That is not the wisdom which comes down from above ;
Nay, it is earthly, sensuous, daemoniacal.
16 For wherever jealousy and faction exist,
There disorder is and everything ill.
17 Whereas the wisdom from above is first pure,
Then peaceable, forbearing, pliant,
Full of mercy and good fruits, impartial, unfeigned.
18 Now those who. make peace are sowing in peace uprightness as the fruit
thereof.
4 1 Whence come wars, whence wrangles among you 1
Is it not from this, from your pleasures that wage war among your
members 1

42-o3] JAMES 587
2 You desire, yet you do not possess.
You are envious 1 and jealous, yet you cannot obtain.
You wrangle and fight, yet 2 you do not possess,
Because you do not ask.
3 You do ask, yet you receive not ;
Because you ask amiss, in order to spend upon your pleasures.
4 Unfaithful to your troth,
Do you not understand that the world's friendship is enmitv against
God?
Whoever then would be the world's friend proves himself God's
enemy.
5 Or is it idly, do you imagine, that the scripture saith,
"Jealously he yearns for the spirit which he made to dwell in us " ?
6 Now he grants greater grace : therefore it saith,
The haughty God resists,
But to the humble he grants grace.
t Be subject then to God.
Resist the devil,
And he will flee from you :
8 Draw nigh to God,
And he will draw nigh to you.
Sinners, cleanse your hands !
Double-minded, purify your hearts !
9 Grieve and mourn and weep !
Changed be your laughter into mourning,
And your joy into dejection !
10 Humble yourselves before the Lord,
And he will raise you.
11 Defame not one another, brothers.
He who defames his brother or judges his brother,
Defames the law and judges the law.
Now if thou judgest the law,
Thou are not obedient to the law, but a judge.
12 One is lawgiver and judge,
He who is able to save and to destroy.
But thou, who art thou to judge thy neighbour 1
13 Come now, you who say, " To-day or to-morrow we shall go to this
14 or that city, and spend a year there, and trade, and get gain " — you who
are ignorant what life 3 shall be yours upon the morrow ! For you are a
15 vapour, appearing for a little and then vanishing. You should say
16 instead, " If the Lord will, we shall do this or that." As it is, you exult
_ in your pretensions ; aU such exultation is evil.
17 He who knows, then, to do good yet does it not,
To him it is sin.
0 1 Come now, you rich, weep and howl for your impending griefs !
2 Your wealth lies rotten,
And your garments have become moth-eaten.
3 Your gold and silver are rusted over,
And their rust shall be evidence against you,
Yea, it shall devour your flesh like fire.
You have been laying up treasure in the last days.
1 Reading cSoviin. - Adding xai. 3 Omitting [[w]].

588 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [54-20
4 Behold, the wages of which you have defrauded the labourers who mowed
your fields, are calling aloud,
And the cries of the harvesters have entered into the ears of the Lord of
SabaSth.
5 You have lived on earth in luxury and dissipation,
You have nourished your hearts, on the day of slaughter.
6 You have condemned, have murdered the upright man:
He does not resist you.
7 Be patient, then, brothers, until the arrival of the Lord.
Behold, the husbandman waits for the precious fruit of the earth,
Patient over it till it receives the early and the latter rain :
8 Be you patient also, strengthen your hearts,
For the arrival of the Lord is near.
9 Murmur not against one another, brothers, that you may not be judged :
Behold, the judge is standing before the door !
10 As an example of hardship and patient endurance, brothers, take the
11 prophets who have spoken in the name of the Lord. Behold, we call
those who have endured, happy. You have heard of the endurance of Job,
and you have seen the end of the Lord, that the Lord is full of sympathy
12 and pitiful. But above all, my brothers, swear not : neither
by heaven, nor by earth, nor by any other oath. Let your " yes " be a
simple " yes," and your " no " a simple " no " — that you may not fall
under condemnation.
13 Is anyone among you in hardship 1
Let him pray.
Is anyone in good spirits 1
Let him sing praise.
14 Is anyone among }'ou sick ?
Let him call for the elders of the Community,
And let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of
the Lord.
15 And the prayer of faith shall restore the invalid,
And the Lord shall raise him up.
Even if he has committed sins,
They shall be forgiven him.
16 Confess then your sins to one another,
And pray for one another,
That you ma}r be cured.
Great is the effect of an upright person's prayer in its activity.
17 Elijah was a man with a nature like our own ;
And he prayed earnestly that it might not rain,
And it did not rain on the land for three years and six months.
18 Then he prayed again,
And the sky yielded rain, and the land produced her fruit.
19 My brothers, if anyone among you err from the truth, and some one
20 turn him back, let him know that he who turns a sinner back from the
error of his way, shall save his soul from death and hide a multitude of
sins.

THE EPISTLE OF JUDAS
The main indication of date in this forcible and brief letter is to be found in
the nature of the error that is denounced. This is commonly and, upon the
whole, rightly taken to be a phrase of that strange antinom'ian Gnosticism
which spread over sections of the church especially during the second
century. The epistle (unless the epistolary form be an artificial and
literary device) is addressed to a definite, local, and recent manifestation
of this libertinism within (12) the church. It is a word for an emergency.
The immediate conditions soon passed out of knowledge, and it 'is
unreasonable to expect the writing to afford clearly defined traces of a
controversy with which writer and readers are already familiar. Still it is
nonetheless possible from the writing itself to reconstruct with sufficient
accuracy the spirit of its period, although the general tone of the letter
points not to a genuine epistle but to a homily. In the background
Gnostic tendencies are unmistakable : tbe stress laid on distinctions and
classes (19, d-rroSioplCovres, to which Ro 1617 is only a linguistic parallel),
the claim to possess visions (8, evvrrvia£6pevoi) and superior knowledge
(16), the moral laxity (8- 23), the repudiation of the OT God and of
angels (8, Kvfnbrnra dBeroviriv, 86£as de f$\ao-q\ripovtTiv). Most critics concur
in regarding these as consistent and decisive traces of the opposition
which the church presented to the movement headed by the Nikolaitans
(Apoc 2G- 15) towards the end of the first century, and later by several
sectaries, including Karpokrates. Their leading tenet 1 was a licentiousness
which obliterated the distinction between the natural and the moral (napa-
XPwao-6ai rfj a-apti bet), accompanied by ecclesiastical insubordination,2
and a violent antipathy to Judaism. Clement of Alexandria (Strom, iii.
2, 6-10) found this error implied — though, as he thought, prophetically —
in the epistle. Omit the " prophetically " and the correct historical stand
point is gained for the writing, i.e. somewhere among the rising currents
in the sub-apostolic age, most probably after the beginning of the second
century. This is corroborated by the references to the apostolic age
as distant and authoritative (3- 4- 17) — the apostles being not merely
scattered but dead, as the passage clearly implies — and to the faith as a
crystallised entity (8.rra% Trapa8odeio-g rois ciyiois rrlo-rei, cp. 19), to whose
historical origin the readers can look back.
The terminus ad quem is the period of the Muratorian Canon which
includes Judas, or more closely, that of 2 Peter, which derives from the
epistle. The mind of the writer appears to be filled with anger and surprise
1 As in the pastorals, it is met by denunciation rather than discussion, auger
rather than analysis. But the situation is not yet desperate. The errorists, who are
on the way of Kain (i.e. sceptics), are not altogether irreclaimable, and the church is
evidently strong enough to carry the war into the enemy's camp. In '• 10, as in
Jas 2'-i*, an abuse of Pauline principles is implied.
2 On this demagogic eruption, cp. Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 77, 85, 86. Like the other
features ofthe situation, it rests on a theoretical propaganda of explosive ideas.
589

590 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
at the contemporary godlessness and libertinism (see Jacoby, NT Ethik,
pp. 455-459), as if these were (4) for him at least a comparatively new
departure. This (as Jiilicher judiciously remarks) makes it advisable not
to go too far down into the second century.1 On tbe other side the terminus
a quo is probably to be found not merely in the Pauline epistles which
it presupposes (especially Gol-Eph), but in the Johannine epistles, or even
in the pastorals, with which Jud-2 Pet have clear literary and religious
affinities, no less than with the Didache (parts of it written by author of
Judas ? Chase, DB, ii. p. 799 f .). Broadly speaking, the range for its com
position is the first quarter — perhaps the first half — of the second century :
neither within hor without the NT is there anv evidence to justify a more
precise date. So Hilgenfeld (Einl, pp. 739-744) and Volkmar, foUowed
bv most critics, including espeeiallv Mangold, Lipsius, Holtzmann (Einl.
pp. 327-329 ; NTTh, ii. pp. 318-321), and Weizsacker (AA, ii. pp. 160,
202). Volter formerly put it later than 140 a.d. Pfleiderer takes it similarly
as the work of an Alexandrian Hellenist, written against the Karpokratian
heresy (Urc. pp. 835-838), and this represents practically the position of
several, like Hausrath and S. Davidson (INT, ii. p. 335 f.) and Cone
(Gospel and its Interpret, p. 338 f .). But the narrower and earlier period, 100-
125 (130) a.d., recently chosen and reasserted by Jiilicher (Einl, pp. 145-
147), McGiffert (AA, pp. 585-588), and Harnack (Chron, pp. 465-470), is,
upon the whole, certain. The relative order of Judas and the pastorals
remains, however, quite an open question. It is attractive rather than
safe to find the reference of Judas 17 (roiv pgparav roiv rrpoeipypevav virb
r. aTToo-roXaiv) in 2 Tim 31-2 43, 1 Tim 4L ; earlier prophecies might
answer just as well (e.g. Col 2iL, Ac 2029, etc). The affinities with
the Didache (2r = Jud 221, 41 = Jud8 etc.) are much more convincing, and
probably indicate that the situation of both writings is fairly identical.
On this view the author is some unknown Judas who puts forward no
claim to apostleship. His title " Brother of James," if it be authentic,
is either an equivalent for " bishop" or a merely personal reference. If
it does not refer to the author of " James," it must be supposed to have
carried some weight at the time, although we have lost the clue to its
local origin and appositeness. Unless the writing is to be regarded (with
Harnack) as originally anonymous, or (with Pfleiderer, W. Bruckner, Chron,
p. 298 ; and Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 328, 329) as essentially pseudonymous
— which is unlikely, as the primitive Judas was far from being a prominent
leader — it must be taken with this shadow upon the title. Grotius
assigned its composition to Judas (Euseb. HE, iv. 5. 3), a bishop of
Jerusalem in the reign of Hadrian, and in the dearth of evidence this
seems not an unlikely guess, especially (TU, viii. 1, 2) if the heresy is
interpreted as Coptic or Syro-Palestinian Gnosticism. The remarkable use
ofthe apocryphal 2 literature and its legends 3 in the epistle has suggested
1 Semler long ago put both it and 2 Peter between 150 and 200, the former, how
ever, as an epitome of the latter.
2 Parallels collected by Spitta (cp. cit.) ; passages from Enoch by Chase in DB,
ii. pp. 801, 802. The latter critic endeavours with great plausibility to connect the
epistle with the brother of Jesus ; but at too great expense, if such a date (a year or
two after the pastoral epistles !) involves not merely the authenticity ofthe pastorals
but the earlier date of the apocalypse and (apparently) of Hebrews. Such a literary
construction is quite untenable. Further, ver. 4 does not imply a Pauline mission-
field (p. 804). Had Paul a monopoly of preaching " grace " ?
3 The literary dependence upon the Assumptio Mosis in ver. 9 must be maintained,
in spite of Clemen's recent scepticism (EAP, ii. pp. 312, 314).

THE EPISTLE OF JUDAS 591
to Jiilicher, however, the old idea of an Egyptian origin for the writing ;
while Schenkel, Mangold, Pfleiderer, and Holtzmann had thought of Alex
andria, though Palestine or Asia Minor is intrinsically as probable. To
confine it to the Syrian Antioch is simply a guess. Many a community
was exposed to pagan lawlessness in that age. In fact the data are far too
scanty to permit of any safe conclusion being drawn from them in regard
either to the situation or to the author of this vigorous, brief, and
enigmatic note. It implies an intimate connection between writer and
readers, involving some mutual affection and knowledge. But any
efforts to get behind this fact merely result in fantastic constructions
which lie quite off the ground of history.
If it is desired to find within the NT records any Judas who would
correspond to the description of the title (:), the brother of James (Mk 63,
Mt 1355) would certainly be the most likely figure.1 But as grandsons
of his were alive in Domitian's reign (Euseb. HE, in. pp. 19, 20), the period
of his own life would be far too early - to suit the evidence of the writing,
and would require the errors to be interpreted as products of Jewish
Christianity or hyper- Paulinism. Neither in the letter nor iu the rest of
the NT is there the slightest ground for making such a conjecture upon the
authorship, though it is naturally favoured by several Anglican scholars, e.g.
Farrar (Early Days of Christianity, bk. ii. chap, xi.), Plummer (Expositor's
Bible, " James and Jude," 1891, Plumptre (Cambridge Bible, 1887), Salmon,3
and Chase. For different and not very cogent reasons, von Soden (HC, in.
2, p. 186) dates the letter between 80 and 90, Weiss before 70, Wandel
(der Brief des Judas, 1898) between 62 and 70, Kiibl (-Meyer) between 65
and 80, Schafer (Einl. p. 314 f.) between 64 and 66, and Renan c. 54 a.d.
(as a bitter, covert attack upon Paul and Paulinism : Saint Paul, chap. x.).
Spitta's date (+ 80 a.d.) is bound up with his lonely and brilliant
attempt. (Der 2 Brief d. Petrus und der Brief d. Judas, 1885 ; also Urc. ii. pp.
409-411) to establish the relative priority of 2 Peter, the letter of Judas
being an outcome of 2 P l15 ; but his arguments really prove with
renewed force the need and reason for insisting upon the opposite order,
no longer as a problem but as a postulate for the criticism of the two
writings. The priority of Judas is rightly accepted by modern critics
with practical unanimity.4 In it we have the original purport of several
1 In which case the "James" of Judas, ver. 1, would be the famous president of
the Jerusalem Christians. This follows also, if the writing is one of the pseudepi-
grapha. Adeney (BI, pp. 450-452) also takes the author to have realty been a brother
of James the head of the Jerusalem church, and consequently a brother of Jesus.
2 The crixonofver. 4 has its parallel not in any of the passages quoted by Zahu(Einl.
ii. pp. 87, 88), where the context determines its relative scope, but in Heb l1, Tai.ai
i Bii,- XaXi.o-a; non minimo intervallo, Bengel). lt has a prophetic retrospect, for
which no period of twenty years or so gives any adequate room. Similarly the
destruction of unbelievers refers not to the Jewish ruin of 70 A.D., but to the incidents
underlying the corresponding reminiscence in Heb 317'19. In short, all attempts to
tear the document out of the second century are largely verbal, and break down
upon serious examination.
3 "Many of the phrases packed together in Jude's epistle might each be the text of
a discourse ; so that I could easily believe that we had in this epistle heads of topics
enlarged on, either in a larger document, or by the apostle himself in vivd voce
addresses," p. 477 n. The same has been suggested in regard to James. There also,
as here, the wisdom-literature is largely drawn upon, and the writer is acquainted
with general Greek literature (cp. also Jud 16 with Jas 21).
4 A recent exception is Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 73-110), who dates Jud 70-75 a.d.,
supposing it to have been written by the brother of Jesus and addressed to the
churches already warned in 2 Peter some ten years previously (60-63). He refers ver.
5 to the catastrophe of 70 a.d. Bartlet (AA, pp. 344-351) is fully alive to the

592 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
words and sentences which have been modified and readjusted in 2 Peter
to a different situation (Jud 9 = 2 P 211, Jud 10 = 2 P 212, Jud 12 = 2 P2»).
The latter writing preserves some of the conceptions of the earlier, but
they are presented in a more abstract and expanded form, and often
would be unintelligible were it not for the comment supplied by Judas.
common situation of the Didache and this epistle, but the early date he assigns to the
former unfortunately obliges him to press Judas back to 70-80 a.d. as a Syrian
document. It is, however, quite proper to insist that phenomena sueh as those pre
sented in this epistle owe much of their obscurity to the fact that the modern reader
" is not aware of the background of traditional and superstitious beliefs that existed
from the first even in Christian minds, but were kept in abeyance as long as the
power of fresh faith was unimpaired. Time, however, with its slow but potent
alchemy, gradually destroyed this relation between the old and the new. . . . The
delay of the Lord's return had an unsettling effect, causing men to fall more and
more under the sway of tbe ordinary forces of human nature and society, and then
by the aid of old beliefs to frame theories to explain and justify their practice."
This is admirably put, and points to a constant source of deflection in the Christian
consciousness of the primitive age.

JUDAS
The sole purpose of the writing is to warn Christendom against a band of
pseudo-Christians, whose doctrines are as frightful and anti-christian as is their
moral conduct. Written in some anxiety regarding the spread of such tendencies
within the church, the " epistle " shows more goodwill than skill in its methods
of controversy. More space is given to indignation at these shameless persons
and to the description of the judgment awaiting them, than to a proof of what
is base in their principles and behaviour. Only in one or two expressions —
and even these merely hint in part at the subject — is any useful advice given
regarding tbe individuals in question. The refutation proper consists entirely
ofthe assertion that people were long ago prepared for such phenomena, by tbe
predictions of prophets and apostles. The style does not give evidence
of any remarkable ability, but it is not lacking in a certain marked force.
Leaving out the objectionable quotations from the apocryphal writings, the
author of 2 Peter afterwards incorporated in his own epistle this tiny letter of
Judas, which had fallen into oblivion, but whose bitter invectives seemed to
him most serviceable. — Jiilicher.

1.2
3.4
5-11
12-23

Address and greeting.
The occasion of the letter.
Denunciation and doom of the errorists :
Their exposure from prophecy,
Their characteristics,
Their treatment by Christians.
Doxology.

38

JUDAS
1 Judas, a slave of Jesus Christ and brother of James,
to those who are called, beloved in God the Father and kept for
Jesus Christ :
2 mercy to you and peace and love be multiplied.
3 Beloved, in my great eagerness to write you concerning our common
salvation, I am obliged to write and appeal to you to contend for the faith
4 which was once for all delivered to the saints. For some men have
slipped in by stealth, those who were predestined to this doom long ago
— " impious men, turning the grace of our God into sensuality, denying
5 also the only Master and our Lord Jesus Christ." Now I desire
to remind you — knowing as you do all things once for all —
that after the Lord saved a people out of the land of Egypt, he next
destroyed those who believed not :
6 and that the angels who kept not their office but abandoned their own
habitation, he has kept under the nether blackness in fetters
everlasting for the judgment of the great Day :
7 even as Sodom and Gomorra, with the surrounding cities, who (in a
way resembling these men) glutted themselves with fornication
and went after strange flesh, are exhibited as a warning, under
going the penalty of fire eternal.
8 Yet in the same way these men of sensual imagination also
pollute the flesh,
• contemn the Lordship,
and abuse Majesties.
9 Now when Michael the archangel was disputing with the devil in contro
versy over the body of Moses,
He dared not bring an abusive accusation against him ;
Nay, he said, " The Lord rebuke thee."
10 But these men heap abuse on an}rthing they are ignorant of,
And anything they do understand by nature, like the irrational
brutes, through that they are corrupted.
11 Woe to them !
For they went the road of Kain,
and rushed headlong for wages in the error of Balaam,
and perished in the rebellion of Korah.
12 These are the men who are sunken rocks in your love-feasts,
feasting with you unafraid,
shepherding their own selves:
Rainless clouds carried away by winds,
Fruitless autumn-trees, twice dead, uprooted,
13 Wild sea-waves, foaming out their own disgrace,
594

J*-®] judas 595
Wandering stars, for whom the nether blackness of darkness has been
for ever kept.
14 Now Enoch, the seventh from Adam, prophesied of these also,
saying :
15 "Lo, the Lord came with his holy myriads, to execute judgment
upon all,
and to convict all the impious
of all their impious deeds whioh impiously they wrought,
and of all the harsh words which impious sinners have spoken
against him."
16 These are murmurers, grumbling at their lot,
Walking after their own lusts —
And their mouth speaks extravagantly —
Paying regard to men's appearances for their own advantage.
17 But as for you, beloved,
Remember the words spoken beforehand by the apostles of our Lord
Jesus Christ,
18 How they told you : " At the end of the 1 time there shall be scoffers
who walk after their own impious lusts."
19 These are the men who make divisions,
Sensuous men,
who have not the Spirit.
20 But as for you, beloved,
Building yourselves up on your most holy faith,
Praying in the holy Spirit,
21 Keep yourselves in the love of God,
Waiting for the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ to life eternal.
22 Also, reprove some who separate themselves ;
Save others by snatching them out of the fire ;
23 Have mercv on others with fear, hating even the tunic spotted by the
flesh. "
24 Now to him who is able to preserve you from stumbling, and to set
25 you with rejoicing faultless before his majesty — to the only God, our
Saviour through Jesus Christ our Lord, belong majesty, sovereignty,
dominion, and authority, before all time and now and for all time :
Amen. i Adding to!.

THE EPISTLE OF SYMEON PETER (II.)
The composition of this writing during the course of the second century,
and probably in its first half, cannot be regarded any longer as one of
the open questions in NT criticism. The epistle is notoriously weak in
external attestation (DB, iii. pp. 799-806), but the security of the critical
conclusion rests mainly upon internal evidence. Especially noteworthy
are (a) the references to Paul's epistles1 (31C) : these would appear to
have acquired considerable prestige in the church, and to be ranked Kar
*£°XVV swe by side with the canonical scriptures, as well as numbered
among that class of books which forms a subject of discussion and dispute.
All this, especially the co-ordination of apostolic writings with the sacred
codex of the OT, points to a late and ecclesiastical atmosphere, (b) The
writer, who is not an apostle (32, twv drroo-roXwv ip.S>v), at the same time
appeals intentionally and emphatically to the authority of Peter (l12-19
31. 2. 15) • he plainly uses 1 Peter, which he endeavours to imitate for his
own purposes in spite of individual peculiarities of style and thought (cp.
on the well-marked difference of language, Holtzmann, Einl. p. 322, and
the moderate statement of Simcox : Writers of NT, pp. 63-69, besides
the critical editors), (c) The literary relations of the epistle involve its
dependence upon Clem. Rom., and even more markedly on the epistle of
Judas, of which a large part is reproduced expanded in 2 Peter 2 : prob
ably also (in spite of Chase's scepticism) a similar connection with 4th
Esdras and the Antiquities of Josephus,2 and apparently a set of simi
larities in thought and expression to the recently discovered Apocalypse of
Peter (DB, iii. pp. 814-816 ; Harnack, TU, ix. 2. p. 90 f.), if not to Hebrews
and James as well, (d) The general contour of the writing is late : we
have the incipient ecclesiasticism of the church with its three authorities
(32), the Lord, the apostles, the prophets ; the corresponding identification
of " apostolic " with " authoritative " ; the subtle traces of Gnosticism with
its subjectivity (l20) and conceptions of the Divine essence (l4), in view
of which the writer emphasises the genuine Christian "knowledge"
(yvbbcris, errlyva>o-is) 3 with its correlative of steady faith in the second
1 ' ' Das Christenthum ist hier schon ganz geworden, was zuvor das Judenthum
war ; Bibelglaube, Buchreligion, wie dem auch Ip'0- 2i die Inspirationslehre in der
Form des schroffsten Supernaturalismus vorgetragen wird " (Holtzmann, NTTh,
ii. p. 397). On the analogous Hellenic belief in inspiration and reverence for
antiquity, cp. Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 50, 51.
2 Elaborated in three articles by Dr. E. A. Abbott (ExpO- iii. pp. 49-63, 139-153,
204-219), which are not deprived of their substantial force by the adverse discussions
of Professor Warfield (South. Presbyterian Review, 1882, p. 45 f., 1883, p. 390 f.), Dr.
Salmon (INT, p. 497 f.), and Zahn (Einl. ii. p. 103) ; cp. the more impartial investi
gations of Farrar (Exp.- iii. pp. 401-423 ; Early Days, bk. ii. chap. ix. ; Exp.3 viii.
pp. 58-69) and Krenkel (Josephus u. Lucas, p. 350 f.).
3 Knowledge has displaced the ' ' hope " of 1 Peter, and by a corresponding change
the sufferings of Christ and Christians have fallen into the background (contrast
1 P 51 with -1 P 116-18).

THE EPISTLE OF SYMEON PETER (il.) 597
advent, according to the original and apostolic tradition, and as opposed
to current spiritualisations ; the fact of errorists being able for their own
ends to pervert the scripture (316), and to make use, as it is known the
Marcionites did, of Paul's epistles (passages like 1 Thess 5lf-, 2 Thess 213,
Rom 29, are much more likely than Gal 211, if any special reference is
to be thought of) ; the general impression that the early Christian age is
far behind the writer and his readers, an era to be looked back upon
(e.g. 34, dip' r]s yap ot rrarepes eK.oipr)8yo-av). These form a cumulative
argument for the second-century date, which is final. It is accepted even
by writers like Beyschlag (NTTh, ii. pp. 490-498), who finds 2 Peter is
critically disputed with evident reason, based upon the epistle of Judas
—which he puts into the first century — and a product of the second
century ; as also by Bovon (NTTh, ii. pp. 485 f.). Generally c. 150 a.d. or
the years preceding that time form the period 1 adopted by a very
numerous and weighty league of scholars, including Reuss (275-277),
Hilgenfeld, Hausrath, Bleek, Mangold, Renan, S. Davidson (INT, ii. pp.
523-559), Holtzmann, Kriiger, von Soden, Ramsay (before 130 a.d.),
McGiffert, Adeney, and most recently Chase (DB, iii. pp. 796-818) in an
article of exceptional brilliance and research. After Keim (iv. p. 312, etc.),
Pfleiderer puts the date further down into the century ( Urc. pp. 838-843),
and Jiilicher chooses 150-175 a.d. ; but Simcox rightly demurs to such a late
period, on the ground that the book contains an indisputably Hebraistic
element, and it is probably safer to place the writing not subsequent to the
seventh or eighth decade of the second century. At any rate it is the latest
writing in the NT (cf. Bruckner, Chron. pp. 296-307). Harnack's well-
known theory would imply that about this time, i.e. 150-175, the Petrine
title was added to 1 Peter, probably by the author of 2 Peter (Chron.
pp. 450-470).
This date involves the pseudonymity of the epistle. Of course, were
the title to be interpreted literally and logically, the writing would be the
testament of Peter. It must then have been composed, as the author
intended his readers to believe, shortly before the death of Peter and
subsequently to the first epistle, i.e. between 65 and 67 (Salmon, Lumby,
etc.). Weiss (followed by Kiihl), with his theory of the extremely early
date of 1 Peter, has little difficulty in supposing that this writing might
have followed some ten years later (INT, ii. pp. 154-169), and Spitta, on
grounds of his own, arrives at a similar result ; while Zahn actually dates
the writing before 63, addressed by Peter to churches 2 in or near Pales
tine (Einl. ii. pp. 42-110). But the contents of the epistle are in hopeless
contradiction with this hypothesis, the case for which is largely made up
of assertions and assumptions. It may be said with perfect moderation
and justice that the whole available evidence, positive and negative,
internal and external, points away from such a period of composition.
Calvin's excellent sense made him very dubious of the Petrine authorship,
and finally suggested to him that the epistle might have been composed
1 When the bubbling, many-coloured theosophies of Gnosticism were fronted by a
movement of the church towards organisation and a canon. 2 Peter thus forms
(ep. Eenan's testimony, L'Eglise Chret. chary, vii.) the most worthy member of the
series of Petrine pseudepigrapha ; it is an attempt to conserve the faith against
Gnostic errors and the moral and mental snares which they set. Still, the actual
environment of the book is dim. All we can see is that eschatological doubts have
risen, since Judas wrote. Scepticism upon the last things has been revived and
added to the heresies already prevalent.
2 Jewish-Christian, upon the whole, and indebted for their Christianity to Peter
or to other early disciples and apostles of Jesus.

598 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT
at the command of the apostle by one of his followers, as he had already
conjectured that Malachi was a name assumed by Ezra. This is a reason
able line of criticism, and it has become a favourite in several quarters.
Recently, for example, the allied hypothesis of a literary amanuensis has
been ingeniously used 2 to account for the faults and conflicting facts of
style and expression. On this view the writing becomes Petrine rather than
Peter's ; the cast of thought is secured for the apostle, while the peculiar
Greek is attributed to a different secretary from the Silvanus who com
posed the first epistle. But this notion raises more difficulties than it
solves. Nor does it fairly satisfy the internal evidence of the writing,
which is crucial. A better attempt upon the same line is that of Professor
Ramsay (GEE, pp. 492, 493). He regards the author as a pupil of Peter,
who reproduced his master's counsels and spirit in face of new and later
circumstances, just as the author of the " pastorals " is held to have done
with Pauline ideas. But, as he proceeds to point out, some words of
Tertullian (Adv. Marcion, iv. 5) 2 indicate that in ancient opinion a pupil's
work could often be treated as that of his master : consequently, pseudo-
nymity in a case like the present — though a further development — might
be considered as a method which betokened humility and self-effacement
upon the part of the author, rather than any attempt to deceive his con
temporaries. This indeed would be the true standpoint from which to
regard any NT pseudepigrapha. Probably, too, 2 Peter was put under
Peter's name owing to the eminence of the genuine first epistle and the
increasing authority of the Petrine tradition among the sub-apostolic
communities. The Greek style of the book has drawn upon it severe, though slightly
exaggerated, strictures from Dr. Abbott, who inveighs against its " use of
some words almost unknown to Greek literature, its misuse of other
words and idioms, its fondness for grandiloquent novelities and strained
sonorousness, its weak reduplication of florid phrases." This laboured
and ambitious character suggests to him the English written by a Ben
galee affecting the " fine style." After one gets over the odd associations
of the parallel, " Baboo Greek '' helps to elucidate at least one or two
points in the epistle ; it is decisive against the Petrine authorship, though
not directly for the second-century date.3 Chase also terms| the vocabu
lary " ambitious, poor, and inadequate " (DB, iii. pp. 806-809).
The origin of the epistle has been usually given as Egyptian, but
Deissmann (Bibel-Studien, pp. 277-284) has discovered some interesting
parallels between the style of the introduction and a decree of Stratonicea,
which would rather point to Asia Minor.
1 E.g. by Farrar and Simcox. But the notion is as old as Jerome's day. Much
more plausible is the idea that 2 Peter is by the author of the "Apocalypse of
Peter." 2 "Since it is permissible that what scholars publish should be regarded as the
work of their master" ; cp. Dr. Sanday's most cautious sentences ("Inspiration,"
Bampton Lectures, pp. 348-350).
3 The growing distance from the religious centre of Christianity is even more
noticeable in 2 Peter than in the other NT productions of the second century. It
comes out in the diminution of simplicity, the increased recourse to vehement
appeals and threats, the dependence on Jewish Haggada, and the presence of
popular ideas such as that of the world's catastrophic overthrow and renewal (a
Stoical opinion, Cicero, de Nat. Deorurn, ii. 46).

II. PETEE
The libortines who are attacked in the epistle of Judas appeal to a deeper
Gnosis, they criticise the traditional faith and are on tbe point of separating
themselves from Christendom ; but in 2 Petor they roveal themselves in
a still more advanced stage of development. They cast doubts upon the
Christian tradition and occasion heresies. Their libertine tendencies and the
background for these in angelology remain the same, even if the details
are somewhat clearer and the propaganda more energetic. But they have
brought one new idea into action, which for the time has produced a widespread
opposition in Christian circles. This idea is to doubt the eschatological
Christian outlook ; and it assumes the guise of an appeal to a deeper knowledge
of Christ, to a particular conception of the OT, as well as to the position of
Paul. The last-named point could be manipulated in support of a theoretical
basis for libertinism, and also — by an ingenious change of meaning — to ex
tinguish the outlook for the second Advent. The author places
himself in the ranks of those apostles who were invested with canonical
authority. Indeed, he lays emphasis on this expressly. His aim is to deepen
the impression of what he writes by introducing it as the last word of Peter,
the testament of the apostle given immediately before his death. — von Soden.

I1"4 Greeting : the possession of the Divine Life :
l6"11 its moral obligations.
112-21 -p0 ul.ge ^ese, tbe motive of the writer : his authority.
The need of such counsel : in
21"™ (a) the rise of false prophets and teachers —
doom of these and their adherents foretold
and certain.
31"13 (b) the doubts of the second Arrival —
the day of the Lord, certain and critical.
31WS Final appeal.

599

II. PETEE
1 1 Symeon Peter, a slave and apostle of Jesus Christ,
to those who have been allotted along with us a faith of equal
privilege, through the justice of our God and the Saviour Jesus
Christ :
2 Grace to you and peace be multiplied in the full knowledge of God
3 and of Jesus our Lord, as his divine power has bestowed on us all that
makes for life and piety through the full knowledge of him who called us
4 by his own majesty and virtue — through which he has granted promises
that are precious to us and most great, in order that through these you
may come to share in the divine nature and escape from the corruption
5 which, thanks to lust, is in the world. Yea and for this very object,
contributing on your part all eagerness, in your faith furnish virtue ; and
6 in virtue, knowledge ; and in knowledge, self-control ; and in self-control,
7 patience ; and in patience, piety ; and in piety, brotherly love ; and in
8 brotherly love, love. For if these things exist with you and increase,
they render you neither idle nor fruitless in gaining the full knowledge
9 of our Lord Jesus Christ ; for he who has not these things by him is
blind, short-sighted, since he has forgotten the cleansing from his sins
10 of long ago. Therefore, brothers, endeavour all the more eagerly to
make sure of your calling and selection, for by so doing you shall
11 never stumble. In this way you shall have richly furnished to
you the entrance into the eternal reign of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ.
12 Therefore I shall take care always to remind you of these things,
although you know them and are established in the truth you now
13 possess. Indeed I consider it right, so long as I dwell in this tent, to
14 stir you up by way of reminder ; since I know my tent must be struck
15 speedily, as our Lord Jesus Christ also pointed out to me. Yes and I
will eagerly endeavour that even after my departure you may constantly
16 recollect these things. For it was no sophistical myths that we followed,
when we made known to you the power and arrival of our Lord Jesus
17 Christ : nay, we were admitted to the spectacle of his grandeur. For he
received honour and majesty from God the Father, when such a voice as
this reached him from the grand Majesty,
" This is my beloved Son,
With whom I am delighted " —
18 and this voice we heard borne out of the sky, when we were with him on
19 the holy mountain. And so we have the word of prophecy more sure
than ever, to which you do well to devote yourselves, as to a lamp shining
in a darksome place, until the day dawn and the day-star arise within
20 your hearts ; especially as you know that every prophecy eludes indi
vidual interpretation,
21 For it was not through man's will that any prophecy was ever borne,
coo

21"20] II. PETER 601
But holy 1 men of God spoke as they were impelled by the holy
Spirit.
1 But false prophets also appeared among the People,
As among you also there shall be false teachers,
Men who shall stealthily introduce destructive heresies,
And by denying the Master who bought them bring speedy
destruction upon themselves.
2 And many shall follow their sensuality,
Through whom the way of the truth shall be maligned.
3 And in covetousness shall they make gain out of you with feigned
words —
Men whose doom from of old comes apace,
And their destruction slumbers not.
4 For if God spared not angels when they sinned,
But thrusting them down to Tartarus, to pits of nether blackness,
Delivered them to be kept for judgment :
5 And if he spared not the ancient world,
But preserved Noah, a herald of uprightness, along with seven
others,
When he brought a deluge upon the world of the impious :
6 And if he reduced the cities of Sodom and Gomorra to ashes, and
sentenced them to overthrow,
Making an example of them for future impiety,
7 And rescued upright Lot, weighed down by the sensual conduct
of the lawless
8 (For as that man of uprightness resided among them,
Through sight and hearing he tormented his upright soul with
their unlawful deeds from day to day) —
9 The Lord knows how to rescue the pious out of trial,
And to keep the unjust in punishment for the day of judgment,
10 But especially those who walk after the flesh in the lust of
pollution and despise the Lordship.
11 Daring, arrogant, they tremble not when they abuse Majesties ! Whereas
angels, greater though they are in might and power, do not bring an
12 abusive accusation against them before the Lord. But these, like
irrational brutes, by nature born for capture and corruption, uttering
abuse about what they are ignorant of, shall also perish in their cor-
13 ruption, obtaining the wages of iniquity ; men who reckon it a pleasure
to live luxuriously in open daylight, spots and blots, luxuriating in their
14 deceits as they feast with you, with eyes full of adultery and insatiable 2
in sin, beguiling unstable souls, with their heart trained in covetousness,
15 children to be cursed. Leaving the straight road, they erred as they
followed the road of Balaam the son of Bosor, who loved the wages of
16 iniquity but got rebuked for his own malpractice: a dumb beast of
burden spoke with human voice and prevented the infatuation of the
17 prophet. These men are waterless fountains and mists driven by a
18 squall, for whom the nether blackness of darkness has been kept. For,
uttering futile extravagances, they beguile in the lusts of the flesh, by
sensuality, those who are just escaping from men of erring conduct,
19 promising them freedom while they are slaves of corruption themselves !
20 For whatever a man is worsted by, to that he is enslaved. For, after
escaping the pollutions of the world through the full knowledge of our 3
1 Reading aytot. - Reading axararatrrovs . " Adding ¦'u.-Hv.

602 HISTORICAL NEW TESTAMENT [221-318
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, if they are once more entangled and
21 worsted by these, their last state turns out worse than their first. Better
had it been for them never to have known the way of uprightness than,
after knowing it, to turn back from the holy commandment delivered to
22 them. What has happened to them is what the true proverb says : a dog,
that has turned back to his own vomit ; and, "a sow that had washed, to
wallowing in the mud."
3 1 This is now the second letter, beloved, that I write to you, and in
2 them I seek to stir up your sincere mind by way of reminder, that you re
member the words which have been spoken beforehand by the holy
prophets, and the commandment of the apostles sent you from the Lord
3 and Saviour ; as you know this first of all, that in the last days scoffers
4 shall come scoffing, walking after their own lusts and saying, " Where is
the promise of his arrival 1 For, from the day when the fathers fell
asleep, all things remain exactly as they were from the beginning of the
5 creation." They forget, in this notion of theirs, that skies and earth
existed long ago, composed out of water and through water by the word
6 of God, through which (water and word) the then-existing world was
7 deluged and destroyed ; while the present skies and earth have been
reserved by the same word, kept for fire, for the day when impious
men are judged and destroyed.
8 Now forget not this one thing, beloved :
With the Lord a single day is like a thousand years,
And a thousand years like a single day.
9 The Lord is not slow with the promise, as some reckon slowness :
Nay, he is longsuffering towards you,
Unwilling that any should perish, but that all should betake
them to repentance.
1 0 The day of the Lord will come, like a thief :
And in it the skies shall pass away with hurtling noise,
The elements shall be set aflame,
And the earth with the works therein shall be burned up.
11 As these things are all thus to be dissolved,
What must you be in holy conduct and piety,
12 Expecting and yearning for the arrival of the day of God,
By which the skies shall be set on fire and dissolved,
And the elements shall be set aflame and melt ?
13 But it is new skies^and a new earth that we expect, according to his
promise :
And in them uprightness dwells.
14 Wherefore, beloved, as you are expecting these things, endeavour eagerly
15 to be found in peace, unstained and unblamable before him ; and reckon
the longsuffering of our Lord as salvation — just as our beloved brother
16 Paul also wrote to you by the wisdom given him, speaking of these
matters, as indeed he did, in all his letters ; letters containing some
things hard to understand, which the ignorant and unstable distort (as
17 they do the rest of the scriptures) to their own destruction. As for
you then, beloved, knowing these things beforehand, be on your guard that
you may not be carried away by the error of the lawless and fall from
18 your own steadfastness ; but grow in the grace and knowledge of our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ. To him be the majesty both now and to
the day of eternity.

APPENDIX

The critical study of ancient documents means nothing else than the careful
sifting of their origin and meaning in the light of history. The first principle
of criticism is that every book bears the stamp of the time and circumstances in
which it was produced. An ancient book is, so to speak, a fragment of ancient
life ; and to understand it aright we must treat it as a living thing, as a bit of
the life of the author and his time, which we shall not fully understand without
putting ourselves back into the age in which it was written. People talk much
of destructive criticism, as if the critic's one delight were to prove that things
which men have long believed are not true, and that books were not written by
the authors whose names they bear. But the true critic has for his business,
not to destroy, but to build up. . . . He must review doubtful titles, purge out
interpolations, expose forgeries ; but he does so only to manifest the truth, and
to exhibit the genuine remains of antiquity in their real character. . . In a
word, it is the business of the critic to trace back the steps by which any ancient
book has been transmitted to us, to find where it came from and who wrote it,
to examine the occasion of its composition, and to search out every link that
connects it with the history of the ancient world and with tbe personal life of
tbe author. — W. Robertson Smith.

APPENDIX
ON THE HYPOTHESES OF INTERPOLATION, COM
PILATION, AND PSEUDONYMITY, IN RELATION
TO THE NT LITERATURE
Any discussion of the NT writings, especially with reference to their
date, must include some attempt to appreciate the literary customs and
conditions among which these writings took their earliest or final shape.
The first and most obvious question is that of translation. It is intro
ductory to the others, and scarcely as vital ; but it cannot be passed over
without some notice at least of its existence.
The question is, are all the NT writings extant in the language in
which their authors originally wrote them? Or have any been subse
quently translated from Hebrew and Aramaic (that " most concrete and
unmetaphysical of languages," M. Arnold) into Greek ? The bearing of
this upon the problem of a book's date may be illustrated by the case
of Ecclesiasticus. The Greek version of this book is a translation of the
Hebrew original, prepared some fifty years later by the grandson of the
author. Here translation implies a notable gap between the earlier and
the final form of the book. When the translator is identical with the
author of the original, the matter is comparatively speaking of less import
ance : as in the case of Josephus, who composed his history of the Jewish
war in the Aramaic vernacular, intending it for the Jews resident across
the Euphrates (rois ava /3ap/3dpois), but afterwards, to gain access for his
work to the wider circles of the Roman Empire, rendered it into Greek.
Still, apart altogether from the personality of the translator, tbe question
of translation affects to some degree the date of a writing. The earlier
instances in all departments of Jewish literature (e.g. 1 Maccabees,
Judith, Seirach, Psalt. Sol., Enoch, Book of Jubilees,1 etc.2) prove the
abstract possibility of translation in regard to a NT writing, while the
bi-lingual nature of the Roman Empire and the use of Aramaic and Greek
in Palestine indicate that such a practice must have been necessary for
the extensive circulation of literature. The hypothesis therefore has a
legitimate claim to be at least tested. Whether it explains in a satis
factory fashion any or all of the NT records in connection with which it
has been raised, is a question that depends upon the further examination
of the particular case and its evidence.
1 In the case of this writing it is still a moot point whether the original was
Aramaic or Hebrew.
2 Dalman (Die Worte Jesu, 1899, i. pp. 10-13) extends the practice further among
the pseudepigrapha ; he even conjectures an Aramaic original for the Hebrew of Dan
1-6, as Marshall (DB, i. p. 253) does for Baruch, 39-44. Similarly for 4th Esdras,
Wellhausen (Skizzen u. Vorarbeiten, VI. p. 235 f.).
605

606 APPENDIX
Only three books in the NT 1 can be seriously supposed to admit even
of the discussion of this hypothesis with regard to their contents. Chief
among these is (a) the gospel of Matthew. The Papias-tradition of
Matthew's Aramaic Logia (Eus. HE, in. 39, e/3pat&t SiaXeKra ra \6yta
o~vveypcfyaTO (v. 1. crvveTa^aro), yppyvevae d' avra cos r)v bvvarbs eKacrros)
naturally led scholars of later ages to naively confuse or to deliberately
identify this Aramaic compilation with the canonical gospel. The
motives for such a belief were obvious. It secured apostolicity for the
gospel, and it seemed to explain satisfactorily some of its linguistic and
theological features. But if one result is certain in synoptic criticism, it
is that the extant Matthew is no translation. The Logia to which Papias
refers fprmed one of its sources, but even this already existed in a Greek
translation as it lay before the final author of the gospel, along with his
other main source, the Greek Mark. Even apart from its dependence
upon these documents, the linguistic phenomena of the gospel afford
evidence 2 that is practically decisive, e.g. the comparatively smooth
Greek, the number of OT quotations that necessarily imply a use of the
LXX, phrases of peculiarly Greek assonance and rhythm (like 67, /3aiTo-
Xoyncri]re . . . rroXvXoyia ; 616, dcpavifrvcriv . . . (pavcocriv ; 2I41 247, 30),
etc. The relation between this Aramaic (Dalman) or Hebrew (Resch,3
TU, x. 1. p. 90 f.) compilation of Logia and the canonical Matthew is ex
tremely intricate (on the whole question, cp. Holtzmann, Theol. Jahres-
bericht, 1889, pp. 99-103, and Harnack's frank note, Chron. pp. 692-694).
But at any rate the identification of the two is precarious in the extreme.
It is even doubtful whether \6yia at that time could have been applied to
a NT writing ; and from what we know of the Hebrew " Matthew," the
scanty traces of its nature and contents (in Origen and Jerome) indicate
that the writing was very different from our extant gospel. Some editors,
however, like Schanz (Comm. iiber das Evglm. d. heiligen Matthaus, pp. 8-23)
and Carr (GGT, pp. xx-xxiii), still adhere to the translation hypothesis,4
while Blass among others (including Nestle) goes back even to an Aramaic
original not only for the first part of Acts, but even for Mark's Gospel 5
1 Leaving out of account the possibly Jewish (Hebrew) sources which, it has been
conjectured, underlie the earlier chapters of Matthew and Luke, and portions ofthe
Apocalypse. It is curious that an attempt has recently been made by Dr. H. P.
Chajes to reconstruct the Hebrew (!) original of Mark (Markus-Studien, 1899).
2 Cp. the statement and discussion in Weiss, Matthaus-Evangelium, pp. 35-48 ;
Roberts' Greek the Language of Christ and his Apostles (1888), chaps, x.-xiii. ; and
Conybeare, DB, ii. p. 262. This position, reached by critics of the synoptic problem,
has been recently corroborated, from the standpoint of an expert in Aramaic, by
Dalman (Die Worte Jesu, pp. 47-57), and is conclusively stated by Weiss (-Meyer,9
1898, Matthaus, pp. 4-13). Cp. also W. C. Allen (Exp. Ti. xi. pp. 135-137), who,
however, seems impressed by the Aramaic phraseology of Mark (Exp.6 i. pp.
436-443). 3 He gives a lucid summary of his position in ThSt, pp. 95-128, a study of nxi
yw;. For Zahn's theory, see his Einl. ii. pp. 295-322, a collection of good material
and less acceptable inferences.
4Cp. also Gla (Die Originalsprache des Mt.-Evglms. 1887), who holds to an
Aramaic original for the gospel, but will not identify it with the Hebrew gospel.
For the cognate theory that an original Aramaic gospel once existed, see Marshall's
acute and elaborate papers (Exp.4 iii.— iv., resume in Exp. Ti. iv. pp. 260-267). This
and the theories of A. Meyer and Wellhausen upon the primitive form and dialect of
the Urevangelium are discussed by Dalman, op. cit. Einleitung, vi.
5 One good feature of Swete's recent edition of Mark (also of Salmond's article,
DB. iii. pp. 251, 252) is the reasoned opposition offered to such a hypothesis, which
contradicts the earliest tradition (Papias), is not absolutely necessary for the textual
phenomena, and must be pronounced a tissue of improbabilities.

APPENDIX 607
(PG, pp. 190-218) ; but the most reasonable conclusion, with reference
not merely to one but to all those gospels, is that, while the matrix of
their original tradition was the Aramaic vernacular of Palestine, the
extant gospels as weU as their immediate sources — so far as these can be
traced and felt — were composed with practical entirety in Greek.1
(b) The idea of an Aramaic original for the epistle of James has also
been imconvincingly revived by Wordsworth (Studia Biblica, i. p. 144 f.),2
who conjectures that our present text forms one of two translations. The
real impulse to this theory is the desire to do justice to the excellent Greek
style of the epistle and at the same time to preserve its apostolic origin.
But the hypothesis will not hold water. No NT writer moves with such
rigour and freshness in Hellenistic Greek as the author of James. His
book has assonances and idioms that preclude any idea of a translation,
and ally him to the wisdom literature of Alexandria as well as to the
Greek classics. The style of James embraces Hebraisms, as was to be
expected ; but it is as distinctively and independently Greek as a page of
Marcus Aurelius.
(c) At an early period3 Hebrews was widely imagined to be a
translation by Luke of Paul's originally Hebrew composition (Euseb. HE,
VI. 14. 2, yeypdcpdtu fie 'E/3pai'o[? e(3pa'iKrj cpcovfj, Aovnciv de (piXorlpcos avrrjv
peBeppr/vevcravTa etcSovvai roi; "EXXrj<riv). Paul wrote it, says Jerome, "ut
Hebraeus, Hebraeis, Hebraice." The motive of this theory (from Clement
to Thomas Aquinas) falls of course with the abandonment of the Pauline
authorship. But it never had any real countenance from the internal
evidence of the writing, with its verbal and close use of the LXX
(especially IO5- 10, also l7 IO37 12-1, etc.), its assonances (e'padev . . erradev,
58 ; koXoS . . . kcckov, 514 l1 8", etc.), and the fine rhetorical periods that
mark its structure. In face of the excellent Greek of the epistle, the
translation-hypothesis is nothing better than a curiosity of criticism (cp.
Westcott, Hebrews, pp. xxxii-xxxv).
These and every other application of the translation-hypothesis to the
NT literature may be therefore set aside with almost absolute con
fidence. It is wrecked repeatedly and fatally upon the evidence of style.
It is in conflict with the fact that long before any NT writing — and
especially a gospel — was composed, the church was becoming full of
members who knew Greek (Ac 61 929) and no Aramaic. Their needs
became more and more paramount, and it was to the situation created by
their presence and requirements that the NT writings later than Paul were
mainly addressed. The translation- hypothesis in fact is bound up with a
conception of the early Christian development which places several of the
1 Extremely fair summaries of the critical position in Bovon, NTTh, i. pp. 72-S4 ;
Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 1-51 ; T. K. Abbott, Essays on Original Texts -f Old and New
Test., 1891, pp. 154-158 ; and Wernle, Synqptische Frage, pp. 117-121 (Matthew),
221-223 (Mark and Luke).
2 His arguments (based mainly on the Latin translation in Codex Corbey, which
seems to presuppose a Greek original differing from the extant text) are taken very
seriously and refuted with complete success by Mayor, Epistle of St. James, pp.
xli-xlii, ccv-ccxiii. So Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 84, 85), who remarks that if the extant
James were not the original, it would imply a mastery of the art of translation such
as could not be paralleled in antiquity.
3 The view still seems to linger. Pauek (Commentarius in epistolam beati Pauli
apostoli ad Hebraeos, 1882) considers the epistle was originally written by Paul in
Aramaic, and Dr. Schiller-Szinessy (Exp.3 iv. p. 326) is "fully convinced from
internal evidence that the epistle to the Hebrews, in the original, belonged to St.
Paul, and that only the Greek now in our hands is a somewhat inexact translation
of it."

608 APPENDIX
NT writings at a period too early for their real nature and characteristics.
It has never won serious or extensive support, and seems less likely to do
so than ever.1 On the contrary, one of the postulates of modern criticism
is that the NT writings, whatever processes they may have gone through
in the course of their composition, are extant in the language in which
they passed from their final authors to those who first received the
autographs.2 The following collateral topics, however, need more serious discussion,
as they closely touch the problem of the NT. documents and their dates.
(1) The possibility of interpolation. Substantially a writing may
bear evidence that it has originated in a certain period, while nevertheless
it contains sections or verses which obviously belong to a different age,
earlier or later. In such a case the hypothesis of interpolation becomes
legitimate. Its relevance is always disputable : hardly ever, its possi
bility. During the pre-canonical age, and indeed for some centuries
afterwards, the NT texts were exposed, in the course of things, to the
possibility of such additions and incorporations. Habent sua fata libelli.
No less than the gospels, the other writings of the NT " arose not in the
sort of world where depositions are taken, nor in the sort of world where
manuscripts are guarded. They arose, and they passed many years," as
Matthew Arnold 3 proceeds to point out, " in the immense, underground,
obscure, fluctuating world of the common people. Probably even neigh
bours and contemporaries never knew, or cared to know, quite accurately,
the literary history of a document like one of our gospels ; and beyond
question the knowledge, if it ever existed, was soon lost irrecoverably."
Within the second century especially MSS had their vicissitudes. These
were due partly to their occasional obscurity, partly to their very popu
larity and wide circulation. They were exposed to alteration, omission,
addition at the hands alike of copyist and of reader. Traces of this still
exist in our oldest MSS., e.g. the Marcan appendix (Ro 1624), and the
Johannine pericope (763-811). But there is no reason to deny the abstract
probability of such interpolations even where the extant text no longer
suggests any break. The history of the text does not in most cases reach
back so accurately and so far, that room is not left between the autographs
and the earliest known text for changes to have taken place. These changes
1 Nestle (SK, 1896, p. 102 f.; Phil. Sacra, passim) and Blass (Evangelium sec. Luc.
pp. vi, xxi) have recently conjectured an Aramaic basis for the early part of Acts ;
bat the linguistic evidence is not conclusive.
2 The case of the apocalyptic Jewish writings is scarcely analogous. As Gunkel
points out (KAP, ii. p. 333), the number of " barbarian " languages in which so
many of them are extant, is due to their historical fortuues. Jewish apocalyptic
literature, he argues, has experienced two great catastrophes. One was the loss of
the Hebrew originals, when the Jewish synagogue, on re-assembling after the Roman
crisis, repudiated apocalyptic and Greek literature. That the whole Jewish-Greek
literature did not perish at that time, was due to the fact that it had already flowed
into the Christian churches, where the various translations made in languages so
widely different show the popularity and enormous diffusion of the apocalyptic
literature in this its second home. Yet it was there that a fresh catastrophe over
took it. The spirit of Greek philosophy, which possessed the Greek theologians,
scented heresy ; it would have nothing to do with the Oriental mythology in the
apocalyptic literature. Hence the disappearance of Jewish apocalyptic from the
Greek church. Heuce, too, its preservation in "barbarian" tongues (Syrian,
Armenian, Latin, Ethiopic, etc.).
3 God and tlie Bible, chap. vi. Cp. Schmiedel, HC, II. i. pp. 80, 81 ; Blass, PG,
p. 77 f. ; and Reuss,' pp. 367-380. In 3rd Maccabees, for example, the opening leaf
or the introduction has been evidently lost at a very early date.

APPENDIX 609
may have been inconsiderable or fairly extensive. But the primitive
corruptions which actually are marked in the text forbid us at any rate to
decide off hand (Zahn, Forschungen Gesch. Kan. I. p. 244 f.) that there
are not others which only conjectural acuteness can detect by means of
sheer internal evidence.
By the second half of the second century it may be considered that
the literature of the NT, although comparatively fixed, was further
exposed to heretical remodelling and alteration. Omission and alteration
were favourite features in the rising methods of controversy (e.g. the
Marcionite), especially as appeal came to be made from both sides to
the authority of the Christian scriptures. Origen accused the Valentin
ians of this practice ; Eusebius blamed Tatian ; while Celsus retorted
upon the Christians the charge of having interpolated in their own
interests the Sibylline oracles. Apart from the truth of these statements
it is certain that they presuppose a recognised custom. Iliacos intra
muros peccatur et extra. The charge would not have been worth making,
unless the fact on which it rested had been at least a popular and highly
credible habit, and evidence for this crowds in from every side.1 The
motives for interpolation become rather sinister and less naive than in
the earlier period, but the practice seems to have been a fairly continuous
and natural feature of the age between 70 and 170 a.d. It is therefore
generally open to doubt whether, in the extant form of a M T writing,
we possess the work as it actually left its author's hand. Further, a
copy became the property of its owner ; he might correct or revise as
he chose, the question of authors' rights not being recognised very keenly
in that age. Not even the earlier copies, therefore, can be affirmed to
have been the most exact (Blass, PG, pp. 70-73).
Such interpolation and even recension was already and especially
common in the apocalyptic literature.2 The early church naturally
found part of its favourite literary nourishment in apocalypses which
must have been originally Jewish. These were in turn revised and
interpolated according to Christian principles of edification, and in order
to suit fresh occasions. Adaptation, in this field, and at that primitive
epoch, would obviously be more common than original authorship.
These pieces were at hand, already in use (Harnack, HD, i. pp. 100-102).
It was comparatively easy to read into them a Christian significance,
and where needful to interpolate accordingly. A glance at the apocalyptic
literature between 40 and 150 a.d., shows that to modify or partially
alter an already existing document was not unusual in Christian circles,
the result being that the dating of eschatological pieces is an extremely
intricate undertaking.
Insertions, of course, may be the work of the author himself. For
example, in Lk l5-23- it is held that the writer has incorporated in his
1 Jiilicher, Einl. pp. 378-383; Nestle, Einf. pp. 161-175. By 170 a.d. Dio
nysius of Corinth (HE, iv. 23) found his epistles sown with tares by "the apostles
of the devil" (a piivilaipoZv-is, a U crpoo-riB-vrts). No wonder, he adds, that even the
Lord's writings (xup,axZv ypaqiv, i.e. the gospels, or possibly the Pauline epistles and
0T) have also been attacked.
2 Mr. Conybeare (Jewish Quart. Review, 1892, pp. 375-398) explains the mixture
of "equivocal Christianity with unequivocal Judaism" in the Testaments of the
Twelve Patriarchs, by conjecturing that even this writing represents a Christian
recension of an originally Jewish book, a view which has been held on all sides since
the researches of Schnapp, its best editor (recently in KAP), who detected a Jewish
as well as a Christian interpolator. For a sifting scrutiny of his results, cp. Bousset
(.mr, 1900, pp. 142-175, 187-209).
39

610 APPENDIX
narrative (drawn from the evangelic Palestinian tradition) a section con
taining materials of rather a different cast and character ; although upon
a scale of this size the literary method becomes almost " revision." L The
"Shepherd" of Hermas is a similar instance. In all likelihood it was
amended and enlarged at a later date, from the first and earlier draft. If
Dr. Blass' theory of Codex Bezae were proved, the third gospel and the book
of Acts are extant in two versions, both of which are the work of the
same author. He accounts for the difference of the bi-lingual MS D
ingeniously enough. Luke wrote his gospel first for Jerusalem before
54 a.d. ; then some half-dozen years afterwards revised it for Rome,
omitting certain parts of the earlier draft. Acts, on the contrary, was
at first written for Rome, and issued afterwards in a more concise
recension. Consequently the Roman form of the text (R) or (D) repre
sents in the gospel the second or fair copjT, shorter and more concise ; in
Acts, again, it has passages in addition to the current text, and thus
represents the author's first draft. On such a hypothesis 2 the additions
and interpolations are due for the most part to the original author of the
books. Similarly with the " we-sections " in Acts, either they were
originally written and afterwards resumed by the author of the whole
book, or else they came from another hand and have been incorporated
in the later, larger work.
But again, and more commonly, interpolations are due to a different
editor or reviser, inserted for motives which it is the task of criticism to
discover. Thus the state of the gospel MSS (Blass, PG, pp. 77 f., 234 f.)
suggests that a writing which had practically taken its present shape long
before the date of the earliest extant MS, yet failed to acquire a perfectly
stereotyped form. The main reason for this tendency towards " addition "
was the vitality of the oral tradition which accompanied the early liter
ature, the obvious bias in the direction of harmonising, and also the
natural disinclination on the part of copyists — who had powers of
initiative, amounting sometimes to an editorial function — to allow useful
material to drop aside. The synoptic gospels, e.g., left an aftermath
of sayings and incidents, partially preserved to us as " agrapha " ; con
sequently expansion was more natural than abbreviation. At the
same time such additions are usually slight ; and their bearing, so far
as regards the problem of dates, is not serious. Instances of this
supplementary variation in MSS are given with sufficient fulness by
i There is a partial analogy in the method of authors like Aristotle and Juvenal,
who deliberately added sections or paragraphs to earlier compositions. Martial, too,
seems to have re-issued the tenth book of his epigrams, altered and adapted to the
requirements of Trajan's reign at the close of the first century. For the possibility
of this practice within the NT, cp. Scrivener, Intrcd. Grit. NT (ed. Miller), i. p. 18,
ii. pp. 298-299, but especially Zahn, OK, i. pp. 639-662.
2 Reviewed more or less unfavourably bv Ramsay (Expfi i. pp. 129f., 212f., vi.
460 f.), Chase (CR, 1894, pp. 303-305), anil Page (Class. Rev. 1897, p. 217). The
relation of Codex Bezae to the third gospel is fully discussed by Grafe, SK (1898)
pp. 116-140 ; cp. also Lightfoot, Fresh Revision* p. 32. For Dr. Salmon's theory
of Luke giving public readings of his work and his explanations being preserved in
the West, cp. his INT, p. 603, and Some Thoughts on Text. Grit. pp. 134-141. There
seems to be something in the climate of this Codex which excites the imaginative
faculty of its critics. One of the most recent (JTS, Oct. 1899, pp. 76-87) considers
that the Bezan text of Acts represents "advance-sheets suffered by St. Luke to
pass into circulation among the Roman Christians in answer to their impatient
curiosity." The literary thirst of primitive Christians, even for a saint's opinions
upon history, remains, however, quite a theological x.

APPENDIX 611
Westcott and Hort1 in their second volume. A cardinal though sub-
apostolic class includes those which occur in Codex Bezae, whether due
to " catholic " or Montanist influences, in one locality or another. But
over the whole field of the NT literature, with the textual divergences
which arose in the course of its transmission, the canon holds, that " as
we approach nearer to the autographs, the freedom of the copyists
increases" (Sanday, Exp.4 iii. p. 191 ; cp. Robertson Smith, OTJC,2
pp. 91 f., 126 f.). For Acts in particular, consult Wendt (-Meyer, § 9),
Weiss (TU, xvii. 1, " Der Codex D in der Apgeschichte," 1897 ; Text-
kritische Untersuchung), Ramsay (CBE, chap. viii. ; Exp. 1897, pp. 460-471).
Professor Rendel Harris (Study of Codex Bezae, 1891) finds in the glosses
of the Western text (written before the age of Perpetua) the influence of
Montanism ; and while unable to discover a Syriac basis for the glosses,
refuses to regard the text as genuinely Lucan (Four Lectures on the
Western Text, 1894). Ramsay dates the revision between 150 and 161
a.d., Harnack puts it from twenty to fifty years after the appearance of
the first text, and Chase (Old Syriac Element in Codex Bezae, 1893, pp.
103-105) finds evidence for dating the Bezan text of Acts not later than
180 a.d., and the underlying Syriac text c. 150 a.d., both originating in
Antioch with its mixture of Greek and Syrian inhabitants. Somewhere
on these lines the true solution of this problem is to be reached.
Dr. Blass' theory, on the contrary, makes the Western text quite a
century earlier. The crucial points of his thesis are (i.) that the additions
to the Bezan text belonged to the original work, and (ii.) that the
ordinary text (a) must have been also written by the author himself, else
it could not have won universal recognition. He supports this hypo
thesis (first suggested by Joannes Clericus) on some ingenious classical
parallels ; but it is easier to admit that an ancient author may have seen
good reason to make more than one copy of his work, as in the case, e.g.,
of Aquila's version of the OT, than to allow the applicability of such a
practice to the particular case in question. Further proof would be
required, and further proof is not forthcoming — apart from the contra
dictory phenomena of the Bezan text, which itself contains several
allusions quite irreconcilable with its Lucan origin. There is one
curious parallel from early English literature, which deserves mention.
" Piers the Plowman " exists in three varying texts, all from the hand of
Langland himself (cp. Skeat's preface to his edition (Clarendon Press),
pp. ix-xii) : the A-text, a rough sketch dated 1362 ; the B text (1377)
nearly trebled in size from the former, with additions which " are, most
of them, exceedingly good and distinguished by great freedom and origin
ality of thought" ; and finally the C text, consisting of later revisions and
additions, slightly larger than the B text, and with a tendency to diffuse-
ness. Blass notices the parallel (Acta Apost. § 13, ad fin.), but the wide
difference of literary methods in the two ages makes it an illustration
rather than an argument, so far as his immediate purpose is concerned.
An equally interesting example, which he has failed to observe, is
afforded by the literary history of the Beligio Medici. Privately circu
lated in MS, the book " being communicated to one became common to
many, and was by transcription successively corrupted, until it arrived
1 Their frequently quoted verdict against the presence of dogmatic interpolations
in the NT text is flatly and with some justice contradicted by Blass (PG, p. 89:
" We clearly see that there have been very ancient readers who did not shrink from
wilful alterations of the sacred text, if it did not suit their dogmatic convictions, or
if it might give support to opposite tenets ").

612 APPENDIX
in a most depraved copy," as its author complains, at the press in 1642.
A year later, Sir Thomas Browne issued his authorised edition in order
to supersede this previously-printed form, which, with its alterations,
omissions, and additions, gave but the broken and imperfect shape of his
original writing. The source of corruption, "fast and false," occasioned
by the circulation of Elizabethan sonnets in MSS among private friends
is discussed by Sidney Lee in his Life of Shakspere (pp. 88, 89).
For exhaustive discussions of Blass' double-text hypothesis, reference
may be made especially to Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 338-359, also to Nestle,
Einf. (pp. 56 f., 160, 186 f., and passim), where it is favourably received all
over ; on the other side, to Schmiedel's adverse analysis (EBi, i. pp. 50-56).
It is a fair verdict, that while in some places (e.g. ll27-28) D may have
preserved the original reading, upon the whole the Western text must
be probably viewed as a correction of the earlier and original edition,
and not vice versa. To the literature cited in the above reviews, add
Harnack's reprint from SBBA (Das Aposteldecret (Ac 1529) u. die Blass'
sche Hypothese, 1899), Bebb (DB, iii. pp. 164, 165), and Knowling (ExGT,
ii. pp. 41-46). Bousset (TB, 1898, pp. 410-414) regards the Western
text of Acts as containing an edition deliberately drawn up by another
hand at some early date; be joins Corssen (GGA, 1896, p. 425 f.) and
Weiss in urging that the characteristic features of the B text are upon
the whole better accounted for, when they are taken as the work of some
editor other than the author of the A text (ThLz, 1900, 633-638).
In many cases such variations simply represent matter transferred
from the margin to the text, unless they are the result of caprice or
carelessness in a copj'ist. But a stricter purpose is to be traced in
passages like Ro ll9-10, 1 Jn 57- 8 (tbe gloss upon the three witnesses),
Jn 753-8n, Lk 2219-20, Mkl6°-20, where interpolation has been active at a
pretty early date. Fortunately external evidence is occasionally to hand
in these and several other cases. Of all the NT instances, such resemble
most clearly the latest interpolations which modern Homeric criticism has
found within the Iliad, i.e. passages which are separate and episodical,
composed in the spirit and for the purpose of some later age, and inserted
more or less appropriately in the larger and older work. So far as questions
of structure are concerned, a passage like Jn 753-8n, or better still
2 Co G14-'J1, belongs to its context as the account of Phoinix does to the
ninth book of the Iliad (lines 432-619), or that of the funeral games to
the twenty-third (lines 257-end).
The result of a general survey like this goes to prove that the con
ception of an early Christian writing as a necessarily inviolate, rigid, and
rounded whole, is entirely misleading.1 Real care needs to be exercised in
drawing conclusions from single references and allusions in a document,
when the date has to be determined. It is plainly a matter of increased
delicacy and exacter scrutiny to fix the period of composition for the
substantial part of a writing which — as in the case of Juvenal's Satires-
ma.}' have been retouched and enlarged!))- the author, or— as the Christian
allusions and interpolations in Enoch prove — may have been subjected to
revision by other and later hands.
The bearing of the interpolation-theories upon the question of the
dates is quite obvious, especially in regard to the gospels, Acts, and the
Apocalypse. A good example is afforded by Keim's treatment (i. pp.
1 This is a commonplace of literary criticism ; but it has over and again a
distinct bearing upon the attempt to date u, given writing by means of its internal
evidence.

APPENDIX 613
79-89) of Matthew. 1 This gospel he reckons the earliest of the synoptics,
written even before the fall of Jerusalem, in all probability about
66 a.d. But this extremely early date requires some sacrifices. In the
extant gospel, Keim admits, there lie several passages which point un
equivocally to a later period, and could hardly have been written pre
vious to 70. Such passages are — in addition to slighter accretions (26- 1S
415 21 5; prophetic comments, and illustrations from the Hebrew text) — the
incident of the ass and the colt (2127), tbe account of Judas and the thirty
pieces of silver (2615 27s-10), the narratives of the virgin-birth, etc. (2),
the parables of the wedding feast (221-14) and of the ten virgins (25112),
the incidents of the watch at the grave (2762-G6), of Pilate's wife (2719), of
the resurrection of the saints (2752- 53), and sayings like those of the
Baptizer (314- 15), and of Jesus (811- 12). These Keim is forced to cut out of
the original gospel; they must be "slight and yet essentially consistent
additions made to the gospel after the destruction of Jerusalem by a
zealous Jewish-Christian contributor, dating from about the time of Mark
and Luke, in the sense of a more liberal Christianity." On tbe other hand,
it is clear that when Matthew's gospel is relegated to a date later than
this period of exaggerated antiquity, recourse to the interpolation-theory
is unnecessary. The whole writing then can be taken as a practical
unity. Or, to turn the problem round, if it can be established that such
passages are an integral part of the gospel, then they preclude any date
for the whole work earlier than that at which they themselves can be
reasonably fixed.
The applicability of tbe interpolation-hypothesis to Paul's writings
has been totally denied bj- several critics, even by Renan (Saint Paul,
chap, ix.) ; it is sparingly adopted by the more sensible among those who,
like Schmiedel and Lipsius, admit its relevance (cp. Heinrici, Die
Forschungen iiber die paul. Briefe, 1887, p. 67 f.). In itself the method is
legitimate enough. The trouble is that it has been frequently discredited.
As the evidence is almost uniformly internal, a passage is often rejected
or retained upon absurdly a priori notions of what is Pauline or un- Pauline,
or of what the writer should and would have said at such a point in the
argument. Two considerations also have to be borne in mind. One is
the subtlety of Paul's mental processes ; these do not work always in a
very obvious fashion, but imply fluctuations of his temper, his habit of
going off on a word, his repetitions and allusions, and what Irenaeus once
called the veloeitas sermonum suorum. Consequently, when the question
is one of purely internal difficulties, it is only fair to remember that " in
a writer so subtle and abrupt as St. Paul, obscurity is not a strong ground
of objection" (Jowett). Otherwise one is apt to do injustice to the
writer's arguments and illustrations by too hasty recourse to a method
which tends to become easy rather than accurate, courageous rather than
sympathetic.2 Besides, there is the mechanical condition.3 Paul merely
1 Cp. too, Mr. Badham's very similar theory developed in his Formation of the
Gospels, and St. Mark's Indebtedness to St. Muttheu: A similar instance of the
bearing of the interpolation-theory upon a book's date is afforded by Dr. Salmon's
verdict upon Mk I69-20 (cp. p. 553). Bartlet also (DB, iii. p. 304) has to take
Mt 22»- ?»• as post-70 additions, to secure 68-69 as a date for the whole work.
- E.g., occasionally in its clever application to the pastoral epistles by H. Bois,
JpTh (1888), pp. 145-160. • 1 •
3 For the conditions of ancient authorship and literary composition in their
bearing on the structure of a writing, cp. Birt, Das antilce Buchwesen m sevnem
Verlialtniss zur Litteratur (1882). The possibility of deviation or misapprehension
through the employment of amanuenses is usually admitted, even in conservative

614 APPENDIX
wrote the postscripts or occasionally the benedictions to his epistles,
when he wrote anything. (The note to Philemon is the exception which
proves the rule.) What appear to the modern eye, then, to be gaps,
edges, and corners, abrupt transitions, indistinct arguments, left upon the
surface of the writings, may quite well have been due to the fact that the
speaker outran the amanuensis (notarius, actuarius) to whom he was
dictating,1 or that the latter now and then missed, or perhaps caught up
wrongly, words and sentences (Laurent, pp. 3-38). It is useful to think
of his style as a "stenographed conversation." But that is a feature
which explains its occasional obscurity 2 as well as its vivacity. Further,
the digressions and pauses which appear disjointed to a modern reader,
lose something of their strangeness when it is recollected that an ancient
writer, even when he wrote himself and no less when he dictated, lacked
many of those aids which a modern author possesses, in the form of notes
and parentheses. In ancient MSS the whole is fused together. There
is no accessible means of correcting or amplifying what is once written.
Consequently, the argument has occasionally an appearance of being
interrupted by pieces of foreign matter which really have only to be
interpreted as asides, or read apart, in order to let their secondary
connection with the central idea become visible. There is shrewd sense
in Coleridge's remark upon the obscurity of Romans : " Some of the
difficult)'," he urged, " is accidental, arising from the form in which
the epistle appears. If we could now arrange this work in the way in
which we may be sure St. Paul would himself do, were he now alive, and
preparing it for the press, his reasoning would stand out clearer. His
accumulated parentheses would be thrown into notes, or extruded to the
margin." The spirit of this paragraph is historically true. It is sounder
to criticise the Pauline epistles with a recollection like this of theii
natural structure,3 than with a detective's suspicion or with a cleverness
which often fails to understand the naivete of an age less acute and
literary than itself.4 That way lie subjectivity, prejudice, and doctrinaire
circles (cp. Romans, ICC, p. lxv). It is increased if the Pauline letters are held to
have been originally taken down in shorthand, like the speeches in the Roman
Senate (Plut. Cato Min. 23), or the later lectures of Origen (Eas. HE, VI. 23. 2).
The Pitman ofthe first century b.c. seems to have been Tiro, Cicero's freedman.
i Cp. Norden, Die antike Kunstprosa (1898), p. 954 f. Prof. Rendel Harris adds
(Exp.5 viii. pp. 402, 403) : "When Paul replied to a letter, he held the letter that he
was replying to in his hand and followed closely the points in it that needed attention.
... He is not responsible for all that is printed under his name, for there may be whole
sentences that belong to the earlier and antecedent factors of the correspondence,
and there may be cases where the language is not his own, but is either that of his
secretary or that which is common to all secretaries."
2 There is a similar element of obscurity in Arrian's iiarpt^ai of Epiktetus, due to
the constant interchange of question and answer.
3 The Pauline letters are not entirely unpremeditated effusions, at least not the
major epistles. A study of their structure proves that in many passages the ordinary
methods of ancient rhetoric have been somewhat elaborately followed. How far this
practice was conscious or unconscious, it is hard to say. (See J. Weiss, Beitrage zur
paulinischen Rhitorik, pp. 5, 6.) Instances of words or sentences which are con
jectured to have been either scholia or added in the margin after the whole com
position had been written out, are possibly to be found in 2 Co G^-T1, Philemon 19»-
(Zahn, Einl. i. p. 322), 1 Co 1™. iyi, U ZP"toZ (Heinrici), Ro 2'4-i5 (Wilke, Die
widest. Rhetorik, pp. 216-228 f.; Laurent, 17-19 ; Blass ; cp. J. Weiss, 56), Mark73-4
(Blass, PG, pp. 212, 213), Ro 1621-ps ( ' ' Hoc ad marginem adscripserat Tertius," Grotius),
etc.^ Fortunately, as Semler once put it, "Sanctis doctrinis ipsis innititur religio
Christiana, non vero hine decreto, Pauli epistolas omnes uno tenore atque ordine
totas perscriptas inde ab initio fuisse."
4 The rigorous application of the interpolation-hypothesis is widely discarded at the

APPENDIX 615
opinions. At the same time it is seldom safe to ignore the possibility
of later 'editorial changes or marginal glosses even in so compact and
straightforward a piece of writing as 1 Corinthians, where (as Heinrici
admits) one may still detect the work of a later hand in the occasional
improvement of detailed sentences and in the "attempts made" by
subsequent revisers " to smooth over or to supplement harsh or defective

(2) To the amateur nothing appears quite so absurd and unreal as the
way in which modern critics analyse various historical writings in the
OT or in the NT, producing in each case several documents which have
been partly copied, partly edited, with parallel or slightly discrepant
accounts of the same affairs, which have not been fused together into a
perfectly smooth literary unity.1 The unreality, however, lies not so
much in the theories as in the difference between modern and Oriental
conceptions of a historian's task. The latter allowed a writer not merely
to epitomise and omit, but to reproduce his sources literatim or alter
them in so far as his special purpose demanded, instead of completely re
writing the whole in the style of a modern historian. Thus an ancient
history like 1-2 Kings or Acts preserves extracts from documents far older
than itself. Fragments of these survive in its pages, slightly edited but
generally distinguishable from one another and from the final editorial
matter. To reject such a method as slavish, and its results as a mere
patchwork unworthy of a good historian, is simply to betray ignorance
of the literary conditions under which these ancient books were written.
Compilation, in fact, is a providential habit. In some cases its prevalence
secured the life of several early documents which would otherwise have
perished, since it delivered ancient historians from the need of producing
free compositions in which it would have been impossible for later ages
to distinguish between the substratum of good tradition and the over
lying structures of the editor. The Matthaean logia preserved and
reset in Matthew and Luke, the small apocalypse of the synoptists, the
sources framed in Acts, the apocalyptic fragments transcribed and re-
coloured in the Apocalypse, the Pauline notes embedded in the pastoral
epistles, are all NT instances of our debt to a habit of compilation whose
very roughness (from the standpoint of modern literature) is its chief
recommendation to historical research.
present day by most schools of criticism, from Weiss and Zahn to Hilgenfeld and
Lipsius. Jiilicher finishes his prolegomena (Einl. p. 18) with a contemptuous sentence
upon the modern school, chiefly Dutch, represented by Straatman, Rovers, and Baljon,
who find Paul's letters strewn with interpolations : " Hatten Jeue Recht, so miisste der
liebe Gott im l und 2 Jhdt. 90 bis 120 Hiinde in Bewegung gesetzt haben zu einer
beispiellosen Verkriippelnng aller NTlichen Texte mit dem Zweck, dem Scharfsinn
der Theologen des 19 Jhdts.. der sonst keine Aufgaben mehr kennt, eiu Feld zu
glauzendster Bethatigung zu schaffen."
_ 1 The reliance upon sources of different value (earlier histories, state papers,
evidence of eye-witnesses), and the obvious combination of these, can be easily seen,
e.g., in Josephus' 'loviaixi ' APxatoU-/t *, of which chaps, xii.-xviii. form an excellent
instance of literary method in the first Christian century. For Eastern historians
cp. Robertson Smith (OTJC* pp. 113f., 129f., 328 f.) and Bennett (BI, pp. 17-19).
The extent to which the habit is employed varies with the writer, e.g. 3 Esdras
is little more than a cento of older passages, chiefly taken from 2 Chron and Neh ;
while Tacitus, Strabo, and as a rule Josephus, use their sources in quite a free and
masterly fashion. 1 Mace incorporates various letters, which in some cases may be
of first-rate authority; but 2 Mace is a clearer iustauce of pure compilation,
consisting in its present form of two letters, followed by an abridgment of the
earlier history of Jason. The book of Baruch, again, includes three or four pieces,
of which one (115-38) may \,e nearly two centuries earlier than the whole volume.

616 APPENDIX
Along the lines of this method 1 the author of Acts would proceed to
work, upon a plan not essentially different, we may presume, from that
followed by Layamon. He would work up his sources into the extant
history very much as the mediaeval chronicler is reported to have
compiled his " Brut " or " Chronicle of Britain " from the three " noble
books " in which he found his chief materials, namely : the English book
of Bede, Albin, and the fair Austin's Latin treatise, but especially Wace's
Norman-French version of Geoffrey's history.
Then Layamon before him laid these books,
And turned their leaves and lovingly beheld them ;
Then in his fingers took he up the quill,
And so he wrote on book-skin, and true words
He set together, gathering into one
Three books.2
At the same time this illustration must be admitted to be deficient in
representing the persistent and free process of editorial treatment in the
NT histories. These books are not mosaics pieced together from early
sources. The interstices are filled up by explanations, alterations, ex
pansions, and corrections. The purpose which the author set before
himself dominates his materials throughout, and determines where they
are to be admitted, re-arranged, or supplemented. As a result, the
better the historian, the more intricate the history — intricate, that is,
from the point of view of the modern analyst, whose business it is to
recover, if possible, the more primitive traditions which have been
embellished and overlaid by subsequent deposits.
In certain forms this hypothesis is cognate to that of interpolation. A
writing interpolated on a large scale practically comes to be indistinguish
able from a composite work, especially if this process is due to one
hand. When an author had the opportunity for doing so, it was open to
him either to revise previous work of his own, or to re-cast the work
i Harnack's outline of a single Jewish documeut and its use in later writings
affords an interesting illustration (Die Apostellehre u. die Jiidischen beiden Wege,
1886, pp. 31, 32) :—
Jewish catechism of the " Two Ways "
 ! 
Barnabas Didache (1st edition)

Latin version Apost. Can. Didache (2nd edition)
Didache Apost. Constit.
2 Abbey, Relig. Thought in Old Eng. Verse, p. 30. The use of documents in
the synoptic gospels has also been paralleled from chroniclers — " conspicuous among
mediaeval writers for intelligence and trustworthiness" — like Benedict of Peter
borough and Roger of Hovenden (cp. C. Plummer, Exp.3 x. pp. 23-35). Proof is led
that not merely are later usages transferred to an earlier period by such historians in
all good faith, but also " even in documents given textually, changes — unimportant,
no doubt, but still changes — may be made more or less unconsciously by a perfectly
honest and scrupulous writer." The monastic chronicles and charters furnish
similar evidence, but tbe extent of their periods and the more deliberate motives
at work in the process of their accretion bring them nearer to a book like
Chronicles than to any of the NT histories.

APPENDIX 617
of others. On this hypothesis, a book may be found to contain one or
more pieces, each issuing from a different period, so that what is to all
appearance a literary unity, really consists of several smaller unities.
Two alternatives are possible. Either, as in the case of John's
apocalypse, the whole was substantially re-cast at the time of tbe final
editing, or, as in the closing chapter of Mark's gospel (?), and (as Destinon
and Wellhausen conjecture) 1 Mac 14-16, and Jn 21 (?), one part was
simply added to another, both remaining as they originally stood. In
the sphere of apocalyptic literature especially, the use of older fragments
was the more natural owing to the traditional character of the writings.
The apocalyptic writers were not distinctively creative. They inherited
a set of ideas, forms of phrases, terms of speech. These were their
stock-in-trade, and it was to be expected that such writers should
frequently adopt and adapt earlier pieces which had come down to them
upon the stream of an honoured antiquity.
A particular phase of compilation is to be seen in the use of florilegia
by the NT writers and the early fathers in their quotations from the
OT. The deliberate and composite character of these quotations suggests
that they are secondary, taken not from the originals but from collections
of texts upon different subjects which were arranged in a certain order.
Hence it has been conjectured that such a florilegium of Messianic
passages — drawn up to illustrate topics like " the Fore-runner," " the
sufferings of Messiah," " the call of the Gentiles," etc. — was employed by
Paul and the other authors of the NT. The needs of controversy would
lead to the production of such an anthology1 among the Jews, who
constantly fell back upon the proof from scripture, yet could not
depend upon their hearers possessing a convenient copy to which appeal
might be successfully made. " The hypothesis is hardly to be rejected.
The Jewish catechetical and missionary instruction in the Diaspora
needed such collections, and their existence seems to be proved by the
Christian apologies and the Sibylline books" (Harnack, HD, i. p. 175).
This would help to account for the grouping of different quotations under
an inexact title (e.g. Mk l2- 3), as well as for some of the more common
divergences from the LXX text.
Questions of structure, however, do not rank so prominently in the
NT as in the OT literature.2 The three certain instances are, Luke,
Acts, and the Apocalypse. The third gospel is far from being a mere
compilation, but it has used sources3 freely, including the gospel of
1 On the contemporary habit of drawing up such manuals, and the proofs for
it in the early Christian writers, see especially Hatch (Essays in Bibl. Greek,
p. 203f.). So Sanday and Headlam (Romans, ICC, pp. 204, 282), the author of
The Logia of Papias (1894), pp. v-vii, and Vollmer (Die alt/estamentliche Citate
bei Paulus, 1895). The last-named argues that while Paul quoted usually from
the LXX, some hypothesis like this is needed to explain deviations such as
1 Co 2».
It has been similarly suggested that a number of the Latin, French, and
Provencal books quoted by Dante were known to him merely through the indirect
form of collected extracts.
2 On the composite nature of Semitic literature, cp. Sayce, Higlier Crit. Monum.
(1894), chap, ii.; for apocalyptic literature, cp. R. H. Charles' editions of Enoch,
the Book of Jubilees, and Baruch, besides the respective introductions in KAP.
Most valuable of all, perhaps, is Professor Carpenter's scholarly discussion in The
Hexateuch (1900), vol. i. chap, i., where both evidence and analogies for the
stratification of literature are given with much clearness and precision.
3 On these see Resch, TU, x. 3. pp. 333-347, and below, pp. 6o2, 653.
f the distinction be allowable, in the process of evangelic composition the

618 APPENDIX
Mark and the Logia. Matthew's gospel is also to be grouped with Luke's
as a similarly composite work, but it is in the latter that traces of
compilation are most indubitable. Acts, again, has been compiled, in
its first part, from earlier sources or reminiscences ; in the second part,
fragments of a journal have been at any rate incorporated. The
Apocalypse contains pieces dating from the seventh decade, if not from
the earlier age of Caligula, while the work of final arrangement is to be
dated in the tenth decade of the century. A similar theory of compila
tion must be exploited to clear up the epistles to Timotheus and Titus,
although in this case account has to be taken of pseudepigraphy as well ;
both features, and especially the former, were perfectly congenial to the
climate of the second century. As it has been remarked, that century
was a book-making age. But the books were very often not original.1
Instances of compilation have been discovered or imagined repeatedly
within and without the NT canon. The Didache (as Taylor and Harnack
rightly argue) is founded on some earlier manual, probably a Jewish
catechism for proselytes, to which Barnabas is indebted also. The
Apology of Aristides leans upon an earlier " preaching of Peter." 2 Peter
incorporates a large part of Judas' epistle, and the letters to Timotheus
and Titus are similarly to be classed as an amalgam of originally
Pauline notes and later editorial matter. Evidently the process of
compilation was not confined to apocalyptic literature. It is to the early
half of the second century that, e.g., the Mark-appendix and the fragment
(Jn 21) are to be referred, probably also the extant form of the canonical
2 Corinthians ; while the literary habit (it has even been conjectured)2
extended to the addresses and greetings of some older writings, during
the course of the century. On this theory the Barnabas-epistle and
the second epistle of Clement would receive their titles, the words ev
'Ed)eo-a> would be inserted in " Ephesians," the title added to the hitherto
anonymous 1 Peter, and the epistle " to the Hebrews " attributed to
Paul. On Harnack's 3 hypothesis, the so-called epistle of James also
consists of collected homilies, written before the year 120 and edited
shortly after the author's death by another author, who added the address.
The lack of continuous argument is plain in this writing. But when its
apparently illogical character is fairly estimated, it is not psychologically
incompatible with the ordinary view of the epistle ; nor does such an
artisans were the unknown labourers who compiled and wrote the sources, while
the authors of our extant gospels were the artists — artists in the sense that they
collected and selected the materials needful to express the high and definite con
ception of Jesus which each entertained. These raw materials of the gospels
cannot be regained. They exist in more or less manipulated forms, worked up into
various designs and moulds according to the particular aim or personal equation of
the later composers. How far these editors adopted, and how far they created, is
an abstruse problem of synoptic embryology'.
1 The Gospel and Revelation of Peter (Robinson and James, 1892), p. 31.
2 By Harnack (TU, n. ii. pp. 106-109; Chron. pp. 457-462; etc.). But see
Holtzmann (PM, 1897, p. 236 f.). The "Rest of the Words of Baruch " may be a
Jewish writing to which a later Christian conclusion has been added, and a
similar hypothesis serves to explain the newly discovered "Greek Apocalypse of
Baruch " (Texts and Studies, 1897, v. 1).
3 Op. cit., pp. 486-490. "Es ist eine formlose und bunte Sammlung von
Didaskalieen, Trostreden, Prophetieen, Strafpredigten u.s.w., die am Schluss in
einige praktische-kirchliche (an die letzten Bestimmungen der Didache erinnernde)
Ermahnungen ausmiindet . . . Dabei lasst sich— und das ist das Paradoxeste des
Paradoxen— doch nicht verkenuen. dass eine gewisse Einheitlichkeit sowohl der
sittlichen Gesinnung als auch der Sprache vorbrauchen ist, die dem Ganzen trotz
der Zusammenhangslosigkeit eine innere Einheitlichkeit verleiht."

• • » »

APPENDIX 619
elaborate hypothesis as the above seem to be necessary, if one recollects
the nature of the Jewish Wisdom literature which is presupposed in
James's writing. Still, so far as the literary methods of the age are
concerned, the hypothesis is both possible and credible. Literary
manufacture, especially in the use of older documents, was familiar and
common within Christian circles even before the first century closed ;
much more so, throughout the course of the second.
Generally, then, the composite nature of most apocalypses (e.g.
Test. xii. Patriarchs, Ascensio Isaiae, Apoc. Baruch) is a clue
indicating that compilation is a legitimate hypothesis which in the
contemporary NT literature not merely claims to be tested, but also
verifies itself more than once in apocalyptic (e.g. the apocalypse of
John, 2 Thess. 2, the " small apocalypse " 1 of the synoptic gospels),
if not epistolary (2 Corinthians, the Timotheus and Titus letters) and
historical (the Acts, the gospels, passim) composition. Indeed, " of
Oriental and semi-Oriental books we may say" with Professor Rendel
Harris, "what one would say of Oriental cities, that they are usually
examples of rebuilding, and that it is very seldom that the stones are
from one quarry or hewn at one period. The same instinct which takes
the pillars of one temple to adorn another, and makes the walls of
a house unprofitably gay with votive tablets from public buildings that
have fallen into ruin, appears in literature in the adaptation of works
which have become unpopular, or obsolescent, to the needs of a later day
than that of their first authors, and to political and religious ends which are
often the direct opposite of what was intended at their first publication." -
In regard to the NT, the limitations of this hypothesis are palpable ; but
it underlies many lines of criticism, and primarily those upon that phase
of literature which was least of all " eternal in the heavens," and apt to
lack permanent interest unless re-edited — the apocalyptic.
(3) It is also in the criticism of apocalyptic literature that the
question of pseudonymity is started.
The apocalypses were pseudepigrapha. For obvious reasons it was a
recognised literary custom to issue such writings under the name of an
older hero or prophet, whose name should lend sanction and authority to
the contents. The sentiments appear to have been designed with some
care to represent those of the assumed spokesman ; but it is not at all
certain whether the readers were always or ever expected to accept them
as really authentic expressions of the men whose names were used. Often
this was simply out of the question. At any rate it is the paradox of
apocalyptic that while its actual interests strained out into the future, its
1 The incongruity (to a modern mind) of putting a prophecy like this into the
lips of Jesus was evidently not felt by the early Christians, and did not contradict
their canons of literary composition. Besides the later example from Papias,
analogous sayings existed (1 Th 15) already in the evangelic tradition ; the so-called
"apocalyptic" spirit represented that with which Jesus bad most in common ; and
in the third gospel we have instances of a similar method by which the writer made
use of the OT and the Wisdom literature.
2 Exp. (April 1897), p. 256. On this feature of the religious spirit cp. Renan
(Revue des deux mondes, 1886, p. 550). A clear instance of second-ceutury piece
work is afforded by the so-called Martyrdom (Ascension) of Isaiah. This apocryphal
production consists of (a) a Jewish composition on the martyrdom of Isaiah c21-313
52"14), (b) a Christian composition giving a visionary journey of the prophet through
the heavens (61-1D ll'-S-^), and (c) several smaller aud perhaps later insertions, with
an early account of the Neronio persecution (S'S-S1). The section (b) belongs to the
second century, and was joined to (a) by the Christian editor, who compiled the
whole writing at a later date, adding prologue and epilogue.

620 APPENDIX
(supposed) authors stood in the far past. Probably it was owing to the
blast and tumult of the present that the writers preferred to secure their
own safety as well as to win some extraneous authority by thus fighting
with a closed vizor.
It is an open question whether the Apocalypse of John in the NT does
not come under this category. A plausible objection to its pseudonymity
is sometimes taken from the fact that the ordinary apocalypses (e.g. those
of Enoch, the Twelve. Patriarchs, Baruch, Ezra,1) which lie parallel to it,
are written under names separated by whole centuries from the author.
But the conditions of the case differ. The author of a Christian apoca
lypse in the first century had merely a handful of years and a small
company of men, either recently dead or still alive, upon which to draw.
It was inevitable that, if a Christian apocalypse were to be written
pseudonymously, it should be sheltered under the name of one who was
almost a contemporary ; at any rate this fact cannot be urged decisively
against the hypothesis of pseudonymity. On wider grounds, however,
other theories of the authorship are more popular and as probable.
More vital for NT criticism is the extension of pseudonymity to other
classes of literature.
For quite two centuries the practice had prevailed in classical literature.
The names and characters of illustrious men were freely used in composi
tions of a later age, though not always with uniformly high motives.
Obviously a copyist could thus put himself in the way of winning larger
prices for his MSS : the scholar, again, found great content and joy in
the proof thus afforded of his skill in imitation : as Bentley remarked,
" some of the Greek sophists had the success and satisfaction to see their
essays in that kind pass with some readers for the genuine works of
those they endeavoured to express." More frequently, however, the pure
motive of admiration and naive sympathy prompted the disciples to
reproduce in their own language a master's ideas under his own name.
Conscious that they owed their own ideas to him, they very naturally
regarded this practice as an extension of his influence. It was thought to
be the projiagation of his views and spirit, not any independent venture
of their own ; and, so far from losing in effectiveness, this class of writ
ings rather acquired additional impressiveness and weight.2 As Zellei
also observes, it was a point of unselfish piety among the Pythagoreans
that they gave up all claims to personal glory and attributed their writ
ings to Pythagoras himself.
To come still nearer. In the previous literature of Judaism the habit
obtained. From Moses to Solomon great names had literature grouped
under them by later ages : a glance not only at the OT, but at the apoca
lyptic literature of 100 b.c. to 100 a.d., shows the vitality of this practice;
1 It is interesting to notice that the Babylonian captivity supplied two outstand
ing figures (Baruch, Ezra) for the Jewish apocalypses of 70-100 a.d. As a curious
instance of the connection and rivalry between Christian aud Jewish thought, Prof.
B. H. Charles points out that those two figures are deliberately chosen as substitutes
for Enoch. The latter, up to c. 40 A.D., had been the favourite hero and spokesman
of apocalyptic visions, next to Daniel ; but his adoption by the Christians threw him
into disfavour with the Jewish writers, who studiously ignore him after 70 (50) a.d.
(Charles, Apoc. Bar. pp. 21, 101 ; DB, i. p. 708 ; EBi, i. p. 218).
2 Cicero : " Genus autem hoc sermonum, positum in hominum veterum auctoritate
et eorum illustriurn, plus nescio quo facto videtur habere gravitatis " (De Amic. i. 4).
Cp. Nicolai, Griechische Lit. ii. p. 502 sqq. (1877) ; and, for the pseudonymous Alex
andrian literature, Susemihl, Geschichte d. Griech. Litt. in d. Alexandrinerzeit (1892),
ii. pp. 574-601.

APPENDIX 621
and that, among the very people from whom Christianity rose, and by
whose literary principles it was inevitable that early Christian literature
should be affected. Two forms were common. Either, as has been already
noted, names of Jewish prophets and heroes were employed ; or, when
the literature was designed for circulation in the pagan world, works
were produced " under the name of some heathen authority, whether of a
mythological authority, as tbe sibyl, or of persons eminent in history, as
Hecataeus and Aristeas." l The letters of Heracleitus and the Solomonic
correspondence written by Eupolemus indicate that the category came to
include, during subsequent years, epistolary as well as prophetic composi
tions ; a familiar instance of this practice occurs in the so-called "epistle
of Jeremiah," preserved at the close of the book of Baruch.
Further, in the early Christian literature outside of our canonical NT,
pseudonymity is almost a matter of course ; the Petrine literature and the
second letter of Clement are themselves sufficient to indicate the compati
bility of pseudonymous character and popular appreciation.2 The whole
raison d'itre of pseudepigrapha lay in the stress put upon apostolic authority,
especially during the early part of the second century. It is certain that
each of the two apostles John and Paul left what in modern language
would be termed a "school" or "party," in wdiich the master's ideas
would insensibly be conserved and reproduced. Works issuing from
such circles naturally took the master's name. Probably the title meant
for antiquity not so much the actual authorship as the tendency and
contents of the writing.3 It gave briefly and clearly the standpoint of
the book. The unknown writers were conscious of religious and mental
affinities with Paul, or John, or Peter, as the case might be, and probably
they required nothing more to justify their use of such names ; they
meant nothing else than to meet fresh difficulties and problems by a re
statement of older ideas which they believed authoritative, and would not
willingly see forgotten. The very fact4 that Paul and Peter were
1 Schiirer, HJP, n. iii. p. 270 f. ; cp. R. Steck, ZSchz (1884), pp. 31-52, "Ueber die
Annahme sog. unechter Schriften im NT"; Kuenen, Religion of Israel (Eng. tr.),
iii. pp. 176-178 ; Hausrath, i. pp. 113-120 ; and Overbeck-Zeller, ii. p. 262. In regard
to letters the rSle of the scribe or secretary must not be forgotten. That functionary
plays an important part in the NT epistles, and his employment helps to differ
entiate several literary phenomena which would otherwise fall under the title of
"pseudonymous." See Prof. Rendel Harris in Exp.5 viii. pp. 401-410, who remarks,
apropos of Epaphroditus, that Paul's method of dictating to a scribe is precisely the
same usage as that which still prevails in Eastern life, ' ' where the great man (patri
arch, primate, or what you will) calls over to his secretary the terms of his proposed
communication, perhaps revises it rapidly, adds a few words of his own, and seals
the document with his private seal."
2 Writings like the Didache and tbe epistle of Barnabas show how readily later
generations put literature under the shadow of earlier and greater names. A. rigidly
conservative protest against pseudonymous hypotheses upon the NT is given by
Wetzel (Echtheit u. Glaubw. Joh. pp. 19-36).
3 Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 191 f. See Schmiedel's paragraphs in EWK, sect. ii. 2, pp.
309-337, art. "Kanon" ; also the note above on 2 Peter, pp. 597-598.
The hypothesis is not absolutely required for 1 John. In some passages, particu
larly li-i, it appears as if the writer desired to represent himself as one of the actual
disciples of Jesus ; but this superficial impression is corrected when the language is
taken along with expressions such as Jn l14, 1 Jn 414 36, which prove that the words
simply express the faith-mysticism of the early church and its consciousness of
possessing a direct experience of God in Christ. Even for the strange metaphor
if-i,Tu\&ipr,rav) an almost contemporary parallel has been found in Tacitus, Agricola,
xiv., "Mox nostrae duxere Helvidium in carcerem manus" — ofthe Roman senators.
4 Baur, Paul (Eng. tr. ), ii. p. 110. ; cp. Jiilicher, Einl. pp. 32-34 ; Kautzsch, KAP,
i.; Einleit. pp.xxii, xxiii ; and Deissmann, Bibel-Studien (1895), pp. 200-202, 225, 233 f.

622 APPENDIX
authorities for the sub-apostolic church in matters of faith and organisa
tion, seemed a valid reason why they should be in a sense the authors —
we should say, the sponsors or patrons — of whatever literature arose within
the circle of such institutions and ideas. Pseudonymous literature is
intelligible only against this background of the naivete and practical
interests which filled the second century, together with the inheritance
and admiration which it owed to its great predecessors.
The bearing and gravity of these facts must be weighed in regard to
the NT literature. As a recognised literary form, pseudonymity was
honestly employed in classical and Jewish literature up to and after the
period of the NT ; and so soon as Christian literature starts for itself, the
same feature emerges. It is impossible to resist the conclusion that the
method is applicable to a part of tbe NT literature, at least as a legiti
mate hypothesis 1 to be discussed without prejudice. If it solves the date
and function of any writing, it ia its own justification.2
Pseudonymity, it should be recollected, is merely a further stage upon
the line already indicated by the composition of speeches like those in
Acts, or even in the fourth gospel (vide Reuss, pp. 354-374 : a fair and
frank statement). In neither case can there be any question of ipsissima
verba absolutely. Such a reproduction is not to be dreamt of. The
speaker's words and ideas come to us through the personality of the
author or reporter, with his memory, and knowledge, and sympathy;
although, as a rule, they can be regarded practically as expressions of the
original man and his spirit, particularly when the reader is careful to
make some allowance for the lack of a rigid distinction in the Oriental
mind between oratio obliqua and oratio recta. Several of Paul's speeches
in Acts were not heard by the author, even supposing that author was
Luke : nor is there any reason to suppose that the speeches were noted
down by an auditor or by a companion of the apostle. Consequently,
as they stand, they represent more or less free compositions, which give
at best a summary of the topics treated, and some indication of the
speaker's general attitude and treatment. Now this relation of the his
torian to the speaker only differs in degree, not in kind, from that which
the pseudonymous theory involves between the actual author and the
man whose name the letters bear.3 A pseudonymous epistle like
2 Timothy is a form of indirect speech. It is a method of historical com
position and — what is more to the point — the vehicle of a great soul's
posthumous influence. By it, to resume the old phrase, Si' avrr)s drroBavav
1 E.g. the hypothesis that "James" wTas a pseudonymous book, rose at an early
stage ; it is noticed by Jerome (De Viris Hlustr.-) : quae et ipsa ab alio quodam sub
nomine ejus edita asseritur.
2 See two cautious, fair articles by the late Dr. Candlish (Exp.4 viii. pp. 91 f.,
262 f. ), on "The Moral Character of Pseudonymous Books." The real difficulty is one
less of facts than of statement, and Dr. Candlish's arguments are a good example at
any rate of the way in which at tbe present time it seems necessary to handle this
subject in many quarters. It is strange to notice the evident distress of Dr. Salmon
at "the painful alternative" of pseudonymity which the criticism of 2 Peter
suggests (INT, p. 491) to his mind. Cp. Dr. Sanday's general admission in regard
to pseudonymous literature (Inspiration, pp. 224, 225).
dis one of the most trusted and cautious critics has declared : " It is now
recognised that there may be dramatic representations in scripture ; that speeches
may be put into the mouths of persons which never were actually spoken, and that
even a situation may be idealised or created so as to present the conditions of a
moral problem more vividly to the mind" (Dr. A. B. Davidson, Exp.6 i. p. 5). Cp.
also Driver on the speeches in ancient and OT historians (Introd. Lit. OT,- pp. xvii,
82 f. ; Deuteronomy, ICC, pp. lvii-lix, lx-lxii).

APPENDIX 623
tTiXoXei. Certainly even this devout phase of literary personation
raises an ethical problem, a problem which is not rendered any more
manageable by the intrusion of modern ideas upon literary property and
authorship, least of all by suggestions of fraud and forgery. The recon
ciliation of pseudonymity and " inspiration," however, is a difficulty which
must be left to the disposal of dogmatic theology, with the proviso that
the hypothesis can only be ruled out by a priori notions of its un-
worthiness and inconsistency as a method of revelation. As a matter
of fact, upon this point as upon many others, the more thoroughly the
NT literature is studied in its origin and contemporary relations, any
theory of its isolation becomes less and less tenable. The NT is a thing
in rerum natura; its literature is subject to the conditions of its age. No
amount of good faith or pure intention, no weight or preciousness of their
messages, could have insulated the NT writers from the influence of
methods by which their contemporaries thought and spoke and wrote.
In this particular matter of pseudonymity, they did not shrink from sup
pressing their personalities in order to win greater currency and scope for
ideas and counsels which in all honesty they believed were spiritual pro
ducts of the men whose names they used. The practice was neither more
nor less than an innocent method J of conveying their message. " Fraudu
lent dealing, forgery in literature, always involves the conscious and
deliberate use of methods calculated to impose on others, methods other
than those sanctioned by the literary conscience of the time."2 Hence the
proper route to approach the NT pseudepigrapha starts not from a modern
estimate of pseudepigraphy, but from such a volume as Deuteronomy,
where any suggestion of " forgery " would be irreverent and unhistorical.
Similarly with the writers of any NT books in that class. There is no
reason for imagining that pseudonymity 3 was barred out from their
1 " St. John gives our Lord's meaning in his own way. At that time the third
person was not so commonly used in history as now. . . . Thucydides uses the
dramatic method, yet Spartan and Athenian speak in Thucydidean Greek. And so
every clause of our Lord's speeches in St. John may be in St. John's Greek, yet
every clause may contain the matter which our Lord spoke in Aramaic. Again,
St. John might and did select or condense (as being inspired for the purpose) the
matter of our Lord's discourses, as that with Nicodemus, and thereby the wording
might be St. John's, though the matter might still be our Lord's" (Newman, quoted
byPlummer, CGT, " St. John," p. 100). But of course the matter is just the crux of
the whole question. This suggestion offers a partial aid, but merely shows the first
stages of what becomes in the end full-blown pseudonymity. Besides, the inter
change of singular and plural in passages like Jo 311- 12 94 denotes the consciousness
of the early church that she could speak in the name of Jesus. His actual words
and those which his spirit inspired in men were not strictly distinguished. Over
and again, his utterances and the reflections of the fourth evangelist pass into one
another, till the line of demarcation often eludes all search.
2 Gore, preface to Lux Mundi (12th ed. 1891), pp. xx-xxv. The italics are his
own. I am not so sure of the criterion which he suggests, namely, that a pseudo
nymous writing is a forgery if the author could not have afforded to disclose the
secret. Would this be true of Deuteronomy, for example ? Could its author or
promoter really have afforded to let Josiah know the history of its origin ? On the
contrary, I suspect that there, as in the case of the NT pseudepigrapha, the disclosure
would have tempted contemporaries to reject such a volume — to their own loss as
well as to ours. There is still educative value in Cheyne's Jeremiah, chap, vii.,
"Fraud or needful Illusion." The failure to discuss the meaning and function of
pseudonymity in the NT literature is the one flaw in Dr. Chase's excellent article on
2 Peter (DB, iii.), although he candidly admits the existence of this literary fact.
3 The degrees and objects varied, naturally. It is, for example, quite legitimate to
argue that an author who wrote under an honoured apostolic name would feel less
inclination to emphasise his nom-de-plume if he merely wrote for hortatory purposes

624 APPENDIX
habits of composition any more than solecisms and vulgar idioms from
their style, or textual errors from their MSS. It is with the literature
of revelation as occasionally with the conduct and ideas of the men con
cerned in its history ; allowance has to be made for certain practices
inevitable to the time or place, which a modern mind is less able to regard
with approval or equanimity. The adjustment of these with theological
ideas and prepossessions is another question. It is a question, too, which
does not fall within the scope of this inquiry. Criticism has a simpler
and preliminary task. It is entrusted with the business of discovering,
sifting, and arranging the facts ; but it is also bound to insist that these
facts shall be neither twisted nor ignored in the supposed interests of
ecclesiasticism or of dogma, any more than in those of fretful, anti-
traditional prejudice.
The following is a briefly annotated list of the more significant
passages in the NT which are brought up for discussion by these hypo
theses. Each involves, more or less immediately, considerations of style
and structure, but the decision mainly rests upon a sense of the total
argument in the context. It is a delicate question to follow the move
ments of a writer's mind from one topic to another, or to be sure that any
given passage is a foreign interpolation, and not an episode or an
outburst. The problem becomes trebly difficult, when, as is often
the case, external evidence fails. Then especially, it is not easy to get
a footing upon reliable arguments. In the case of a letter, above all,
the psychological method must be fairly tried before a section or clause
is finally abandoned. The connection of thought, particularly in Paul,
does not always lie upon the surface ; and what is apparently abrupt may
ultimately resolve itself now and then into an inner continuity. In
employing the hypotheses of interpolation and compilation, it is easy to
be arbitrary. Worship of the status quo, it is true, has always plenty of
adherents, and the literalist is to be treated with constant suspicion in
NT interpretation ; but at the same time these hypotheses of interpolation
and compilation are often handled with a brilliance that is really
specious. A more patient and self-denying criticism, which is content to
take the text provisionally as it stands, may succeed in penetrating to
what is an actual though not an obvious transition of argument or
emotion. Indeed, after working through some hyper-subtle processes of
analysis upon the NT writings (particularly Acts and the Apocalypse), it is
hardly possible to avoid the feeling that their way of handling the facts
is dim and perilous and arid. Ingenuity of this' mechanical kind does
not always get upon the track of simple and spontaneous expression.
Adroitness is useful enough in its own place, but its place is not here ;
or at least its place is very small. At the same time, as the tendency in
this country is to treat analytic criticism far too cavalierly, I have not
consciously omitted to notice any passage which is discussed, as it seems
to me, with any case or reason by good critics.1 Minor passages, however,
(e.g. 1 Peter), than if he had a polemical aim (Wrede, in his critique of Harnack,
ZNW, 1900, pp. 75-85). 2 Peter is on a different level from, say, [Ephesians] or
James, should either or both of these be ranked in the same literary class ; while the
pseudonymity ofthe pastorals again must be differentiated from all three.
i For the Pauline letters there is an admirably full monograph by Clemen (Die
Einheitlichkeit der paulinischen Briefe an der Hand der Usher mit Bezug avf die
aufgestellten Interpolations- und Compilationshypothesen geprift, 1894), reviewed by
von Soden (ThLz, 1895, pp. 128-133) and J. Weiss (SK, 1895, pp. 252-296), unfavour
ably ; also by Dods (GA, 1895, pp. 249 f.) and Schmiedel (LC, 1895, pp. 641-643).
More generally, Rovers, Die Anwendung der conjelcturalkritik auf den Text der

APPENDIX 025
like the omission of words here and there in the MSS, have been passed
over.1 In the discussion of interpolations and compilation as in most
departments of legitimate science, there is ample room for the frolic of
paradox and conjecture ; one cannot always be sure whether this or that
theory is worth any serious attention, or whether it should be allowed to
pass quietly, after many another, into " the sepulchre of all the Capulets."
In compiling this list, I have thought it fairest for several reasons to lean
usually to the former judgment of charity.
One might almost, however, transfer verbatim to this province of NT
criticism the well-known sentences of Matthew Arnold upon the proper
attitude to a classic. " Truly we must read our classic with open eyes, and
not with eyes bLnded with superstition. . . . But the use of this criticism
is not in itself, it is entirely in its enabling us to have a clearer sense and
a deeper enjoyment of what is truly excellent. To trace the labour, the
attempts, the weaknesses, the failures of a genuine classic, to acquaint
oneself with his time and his life and his historical relationships, is mere
literary dilettantism, unless it has that clear sense and deeper enjoyment
for its end" (Ihe Study of Poetry). These words point to two "essen
tials—thoroughness and sympathy ; and both are requisite in approach
ing a NT writing also. No amount of work on the details and outworks
of the NT, or even upon the secondary and temporary elements in its
substance, will lead to much profit, unless it is recognised that these
writers had, or believed they had, a gospel. You cannot get the proper
focus for understanding them till you share that standpoint. Otherwise
the movement and the manner of the books are misconceived. Criticism of
language, ideas, and style cannot be too heartily prosecuted ; but it is
at best subordinate, and one of the most refreshing signs in modern
research is to find this frankly recognised by writers like Wrede, Kriiger,
and Gunkel, whose thoroughness is above suspicion. It is with this aim
and this caveat that the following criticism in the Appendix proceeds.
1 Th 214-1G.— A supposed interpolation'(cp. Schmiedel, HC, ad loc), The
severe unconciliatory reference to the Jews is considered to be un- Pauline,
considering his own career of persecution and his patriotism, and to indicate
a situation towards the end of the seventh decade ( = Mt 2332, Lk ll4951 2 123).
But historical presuppositions can be found much earlier than the siege of
Jerusalem, e.g. the famine (Ac ll28), the edict of Claudius (Ac 182), a riot
under Cumanus' procuratorship, or generally the obduracy of the Jews (1 Th
569, where 00717 is again used), and their interference with Paul as he wrote,
at Corinth. The reference to Christ's murder corresponds accurately to the
tone of the primitive church in Ac 2-'3 314 f- 530 (1 Co 2M). Nor, in view
of Bo 830, Ja 52, is it necessary to take the aorist (edySao-ev) historically
(ecbOaxev is plainly an attempt to ease the difficulty of the passage). The
mutestamentlichen Schriften (ZwTh, 1881, p. 385 f.). Cp. Bruckner (Chron. pp.
x-xii). 1 1 have not thought it worth while to notice even more considerable and familiar
interpolations like those noticed, for example, in the margin ofthe R.V., which are
detected as intruders by the mere aid of textual criticism. This class includes
passages such as Ro 1624, Mk 716 9«- *¦ 49b ll26 1528, Mt 613» (121?) (162b- 3) 1721
18U (19*) (21«) 23" (apud 2749), Lk &¦* 112° * IT* 23i7 (233*1) (2412) (2440)
(24»i'-52.)i Ac 887 1534 246'-a* 28^ [1 Jn 56- ', the three witnesses]. For other
reasons no notice has been taken of works like Lisco's dissection of 1 Co i.-iv.
(Paulus Antipaulinus, 1895 ; cp. Schmiedel, ThLz, 1895, pp. 207-210), and Becker's
similar treatment of the fourth gospel (SK, 1889, pp. 117-140) ; these are like Weisse's
analytic theories, partly too subjective, partly too minute to be summarised here.
40

626 APPENDIX
occurrence of 16b in the Test. xii. Patriarch. (Levi 6) affords no decisive
ground either against or for the authenticity of the passage here, owing
to the uncertain date of the pieces which compose that writing. Still,
the contradiction between Ac 175 (^yXmo-avres Se oi 'lovSaioi) and 1 Th 2U
(o-vpqbvXeTbbv) is noticeable : it is soluble only on the supposition that the
trial referred to in the latter passage occurred subsequently ( = 33), or
that crvpqbvX. includes Jews as well as Gentiles. I suspect, on the whole,
that 16b is an interpolation or editorial comment, like Ro ll9- 10, written
after 70 a.d. (So most recently Dr. Drummond, IH, ii. p. 5.)
1 Th 52f. — Quite intelligible as it stands, but suspected by Hitzig,
Schmiedel, and J. Weiss (SK, 1892), as the addition of a reader (in the
second century 1) when the apostolic letters came to be widely cir
culated and specially authoritative.
2 Th 2 12. — For reasons similar to those urged on 1 Th 214-1G, this vivid
and surprising piece of polemic is put (previous to Apoc 13), as an interpola
tion, into 66-70 a.d. by Schmidt, Der erste Thess. nebst einem Excurs ilber den
Zweiten gleichnamigen Brief. (1885), p. 11 If. But this sketch of defection
and lawlessness might be paralleled by the facts 1 underlying 1 Th 214"16
along with the OT postulates of antichrist and his black, pitiless empire.
Spitta takes the passage as a fragment (c. 40 a.d.) incorporated by Paul or
his amanuensis, Timotheus ( Urc. i. p. 135 f .). In Schmiedel's view, the
whole of the epistle falls in the period between Nero's death (June 9, 68)
and the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem (August 70), so that this
passage and the Apocalypse (13110 178'11) refer to the same situation.
Spitta (loc. cit.), however, is at once more moderate and less convincing;
he regards 25-12 as an apocalypse of Jewish origin in the time of Caligula
(vvv, ver. 6 = Ac 182), which Timotheus has recast into a Christian apoca
lypse, in which the " secret of iniquitv " becomes the enmity of the Jews
(1 Th 214'16) to the gospel. There is a contradiction on paper between
the view expressed here and that afterwards elaborated in Ro 11, but in
either passage or in both we have probably the expression of a mood. It
would be psychologically false to deny the compatibility of both positions
at different periods within a single personality. Yet the "tension" of
this passage in 2 Th is not between Paul and his " Jewish past " (Weiss,
NTTh, i. pp. 306-308), but between Paul and his Jewish contemporaries.
By the time that Ro 11 came to be written, he was more dispassionate and
patriotic. [Hausrath takes 21"12 as probably a genuine fragment.]
On Bousset's theory (cp. above, p. 143), the eschatology here is not
genuinely Christian, but due to a Jewish tradition of antichrist, repre
sented later in 4 Esdras, which was in existence esoterically prior to the
conflict with Rome. The inference is that while, of course, Paul followed
1 No particular decade during the first century is needed to render these passages
luminous. At any time the position of the Jews in the Roman Empire would have
made the references historically intelligible ; indeed, they were even apt, ever since
Tiberius had vented his anger and spite upon them (Tacit. Annal. ii. 42, 43, 71, 85;
Joseph. Antiq. xviii. 3, 4), especially in 19 A.n. Tlie vulgar anti-Semitism of Apion
must have found in many Roman quarters a welcome and an echo during the subsequent
decades. But in Palestine the state of matters previous to 50 A.n. amply bore out
the allusion of the apostle. Caligula's policy had set the Zealots— those implacable
Nihilists of Judaism— aflame, and the days of peace in Judaea were numbered. " The
last decades," i.e. preceding 50 a.d., " had exhibited the nation as a captive who, con
tinually visited by his jailer, rattles at his fetters with the strength of despair, until
he wrenches them asunder" (Graetz, History of Jews (Eng. tr.), ii p. 234 ; cp. also
Mommsen, Gesch. Rom. v. p. 527). In fact, since Herod Agrippa's death (44 A.D.)
the flood-gates of dissension and feud in Judaea had been open.

APPENDIX 627
the tradition and interpreted the restraining power as Rome, subsequent
events in the seventh decade completely altered the Jewish and Christian
attitude to the Empire. Now it was the foe, not the bulwark. It became
antichrist itself, especially in the weird form of the Neronic saga. The
Apocalypse of John represents this normal position ; but in one of its
sources, as in 2 Thess, a trace of the older view has been presented. If
such a hypothesis is accepted, it obviously removes one or two of the
historical objections to the authenticity of 2 Thess, which have hitherto
proved rather serious.
Galatians. — The epistle is commonly regarded, except by the extreme
school, as a thorough unity in its extant form, the difficult transitions
and abrupt parentheses being explicable upon a fair view of the author's
agitation and vivid energy at the time of writing. Clemen, however
(Einheitlichheit, pp. 112, 124, 125), regards as interpolations or glosses
2i8 gn for the following inconclusive reasons : —
Gal 218 interrupts the direct connection of vers. 17 and 19 in the apostle's
argument : it is the gloss of ah unskilled copyist (so Weisse). The yap is
certainly strange, but the verse is perfectly natural, if not necessary. It
refutes the wrong conclusion by rejecting the presuppositions upon which
it rests (cp. Sieffert or Lightfoot, ad loc, but especially Gercke, GGA,
1894, pp. 596-599).
Gal 611. — eypaij/a, Clemen thinks, cannot refer to the whole l of the
letter, for in that case it would have stood at the close. Besides, Paul did
not write his own letters. Nor can the phrase refer (as the epistolary
aorist) to ver. 11 f., for in the usage of the NT this refers to the preceding
matter (Philemon 19). On these extremely untenable grounds he con
siders the verse a gloss. 13ut there seems no sufficient reason for abandon
ing the ordinary view that vers. 11-18 contain an emphatically personal
postscript crowded with deliberate touches of the writer's individuality,
and the motive for adding ver. 11 as a gloss would be very difficult to
conjecture (cp. Deissmann, op. cit. pp. 262-264).
1 Co 924-27.— Suspected by Schmiedel (HG, n. i. pp. 145, 146), as a
misplaced passage, owing to its loose connection with the preceding and
succeeding paragraphs ; the idea of the passage is excellent ( = Phil 312'14),
but the conception of " herald" and " runner " (ver. 27) are contradictory.
Ver. 26 depends on ver. 24 rather than on 25, and the whole conception is
confused. This, however, is to press the details a little too hardly : the
passage might stand quite well as it is, interpreted freely and generously
(vide Heinrici or G. G. Findlay, ad loc, and Clemen, op. cit. pp. 40-42),
though it certainly has the appearance of being a marginal note.
1 Co 1433b-36.— Vers. 34, 35 are inserted in some MSS (DEFG, Am-
brosiaster, Sedulius) after ver. 40, and ver. 33b upon the whole goes better
with the following than with the preceding words. The passage is there
fore taken as a marginal gloss by the Dutch school, Hilgenfeld, Holsten
(Evglm. Paulus,!. p. 495 f.), etc. ; even Schmiedel (HG, ad loc.) regards vers.
33b-35 as an unauthentic interpolation due to the same church interests
which appear in 1 Tim 211-13 ; and Dr. Drummond brackets vers. 34, 35 as a
prohibition borrowed from the synagogue (IH, ii. p. 1 18). The chief reasons
tor this hypothesis are the abruptness with which the reference to women is
1 Like Cramer, Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 120-122) maintains this indefensible position.
It is justified neither by grammar nor by the internal probabilities of the epistle.
The quotation from Ambrose (ed. Ben. n. 753, to the Emperor Gratian) is inter
esting but not apposite : " Scripsisti tua totam epistolam manu, ut ipsi apices fidem
luam pietatemque loquerentur."

628 APPENDIX
introduced at this point, and the alleged inconsistency between Paul's
attitude here and that in ll5 13. The latter argument, however, is not
decisive. Paul's enforcement of silence upon women in the churches may
be due either to a change of view or to a slightly different standpoint
(so variously Godet, Weizsacker, McGiffert, and G. G. Findlay). Clemen
(op. cit. pp. 49-51) rather unnecessarily takes the passage as a mis
placed remark of the apostle, unintelligible in its present place after ll2 ',
and part of another previous epistle to the same church (Chron. pp. 220,
221). Otherwise the passage is to be viewed as a remark thrown in by
Paul in more or less connection with what immediately precedes,
possibly written on the margin (Heinrici).
!Col556. — An unauthentic interpolation (Straatman,V6lter, Schmiedel,
Clemen, and Dr. Drummond, IH, ii. p. 129), which was originally inserted
in the margin as a dogmatic anti-legal gloss, quite in the Pauline manner,
upon Kevrpov and ddvaros, butis inappropriate here. Sin and law have no
special bearing upon the mental situation of the Corinthians, it is held ;
their problem at the moment was death in its apparent antagonism to the
resurrection. It is only later, in 2 Go 36, that this function of the law is
brought forward, to be further developed in Romans (e.g. 320 416 7r). The
ordinary interpretation of the passage presents to most no serious diffi
culties (" sensu evangelico explicat dictum Oseae," Grotius), though J.
Weiss (ThSt, 170 n. = " Beitriige zur paulinischen Rhetorik," p. 8 n.) deletes
it on rhetorical grounds. It may easily be a marginal gloss.
Earlier in the chapter, Blass (NT Gramm. § 78) needlessly suspects the
clause e'lrrep . . . eyeipovrai (ver. 15), though it certainly is absent from some
MSS (DE, etc.). I see no reason for supposing also that 1622 is a Jewish
Christian gloss (Rovers, Nieuw-Test.Letterkunde, p. 37,Baljonand Holsten).
2 Co Q14-V. — An interpolated fragment from some lost epistle. So,
after Ewald and Hilgenfeld, Renan, A. H. Franke (SK, 1884, pp. 544-
553), S. Davidson (i. p. 63), Sabatier (p. 177), Hausrath (iv. p. 55 f.),
Pfleiderer (Urc. pp. 115, 116 n), Clemen (Einheit. pp. 58, 59), McGiffert
(AA, p. 323), and others.1 Possibly it stood originally after 1 Co 1022 or
1 Co 6, if not in the letter of similar tone and purpose 2 referred to in
1 Co 59-11 (Hilgenfeld, Einl. 287 n. ; Franke, Sabatier, and Whitelaw,
Class. Bev. 1890, pp. 12, 248, 317). At any rate this interjected piece on
sensuality reads awkwardly in its present situation (Heinrici), and apart
from a timid desire to adhere to the textual status quo there is no reason
for disputing so obvious an instance of interpolation. Certainly no MS
evidence exists for the hypothesis, and more or less plausible objections
can be stated (e.g. by Godet, Denney, Jiilicher, and Zahn : Einl. i. pp.
1 A. Robertson (DB, i. p. 496) : " On the whole, if we may assume an interpolation
at all without textual evidence, this is perhaps dignus vindice nodus." The
"perhaps " is really out of place ; it is impossible to conceive a case where internal
evidence furnishes so conclusive and satisfying a proof. To make evidence from
external authority a sine qud non in the discussion of NT interpolations, displays
more caution than appreciation of the real state in which the NT text has been pre
served. There is a considerable gap between the autographs and the earliest extant
MSS, during which the state of the text can only be seen through the incomplete
evidence of versions and quotations.
2 \ypa-\,a iifOiv iv r% iTicrrov.Y, u.y, erwavapiiywcrBat ctopvots. This is by far the most likely
explanation, if the piece is Pauline. It is very artificial to suppose that Paul added
it himself when he read over his epistle. On the other hand, Paul's epistles, especially
those to Corinth, have evidently been edited in a much freer fashion than a super
ficial glance at their extant appearance would suggest. The further reconstruction
of this, the earliest epistle to Corinth, from passages like 1 Co 310"23 91-1022, 2 Co ll2'-
1220 '-, is not, however, convincing.

APPENDIX 629
248, 249). But all explanations of the connection between 613 and 614
are forced.1 On the other hand, 613 runs well into 72, and the passage
between must represent either a very sharp and almost unnatural digres
sion, or a section interpolated from some other epistle (vide Schmiedel's
excursus, ad loc). Heinrici considers the passage to be a genuinely
Pauline fragment, and apart from the strange untechnical use of o-dp£
and irvevpa, the style, even with its an-. Xey., does not necessitate the
hypothesis (Holsten) of a non- Pauline origin. The Dutch school (e.g.
Rovers, Nieuw-Test. Letterkunde, pp. 37, 38), however, attribute the frag
ment to a Jewish-Christian source, owing to the note of narrow repulsion
to "unclean things" (617), while Krenkel finds linguistic parallels in
Clem. Rom. Dr. Drummond, who rather fails to do justice to the isolated
character of the section, explains the reflections in it by suggesting that
extraneous influences were at work upon the Corinthian Christians from
current pagan criticism (IH, ii. pp. 159-162).
2 Co 1132-121. — Apart from the question of the historicity of the
Damascus paragraph 3 (cp. Klopper, pp. 490-495), vers. 32, 33 have been
regarded as a misplaced and rather irrelevant gloss upon the ao-devela
mentioned in ver. 30 : the passage connects badly with the context, it
is argued, and interrupts the sequence (so Holsten ; Hilgenfeld, ZwTh,
1888, p. 200 ; Schmiedel, ad loc. pp. 290-292 ; and others).3 Probably this
excision demands 121, or at least the words tcavxacrdat Dei' oi crvpcpepov
pev, as an interpolation, in order to make a good connection between ll31
and 122 or 12lc (reading e'Xevor. ydp).
The remedy is not too heroic. But the whole passage, in its extant
form, may be held to admit of pretty clear explanation : the difficulties
in textual criticism and exegesis are not quite insoluble even in the
present sequence of verses (cp. especially Dr. Drummond, IH, ii. p. 179,
and Heinrici's notes), although it is true that if vers. 32, 33 were put between
30 and 31 the jolting transition would be partially eased. As it is, their
comparative lack of relationship with the context quite acquits the
interpolation hypothesis of the charge of wilful violence. Whether
it justifies the removal of the verses from their present position is
another question ; and certainly the passage is not an interpolation based
upon the anecdote in Ac 923"25. Evidently this initial experience of
persecution at Damascus made a deep impression upon Paul ; the import
ance he attached to it may indicate its right to stand here as an illustra-
1 Weizsacker detects an apologetic aim (A A , i. p. 363) of Paul in the passage. Who
so careful of his reader's moral purity as he ? Who so antagonistic to heathenism ?
As an apostle to the heathen he thus shows how futile are the Jewish charges
brought against him of laxity in moral teaching. But this seems rather too subtle.
Ofthe other so-called "psychological" defences, Godet's (INT, i. pp. 321-323) is
quite the most ingenious.
2 Cp. Overbeck-Zeller, i. p. 296 f. ; P. Ewald, RTK, i. pp. 795-797 ; and a special
study from a different standpoint by Wandel, ZEWL, 1887, p. 433 f. The most
recent light on the subject is a suggestion of Schiirer's (SK, 1899, I.), based upon
details gathered from the inscriptions, that iOvdpxyis is applied here, not, as has
been hitherto thought necessary and unexampled, to the king's administrator, the
governor of the city (itxpxm, or <rrPar-nyis), but to the sheikh of that tribal territory
in the Nabataean kingdom which included Damascus. In that case the term would
be correctly applied to Aretas as a subordinate and lieutenant of the king.
3 The passage, along with the corresponding note in Ac 9M- 25, is repeatedly dis
cussed in reference to the chronology of Paul's life ; but the obscurity of the relations
between Aretas and the Romans at that period renders it unwise to draw any rigid
inferences from data so ambiguous. Wendt (-Meyer, Acts, p. 35) regards it as a
marginal addition of Paul, which properly belonged to tbe parenthesis ver. 24 f.
So also Rovers, Nieuw-Test. Letterkunde, p. 38, who adds 12ul>- l-.

630 APPENDIX
tion of his hardships, although it does not prove its claim to be an
integral part of the original argument. It looks more like an after
thought. The details of several analytic hypotheses, which distinguish between
genuine and unauthentic pieces in the Roman epistle, can be seen in
Holtzmann's summary, Einl. pp. 242-246, and Mangold, Der Bdmerbrief
u. s. geschichtl. Vorraussetz .pp. 1-164. Ro ll9- 10. — Interpolated in the
margin by some reader as an historical reflection after the downfall of
Jerusalem (Lipsius,1 HG, n. 2. p. 173, as previously others, including
Holsten, ZwTh, 1872, p. 455). On this view the quotation (LXX., Ps 69
(68)23 '¦) is to be taken as implying exclusion from the Messianic kingdom
— in which case it certainly does not harmonise with the succeeding
passage. Against this it is urged that ver. 11, with its different metaphor,
would not come well immediately after ver. 8. But, on the other hand,
ver. 9 is as violent a contradiction to ver. 8, and 8ia n-avrbs is not in
keeping with the tone of vers. 11, 12.
1519b- 20b- 23- 24- (ao-re pe . Xpia-roii, ovx orrov . . . dWd). — An inter
polation, suspected on account of the references to Paul's preaching
(a) in Jerusalem — this, it is held, is a conciliatory concession due (as in
Ac 928 f) to the later spirit of the church and unsupported by the facts
(Gal l1824) of the apostle's life: (6) in Illyria — considered equally un-
historical : (c) in its general scope (which is exaggerated, TreTrXypaKevai
to evayyeXiov) and in its special connection with Rome, which — it is
argued — was an dXXbrpiov Bepekiov. A case can be fairly made out, e.g.,
by E. H. Gifford (Speak. Comm., ad loc), Sanday and Headlam (ICG,
ad loc), Clemen (Einl. pp. 91, 92), Spitta (Urc. i. p. 17 f .), and Denney
(ExGT, ii. pp. 579, 580), in favour of the authenticity ; but the excision has
found some support (vide especially Lipsius, op. cit. pp. 195-197 ; Holtz
mann, Einl. pp. 244, 245 ; and Baur, Paul (Eng. tr.), i. pp. 371-379, besides
the Dutch critics quoted by Clemen). The points (a) and (b) are not in
themselves decisive against the Pauline authorship. Jerusalem might
be referred to in a colloquial and geographical sense, although ll26 ought
not to be seriously adduced as a parallel ; Illyria may be roughly men
tioned as a limit rather than as a mission-field. But (c) is more crucial.
The expression (-n-errX. evayy.) may be naturally rhetorical ; it is not safe
to draw rigid conclusions from words thrown out freely in this epistle.
The expression about " building on another man's foundation," however,
is not to be explained by denying that Christianity had been officially or
systematically preached at Rome. When Paul wrote, it was to a large
and important church. A foundation had been laid by some one or some
persons. Consequently, it is not so easy as it seems to reconcile 1520b
with passages like l5- 13 123 1515.
The almost chaotic state of the text and the divergent characteristics
of chpp. 15, 16 offer a problem which is commonly approached along the
hypothesis of compilation and interpolation. For discussions see the
commentaries (especially IGG, pp. xxvi, xxvii, lxxxv-xcviii, for the con
servative position) : and compare Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 242-246; Jiilicher,
Einl. pp. 72-74 ; Zahn, Einl. i. pp. 267-298 ; Godet, INT, i. pp. 395-407 ;
1 He also is inclined to follow one or two previous critics in deleting 57 as an old
gloss, which interrupts the connection. Vers. 23, 24 (along with 28, Si" tSp»» tis rw
iTaviav) are rejected in ch. 15 by Lipsius as interwoven with vers. 19b 20b. TheSpanish
journey of Paul rests upon evidence drawn from the Murat. Canon (which is
probably a quotation from this passage) and a dubious interpretation of Clem.
Rom 5, where ro rippia r-7,s Ivcnus is as likely to mean Rome as anywhere else.

APPENDIX 631
Grafe's monograph, Ueber Veranlassung u. Zweck. d. B. (1881) ; and the
papers by Lightfoot and Hort, reprinted in the former's Biblical Essays,
pp. 287-374. It is impossible here to state theories such as that of
Volter (Die Komposition d. paulin. Hauptbriefe, i. 1890), who detects a brief
original epistle (l10- 7- 5- 6- s-17 5-6, 12-13, 15143-' 1621'23) amid a mass of
interpolations from later hands. Upon similar lines, but less extrava
gantly, Spitta (Urc. i. pp. 16-30) with characteristic ingenuity detects two
letters to Rome in the extant, epistle, (a) I16- 7b iis^nsc 158-33. Oj) if-12
12'-157 16120- 21'2i ,27d The latter was written after Paul's release from
his Roman captivity, so that on this hypothesis the personal references ]
of chap. 16 are quite intelligible ; the former is to be dated during his
third missionary tour. Most of the partition theories, however, require to
be supplemented by some common sense. Whatever may have been the
precise relation subsisting between the writer and his readers, or the aim
which he had in view in penning some of these pages, it is obvious that
when a public man like Paul wrote to a Christian community, his
deliverance could not fail to be somewhat more exhaustive than an
ordinary letter. Possibly, too, in this case, the plan of the epistle grew
on him as he wrote. It is interesting, e.g., to compare Burke's method in
composing his Beflections on the Eevolution in France. He began it as a
private letter to a gentleman in Paris, but found that his opinions and
ideas grew in extent eis he went on. The matter so gained upon him,
that its importance and bulk demanded wider consideration than could be
given in a mere letter. Yet, having begun with the epistolary form, he
found it hard to change the form of semi-private address, and this duality
was not without its effect upon the arrangement and handling of the various
topics. " I wish," he says at one point, " to communicate more largely
what was at first intended only for your private satisfaction. I shall
still keep your affairs in my eye, and continue to address myself to you.
Indulging myself in the freedom of epistolary intercourse, I beg leave to
throw out my thoughts, and express my feelings, just as they arise in my
mind, with very little attention to formal method." I suspect that some
such method was employed in the composition of Romans. But in any
case there are several similar circumstances in practical life which may
easily have affected the aim and product of the apostle as he wrote there
and then ; these do not occur to us, so long as we apply purely literary
canons to the epistle, or take it as a mere document of theology.
lg25-27_ — jn its present setting a duplicate benediction — or finale —
added to the original letter, either Pauline (Renan, Weiss, Godet,
Jiilicher, Sanday) or else an unauthentic addition (Schiirer, Hilgenfeld,
Lipsius, von Soden (HG, ill. 2. p. 203), W. Bruckner (Chron. pp. 184, 185),
1 This is at any rate better than Zahn's view, which regards the original place of
the doxology 16&27 as having been at the close of chap. 14, and takes chap. 16 as an
integral portion of the Roman epistle. The Jewish-Christian names in this section
are introduced, he thinks (Einl. i. pp. 274-276), in order to certify to the Romans
Paul's affection for his own people, despite his apostleship to the Gentiles. "The
Romans are to know that Paul is anything but a recreant Jew without any affection
for his unhappy nation." As if he had not amply proved that already (915 IO1-4
llI4i 14), without resorting to so round-about and enigmatic a method of apologetic !
Oltramare's defence of the integrity of the whole epistle, including I625-27, is better,
hut equally unconvincing (Comm. sur Vep'dre aux Romains, I. pp. 15-38) ; a verdict
which must be regretfully applied to Denney's section in ExGT, ii. pp. 580-582,
although afterwards (p. 723) he admits that 161"20 may have originally been an
independent epistle, and that I625-27 "reminds one uncomfortably of the pastoral

632 APPENDIX
Weizsacker (AA i. p. 382), and others). In the latter case, the peculiar
ities of language and expression (e.g. the description of God) point to the
author of " Ephesians " (Holtzmann), the era of conflict with Gnosticism
(Lucht), or, as Volkmar, Mangold (-Bleek, p. 547), and Pfleiderer prefer,
the anti-Marcionite epoch. In the former case it is either the original
conclusion of the epistle, or else incorporated from some unknown
source : — at any rate a genuinely Pauline fragment (cp. Clemen, pp.
98, 99). The affinities of the passage with Judas 24 f. either (i.) prove
the dependence of the latter writing on Romans, or (ii.) suggest that the
passage is to be traced to the period and possibly the author of that
epistle, or (iii.) indicate that both doxologies followed a traditional form
derived from Jewish sources (cp. Mangold, Der Romerbrief, pp. 44-81 ;
Holtzmann, Ephes. Col. Brief, pp. 307-310).
The presence of 1625-2" after 1423 (in one or two MSS and versions,
cp. evidence lucidly put by Zahn, p. 269 f.) has been explained in
several ways. Renan1 (S. Paul, pp. lxiii -lxxv, chap, xvii), e.g., regards
Romans as a circular letter which originally existed in four different
forms, one of which (addressed to an unknown church) contained 1-1433
1625"27. The other editions were intended by the apostle for Thessa
lonika (1-14, 162124), Ephesus (1-14, 161"20), and Rome (1-11, 15). So
Sabatier (p. 207) and Denney (ExGT, ii. p. 578). This would be
corroborated by the omission (in G ; cp. Zahn, pp. 278, 279, and Nestle,
Einf. p. 245) of iv 'Vapg in 1" 15, unless that omission is due to transcrip
tional error, or to deliberate purpose (upon Marcion's part ?), or to the
hand of the later church, which not unnaturally wished to broaden
out the epistle for a wider circle of Christendom. Less drastically,
Lightfoot advocates a double recension of the epistle, the original draft
having been addressed actually to the Roman church (i.e. 1-1 623), while
the later was, like Ephesians, circular. In this second recension, besides
the excision of ev 'Vaspg (l7- 15) as in G, vers. 15, 16 were omitted as of too
local an interest for the wider audience, and a doxology ( = 162J-27) was
added to the close (i.e. at 1423). Subsequently this doxology was trans
ferred to its present place in the original and earlier recension, which is
represented by the canonical epistle. The textual phenomena are still
more cautiously handled by Hort (cp. Romans and Ephesians, pp. 51-58 ;
also WH, ii. pp. Ill f.) who regards the doxology as an integral part of the
epistle. Its insertion at the close of ver. 14 is due to the fact that it fur
nished an appropriate finale to the epistle when chpp. 15, 16 were passed
over as less suitable for public reading2 in the church. A somewhat
similar theory is elaborated by Sanday and Headlam in their edition
(IGG, p. xcii ff.) ; the}r unconvincingly exploit the influence of Marcion
to account for the present irregularities of the text. Partially anticipating
Spitta, E. H. Gifford (Speaker's Gomm., Introd. "Romans," pp. 27-30), again,
regards 163'20 as part of a second letter addressed by Paul to the capital
after his release from the first imprisonment at Rome. This ingenious
theory certainly meets the difficulty which rises on the canonical view, that
Paul could scarcely have so many personal friends in a church to which
he was as yet unknown. Cp. on the whole subject of the conclusion to
Romans the papers by Riggenbach, Neue Jahrb. f. deutsche Theologie,
1 "Les editeurs ne copii-rent qu'une fois les parties communes; cependant,
comme ils se seraient fait scrupule de rien perdre de ce qui etait sorti de la plume de
l'apotre, ils recuillirent a la fin de la copie princeps les parties qui variaient dans les
diiferents exemplaires, ou qui se trouvaient en plus dans l'uu d'eux."
2 Similarly Godet, op. cit. p. 400 f.

APPENDIX 633
1892, pp. 498-525, and — for the textual criticism of the doxology — ibid.
pp. 526-605.
The hypothesis which seems to meet most fairly the textual phenomena,
the inner evidence, and the general probabilities of the chapter, is to
regard vers. 1-20 as containing the letter to Ephesus, 21-23 as the original
conclusion to the Roman letter or as a paragraph belonging to it, and
25-27 ("it seems artificial rather than inspired" Denney), as a much
later doxology added — after the Roman epistle and the Ephesian note
had been put together — by some scribe or editor, who not unnaturally
considered the epistle had an unfinished look when it ended with 1623,
and that it ought to be rounded off by a doxology couched in the Pauline
phraseology. As Romans often closed the Pauline letters in the canon, the
doxology may have been put as a finale to the whole collection as
well. At the same time, no satisfactory theory has yet been offered to
account for the disordered text and internal variations of Romans. That
adopted in the present edition involves what may be called the reasonable
minimuni of conjecture and editorial change. But it is possible that still
more radical treatment will have to be applied, particularly along the
lines suggested by Renan, before a coherent set of results can be attained.
At any rate, the starting-point of all sound criticism of the canonical
" Romans " is that, wholly genuine or not, it lies before the modern reader
in a different condition from that in which it left the apostle at Kcnchreae.
Col iis-2o. — Following, in part, criticisms by Weisse, H. J. Holtz
mann, and von Soden (JpTh, 1885, pp. 333 f., 497 f.), Clemen (op. cit.
pp. 127-129) unconvincingly regards this passage as the work of a later
redactor, modelled upon the preceding argument in vers. 14-17. The close
connection between Ephesians and Colossians in argument and structure
has also led to conjectures, at one point after another, that the text of either
has been conformed to the other (cp. above, p. 217) ; and it is not without
reason that at one or two other passages interpolation has been suspected
(e.g. 214*- lif- 23). But the extant text, especially of chap. 2, is not in a
good state, and corruption from this source may exist in these verses.
"This epistle, and more especially its second chapter, appears to have
been ill-preserved in ancient times " ( WH, ii. p. 127). In 214, for example,
I should conjecture that the words o rjv vrrevavrtov r)piv are simply a
gloss upon rod1' r)pav. They read like the marginal explanation of a
copyist, which has become incorporated in the original text, and probably
they are not the only phrase which would come under a similar estimate.
Such alterations by copyists were easily introduced, as we know from very
early times. Unless it refers to pseudonymous authorship (in which case
it forms a parallel to 2 Th 22), there is a reference to this habit of scribes
as far back as the difficult passage Jer 88b, DS? nb»J? -\\>W? nan £K
D'lSb "IptS* (eis- pdrnv eyevgdrj crxoivos -ip-evcH)? ypapparevcriv, LXX). On the
latter phrase Prof. G. A. Smith has kindly furnished me with the follow
ing note :— " The charge is made against those who boast that the law of
Yahveh is with them ; therefore probably against the custodians of the
written law, i.e. Deuteronomy. The charge implies that they have written
some things that are not tlie Torah of Yahveh, but lies. These things
cannot be the original Deuteronomy promulgated by Josiah, for Jeremiah
quotes from this as the word of God, though he afterwards supersedes it
by the new covenant. The question remains, are they (1) any of the later
additions to Deuteronomy which are now found incorporated, or (2) parts
of the Levitical legislation concerning ceremonies and rites which may

634 APPENDIX
already have been in existence, and which Jeremiah appears to condemn
as not from Yahveh (722), or (3) other written fragments inculcating
heathenish practices ? I do not think one can possibly decide among
these alternatives. All that the passage proves is that after the publica
tion of Deuteronomy the pens of scribes were busy with additions which
Jeremiah condemned as not from Yahveh, though of course their writers,
as the keepers of Yahveh's Torah, must have given them forth as from
him. Whether any of these pieces have found their way into our
Deuteronomy and Leviticus, is an interesting question. It is very
probable, from Jer 722, that they did." This throws light upon the
extent of a scribe's power, the sinister as well as the unconscious and
simple nature of his possible motives, and the rapidity with which such
alterations grew up in the original. The principle applies to Col-
Ephesians, and generally to the whole of the XT documents.
Philem5-6. — Working out his theory of Col-Ephesians, Holtzmann
finds in vers. 4-6 traces of the post-Pauline atmosphere ( = Eph l15-17,
Col l3- 4- 9) which link the letter to these epistles (ZwTh, 1873, pp. 428-441 ;
Einl. pp. 246, 247). W. Bruckner (Chron. p. 200 f .), however, accepts the
letter as genuinely Pauline ; only, vers. 5, 6 are a later interpolation due to
the author of the Ephesian epistle in the time of Hadrian. But it is
hard to see any purpose in such a procedure. These passages, along with
others which Hausrath detected, are quite intelligible upon the hypothesis
that the note is Pauline and a unity, especially when Colossians and
Philippians (l9 *-) are held to be genuine. Deissmann, upon literary
grounds especially (Bibel-Studien, 1895, pp. 236, 237), pronounces the
theories of its unauthenticity insipid and unnatural : he very properly
compares the note to the letters of Epicurus and Moltke, as a bit of charm
ing naivete and humanity. Its authenticity in fact is no longer to be
seriously questioned. On these two verses in particular and their exegetical
difficulties, cp. especially the treatment in Haupt's edition (-Meyer).
Philipp 32ff- — "Das aufrauschen aller Wasser der Kritik an dieser
Stelle lasst vermuthen, dass hier eine Klippe verborgen ist " (Holtzmann).
Arguing from the apparent hiatus and sharp change of tone, Hausrath
(iv. p. 162) and a few others (cp. Pfleiderer, Urc. p. 149) have found a
different epistle in chaps. 3, 4, which may have been written previously to
that preserved in chaps. 1, 2, and addressed to a narrower circle, or composed
at some later period. But the transition of thought admits of explanation
from the simpler level of exegesis. Polykarp has indeed a vague refer
ence to Paul's "letters" addressed to Philippi (Polyk. ad Phil. iii. 6s- xai
dn-ibv vpiv i'ypa\jrev err io-roXds), but the plural (which is elsewhere used of a
single letter) may well be rhetorical, and in any case the allusion is too
indistinct to be decisive for the present question.1 A letter or letters of
Paul to Philippi may very conceivably have been lost, but it does not follow
that in chap. S^end of our extant epistle, such a letter, otherwise un
known, has been incorporated. Clemen takes 21924 32-43 48- 9 as frag
ments of an earlier letter to Philippi, written about the same time as
Galatians (54-58 a.d.) [Einheit. pp. 140, 141 ; Chron. pp. 37 f., 197, 280],
probably during Paul's imprisonment in Palestine. The rest of our
iZahn (followed by Haupt) suggests that Polykarp's "letters" refer to a
collection which included those addressed to the neighbouring church of Thessa
lonika ; McGiffert inclines to believe in a previous letter addressed by Paul to
Philippi and referred to in 31, while Hofmann and Zahn had already conjectured
that the canonical epistle is a reply to one from that church to the apostle, alluded
to in l3 (iyot pc.lv ivxapiTTu).

APPENDIX 635
" Phihppians," his "second letter to Philippi," is dated 64 (63) from
Rome, upon his scheme (i.e. 1]-21S- 233° 31 4-1-7. 10-23). Bruckner (Chron.
pp. 218-222) also analyses the letter, thus : —
l1. — avv erriaKOTrois nal hiaKovois : interpolation of later age ( = pastoral
epistles), in the interests of the church (so Volter).
I18.— Superfluous, contradictory to 32 l28 : to be omitted as an inter
polation due to the irenical consciousness of the later church in Hadrian's
reign or later. The roOro (vers. 19) refers back to ver. 14 ; after the
parenthetical limitation (vers. 15-17), Paul overlooks this obstacle and
resumes the weightier consideration of vers. 12-14.
26- "'. — iv popd>fj. ... us- avdparros : an interpolation interrupting the
course of thought between vers. 2-5 and 8-11, inserted by later dogmatic
prepossessions and incompatible with the Pauline Christology (Bruckner
of course rejects Col-Ephes), which knows neither this pre-existent divinity
nor semi-doketism in the humanity of Christ.
320. — . . . o-argp as applied to Christ, -\
suspiciously un- Pauline. T . . . . , .
321.-Similar to 2"- and opposed to fLater unauthentic interpolations.
1 Co 1527- 28. J
By such sacrifices Bruckner considers he can save the epistle as
genuinely Pauline ; but it is to be feared that there will always be some
critics who reckon this a very dubious salvation.
219'24. — Following Volter, Clemen regards this as a misplaced insertion;
since ver. 19 does not satisfactorily connect with ver. 18, ver. 21 is incredible
in view of l14 and 421, and tbe sending of Epaphroditus (ver. 25) is the
occasion of joy (vers. 18 and 28) (Einheitlichkeit, pp. 138, 139). Still more
TigoTOUsh-,Voltev (Theol.Tijdschrift, 1892, pp. 10-44, 117-146),laying stress,
like Bruckner, on the " ecclesiastical " propensities of the letter, analyses it
into two different epistles, one genuine and the other spurious, which
have been combined at a later period by a redactor : —

Spurious.

Genuine.

(Written under Hadrian, or

i.
possibly Trajan.)
1-2 (exc. iirio-K. Kal biatc.), 3-7,
8-11, 27-30.
12-14, 18b-26.
17-20, 22-30.
ii.
1-16.
111.
lb-21.
10-20, 21 (23 ?).
iv.
1-9 (22).
To the redactor are assigned the interpolations l1 l15-1Sa 221 3la.
On the whole subject of the partition-theories, as applied to Philippians,
all that needs to be said is stated by Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 377-378, 397-398),
and Haupt (-Meyer, pp. 97 f). Harnack, however, has quite recently
attempted to prove from Polyk. ad Phil. 11 (Latin text), that a collection of
Pauline epistles was known to the writer, that he had a correct understand
ing of the Thessalonian church and its epistles, and that the latter in his
judgment referred to Philippi (TU, 1900, neue Folge, v. 3, pp. 86-93).
Mark 1. — The abrupt opening of the gospel has often suggested a
primitive corruption or disturbance of the text (Weiffenbach, Jp'Tli, 1882,
636 APPENDIX
pp. 668-680), though MSS evidence is awanting. Weiffenbach was
content with deleting l2b (iSoO eya . . . aov) as an ancient gloss and inter
polation, thereby " opening a beautiful and grand portal " to the gospel.
Reuss, however, went further, and conjectured that vers. 1-20 (1-15 ?) were
a subsequent addition, compiled from or parallel to Mt and Lk, prefixed
to the original gospel which opened with Jesus in Kapharnahum. Along
with 169"20 this prelude was added to round off the narrative (§§ 189, 240).
Dr. Paul Ewald, while refusing to go so far, has recently suspected at
least vers. 1-3 as a later addition (Das Hauptproblem der Evangelienfrage
und der Weg zu seiner Losung, 1890, pp. 178-180), since the quotation, if that
in 1528 be put aside as non-authentic, would be the solitary reference to
OT prophecy made by the author. "Wir haben denn eine Schrift,
welche nach Anfang und Ende durchaus zusaninienstimmend dem Bilde
entspricht, welches wir uns, wie sich zeigen wird, von jenen Aufzeichungen
des Hermeneuten Petri macben diirfen." Holtzmann, too, ingeniously con
jectures that in the original Mark only the Isaiah quotation existed, the
Malachi passage being an insertion from Mt ll10, Lk 727. The correct solu
tion is probably given by Professor Nestle, who (Exp.4 x. pp. 458-460 ;
Einf. pp. 130, 131, 219 ; Phil. Sacra, pp. 45, 46) regards eiayyeXiov 'I. X.,
afterwards expanded into dpxg rov ela-yyeXiov 'lyaov Xpiarov, as the original
title of the gospel — a heading which was subsequently taken as the opening
of the text. Similarly Bruce (ExGT, ad loc), Swete (ad loc), and Zahn
(Einl. ii. p. 220f.). In early Christian literature (cp. Harnack, Geschichte
der altchristlichen Litt. bis Eusebius, i. pp. 988-1020), Spxy never occurs thus
as the opening of a book, while Kadas l (1 Ti l3) is used in such a position
four times, KaQi'nrep four times, as twenty-eight times. This natural ex
planation of ver. 1 as the superscription might cover Mtl 1 also.
The other explanations of vers. 1-3 are best given by Schanz (Com
mentar iiber das Evglm. d. heiligen Marcus, 1881, pp. 59-62).
724-826. — Suspected also by Paul Ewald (op. cit. pp. 181-189) partly on
the grounds of style and language, which he finds inconsistent with the
rest of the gospel, partly as the episode seems to be interpolated for the
first time at a later stage of the evangelic tradition. By omitting l1'3
724-826 16s"20 from the extant Mark, he reaches what appears to him to
represent the Ur-Marcus. As the first of these passages is crucial, it may
be added that the main alternatives in regard to Mk l1 are (a) the canonical,
and (b) the textual hypotheses. When the former is adopted, the book
opens with ver. 2 ; the preceding words were added when it occupied the
first place among the canonical gospels, thus forming an introductory
title to all four. In process of time this general heading naturally
became absorbed in the text of the gospel which stood closest to it. The
improbabilities of this theory suggest, (6) that the words in question form
the author's own title to his book. It is clumsy and contrary to Mark's
direct style to take them with ver. 4, and to regard the intervening
quotation as a parenthesis. They probably form a heading and description
not for the opening (l48 or l415), but for the whole book. It is intended
to portray the start and origin (cp. Ac l1, Heb 23, Jn 1527) of the gospel of
Jesus in his lifetime, and particularly — in accordance (Ac 103s £) with
early tradition — from the mission of the Baptizer (" The Christian church
sprang from a movement which was not begun by Christ. When he
appeared upon the scene, the first wave of this movement had already
passed over the surface of the Jewish nation," Ecce Homo, chap. i.). Such,
on this hypothesis, is the programme of Mark. The unique quotation
1 Yet iu Mk-Mt it consistently refers to a preceding sentence.

APPENDIX 637
from the OT is only another proof of the exactness with which the author
strove to reproduce the primitive tradition of Jesus upon this point.
Soltau, however (Eine Liicke d. Synopt. Forschung, pp. 1-7), has recently
adhered to those who delete l2b, adding also n". 20 (fr0m Mt 614- J5).
Mk l111 is unfortunately amissing in Syr-Sin.
Mark 938-40 i41>. — Perhaps one of the few interpolations inserted (from
Lk 949"50?) by another hand: note especially the interruption of the
argument between vers. 37 and 41, and the reference to the Name (?).
For this and other instances vide Pfleiderer, Urc. pp. 391, 392, 416, and
Carpenter, First Three Gospels, p. 280 n. Keim, however, attributes the
paragraph to the writer of the gospel (iv. 334), who has misplaced it, and
this " episodical " view is quite sufficient for the data ; similarly Schanz
(pp. 304, 305) and Weiss (-Meyer, pp. 162-164). In common with
many who reject the Ur-Marcus hypothesis (recently defended by
Beville, 1. pp. 472-477), Sir John Hawkins (Horae Synopticae, p. 122)
takes the extant gospel as practically representing the Petrine source
used afterwards by Matthew and Luke. He finds, nevertheless, the hand of
a later editor or scribe or owner of a gospel, in passages like l1 ('L70-0O
XpioToO), 941 (onx- eare) ["a marginal gloss," Schmiedel, EB, i. p. 752], 835
and 1029- 80 (mention of gospel and of persecutions), 637 ana 14° (the
numerals, 200 and 300), 513 (the 2000) and U6669 (the disagreement of
the false witnesses). The list might be extended, however. For Zahn's
admission, see above, pp. 28-29. He remarks, A propos of 6V1 Xpiarov eare
(941), "it is not the words of Jesus but of his church (Ro 89, 1 Co 323,
2 Co 107) that we hear." Which is undeniable, and points either to the
insertion of these words in a genuine logion, or more probably to the
apostolic origin of the whole passage in its present form. Blair (Apostolic
Gospel, p. 81 f.) traces a series of such secondary features and references
throughout Mark with considerable skill.
Mark 13. — An analysis of the eschatological section in the synoptists
(Mk 13 = Mt 24 = Lk 21) yields the interesting result,1 that along with
the sayings of Jesus the evangelists have incorporated a " small
apocalypse," which lay before them already in written form. This
apocalypse, printed above in darker type, consists of matter set in the
usual triple division common to apocalyptic literature (e.g. Apoc 912 ll14).
apXy ic-lvav—Mk 137- 8 = Mt 246-8 = Lk 21911.
6X(yjnS — „ 131420 = „ 241"-'2 = „ (212°-24).
napovala — „ 132427 = „ 2429'31 = „ 212527 (28>.
The intervening passages (e.g. Mk 139"13- 2123) are Christian2 exhorta
tions conceived in a different spirit of comfort, and interpolated between
the apocalyptic phases to emphasise the Christian atmosphere, while the
saying Mk 1330- 31 = Mt 2434- 35 = Lk 2132- 33 may quite well be a genuine
logion of Jesus. Although details of reconstruction differ,3 the
1 "Es gibt wenig Hypothesen, die sich in den Grundziigen ihres Bestaudes so
unausweichbar erwiesen und so einleucbtende Begriindung erfahren haben, wie
diese" (Holtzmann). The distinction between genuine and later sayings cannot be
carried out as precisely, however, throughout the rest ofthe discourse. The general
hypothesis that outside passages have passed into the evangelic tradition is an
inference from the literary situation of the evaugelists, and rests on evidence both
within (e.g. Lk ll4"') and without the NT.
2 The feud between kinsfolk is a standard trait of apocalyptic (4 Esdras 59, 624
etc.) ; so is the international quarrel of Mk 13s (4 Esdras 55, Apoc Bar 4932 etc).
3 Wendt, e.g. (LJ, i. p. 10 f. ; Teaching of Jesus (Eng. tr.), ii. p. 366 n.), finds the
oracle in the words preserved by Mk 137-9°- 14a)- 2J-27- 30'-, which represent a Jewish-
Christian apocalypse, absorbed for the most part in external and political circumstances.

638 APPENDIX
apocalypse as a whole detaches readily from the context, and forms by
itself an intelligible unity, even although it has been overlaid with fresh
colours x by the various evangelists or by their predecessors. It forms a
fly-leaf of prophecy, a palimpsest which lies beside the surrounding
contents of the gospels with a distinctly alien appearance. A fragment
from it is also used elsewhere in Lk 1731.
Like most apocalyptic sketches, it goes back for its scenery and
imagery to Daniel, from which it derives the ideas common to itself and
the Jewish pseudepigrapha. Coincidences are to be noted between it
and the Johannine apocalypse, but these are little more than the stereo-
t}'ped conceptions of the general apocalyptic literature.
Wars,2 earthquakes, and
famine ... Mt 246-8 = Apoc 64-8- 12-14 cp. Bar. 708, 4 Esd 6« 93 1331 etc.
preaching to nations . ,, 24« = 146 (fulfilled, Col 15-6. 23).
endurances to end „ 2413 = 226 cp. 4 Esd W- 8, 625
unparalleled affliction . ,, 2421 = 1613 cp. Dan 121
physical disturbances . ,, 2429 = 612-14 812 912 cp. Ass. Mos. 104 f-
mourning over Son of
man's appearance . ,, 2430 =17 cp. Zech 1210, Barn 79
commission to angels of
winds . . . ,, 2431 = 71 cp. Dan 72, Enoch (passim).
passing of earth and
heaven, etc. . „ 2435 = 6« 1717 211 cp. 4 Esd 731, Enoch 9115
standing before God Lk 2136 = gi7
(The parallels are quoted from Matthew, as that gospel preserves the
apocalypse in a more primitive form — cp. prjoe aafifidTa, evQeas — than
even Mark, a proof that the original text was accessible to the author of
Matthew.4 Such parallels might be multiplied, as Baldensperger shows,
The rest of the chapter contains genuinely Christian elements, which the redactor has
blended with the other piece. For another ingenious reconstruction by J. Weiss,
cp. SK, 1892, p. 259 f. He distinguishes a Jewish apocalypse in Mk 13'4- '?-».
22.25b-27j and refuses to admit that even the rest of the chapter is in its present form a
unity. Vers. 9b-13 and 28-31 originally occupied other settings. Kabisch simply
finds an interpolation in Mt 2415"31 ; Reville (ii. p. 310 f.), in Mt 24u-i2. 2s-2e.37.51
251"46, disinters fragments of the Logia.
1 In Luke 2113 piapriptov may have its darker and later sense of martyrdom (Clem.
Rom. 5), as J. Weiss suggests, although the customary interpretation, "an oppor
tunity for bearing witness," serves well enough. In vers. 12-15 Paul and Stephen
are certainly in the author's mind as he writes.
2 These formed part of the apocalyptic stock-in-trade, and are probably clue to
little else than the fashion of the literary tradition. But, as it happens, contem
porary phenomena of nature can be found to match most of the descriptions ; cp.
particularly Renan's vivid picture, L 'antichrist, chap. xiv.
3 Remarkable enough to deserve printing in full, as an instance of the general
similarities :
Mt, 0 vcropifivas us ri\os ovros o-cw9^crET«i=Esd. 97- 8, et erit omnis qui salvus factus fuerit et
qui poterit effugere per opera sua vel per
fidem, in qua credidit, is relinquetur de
praedictis periculis et videbit salutare meum.
4 As is well known, Papias attributed an apocalyptic passage to Jesus (Iren. adv.
Haer. v. 33. 2) which originally belonged to one of the pre-70 a.d. sources of the
Apocalypse of Baruch (chap. 27-30). The same tendency betrays itself in the
attribution to Jesus of passages taken from or founded on the Wisdom literature
(Mt ll28-3oj Lk 1149), On the exposure of tbe early church to such theologoumena,
cp. Harnack, HD, i. pp. 100-105. It may be (as Driver, after Sanday, conjectures : DB,
i. pp. 12, 13) that the language of the original synoptic apocalypse was more general,
and that, " during the years of agitation and tension which preceded the final struggle
of a.d. 70, it was modified so as to give more definite expression to such appre
hensions." All literature of that class was liable to such revision and adaptation.
But there is really no evidence in this case to justify the supposition. Apocalyptic
interpretation was never greatly concerned to be literal.

APPENDIX 639
almost indefinitely from the current literature of the time). How con
genial such utterances were to the feverish age, 60-70, in Jerusalem and
Palestine, may be illustrated from Josephus' story of the wild peasant
who roamed through the capital in the year 62, howling in a wail of
doom, " Woe, woe to Jerusalem ! " His name is given as Jesus ben
Ananias. The date and the character of the synoptic apocalypse are allied
questions. If its origin be in Caligula's age, a product — like some part
of the Johannine apocalvpse — of the stress and horror stirred up then by
his desecrating insults to Judaism,1 it is of Jewish origin (Iselin,
ZSchz, 1886, p. 134 f .). Against this, however, must be set the general result
of recent criticism upon the larger apocalypse, which does not seriously
favour the Christian exploitation of Jewish pieces. It is much more prob
able that the small apocalypse is a Jewish-Christian production, composed
amid the restlessness and fevered anticipations of the seventh decade - by
some Palestinian author, as the horrors and fears of the Boman cam
paign began to throw their shadows over the country and the church.
Hausrath, like Colani, Pfleiderer, and Keim, dates it (iv. p. 247) from or
just before the years 68-70 a.d., as it seems to have a certain retrospect of
suffering and warfare already behind it, while Renan seems to put its
composition after the siege altogether (?). Wendt more probably locates it
somewhere between 60 and 70 ; in the earlier part of that seventh decade it
is most reasonable (with Weizsacker) to look for its period, before the crisis
had become definite. Spitta, however, holds to the period c. 40 a.d. (Offen-
barung Johan. pp. 493-497), interpreting the apocalypse as an outcome
of Caligula's freak, while J. Weiss (SK, 1892, pp. 246-270) chooses widely
between 40 and 69. But really almost any of these periods would suit the
conditions and nature of the synoptic apocalypse. It represents the
growth of semi-literal imagery round the nucleus of language that was
used by Jesus in a free and ideal sense, a growth fostered by the Messianic
hopes of the period, and by the undoubted connection of Jesus with these
hopes in the primitive evangelic tradition.
Generally, the theory of this "small apocalypse" was started by
Colani (Jesus-Christ et les Groyances Messianiques de son Temps,2 1864,
p. 201 f.), and Weiffenbach (Der Wiederkunftsgedxinke Jesu, 1873, pp. 69 f.,
135 f.), adopted by writers like Baldensperger and Schwartzkopff, from
the side of research into Christ's consciousness, and reinforced by others
from the side of literary and historical criticism, e.g. by Vischer (TU, n. 3,
p.9 n.), Pfleiderer (Jahrb. d. Theol. 1868, pp. 134-149 ; Urc. p. 402 f .), Simons,
Mangold (-Bleek), Weizsacker (AA, ii. p. 22 f. (c. 64-66 a.d.)), Eenan
(L'antechrist, chpp. iii. xii.; Les Evangiles, pp. 123-125), Carpenter (First
Three Gospels, pp. 247-250), and Cone (Gospel Criticism, p. 276 f.). Keim has
a full exposition (v. p. 235 f.) ; cp. also Holtzmann (Einl. pp. 363, 373,
374; HC, i. p. 259 f. ; NTTh, i. pp. 327, 328), Wernle (Syn. Frage, pp.
212-214), O. Holtzmann (Das Ende des jiidischen Staatswesens. p. 669),
Cheyne (EBi, i. pp. 21-23), Charles (Grit. Hist. Eschatology, p. 324 f ., dating
1 In this event, and if the fra-ixvypu*. rf.s ipwie-iots be identified with the "man of
sin" (2 Th2H2), it follows that the author ofthe third gospel has altered the original
purport of the saying. In his hands it is shaped into a picture of the Roman siege
of 68-70 a.d. ; indeed his whole treatment of it reflects the wider experiences and
retrospect of Christians in the outside Empire.
2 It was a time, says Taoitus (Hist. I. 2), " Opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors
secutionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevum. Quattuor principes ferro iuterempti. _ Trina
bella civilia, plura externa ac plerumque permixta." Josephus (Ant. y.x. 8. 5) bears
a similar testimony to the demoralised and excited condition of Palestine.

640 APPENDIX
it 67-68), and apparently W. A. Brown (DB, iii. pp. 676, 777), with Dr.
G. L. Cary (IH, i. pp. 274-292).
There are adverse discussions in Godet's Luke (ad loc), and Briggs's
Messiah of Gospels (1894), chap. iv. ; also in Haupt's Die Eschatologischen
Aussagen Jesu in den Syn. Evglien (1895), pp. 21-45, which is the fairest
conservative statement of the case.1 Like Weiss and Beyschlag, Dr.
Sanday still hesitates (DB, ii. pp. 635, 636), and even to Prof. Bruce the
critical analysis was " ingenious but not convincing " (ExGT, i. p. 290 ;
cp. Tlie Kingdom of God, chap. xii.). Stevens (NTTh, pp. 152-156), while
admitting that Matthew's version " involves Jesus in a tissue of con
tradictions," chooses also to refer the incongruities of the discourse to
"subjective combinations and misapprehensions on the part of the early
disciples." The well-known references in Papias and Irenaeus, to say nothing of
the freedom with which Luke has handled the primitive evangelic
tradition, show how easily edifying material could be attributed to Jesus,
particularly as the early Christians breathed apocalyptic hopes and fears
at the age when the sources of the gospels were composed, and even later
(vide Kabisch, Eschatologie des Paulus, 1893, pp. 1-12). It has often been
conjectured that this apocalypse is actually the oracle which, according to
Eusebius (HE, III. 5. 2, 3, Kara riva xPT7^^ Tols avrodi Sokiuois 6Y
drroKaXvyjreios rrpb tov 7roXe'/iou eKciadevra ktX), was the means of prompting
the Christians to migrate from Jerusalem to the refuge of Pella in
Peraea. At any rate, this fly-leaf of prophecy was intended, like other
apocalypses (Apoc 1318 17s) to be read (6 avayivaaKav i/oeiVw = Barn. 29t46,
awievai ovv oiheiXere, 4 Esdras 610)2 and solemnly pondered in view of the
crisis. Its incorporation with the eschatological utterances of Jesus is due
(a) to the probable existence of genuine eschatological sayings in the
evangelic tradition, which received fresh accent and emphasis when the
crisis of 65-70 arrived ; and (b) to the vivid zest for apocalyptic ideas
which gained more and more foothold in the Palestinian circles of early
Christianity, especially during these years of crisis. It is quite a pre-
critical idea to confuse this position with the dogmatic assumption
(omne vaticinium ex eventu) that Jesus could not have foreseen the course
of events beyond his own lifetime. The point is, that whatever he could
have uttered, it is in the highest degree unreasonable to attribute to him
this programme of events and ideas, many of which were not even upon
the horizon in the third decade of the first century (notice even Paul's
references, some nineteen or twenty years later, 1 Th 413-18). Unless
historical criticism is to be deliberately abandoned, the only method of
reaching back to the genuine eschatological logia of Jesus is to strip away
1 Though even Haupt is forced to admit (p. 45) the possibility that alien words
may have been attributed to Jesus in good faith, but erroneously ; also, that later
ideas of time and events have been worked into his words. Cp. Holtzmann, GGA
(1895), p. 329 f. " So much of the Jerusalem discourse as is true apocalypse re
presents the belief of the early church ; so much of it as is simple prophecy of
suffering ending in victory speaks to us from the heart of Jesus himself" (Cary). But
it is doubtful whether these two elements can still be disentangled with much
certainty. [N. Schmidt (Journ. Bibl. Lit. 1900, p. 22) dates the apocalypse too late.]
2 Cheyne aptly compares Dante, Inf. 96l-63.
"O you that have a sane intelligence,
Look ye unto the doctrine which herein
Conceals itself 'neath the strange verses' veil" (W. M. Rossetti).
There is no need to attribute the words in Matthew to Jesus, in Mark to the evangelist
(IH, i. p. 276).

APPENDIX 641
the self-evident accretions of the apostolic age. Otherwise, the alternative
would be to treat the whole evangelic eschatology as a series of free com
positions, in which the original thoughts of Jesus lie hopelessly buried.
As they stand, the synoptic apocalypses cannot be brought within the
limits of a single personality or situation without self-contradiction.

THE LOGIA
For obvious reasons it has not been possible to mark in the printed text of
Matthew or Luke, the strata belonging to the incorporated Logia-docu-
ment. This source, however, can be detected with approximate certainty.1
It probably consisted of " Logia," i.e. sententious words of Jesus regarded
as utterances of the divine Mind, preserved in prose (as opposed to
xpyapoi, the poetical form), and carrying with them a certain flavour of
authority. Designed for instruction and edification, these traditional
sayings of Jesus (\6yoi tov Kvplov 'lyaov, Clem Rom 131 467) naturally
covered only a small portion of his life ; even with the attached fragments
of introductory narrative, they afforded little more than a bare sketch of
the more salient points and phases in his career. Probably they
emanated from the Palestinian, or even the Jerusalemite, circle of the
early Christians. They represented the earliest attempt to crystallise in
written form the apostolic tradition of Jesus as the teacher. Their
contents may be most adequately defined as a practical manual of
evangelic principles (which in the nature of the case assumed a biographic
form), reflecting the current tradition of Jesus and his personality, but
ultimately drawn up by a man who had somewhat definite views of his
own, or rather who belonged upon the whole to the more liberal party of
Jewish Christianity. " While the author was a man of conservative views,
he was without controversial temper or interest " (McGiffert). Probably
he sympathised with that large central body in the early church, which
stood aloof from theological extremes. His personality is therefore less
marked than his position. Indeed, so far as it is proper to speak at all of
any one author or final editor in connection with these Logia, he was the
representative of that average, characteristic piety which silently main
tained itself amid the various parties of primitive Christianity, just as it
afterwards formed their rallying-point. Behind the author of the Logia
stood the generation whose faith he voiced. In this document, and in the
[Continued on page 643.
1 This is admitted by many who refuse to go further in the critical analysis of
Matthew. The hypothesis that this gospel represents a compilation of various
documents has been for some time quite a derelict ; but it has recently been refitted
with considerable skill by Soltau (Eine Liicke d. Synopt. Forschung, 1899 ; ZNW,
1900, pp. 219-248, '-'zur Entstehung des I Evglms."), who finds that our canonical
Matthew is a second edition, containing additions from the hand of its final editor
(1-2, 3»- is 414-16 817 1217-21 1314. 15 1335 2653- 5B 279- 10 ; also 21M 26i5b 273"10, as
due to the prophetic tendency of the writer ; also, additions to the story of the
passion, 2762-2820, with 2719- M- 25- 52- 53 2734- 43- 57, and the three Petrine legends ;
besides 518- ls 1910-12). These are coloured by a uniform tinge. They reflect an
author of catholic sympathies and dogmatic prepossessions in favour of the OT,
anxious to discover a modus Vivendi between Christianity and the Empire. The
original Matthew, undogmatic and anti-Jewish, already lay before him, with its com
bination of the Marcan tales and the Logia. Its author, however, was not a Jewish-
Christian, nor a Paulinist, but a sharp opponent of Judaism who endeavoured to
mediate between Jewish-Christianity and Paulinism. The author of the third gospel,
Soltau conjectures, knew only the Proto-Matthew, not the final edition.
41

642

APPENDIX

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APPENDIX

643

Wekdt's Reconstruction.

ROKIIRICIl'S

Reconstruction.

M37-12 .

Lk 37-9- 16. 17 J

It 31-12(14.16?)

Lk 31-20

„ 5-7(pt.) . .

=

,, 620-49 lgl7. 18

„ 41-11

-

41.13

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=

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—

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=

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736-50

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819-22

=

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_

957 -60

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101-16. 40 .42 J- .
=
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,, 932-34.37.38
=
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" ll2"-2! J
„ 1125-30 1316-17
=
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,, 105-15 20-33
=
,, 122-9
u 67-15 77-11 .
=
„ 11113
,] ff'2-" 1222-Jo 104
=
„ 1114-32 045
„ 622f. 231-36
—
1133-54
„ 1024-331232
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„ P*-"
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„ 24«-51 25112 .
=
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„ 1034-39 513 .
=
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(„ 1249-53
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„ 1039-41 .
=
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„ 1331-33 713 f. 22f )
„ 811 1. 221-U I"
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, Hl-6.7-15
=
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„ 2337-39
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„ 1331-35
1116-30
j„ 731-35
„ 1210 f.
=
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=
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147-11. 12-14 153. 8-32
, 1222-23.27.28.
30 =
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—
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1233-45
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„ 175-6
, 1316.17.24-30.
, 1344-50 .
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= ,, 1023.24 1320
177-10.11-19.20.21
, 101-4. 17-20
=
„ 1254 176
„ 2426-2S.37-41
,, 1722-35. 37 181-8 1911-27 2134-36
1724-27
416-30 539 191-10
', 187.10.11.13-35 =
„ 171151-7(174)
„ 2115 f.
-
„ 1937-44
, 201-16
„ 214* .
—
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, 2128-32
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„ 134446.52
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„ 2531-46
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2514-30
=
„ (1912-27)
2531-10
gospels, as in the Homeric epos or the Scots ballads, we hear the collective
genius of an age ; it is not an individual utterance so much as that of the
nation, or of the Community.
In the accompanying five specimens of critical reconstruction, the
occasional Marcan or Johannine parallels have been excluded, for the sake
of clearness. In spite of the divergences, it will be noted that the various
attempts coincide in attributing to the source and its editors a large
number of common sections throughout Matthew and Luke ; the apparent
intricacy of the problem will be surprising only to those who forget the
more complex process by which early documents, like those of the
Hexateuch, could be edited and arranged by various redactors.
644 APPENDIX
Holtzmann's discussion of the contents of this second source is given
in his Synopt. Evglien. (1863), pp. 126-157 ; cp. also Bruce, Miraculous
Element in Gospels,2 pp. 103-108. For Wendt, cp. his Lehre Jesu, passim;
for Eoehrich, his La composition des E"vang. p. 94 f. 265 f. Weiss (INT, ii.
§ 45) prefers to call the document an original apostolic source ( = the Hebrew
Matthew) accessible in a Greek translation to all three evangelists, con
taining not a collection of sayings or speeches, but discourses grouped
round certain leading events in the life of Jesus, which were not
chronologically arranged, but simply marked by the formula preserved in
Mt 728 ll1 135*3 191 261. Resch (moat recently in his Die Logia Jesu, nach
dem griechischen u. hebrdischen Text wiederhergestellt, 1898) makes the Logia
cover the sufferings, death, and ascension of Jesus as well, concluding
with a list of the apostles (Ac 1) ; but he has found little or no support.
It is to be noted that on Seville's anatysis the eschatological discourse in
Mt (p. 638) is composed of the apocalypse taken from the Proto-Mark, with
the following fragments of the Logia intercalated, 24"- 12- 26-28- 37"sl 25.
The Logia, he thinks, were as a whole considerably more sober in their
employment of prediction than the other synoptic sources ; Mt 2334- 3S-3r- S8
is a quotation from some unknown apocalyptic source.
If these Logia be referred to the traditional writing of Matthew,
their date 1 is in the seventh decade of the first century. This is cor
roborated, and for most critics independently suggested, by the internal
evidence ; there are no indications of the fall of Jerusalem, but, on the
other hand, the writer has lived long enough to see the hope of the second
advent wane. His motive for writing was in part the desire to rekindle
this hope, and that implies the death of a considerable number of eye
witnesses. The general standpoint is that of the Palestinian circles in
early Christianity. " Wenn wir in der Grundschrift sehen, dass die
abschliessende Begriindung der neuen Gemeinde mit der Einweihung in
den Tod Jesu und der Umbildung der messianischen Hoffnungen durch
denselben eins ist, so lernen wir aus den Zukunfts- und weiterhin den
Gemeindereden der Eedesammlung, wie das Mittelglied dieser grossen
Urnwalzung eben die Lehren sind, auf Grund welcher die Zuriick-
bliebenen sich ganz im Dienste des zu seiner Erhohung hingegangenen,
als Verwalter seiner Sache, und Erben seiner Zukunft wussten, und wie
sie von diesem Standpunkte aus allmahlich aus seine Weissagungen die
Geschichte der Welt als die Geschichte seine Reiches erkennen kbnnten "
(Weizsacker). The characteristics of the source, however, are not quite
homogeneous, and have been variously interpreted as Jewish Christian or
neutral. There is also uncertainty as to its original scope — whether it
embraced the latter part of Christ's life or not — and upon the possibility
that it was edited in more than one translation before it reached the
i Wilkinson dates it (in Hebrew) c. 40 a.d. and (in Greek translations) some
twenty-live years later, finding traces of it in the Ebionite gospel and the gospel
according to the Hebrews ; but this is certainly too early. The author or authors
cannot any longer be ascertained. See above, pp. 265-266.
It is usually held that Matthew had access to no sources beyond the Logia and
Mark, or at least that such can no longer be traced. A possible exception, however,
is the genealogy (Mt l1-!'), which may have been adapted by the writer for his own
didactic ends. Such registers were carefully kept in many families, owing to the
importance of a pedigree for official purposes — if we may trust contemporary Jewish
evidence (Schiirer, HJP, n. i. pp. 210, 212).
Several passages, e.g. IV, 233, 2420, are repeatedly but inadequately taken as
glosses ; it is at any rate needless to mark them in the text, as they formed part of the
original book, though not of its earliest component source.

APPENDIX 645
synoptic authors. The popularity of the book would naturally lead to
its reproduction in many versions, just as its incorporation in the larger
gospels would account for its own disappearance. They increased, but it
decreased. Its function was discharged when its contents were absorbed
in writings of wider scope and depth ; and there would be no further
interest in preserving it, side by side with these more comprehensive
volumes. The rise of the synoptic gospels shows that, as time went on,
the simple and impressive stories of Jesus, which formed tho earliest
deposit of the Christian tradition, failed to satisfy the wider needs of
Christendom, and that the class of writings to which the Logia as well as
the Ur-Marcus belonged, had come into existence when the requirements
of faith were less exigent. Like most popular growths, their exact origin
eludes the research of later ages.
Who over saw the earliest rose first open her sweet breast?
Even their shape would have remained for ever indistinct, had it not
been that the artless, unpremeditated nature of such counsels and
reminiscences led to their partial preservation in those ampler and more
deliberate compositions which bloomed in the last quarter of tbe first
century — that flowering-time of early Christian literature.

Mt 518-19. — Widely taken as a Jewish-Christian interpolation, e.g.
hy Baur, Hilgenfeld, Strauss, Kbstlin, Holtzmann (HG, ad loc. ; NTTh,
i. pp. 152-154), Dr. Cone (Gospel and its Interpret, p. 89), Soltau,
Pfleiderer (Urc. p. 492 f.), Reville (ii. p. 37), and Jacoby (NT Ethik).
The apparent contradiction between the legalistic standpoint here and a
passage like 2240 would not be a sufficient reason for rejecting the verses,
for this duality is a feature of Matthew's representation of Jesus ; nor is
the particularism quite isolated (cp. 10s- 23 232- 3). But ver. 20 follows
ver. 17 very naturally (cp. Klopper, ZwTh, 1896, p. 1 f.), when the
fulfilment is taken to mean the real completion of the Law by the
Christian hiKaioabvy, in contrast to the imperfect method of the current
religionists. In that case the saying (17 -I- 20) forms the basis of the
subsequent antithesis between the higher method of Jesus, which is the
true and ideal fulfilment of the Law, and the inadequate traditional
fulfilment. Consequently, to re-affirm in rigid Jewish fashion (Bar.
41 j cp. Edersheim's Jesus the Messiah, i. pp. 536-539) the literal signi
ficance and perpetuity of the Law is out of place, whether authentic or
not (cp. Wernle, pp. 113, 183 ; Dr. G. L. Cary, IH, i. pp. 103, 104).
The whole question is bound up with the difficult1 problem of
Christ's actual relation to the Jewish Law (literature in Weiss-Meyer,
apud Mt 517"20), and the interpretation of that attitude by the apostolic
age with its own strong and varied currents. I see no reason for suspect
ing (with Holtzmann) more than vers. 18, 19 as an interpolation, or for
taking the whole section as a Jewish-Christian programme against Gal
214"21, 2 Co 517 ; nor is it likely that Jesus merely quoted the_ words of
vers. 18, 19 as Pharisaic tenets" (as Weizsacker suggests, AA, i. p. 36 f.).
When they are held, as is quite legitimate, to be an accurate reflection of
Christ's conservative recognition that the written Law was absolutely and
1 518-19 is not so clearly apostolic as 16"> 1815 f- 2816-20. To the man who cannot
hear in these latter passages the voice of primitive apostolic Christianity, the
historical criticism of the gospels will remain for the most part a sealed book.

646 APPENDIX
eternally valid (Keim, iii. pp. 322-324) for himself and his disciples, the
best expositions are to be found in Wendt (LJ., Eng. tr. ii., pp. 7-22),
Bruce (Kingdom of God, pp. 63-68), and Denney (DB, iii. pp. 73, 74). The
saying (cp. Lk 1617) seems to have belonged to the Lo^ia, but in its
present form represents a Jewish-Christian current of tradition in the
early church. Jesus is correctly represented as repudiating iconoclasm.
But would he have extended the aegis of his authority to the ceremonial
details of the law without qualification ?
Mt 1618, kolX eVl ravrg rfj rrerpa oiKoSopyao) pov rgv eKKAgaiav. —
(Unfortunately Mt IB15-!?11 is lost' in Syr-Sin). An addition to the
original gospel, composed in the second century as a result of and a
support to the Petrine Catholicism of the Roman church : so Harnack (TU,
i. 3, p. 1491), Wendt (LJ, i. pp. 180, 181), and Resch (TU,x. 2, pp. 187-
198, 441 ; Logia Jesu, p. 55). The silence of the early church literature at
points where it would most naturally have quoted such a passage (and
where even ver. 19 is quoted) 1 is striking : 2 not even in tbe Jewish-
Christian Clementines, devoted to the glorification of Peter, nor in Justin
or Clem. Alex., can any definite trace of the saying be found. It occurs
first in Tertullian and Origen. Even in the Petrine Mark it is omitted.
Hence the conjecture that it is the addition of a Western redactor in the
second century. The chief reconstructions are :
Wendt : MaKapios el Sijiooi' ftapiavci- ai) et Tlerpos, Kal rrvXm ahov oil
Kanaxvaovaiv aov.
Resch : MaKapios el, Sipeov j3apiwvd, gti ab.p£ Kal dlpa ovk aTreKCtAVj^ev aoi,
dXX' 6 TTaryp pov 6 ev rois ovpavois- Kayio Xeyin aoi, bri rrvXai
qdov ov Kanaxvaovaiv aov.
Weiss rejects ver. 19 also, but this is unnecessary. Like 2816-20, this passage,
however, is quite credible in the period 75-90. 3 Blair (Apostolic Gospel,
pp. 325-331) regards the original saying (less the reference to Peter and
the allusion to the church) as addressed to the twelve, and based on Lk
1021 ; and Wernle (op. cit. pp. 135, 136, 192) suggests that the canonical text
blends two different conceptions of the "Rock "-name : the one personal,
referring to the experience of the second Coming (parallels in TU, xni.
p. 26), the other ecclesiastical, denoting the primacy of Peter. The origin
of the passage, he conjectures, may have been the strife between the
original apostles and Paul ; the whole section 17-19 is an addition —
whether of the evangelist or of his predecessors or followers — not the
oldest text. So Dr. G. L. Cary, IH, i. pp. 214-218. Whatever view be
adopted, it is no argument to defend the passage by insisting on its
highly poetic or dramatic character. Why should we assume that the
writers of the gospels were dull, prosaic beings 1 No one denies that the
1 Tatian, e.g., appears to have merely read xai <JV.c- uaxapus iTHlcv,- xai T-d«. aZov d
xarto-zvc-ovo-iv ti- o-v t7 Hirpos (but cp. Zahn, GK, ii. p. 546}.
2 Cp. Carpenter, First Three Gospels, pp. 275-277), Soltau, Drummond's Hibbert
Lectures, Via, Veritas, Vita (Lect. i. p. 15 f.), and J. Keville, Les origines de
VEpiscopat, I. p. 31 f. In any case the passage is Christian, even if it is not
Christ's. The question at issue really is, whether Jesus contemplated a permanent
society of his followers ; and if so, whether such an expression of it is historically
probable within his lifetime (Reville, n. pp. 220, 485 f., 499).
3 To defend the passage (vers. 16-20) as an integral part of a Christian book
written in the seventh decade (Keim, iv. pp. 266, 267 ; Stevens, NTTh, p. 136 f. ; and
Zahn, Einl. ii. p. 294, etc.) is a highly improbable solution. The alternatives are (a)
either a late interpolation in an early gospel, or (b) an integral part of a gospel which
is a product of the advanced Christian consciousness. I prefer the latter.

APPENDIX 6 4*7
passage is worthy of Jesus. Had it been unworthy, we may be sure it
would not have been inserted. In fact, the ordinary defence of the
passage as a noble idealistic conception, worthy of its occasion and author,
is quite irrelevant. To say, for example, that " no ordinary man who
saw* the form in which the church actually became historical, could have
spoken of it in this lofty strain" (Denney, Studies in Theology, p. 178) is
hardly accurate, even if an agreement could be arrived at upon the
definition of "ordinary." Surely, e.g., Paul had an experience of the
local churches that would have sickened most men, and turned their
idealism into a dull, sober estimate. But did that prevent him from
cherishing and expressing in a grand style such conceptions of the church
as those given in 1 Co 12, Col lls f-, etc. ? See also Ephesians throughout,
1 Pet 21-10, and the magnificent rhapsody in Heb 1222f- (after the ex
periences of IO25'- 12" f- !), besides the dream of a later writer (Apoc 21,
22), who had passed through a disenchanting experience (Apoc 2, 3) of the
actual churches iu Asia Minor. The whole problem, indeed, is often mis
stated. It is not a question of whether Jesus gathered a circle of intimate
companions, whom he trained to propagate his ideas, or of how far
he anticipated a future career for them which would involve his memory
and spirit as their religious authority. The question is whether, with
his belief in his own speedy return and the evident limits by which his
outlook was beset, Jesus could have laid down the details of an ecclesiast
ical structure (Mt 16ls 1816f) which presupposed a settled and expand
ing future ; in a word, whether Jesus the religious idealist, the prophet,
the martyr, was also the religious organiser.
289. io. — The disruption of the narrative (vers. 7, 8, 11) by this passage,
together with its similarity to Jn 20141S, has suggested the idea that it
represents an editorial addition (date, 100-150 a.d.), inserted for the
purpose of increasing the Jerusalem-appearances of Jesus after the
resurrection, and thereby producing something like uniformity between
the synoptic stories and that of the fourth gospel. Rohrbach (Der
Schluss des Markus-evangeliums, 1894) also attributes to the same editorial
process of supervision, under the charge of the Asiatic presbyters, the
displacement of Mark's original close by the extant appendix (161920),
which was taken from Aristion and corresponds to the gospel of Peter,
besides the insertion, in the third gospel, of 2412. The passage in Matthew
(289- 10), even if it is not " meaningless and undignified " (Keim), certainly
adds nothing to what has already been said by the angels (Wernle, op. cit.
pp. 176, 177). The writer also is apparently acquainted merely with the
incomplete Mark (1-168). For this and other less probable interpolations
in Matthew's narrative, cp. Keim (vi. pp. 308, 309) and Soltau (as above,
p. 641). Otherwise, the verses must be simply taken (Weiss) as a character
istic addition made by the evangelist himself to the apostolic source upon
which he worked. Mt 288"™d is unfortunately amissing in Syr-Sin.
2816-20.— A later appendix : so, besides Strauss, Hilgenfeld, and
Havet (iv. p. 280), Keim, who regards it as a wandering passage, contain
ing a baptismal formula, which originated in the first half of the second
century (vi. pp. 368-373, v. pp. 338, 339), but recapitulating some genuine
commands of Jesus. Resch (Logia, p. 217) reconstructs it thus : rrop.ovv p:
tr. r. c. koi BarrTiaare avroiis els pov rbv 6d.va.rov en' ovoparos rov deov
irarpbs Kal paprvpia rrvevparos TrapaKXyrov ktX. Similarly Schwalb, Unsere
vierEvgln, 1885, pp. 201, 202. Besides the conception of Jesus as the source
of authoritative rules and regulations for the church, and the idea of
Christ's spiritual presence (ver. 20 = 1820), which can hardly be primitive,

648 APPENDIX
there are three notes of a late period in this passage, (a) The universal
mission (vers. 19, 20) 1 can hardly have been known to the first disciples,
or else they lived for years in flagrant disobedience to their Master's
solemn command, and only reluctantly recognised its fulfilment in the
Pauline gospel. For such an injunction as this could not be fulfilled by
any merely passive acknowledgment of its claims as met in another
man's person. It demanded active personal propaganda on the part of
the disciples, and this is precisely what was not forthcoming, to judge
from our records of the apostolic age. (b) The incipient Trinitarianism
marks a stage of apostolic reflection which is in advance even of that
indicated2 in Paul (2 Co 1313). It is not possible to hold that the
formula "sums up simply in a single phrase the theology of Jesus"
(Bruce, Apologetics, p. 464, and more cautiously Stevens, NTTh, pp. 146-
149), for although Jesus spoke of God as Father, and like every Jew had
an idea of the Spirit, it is the objective collocation3 of these with
himself that marks off this passage as unique. Besides, the references to
the Spirit in the synoptists require very careful sifting before they can be
used as evidence for Christ's own conception, (c) The use of the baptismal
formula 4 belongs to an age subsequent to that of the apostles, who em
ployed the simple phrase of baptism into the name of Jesus (els ^pio-roV,
eVi raj ovopan 'I. X.). Had this phrase been in existence and use, it is
incredible that some trace of it should not have survived ; whereas the
earliest reference to it, outside this passage, is in Clem. Rom. and the
Didache (Justin Martyr, Apol. i. 61).
The earliest background for such a passage, whose original form may
have resembled Jn 20 22- 23 (M. Arnold, Lit. Dogma, pp. 152, 153), is to be
found in the last quarter of the first century ; and when the gospel as a
whole is placed c. 80 a.d., it is not incredible that the words should form
an integral part of it. In this event they form a secondary tradition,
due not to Jesus but to the later spirit of the church,6 which, on the basis
1 The presence, side by side, of universal and particularistic sayings (e.g. IO5- 23
with this passage), forms, however, only one of several contradictions in Matthew.
The author seems, as Holsten remarks, to have had two souls within his breast.
The true praetorian guard of the universal principle in Christianity was not drawu
from the first companions of Jesus.
2 In view of 1 Co 12, 2 Co 317-18, this amplified expression requires nothing to
account for it, outside the ordinary usage of the terms. Certainly the passage in
Mt., though late, need not therefore be untrustworthy. " One tradition may be
later than another and more limited in circulation, and yet not be any less
authentic " (Sanday, DB, ii. pp. 213, 214). But it is begging the whole question to
proceed and argue that the triple baptismal formula was imposed on Paul and
the early church, and that therefore it must rest on some authority.
8 This forbids us to treat the Spirit here as the specific gift of the Messianic salva
tion. Its usage and its context point unmistakably to the later Christological sense.
4 Resch (TU, x. 2, pp. 381-428, 447 f.), like Roehrich (pp. 317-319), still asserts
the genuineness of the logion on baptism (vide Exp. Ti. vi. pp. 395-398), but on
inadequate grounds. Cp. also Zahn (Einl. ii. p. 309), and on the historical connection
of Jesus and the rite of baptism, Keim (op. cit.) and Bruce (Kingdom of God, p.
2571). On the other side, Teichmann (ZThE, 1896, p. 357 f.), Weizsacker (AA,
ii. pp. 252-254), but especially Holtzmann (NTTh, i. p. 378 f.).
5 This legitimate and faithful development is recognised on all hands. Cp.
besides Weizsacker and Wendt (LJ, i. pp. 212, 213), Harnack (HD, i. 79 n.), W.
Bruckner (PM 1899, pp. 107-110), Weiss (NTTh, i. p. 139 n., and in Meyer,8 ad
loc), Professor Bruce (Apologetics, pp. 463-465, and ExGT, i. pp. 338-340), Wernle
(op. cit. pp. 192, 195), McGiffert (AA, p. 61 n.), and even Canon Robinson (EBi,
i. p. 474). Dalman (Die Worte Jesu, i. pp. 136, 158 f., 235) promises a discussion in
a future volume.

APPENDIX 649
of Dan 714 1, idealised and expanded his earlier teaching under the growing
stress of reverence for his authority (Beyschlag, NTTh, i. pp. 178, 318), and
out of a consciousness of what his person and purpose meant to themselves
and to the world. " In maintaining that these commissions " [Mt 281G'20,
Lk 2445"49, Jn 202123, Mk 16151S] "are genuine" [i.e. ipsissima verba of
Jesus], " theologians simply waste their words and provoke unqualified
scepticism" (Blair, Apostolic Gospel, pp. 390-393). The least obnoxious
device of the harmonists 1 is to regard the references in Acts and Paul
(baptism into the single name or person of Jesus) as abridged statements
of the fact that the baptism was Christian, not as expressions of the
baptismal formula, which was really that enjoined by Christ. A passage
like Ac 183 certainly implies a connection of the Spirit with baptism,
but the connection is plainly (ver. 6) on a line with the other references
in Acts to the ecstatic connection of the two. It must not be viewed (as
e.g. by Denney, DB, i. p. 577) as a witness to the custom of Mt 2819.
It is very tempting to regard, not merely Iff0, but the whole com
mission, vers. 18-20, or even 16-20, as a later addition (so Wendt, Lehre
Jesu, i. p. 156, on 181720), composed out of the developing "Catholicism"
and christology of the church, and inserted as a conclusion to the gospel.
The main drawbacks are the absence of a textual basis and the abrupt state
of what would be the original Matthew. Could that writing have deliber
ately ended with ot Se eSiaraaav, or pexpi rrjs agpepov 1 Mark 16s is but
an imperfect parallel, and it would be rather difficult to conjecture how
so elaborate and considerable a history was left unfinished. Still in some
aspects the ending p. t. a. is rather effective ; it would be quite possible
as the close of the narrative, were it not for the obvious artistic motive of
the author in opening (chap. 5) and closing his narrative of Jesus' work
with a mountain scene.
[N.B. — The general background for later interpolations in the synoptic
gospels is hinted at in the well-known passage where Eusebius (HE, in.
37. 2) speaks of the work done by Christian evangelists during Trajan's
reign, in circulating the scripture of the divine gospels (ryv tS>v Beiav
ebayyeXlav rrapaSiSovai ypaqbgv) among those who were still ignorant of
the Christian faith. Both Holtzmann (HG, I. p. 23) and Reville
(i. p. 327) infer that Eusebius has confused the circulation of the gospels
with their composition, and that this period really saw the final editing
rather than the propagation of the gospels ; these writings being based
on documents like the Ur-Marcus and the Matthaean Logia, which had
been in circulation for decades. But the passage may also be a reflection
of that editorial activity (in Asia Minor) during the early years of the
second century, by which, as many scholars imagine, our canonical
gospels were harmonised and shaped into something like a uniform
collection. It is highly important to remember that our gospels were thus
arranged in a preliminary canon at. this time, for the step may have
easily set in motion harmonising influences which would affect the text
1 In regard to (a), the desperate plight to which literalists are reduced in refusing
to see the apostolic origin of Mt 28i<3-2u, is plain, when a scholar of Dr. Hort s
candour (Ecclesia, pp. 85-90) solves the problem of the twelve and the Gentiles thus.
It is inconceivable, he admits, that previously to Paul they preached beyond the
limits of Palestine. Up to the time of Ac 15 they did not believe themselves clearly
commissioned to go in person to the nations ; when the Pauline mission occurred,
they patronised it, and by this recognition believed themselves to be discharging
their task! As if Mt 2811-20 wa3 not an explicit "divine monition ! And as il
approving more or less cordially of another person's work absolved one from the
duty of personal obedience to the same command (wpuiHUns) !

650 APPENDIX
of the different books. Add to this their use in the worship of the
churches — a fact which helps to explain their structure, just as one some
times unravels the composition of the Scots ballads by recollecting that
they were originally made to be chanted to some homely lilt among the
peasantry. These and other contributory causes were at work upon the
text, and must have produced their effects prior to the earliest MS.
Indeed, the first quarter of the second century saw the rise of such
processes upon a not inconsiderable scale. The problem somewhat
resembles that set by the Psalter, in whose extant arrangement editorial
labour and liturgical aims are traceable, not only in the general scheme
of the collection, but in the structure of many individual psalms.]
Heb 3, 4. — It has been conjectured by Clemen that this repre
sents an original Christian homily inserted by the author at some
later time in his epistle (Exp.5 iii. p. 392 f.). He argues that 316 and
414-16 are aiiell to their present context, that they unite neither with
the preceding nor with the subsequent passages, and that the writing
37-413 implies conditions different from those which obtain throughout
the rest of the epistle. Chapters 3, 4 are consequently to be taken as
episodical. But the arguments in support of this position depend on
special interpretations of certain phrases, and are in no sense decisive.
The contrast of Christ with Moses certainly seems superfluous to a
modern mind, and even comes as an anti-climax after the contrast with
the angels ; but Hebrews was not written for a modern mind. In fact,
the data ingeniously collected by Clemen are only conclusive if we adopt
a priori ideas of the author's purpose and literary methods : they fail
to prove the case for an interpolation here. The passage in question fits
in to the context with sufficient relevance, and it cannot be said that the
ordinary exegetical methods for explaining the connection do real
violence to the text. At the same time it is quite credible that this
section, like other parts (11, 13) of the book, originally filled the role of
a Christian homily. The composite nature of Hebrews was felt as far
back as the sixteenth century ; to Luther it seemed " put together out
of many pieces." Yet the apparently disjointed episodes (21_i 3'-413
511-620 etc.) can for the most part be explained in their present context
as digressions. Whatever their career and function may have originally
been, the different parts of this epistle have been skilfully disposed by
an author of much literary tact, whose work contains (von Soden) moral
homilies, but is very far from being a mere collection of such pieces.
1318-24 (22--.<5)_ — ^n addition intended to give an epistolary cha
racter 1 to the book, or to secure belief in its Pauline authorship : so
Overbeck, Zur Gesch. Kanons, pp. 12-17 ; Weizsacker, AA, ii. p. 158 ;
Harnack, TU, 11. 2. pp. 106, 107, HD, ii. p. 47 n. ; Lipsius, GGA (1881),
p. 359 f. ; and Bruckner, Chron. pp. 36 f., 248 n. 1. This might involve
also either the accidental loss of an opening paragraph (cp. Deissmann,
Bibel-Studien, pp. 242, 243) containing the real author's name, or its
deliberate excision about 160-175 a.d. in order to further the epistle's
reception into the canon. The former hypothesis has a parallel in
3 Mace, of which the opening leaf has evidently been lost. But the
whole theory is dubious. It lacks confirmation, either in the textual or
in the canonical history of the writing, and there is every reason to
1 Reuss (pp. 241, 242) takes the whole chapter as a sort of after-thought, an
addition made by the author in order to apply his treatise to a particular circle of
Christians. The directions and motives of this chapter are consequently different
from those which prompted the composition of the previous twelve.

APPENDIX 651
suppose that, had a later writer introduced interpolations with the object
of Paulinising, he would have made his meaning much more clear
and explicit. The meagre reference to Timothy would hardly have
been adequate to bring the epistle under Paul's aegis. So, besides
Clemen and Holtzmann, von Soden (JpTh, 1884, pp. 435-439), and
Zahn (GK, i. p. 300 f. ; Einl. ii. pp. 121, 122). The passage, in fact, is as
integral and natural a part of the writing as any postscript could be.
Even the loss of a preface is rather an unnecessary supposition. The
abrupt and stately opening of Hebrews is like that of 1 John. In the
case of both, the original readers had a knowledge of the author from
other sources, which has quite faded from reliable tradition ; it was the
less likely to be preserved, as both writings were never meant or allowed
to be merely local.
There seems as little reason for doubting (with G. A. Simcox,
Exp. Ti. x. pp. 430-432) the homogeneity of chap. 13 as a letter of com
mendation or a series of excerpts from such letters. The double
reference to yyovpevoi (7, 17) is quite credible, if during the past history
of the church some of its leaders had died. Memory of the dead and
obedience to their living successors are not incompatible, nor do the two
counsels require to be bridged by the notice that successors had been
appointed. That might well be taken for granted.
[N.B. — In Luke (and even in Matthew), Acts, and the Apocalypse, it
has been found impracticable to notice all passages where an earlier
source and a later redactor can be suspected together. These passages
fall to be discussed in a commentary, and should be noticed in any first-
rate edition. As far as possible, only such passages are noted in these
books as are held to be interpolations by an editor or scribe, subsequent
to the composition of the book as a whole. But it is hard to carry out
this principle consistently.]
Lk l34-3^, — Like 107. 76-79. 8oj etc., an interpolation bv a redactor, accord
ing to Hillmann (JpTh (1891), pp. 192-261, "Die Kindheitsgeschichte
Jesu nach Lucas"). He traces this redactor at work especially in the
" supernatural " passages of Luke 1-2 ; cp. Holtzmann (HG, i. pp. 26-54 ;
NTTh, i. pp. 412, 413) and the critique by Resch (TU, x. 5, p. 73 f.).
Wernle objects with reason (op. cit. pp. 102-106) to the un- Lucan hypo
thesis of bold interpolations in an earlier source, as it conflicts with
the general method and characteristics of the historian. He agrees with
J. Weiss, however, that the tradition and source used by the author came
from Palestinian Jewish Christianity.1 J. Weiss (-Meyer, ad loc), for his
part, is more reticent than Hillmann in pronouncing on definite inter
polations ; he correctly refers Lk l4965 to the death of Herod Agrippa (Ac
12)— if Jewish-Christian — and dates the whole source previous to 70 a.d.
from its allusions to the Temple cultus (l9 222- 37- 49), the Messiahship
(l32- 68), etc. Professor Bruce (ExGT, i. p. 460) assumes the use (with a
few editorial touches) of an Aramaic Jewish-Christian source, which is
allowed to speak for itself ; and this may be said to represent the general
standpoint of many investigators. The problem of Luke 1, 2 can be,^ in
fact, approached along three avenues, (a) The use of a Jewish-Christian
source, revised and incorporated by the author of the gospel. (6) The
translation of a Hebrew (Aramaic ?) source by a later author, who may
1 On the " Messianic Psalms of the NT " (Lk 1-2), see Warfield, Exp? ii. pp.
309 f., 321 f.; also Zahn, Einl. ii. p. 404 f.: and Gore, Dissertations, p. 17 i.
N. Schmidt (EBi, i. p. 936) conjectures even that au Apoc. of Zechariah has been
used in Lk l72, which was current among the disciples of the Baptizer.

652 APPENDIX
have deepened the Christian element in his version, (c) The free com
position of the section by an author who skilfully suited his style so as to
be in keeping with this archaic and biblical subject. The first and most
likely of these methods is referred to above. The last-named has been
advocated by Zeller (Overbeck-Zeller, ii. p. 295 f.), Abbott,1 and most
recently Dalman (Die Worte Jesu, 1899, pp. 31, 32), while (6) is the
well-known theory of Resch and — in a modified form — of Blass (Evglm
sec Lucam xxiii. ; PG, p. 195). Vogel (Zur Gharakteristik des Lukas,
1897, p. 32 f.), however, regards the source as now indistinguishable from
the whole work.
The attempts to find a source for the birth-story in Mary (Gore,
Dissertations, p. 18 f.,2 etc.), or to trace feminine characteristics in the
record, belong to homiletics rather than to historical research. Luke's
object in presenting these narratives is probably due (Zeller, ii. pp. 233-
238) to the fact that he wished to assign a place in Christianity to
the traditional Jewish-Christian views of Jesus, especially as these
existed in sources which had come to his hand. These tales form a
circumstantial historical setting for the idea, which even Paul frankly
recognised, that Jesus had been "born under the law" (Gal 4s) as "a
minister of the circumcision" (Ro 158). The songs, which are not
distinctively Christian, probably were in existence among the Palestinian
communities, and are preserved here in much the same way as the verses
that occasionally recur in 1 Mace. On their resemblance to the Pss. of
Solomon, cp. Ryle and James's edition of the latter, p. xci f. ; Chase
(Camb. Texts and Studies, I. 3, pp. 147-151) acutely traces both back to the
Greek-Jewish prayers of the Hellenistic synagogues. It can hardly be
said that the songs of Mary and Zachariah are entirely appropriate to
the situations in which the author has introduced them ; but they are
at least as apt as those put into the mouth of Hannah (1 Sam 21"30),
Job (Job 28), or Jonah (Jon 22-10). Cp. Harnack's essay on "Das
Magnificat der Elisabet (Lk l4655), nebst einigen Bemerkungen zu
Lk 1-2 " (reprinted from SBBA, 1900).
The sources of the third gospel may be summarised as follows :—
(a) The gospel of Mark. (Blass argues that while Mk was variously
translated, by Luke among others, the extant Greek text of Mk
is not Luke's version, which is preserved in D and some old Latin
MSS ; Textkritische Bemerkungen zu Markus, 1899).
(6) The Logia, in a Greek recension, possibly different from that used
by the author of Matthew.
i He compares the difference between Shakspere's ordinary style in his English
plays and the massive dignity of his writing in Julius Caesar.
- The most candid defence of the traditional position. It is even admitted that
to accept the narrative as substantially historical is not incompatible with the
supposition that the angelic appearances and communications reported in chaps. 1-2
are "imaginative, outward representations of what were in fact real, but merely
inward communications of the ' divine word ' to human souls " (pp. 21, 22). It is
rather a drop from this momentary faithfulness to historical criticism, when the
writer goes on to seriously explain that Matthew 1-2 is based upon a sort of moral
certificate left by Joseph, in order to vindicate Mary's character ! Resch (Das
Kiiidheits-Evlgm. 1897) similarly builds upon family papers, from which excerpts
were made by the evangelists. On the function of the historical conscience in
dealing with these narratives, cp. Gardner, Explor. Evangelica, pp. 234-254,
Reville, i. pp. 374-384, and also Mr. Jas. Thomas' Our Records of the Nativity and
Modern Historical Research (1900), where some of the discrepancies and un-
historical elements in Mt 1-2, Lk 1-3, are discussed with unprejudiced ability.

APPENDIX 653
(c) Jewish Christian narratives originating in the Palestinian
communities, including —
the birth narratives,1 chaps. 1-2. (On the family registers
preserved for religious reasons, cp. Schiirer, HJP, u. i. 210-
212, iii. 14, with McGiffert's note in his translation of
Eusebius, apud HE, I. 7 ; also Reville, r. pp. 301-408).
(d) A collection of parables (i.e. those peculiar to Luke).
(e) A special source (Aramaic original ?) excerpted in 951-1814.
(/) Certain Aramaic sources (?)
(g) Matthew's gospel (?)
These, with the matter contributed by (Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 397-424) oral
tradition or the writer's originality, constitute the materials of the gospel as
it lies before us. But their precise form and original colouring cannot
always be recognised, since the author of the gospel has treated his
sources quite freely, without any attempt at slavish reproduction (K.
Stockmeyer, ZSchz (1884), pp. 117-149, on the varied sources of the Lucan
gospel). 2219b'20, to vrrep . . . eKx^wofievov. — Most complete textual and
critical discussion in Resch, TU, x. 3, pp. 624-656. The textual prob
lem resolves itself into a question of the relative originality of the
primitive abbreviated Western text (D) or the fuller text represented
in most MSS. The former is decisively and, upon the whole, rightly
upheld by WH (ii. pp. 63, 64, "no moral doubt that the words in
question were absent from the original text of Luke "), although textual
evidence to the contrary is very formidable. The scale is turned by con
siderations of internal probability, however, which seem to weigh rather
in favour of the omission. At least the difficulties upon that theory
are not greater than those offered by the ordinary text. To contract
an existing text was not so obvious a practice as that of expanding one
which appeared, in comparison with other narratives, to be disordered and
incomplete. (It is noticeable that Luke's order of the temptations (45'12)
also varies from that of Matthew.) The question is, whether is it more
likely that an early account of the supper (transposing as in Did 11, the
order of the bread and the cup) was expanded and altered (by the
addition of vers. 19b-20) 2 in order to bring it into line with the Pauline
tradition (1 Co ll24t), or that an originally ampler statement was
contracted, owing to the difficulty felt in a double mention of the
cup which contradicted NT tradition and liturgical practice alike ? It
is a nice point of criticism, and opinion is divided. Dr. P. Gardner
(Origin of the Lord's Supper, 1894), who attributes the supper to Paul's
initiative, moulded by the Eleusinian mysteries, follows WH;
similarly Brandt, Schiirer, Griife, Wendt (LJ, i.'p. 172 f.), Haupt (Ueber
d. ursprungliche Form u. Bedeutung d. Abendmahlsworte, p. 5f.), J. Weiss
1 The pedigree-source used by Luke is on the whole more trustworthy, though
less original, than that of Matthew ; but both are discrepant, mnemonically
arranged, compiled with considerable freedom, and due to the characteristic feeling
of the Palestinian Jewish Christians that the Davidic descent of Jesus was essential
to his legitimacy as Messiah — a notion, of course, foreign to the primitive tradition.
2 This derivation would be all the more natural, since Luke's gospel was in some
circles taken as the gospel of Paul. Blass (SE, 1896, p. 733 f. ; PG, pp. 179-182) goes
even further, and omits ver. 19* as well. Vers. 19"-20 were added from Paul by a scribe
to give apparent completeness to Luke's record, while (as he conjectures) ver. 19" was
put in from Mark by a still later hand. This removes the institution of the supper
altogether, but it rests upon the very dubious hypothesis that Luke deliberately
omitted the incident because it was already familiar to his readers.

654 APPENDIX
(-Meyer,8 ad loc), Sanday (DB, ii. p. 836), Bartlet (AA, pp. 324, 325),
Plum mer (DB, iii. p. 146), and Zahn (Einl. ii. p. 357 f., reading— after
b, e,— 16, 19a, 17, 18, 21) ; cp. Nestle, Einf. p. 229. In any case, as
Sanday points out, "both these types of texts existed early in the
second century." Upon the other hand, the passage is retained by the
majority of editors, followed by Schmiedel (HG, ii. pp. 163-164), Jiilicher
(ThA, p. 235 f.), Spitta (Urc i. p. 2951), and many others ; see particu
larly Holtzmann (HG, i. pp. 279, 280) and Bruce (ExGT, i. ad loc).
The latter discusses the point (With Open Face, p. 271) without finding
any evidence for a certain conclusion.1
2243. 4t — ;por t^ textual evidence, cp. WH (ii. pp .64-67), who 2 bracket
the passage as an early addition, made by a scribe of the second century,
from some traditional source (vide Resch, TU, x. 3, pp. 690, 691). Dogmatic
reasons would explain alike the omission, or, as is more probable, the
insertion of the passage. Keim, e.g., retains the verses (vi. 17 n.) as the
result of Luke's dependence upon a " confused Ebionitic source " which
led him to exaggerate and intensify the human conflict of Jesus ; but
they are struck out for very similar reasons by other scholars (cp. Car
penter, First Three Gospels, pp. 71, 352). Prof. Bruce, again, omits them as
" out of harmony with the subdued nature of Luke's narrative in general "
(ExGT, i. pp. 629, 630) ; and they are deleted by J. Weiss as a product
of the same legendary nature as Jn 54. The passage may have come from
some line of oral or written tradition, or may be simply the invention of
a later editor. It is at any rate non- Lucan. Dr. G. L. Gary (IH, i. p. 301)
hesitates to pronounce ver. 44 unauthentic, though he accepts ver. 43
as apparently a legendary accretion. But authenticity or non-authenticity
is not the point, and the MS evidence for both verses is uniform.
2334a, 6 Se 'lyaovs . . -n-oiobaiv. — Like vers. 43, 44, probably a non-
Lucan fragment of genuine 3 tradition which vindicates itself upon in
ternal evidence, as does the fragment Jn 753-8l:l, although for textual
reasons (cp. WH, ii. pp. 67, 68 ; Resch, TU, x. 3, pp. 721-723) it is to be
regarded as having been added from an early and extraneous source to the
original text of the gospel. Still, it is quite possible that later ages may
have found a stumbling-block in such gentleness shown to the enormous
sin of the crucifixion, and that this feeling of reprobation may have caused
its omission from some MSS (f^BD") and versions (Boh. Sah. Syr-Sin).
Hence some editors hesitate to expunge it (e.g. J. Weiss, Bruce, and
Dr. Cary). Blass (PG, pp. 92-94) supposes that it was felt by some
to be in contradiction to ver. 28, which clearly implied punishment for
the sin ; it certainly would not be a natural expression of the mood in
which the majority of the early Christians viewed their Master's murder
and his murderers.
1 Attempts to solve the difficulties of the extant text by omission and transposi
tion in Cod. Copt, (omitting vers. 16-18), Pesh. (omitting vers. 17, 18), and in
Syr-Cur, 16, 19" [»], 17, 18 \„ „,
Syr-Sin, 16, 19, 20% 17, 20", 18J zl> AL L
The point is constantly discussed in the recent investigations upon the nature of the
Lord's supper. Blair (Apostolic Gospel, p. 321 f.) conjectures that between vers.
18 and 19 a passage like 1249- 50 has been omitted to avoid repetition.
2 So Nestle, Einf. pp. 229-230. Conybeare (DB, i. pp. 153, 154) regards it as
certain that the Armenians possessed an early version of the NT containing the
passage. Syr-Sin omit.
3 Others find less basis for the passage, however ; e.g. Carpenter (First Three
Gospels, pp. 71, 352, "The early utterance of the Church, in the Master's Spirit"),
Keim (vi. pp. 155-156), and Martineau (Seat of Authority, pp. 645, 646).

APPENDIX 655
2412.— See note on Mt 28 9- 10. Probably an interpolation, founded
on and condensed from Jn 20 310. It breaks the flow of the narrative,
explains nothing, and is textually suspect (om. D). The purpose
of the insertion is to partially conform the stories of the resurrection,
and to assign Peter what in the Johannine tradition belonged to " the
other disciple." 1 Blair (Apostolic Gospel, pp. 385-387) retains the verse,
supposing that John and Luke drew upon a common original, although the
former supplemented it from oral tradition, while Blass (PG, pp. 188, 189)
fears that ver. 24 must go also. Chase, who passes over the more difficult
question of the authenticity of Mt 1618, admits that Lk 2412 may be
a sign of cross-currents in the apostolic tradition. Its "linguistic
similarity to John is curious, and cannot be accidental " (DB, iii. p. 761).
Acts. — [It has not been found feasible to mark, by means of print,
the editorial insertions and notes which occur throughout this book.
These are frequently as obvious as erratic boulders, and in many less
glaring instances can be separated without much trouble from the
written sources incorporated in the narrative. At the same time, to
discuss them seriatim would swell this appendix too seriously. I have
therefore contented myself with printing the we-journal in dark type, and
some other sources in slightly inset type, indicating also, by means of single
brackets, one or twojminor and (as it seems) fairly certain glosses interpo
lated in the text, such as 826 (avrg eariv eprjpos — Schmiedel, ZSchz, 1898,
p. 50, and Hilgenfeld), 931 (ko.1 VaXtXaias — Blass), 1037 (dpgdpevos drrb r. r.
— Clemen, Blass), 148 (xoiXbs ck k. p. — Blass), etc. For a note on Blass's
general textual theory, cp. above, pp. 610-612. Upon the whole, it may
be said that the phenomenon of the double text in Acts resembles at several
points that in Jeremiah. There, also, the twin texts (Massoretic and LXX)
in all likelihood represent, as Kuenen suggested, not divergent recensions,
but two stages in the history of what was really one and the same recen
sion. The passages which now fall to be noticed, simply contain obvious
additions, made by the editor to his sources ; i.e. the context as a rule
preserves sources from a date more or less prior to the date of these
additions or of the whole book's composition.]
The use of earlier literature in the third gospel (Lk l1-4) makes
it a highly probable conjecture that the author practised a similar
method in the composition of his second volume, employing not merely
oral tradition and such reminiscences as were available, but also written
notes and older narratives, by means of which his sketch of the primitive
church was largely constructed.2 This hypothesis is amply corroborated
by the internal evidence of the book. Particularly in 1-169 one or more
primitive documents have been drawn upon. Jewish-Christian in
1 For this and the other variations, major and minor, in Lk 22-24, see Grafe's
articles in SE (1896), pp. 245-281, especially his textual materials, and his exploita
tion (ibid. 1898, p. 136 f. ) of what may be called the " material " hypothesis to solve
the well-known textual and theological problems of Lk 24 and Ac l18. This
hypothesis (vide Birt, Das antike Buchwesen; and Ruegg, SE, 1896, pp. 94-101)
views the brevity of the narrative in the gospel as a result of accident ; the writer
had come to the end of his manuscript. He supplemented this sketch in his later
volume, or else added some further details (vide the interpolation in 2451"63) in the
second edition of his gospel. Zeller bluntly puts the discrepancies down to the char
acteristic indifference of the author to contradictions.
2 On the linguistic phenomena of the book as evidence for unity of authorship, cp.
Overbeck - Zeller, ii. pp. 184 - 212. Recent investigations, however, have rather
modified this line of argument, as well as the attempt (ibid.) to minimise the internal
inequalities and uneven elements in the book, in the exclusive interests of tendency.
A note of the main points is given in EBi, i. pp. 44, 45.

656 APPENDIX
character, like some of the sources of the third gospel, and of varying
trustworthiness, they have been revised and amplified by the editor of
the whole volume, until the latter assumed its present comparative unity
of style and spirit. It has been conjectured that these sources include
some record of Peter's acts and preaching, a Stephen-source, a Philip-
source, a Barnabas-source, and so on.1 In fact, the distance of the author
from the period makes some such general theory imperative. Otherwise,
his writing becomes a free composition, founded to some extent upon
oral tradition gained either at second-hand or from an informant upon the
spot (218). But if Acts is " no mere aggregate of unrevised fragments,"
it is still less an imaginative picture, uncontrolled by any steady reference
to historical reality. The truth is, this book will never yield its secrets
except to those who combine both methods, tendency-criticism and
source-analysis. Here it is with the latter that we are chiefly concerned.
But although the legitimacy of this method is now a postulate of criticism,
the extent, date, and characteristics of the literary sources, together with
the precise method of their treatment by the redactor (or redactors),
remain, in some measure, insoluble — at any rate, unsolved — problems.
The verbal dissection of the book is often dominated by a priori con
ceptions of such rigidity that it passes off the ground of criticism
altogether, and occasionally becomes quite an otiose problem. Several
lines are scarcely worth following out, and others have little in their
favour beyond ingenuity and a certain skill in literary filigree work.
With some of the other phases the trouble is, as Aristotle once remarked
of the Hellenic dream-oracles, that it is hard either to believe or to despise
them. Yet, extravagances apart, there is little doubt that the structure of
Acts contains phenomena which, at more points than one, practically
justify the general principles of this source-criticism ; indeed, at the
present day, the legitimacy of these is denied for the most part only
by amateurs and obscurantists. It is absolutely essential for many reasons
that a serious and frank attention 2 be paid to these structural facts and
to their bearing upon the historical contents of the volume.
On the general question see Overbeck-Zeller (Overbeck, i. pp. 54-64 ;
Zeller, ii. pp. 291-328), Wendt (-Meyer), Einl. §§ 4, 5 ; Holtzmann, Einl.
pp. 394-397 ; HC, i. pp. 310, 311 ; Ramsay, SPT, pp. 367-372; Weizsacker,
A A, i. pp. 24 f., 2081, 236-248 ; Jiilicher, Einl. pp. 268-271 ; Feine, Eine
vorkanonische Uberlieferung (1891), pp. 124-212 ; Zockler, Greifswalder
Studien (1895), p. 109f.; McGiffert, A A, pp. 82 f., 214; Blass, Acta Apost.
prolegomena, § 5 ; Hilgenfeld's invaluable articles in ZwTh (1895-1896),
together with his recent edition of Acts ; Clemen, SK (1895), pp. 297-360,
an elaborate survey ; and Heitmiiller, TB (1899, Feb.-April). Rose
(Bevue Biblique, vii. pp. 325-342) lays stress, again, upon the inherent
unity of the writing, and conservative defences of the historicity are
offered by K. Schmidt, Die Apgeschichte unter dem Hauptgeschichtspunkte
ihrer Glaubwiirdigkeit (1882), Belser (TQ, 1895 and 1897), and Knowling
(ExGT. ii. p. 22 f.). The dominant motives of the book are brilliantly
i Blass (PG, pp. 141, 193 f.) exploits a, conjecture of Weiss's, and holds that
Luke's source for the early part of Acts was an Aramaic history of the primitive
church, written by Mark as a continuation to his gospel. See above, p. 606.
2 Shortly before his death, Professor Bruce once remarked that English criticism
upon Acts, the fourth gospel, and the epistle of James, still remained practically
stagnant. He predicted that these three books would make a storm-centre during the
next period of advance in NT criticism. One would be strongly inclined to substitute
for James, however, the pastoral epistles.

APPENDIX 657
analysed by J. Weiss in a recent essay, Ueber die Absicht und den liter.
Charakter der Apgeschichte (1897).
Among most schools and shades of opinion, chaps. 1-5 at least are held
to derive from more or less primitive notes or reminiscences which
have been recast by an editor writing at some distance from the events
in question, and viewing them from the standpoint of subsequent
reflection. His dominant interest is to exhibit the progress and
popularity of the early Christian community within the stronghold of
Judaism. Hence, it is argued, these records as they now survive are
like the narrative of the origins in Genesis, more valuable occasionally
for their religious and ethical significance than for the precise historical
facts through which that significance is mediated. This point of view
often fails to get justice done to it, simply because there is a widespread
tendency to forget that to be realistic, circumstantial, ethically appro
priate, spiritually bracing, is not to be " historical " — in the strict and
modern sense of the term. These early narratives in Acts both tell a
story and point a moral. It need not be hastily assumed that either
here or elsewhere in the historical part of the NT a circumstantial
and straightforward tone is absolutely incompatible with any ulterior
motives such as those grouped under the name of " tendency." There
is nothing improbable in the suggestion that these tales were composed
in archaic style upon some kind of traditional basis, forty or fifty years
subsequent to the period of which they treat ; composed, too, in order
to satisfy some contemporary need in Christian thought or action.
Such primary or collateral aims in the mind of a writer do not
necessarily conflict with the telling of a plain tale, any more than, e.g.,
the story of Ruth loses its archaic beauty when fixed in its correct
historical setting as a protest against the post-exilic crusade for the
suppression of foreign marriages in the community. In the same way,
while it is correct to emphasise the indifference of the synoptic gospels
(for example) to dogmatic and theological conceptions, and to find in
this rndimentary amount of doctrinal interest a guarantee for their
worth as biographies, the inference must not be carried too far. Even
under the form of narrative or dialogue, elements could exist which
lacked absolute historicity and bore rather upon interpretation, so that
one may justly apply to Acts a judgment like that passed by Ewald upon
Hebrew tradition — very moderate and sober as compared with that of
Indian or Egyptian religion, and destitute, upon the whole, of fantasy
and of frivolity, yet preserved in a literary record where " not a few
of the sublimest thoughts were transformed into stories of a lofty kind,
through the endeavour to retain these thoughts by giving them a lively
historical form." 1
Without attempting to verbally analyse the text, several critics have
detected in these earlier chapters a Petrine source, either a history of
Peter (Sorof) or a Kypvypa Uerpov, or, as is most probable, -n-pd^eis
EUVpou (so Hilgenfeld, Hausrath, van Manen, and Holtzmann). Holsten
(Die 3 ursprung. Evgln. 1883, pp. 20 f., 32 f.) inclines rather to a Jewish-
Christian source underlying the speeches 2 of the earlier half of Acts ;
1 Geschichte des Volkes Israel (Eng. tr.), i. pp. 13-45. See also his admirable
statement upon the creative function of memory and imagination as factors of all
tradition, and upon the auxiliary conditions for its growth in a community or
nation. 2 If these speeches are not abridged and revised reports of material taken from
sources which go back to the vicinity of the period in question, it is impossible, in

6 58 APPENDIX
and Weiss, like Feine, similarly defends the Jewish-Christian origin of
the source from which the early chapters are drawn (INT. ii. § 50). The
source used in chaps. 1-12 has been traced (e.g. by Schiirfe, Die
petrinische Strdmung in der NT Literatur, 1893, pp. 53 f., 113 f. ; and also
Blass) to Mark, but Weizsacker, on the other hand, rejects all attempts
at indicating a source (AA, i. p. 24 f.), preferring to regard the whole
narrative as a series of free sketches. McGiffert deals more courageously
with the text, and assigns, like Weiss, considerable importance to the
author's editorial work upon his sources, as well as to the definite
contents of the letter ; at the same time he rightly refuses to allow that
Acts is anything like a mere collection of documents. Some such
position, indeed, is axiomatic for all who believe that the author of Acts
had previously composed the third gospel. There we have an example
of the writer's literary method, in the free fashion in which he has used
the gospel of Mark and the Matthaean Logia. Evidently he was no mere
compiler, but an author who worked up his sources with comparative
ease upon fresh and independent lines, writing with a dominant aim of
his own to which his written sources and traditions were for the most part
made entirely subservient.
The detailed analysis of chaps. 1-5 proceeds upon much the same
lines as that of the major portion of the book ; Clemen, van Manen, and
Spitta find in it their sources practically as in the later narratives (see
the nature of the case, that they can be much else than a loose and free abstract of
what the author — from his historical sense and the materials of tradition at his
command — conceived might have been appropriately spoken in these situations by
these characters. It is, of course, quite an improper dilemma to insist on regarding
them as either "clearly authentic" or "mere unsubstantial rhetorical exercises."
Some parts, e.g. (as even Schmiedel admits) the Christology of the Petrine speeches,
shine out as undeniably primitive amid traditions of quite a different kind. As a
whole, the speeches in Acts, like those in ancient historians (Gardner, Exploraiio
Evangelica, p. 160 f.), represent a conventional and recognised way of expressing
the state of matters at the moment in question, vividly and dramatically. They
form one of the methods by which it was considered proper to write history.
Accordingly, in one important aspect, these speeches in Acts constitute a running
comment upon the story, written from the standpoint of the author and intended
to convey his judgment of the particular situation ; they also bring out, by a
recognised literary habit, the character of the hero in question in a more graphic
fashion than any mere chronicle. The classical passage for this familiar practice
among ancient historians is Thuc. I. 22. 1-3. There the writer frankly ac
knowledges the difficulty of recording with absolute precision (rl,v dxpipuav avrr.v
riiv texBivrm) the various speeches made either before or in the course of the
Peleponnesian war. " I make people speak," he continues, "just as each of them
would, in my opinion, have spoken most opportunely in view ofthe particular situation,
adhering as closely as possible to the general sense of what was really said i^xopiivu
ort iyyvrara r'c.s iv poTatr'AS yvupcr,s r-Zv dk^dHis XlX^lvroiv). As to the acts and events in
the war, I did not consider myself free to write upon the information of any
chance comer or from personal conjecture. My record is of matters with which I
had personally to do, or of those which I elicited from other people by the strictest
Scrutiny With regard tO details (i'trov ivvarov ay.ptfiua cripi ixicrrov icrlilXSm). This
work of research," he proceeds, "proved a matter of some difficulty, as people
were in the habit of giving conflicting accounts of the same event, variations which
were due either to individual prejudice or to differences in memory (is izaripoiv
ns ivvoias vi ptvv,piY,s ix6l)0' Considerations of historiography like these apply to the
composition of Acts, and in some degree to that of the gospels. It is a question for
editors and critics of these documents to determine how far they come up to the
high standard of the Greek historian, and how far their arm and materials put them
into a somewhat different class of literary workmanship. The point is, that a
chronicle of deeds and a report of speeches were the two complementary channels for
conveying the full impression of a life in ancient literature. Both were needed to
make a biography telling and adequate. See Lucian, Hist. Conscrib. 58.

APPENDIX

659

below, pp. 660 f.). The results of the two former critics may be tabulated
thus : —

Clemen.

HPe

Rj

Ra

VAN MANEN.

Original

Memoirs

Memoirs

Christian

of
of
Final
Preaching.
Paul.
Peter.
Editor.
HPA
HPE
6-26 (exc. xai
1-14
(6)
. . . yv, 8)
15-26
1-2, 3»-4
3", 5-11
1-13*
14-36
22-32, 36 (exc.
12-21, 33-35 36
TOV X. roy)
(t. x. r.), 37-39
(exc. xai Tatriv
'hpiZv)
41-43, 47"
39 (x. T. YifJ-Zv)
40
First church
hist. 44-47a
1-10
11-26
1-21
22-24
25-26 (exc.
26 (crpd'rov)
crpZr.)
1,3
4
2
36-37
5-31
5-31
Second church
hist. 32,34 f.
36 f.
1-11
36 f.
1-12*, 15,
16, 17-
24
12 f.
14
15-35
3 6f.
15-42
38-42
While chaps. 1-5 stand thus apart on an inferior level of historicity,1
less certainly historical or rather certainly less historical, tlie remainder
of the book (6-28) rests upon sources more or less definitely visible.
Criticism of these sources, broadly viewed, tends to lay stress either upon
the characteristics of the sources themselves before these came into the
hands of the final editor, or upon the intention and activity of that
editor. The alleged obscurity, discrepancies, repetitions, and omissions
of the book are thus due either (a) to conflicting and independent
sources which have been left side by side, or (b) to the editorial
supervision which has introduced them for some deliberate purpose. In
the latter event, one's estimate of the author becomes considerably
lessened. A tendency to adopt the former position (a) is more
prevalent in modern research upon the Acts. Spitta's theory 2 is a fair
1 It is substantially true, though the statement needs some qualification, to say
with Harnack that " the narrative of the first five chapters is of a pictorial,
panegyrical, and vague description ; in the section chap. vi. Iff., on the contrary,
it is concrete and precise " (Exp.3 v. p. 324 n).
2 Die Apgeschichte, ihre Quellen und deren geschichtlicher Wert (1891). Cp.
Menzies, CR (1892 , pp. 168-174.
660

APPENDIX

representative of it, and as it has the merit of being comparatively
simple, I add here his analysis of the whole book along with one or two
others — although no scheme of details, apart from the requisite explana
tions, can really do justice to any such hypothesis. The main construct
ive feature of Spitta's analysis consists in the comparatively limited
and unimportant function which he assigns to the redactor. Hence,
beside his theory I print those of Jiingst and Hilgenfeld, and also an

(A)

(B)

Lk 2450-53, ascension of Jesus

[1-3]

15-17*. 20-26*, election
i.
4-14, ascension of Jesus ; 18,
1-11*
of Matthias
19, death of Judas
1" (. . . o-v^T\i,p.), 4, 12, 13,
ii.
l»-3, 5*-6, 9-11
3b*
14-40, Peter's speech
41-52, 45-47
43
whole
iii.*
1, 3-5, 7-33*
iv.
36-37
12"-14
v.
l-12a (Ananias and Sapphira),
15-39*
1-6 (the Seven), 9 - 12»
vi.
7-8, 12K-15
2*
(. . . ypapcpo.)
2-54, 57, 58s (. . . ixtBo/l.),
vii.
1, 55, 56, 58»-60
Stephen's speech and death
If, 2
viii.
1» (. . . avrov), 3, 5-40*
(Philip-section)
1-3*, 6-31, conversion of Paul ;
ix.
2*, 18*
32-43 (Peter)
X.
1-35, 44-48
19-21, church of Antioch ;
xi.
1-18, 22*-26
23*
27-30*
25
xii.
1-24, death of James, etc.
1-5, 13*-41, Paul's speech ;
43, 50, 51
1-2, 4-6, 7*, 21-26, 28
xiii.
6-12, 42, 44* -49, 52
2*
xiv.
3, 8-20
35-41
XV.
[1-33, the Council]
5-12*
1-19 (22-23*) (35*), 37-40*
xvi.
20, 21* (22, 23*), 24-34 (36*)
1-4 (5*), 10-34 (Beroea and
xvii.
(5*), 6-9
Athens)
1-5" (• • • naZXos), 7-24* (25),
xviii.
26-28
1*(. . . "Eficrov), 8-10" (. . . iio),
xix.
l"-7, 10"*-20, 24-41 (riot in
21, 22
Ephesus)
whole
XX.
1*
1-9, 12-14*, 15-20" (. . @,o,),
xxi.
10, 11*, 20"-26*
27-40
1-29*
xxii.
30*
5*
11-35
xxiii.
1-10*
whole
xxiv.
whole
xxv.
18*
whole
xxvi.
whole
xxvii.
1-16, 30-31
xxviii.
17-23*
* The redactor's presence is marked by an asterisk (*), and he is responsible for
the passages omitted in the above list. For the sake of clearness the references
have been arranged in the order of the chapters, but more than once, especially
in (B), Spitta transposes whole paragraphs, e.g. 9331 is transferred to a place
between 83 and 85, and 1514- 1333 occurs between \2-4 and 136.
APPENDIX 661
analysis of Clemen's,1 which is an extreme but ingeniously contrived
attempt to carry the criticism of the sources into elaborate detail,
combining in some degree the principle of divergent sources and that of
editorial initiative.
Spitta's hypothesis " involves two primary sources. (A), a well-
informed source which underlies the third gospel also, is probably from
the pen of Luke, contains the most trustworthy passages of the book,
and is superior in historical insight to (B). The latter, like (A), contains
" supernatural " elements, but these are drawn from popular traditions,
and appear to be more highly coloured and less coherent ; the stress
falls on " wonders " throughout, whereas in (A) the preaching of the
apostles is emphasised. Both sources, independent in origin and
individually featured, have been combined, arranged, and edited by a
redactor (R) before the end of the first century, though (B) was com
posed by a Jewish-Christian admirer of Peter much earlier — after 70 a.d.
Jiingst (Die Quellen der Apostelgeschichte, 1895) 3 confines himself, like
several of the more sober critics, to a bisection 4 of the book. (A), in
cluding the we-journal, extends through the whole book, the latter part
of which has been interpolated by the final editor (R), who is not Luke
but a companion of Paul, writing in the early part of the second century.
He has used in the first half of the work an Ebionitic source (B) already
employed in the gospel of Luke, but here rearranged to suit (A). The
final redaction is supposed to have taken place 110-125 a.d. (cp. 1349,
1910, which are taken to imply a wide diffusion of Christianity). (R) is
differentiated chiefly by his style and his conception of Paul's work and
teaching, (B) is anti-Jewish, and (A) possibly Lucan. This theory of
Jiingst evidently approximates in part to Spitta's. Upon the other hand,
Hilgenfeld (loc. cit.) finds three sources used by the final editor (R) :
like van Manen, he assigns the chief importance to (G) = rrpd£eis IlavXov,
an account of Paul's work and person by Luke, to which the final re
dactor, a Pauline unionist, subordinated his other source (B) = -rrpd£eis
riv i-n-rd, and especially (A) = (Jewish-Christian) rrpd^eis YLerpov, adding
passages of his own :
(A) = l15-542 931"43 12123 [R. mainly in l1'14 239b- 41b- «¦ « 313b- 21b- 25b
42b. i. lP'i. 27-28. 33b-35 5U.I6. 361
(B) = 6-840.
(C) = 91-30lllr-29(seep. 663).
Schwanbeck's analysis is self-explanatory (Ueber die Quellen der
Schriften des Lk. I. 1847) ; as is Sorof's (Die Entstehung der Apg. 1890),
which includes in its Lucan source, l1- 2 24G 433-37. [Continued on page 664.
1 Chron. pp. 97-162 ; and in SE (1895), p. 296 f. With his statement (Chron. § 5)
upon the unhistorical elements in the book, compare the discussion in Zeller-Over-
beck's edition, which still possesses educative value for the student of this question ;
also the paragraphs in Martineau's Seat of Authority, pp. 248-257, 283-285.
2 Partially modified by J.Weiss (SK, 1893, p. 480 f.; Die Absicht, especially
p. 38 f. ), who finds only (B) in chaps. 1-5, only (A) in the second half of the book,
and in the middle chapters a blending of material from (A) and (B). Cp. the
notices by Cone (New World, March 1896), von Soden (ThLz, 1892, 639 f.), and
Wrede (GGA, 1895, p. 497 f.), of Spitta's volume.
* Cp. Wrede (LC, 1896, pp. 369, 370).
4 Feine's bisection, e.g., includes an original Jerusalem source (composed betore
70 a.d.) extending up to Ac 12, and already used in the gospel. Paul's journeys,
etc., are due to other sources and to a redactor (R). The Jerusalem-source includes
14. 5. 8*. 9-12. 13-17. 20-36 21-">. 12- i3- li*^2 I43-47) 31-8*- U"26 44- 7b-]4- 18 (211- 22 I23)- 24"31- 33' 36' " 51"11-
12-16*. 24-35. 37^2 6(8). 9-11. 15 722-28. 35-43. 51-56. 59. 60 8U>-2- 4-9. 11-13 931-43 101-27. 29b-33. 36-42a. 44-48
112-17. 19-33 121-24*.

662

APPENDIX

Clemen.

HE

HPE

HPA

R

Rj

Ra

(A history of
the Hellenist
Jews.)

A history of
Peter : an old
Jewish-Chris tian source.

A history of
Paul, includ
ing an Itinerar-
ium Pauli.

A neutral
Redactor.

A pro-Jewish
Redactor,
93-117 A.D.

An
anti-Jewish Redactor.

9-10

7-8, 11-15

[1-61
1-36
38-58", 59b
16
37, 60
2,4-13,18-24', 26-40
32-43
58b, 59a
1", 3, 14-23
1-31
19-21", 24, 26
l-24"bc, 26
32, 33, 38, 39,
43, 49, 52
1-35 37", 38-48
1-15, 17, 18
36, 37b
16, 22-23
24b, 23_ 27-30
1-2524d, 25, 27-31,
34-37, 40^2,
44-51
1, 3, 5"d, 6, 7
21-22", 24-28
35-40 7-23"35-iO
8-18
23t>-34
1-4, 13-18,
20-22 1-3, &>
2, 4, 6bc
19, 20, 22b, 23
5-12, 19,
23-33, 41
4-6"
1", 4, 5M, 6-
10"
11, 12, 14-16,
17b, 18, 34
1-3, 5", 7-11
18", 22"S 23
lb-3, 5
19-33
12-17* ISoidc.., igab
2u, 21, 22b,
24, 261>, 27
1"
lb-3, IOb 17"
4, 51>
19=, 25, 26",
28
5"c1304,6
8^-10 lbcd-16 1-20"'', 27, 28
30-39"
11-13, 15-41
1", 17-19"
211-24, 36-37,
3SP
8 {ovroc ix rdiv
It™)?
i"
20bc_26, 29
39b, 40
14 19b, 25 - 35,
38"
22-30" 11-2431-33"S 34, 35
1, 9
1-16, 19-21
1-10 10-21
^{cravraskv- BpcoTovs)
17-1825-30 33b
2-8
l-20"cd22-321-2027-441-15 30-31
21-26
20b
16-24
24-27 21
25-28
APPENDIX

663

van Manen.

Hilgenfeld.

HPE
HPA
Tr
(A)
(B)
(C)
Chap.
Memoirs of
Peter,
Memoirs of
Paul
(written, 90-
110 A. D.).
A Travel-
journal,
written by
Lulce (?), used
by HPA.
A Jewish -
Christian source,
T/)a|£(S Vlirpou
(on whieh
115_542 rests).
A Hellen istic
Jewish-
Christian source, irpol£&JS
raJv UTTa.
crpai-tis
UavXov.
vi.
1, 2 (except ol
\
3-5
8-15
vii.
51-60
[1-50, Final
editor]
- hasis
5Sb
viii.
1-16*, 18-24,
26-40
1-3
J
1", 3
ix.
32-42
15, 17, 20, 23-
25, 27, 29-31
31-43
ix-xxviiiix. , exc. 12
and 16
X.
1-43
1-48 (R)
xi.
1-13
19-2627-30
2 (/3-text)
1-26 (R)
xii.
3-19
1-23
24, 25 (R)
xiii.
revised
25, 27, 31,
38, 39, 42,
45-47,50- 51 (R)
xiv.
M
19 (R)
XV.
35-41
[1-33, Fin. ed.]
7-21 (R)
xvi.
la6-40 revised
10-12"
3b-513, 10, 24-
34 (R)
xvii.
revised
17, 34 (R)
xviii.
•¦
4, 56, 6(R)
18 (R)
xix.
1, 2, 6, 9, 12,
15 1., ISf.
1-7, 12-20
(R)
XX,
22—30, 41
1-15 revised
5(?), 6, 13-15
18-38 (R)
4b, 9 (R)
xxi.
1-47-9, 15 f., 18-
lb-4", 6"
7,9
20b-20 (R)
xxii.
21, 27-40
[?Fin. ed.]
30 (R)
xxiii.
..
1-10 (R)
27^-29 (R)
xxiv,
17, 24 f.
.,
17-21, 25
KB-)
xxv.
'•
Slor, . . .
7i/*aprov)(R) 13-end(R)
xxvi.
16, 18 f.
,,
1-32 (R)
xxvii.
1-44 revised
1, 2, 4f., 7f.,
21-26 (R)
xxviii.
1-16 „
12-20, 27-41
1, 2", 11-15
[16-31,Fin.ed.]
•
17-29 (R)
664 APPENDIX
Van Manen (Paulus I., de handelingen der Apostelen, 1890), detects two
leading sources, HPE=77epio8ot or rrpd^eis Xlerpov, HPA similarly = Paul.
The latter (written +100 a.d.) is superior to, and formed the model
for, the former ; when it came into the final editor's hands, it had heen
already incorporated with a travel-source, the basis of the " we-journal."
This editor, van Manen conjectures, was at work about the middle of the
second century (125-150 a.d.), and used Josephus as well as the Pauline
epistles. The strength of this theory primarily lies in the unmistakable
parallelism drawn between Paul and Peter ; for although several critics
have recently denied or minimised this feature of Acts, it cannot be
safely overlooked. Cp. the classical statement, reproduced partly from
Schneckenburger, in Zeller-Overbeck, ii. pp. 113-132.
Clemen, again, starts from two elements in the life of Paul as that
is portrayed in Acts : his occasionally hostile attitude to Judaism and
the Jews, and the equally marked instances of a more friendly relation
ship. These he regards as incompatible within the limits of a consistent
personality. Consequently the former class of passages is to be
assigned to a Redactor (Ra) of anti-Jewish tendencies acquainted with
Paul's letters and with Josephus : the latter class, in which Paul appears
in a more favourable and conciliatory position towards his old religion,
were already in existence when the book came into the hands of the above-
named universalist editor (Ra), being due to a previous redactor (Rj) of
pro-Judaistic tendencies. Another and an earlier redactor, whose
tendency cannot be exactly determined, is also to be traced as having
revised and enlarged the sources. The primitive nucleus of the work
was composed of three early narratives : a history of the Hellenists, a
history of Peter, and a history of Paul (written in Rome). These latter all
date from an early period in the apostolic age. The date of the various
recensions, however, cannot be determined with precision ; but they fall
into the second century, as Rj knew Josephus' Antiquities (93-94 a.d.),
possibly towards 150 a.d. Of his earliest source (HH) Clemen remarks, it
is " thoroughly trustworthy." The genealogical plan of the book is thus :
HH HPA
I
HPE I

R I
Rj I
Ra
(The passages with an asterisk on p. 662 represent paragraphs which have
been recast : vi. 1'6 was added by (R) from a separate and unknown source).
The discussion of these analyses has anticipated but not exhausted the
problem of the circumstantial and isolated " we-sections," 1610-17 205'16
2ii-i8 271-2816. These passages, marked by the use of an anonymous
rjpeis, profess to be memoranda from the journal of an eye-witness, and
they raise two problems in regard to the w'hole book and its sources:
(a) Were they composed by the author of the Acts ; and if so, what was
his name and date 1 (b) Can the source be traced elsewhere in Acts ?
[Continued on page 666.

APPENDIX

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666 APPENDIX
(a) The conjectures upon the authorship of the " we-sections " range
over the names of Paul's companions, but the two which are really probable x
are those of Titus (so Krenkel, Paulus, p. 214 f ; Jacobsen, Die Quellen
Apgeschichte, p. 24 ; 0. Holtzmann, ZwTh, 1889, p. 409 ; Seufert, ZwTh,
1885, p. 367 f.), and Luke (so the majority of critics). If the latter be
the author, an important question rises with regard to the relation of
the source to the whole book. Did Luke delicately and intentionally
mark, by the use of ypeis, his companionship and association with Paul,
introducing fragments of his own journal in the larger history (so e.g.
Ramsay (SPT) and Zahn) ? Or did Luke merely write the journal, and is
the composition of the whole book to be referred to another hand 1 These
alternatives are variously answered. On the one hand, the evidence from
style is adduced to prove that the " we-sections " must have been composed
by the author or editor of Acts as a whole.2 But against this it is urged
that these correspondences are perfectly intelligible if we suppose that
the author of the book worked over his materials instead of merely in
corporating them in the exact form in which they reached him. Again, if
it be granted that Luke wrote this journal, which has been inserted by some
later and unknown writer, does it not seriously conflict with our estimate
of the latter's literary and historical skill 1 'Surely, it is asked (e.g. by
Zeller-Overbeck, Renan, Weiss, and Ramsay), to leave material in this
abrupt and ragged form, is characteristic of a monkish chronicler rather
than of a painstaking writer of history ? This may be so, but a statement
like this really begs the whole question. Was the author of Acts a " pains
taking writer of history " 1 That is an opinion which must be proved
from the evidence of his style and skill as these lie before us. It is unfair
to reject a theory of his literary method simply because it is at variance
with a preconceived and exaggerated idea of his genius, which is seriously
in conflict with the evidence of the third gospel and Acts alike. Indeed, the
one parallel which can be found for the we-sections rather confirms the
hypothesis that they may quite well be drawn from an author who was not
the author of the larger work. In Ezra 727-834 91-15, Neh l1-?5 1227"43
13431, memoirs exist, composed in the first person,3 which are certainly
earlier than the final compiler of the whole history. He has used these,
often left the first person unaltered as he found it, but as often continued
his tale in the third person and followed other sources. As the history
stands, then, it is a proof that historical composition was perfectly com
patible with an exact reproduction as well as a free adaptation of sources.
This argument does not imply that Acts is no better authority for its
period than Ezra-Nehemiah for the post-exilic age ; it is merely a warning
against a priori modern conceptions of authorship, which readily tend to
1 The possibility of Timotheus (op. Holtzmann's biographies of this figure and of
Titus, Pastoralbriefe, pp. 65-83) is still admitted by Weizsacker (AA, i. p. 242-244),
while Sorof (Entstehung der Apg. 1890) attributes to him not merely the com
position of the journal but also the editing of the whole book from an originally
Lucan writing. Schmiedel (EBi, i. p. 44) thinks Luke the most likely author for the
we-sections, but properly abandons the attempt to ascribe them to any of Paul's
companions that we know.
2 Cp. interesting linguistic statements by Stanton, ExpA vii. pp. 341-349 ; K.
Schmidt, Die Apostelgeschichte (1882), especially pp. 11-91 ; and Hawkins, Home
Synopticae, pp. 149-154 ; besides Spitta, Die Apgeschichte, pp. 235 f., 257 f.
3 Also in Tobit l3-36. If the we-sections are written by the author of the whole
book, then he is either Luke using a diary to indirectly show his companionship with
Paul, or a later author who wished to make his book pass for the vivid report of an
eye-witness by using this literary device.

APPENDIX 667
become misleading in the criticism of an early document. The final
editor l of Acts may have deliberately left the intercalated we-passages in
their original shape, in order to make it clear 2 that for these sections he
was employing the memoirs of an eye-witness. On the other hand, if
Luke wrote journal and history alike, his work may be compared roughly
to the history of Polybius, the author being dependent upon his prede
cessors and the oral tradition for the earlier part of the record, whereas in
the later part his own observations and experiences afford him a surer basis.
(6) The idea that the we-sections formed part of a larger work, that
this larger work was used by the author of Acts, and that traces of this use
can be discovered (even in chaps. 24-26), has been frequently and forcibly
advocated, e.g., by Spitta, 0. Holtzmann, Jiilicher, and Jiingst. Clemen
and Hilgenfeld s find it underlying the book as early as chap. 13, while
Wendt (-Meyer s) goes even further back. But the arguments, it must
be confessed, are precarious (cp., on the other side, Weizsacker, AA, i.
p. 242 f., and McGiffert, AA, pp. 238, 239).4 Certainly if the author
obliterated all traces of this vivid source elsewhere, his retention of the
"we" in the under- noted passages does not seem particularly worthy of
a good historian ; indeed, it lacks adequate motive. Why did he not
leave the graphic pronoun in the earlier stories 1
The date of this travel-journal —
igio-i7 =journe}' from Troas to Philippi,
20»-ie = „ „ Philippi to Miletus,
2i i-i8 _ ^ ^ Miletus to Jerusalem,
271-28IC = „ „ Caesarea to Rome —
is even less certain than its authorship. No data exist to determine even
1 In this case, the author of Acts cannot be the author of the third gospel, if the
latter he the Luke who composed the journal. Either the Lucan authorship of both
gospel and history must be abandoned (as recently by McGiffert), or one must work
along the lines suggested by Sorof and Gercke (Hermes, 1894, p. 373 f.), i.e. tha,
Acts may represent the later edition of an originally Lucan writing which included the
we-sections, and which was composed by the author of the third gospel, or possibly
that Luke is connected with the third gospel merely as Matthew — the editor of the
Logia — was with the first. Cp. on the whole question of the we-sections, Zeller -
Overbeek, i. pp. 31-54, and for a proof that the third gospel and Acts are by one
author, ibid. ii. pp. 213-254.
2 The retention of the first person plural need not have been due either to
negligence or to accident. Certainly it was not the result of a deliberate desire on
the part of the author to represent himself as an eye-witness. A modern book
would have contained at the foot of the page a reference to the journal from which
the extracts were taken. But an ancient author had no mechanical aids of this
kind, and in incorporating an ancient source he might well leave the original phrasing
intact for the sake of vividness, a procedure whieh is only awkward when it is tried
hy modern standards of composition. To the readers of Acts it was probably quite
intelligible. They understood what the writer meant them to understand, that the
" we " marked a diary of some companion of Paul. Possibly they knew this man ;
hut even if they did not, there is little to be surprised at. That his name has
not been preserved is due to the fact that interest naturally centred not in the
author but in the subject of the diary. Its omission is not any more surprising than
the familiar case of anonymity in 2 Co 818.
3 So J. Weiss, Absicht, p. 30, and von Soden, EBi, i. pp. 813, 814.
4 On the improbability of any other sources for Acts, such as letters, speeches, or
narratives, the best statement is given in Overbeck-Zeller, i. pp. 55-64. Overbeck's
opinion is, that the source from which the we-sections were taken originally covered
several years of Paul's life (as that lay between the limits of 1610 and 2816), and that
" in all probability it contained a very thorough description of Paul's apostolic
journeys by the hand of an associate," although it cannot have been a mere
itinerary (p. 44).

668 APPENDIX
its relative priority to the other NT writings. The terminus a quo is,
of course, the year when Paul came to Troas : if the source is actually a
diary written contemporaneously with the events which it records, it is
to be placed between 54 and 62 a.d. Ramsay (GEE, pp. 6-8 ; SPT, p.
383 f .) dates it 62-64 a.d., and plainly it cannot be much earlier.
243-47. — As (3, 416) the healing of the lame man evidently is represented
as the first miracle of the disciples, the reference in 243 is an anticipation.
It is also difficult, in view of the later narrative, to see how 3000
people (ver. 41) could have lived as vers. 44a, 46 imply ; while vers. 44-47
are practically parallel to 43235. The previous story ends with vers. 41, 42,
and is resumed with 31,(note the verbal connection, rois npoaevxais ... rijs
rrpoaevxys ), whereas the intervening paragraph has all the appearance of a
general summary added by the editor as he revised his sources. Peine
refers it to his Jewish-Christian source, while Wendt (p. 100) conjectures
that we have reproduced here the source which underlies 432'35 61 f- But
it is simpler to refer the section completely (Weiss), or at any rate in
part (Sorof, ver. 46 ; J. Weiss, vers. 43b, 44 ; Hilgenfeld, vers. 41b, 43; 45^
to the editor himself, who regarded the community of goods1 and the
increase of the church as much more extensive than the sources warrant
us in believing. Ramsay (SPT, pp. 365, 366) again, who believes chaps.
1-5 are based on two different and informal sources which have been
worked over, regards the summaries 24347 432-35 as partly proleptic.2
The historicity of the fact underlying this "communistic" phenomenon is
supported by the consideration that such a practice would not be un
natural in the case of people who were living in momentary expectation
of an eschatological crisis. The treatment of it by a later writer would,
however, be dominated by the prevalent conception, both within and
without Judaism, that the golden or ideal state of matters socially rested
upon such an economic division of property.
44 — An awkward insertion, which breaks the continuity of the
narrative 435, and has no special point to contribute to the development
of the situation. Evidently an editor's note, like 67, on the lines of 243'47.
So Weiss (ver. 4b), Sorof, Jiingst, Clemen, and Hilgenfeld. Through
out the rest of the narrative it is hardly possible to distinguish source and
editor precisely, though the analytic critics have correctly noted several
discrepancies and improbabilities, which are in all likelihood the result
of such a dual origin. The numbers here and elsewhere are treated by
Zeller (i. pp. 207-209) and Weizsacker (AA, i. pp. 24, 25) as artificial,
while — at the opposite extreme of criticism — others find in them circum
stantial evidence of a written source. But inexactness in numerical
data, equally with freedom in the composition of speeches, does not
impair the trustworthiness of the general narrative either in Acts or
in 1 Maccabees. These were simply elements in the contemporary
literary atmosphere.
512"10. — The roughnesses in this section, which is really a third general
summary of events, are certainly due to the fact that a source has been
revised by the editor. Opinion differs upon the limits of the revision,
1 On the fluctuating conceptions of this phenomenon in the early church as com
munism (in the Pythagorean sense) or charitv, and the traces of that fluctuation in
the record, see Schmiedel, EBi, i. pp. 877-880, PM ; ii. pp. 367-378 ; Holtzmann,
NTTh, i. pp. 387-391 ; and Zeller, Overbeck-Zeller, i. pp. 212-214, 306, 307. A con
servative defence in Knowling, pp. 100-102.
- Bartlet thinks they " do not aim at definite harmony with the facts immediately
preceding or succeeding" (AA, p. 40).

APPENDIX 669
but most agree that ver. 14 is at any rate either a parenthesis or more
probably an insertion,1 as ver. 15 follows ver. 13b. Some (e.g. Spitta
and J. Weiss) regard ver. 13 as editorial ; Weiss, vers. 14 and 16 ;
Hilgenfeld, vers. 14-16 ; Jiingst, vers. 12b, 13 . Schmiedel, vers. 12*>-14.
Laurent (pp. 138, 139) most ingeniously transfers 12atoaplace between
yvvaiKav and wore.
6815.— The dual origin of this passage, and indeed of the whole Stephen-
story, is brought out by its repetitions (e.g. vers. 11, 13, 14) and the apparent
uncertainty, to which Weiss calls attention, whether the proceedings were
judicial or tumultuary. The analytic critics clear up the difficulties
more or less convincingly by means of their different sources (Spitta and J.
Weiss most cleverly, giving vers. 1-6 and 9-12» to one, 7, 8 and 9b-l5 to
another source). But it is simpler with Weiss and Wendt to distinguish
the two strata, marking perhaps (with the latter) at least vers. 11, 12, 15,
as editorial additions inserted to represent the business as judicial. The
subsequent speech in chap. 7 is probably to be regarded as based on some
primitive source, although the editor has not reproduced it without a
somewhat free treatment. But an analysis of the two elements is
hardly possible.2 Kranichfeld, indeed, has recently argued that the
whole passage 616-82 was taken by Luke from an old and excellent
source of a special character, the speech of Stephen being practically
authentic as it stands (SK, 1900, pp. 541-562, " Der Gedankengang in
der Rede des St."). But he reduces the editorial faculty of the author
too severely.
758-83. — The repetitions and inconsistencies of the section follow
ing Stephen's speech are most satisfactorily removed by the hypothesis 3
that the references to Saul (758b, Kal 01 pdprvpes . . . SabXov ; 81*, SavXos . . .
avrov, 83) were inserted by the editor in a source which narrated the
fanatical riot and the outbreak of persecution after Stephen's death, but
which was ignorant of Saul. When these editorial glosses are set apart,
the narrative runs more smoothly. By their incorporation its continuity is
broken. Note the repetition of eXidofloXovv (ver. 58s, 59a), explicable only
on the assumption that the editor in the second Kal eX. resumes the thread
of the source dropped at ver. 58a. Also 83 repeats what has been already said
in 8lbc (though, e.g., Weiss and Schmiedel make even that 4 an interpola-
1 From the same source as the similar passages 243-47 432f- 6lf-, which otherwise are
due to the author's love of repeating himself. At all events, they concur in represent
ing the Christian community as relatively small (Wendt), while the editor of Acts
lays stress on the rapidity and importance of its growth. The miraculous activity of
Peter is enhanced just as that of Jesus is in the third gospel (cp. Lk 4* with Mk l34,
Lk 9" with Mk 6& Lk 7a with Mt ll3 '¦ ).
2 This remark applies further to the composite narrative of chap. 8, where Wendt
ingeniously traces three sources : (a) an account of Philip's mission to Samaria (vers.
5-8), followed by the episode of vers. 26-40 ; (b) an account of Simon and his simony,
probably due to the same tradition as the Ananias story, 51"11 ; (c) a notice of
Simon the Samaritan conjurer and prophet, whom the author of Acts identified
("vielleicht mit Becht") with Peter's opponent, Simon. Eenan (Les ApStres, chap.
xv.) wildly conjectures that Simon Magus was alive when Acts was written, and that
he had not yet completely broken with Christianity (8^).
3 So, besides the analytic critics who assign the section to different sources,
Bleek, Weiss, Clemen, Sorof, Hilgenfeld, Schmiedel (EBi, i. p. 45), and (par
ticularly for ver. 58") Wendt. Bamsay also finds Lucan touches in 7SS 81, and else
where. 4 It is needed for 84, unless that be also taken as an editorial interpolation to
introduce 85 r-. The original source, as Weiss correctly points out, closed with
the remark that although persecution instantly broke out, the first martyr was
honoured with a pious burial (a matter of great moment to Orientals). The alternat-

670 APPENDIX
tion), changing it into a personal attack of Saul's (as in 8la). The burial
of Stephen (82) refers back to eKelvy rfj r)p. in any case, the intervening
clause being proleptic. It need hardly be added that from whatever
source,1 written or oral, the editor draws his information, it represents an
actual fact ; Saul was an accomplice in the martyrdom and an agent in
the subsequent persecution. Only, these details did not exist in the
original source used by the editor at this point.
As the source described the state of matters in Jerusalem, the words
rt)v ev 'lepoaoXiipots are evidently an editorial addition (as 67) for the
sake of clearness ; so is the phrase wXhv twv drroaToXav. That the
apostles remained in Jerusalem during so severe a persecution, which
would naturally, as at other times, strike at the leaders, is a conception
of history due to the author's pragmatism. He considered the apostles
not only as indomitable heroes, but as an official body resident in
Jerusalem and invested with dignity and authority. Also, he had the
reference in 814 to explain and prepare for. The Samaritan mission
would not have been legitimate apart from apostolic inspection and
superintendence. So Wendt, McGiffert, and Schmiedel, among others,
after Zeller.
H22-2Ca^ — as Wendt points out, the source dropped at 84 is resumed in
ll19, in order to explain in rather an elliptic and. colourless fashion (J.
Weiss) the existence of a Christian Gentile community at Antioch, from
which the prophetic mission of 1311 started. That mission introduces
Barnabas and Saul, who are evidently brought forward in the source 2
for the first time, spoken of as if no previous reference had been made
to either. This seems to throw back light on H22-26a.30 1225. These
passages clearly were added by the editor (from some other source,
perhaps 3) to the source with which he was working, in order to furnish
an introduction and pave the way for the events of chaps. 13, 14, as well
as to emphasise his dominant conception of the Jerusalem-church as the
patron and promoter of missionary effort (McGiffert, pp. 108, 109). He
also found the mention of the Antioch collection in his source, and
naturally supposes that Paul and Barnabas were its bearers to the capital ;
although the evidence of Gal 21 1 leaves hardly any room for such a visit
between that of chap. 9 and that in chap. 15. The subtle methods of recon
ciling Acts and Galatians upon the question of Paul's visits to the capital
are not of primary interest to the critic of Acts, whose business is first of all
to discover not what actually happened, but what the various documents
ive is to suppose, with Zeller (ii. p. 208), that the verses do not present successive
events in an orderly way.
1 Bamsay (SPT, p. 379) regards 81* as a dramatic, agonised touch due to Paul
himself (2220), while as a whole the narrative G^-829 follows closely a Philip-source.
2 The mention of Barnabas (4s6) and Saul (at Tarsus, 930) is due to another source.
Wendt, reading with D in ver. 28, and attributing this passage to the we-sonrce,
rightly regards ovopvarO Ayaia (ll35) as an editorial addition (so previously, Jacobsen,
Weiss, and Hilgenfeld). He is introduced in 21 l0 as a new-comer, of whom nothing
has been said before. A much less probable conjecture is that the author of Acts had
composed the second part of his work before the first (E. Schmidt) ; but it is not
unlikely that 21ln is the original from which ll28 was drawn (ZeUer).
3 Though Weiss considers they might have "been written from hearsay by a
Paulinist, so meagre and inexact they are. But they are a proof at least that
Barnabas and Paul had some share in the development of Gentile Christianity at
Antioch. ll30 is ignorant of the Seven (61 6), who would have been the most natural
trustees and administrators of finance ; it is ignorant also of the apostles. Zeller
agrees that the record followed by the author in 13l '¦ knew nothing of the journey,
1127 r. 12*5 j tut as usual he attributes the journey to the author's imagination.

APPENDIX

671

intended to represent as having happened. Plainly, the author of Ac
ll30 and 1225 meant to suggest a visit of both Paul and Barnabas to the
capital. Paul may have stayed in Judaea or may have failed for some
reason to meet the apostles in the city, but neither of these conceptions is
the conception of the passage. Also, the chronological sequence of Gal
31-11 1 iis_2io preceding 2u-le, is too plain to admit of the order being
reversed (as by Mr. Turner, and Prof. R. A. Falconer, Exp. Ti. xi. pp.
487-490) and Gal 2110 identified then with Ac 151.
1342'62. — The obvious interweaving of two narratives requires some
analysis like the following : —

Source or Sources.

Editorial.

Spitta . 43, 50, 51 44-49, 52
Clemen . 43 49, 52
Jiingst . 43 50, 51
Hilgenfeld. 43, 44 48, 49
Wendt . 42, 44, 45

42
42, 44-48, 50, 51
42, 44-49, 52
42, 45-47, 50, 51
43, 46 1-, 51», 52

To the present editor the narratives seem to run most coherently upon
Clemen's scheme : ver. 52 at any rate forms the natural sequel to ver.
49. 142- 3. — It is simplest and quite legitimate to reverse the order of these
verses (Wendt), which have somehow got displaced ; less probable here
are interpolation-hypotheses and analysis-criticism, though Sorof and
Spitta omit ver. 3 altogether as a foreign insertion, and Ramsay (SPT,
pp. 107-109) regards it as an early gloss, admitting that some corruption
underlies the obscure narrative given by the present text. The traditional
order is obviously inconsistent beyond explanation : ver. 4, not ver. 3,
is the sequel of ver. 2. But there is really nothing in ver. 3 to justify
its exclusion because it is a fragment from the legendary accretion of the
miraculous round Paul. It goes no further than the common belief in
these phenomena which pervades Acts. The later addition to 142 (6 Se
Kiipios eSatKev [raxv} elpyvgv) is a clear attempt to smooth down the con
tradiction, though Blass, Hilgenfeld, and Salmon all prefer the Bezan
text of ver. 2 as a whole : " but the presidents of the synagogue of the
Jews and the rulers [of the synagogue] directed a persecution against the
upright, and embittered the minds of the Gentiles against the brothers.
However, the Lord soon gave peace."
164-5._With Spitta, Clemen, Jiingst, Hilgenfeld, McGiffert (A A,
pp. 211, 212), and Wendt (pp. 256-257, 275), ver. 4 is to be taken as an
interpolation, in accordance with the editor's peculiar conception of the
decree as universally binding. Paul's letters are silent upon any such
method of instruction.1 Like the previous and similar references, ver.
1 The district in question lay outside that covered by Ac 1523. Upon the literary
and historical difficulties of chap. 15, cp. the literature quoted in Wendt-Meyer, pp.
255, 256. The original basis and the time of the so-called decree are variously recon
structed, andthepassagehas been analysed into different sources and strata of revision,
hut (as it seems to the present editor) unconvincingly. The clue to its problem lies
in the interests and conceptions of the final editor, who has at this point treated what
ever source he used with such freedom that the extant result defies analysis.

672 APPENDIX
5 is also inserted to mark progress. If the grave difficulties which beset
the statement in ver. 3 are (as many feel) insoluble, that verse also would
require to be taken as a later addition to the narrative (cp., besides Holtz
mann, ad loc, McGiffert, pp. 232-234). The passage in vers. 5-8 is a
genuine transition, however, and does not deserve to be ranked (by
Weizsacker) as a link freely composed to fill up a gap.
1625'34. — On this insertion, which is almost unanimously regarded as
editorial, cp. the critical editors ad loc, Overbeck-Zeller, ii. pp. 45-51, and
the parallels from Lucian and Euripides' Bacchae (436-441, 602-608)
quoted respectively by Zeller (ZwTh, 1864, p. 103 f.) and Schmiedel
(ZSchz, 1894, p. 47). Weizsacker (AA, i. p. 246) groups it with the
greater speeches of Paul as the work of the editor, one of a series of
passages (e.g. 148'18 and 1913-19) which represent freely constructed
narratives of the marvellous based upon certain facts in the tradition.
185b. 6 — Apart from the other points in this section which render
it difficult (Weizsacker, AA, i. pp. 307 f.; McGiffert, pp. 268, 269) to re
concile the narrative entirely with Paul's own account of his Corinthian
experiences, the passage Siapaprvpopevos . . . rropevaopai seems to betray
itself as an editorial interpolation.1 The purport of the original narrative
which flows on continuously from vers. 4 to 7 is plain. Paul changed, not
his sphere of teaching, but his quarters (perafias) ; and he changed not from
but towards the synagogue. The removal from Aquila's house was one
result of his growing anxiety (aweixero) to reach especially the Jewish
proselytes, and showed his apparently good prospects of success. He
resolved to further his mission by this alteration of ground, maintaining
his connection with the Jews, but choosing a more feasible and convenient
field of operation (awopopovaa rfj avvayayfj). The editor of the source has
confused this narrative and introduced quite a different motive. Jewish
obstinacy must justify Paul's mission to the Gentiles, he conceives.
Accordingly in his addition (vers. 5b- 6), based probably upon 134551 or 199,
Paul's change of settlement forms a retreat, the result of an open rupture
with the synagogue, and also a defiance, the climax of unconciliatory
behaviour. This is a view whieh finds no support in 1 Corinthians. It is
best then to preserve the original source by regarding this passage as a
gloss superimposed by an editor who probably had no acquaintance with
Paul's epistles, and wished as far as possible to conform Paul's various
experiences with the Jews to a uniform standard. The interpolation 2 is
upheld by Spitta, Jiingst, 0. Holtzmann (ZwTh, 1889, p. 404), Clemen
(adding ver. 4), Hilgenfeld (adding vers. 4, 8*), and Wendt (p. 301).
1 To carry back sxsiSu to Aquila's house is not any more difficult than to refer it
to the synagogue (ver. 4). Perhaps, as Schmiedel (HC, n. i. p. 52) suggests, it was
added with vers. 5°, 6 to the extant narrative. Vers. 5, 6 partly repeat ver. 4 by men
tioning the Jewish mission, partly contradict it by omitting to mention any corre
sponding topic of preaching to the Greeks. The bold attitude of the apostle (ver. 6)
reads strangely beside his own reflection (1 Co 23), ver. 8 is more intelligible after ver.
7 than after vers. 6, 7, and the fact of a preliminary and original Jewish mission is con
trary to the outline of events in 1 Co 1. Upon the whole, it may be said that while
even the primitive source in Ac 181-12 presents features which diverge from Paul's
account, these are seriously accentuated by this editorial comment on the situation.
Bamsay explains the status quo of the text with the obvious but unsatisfying remark
that "Paul had not a very conciliatory way with the Jews when he became angry."
2 Weizsacker ( A A , i. pp. 308-310) regards vers. 1-4 as an interpolated introduction,
in which"EJ.Xuvs; is introduced prematurely. He gives up ver. 6, and retains merely
the conception of "an extensive and successful work." Sorof (Entstehung d.
Apgeschichte, pp. 26-29) takes the whole section 185-18 as a graphic description in
serted by Timotheus, who was himself a spectator of the various occurrences.

APPENDIX 673
181822.— The curious brevity and obscurity of the narrative at this
point suggest that the source has been recast by the editor. This is
especially the case in ver. 22, where Paul is reported to have visited
Jerusalem, although nothing in ver. 21 suggests this, and indeed the
evidence for such a pointless visit is generally regarded as quite in
sufficient (Weizsacker, Pfleiderer, McGiffert, Wendt, and Holtzmann).
The later visit (Ac 21") certainly implies that he had not visited the city
since the council, and it is unlikely that he would have gone without the
collection (Ro 1530t). The editor1 interpreted his visit to Syria as
implying a visit to Jerusalem, probably because he thought this a
natural proceeding, or because he again followed his pragmatic idea of
bringing Paul into docile relations with the authorities. At any rate, the
ambiguous visit (like that of ll30) is an editorial and not an original
piece of writing. Wendt (pp. 305-307) conjectures that the author
enlarged 2 his source, which merely described Paul's advance to Antioch
and his promise (not to the Jews, but to Aquila and Priscilla) to return.
Similarly, but more simply, Spitta omits ver. 19b as a gloss, and Jiingst,
vers. 19b-21:», while Laurent (pp. 148, 149) boldly transfers ver. 11 as a
marginal note to ver. 18 (iKaviis ypepas).
1825. — Several solutions of this enigmatic and confused narrative
(1824"28) have been offered. E.g., Wendt (pp. 368, 369) deletes verse 25 as
a redactor's addition to the source. His theory is that to the author (or
editor) of Acts Apollos seemed a disciple of John, like those mentioned
in 191 f-, whereas in reality and in the original source they were different
entirely.3 The latter are introduced in 191 as a new group. Probably,
then, ver. 25 is a subsequent gloss, in order to approximate this Alexandrian
Jew to the class of people who followed in the source. Jiingst (p. 168 f.)
similarly takes the verse (with awefidXero — yap, ver. 21b, 28a) as a gloss ;
but McGiffert (pp. 291, 292) contents himself with deleting ver. 25a, which
he regards as an insertion of the author in his source, to avoid the appear
ance of making a Jew preach the Messiah and yet be ignorant of Jesus.
Apollos, he thinks, was really a disciple of John who did not know Jesus
1 Like the author of the gloss in the i3-text of ver. 21, 3*7 pot Tavrus r-,,v ioprr,v Wjv
Xpxoalvriv croivje-at lis '\ipoo-o\vpoa, which both Benan and Bamsay adopt. But, as the
former confesses (S. Paul, p. 280n.), "Le texte pour toute cette partie est plein
d'anibigu'ites et de lacunes. "
2 By vers. 19", 20, 21", 22* (probably). Cp. Harnack's essay, Ueber die beiden
Receiisionai der Geschichte der Prisca u. des Aquila in Ac. Apost. 18127 (reprint
from SBBA, 1900).
3 To Apollos (according to ver. 25) the baptism of John culminated in Jesus. To the
group in 191-6 that baptism was compatible with a complete unconsciousness that it
had been fulfilled in Jesus. It is plain that in the original source Apollos was merely
an Alexandrian Jew, who taught the OT Messianic doctrine, and was led forward by
Aquila and his wife into the knowledge of its Christian fulfilment. The statement
in ver. 25, when taken with its obvious parallel in 192"4, implies that an adherent of
John's could be ignorant of the connection between Jesus and the Messianic spirit —
a truth which formed the keynote of John's teaching and an elementary principle of
Christ's work (ra Tipi toD 'Ico-oS). This is not possible (cp. Exp. Ti. viii. pp. 522, 523).
Can ™ Tipi ™D'I>i»-»Sbe confined to the Baptist's " prophecy of the immediate coming
of Christ" (Ramsay, SPT, p. 267) ? Or is it historical to speak, with Zahn (Einl. i.
p. 187), of Apollos as originally a teacher of " ausserkirchlichen Christentums," and
afterwards brought to the knowledge of "kirchlichen Christentums"? At the
opposite pole of criticism, Weizsacker (A A, i. pp. 403, 404) gives up 1824-28, 191"7 as
obscure and remodeUed traditions ; they simply imply that non-Pauline Jewish-
Christians existed at Ephesus, and reflect the author's intention of proving that the
Jewish-Christian faith required Paul's doctrine to raise it into mature spiritual
Christianity. 43

674 APPENDIX
as the Messiah. Schmiedel goes further (HG. li. i. pp. 55, 56 ; EBi, i. pp.
263, 264), rejecting vers. 25c, 26bc, and suspecting needlessly even ver. 28
(ver. 26a ?) as inconsistent with Apollos' subsequent preaching to a Gentile
church (1 Co 36) ; while Spitta gives to the compiler outos- . . . Kvplov and
aKpi^ws ra. wepl rov 'Ir/aov (ver. 25). As aKpijieaTepov (ver. 26) seems to
answer aKpifBibs (ver. 25), I think both passages must stand or fall together.
There is no particular reason for doubting ver. 26bc, but ver. 26a repeats
ver. 26b, and is not necessary as an introduction to aKovaavres Se. Ver. 25c
must be given up at any rate, so that with the omission of ewiardpevos . . .
awayayij the narrative represents in all likelihood the original source.
The editor added ver. 25c from 1915, in order to account for Apollos'
deficiencies in Christian knowledge, while the definite mention of the
synagogue (ver. 26a) was inserted partly to be in keeping with ver. 25c,
partly to explain his connection with Aquila and Priscilla (although
the source had already provided for that, eXdXei Kal eblSaaKev).
The passage forms one of several in which a lucid and intelligible
idea of the contents is only attainable by some use of source-criticism.
The ordinary attempts to explain the passage in its textual status quo
are unsatisfactory ; and this applies even to such hypotheses as those of
Blass (Exp. Ti. 1895, p. 241 f. ; 1896, p. 541 ; PG, p. 30 f.), and Balden
sperger (Prolog des 4 Evglms. pp. 93-99). It is very far-fetched to
discover in the narrative motives such as the desire to throw light on
Paul's first epistle to the Corinthian?, or the wish to represent Jewish
Christianity as an inferior variety which required Pauline teaching to
raise it up to the normal level. The latter motive is perhaps credible in
191'1', not in 1824'28. But for neither is there sufficient evidence in the
Apollos incident.
196. — If the narrative here rests on a good source, this verse is, upon
the whole, to be regarded as an insertion modelled upon 817, where the
Spirit is represented as a gift mediated by the apostles (Wendt ; cp.
McGiffert, p. 286). Ramsay's conception of Acts obliges him to give up the
whole episode (1917) as unintelligible and inferior to the literary standard
of the author ; and certainly 195- 6 is in strange contradiction to 1 Co l16- 17.
1911-20. — Rightly and almost unanimously regarded as a detached and
inferior fragment (cp. ver. 11 with the repetition in vers. 12-15), which, even
apart from its contents, is to be taken as foreign matter, owing to its disloca
tion of the narrative (vers. 10, 21, where rr\r)p. clearly goes back to the events
of the two years with their preaching and teaching). The vulgarity of tone
and general vagueness in this passage force Ramsay (SPT, pp. 272, 273)
to regard it as a popular tale, in which the author " is rather a picker-up
of current gossip, like Herodotus, than a real historian." But belief in
superstition impairs an early writer's general title to credibility as little
as belief in the Phoenix-myth discredits Tacitus as a historian.
2026. 27. 33-35i — q^e farewell speech does not belong to the we-source ;
but although it has been remodelled by the editor from some source or
other, it rests upon good tradition, as it agrees in more than one point with
tlie internal evidence of the Corinthian letters, and refers to much that
the account (in Acts) of Paul's Ephesian stay omits. The editorial revision
is seldom visible. But vers. 26, 27 clearly break the connection between
the counsel of ver. 28 and its motive in ver.25. Similarly the prayer of ver.
36 follows directly after ver. 32, which again forms the solemn and suitable
close of the address. With Jiingst and Clemen (who go even further),
followed by Wendt, these intervening passages, vers. 26, 27, 33-35, are to be
marked as editorial glosse-s. Overbeck rejects the whole speech, vers. 16-38,

APPENDIX 675
with 207"12 214- 8- 10-H as interpolations in the original we-source, and
Zeller views it as "a retrospect of the whole apostolic ministry of Paul,"
like the farewell address of Moses, with which the author of Deuteronomy
presents his new legislation (ii. 68).
219. — An editorial gloss, which adds nothing to the narrative, and is
inserted by one who wished to make clear to his contemporaries the per
sonality of Philip of Hierapolis. Later tradition (e.g. Euseb. HE, in.
30. 1) thus described Philip of the twelve, and the account here is due to
a confusion between him and the member of the seven (814). So Gieseler
(SK, 1829, pp. 1391'.), Renan (Les Apbtres, p. 151), and Hilgenfeld (ZwTh,
1896, p. 377 f.). The alternative is to reject the tradition as a mistake
(Zeller). In order to smooth out the narrative, when the verse is retained,
Jiingst conjectures that it was one of Philip's daughters who bound Paul
(ver. 11), but that the author, from motives of decency, attributed this
action to a man (!). Not much more probable is the conjecture of Spitta,
approved by Wendt, that in the source (interrupted at ver. 10) the
daughters of Philip wept over Paul's fate, and thus led up, as it were,
to the more solemn warning of Agabus.
2i20b-26_ — "With varying constructions, Spitta, Jiingst, Clemen, Hil
genfeld, and apparently Schmiedel, concur in viewing this passage as an
insertion, which not only follows strangely after ver. 20", but gives little
point or meaning to ver. 27f. Although the passover is not referred to in
211619, it is as legitimate to refer the seven days (ver. 27) to it, as to the
rite of vers. 25, 26. In this case, 2119-20a- 27£- might belong to the we-source
as well, to which O. Holtzmann and J. Weiss (less 2124b) attribute even
21212G. In any case, ver. 25 falls with 164 as an insertion (perhaps from another
source, J. Weiss) due to the editor's pragmatism : so Schiirer (ThLz, 1882,
p. 348), and Wendt (p. 347). Cp. McGiffert (p. 343) and J. Weiss (Absicht,
pp. 35, 36) on ver. 24. Evidently the decree is supposed in ver. 25 to have
been unknown to Paul, and issued without his cognisance. This can be his
torically justified only if we consider the decree of chap. 15 to have been
promulgated during Paul's absence, and confined to the churches of Pales
tine and Antioch — a reconstruction which involves some bold hypotheses.
2130a, — as the uproar took place in the temple, and the assault and
ejection followed in quick succession, it is best to regard this clause as an
editorial gloss derived from ver. 31 ; the rumour is as usual exaggerated,
or else by that time the city had had time to be afoot, but between 2129
and 213°b there is no room for such a development. It must be taken
as proleptic or else set aside (so J. Weiss and Wendt).
2230-2310- I11!. — As is pretty generally admitted (e.g. by Spitta, Jiingst,
Clemen, Hilgenfeld, J. Weiss, Wendt), this passage is an insertion which
breaks the continuity of the narrative 2229 2312, and contains some
elements of extreme difficulty.1 The words of 2312 follow most naturally
the persecution of 2229. Paul's witness was given before the crowd, not
before the council, and the narrative of 2312"15 shows no sign of a previous
meeting like that narrated in 23111. How it came to be inserted here
1 Tlie resurrection-idea, which here, as in 42, is regarded as the bete noir of the
Sadducees, would not have really been a cause of such dispute or a source of such
strategic advantage to Paul. The Pharisees opposed Paul ou much wider grounds
(cp. Weizsacker, AA, ii. pp. 116, 117, andZeller-Overbeck, ii. pp. 75-81, 327). Besides,
after the fiasco of 239"10, another meeting such as that asked in 231" would have been
hardly possible.

676 APPENDIX
is hard to say, unless the aKpifiearepov of 2315 suggested to the editor that a
previous and ineffective examination must have taken place. McGiffert
admits the fact of an examination, but regards 231'10 as based on the hint in
vers. 28, 29. These, however, probably fall with 231-10, although Wendt
attributes the whole passage, vers. 23-35, to an expansion of the source.
Blass finds it incredible also, that after the officer's discovery and terror
(ver. 29) Paul is kept in chains till the next day ; he regards the ordinary
a text as a careless abridgment, and proposes audaciously to omit e-rravpiov
altogether or to amend it to rfj ea-rrepg. The addition of /3 is obviously a
correction : Kal rrapaxpypa e'Xvaev avrov.
253b. — Plainly a gloss introduced by the writer from 231221 to supply
a motive for ver. 3a (so Wendt, after J. Weiss, who adds besides ver. 8,
vers. 2a and 3a).
26s. — This verse, an erratic boulder in its present position, is to be
transposed to a place between vers. 22 and 23, where it exactly fits in to
the argument and sense. Por other instances of transposition, cp. Jn 716-24,
Ac 142- 3, etc. The change of this passage was suggested by Nestle (Philo-
logica Sacra, p. 54), and is approved by Wendt; it makes tbe ct-construction
in ver. 23 run smoothly and naturally, while its removal from vers. 7 and
9 cannot be said to interfere with the current of the speech at that point.
2721-26, — rphig speech of Paul on board ship is rejected as an inter
polation of the writer in the second century who edited the whole work : so
several critics, especially Zeller-Overbeck, ii. pp. 84f., 318, Hilgenfeld (Einl.
pp. 592, 607 ; ZwTh, 1896, p. 550), and Holtzmann (HG, ad loc. p. 423) ;
cp. also Clemen (Ghron. pp. 144, 145), van Manen (Paulus, I. p. 81), Jiingst
(pp. 187 f.), and J. Weiss (Absicht, p. 35). It is argued1 that the section
interrupts the narrative, represents Paul in an elevated and assured mood
foreign to him in the rest of the chapter (e.g. vers. 10, 31), where he appears
anxious and cautiously on the alert, also that it betrays the wish to ex
aggerate the supernatural (e.g. the island, ver. 26). On the other hand,
this excision would not be necessary if it were held that the context
is meant to heighten dramatically the role of Paul (see Ramsay's dis
cussion, SPT, pp. 336-339). Wendt agrees with the above-named critics
in holding the passage as an insertion (-Meyer,8 p. 410), but thinks the
source must have originally contained some basis for it. This is, however,
wholly problematic. The parallelism between 723- 24 and 23u proves
nothing either way.
The passage resembles but does not involve the subsequent passage
2733-35(36^ where a very similar attitude of Paul is represented. This
section, however, Holtzmann, Jiingst, Clemen, and Wendt hesitate to
cut out ; it coheres with the context, and the saying in ver. 34° need not be
taken as an insertion from Lk 2118, Mt 1030; it reflects quite as well 1 Sam
1445, etc. The historicity of vers. 33-35 can be reasonably used to explain
the connection of vers. 21-26 with the facts and feelings of the whole
situation, but the latter passage is in all likelihood an insertion.
Certainly the mention of hunger (2721) does not seem a particularly
apt introduction to Paul's speech, in which the food question is entirely
ignored, unless hunger be somewhat subtly brought forward as a reason
for, or an element in, that dejection which Paul strove to overcome. Still,
the explanation of this and other awkwardnesses may lie in considerations
of the author's style (" non sunt haec bene constructs," Blass), rather than
in the hypothesis that ver. 33 f. was added by a later hand " in order to
give the impression made by the apostle even on the Romans, whose
i "A fair hypothesis, and deserves fair and dispassionate consideration" (Eamsay).

APPENDIX 677
prisoner he was," or that ver. 21 f. is a " vaticinium ex eventu on behalf of
a tendency." 1
What is true of Acts holds true of the Apocalypse : the composite
character of the writing is no longer a hypothesis, it is a postulate, of
critical study. The keen and often arbitrary analysis to which the book
has been subjected during the past fifteen years has yielded at least this
general result, that sources have been used by the author (editor ,) to
whom we owe the work in its present form. To some extent these sources
can be almost disentangled. In certain chapters material lies, belonging
to a date obviously older than the period of the book's final composition ;
here and there tbe heterogeneous nature of the book is evident, and
with all their variations there is a remarkable amount of common ground
among the competing theories. Still, the precise extent, character (Jewish
or Christian), and date of these sources, even their original language, are
largely matters of debate, although in recent years there has been u,
welcome tendency towards some agreement upon several of these matters.
The main point is that no method which neglects source-criticism can satis
factorily explain the doublets, the varying climates of religion, tbe abrupt
connections (e.g. between chaps. 3 and 4, 6 and 7, 11 and 12), the redupli
cations (e.g. chaps. 13 and 17), the isolation of passages like chap. 12, the
conflicting standpoints (e.g. ll13 and 2122) in situation and feeling, now
particularistic, now universal, and the occasional divergences that even
the author's artistic genius could not obliterate.
At the same time, the Apocalypse is no mosaic of earlier and scattered
apocalyptic pieces. The author, whoever he was, worked over his sources
with a free and independent spirit. He has fused elements, often diver-
[Continued on page 680.
1 In closing these notes on the structure of Acts, one must add a couple of sen
tences. First, it is to be admitted that Schmiedel's remark upon the general com
position ofthe book is amply borne out by the internal evidence : "in general, the
editor has dealt with his sources in so masterful a manner that au unlucky hit in the
selection and arrangement of the pieces has but rarely to be noted." But this in no
way justifies the hauteur with which source-criticism continues to be treated in some
circles. Stripped of extravagant fancies and verbal rigidity, it is a legitimate science ;
and its disparagement is one cause of the prevalent ineffectiveness in English efforts
to reconstruct early Christian ideas. Kriiger is amply justified in the recent rebuke
hehas administered to the subjective and arbitrary performances of literary criticism,
as applied by a critic like Volter to the literature of the first and second centuries
(ThLz, 1900, pp. 535, 536). But the warning is not urgently needed as yet, upon this
side of the channel, where the reign of timidity and superficiality lingers ou in the
treatment of writings such as Acts and the Apocalypse. Here it is the rights, not
the limits, of analytic criticism that have still to be asserted, and Mr. Bartlet is
entirely warranted in protesting, il propos of Knowling's commentary on Acts, that
"as long as Quelh-nkritik is discounted, there will remain the element of unreality
and artificial combination whieh haunts one's mind in reading typical English work "
(CR, 1900, p. 440). The other point which requires to be emphasised in
dealing with such historical treatises as Acts, is that they must be taken primarily
as compositions, products of a given mind in a given age. There is a constant
temptation to plunge into the story, aud to forget that the story exists for us as tbe
output of an author. To understand its "why" and "how" is impossible, if we
break such historical relationships either in a speech or in a story ; it has ties with
the age of its birth and growth in the human mind which must not be severed, and
it passes to us through a medium which cann®t be ignored. "The first question
is not, what objective reality is possessed by this or that narrative per se ? but
rather, what is the relation of the narrative to the mind of the narrator, ^through
the medium of which it becomes an object of historical knowledge for us ? " (Baur).
There are plenty of conscientious writers on the NT whose work would be doubled
in value by some attention to this neglected canon of historical research.

678

APPENDIX

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(srcas) u*Ei^suqo y

4-li,
9-lfl 1-29 1-22 •2-11 1-14 1-17 9-17
9M9
8-21
(pt)

¦<rv ot "^
^ 'amp s.TJinSji'CO
^ iuojj Siiryep (sjadum.ii)
aoanos qsiA\af y

-; -1. ,- — .. — .
r- . . c- -H fr, -,'
i « . -s -d =?
~orTdT"5!-1 '^ ra^a
7S ^SdPdpc-^.J 3 v2 «
co c» jl d-GTcd ^ .2 71 c; V co "

¦o'a £9 -o
'uiap3sruaf
il, jo ajTvjd'eo s^tadiuod
jo auiiq. uiojj SuiTep
(spju) aojuos qsi.waf y

l'\
2",10,11 1-13,
15,17,18 14-20 1-8
(exc.
7) 1-12,
17,
21 1-6" 1-8
(exo. 4) 9-27 1-3

APPENDIX

679

•TO.10J iiuasajd s^t ut itjoav
ajpq.u. 8U'4 P lo^onpw aq^
'aimci B^uuLipDH J° '.lo^ipa
umisuqo puooas T3 = ,a

1-3,4-20 1-29 1-22 6-80 6-21

ft! aBi
WajEn
£-

•((1qurai„ o^ saouajajaj
Su'ipnpui) SniMOnoj aq$ ui
jfggjqo .raaddu ^joav asoqA\
jo s'aounj 'ouii!} s.uupimoa
jo 'ao^jipa ire"nsuqo"1B = 3

^CM" Jc Ji^ CM
rtz; " ^M"
-* CI —ix „co co r-TcFio _co
c-C IO .M — - iC- cj ^

¦uSiaa s.n'BTSTidsaA jo
asojo aq; sp-reAvo^ ua'i;uA\
'ascLCpjoodi; qsiMOf -u = y

1-11 1-17 1-8 1-13 1-21 1-11 1-7,
11-18 6-11 1,
2, 4-S 1-21 1-5,7-10,15-18 1-19,21-24 1-5,11-13", 14
f. 1-3,
8-16 1-4, 10-13,etc. 1-5

uiojj Suictup 'oiqd.C['BOod'G
qsiAiaf jo (s)^uaiuSB.iL»x
1-19 1-10(?)
fi<a
•a'v 001 '° 'asA'psoodi?
uavo siq m saS^ss^d aaqqo
qijiAV X put? c pa.j'CJodJtoouT
oqAV '.locupa nui^si.iqo "8=11
r^— l^ rt ^ .D ci
-H „ rt - CO rt
t. ' — ' CM h- — ' -
r-< CO I" " C5 rt rH OO „_| CO
-ClcM-t-1 ^ -. " rl01— O -H
C3 CM CM r-C ICO CC — 1 rH
1 1 1 1 rt 1 - 1 1 CM
r4r-tr4 ~C ^* rt rt r- rt
¦a-vi8 *3
'sniiij, japurt ua^uA\
(N=ao.mos qsiMaf jaqiouy
10,12-17,19 1-11 1-5 1-17 1-8,9-17 1-13 1-21 14-18 14-20 171.-20 1-18 1-24 1-6 9-27 1-11, 14,15
'aT 69 "3
'o.ia^j japuu ua^iJA\
'cpaipra ao.mos qsiA\af y
1-11 1-13 1-19,12-28 1-18 6-11 2-4 13,14,16 11-21 1-15 1-8
Ic
muvno
i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. viii. ix. X. xi. xii. xiii. xiv. xv. xvi. xvii. xviii. xix. XX. xxi. xxii.
cc
a!H
H *<rv oti *o
1-3,
7-8, 9- 1-29 [19 1-22 61. (1-17) 13 15 101', xgli 7a, 12, 13, 16, 17,
20, 21
fl 'Q'V OST '62T 'uSraj
s.U'Bup'Bjj ui 'pa^jpa-ay;
11-14 16
(xai aro ...
apvicv) 9-17 11 1-18 1
(«
iv. a. xai),
4,5, 9-12 1-8 1-21 exc.
15 la 20-21
(i-4-.- X.) 4,10 9-27 1-5,6,
7b, 8-11,14, 15, 18,19
•saStsssnd asaq.j
0 JO UOT^Tpp^ IfllAY 'U-BftJ-TX
jo auiT.1 ui'pa^ipa
^
'a-v 69 '89
'¦thai qsiA\af aq.j jo
M qtJajqino aq.j put* q^ap
s.oaajsj ja^ju .roq^Tve
aq; Xq pappts uo^oas y
l-n 1-13 8 1-18
*
•a-v 99 (S9
, (i Majqa jj ui pasodiuoo)
aiasodB aqi} uqof jo
asdifpjoodT: pmiSuo aqx
4-6 1-11 1-10, except
6b 1-17, except xai aTO r.o.r. apviov
(16) 1-8 1-13 1-21 14-19, exc. xai r.x- avrov,
15. TCci« v.
X. xai,
18 1-3, exc. toov. a.xai,
6,7, 14-20 1-24 1-4, 5-10*
680 APPENDIX
gent and alien, into a glowing unity which is unmistakably marked in
style, structure, and conception. The whole book is a religious and
artistic masterpiece of its class ; and the process of analysis which scientific
criticism is amply justified in applying to the completed work, merely
brings out by its very success the greater synthesis dominating the
author's mind amid the heated visions of earlier seers and the medley
of traditional pieces, which were often impressive and enigmatic as runes.
The hypothesis which practically set in motion the modern work of
analytic criticism upon this book was Volter's. His arrangement differed
from time to time, especially during the controversies with Vischer and
others ; but the variations never affected the main outlines of the scheme
as given in the second edition of his Die Entstehung der Apocalypse (1885).
Cp. the reviews by Jiilicher, GGA (1886), pp. 25-38 ; Schiirer, ThLz (1888),
p. 135 f. ; and Milligan, Discussions on Apocalypse (1893), pp. 20-34 ; be
sides the notices in the commentaries. The chief change made by Volter
in the scheme as here printed, was the subsequent discovery of a new
source in several parts of D (e.g. 511"14 616 79"17 12u 144'5 and also 141).
Vischer's analysis (TU, ii. p. 3) proceeds upon a simpler principle, and
hardly requires detailed exhibition. The groundwork of the present
book he finds in 4-225, a Jewish apocalypse dating from the years 66-70
a.d., but in part due to a period slightly later. This writing has been
interpolated (e.g. in the Lamb-passages) by Christians, and issued under
the name of John. Chaps. 1-3, 226-21 represent the Christian prefix and
appendix which were added — with a double recension of the whole — (a)
in Domitian's reign, (b) in + 136 a.d. Chaps. 11, 12 form for Vischer the
clue to this dissection ; he is on stronger ground when he emphasises
not the Jewish basis, but the final and essential unity of the whole book.
Cp. approving reviews by Simcox, " Revelation " (GGT) ; Exp.3 v. pp. 425-
443 ; Martineau, Seat of Authority, pp. 224-227 ; Overbeck, ThLz (1881), p.
28 f. ; Menegoz, Bevue de theol. et phil. 1887, p. 161 ; also Kriiger, GGA
(1887), pp. 26-35 ; otherwise Milligan, op. cit. pp. 35-44.
The Jewish element is further developed by G. J. Weyland (Theol.
Tijd. 1886, pp. 454-470, etc.), whose scheme is printed alongside of
Volter's, with which it has some distinct correspondences. Similarly
Pfleiderer ( Urc. pp. 318-356) finds in 4-225 a Jewish apocalypse dating
from Vespasian's reign, and including (ll113 12) a still older fragment
composed between 60 and 70 a.d. The book has been twice edited, first
by a Christian redactor in the age of Domitian, and later by another, not
earlier than Trajan's reign, to whom are due the prefix (1-3) and appen
dix (226-21). This general view, analogous to Vischer's, is partly shared by
0. Holtzmann (in Stade's Geschichte des Volkes Israel, ii. pp. 658-664),
who finds embedded in the extant book a Jewish apocalypse of Nero's age,
containing, however, an older fragment (13, 14cl3) dating from Caligula's
age (reading SeKa for e^gKovra, 1318, and interpreting it as Tdios Kaiaap).1
On a different line, Schon (L'origine de Vapocalypse de Saint Jean, 1887)
I strongly suspect that in its original form
chap. 13 contains, more or less completely, a
Caligula-apocalypse, as Erbes, O. Holtzmann,
Spitta, and Zahn contend. The details suit
Caligula's period so -we\l(e.g. 3, 6, 8), that even
the editorial touches do not altogether obli-
284 + 332 = 616 terate the original sketch. Bousset (-Meyer,
pp. 433-435) rejects the reference, though not
¦Cp. Nestle, Einf. p. 264. confidently, but J. Weiss seems to favour it
(SK, 1892, p. 261 f.).

1

K = 20

r

= 3

A = 1

A

= 1

I = 10

I

= 10

C = 200

0

= 70

A = 1

C

= 200

P = 100

APPENDIX

681

is disposed to regard the nucleus of the book as Christian and even apostolic
with ll"3 121* "-1; 13, 18 (except 182») as Jewish insertions. Sabatier
(Les origines lilte'raires et la composition de V apocalypse de St. Jean, 1887)
takes the same general view. He considers the homogeneity of the first
ten chapters in style and conception to be unimpeachable, but finds
Jewish passages in ll113 12, 13, i4i;-2« 171-192 19"_;>010 213-225. A
third French critic, Bruston, in his latest work (Les origines de V apocalypse,
1888), places an apostolic apocalypse, written in Hebrew, in the latter
years of Nero : another work, written in Greek, was composed thirty
years later, whereupon both were united and edited bv a Jewish-Christian.
Bruston had already (Le chiffre 666 et Vhupothhe du retour de Xerox, 1880)
referred 133 not to Nero himself, but to the death of Julius Caesar and
the subsequent re-establishment of the empire under Augustus. Still
more independently, Professor Briggs (Messiah of Apostles, pp. 285-461),
in an elaborate discussion, founds his argument on the following analysis
of the Apocalypse, which must be printed separately. It implies the
successive accretion of matter to an original nucleus : —

Fourth edition, close of first, beginning- of second century.

Third edition.

8
*
Second edition.
First edition.
£
at
6 y
Letters.
Seals.
Trumpets.
Vials.
Beasts.
Drag-on.
Redactor.
19
14-0 ; 17-8
1W-3
4-6 71-3
51 |82-9
¦'
1 101a. 3-7
1016b. 2. 8-11
\ 2 "^
Ulab-lS | Hl-i-loa
1 111"
121-17
1 "c -.
141-5 U19
15-17 '¦ 12is 13
1 ~ zr-
79-17
141c 17. 1 J---0
191-s
148-13
I -'-
215b. 7a
20
! — ~
216. 71j-3
•¦>l>15.1Gb.l7.
18, 1911-21
211. 2. IGac. 18-
1 *z —
22- 'J"
21
.'
2216-17
2221 221 0-15
221-2 (199. 10)
0.76-9
213-5*
2218-20 -
a = Reign of Caligula ; /3 shortly afterwards. "| " In the main these apocalypses come
-/ Older than S, and £ younger than both (perhaps, - from an early date, prior to the
reign of Galba). J destruction of Jerusalem."
s - Latest of series, not earlier than Nero, perhaps as late as Domitian."
Two analyses further claim to be considered in greater detail. Spitta's
(Offenharung des Johanna, 1889) 1 is remarkable for its attempt to break
up the book into two Jewish sources ; and on this line Schmidt (Anmer-
kungen iiber die Kornposition der Offenharung Joh. 1891) has gone much
further, finding at least three. The clue detected by Spitta is the use of
"seven." Prom this he works back to his sources, and their date. Like 0.
xCp. reviews by Schmiedel (LC, 1SSS, pp. 74-76), Diisterdieck (GGA, 1889,
pp. 554-564), and Weizsacker (ThLz, 1890, p. 468). Schmidt dates the final editing
of the Apocalypse in Hadrian's reign, considers that the Jewish nucleus (4'-78
82-1115 10"-H13 121-225 14&-20 171-19-5) -was written originally in Hebrew, partly before
and partly after the year 70 (e.g. 171=Vespasian), aud places the Christian letters
(1-3) under Domitian.
682 APPENDIX
Holtzmann, he takes 616 = Tdios Kaiaap and discovers a Caligula-apocalypse.
In the last point, though not in the Jewish character of the sources, he is
followed by Erbes, whose analysis I print, side by side with his (Die
Offenharung Johannes kritisch untersueht, 1891).
Weizsacker (AA, ii. pp. 173-205) still prefers to think, not of various
apocalyptic writings worked over and incorporated in one another, but of
single fragmentary visions — belonging to various periods — which lay
before the final author, a Jewish-Christian, who in the name of his master
John gathered together into a single collection the most treasured pro
phecies of the last decades. Chap. 11 Weizsacker regards as originally
dating from 60-70 a.d. and, like chap. 12, referring to the Jewish war.
Chap. 13 comes from Vespasian's reign, and chap. 17 somewhat later. At
the same time he regards it as "hardly possible to reconstruct in any
likely form whole writings as its sources." For the final composition of
the whole he refuses to go much beyond the close of the first century.
Jiilicher (Einl. pp. 181-183) is similarly reticent. He takes the book as
a unity in its present form, but with older apocalyptic pieces incorporated ;
neither the sources nor the spirit of the latter can be, as he thinks, de
ciphered with any accuracy.
These theories, along with some others which I have passed over as
either minor or inaccessible, are discussed, with reference to the whole
apocalyptic problem, by Rovers (Apoc Studien, 1888, pp. 56-86).
A. Meyer (TB, 1897, Zweites und drittes Heft), Holtzmann (JpTh, 1891,
pp. 520-545), Baldensperger (" die neueren kritischen Eorschungen iiber
die Apok. Joh." ZThK, 1894, pp. 232-250), Bousset (-Meyer, pp. 127-141),
and Barton (A JT, ii. pp. 776-801). Adverse to them more or less are the
critiques by Diisterdieck (GGA, 1889, p. 554 f.), Beyschlag (SK, 1888,
pp. 102-138), Bovon (Bevue de thdol. et phil. 1887, pp. 329-362), and
Hilgenfeld (ZwTh, 1882, pp. 396f.; 1888, p. 374f.; 1890, pp. 385-469),
although the last-named admits one or two interpolations (l1'3 1615 198b-
iob. i3b. 2218-20). Holtzmann's attitude to the whole problem of the sources
is that of an open but cautious observer (HG, iv. 2 ; Einl. pp. 411-414),
while Weiss (INT, ii. pp. 68-71 ; TU. vn. p. 1), Reuss (Histoire de la
theologie Chretienne au Siecle Apostolique (Eng. tr.), i. pp. 369-389),
Milligan (op. cit. chap, ii.), and Hirscht (Die apokalypse u. ihre neueste
Kritik, 1 895), argue strongly for the essential unity of the writing.
The questions at issue really concern (a) the sources, their number,
nature (Jewish or Christian), and date (Caligula, Nero, Domitian, or even
later), and (b) the final editor. Was he little more than a compiler, who has
rather awkwardly fitted earlier pieces together with additions of his own, or
was he an author who worked with freedom and creative power, partly upon
material that lay to his hand, partly upon visions and prophecies of his own 1
Connected with this series of hypotheses is the important line of
criticism anticipated by Dr. Barton (Journal of Amer. Oriental Society,
xv. pp. 26, 27), but elaborately and independently worked out in Gunkel's
Schbpfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit (1895). 1 Here the Babjdonian
or rather Akkadian mythology is used to throw light upon the ancient
traditions underlying chap. 12 of the Apocalypse, the dragon -myth
1 Though Zahn is contented to pass by on the other side with a flippant sentence,
the hypothesis in its main outline has been tentatively favoured by Cheyne (CR, v.
pp. 264, 265), and receives more or less favourable notice from "Wrede (ThLz, 1896,
pp. 623-631), Staerk (ZwTh, 1896, pp. 330-334), and Clemen (SK, 1895, pp. 619-630,
also LC, 1895, pp. 481-483). Vide Gunkel's similar method in his recent and masterly
edition of 4th Esdras (KAP, ii. p. 331 f.), also Cheyne, Job and Solomon, pp. 76-78,
but especially A. S. Palmer, Babylonian Influence on the Bible, 1897.

APPENDIX 683
furnishing the basis for its anthropomorphic development in the anti
christ legend ; but it is obvious that if the principle is valid it applies
to the nature, and indirectly to the origin, of many other parts of the
book. It has been so applied especially by Bousset (Der Antichrist in der
Ueberlieferung d. Judenth. 1895),1 who has exploited these materials, often
with convincing weight, in his standard edition of the Apocalypse (-Meyer,
1896), though quite independently of his predecessor. They differ in
detail. But both work chiefly on the religious-historical line in preference
to that of literary criticism, although Bousset follows Weizsacker in the
general treatment of the sources. Gunkel's sweep is narrower. Ho
starts from a part of the Apocalypse so admittedly isolated as chap.J12.
The key to this lies in pre-Semitic folk-lore outside both the Old and the
New Testament, and has been found by different scholars in Egyptian
or Greek mythology, — the former with its cycle of Hathor, her young
sun-god Horus, and Typhon the seven-headed dragon ; the latter with its
legend of Apollo's birth and Leto's persecution by Pytho, localised in
Ephesus. Gunkel, however, prefers the old Babylonian myth (mediated
through Dan 7, 8) of the birth of Marduk the young sun-god, and his
triumph over Ti&mat the dragon-monster of the water. To these Bousset
refuses to adhere ; he finds the clue not even in the Jewish tradition of a
pre-existent Messiah, but in an old sun-myth, Jesus taking the place of
the young god of light and the woman representing idealised Israel.
Bousset's method, then, is to regard the Apocalypse not as the mechanical
compilation of sources by a redactor, but as an apocalyptic writing in
which, true to the apocalyptic tradition (Gunkel, op. cit. p. 252 f.), the
author has used traditional material and adopted pieces which lay before
him in a more or less stereotyped form. Along with these an oral and
possibly esoteric tradition 2 has to be reckoned, persisting from age to age.
Thus in ll1- 2 he finds an apocalyptic fragment dating from before 70 a.d.
possibly Jewish in origin ; in ll3-18 a fragment of tradition on the anti
christ which reached the writer in connection with the fragment on the
temple (ll1- 2); in chap. 13 — the highest point of the apocalyptic
drama — an old tradition of Nero combined with a cognate tradition of
antichrist ; in 1414'20 another foreign element, or tradition of antichrist=
Enoch IOO1- 2 ; in 199- 10 a piece of traditional polemic against Jewish or
Jewish-Christian angel- worship = Asc. Isa. 721 ; in 202- 3 (after Gunkel,
91-95) an older picture ; in 204'10 a Jewish tradition on Gog and Magog
= Sibyll iii. 319 f. 663 ; in 21-225 the combination of two traditions,
(a) the favourite one of the new Jerusalem,3 existing in a written form,
1 Cp. Schmiedel, LC, 1895, pp. 1545-1547 ; also Bousset's articles in EBi, i. on "Anti
christ "and "Apocalypse," and the Eng. trans, ofhis Antichrist by Mr. A. H. Keane
(1896), especially pp. xiv-xxiv. On the relations between the older Babylonian
religion and the Jewish and later Gnostic developments, as well as on the Persian
influences (Tobit), cp. Anz (TU, xv. pp. 4, 61-110), Schwally (Das Leben nach dem
Tode, p. 1461), Beer (KAP, ii. p. 233 f.), and Bible Folk-Lore, 1884, pp. 301-318.
2 1 Th 415 (?), 2 Th 25"8, ov pcvi-J-ovtvin 'ort In S,v rpo; vpcis, raZra ikiyov iiptOv xrX. On
which Bornemann quotes Origen's remark (in Matth. Comm., iv. p. 329): "Forte
quoniam apud Judaeos erant quidam sive per scripturas profitentes de temporibus
consummationis se scire, sive de secretis, ideo haec scribit."
8 The irreconcilable antipathy of the Jews to Rome's suzerainty over Palestine
had, on its religious side, an undaunted hope for a new Jerusalem and for the
expulsion, or even the overthrow, of the pagans. This rested on the belief in a
Messiah's advent and terrestrial reign. For the annihilation of the Empire, cp. Apoc
Baruch IO6 '¦ 63 f.). Wellhausen (Skizzen u. Vorarbeiten, vi. pp. 225-234), however,
remains sceptical on Gunkel's interpretation as a whole, in regard to the Apocalypse
(see the latter's reply in ZwTh, 1899, pp. 581-611).

684 APPENDIX
and (b) that of the heavenly Jerusalem, which sprang up only after 70 a.d.
(cp. Apoc Bar and 4th Esdras). Apart from details, Gunkel and Bousset :
have opened a fruitful line of research, parallel in some respects to that
developed by Usener in another province of the NT ; and any attempt to
get behind the Apocalypse to its roots in the folk-lore and sagas of earlier
and even foreign thought, is a much-needed corollary to the analytic
methods of source-criticism. After discount is allowed for exaggeration
and premature conclusions, it affords considerable aid in the tangled
problem of dating the book and its various sources.
The critical basis upon which the book has been arranged in the
present edition approximates substantially to that of Weizsacker, and may
be roughly outlined as follows. The seven letters to the churches are,
I think, to be regarded, with the great majority of editors (despite Spitta
and Bousset), as a separate section, among the latest in the whole book,
and most characteristic of the author and of the crisis at which he
wrote. As for the rest of the volume, chaps. 4-22, the standpoint of
criticism here is practically that already adopted in the case of Acts.
Both writings in their present form belong to the last decade of the first
century. Both depend upon sources of more or less value and weight,
reaching back to the period preceding the crisis of 70. In both, these
sources have been partly submerged ; but in part they rise visibly above
the materials contributed by the final author. In the case of the
Apocalypse, then, as of Acts, it is still feasible to mark by means of
darker type one or two passages — varying from large to small paragraphs
— which bear traces of earlier origin, and at the same time to note in
brackets one or two phrases in which the later editor has Christianised
the materials before him, even when the precise date and character of
these materials slip away from a reasonable analysis.
Two interesting features become transparent in this collection of
materials. The sources are neither consistent, point for point, with one
another, nor are they always to be reconciled with the actual history to
which they refer. The explanation of these discrepancies largely lies
in the general nature of prophecy and apocalyptic, and is best summed
up in the canon : " Prophecies, especially those of an apocalyptic nature,
are retained as tradition, without reference to their confirmation or
refutation by history, and merely on the ground of the authority they
have acquired " (Weizsacker). This may be quoted once for all as the
clue to many of the familiar puzzles in the Apocalypse of John.
61C. — The suspicion that the remarkable addition ko.1 airb rijs opyr/s
rov apviov is an interpolation, is corroborated by the fact that avrov (not
avTwv, an obvious correction 2) occurs in the next verse. This may be a
usage similar to that in 1 Th 311, 2 Th 210- 17, but internal evidence and
the parallelism turn the scale in the opposite direction. The insertion of
the reference to the Lamb was natural in a later editor or scribe, in order
to definitely mark the Christian allusion of the OT passages here cited.
So especially Vischer, Volter, Weyland, Pfleiderer, and Spitta.
718. — The patent duality 3 in this chapter leaves only one question
open : which of the two sections is the source, and which is due to the
i See also the latter's reply (Thlz, 1898, pp. 578-583) to Erbes' monograph (Der
Antichrist in den Schriften des NT, 1897). His view is endorsed by M. R. James
(DB iii. pp. 226, 227).
- As Bousset points out, after Weiss, avrov explains the variant airSv, not vice versd.
3 So conservative a scholar as Simcnx (CGT, "Revelation," Appendix) is almost
driven by this discrepancy to follow Vischer and regard vers. 9-17 as au interpolation.

APPENDIX 685
different standpoint of the editor 1 Probably vers. 1-8 are to be taken as an
abrupt (note the four bound winds, never unloosed afterwards) and inter
polated fragment from some Jewish (?) source (so Spitta and Bousset), a
hypothesis which is supported by the stylistic resemblances of vers. 9-17
to the rest of the Apocalypse. The definite eschatological horizon of
vers. 1-8 comes from Jewish or Jewish-Christian tradition. The author
supplements it by a wider Christian outlook (the stress falling on the
Gentile Christian martyrs), whose incompatibility with the former
section was probably hidden from him by the semi-spiritual way in
which he interpreted the language of vers. 1-8. In its original setting
the latter piece may be placed before 70 a.d., as an expression of Jewish-
Christianity in Jerusalem (Weizsacker). For a good discussion cp. Bousset,
ad loc. pp. 336-339. The impossibility of identifying both multitudes
may be taken as the starting-point of critical research, and a divergence
between the 144,000 here (a faithful remnant from the old faith) and in
141 (a nucleus of ascetics) is also axiomatic.
ll1'13. — This fragment, which stands quite out of connection with the
following (cp. 912 with ll14) section, is regarded by most editors as a
Jewish source to which the author of the Apocalypse leads up by means
of chap. 10, although the latter (1011) serves as the prelude to an even
wider outlook (chaps. 17, 18). So especially Weizsacker, Pfleiderer,
Schmidt, Schon, Sabatier, Bousset, and McGiffert (A A, p. 635). It forms
a sudden vision, breaking in upon the progress of the trumpet- visions with
isolated contents which are neither resumed nor carried forward in the
subsequent chapters. It also contains some linguistic peculiarities of its
own, and represents, e.g., the seer in an active capacity (not passive, as
elsewhere). Some hint of the date of the passage might he found in
ver. 8 ; but " the great city " there may be taken either as Rome (in
which case, as with many scholars,1 6Voi> Kal 6 Kvpios avratv earavpadr] is a
gloss) or as Jerusalem (so strongly Bousset, who develops from it his theory
of the antichrist's appearance in Jerusalem as a defiant opponent of God
and a deluder of the people). It is safer to regard at least vers. 1, 2 as a
separate fragment, written before 70 by a loyal Jew2 who refuses to
believe in the possible profanation 'of the temple (cp. Lk 2124, Bousset).
If, as is quite possible, the author was a Jewish-Christian, it is a curious
instance of the nuiditj- and variety of such conceptions that the present
idea of the temple being preserved is in flat contradiction 3 to the other
tradition represented by Mk 132 ( = Mt 242, Lk 21°) and Ac 7 (the address
of Stephen), which is certainly genuine. The whole passage then
"When the servants of God have been sealed in their foreheads, and we expect the
wrath of God to break forth upon the rest of the world " (cp. ver. 8) then, as he com
plains, "we have instead a vision of God's servants already triumphant : not of the
'great tribulation,' but of those who came out of it. . . . The vision of the saints
in triumph seems ont of place at this stage of events." But it is proleptic.
1 Recentlv Jiilicher (EM. pp. 181, 182).
2 So Wellhausen (Skizzen u. Vorarbeiten, vi. p. 215 f.), who attributes this
fragment to the Zealots (vide the well-known passage of Josephus), and chap. 12 to
the Pharisaic circle in Jerusalem towards the end of the seventh decade, the latter
of whom preserved a purely religious attitude, as distinct from the active patriotism
of the sectaries. Both passages were originally written in Hebrew or Aramaic (so
Gunkel). s A point that is almost fatal to the hypothesis that John the apostle composed
the book. The attempt to escape from this conclusion by the surmise that the
author is spiritualising, is quite inadequate to meet the facts and evidence. What
ever may have been the final sense in which the editor read these and some other
passages, their original meaning was certainly literal.

686 APPENDIX
(vers. 1-13) represents an expectation that the Jewish people would be
converted or destroyed by means of a catastrophe which would be due to
their treatment of Enoch and Elijah, the God-sent messengers of Messiah.
If vers. 3-10 hang with 1, 2, the whole passage falls into the years 67-70,1
when the crisis was viewed as a sharp measure for inducing national
repentance. If not, they may be brought down somewhat later ; and this
is perhaps easier, as vers. 3-10 do not of themselves imply that crisis.
12. — This, as the large majority of editors admit, forms an isolated
and distinct section, which introduces chap. 13, but stands out of all
relation to the rest of the Apocalypse. To recapitulate the birth of the
Messiah at this stage (ll19) is almost out of keeping with the solemn
series of visions which it interrupts.
Its date depends on the principle used to unlock its meaning — (a)
historical or (b) mythological. In the former case, it is either Christian
or Jewish ; to be referred to the persecution and flight of the primitive
Christians from Jerusalem to Pella in the seventh decade, or to the ideal
Jewish church (Hos l13, 4 Esdras 938 £) from which the Messiah sprang, in
its troubles under Caligula or Titus. No construction on these lines is
without its difficulties, and it is impossible to press the details of the
dragon's manoeuvre into historical references either to Herod or to any
of the Roman emperors. " The pictures . . . seem to shift like a
dissolving view " (Simcox). Certainly the absence of all reference to the
crucifixion and the general colours of the sketch favour a Jewish origin,
upon the whole. When (b) is adopted (see above, p. 683),2 an exact
determination of the source's date becomes less possible than ever. In
this case the groundwork of the source, possibly an old sun-myth, is
found originally outside both Jewish and Christian territory ; but the
Christian author has taken it from a primarily Jewish application, and used
it here to explain the life of Jesus and the fortunes of his followers. On
the Babylonian groundwork of 3^, especially the Babylonian divinity
Adapa, a semi-mortal Doppelgdnger of Marduk, who in his capacity of
1 Lagarde (GGA, 1891, pp. 498-520) even placed Dan 7 in this period (67 A.D.),
interpreting the "small horn" as Vespasian.
2 In The Homeric Centones (1898), Prof. Rendel Harris points to another source
which, he thinks, the author of this saga had in mind, namely, the vision in Iliail
2:J06r-, where a blood-red serpent swallows a brood of little sparrows and the mother-
bird. Here also (in Apoc 12) the mother has wings and more children (1217) than
one, but otherwise the parallelism is not so striking as that of the similar myths
already cited. The storming of heaven ( = Eph 612) by the dragon, as Cheyne points
out (EBi, i. p. 1131), is a replica of Tiiimat's rebellion, and the flood of water occurs in
the myth narrated in Addit. Esther (ll5-11). Jensen (apud Wildeboer, Kurzer Hand-
Cortxtn. A. T., "Esther," pp. 173-176) explains the book of Esther from a similar
Babylonian myth. Purim, he holds, is merely a Judaised allegorical edition of the
Babylonian new-year festival, which in turn derived from the Babylonian version
of theepos of GilgamH, with its account of the defeat ofthe Elamites and their national
god Humman (= Haman) by their hereditary foes the Babylonians under Marduk
(—Mordecai). We have cuneiform evidence that Assurbanipal recovered from the
Elamites an image of Istar (= Esther). J. H. Moulton (Exp. Ti. xi. pp. 257-260),
founding in part upon.ahjnt of Prof. Rendel Harris (The Story of Ahiko.r, 1898, pp.
vii-lxxxviii ; AJT, 1899, p. 541 f.), similarly conjectures that Tobit represents a
Jewish edition of some old Iranian piece of folk-lore, whieh applies and adapts the
older myth to specially Hebrew needs. This current of influence as a factor in pre-
Christian Judaism is also worked out by E. Stave : Ueber den Einfluss d. Parsismus
auf. d. Judentum (1898), p. 145 f. ; he discusses the relation of Jewish angelology
to the NT conceptions (ibid. pp. 227 f.), identifying, e.g., the "angels" of Apoc
1-3 with the Parsee Fravashis, and pointing out a background to Eph 6llf- in the
atmospheric battles of Parsee genii.

APPENDIX 687
zir-amiluti ("seed of mankind") is conjectured to have been a prototype
of the Messianic conception of bar-nuslul (" son of man "), cp. Hommel,
Exp. Ti. xi. pp. 341-345.
Both Pfleiderer and Bousset find traces of the editor's hand, parti
cularly in vers. 10-11 (where the reasons for the victory resemble 711,
and have no relation to the reason already adduced by' the source, i.e.
Michael's power, ver. 7)1, also in 17 (where the " rest of the seed" must refer
to Christians, and cannot have had a place in the original Jewish docu
ment), which is introduced partly to bridge the gap between chaps. 12 and
13. Wellhausen finds Christian additions also in vers. 11 and 17 (koi e'x-
t. p. 'Ino-ou), and takes vers. 1-6, 7-14 as variants of one idea. But the
fact is, this fragment is one of several in the apocalyptic literature, and
even beyond it (e.g. 4 Mac 186b-ls), where an interpolation cannot be
sharply assigned with any conclusiveness to a Christian or a Jewish source.
Both religions had much common matter in those days, and they cannot
be strictly kept apart : cp. Gunkel's luminous remarks on Paul and the
author of 4th Esdras, KAP, ii. pp. 343-349.
13s. — roil apviov tov eatpaypevov is, as most editors rightly detect
(Vischer, Volter, Spitta, Weyland, Schon, Sabatier, Pfleiderer, Bousset), a
gloss. The point of the passage 2 is that the loyal remnant are pre
destined and enrolled in the book of life from the first; an-o k. k. goes
with yeyparrrai in any case (17s), and the natural interpolation of t. d. r. e'.
is, like the similar case of 616, due to the later editor or to a scribe.
The idea that a list and record of the faithful was preserved in heaven,
formed a commonplace of Jewish apocalyptic. This gloss definitely
connected it with Jesus. A similar process has been detected by some
critics in 513 and 144, besides 1410, 153, where the introduction of a
reference to " the Lamb " is either awkward or inappropriate. Suidas
has this note upon apviov. ('Apviov) ev Alyvrrrco, &s tpaaiv, dvdpconeia
<pavjj eXdXgaev- evpedr/ Se e'xov (SaaiXetov SpaKOvra vrrep rrjs KeqbaXgs
avrov rrrepiiiTov, exovra prjxos rrr)x€ti>v ^- *at' TLVt AeXaXgKe ra peXXovra.
14. — Leaving aside as unproved the analyses of vers. 6-13, which
converge upon vers. 12, 13 as a Christian interpolation in what was
originally a Jewish source (so Pfleiderer, Schmidt, Vischer, Simcox, and
Weyland), we may take vers. 14-20 with little hesitation as an earlier
fragment which graphically but irrelevantly represents a final judgment
of the earth. This is still to come, according to the Apocalypse. Upon this
point criticism 3 is practically unanimous, though there is difference of
opinion as to its Jewish or Christian origin. Bousset, comparing Enoch
IOO2 f-, etc., finds that the primitive tradition merely described a fight of the
angels against antichrist in the wilderness outside Jerusalem, which was
1 Simcox solves this breach of continuity in ver. 11 by referring the verse
proleptically to ver. 17, as ver. 6 to ver. 14.
3 On the question of this section (131-10) and its historical origin, cp. above, p.
680. That it originally referred to Caligula is quite a tenable theory (Spitta, Erbes,
0. Holtzmann, Zahn), but it is impossible to separate source and editor precisely,
owing to the freedom with which the latter has treated his materials at this point.
All that we can be sure of is, that the passage in its present form belongs to the
author of the whole book, while its roots lie some decades earlier in Caligula's
reign ; the two beasts, as they are represented in the present text, probably
symbolise the cult and the provincial priesthood of the Caesar-worship.
3 Even Simcox admits that " if one might venture to discard as au interpolation
any part of the attested text of the Apocalypse, it would be this passage." Vou
expect, he urges, the denouement of the harvest. But nothing occurs. " The earth
goes on just as before."

688 APPENDIX
the headquarters of antichrist. The apocalyptist has altered this in two
ways : he has assigned an important role to the Messiah himself (ver.
14), and interpreted the city as Rome. "Ein hiissliche3 Bild, dessen
wilden Blutdurst jedenfalls aus keinem christlichen Herzen kommt,
und von dem also zu wiinscben ware, dass es auch nicht von einem
Christen verfasst sei" (Pfleiderer). The ghastly hyperbole1 of ver. 20
occurs also in Enoch IOO3, and is applied in the rabbinical legends to the
bloody massacres at Bether during the war against Bar-Kokhba (Schiirer,
HJP, i. 2, p. 311 n. ; Wabnitz, JpTh, 1889, pp. 478-480).
1613. — This may be an ejaculation of the author, cast in the form
of a divine oracle (= Lk 1237), as 227-12-20; but the interruption is
immensely harder to understand here. It is better to expunge it as an
interpolation which has crept into the text .(so Vischer, Pfleiderer,
Simcox). 17. — The episodical character of chap. 17 is recognised on all sides.
" This chapter is one that can most easily, nay advantageously, be spared, if
once we call in question the unity and integrity of the book" (Simcox).
At the same time, the clue to its origin is found in its relation to chap. 13
(see especially Weizsacker's discussion on this,^p4,ii.pp. 178, 179, 184-193);
both edit the same symbol of the beast as the Roman power. This dupli
cate section, chap. 17, restates the main ideas of chap. 13, and like it rests
on independent and earlier sources. The writer of the original fragment
lived probably under Vespasian (ver. 11), and expected the return of
Nero (ro drjpiov) along with the Parthian satraps (PaoiXets, 1712t) — an
idea which is historically located in the eighth and ninth decades of the
first century both by Tacitus and Suetonius, and also by the Sibylline
oracles of the period (iv-v). Such a campaign would form a just
vengeance of Providence for the cruelties of Rome to the Christians
under Nero, or (if the source be Jewish) to the Jews at the end of the
seventh decade, and the thought of this prompts the magnificent doom-song
of chap. 18. Whatever general historical justification may be found for this
attitude is stated best by Renan, Les Apbtres, chap. xvii. The persistence
of a Nero-cult, which seems to the modern mind a psychological aberra
tion, was probably due to the fact that the emperor not merely was
successful in his foreign policy, but also possessed the same combination
of personal attractiveness and brutality that marked our own King John.
But this earlier prophecy has been redacted so thoroughly that it is
hardly possible to separate it from the editor's Christian incorporations,
except in an obvious gloss like that of ver. 6 (koOi eK tov a'lparos tq>v
paprvpav 'igaov). The later writer's conception (ver. 9a) is of a war
against the Lamb, and of the spectral Nero as a beast from the abyss.
As Nero did not appear, his saga became transformed towards the close
of the century into that of Nero redivivus. Its first form was based on
the belief that Nero had not actually died. When facts became too
strong for this, it broke out in a new fantastic form. He had died, so
men believed, but from the underworld he was to return once more, a
weird and gloomy potentate.
1 During a yachting cruise the late Marquis of Bute saw the bay of Patmos at
sunset, "as it were a bath of blood ; and there in its midst were rocks with some
thing of the form of horses, and from their necks hung imrneraorial sea-weed, as it
were bridles that surged to and fro upon that crimson flood." A propos of 217, he also
noticed the white pebbles on the beach of the island, with "their red veins forming
themselves into names and words at the bidding of the tinder's fancy " (Academy,
Oct. 13, 1900, pp. 312, 313).

APPENDIX 689
Compared also with chap. 13, chap. 17 presents— as Weizsacker acutely
proves— a later edition of the saga, introducing more definite historical
applications, and re-arranging the figures of the beast and his associates.
1814.— As Vitringa saw long ago, this passage has fallen out of its true
place somewhere between vers. 23 and 24 (so recently Volkmar and
Weiss). Its present position is extremely awkward, and unnecessarily
interrupts the continuity of the context. But I conjecture further that
1824 either is displaced from its original position (between vers. 19 and 20 ?)
or is (more probably) a marginal gloss.
1910. — r) ydp . . . -n-po(br)Teias is, as editors and critics almost un
animously agree (cp. also Hilgenfeld, ZwTh, 1890, p. 459), a gloss. It is
introduced to explain that the previously mentioned paprvpia 'I. is not
equivalent to the Christian revelation — which it is, in the original source
—but the special prophetic gift. Bousset finds the hand of the apoca-
lyptist already in rdv ex- t. p. 'I., and attributes the gloss to a scribe who
wished to conform the passage to 22s *•
1913. — koi KeKXgrai rb Svopa ai/rov 6 Aoyor tov Sfov. A further inter
polation, possibly added (cp. ver. 16) under the influence of the
Johannine school. So again a great consensus of scholars, including
Vischer, Spitta, Pfleiderer, Weyland, Volter, Menegoz, Hilgenfeld (ZwTh,
1890, p. 460), and Holtzmann (HG, iv. 2, p. 354, and NTTh, i p. 471), who
find this Logos-idea naturally inconsistent with the role assigned to the
Messiah in the context of the Apocalypse. Was the similar addition in
Enoch 903S made by the same hand (Pfleiderer) 1 The re
crudescence of evil genii immediateh- before their doom is one of the
features which Stave traces back to Parseeism and its eschatology.
21. — The attempts to separate (as in 5b-8) the editorial interpolations
from the Jewish source which evidently (cp. the doublets, 212 = 2110
2123 = 225b 2125 = 225a 2127=223) underlies 219-225, cannot be pro
nounced successful, although in some passages (e.g. the reference to the
Lamb, and to the twelve apostles, 2114), the distinction is plain. Bousset
marks 2119- 20 as a purely prosaic gloss, and rather needlessly rejects also
2121b and 212r- The whole passage in its extant condition is a Jewish
ideal conceived sub specie Christiana. Hardy (Der Buddhismus nach den
dlteren Paliwerken, p. 118) quotes from a pre-Christian Buddhist tract a
striking account (parallel to 211921) of a city of the great King, with
seven walls of precious stones.
Jn153t>-4. — eKSexopevav . . . voagpari. Upon the verdict (WH, ii. p. 77)
of textual evidence this passage is to be regarded as an interpolation in
the Johannine narrative ; it dates in all probability from the latter half
of the second century, as Tertullian (De Bapt. 5) appears to have been
]The transposition of 4s to a place between 46b and 46c is found in Syr-Cur
Syr-Sin, and gives a more satisfactory sense than the ordinary textual arrangement.
On the grounds which are considered fatal to the genuineness of S28- ^ cp.
Wendt, LJ, i. pp. 249-251, Joh. Evgbn. p. 122 f., and Charles, Crit. Hist. Eschatology,
pp. 370-372.
Besides the hypotheses which involve the excision of 6'-26(29) (e.g. Delff and
Driiseke, apud Wendt) as interpolated, internal considerations have suggested to
several critics that the speech in chap. 6 is a compilation. Wendt (Joh. Evglm. pp.
70-79, 127-132) finds parts of his source in vers. 27-58 (substantially), 60, 61,
63-64", 65-69. Chastand (L'apbtre Jean et le quatribne evangile, p. 243) distin
guishes a speech in the synagogue (vers. 28-30, 36-40, 43-46) from another by the
seaside (vers. 26, 27, 31-35, 41, 42, 47-58), while Spitta ( Urc. i. pp. 216-221) regards
vers. 51-59 as an addition to the original speech, introduced in order to illustrate
the last supper. 44

690 APPENDIX
acquainted with it. The internal evidence of style and contents corro
borates this opinion. Though some editors (e.g. 0. Holtzmann) still
regard it as an integral portion of the text, the passage is certainly an
early gloss from ver. 7, quite in the Jewish manner (Apoc 16s), and with
the sub-apostolic love of the marvellous. Zahn conjectures that it
originated with Papias (Einl. ii. p. 557) ; Blass (PG, p. 228 f.) agrees
that as a man of "very little understanding" (so Eusebius characterised
him) he "was quite capable of commenting in this way," and proceeds to
conjecture that this spurious gloss was not interpolated but substituted
at an early date for the genuine text, which has unaccountably dis
appeared. But ver. 7 is quite intelligible as it stands, without any
previous reference such as is here imagined. 438-55 is unfortunately
amissing in Syr-Sin.
715"24. — Eor the displacement of this passage from its original position
at the close of chap. 5, see especially Bertling (SK, 1880, p. 351 f.) for
71924 before 5lr, Wendt (LJ, i. pp. 228 f., 266 f.; Joh. Evglm. pp. 79-86),
Spitta (Urc. i. pp. 199-203), also Blass l (PG, p. 239 : " a highly probable
conjecture "). The passage in its ordinary place seriously interrupts the
narrative, which flows on smoothly and naturally when it is removed :
cp. 714 with 725 f- (Jesus enters the temple and teaches in public ; this sets
some of the people talking, not upon the subject of vers. 15-24, but on his
openness [ver. 14] and unhindered action). On the other hand, its contents
— faith in Christ's teaching, his authority and relation to Moses, his
healing work on the Sabbath — directly fit in with the argument of chap. 5,
and when the passage is restored to this position after 54r its congruity
is very striking (e.g. 7 19 with 51S and the naturalness of 720-23 imme
diately after 51618). The cause of the displacement, here as elsewhere in
this book, must have been the accidental shifting of a leaf in the MSS.,
which somehow slipped out of its true position, unless we suppose with
Wendt2 that the displacement was due to the redactor of a source.
Any such mechanical alterations have occurred previous to all extant copies
of the work, although our ignorance of the literary history of this, or indeed
of any other Christian document, prevents a clear conception of how the
mistake arose. On this point Spitta (p. 182 f.) has most interesting
evidence, while on the internal phenomena of the passage Wendt's argu-
1 " Inverted order seems to be a special feature in the textual condition of John ;
carelessness in copying, and the leaving out of sentences, which were afterwards
supplied in the margin, and from thence came again into the text, but at a wrong
place, may have been the early causes of this damage " ; cp. Bacon, Journ. Bill.
Lit. (1894) pp. 64-76. An example of even greater textual disorder is shown in
4 Mace 17, 18, and Bickell has attempted to solve the problem of Ecclesiastes by con
jecturing that the MS leaves were accidently transposed after the author's death.
Delff would place 7-15-52 between 736 and 717, while Becker (SK, 1889, pp. 117-140), in
an essay on the composition of John, regards chaps. 5, 7, 15, 16 as inserted by the
author after the whole work had been once written.
2 He refers to similar instances in the synoptists (e.g. Mt ll2024, Lk 161618
181014, etc. ). In this case the evangelist missed the irony of the question in 715, and
consequently failed to see its connection with 547 ; finding the speech (except vers.
20, 21°) in his Logia-source, he took 71"13- 25 '¦ as a suitable setting for its contents.
But the mechanical explanation is quite as credible (Birt, Das Antike Buchwesen,
p. 240 f. ). In a roll, leaves of papyri (plagnlae) often stuck together, or subse
quently fell apart by accident. Besides, they were also used by themselves for short
letters, or even for larger works. In the latter case the loose leaves would after
wards be glued together ; but during the interval between composition and binding,
particularly if any copying was required, they would be readily liable to get
disarranged ("libri perscripti nondum conglutinati vel emendati," "membranae
nonduni consutae," Ulpian) ; vide Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 17-19.

APPENDIX 691
ment for an inverted order is fairly decisive. As the latter points out,
the reference in 721f- to the healing of the man (5lf) requires both situa
tions to be neighbours in time, whereas upon the traditional arrangement
the length of interval makes the allusion stiff and abrupt. Also the
murderous attitude of the crowd as a whole (719- 20- 23) contradicts the state
ment in 712, but follows more naturally upon 516"18, while the question of 723
is pointless if— as Bertling argues rightly— Jesus had just spoken these
words (7 19-21) ; "ri pe foe'iTe dtr. — wird 23 durch e^oi voXa-re nach Mt.
522 erkliirt und findet seine Bestatigung sowohl 510- 18 worauf Jesus hier
zuriickgreif t, als auch nachher 837"40. Auch sachlich gehort das Folgende
zu 517" (Holtzmann, after remarking on chap. 5, "die Anklage auf
Sabbatverletzung 16 nur 17 deutlich gestreift, ailes Weitere aber, was zu
sagen ware, auf 721-'4 verspart wird ").
753-8u. — The pericope, an early fragment of tradition (" das vor-
nehmste Agraphon," Jiilicher), un-Johannine in tone and style, which first
drifted as a marginal note 1 into the MSS (perhaps as an illustration intro
duced to explain 751 or 815, eyb> oi Kpiva ovSeva), and came to be inserted
subsequently in the text, towards the end of the fourth (Westcott)
or even the third (Jiilicher) century. There is little or no evidence,
internal or external, to determine the date of its composition, beyond
the fact that the incident seems to have been known to Papias, if not
to the gospel of the Hebrews. Its origin has been variously guessed,
the same source as that of the fragment preserved by D, etc., at Lk 6s,
the Hebrew-Gospel, the gospel of Peter (Volkmar), the original Aramaic
" Matthew " (Resch), the original synoptic tradition (Holtzmann), or — as
most critics, including recently Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 557, 558), prefer — the
collected materials of Papias. A like uncertainty besets its position in
the MSS. As it stands between 752 and 812, it breaks the narrative
fatally. But it occurs elsewhere in John (after 730 (44) or at the close of
the book), after Lk 21 (cp. Spdpov (Jn 82) = &p6pi(,e (ver. 38 of Luke),
also ver. 37 and the mention of the hill of Olives) 2 ; possibly it lay
between Lk 2026 and 2027 (Holtzmann, ThLz, 1898, p. 536 f.), or, as
Rendel Harris conjectures, between Jn 5 and 6, adjacent to the discussion
on the Mosaic law. Wittichen, like Hitzig and Keim 3 (v. pp. 165-169), '
even suggests that it was originally placed between Mk 1217 and 1218
(JpTh, 1881, p. 366 f.; 1891, pp. 484, 509), while Spitta supposes (Urc.
i. pp. 194-199) that, as a leaf or two of the gospel of John went
aniissing at this point, the fragment (753-811) was inserted 4 by some
1 On the textual evidence and internal features, which are decisive, cp. WH,
ii. pp. 82-88 ; Nestle, Einf. pp. 232-234 ; also Schanz's excursus, Comm. ilber d.
Evglm. d. heil. Johannes, pp. 327-330, and Warfield, Text. Grit, of NT,
pp. 196-199. The retention of the passage as an integral part of the gospel, by
Thoma, Jacobsen, and Pfleiderer, after Strauss and Hilgenfeld, is quite
perverse. 2 So, following the Ferrar group of MSS, Westcott and Blass (in his edition of
Luke, p. xlviii.; PG, p. 155 f.). The latter upholds its Lucan character, but omits
7s3, placing the section after ver. 36, not 38. Syr-Sin entirely omits.
3 Who depreciates its claim to historicity and regards it merely as "a very
transparent clothing of an idea," artificial and exaggerated despite its affecting
beauty. Sir John Seeley showed truer historical sense in pointing out that the
passage is differentiated from the ordinary legendary tales by "the fact that
the conduct attributed to Christ in it is left half-explained, so that, as it stands, it
does not satisfy the impulses which lead to the invention and reception of fictitious
stories " (Ecce Homo, preface to 5th edition).
4 Hausrath had already guessed that the space was filled by an account of some
miraculous gift of water (738) by Jesus, which was afterwards omitted.

6 92 APPENDIX
early editors to fill up the blank space thus conveniently left un
occupied (cp. Conybeare, Exp.6 ii. p. 405 f.).
If, in the absence of any sure position for it, the passage was
originally written at the close of the canonical four gospels, as there is
some evidence to suggest, then in the course of time it would naturally
be supposed to belong to the last of the four, John, although its contents
quite forbid such a hypothesis.
1244-50. — In its common position after ver. 43 and at the close of the
public ministry of Jesus, this passage forms a recapitulation or compact
summary of his preaching, which does not altogether stand out of con
nection with the preceding historical paragraph (cp. vers. 37, 42 with 44,
40 with 46). At the same time there is an undoubted awkwardness in
ver. 44 coming after 36b (the cry does not suit the secrecy), and indeed
after 40 f. The section, in fact, has the appearance of being " quite
isolated and introduced without locality, without one fresh idea " (Keim).
Literary workmanship and psychological fitness would be satisfied were
the passage restored to what is conjectured to have been its original
position, i.e. between vers. 36a and 36b (so Wendt, LJ, i. p. 236 f. ;
Joh. Erglm. pp. 90-93). The ideas of faith and light thus are carried
forward without any indefiniteness or interruption. Christ's public
utterances close with a sonorous completeness, and this section of the
gospel is rounded off by a historical resume (vers. 36b-43), preparatory
to the opening of the new section.
13-16. — That chap. 14 originally followed chaps. 15, 16 is a hypothesis
which depends upon purely internal evidence. The canonical arrange
ment, however, has always been felt to leave some difficulties for which
satisfactory answers are not easily found, e.g. the apparent climax and
final tone of chap. 14 (especially the eyelpeade, aycopev evrevdev of ver. 31),
followed unexpectedly by chap. 15 and hy the long subsequent discourse
(in contrast to what Jesus says L in 1430), and the contradiction between
165 and 133C or 14s- 6 (when the latter occur earlier). To obviate this, it
has been plausibly proposed to read chaps. 15 and 16 at one or other of
three different places in chap. 13. (i.) Between vers. 35 and 36 (Wendt,
Joh. Evglm. pp. 95-101). This, however, breaks up the evident reference
in 133e to 1333, and reduces 162933 and 1336-38 to mere episodes lying
between 1627- 28 and 1412. (ii.) Between vers. 20 and 21 (Bacon, op. cit.).
This again breaks the dramatic and natural juxtaposition of vers. 1-11 and
21-30 in chap. 13, the intervening passage (vers. 12-20) being obviously a
transition, (iii.) Between vers. 31a and 31b (Spitta, Urc. i. pp. 168-193).
Of the three variants of the hypothesis, this last seems (" sehr verlockend,"
A. Meyer) to be the most attractive and intelligible. The course of
development then runs as follows: — After the withdrawal of Judas,
Jesus — a propos of the wine at table (Lk 22la, Mk 1425, Didache 92) —
utters the parable of the vine, with a particular reference to the recent
apostasy of his friend (152 ° = 1327- 30) ; cp. also 1310- " with 152- 3, 1317- I8
with 154-5, 1318 with 15lc, 131B with 1520. The stream of counsel and
warning flows on till 162: 3'i, when Jesus closes with a word on his
departure and triumph, which is carried 2 (1331b-35) to its climax by a
renewed appeal for mutual love among his followers on earth. Then
follows Peter's question suggested by ver. 33, with Christ's rejoinder to
1 In the subsequent narrative only two brief words are spoken to disciples
(18", 1957).
2 Exegetes like Ewald and O. Holtzmann, who adhere to the traditional order,
frankly recognise that 1633 refers to the passage 13:;lf-.

APPENDIX 693
him, and the general discourse of chap. 14, which contains the Master's
final words (1427) to his followers. The gathering then broke up. What
follows (chap. 17) is a prayer spoken in presence of the disciples ;
probably the author means us to conceive that the company had now
risen to their feet, and that in the solemn pause before the exit (181) —
a pause too short for such a discourse as chaps. 15, 16 contain — Jesus
uttered this magnificent rhapsody of faith, which could not be followed
by anything short of a heroic death. Even although the tone of chap.
17 differs naturally from that of chap. 14 (but no more than from that
of chap. 16), threads of connection with the earlier context are to be
traced (cp. 1439 with 171, 14" f- (Can) with 172f-, 1413 with 174).
181328. — The well-known inconsistencies of this narrative, not merely
with the synoptic account but also with itself (who was high-priest ? and
where did Peter deny Jesus ?) are to be explained either by rather forced
interpretations of the text as it stands, or by the hypothesis that the
narrative has become dislocated in course of transmission. The former
line of argument is variously worked out by the editors, chiefly
Westcott, Weiss, and Holtzmann. The latter takes several forms, of
which the principal are —
(a) 13, 24, 14, 15, 19-23, 16-18, 25"-28 : Syr-Sin, Blass (PG, pp. 57-59).
(b) 13, 19-24, 14, 15, 16-18, 25»-28 : Spitta (Urc. i. pp. 158-168), ver. 25%
a copyist's repetition of 18b, in
serted for the sake of the narrative.
(c) 13, 14, 24, 15-23, 25-28 : J. N. Farquhar (Exp. Ti. vi. pp.
284-288, 429-431), ver. 24 omitted
perhaps by a copyist's error from
its true place, then written in the
margin and erroneously inserted
in the text.
(d) 13, 14, 19-24, 15-18, 25^-28 : G. G. Findlay (Exp. Ti. vi. pp. 335-
336, 478-479), agreeing with
Farquhar that vers. 13 and 14 are
inseparable.
The slightest change would be to suppose that ver. 24 is either to be
read in its present position as parenthetical, an intercalated remark, or
to be placed after ver. 14. The former method has found good support,
from Erasmus to Edersheim. The latter, as Professor Eindlay points
out, is a solution as old as Cyril of Alexandria, and was adopted by
Luther ; nor is it quite destitute of textual support. But Spitta's theory, as
modified by Eindlay (i.e. placing vers. 19-24 after instead of before ver.
14), seems, upon the" whole, the least unsatisfactory method of straighten
ing out a narrative which Blass is hardly too severe in attributing to
"blundering scribes." It gives a good and continuous sense,1 requires
little textual change, and conies from quite a credible slip on the part of
a copyist (see Spitta's clever arguments on this point). The man who
copied out the exemplar of the fourth gospel (vers. 12-14, 19-24, 15-18,
25b-28, ex hypothesi) must have passed from ver. 14 to 15 by a slip, only
discovering it afterwards in time to insert the passage vers. 19-24 after
ver. 18, and catching up the last words of that verse in ver. 25a to ease
the transition and recover the thread of the narrative. There is no reason
1 The fT™ of ver. 25 gets a satisfactory subject, the high priest is Kaiaphas (as
throughout John, ll49- 61 182<), the narratives of Jesus and Peter flow on con
secutively, the former being resumed in ver. 28 after the latter has been rounded
off, and the despatch of Jesus to Kaiaphas does not become purposeless (as in the
traditional order).

694 APPENDIX
to suspect that the similar order in Syr-Sin was due to harmonising
tendencies. [See C. H. Turner in JTS, 1900, num. 5.]
21. — An appendix, added to the gospel (which naturally closes
with 2030-31). Either John himself added the passage as a deliberate
finale (Westcott, Lightfoot, Plummer, Godet, Luthardt, Schanz, and
Salmon), or the author of the gospel thus incorporated fresh materials
in a work which he had already finished (Renan, Hilgenfeld, Thoma,
Jacobsen, Abbott, Jiilicher, Harnack J (Chron. pp. 676, 677), Wendt,
Joh. Evglm. pp. 228-233), or a pupil 2 of the Johannine school wrote it
(Chastand, Weiss, Eberhardt, Reuss, etc.) as an epilogue for the work of
his dead master. It is only a variation of the last-named hypothesis
when the fourth gospel, as a whole, is regarded as a posthumous work
edited by the author's friends. The piece implies (a) the death of
Peter, his mission to the Gentiles, and a certain traditional dignity
assigned to him in the Christian circles of Asia Minor ; (6) a prevalent
belief with regard to John, which the writer is anxious to prove is a
misunderstanding ; (c) an attempt to conform the fourth gospel and
the synoptists upon the Resurrection appearances. The date of the passage
— if appreciably different from that of the gospel — must have been early
enough to allow of its incorporation into the archetype of all existing
texts. Several of those who insist that it formed an integral part 3 of
the gospel, however, use this conclusion in order to bring the whole
work down pretty far into the second century (particularly Thoma and
Jacobsen), and Keim dates its composition c 160 a.d., previous to 2 P l14,
in the age when the cult of John was rising in Asia Minor. But probably
it is to be dated not long after the fourth gospel itself, in the first quarter
of the second century. Although composed in fairly Johannine style,
and obviously intended to supplement the gospel and certify it as
Johannine, it has features that mark it off with a certain distinctive
ness. The disciples are mentioned with quite a unique definiteness (the
sons of Zebedee, Peter as a fisherman) ; the miracle attaches itself
rather to the synoptic tradition, the fourth gospel having its own cycle
of seven signs ; the appearance of Jesus in Galilee contrasts strangely
with chap. 20, which is unconscious of any appearances save those in
Jerusalem ; while the objective standpoint of vers. 24, 25 in reference
1 Except ver. 24, a marginal gloss which " painfully imitates" the style of the
evangelist. Loofs also (Lie Auferstehungsberichte und ihr Wert, p. 31 f. ) detaches this
chapter from the gospel ; but he takes the first part (vers. 1-14) as based originally
on a pre-Resurrection story, that has been misplaced and combined with a post-
Resurrection appearance of Jesus to Peter (vers. 15-19), which had no connection
with Galilee, in the tradition. This theory forms part of the defence which he
offers for the historicity of the Resurrection-appearances in Jerusalem, as these are
narrated in the third and fourth gospels (cp. Resch, TU, x. 4, pp. 47 f., 195 f.).
2 Zahn (in an exhaustive discussion, Einl. ii. pp. 483-498) holds that the post
script was written after Peter's death but during John's lifetime, not by the apostle
himself, but by some of his circle and disciples who completed the gospel with his
sanction and from information supplied by him. One can readily accept, at least,
his proof that the chapter was not written by John the apostle, or by the author
of the gospel (1-20). After 2029 any further incident like that described in chap. 21
would be superfluous, and would break the symmetry which is so distinctive a feature
of the whole work.
3 Especially when its contents are interpreted allegorically as representations of
the latter church and its experiences, as e.g. by Keim (vi. pp. 313-318) and
Pfleiderer (Urc. pp. 741, 742). Chastand (L'Apbtrc Jean, pp. 98-104) regards it as.
the work of a later hand, but a fruit of the apostle's oral teaching: "Nous en
faisons comme le codicille que accompagne le testament de l'apotre." Its total
historicity is defended in Eberhardt's monograph, Ev. Joh. Cap. 21 (1897).

APPENDIX 695
to the writer, and the obvious motive of authentication (for though the
rairra includes, it is not exhausted by, the incidents of chap. 21), are
both alien to the spirit of chaps. 1-20. In fact, on the presupposition
that chap. 21 is a unity, to make it an integral part of the gospel
seriously discredits the Johannine authorship, and necessitates a some
what advanced date for the whole book. An escape from this is
generally sought on the line of vers. 24, 25, or on a quasi-collective x
theory of chap. 21 as a whole. The latter has some basis in tradition,
and it would ease many difficulties if the fourth gospel and the so-called
first epistle of John could be regarded as manifestoes of a school, the
collective utterances of men 2 who shared the same tradition and trend
of thought. The " begetter '' of the tradition would then be the apostle
John, whose authority is naturally claimed for the writings. This seems to
give a feasible solution of the dilemma with which modern criticism is
confronted over this book ; only, it is becoming more and more impossible
to believe that John the apostle actually composed it, and less possible
than ever to deny that he had some connection with its inception or ideas.
The particular ideas underlying the appendix are the unity, the
universality, and the mission of the church, all of which are pictorially
expressed in a vivid and impressive manner (cp. Klopper's study, ZwTh,
1899, pp. 337-381), together with the rehabilitation of Peter.
2i24. 25_ — Tnese are often taken to be separate notes added by an editor,
less probably by the Ephesian elders, as a sort of ecclesiastical stamp or
imprimatur. A later generation vouches for the authenticity not for the
authorship of the gospel, upholds the truth of the writer's treatment
(Baldensperger, Prolog, pp. 110-112), and emphasises the largeness of his
subject. Thus Weizsacker, though from a different standpoint (AA, ii.
pp. 209, 210), treats these verses as the work of one who was a critical
successor of the fourth evangelist, and to whom 1935 is probably3 due as
1 Zahn's theory (reproduced in part by Bartlet, AA, p. 437 f.) that some friend
or friends of the apostle wrote it during his lifetime and with his knowledge and
approval, is incredibly stiff. It clears the apostle, indeed, from the charge of self-
praise to which he is liable as he drops the veil of anonymity and more clearly
indicates his personality. But why could he not have spoken for himself? Why
adopt this round-about, allusive method ? Surely this tender and delicate experience
would be best told by the man himself, especially as speech about oneself and
one's religious feelings is not necessarily incompatible with genuine modesty.
"What need of an editor" or of a coterie "to formulate and accredit his own
deepest personal experiences ? " (Martineau). Besides, if this co-operative principle
he admitted into chap. 21, it is impossible to exclude it from the preceding
chapters. In this case, it might be fairly extended to cover the composition
of the work even after the apostle's death by one who believed he was reproducing
his master's spirit and memories, so that the substance of what is historical would then
be traced back to a Johannine source and circle, while the general shape and colour
remained the work of the unknown genius who composed the whole (cp. M. Arnold,
God and tlie Bible, chap. v.).
2 The final redaction must have been the work of a single author, possibly, as
M. Arnold suggests (God and the Bible, pp. 145-147), a Greek Christian of Ephesus
who possessed literary talent, and was accustomed to theological teaching, an
earlier and a nameless Origen," but " not a consummate artist." It is tempting to
think that the author of chap. 21 had some connection with one (Hausrath,
1 John) or more of the Johannine epistles, particularly n., III., or that he preserves
in some form the lost ending of Mark's gospel (Rohrbach). _
3 Blass (PG, p. 225 f.) also regards this verse as an interpolation in the gospel,
the comment of a later disciple. Not only, however, does this necessitate the change
of -yap into li in ver. 36, but it leaves unexplained the writer's motive for inserting the
gloss at this particular point. Besides, the authority of Nonnus (!!), upon which
Blass relies, can hardly be taken with much seriousness on a matter oi this kind.

696 APPENDIX
well. Their atmosphere appears to be the local patriotism and reverence
felt by the Asia Minor communities for the memory of their apostolic
head. (Ver. 25 "seems an inflated version of 2030": Dods, ExGT, i.
p. 867. The same idea is more moderately put in 1 Mace 922). An
instance of this habit of adding notes to a volume is afforded by Eccles
139|i3)-n) although the spirit of that epilogue is corrective rather than
confirmatory. Thoma, who attributes 21123 to the author of the
gospel (i.e. the Presbyter, of 2, 3 John), gives 2124- 2S to the author of
1 John as being a later insertion ; while Chastand attributes chap. 21,
like 753-8u l1'5- 1318, to a pupil of John who wrote after his death.
But when the whole chapter is taken as a unity, it falls into the age
and spirit (Klopper) of vers. 24, 25, so that there is hardly any need of
separating these. The gospel could not have ended with 2123, and
consequently it seems rather artificial to take vers. 24, 25 as notes
added before publication (0. Holtzmann). Wetzel (Echtheit u. Glaub-
wiirdigkeit des Ev. Joh. p. 15 f.) keeps 24a for John, but even he has to
relegate 24b to another hand. At the same time, it must be allowed
that ver. 25 stands on a slightly separate footing, owing to its omission
in x*. Against Tischendorf's consequent rejection of the verse, cp.,
however, Zahn, Einl. ii. pp. 495, 496.1 A few MSS contain a scholion
upon it, according to which it was inserted (rrpoadrjKg) by rivbs rav
tpiXo-n-ovtov upon the margin, and afterwards brought into the text by-
ignorance and accident (dyvoia rvxbv). The appendix may have probably
ended with ver. 24, to which ver. 25 was added as a natural and somewhat
rhetorical flourish, in keeping not merely with the close of this gospel,
but with its position at the close of the four gospels. How apt a remark
for a scribe or editor to make as the finale of a volume containing the
evangelic narratives !
Apart from these more or less obvious interpolations (to which Scholten
adds 221- 22 739 1233 189 2119, as added by the authorof the epistles), the book
appears to be essentially and thoroughly of one piece, narratives and dis
courses inseparably woven together, the style fairly homogeneous, form and
substance equally pointing to a compact unity-. Practically this has been
and remains a postulate of the best Johannine criticism. By liberal and
conservative scholars alike, up till lately, it has been almost unfalteringly
held that the fourth gospel, whatever be its date, character, and author,
is an organic whole (the few and uninfluential exceptions are noted by
Holtzmann, Einl. pp. 435, 437 ; Watkins, Bampton Lectures (1890), pp.
246 f. ; and Weiss, INT, ii. pp. 396-398).
Two recent theories, however, fall to be seriously noticed. Both
use the partition-method in order to reach back to the document of an
original eye-witness, pretty much as Matthew and Luke go back to the
Logia, and both favour the excision of the Galilean episodes. One is
Wendt's, explained in his Die Lehre Jesu (1886), i. p. 215 f.; ii. (Eng. tr. i.)
1 On its textual authenticity cp. WH, ii. pp. 90, 91, also Weiss (-Meyer) ad loc.
Both verses, 19^5 and 2024, are explicit instances, with many others throughout the
gospel, that the writer expected a not unnatural scepticism in regard to his concep
tion of Jesus. These verses really indicate and anticipate a charge of novelty and
untrustworthiness, which would arise from the Christian consciousness having been
hitherto nourished mainly upon the synoptic tradition ; hence author and editors
alike do their best to remove the grounds for this opposition. But it is a sign of
late development. Mark, e.g., does not insist that his picture of Jesus is lifelike.
He. lets it speak for itself. Its humanity constitutes its evidence of genuineness,
and forms its appeal to the conscience and mind. The fourth evangelist asserts,
and the very assertion speaks of a later and more complex situation.

APPENDIX 697
pp. 22-28, and, with a detailed account, in his Joh. Evqlm. (1900) ; cp.
reviews by Holtzmann (ThLz, 1886, pp. 197-200), Haupt (SK, 1893, n. pp.
217-250), Beyschlag (GGA, 1886, 15), lverach (Exp.4 iv. pp. 161-178).
The other is by Dr. H. Delff in Das vierte Evangelium (1890), Neue
Beitrdge zur Kritik u. Erkldrung d. vierten Evangelium (1890), and SK
(1892), i. pp. 72-104, "Noch einmal das vierte Evangelium und seine
Authenticitat," although Wendt prefers to class this and the earlier attempt
by Schweizer as theories of interpolation rather than as source-hypotheses.
Cp. reviews of Delff by Sanday in his series of articles on " The Present
Position of the Johannine Question" (Exp.4 iv. v., especially iv., p. 328 f.,
v. 375 f.), A. Meyer (TR, 1899, pp. 255 f., 295 1, 333 f.), 'in his similar
survey, Holtzmann (ZwTh, 1893, pp. 503-506 ; also ThLz, 1890, pp. 588 f.),
and Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 482, 483).
Wendt's aim (anticipated a century ago by O. R. Eckermami) is to
disentangle a written source, from the same apostolic hand as the first
epistle of John. This, he considers, is often interrupted (e.g. I16 1318- 19)
in its flow of discourses, and consequently points to another series of
narrative-interpolations apparently introduced to provide a setting for
the dialogues and discourses of Jesus. Remove these intrusive additions,
and then materials are presented for discovering genuine Logia of Jesus,
especially as tliey now are seen to fall naturally at the close of Christ's life
and into his Judaean ministry. By the sacrifice of some of the historical
interludes and connections, Wendt thus finds himself free to seek
valuable apostolic tradition for the teaching of Jesus in the Johannine
discourses. These even in their extant form, however, have been worked
over by the author : they demand sifting and rearrangement in order that
their witness to the mind of Christ may be accurately ascertained, and
their implicit harmony with the synoptic type of tradition unfolded.
While the fourth gospel thus is a post-apostolic composition, especially in
its historical framework, upon the other hand it contains an apostolic
tradition of Jesus which represents with essential trustworthiness the
spirit and substance of his teaching. These Johannine "logia" are
related to the extant gospel of John somewhat as the Aramaic logia of
Matthew to the (canonical) first gospel. . The two main clues followed
with much ingenuity by Wendt in his work of disentangling the
sources are (a) the interruptions and lack of connection at various
points, e.g. 1318- 19 ; and (6) the existence side by side of different con
ceptions of Christ's work and person, e.g. the prominence of epya
(synonymous with pi)para) in the discourses, and of arjpeta ( = miraculous
acts) in the narratives; also the idea of faith in the former as the
practical confession of Christ the divine Saviour, in the latter as the
theoretical conviction produced by Christ who is the divine worker of
miracles (Lehre Jesu, i. pp. 215-342 ; Das Johannes-Evangelium, 1900,
p. 54 i.). See Bahnsen's review, PM. (1900), pp. 377-382.
Delff with papal confidence ("Meine Auffassung ist also keine
Hypothese . . . sondern ein historischer Fund") attributes the gospel
to a Jewish-Christian author, " the high priest John " (HE, v. 24, iu. 31, ts
eyev!j6ri lepevs rb rreraXov necpopeKibs), afterwards known as "the presbyter.
1 Bousset (-Meyer, Offenbar. Joh. pp. 41-48; TR, 1897, p. 12 f.) similarly con
jectures that the disciple whom Jesus loved was not the son of Zebedee, but the
presbyter John, a member of the inner circle of Christ's adherents at Jerusalem, who
was of priestly lineage, and who preserved a particular tradition ofthe Master s work
and experiences in the capital. Founding on not very stable evidence from Philippus
Sidetes (+430) and Georgios Hamartolos, a chronicler of the ninth century, he further
' [Continued on page Wb.

698

APPENDIX

Chiefly narratives interpolated.

6-8, 15, 19-34 (witness of John),
35-52 1-12 (miracle at Kana),
17, 21 (comment.)
2 (ovhlis , . . avrov) 5 (vclaro; xai)
22-36 (witness of John)
1-3 (John's ministry), 10, 11, 15-
18, (25), 26, 27b-30, 35", 39-42,
43-54
1-16 (modified from original and
Mk2i°'-), 28, 29 (resurrection of
body), 33, 34" (embassy to John)
1-26 (miracle of loaves), 39, 40, 44,
54 (avaTTY,e-oi . . itpcipa), 59 (Kaph
arnahum), 62 (ascension), 64",
70, 71 (Judas)
8-14 [expanded], 20, 21*, 30-32,
35-37", 39, 44-52, 53
1-11 (pericope), 20* 30-31"
(belief of Jews)
2, 3, 6-38 (narrative of blind man)
21"-22, 39-42 (paragraph on John)

1-7", 11-15, 17-20, 24, 28-46 (nar
rative of Lazarus). 47-57 (plot of
Pharisees, etc.)
1-19 (Bethany, entry into Jeru
salem), 28"-30 (heavenly voice),
33, 37, 39-43, 47", 48 (» r. ,. fa.)
11, 18, 19, 21-31" (narrative of
Judas) 36

13 (xai ra Xpxopilva avayylXl'i vpiiv

whole whole
whole

Chap.

ix.X.

Xlll. xiv.
XV.xvi.
xvii.xviii.xix. xx.

The Discourses, containing a written,
apostolic, source — the Johannine
Logia — redacted by the author
of the gospel.

1-5 (prologue), 9-14 (ibid.), 16-18
(ibid.).
13-16 (substance), 18-20 (Jesus in
Jerusalem).
1-2", 3-21 (Jesus and Nikodemus).

4-9, 12-14, 19-25 (Jesus and
Samaritan woman), 27", 31-35",
36-38.
17-27, 30-32, 34", 35-47 (discourse
on work and witness of Son), 1-3
and 5-7 (substance).
27-69 (discourse on bread of life,
etc.) [except passages noted on
other side].

1, 2 (?), 3-7, 15-19, 21"-29, 33-34,
35 (?), 37b-38, 40-43.
12-20" (discourse), 21-29, 31b-59
(discourse).
1, 4-5, 39-41.
1-18 (discourse), 19-21* (sub
stance), 23, 24-38 (discourse), 40
(substance).
7"-10, 16, 21-23, 25-27 (1, 3, 5, 6,
substance).

20-28" (visit of Greeks), 31-36, 44-
47", 48, 49, 50.

1-10, 12-17, 20, 3P-35, 37-38.
whole.
whole.whole.whole.33-38* (the King and the kingdom).
9-11 (Pilate and Jesus).

APPENDIX

69£

Interpolated and later passages.

Delff

The original and earlier gospel.

1-5 (prologue on Logos), 9-18

Chap. i.

6-8, 19-end.

1-11 (miracle at Kana), 17, 21, 22
(comments)

ii.

12-16, 18-20, 23-25.

iii.

whole.

44, 46-54 (miracle at Kana) iv.

1-13, 45.

(4) 17-29 (judgment and resurrection) v.
1-16, 30-47.
1-29 (miracle of loaves), 37-40
(judgment and resurrection), 44,
54 (avacrrr.erco . , . faipa), 59
(Kapharnahum)
vi.
30-36, 41-58, 60-71.
39 (comment), 53
vii.
whole.
1-11 (pericope)
viii.
12-end.
ix.
whole.
X.
whole.
xi.
whole.
16 (comment), 25-30 (heavenly
voice), 33 (comment), 38-41
(Isaianic prophecy)
xii.
1-15, 17-24, 31, 32, 34-37,
42-50.
20
xiii.
1-19, 21-38.
xiv.
whole.
XV.
whole.
xvi.
whole.
xvii.
whole.
19? . ... 'xviii.
whole.
(20), 35-38  xix.
1-34, 39-end.
9-10, 11-18 (Mary at grave) . . xx.
1-8, 19-end.
whole ' xxi.
This connection with the ecclesiastical society of the capital illustrates
passages like 311 I4512 ll4753 1242.43 18is I939f, but necessitates— upon
presupposes (like Reville, I. 394, 11. 147) that both the sons of Zebedee suffered a
martyr's death in Palestine (Mk 103!), Mt 2023). Consequently the only John in Asia
Minor at the beginning of the second century was John the Presbyter. However, even
though the fourth gospel were given up as anonymous, no reasonable objection could be
taken to the critical position. The anonymity of treatises so different and weighty as
Matthew and Hebrews helps materially to illustrate the possibility that a writer of
such genius in the philosophy of religion as the fourth evangelist might have passed
away without leaving any trace of his name or of his character.
700 APPENDIX
Delff 's hypothesis, partially followed by Pries 1 — the excision of a series of
passages (including those upon the Logos, the Galilean ministry, and the
eschatology) which were interpolated ("by Cerinthus," Eries) in the
original document, in order to harmonise it with the Alexandrian
philosophy of religion, the prevailing synoptic tradition, and the chiliastic
tendencies current toward the close of the first century. The original
document itself was written by a Jewish Christian named John, for the
benefit of Jewish priests ; its locus was Jerusalem, its date the years
immediately preceding 70 a.d.
The Pastoral Epistles. — It has been already pointed out that the
most reasonable criticism assigns these writings to a post-Pauline date,
and at the same time recognises that a genuine element of the apostle's
mind and spirit exists in their pages. The solution of the problem offered
by this dual characteristic is probably - to be found in a modified appli
cation of the interpolation- and compilation- theories. The author, a
devoted Paulinist, not only possessed some knowledge of the apostle's
life and ideas, but also in all likelihood notes from his hand or fragments
of his letters. These had been originally addressed to Timotheus and
Titus. Subsequently they came to be incorporated in the substance of
the extant pastorals, and attempts have been made by several critics to
extricate them from their matrix. This may no longer be possible, with
any degree of certainty. But the abrupt connections and apparent incon
sistencies give some aid ; and it is interesting to notice that the various
attempts agree in one or two passages at least with a fair measure of
unanimity. The following sections may be taken, roughly speaking,
as containing considerable Pauline fragments according to the interpola
tion-theories : they are to be classified as (c) certain, and (p) probable.
(c) 2 Ti its-18 4PMti)-22 (practically the whole, except vers. 3, 4, and
minor additions).
Tit 312- 13i15)
(p) 2 Ti 21"13 31012
Tit I'6
(1 Ti l1217).
Special examples of this criticism are appended, chiefly as they bear
upon the question of the date at which either the fragments or the
main writings were composed. The composite character, especially of 2
Timotheus, and partly even of Titus, is widely felt, but the schemes of
reconstruction vary in many details.
Hilgenfeld (ZwTh, 1897, pp. 1-86), e.g., working along the line of Hesse,
detects in 1 Timotheus a coherent letter, " Eine wohl zusammenhangende
und abgeschlossene Empfehlung der neuen Gestaltung christlicher Ge-
1 Detfjcirde Ernngeliet och Hebree revangelict (Stockholm, 1898).
2 So Kenan, Sabatier, Menegoz, Beyschlag, Spitta, Reville, Kriigtr, and, besides
G\em%\\(Einlwit. 1894, pp. 142-175), who subjects the letters to a detailed discussion,
McGiffert (AA, pp. 404-413). Holtzmann (Past. pp. 119-126) rigorously objects to
all such analyses, and 0. Holtzmann also treats this line of criticism too unfavour
ably (in a review of Lemme's work, ZwTh, 1883, pp. 45-72). The chief special
works are by Lemme (Das echte Ermahnungschreiben des Apostels Paulus an Timo-
tlieus, 1882), Hesse (Die Entstehung der neutestamentliclien Hirtenbriefe, 1889), and
Knoke (Praktisch-theologischer Commentar zu den Pastoralbriefe). The last-named
finds Titus genuine, except l'-9- !-• i«. In 1 Timotheus he disentangles a Pauline letter
(ccipa-yyixia) to Timotheus, dating from Corinth=l3"-18-po 2i-i» 412 51-6. 11-1.5. 19-23 ;
another, written from his imprisonment in Caesarea =112-17 314.16 41-11. 13-16 212-15 57. 8
gi7-i9 15-11 62-16 ; an(j finally another church-document written in the Pauline spirit,
31-10. 12. 13 211 5». io- '«- 17 61- -. All compiled by a later editor !

APPENDIX 701
meindeverfassung, deren Kern der mouarchische Episkopat mit dem zu
ihm gehorenden Diakonate, die Zuriicksetzung des Presbyteriums ale
der leitenden Behorde ist." This consists of l1- 2 1217 21"6a- 8-ls 31"10 49-11
4i2_5isa 519-23. 24. 2si xne regt of t]ie canonioaj ep;st-ie oonaiats 0f additions
made by another editor (p. 32 f.) who had a slightly different conception
of Paul, and who (after 136 a.d.) may have changed an original ftaaiXeas
(22) into ftaaiXeav (!). Titus has been only slightly re-edited (l1- 2- 12- 13a
2i3 310. 11 ;n parts), under a similar tendency to emphasise soundness and
sureness of doctrine. 2 Timotheus again represents an interpolated letter,
in which the respective limits of the original and the additions are worked
out in most elaborate and unconvincing detail, the redactor, according
to Hilgenfeld, being responsible for passages reflecting the view that the
battle of the faith is against erroneous doctrine, not (as in the original)
against the heathen world : " Der Bearbeiter steht in der Hitze der
guostischen Bewegung und kiimpft namentlich gegen jene Antithese des
Christentums und der alttestamentlichen Religion, welche Marcion
vertrat." See below, p. 708, for Prof. Bacon's reconstrustion.
[Reuss (pp. 120-129) dates 2 Tim wholly from the Roman imprison
ment.] 2 Ti 1" 41317 420-22i1.— A genuine letter of Paul, written in 58 a.d. from
Caesarea (Hitzig, Ueber Joh. Marcus, 1843, p. 154 f.). At any rate, as 420
stands in its extant setting, it is very plainly an isolated fragment of
alien origin.
46-12 419 110-is 4»2b_ — Another genuine letter, written from Rome in
63 a.d. (Hitzig). As 4lla contradicts 421, and 420- 21 is apparently a
doublet of 4913, Jiilicher (Einl. p. 127) also suggests that in this chapter
passages from two separate letters to Timothy have been combined, which
the editor only possessed in fragmentary shape. This is at least better
than Holtzmann's solution of " tendenziose Wiederholung."
Krenkel (Beitrage zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und der Briefe des
Apostels Paulus, 1890, pp. 395-468) finds genuinely Pauline fragments
in three letters : —
Tit 312, 2 Ti 420, Tit 313.— (a) Written during Paul's second journey
(Ac 20' 3) to Corinth (from Illyricum ?) ; addressed to Titus at Crete.
[Reuss (pp. 80, 81) with great hesitation suggests that the whole epistle
to Titus may have been written at Corinth, 57-59 a.d., and then taken by
Apollos to Crete. This hazardous scheme he regards as the only possible
alternative to abandoning the epistle as non-genuine. Bartlet (AA, pp.
182 f .) also fixes it in 59 (60), addressed to Titus, whom Paul had left at
Lasea (Ac 278).]
2 Ti 49-18. — (0) Written during his Caesarean captivity, later than
Coloss- Philemon ; addressed to Timothy at Troas.
2 Ti 419 l16- 17 l18b 421.— (c) Written from Rome during his im
prisonment ; addressed to Ephesus.
[Bartlet (A A, pp. 192 f., 198 f.) places 2 Ti 4913- 21- 22il between Col-Eph
and Philippians, and the rest of 2 Timothy later than Philippians, as Paul's
very last word ; while Spitta ( Urc i. pp. 39-46) labours hard to prove that
2 Ti 416-i8 cannot spring from the first imprisonment of the apostle.]

2 Ti 1"-".— Later than Paul, with"!
6b. 214-3lr, etc. — Most un- Pauline part
of the epistle, in great part from
another hand.
43 4 . . . — An interpolation.

McGiffert (A A, p. 4041);
though "it is impossible to decide
with any degree of accuracy."
Lemme also takes 2u-46 as an
insertion, l1^10 4C"8 as interpol
ations.

702 APPENDIX
i isis ,_An original Pauline frag- Hausrath and Pfleiderer (Urc.
ment. p. 822 n.). Clemen dates it 61,
from Rome ; McGiffert (adding
l9-11), at the close of Paul's
Roman imprisonment. Similarly
4 represents or contains a Pauline von Soden (ad loc.) dates l15-18
fragment. [Hase, verses 6-22 ; 4922 shortly after Philippians,
Ewald, 9-15, 19-22; Pfleiderer, 9-18 ; and (like that epistle) written
Imrner, 9-21 ; Lemme, 9-22.] from Rome, except 20-21%
which are unauthentic. Clemen
puts 41921 into c. 56 a.d.,
before Paul's imprisonment in
Jerusalem ; 49'18 he regards as
composed a year or two later.
2 Ti xi-ia 2'13 41 -¦ ss- 101'J 21b- 10 Hausrath's (iv. pp. 160-163)
l1518. — A letter written from Rome letter to Timotheus,which he dis-
to Timotheus after the extant epistles, covers in the extant 2 Timotheus,
as the apostle's dying testament is composed of l1- 2- 1518 49'13.
(McGiffert). 49- n-18- 2°-21a. — Another note writ- For an elaborate note on
ten shortly before 2 Corinthians (Mc- 2 Ti 413 and the papyrus-rolls
Giffert) ; in response to it, Timotheus of Paul, cp. Zahn, GK, ii.
joined him soon (2 Co l1). pp. 938-942.
Tit l7"9 . . . I10"10 mostly, 2 mostly, 38"11- 14 unauthentic (McGiffert).
I79 is clearly an interpolation interrupting the thought ... 17 dwrroraKra
(6) . . elalv yap rroXXol avvrroraKroi (10), and partly a reproduction of
6a (Harnack, Chron. pp. 710, 711).
31-7. "-".—Undoubtedly Pauline (McGiffert) ; a note written to Titus,
before Paul wintered for three months at Corinth (Ac 203).
31215. — Genuine Pauline fragment. Weisse (Philos. Dogmatik, i.
p. 146) (adding 2 Ti 4922). Cp.
Jiilicher (p. 127). Clemen dates
312'14 in 52, 53 A.D., during
Paul's winter residence at Niko-
polis ; while von Soden (EBi, i.
p. 812) admits that this "un
doubtedly authentic " note
(31214) may have been addressed
to Titus about the year 54 (58),
although the plan was not
carried out.
1 Ti 3113 51720, with Tit l79, later fragments added after 138 a.d.
(Harnack, Chron. pp. 482-484), betraying their origin in the regula
tions for ecclesiastical offices and the quotation of an evangelic word as
ypacpg. Indeed, the whole passage S1"228- is out of connection (ibid.
pp. 7l0, 711) with the context, which reads much more smoothly when
it is omitted. [Reuss, pp. 82-85, again, conjectures that 1 Tim as a
whole may have arisen out of the same situation as that which gave
rise to Titus; and Bartlet (AA, p. 180 f.) fixes it in 55 (56), written
on board ship by Paul after leaving Miletus. But how could Paul
hope to rejoin Timotheus at Ephesus (1 Ti 314 412) in face of what
he had just told the Ephesians (Ac 2025- 38) ? The same critic finds
in 2 Ti 420 a private postscript originally attached to this epistle.]
61721. — The references to riches, as in Hermas and James, in vers. 17-19,

APPENDIX 703
and to heresies in vers. 20-21 (Marcion's dvriBeaeis), standing at the close
and out of connection (von Soden) with the rest of a letter which ends
naturally with ver. 16, suggest to Harnack (Chron. pp. 481 f., 711) a date
for this passage not earlier than the fifth decade of the second century
(ED, i. p. 270 n.). On the other hand, Hort (Judaistic Christianity,
p. 139 f.) finds that the Marcionite reference of the dvndeaeis is " merely a
seductive verbal coincidence," and interprets the word as an allusion to
frivolous and casuistical discussions which correspond to the Halacha
as do pvdoi and yeveaXoyiat to the Haggada.
Harnack sums up the postulates of criticism upon the pastorals in
four points — (1) They contain a genuinely Pauline element ; (2) as they
stand, they cannot have been written by Paul ; (3) the substantial part
of them was known to Polykarp (c. 115 A.D.); (4) the letters reveal one
or two sections which can hardly have been written before the middle
of the second century. Upon the first two of these points there is
practical unanimity, and (3) is largely accepted. On the other hand, (4)
is less certain. If admitted, it either contradicts (3) or else involves the
application of the interpolation-theory (as with Harnack).1 Certainly,
when each is taken as a literary whole, the three documents lie close
together. They cannot be separated, as they stand, by any considerable
length of time — a fact which, together with the utterly different tone of
2 Corinthians and Romans, wrecks any attempt to convey them back into
the apostle's life previous to 60 a.d.
In the printed text, clarendon type indicates those passages which
appear to the present editor to rest upon genuinely Pauline tradition,
although in their extant form they must have been edited with more or
less freedom. 2 Ti l15-18 parts easily from its context, but neither in
the earlier part of this chapter nor in the second is it possible to
distinguish with any literary precision the Pauline and sub-Pauline
strata. In the fourth chapter, vers. 9-22* reproduce with great exact
ness personal details and motives of the apostle which point to their
authenticity (as against Holtzmann, " In Wahrheit ist gerade hier Ailes
Copie ") ; but the section is not homogeneous, and must include notes
of various dates and moods. In Tit l1-6 a Pauline note has been
embedded, but the clearest fragment occurs in 312- ls <14- 15>. Upon the
other hand, whatever sources may have been still at the disposal of
the author in 1 Ti have been used in such a free fashion that
their original form cannot be made out. Hesse's analysis is by far the
most plausible, but the details cannot be pressed.
As to the dates of the above pieces, one can only offer a conjecture,
partly owing to the fragmentary condition in which they have been
preserved, partly owing to the inadequate information which we possess
upon large spaces of Paul's life (e.g. 2 Co ll23f). But 2 Ti l15'18
'Dr. Hort's remark that "the theory of large early interpolations does not
work out at all well in detail" (Judaistic Christianity, p. 1-30), sounds like a
colloquial expression of opinion rather than a conclusion based upon investigation
of the facts in question ; at any rate, it represents an attitude prior to recent
movements of thought upon the whole subject. It is surprising, however, to find this
obiter dictum echoed by writers upon all sides, as if its repetition absolved them
from any fresh investigation into the evidence upon which it rests.
Bartlet (AA, pp. 511-515), who follows Zahn in the main, candidly admits,
however, that a large Pauline basis, consisting of all the personal matter and much
else, underlies the epistles; he also agrees that the possibility of interpolation . " is
a real one with letters so inorganic as those made up of counsels^ and exhortations.
Such may easily grow by an almost insensible process of accretion."

704 APPENDIX
46.12. 16-19 are probably from a late note, written after Philippians, when
Tychicus had gone (Eph 621) to Asia Minor. Timotheus, who had been
with him at an earlier stage (Col l1, Ph l1), is now absent, and Demas
has relapsed. The sky is overcast and threatening ; and Paul in
loneliness wearies for his younger comrade. So much is clear. 2 Ti
410-15. 21. 22a again are earlier, and cannot be dated very much later
than Paul's journey from Troas. They may have been written from
Caesarea during his imprisonment. 420 cannot (Ac 2129) belong to this
period, as Trophimus seems to have accompanied Paul to Jerusalem ; its
origin therefore must be earlier, possibly in the period Ac 1818 '¦). Of these
passages at least one may say with Mr. G. A. Simcox (Exp. Ti. x. p. 431),
" all these commissions and cautions are unlike a dying man ; the writer is
in a hurry for Timothy to come, simply because he is old and lonely."
Finally, the fragment Tit 312- 13 falls somewhere in Paul's second mission-
tour, written from Corinth or on his way to that city (Ac 201 L). The
plan of wintering at Nikopolis seems to have been abandoned, but Titus
afterwards (2 Ti 410) appears in connection with the neighbouring district.
This attempt at reconstruction, however, is quite provisional and
hypothetic, for it is easier to feel the presence of Pauline fragments
than to trace them to their birth and native soil. But no analytic
theory of this kind works out so badly in details, or inflicts such a
strain upon the general evidence, as the traditional hypothesis which
compresses the three letters, as thev stand, into the lifetime of the apostle
Paul. James. — An attempt to find a pre-Christian origin for James has
been independently made by Spitta (Urc ii. pp. 1-239) and M. L.
Massebieau ('' L'epitre de Jacques, est-elle l'oeuvre d'un Chretien ? " Bevue
de I'histoire des religions, 1896, pp. 249-283). On this theory 2 James
becomes almost like the Test, xii Patr., 4th Esdras, or the' Didache,
an originally Jewish work written by a Jewish scholar and then revised
by a Christian editor, who made certain additions in order to adopt the
book to his later audience. The strength of this hypothesis lies in the
obviously meagre Christianity of James, as well as in the rich series
of parallels between it and the older Jewish literature of the day.2
These, it is held, point to a purely Jewish environment for the author
and his readers. The interpolations necessitated by this theory are as
follows : —
l1. — Kal Kvplov 'Irjaov Xpiarov \ interpolations by a Christian, in a
(Spitta) ! writing, originally Jewish, which
21. — r/pSiv 'Irjaov Xpiarov . j became a favourite with the early
J Christian writers of the NT.
But, even apart from the absence of allusions, natural in Jewish writ
ing, to ritual or legal usages, the genuinely Christian elements elsewhere
(l27 -rrarpl, 27 39, perhaps 1IS), the resemblance to the gospels, and the
1 Spitta goes on to apply it also to Hermas (Urc. ii. pp. 240-347), where,
however, he had been anticipated (as Kriiger points out) by Schwegler (Nach-
apostolisehe Zeitalter, i. p. 333 f.). Massebieau finds its origin "in Essene influences
(op. cit. p. 270 f.): "l'auteur de l'epttre est un juif helleniste, lettre, atteint par la
philosophic grecque, universaliste, connaissant le milieu theologique de la Dis
persion." Admittedly the letter often seems a Jewish island in the Christian stream.
2 But this dependence upon the Wisdom-conceptions and the Wisdom-literature
had always been marked in early Christianity. Apart from the epistle to the Hebrews
and Paul's letters, the synoptic gospels occasionally use the Wisdom-idea to present
the very tradition of Jesus himself (e.q. Mtll19- 26-30 Tjc 735 1149 Oxvrhvnchite
Logia, No. 3). > ) 1

APPENDIX 705
un-Jewish ideas of the writing (e.g. rrlaris in 1 3, the fiXaaipripeiv 2°- 7, and the
passage 57 ff-), it may be argued that the attempt to transform a Judaistic
writing into a Christian document would certainly have gone further.
The two phrases 1 do not suffice even yet to give a distinctive, specific,
Christian character to the book (in Luther's phrase, it does not preach
and urge Christ), and, as McGiffert urges, it is hard to understand how the
editor could have contented himself with their addition, instead of insert
ing further references to Christ's life and death (p. 583 n.). The latter
course would have been perfectly easy and — from a modern standpoint —
natural. Besides, as Zahn hints, the cases adduced by Spitta — Sibyllines,
etc. — are no true parallels, for in these cases interpolations were made, not
to give the writings a Christian appearance and colour, but to transpose
them into prophecies or corroborations of Christian truth. For these and
other reasons, Spitta's view is rejected by Mayor (Exp.5 vi. pp. 1-14, 321-
338, and in 2nd ed. of his James, pp. cliv-clxxviii), Harnack (Chron.
pp. 489, 490 n.), Zahn (Einl. i. pp. 101 f., 1071), von Soden (HG, ad loc.
3rd ed. 1899 ; also in ThLz, 1897, pp. 581-584), Adeney (GR, 1896, pp.
277-283), Wrede (LC, 1896, pp. 450, 451), and by Haupt in an appreci
ative but adverse review (SK, 1896, iv. pp. 747-777). The last-named
attaches cardinal importance to the linguistic features of the epistle, its
Qrecisms, use of the LXX, etc. These suggest to him a Christian author,
familiar with the older Jewish literature, and resident in the Diaspora.
Harnack (Chron. pp. 485-491) once threw out the suggestion that
" James," like 2 Clem, consisted originally of a collection of anonymous
addresses by some early Christian prophet, afterwards published under
the name and title of "James " (TU, n. ii. pp. 106-109 ; above, pp. 618 f.).
Following out this suggestion, McGiffert regards it as possible that
'laKo>f3os 0600 Kal Kvplov 'lgaov Xpiarov (I1) were added in the second
century to an anonymous epistle composed by some Hellenistic Jew before
the close of the first century. The argument is ingenious but of very
moderate size. Upon Harnack's hypothesis, the xalpeiv and xapav of vers.
1 and 2 would be torn apart, whereas they are evidently linked together.
Besides, if, as is urged, the general contents of the epistle have no affinity
to the character and position of James, it is not easy to imagine how his
name should have been affixed at all to this particular document, which
fails to correspond with his traditional portrait. Here, as in the case of
1 Peter, the address seems isolated ; in l'act, it may be fairly held that,
were it removed, the contents of neither writing would suggest James
or Peter respectively as their authors. But the argument cuts both ways,
and makes it improbable that any scribe or later editor would add so incon
gruous a title. Deissmann (Bibel-Studien, pp. 245-247) explains the lack of
personal touches throughout the epistle by emphasising its oecumenical
character. It is a letter only in form, he thinks : " Aber so wenig Dias
pora ein geographischer Einzelbegriff ist, so wenig schreibt 'Jacobus'
eineu Brief. ... In der Jakobusepistel redet weniger ein bedeutender
Mann als eine bedeutende Sache, mehr das Christentum als ein Christen-
mensch." This ideal and general character of the epistle, he argues, is
preferable to the conception (Feine,2 Der Jacobusbrief untersucht) of a
1 As Zahn correctly points out, the very difficulty of 21 is a proof of its originality.
An interpolator would have taken pains to make his meaning clear and distinct.
2 Who regards the homily as originally addressed to the Palestinian church, and
afterwards issued in letter-form to Christian Jews of the Dispersion (pp. 68- 100). This
is a plausible theory, but it becomes unnecessary so soon as the early date is aban
doned. Bacon (Journ. Bibl. Lit., 1900, p. 12 f.) dates it 75-95 a.d., not later.
45

706 APPENDIX
homily. But the writing is more than formally a letter. It presupposes
some personal acquaintance on the author's part with some circle which
he is primarily addressing. The loose connection of the various para
graphs, which often resemble groups of aphorisms with as little cohesion
as a handful of pearls, is due here as in the Wisdom of Solomon to the
writer's gnomic style,1 although at the same time it must be admitted that
the cognate and much more elaborate " Shepherd " of Hermas bears, in its
extant form, some traces of having been put together from previous fly
leaves of prophetic addresses. The analogous abruptness with which
Ecclus (5129- 30) and Wisd Sol (1922) close, is rather unfavourable to the
allied conjecture that the original conclusion of James has been lost ;
especially as the letter itself gives but little evidence of close or continu
ous intercourse between the writer and his readers at the time of writing.
At the same time, while unable to accept Spitta's theory in its
entirety, I strongly suspect that in 21 the words r)p£>v 'Igaov Xpiarov
represent a gloss originally written on the margin by a later editor or
copyist, and subsequently incorporated in the text. The grammatical ex
planations of the text as it stands (for which cp. Mayor and Beyschlag)
are more or less strained : rr)s Soggs does not go satisfactorily with either
¦n-ianv or Kvplov, and the most simple view, which regards it as in apposi
tion to T. X., has little in its favour. On the other hand, 6 Kvpws rrjs
Sotjrjs is not merely a phrase for God in Enoch (cp. Spitta, pp. iv, 4, 60 f.),
but applied by Paul to Christ (1 Co 28, ovk av tov Kvpiov rgs Sofrs
earavpaaav). Whether the author of James intended it for God (as2
l27 25 suggest) or Christ, it is hardly possible to determine. But as
the book came to be used, it would be natural for some editor or reader,
who had 1 Pet l1721 before him, to append the gloss r)p. 'I. X., either to
explain the ambiguous phrase or to definitely bring it into line with 1 Co 28.
The linguistic coincidences between Judas and 2 Peter cannot, any more
than those between Colossians and Ephesians, be indicated in print. But a
tabular resume,3 such as is given e.g. by Spitta, brings out with sufficient
clearness the fact that the similarities of expression in the two writings
are not coincidences, nor due to the use of a common source, but remin
iscences and adaptations. One writing depends upon the other. Now
this involves undoubtedly the priority of Judas, chiefly on the following
grounds, (a) The style of Judas is pregnant, original, and energetic ;
1 Like Wordsworth's poems of 1831, the various paragraphs of James are semi
detached and end abruptly ; yet they too
"Have moved in order, to each other bound
By a continuous and acknowledged tie,
Though unapparent."
It is not, as I think, necessary to regard even the comparatively isolated passages
i1-10 and 51"6 as interpolated fragments of polemic against the unbelieving Jews
( Jacoby , NT Ethik, pp. 170 f. ). In this class of literature a certain detachment
inevitably belongs to many sections. The Wisdom of Seirach is an example itself,
though there also compilation and interpolation have been occasionally suggested.
2 The parallel in Ecclus 3512"13 is most remarkable : there, however, as in Ps 811'3
(i 8:is iv o-mayuyy) the order is reversed ; charity to widows and the fatherless is a proof
of genuine religion, but it follows the conception of God's impartiality. The writer's
devotion to the Wisdom-literature and the OT generally, carries him past not only
Jesus (Heb 1213) but Paul, in his search for examples of vTopiovi (510f), although even
Clem. Bom. (5) had already found an illustration of that virtue in the apostle of the
Gentiles (XiavXos xjcroputvv.s fipafiuov VTliltXiv . . . lis rov ayiov roTov ITOpivBy, VTOfJAvr.s yivopclvo;
poiytcrros vcroypapcpios).
3 Had Judas used 2 Peter, it is incredible that he should have selected one or two
passages — and these not the most characteristic — besides passing over much of equal

APPENDIX 707
that of 2 Peter is looser in expression, and occasionally indistinct for all
its diffuseness. 2 Peter has " echoes " in it. The special and concrete
examples of Judas are present to the writer, but are sometimes dropped,
sometimes abbreviated, sometimes flattened out into fairly general descrip
tions. The words of Judas become now and again consciously modified
(airiKaSes, arviXoi, e.g.) : his threefold rhythm is lost ; his images are used
for different ends. (6) Judas, too, is a unity ; from first to last it throbs
with a single spirit. On the other hand, the section in 2 Peter which
incorporates it stands in a peculiar relation to the calmer and less passion
ate portions of the epistle ; here the polemic is more of an interlude.
(c) Further, the author of 2 Peter has borrowed and used his materials in
such a way that the later reproduction would be in parts almost unintelli
gible, unless the original were extant (e.g. 2 P 2I7 = Jud 12- 13, 2 P 2n =
Jud 9, 2 P 21 = Jud 6). Features like these point to one conclusion, that the
more compact and original writing has been obviously worked over bv
another writer, who has in the process toned down, omitted, and expanded :
no other theory does anything like justice to the literary characteristics
of both letters. It is of course no objection to this position that 2 Peter
speaks of the errorists in the future tense, while in Judas they are present
actually to the writer. Judas is thus true to the immediate situation,
while the author of 2 Peter, though living in a similar set of conditions,
desires to represent his polemic as a prophecy of Peter, and consequently
speaks of the libertines as a future danger — though even this attitude is
not kept up consistently (e.g. 21S t 222). While the data thus prove the
priority of Judas, and indirectly the pseudonyniity of the later epistle,1
they do not, however, afford any reliable clue to the interval which elapsed
between the former's composition and its subsequent use by the author of
2 Peter. Judas 1. — dSeAtfibs Se 'laKaflov, an interpolation inserted during the
second century before 170 a.d., by an editor who supposed the author to
be a brother of the great James. So McGiffert (p. 588), along with Har
nack (Chron. p. 465 f.), who suggests that the whole phrase, 'igaov Xpiarov
SobXos, dSeXqbbs Se 'laKafiov was added between 150 and 180 a.d., for the
sake of increasing its authority.
2 Peter. — Grotius, besides attributing the epistle to Symeon, the suc
cessor of James in the bishopric of Jerusalem, held the composite 2 nature
of the writing; chaps. 1, 2, and 3 being different letters by the same
author. Doubts upon the second chapter as an integral part of the writing
have been more than once expressed, but without leading to any decisive
conclusions (Bertholdt, Lange, and Kiibel).3 Matthew Arnold (God
weight. Also, if he had intended to remind the reader of 2 Peter, it is strange how
he never alludes explicitly to it or to its writer.
1 As Prof. Adeney insists, comparing 1 Peter and 2 Peter on the score of literary
dependence, "it is one thing to lean upon Paul and even James, and another thing
to absorb and utilise virtually the whole of the short epistle of so obscure a writer as
Jude" (BI, p. 449).
1 He finally Conjectured that IHrpo; xai . . aTOO-ro/.o; (l1), h ayaT. faS, alO.fo;
(315), and V were interpolations. Bartlet (AA, pp. 518-521) similarly tries to
detach 2L37(13) as an apocalyptic section added to an originally Petrine note of
62-63 a.d.
s In this way, if l2°-33 could be taken as an interpolation, some part of the
epistle might be saved as genuinely Petrine. But the hypothesis is an untenable
compromise, and has rightly met with scant acceptance (cp. Usteri's ed. of 1 Peter,
p. 315 f.), though Gess (Das Apost. Zeugniss ron Christi Person, II. 2. p. 414 f.)
holds that r-»t>_33. certainly forms an unauthentic insertion.

708 APPENDIX
mid the Bible, pp. 227, 228) suggested that phrases like l10 (o-7rou8ao-a7-e
Beflalav iipav rgv KXijaiv ko.1 eKXoygv Troieiadai) and 38-13 may have really
been Petrine phrases which survived and floated in men's memories,
though the context had been lost. But this is highly improbable. The
phrases are perfectly natural and can be paralleled elsewhere ; the words
of 2lf- follow l21 without serious jolting; and a pseudonymous writer
required no hint or occasion, beyond the existence of a genuine 1 Peter
and a Petrine tradition, to speak in the apostle's name. Besides, as Chase
(DB, iii. p. 814 f.) shows, the coincidences with Apoc. Pet. extend over
chap. 1 as well as over chap. 2. Kuhl (-Meyer), however, still holds to
his hypothesis that a genuine Petrine letter is preserved in this epistle,
less 21-32 which represents a later interpolation.

N.B. — In connection with the survey of constructions and analyses
on pp. 700-704, it ought to have been observed that Professor B. W.
Bacon, in his acute and trustworthy summary of Pauline chronology
(Exp.6 x. pp. 351 f ., 412-430), already referred to on page 133, approximates
in part to Dr. McGiffert, regarding 2 Tim 49- 11'18- 20- 21 a<", with fragments
of 1 Tim as genuinely Pauline material which dated from the period of
2 Corinthians (end of 54 a.d.) and originated in Macedonia ; the rest of
2 Tim (less l13- 14 214-317 43-4, which are interpolations) must fall into
the period of Philippians, which is the latest of the Captivity-epistles.
Fragments from Titus are to be placed, with some hesitation, along with
2 Co lO1-^10, which Professor Bacon identifies with the intermediate
letter to Corinth (as above, p. 177), written in 54 a.d., perhaps after a
visit to Crete (?), but certainly subsequent to the fragment 2 Co 614-7!
(as above, pp. 628, 629). On this scheme Galatians is also placed, as in
the present edition, between Thessalonians and 1 Corinthians. In regard
to the general chronology, however, Professor Bacon proceeds upon rather
an independent road (vide above, pp. 134-136). He fixes the conversion
of Paul, 31 (34 ?) a.d. ; his first visit to Jerusalem, 33 (36 ?) ; his first
mission tour, 44-46 ; his arrival at Corinth, 50 (early spring) ; his flight
from Ephesus, 54 (July- Aug.) ; his arrest in Jerusalem, 55 (May); his
arrival at Rome, 58 (February) ; and his defence before Nero, 60. Such
an outline of events obviously involves some important modifications of
the " new " chronology as well as of the traditional scheme.

ADDENDA

Page 28 n.— On the relation of this colophon in Matthew to the work
of Papias, which also had a five-fold division (avyypdppara nevre,
Euseb. HE, in. 38), see Nestle, ZNIV, 1900, pp. 252-254.
Page 44 n. — An excellent popular statement of this familiar law may be
found in Dr. E. B. Tylor's Anthropology, chap. xv. ("History and
Mythology "). As he correctly points out, " it is often possible to
satisfy oneself that some story is not really history, by knowing the
causes which led to its being invented." This principle, of course, is
the supreme organon of tendency- criticism.
Page 51 n. 1. — Was the public for which the early Christian literature
was intended, exclusively Christian? Or did it embrace an audience
such as that contemplated by the author of 2 Mace (224- 25), number
ing some who were merely interested, possibly sympathetic — like the
father of Maitland of Lethington, " civil, albeit not persuaded in
religion " 1 This legitimate question has been recently raised in
several quarters; by J. Weiss (Ueber die Absicht der Apgeschichte,
p. 56), a propos of Acts and Romans ; by Zahn (Einl. ii. pp. 359 f.),
who conjectures that Theophilus was a pagan, first converted by
reading the third gospel ; and by Wernle (ZNIV, 1900, pp. 42-65),
who brings out a distinct " apologetic " element in the composition
of all the gospels. With the scanty data at our command, it is not
easy to determine whether such an outside reference existed in all
or any of these cases, and if so, to what extent. Early Christianity,
as a whole, was neither the life of a sequestered ghetto nor a
crusade appealing to the public mind.
Page 242. — In the recently discovered (Greek) fragment of the Ascensio
Isaiae, the death of Peter is connected closely with the Neronic
persecution. As restored by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt, the passage
rims : 6 {3aaiXevs ovros rrjv (pvreiav i)v (pvrevaovaiv ol SaSeKa
a-n-oaroXoi tov ayarrr/rov Sia^ei, Kal ro3v SaSeKa els rais yepo-iv aurou
rrapaSoBijaerai (Amlierst Papyri, pt. I. 1900). For a discussion of
this, and of the conjectural Testament embedded in the larger
document, see Dr. R. H. Charles' new edition (The Ascension of
Isaiah), which supersedes most previous work upon the subject.
Page 258. — It was no imaginary danger which the rise of evangelic stories
averted from the Christian consciousness, from c. 60 a.d. and onwards.
In the flush and rush of spiritual phenomena there was always an
ecstatic enthusiasm which tended to swamp the historical tradition
of Jesus. " That the church surmounted this peril is one of the
great deeds of the Providence of God. And what saved the church ?
Not spiritual speculation like that of Paul, which could not afford
any guarantee that it would keep by the track of the gospel as
given in history. It was simply owing to the infinite impression made
by the historical Jesus, that the historical character of Christianity did
not suffer loss. In this respect, the memory of Jesus paralysed the
spiritual phenomena of the apostolic age and survived them for
more than a thousand years " (Gunkel, Die Wirkungen des heiligen
Geistes, nach der populkren Anschauung der apostolischen Zeit und
der Lehre des Apostels Paulus,2 p. 56).

710 ADDENDA
Page 260 f. — A similar practical motive for authorship is plainly avowed
in the well-known prologue to Ecclesiasticus (also 2 Esdras 1422-152,
Baruch l14).
Page 268. — " Non fuit Matthaeo curae historiam ut gesta erat texere sed
Christi doctrinam exprimere " (Maldonatus, a Jesuit of the sixteenth
century, quoted by Jiilicher, Gleichnisreden Jesu, i. p. 3).
Page 273. — Baljon, in his recent edition (Commentaar op het Evangelic van
Matthaeus, 1900), places Matthew's gospel shortly after 70 a.d.,
written by a Jew of the Dispersion, who naturally inclined to semi-
Jewish forms in exhibiting the gospel-story.
Page 416. — In an elaborate textual study (Der abendldndische Text der
Apgeschichte u. die Wir-Quelle, 1900), A. Pott attributes Acts to an
editor who worked up, with other materials, a Lucan account of
Paul which included the we-journal. Much of the Western text he
explains as due to glosses, existing in two separate textual forms.
Page 416 n. 1. — It is not improbable, as Mr. Cross suggests, that simil
arities such as those referred to on p. 272 are due to the fact that
these writers all followed a conventional literary form in composing
their prefaces and dedications.
Pages 143, 461. — Willrich does his best to till up these years after 30 a.d.
by assigning to them quite a number of Alexandrian Jewish
productions, chiefly pseudepigrapha ; he puts Jason of Cyrene not
earlier than the reign of Claudius, and 2 Maccabees actually after
70 A.D. (Judaica, 1900, pp. 40-130).
Page 463. — 1 am glad to find these two points (the dual authorship of
the Apocalypse and the fourth gospel, and the literary function of
the early Christian prophets) now thrown into sharp relief by Dr. E.
C. Selwyn in his stimulating study of The Christian Prophets (1900).
Pages 132, 559. — A diverting example of reconstruction in this depart
ment is furnished by Lisco in his new volume ( Vinculo, Sanctorum,
" Ein Beitrag zur Erklarung der Gefangenschaftsbriefe des Ap.
Paulus," 1900). For reasons as precarious in exegesis as in tradi
tion, he places the prison-epistles in an Ephesian crisis and captivity
of Paul ; after 2 Co A (see page 178, above), Titus and Col-Ephes
come, previous to the trial ; thereafter 2 Tim and Philippians, fol
lowed by BC (with 1 Co 15) written after his release.
Page 606. — Recently, in his latest volume Clue (1900), Dr. E. A. Abbott
attempts to exhibit a biblical Hebrew original underlying portions
of the synoptic gospels.
Pages 145, 626.— The partition-theories applied, especially by Spitta, to
2 Thessalonians are reviewed bv Professor G. G. Findlay in Exp*
(October 1900), pp. 251-261.
Pages 259, 645. — This slowness and reluctance to adopt writing for
religious purposes may be illustrated by the remarkable legend of
Numa's burial ((Plutarch, Vit. Num. 22). Of the two stone coffins,
one contained the Emperor's sacred books, which were composed by
him and then buried at his request, in order that the sacred
mysteries might duly be preserved in their proper home, i.e. in
the minds of living men, not in books without a soul. He had
already taught their contents to the priests as an oral tradition.
Page 691 f.— Another rearrangement (IO22 before 812) in JTS (1900), v.
Pages 30, 694, 695.— The " I " and " we '' of authorship actually occur in
the gospel of Peter, where they are plainly introduced to heighten
the claim to apostolic authorship and dignity.

INDICES

Index (a) Subjects and Contexts.
,, (b) References and Authorities.
,, (c) Passages cited from OT and NT.
,, (d) Jewish, Early Christian, and Classical Citations.

(a) SUBJECTS AND CONTENTS

Acts: tendency of, 19 f. , 48 f. ; date
and function, 412-419 ; structure,
615 f. ; analyses and historicity of,
655-677.
Advent, second, 144, 268, 597-599.
Agabus, 670, 675.
Ahikar, 419, 686.
Alexandrianism, 351, 492 f.
Amos, 460.
Antichrist, in 2 Thess., 142 f. ; in
other NT literature, 537, 683 f., 687 f.
Apion, 626.
Apocalypse of John, date, contents,
and aim, 459-465 ; analytic criti
cism of, 461, 677-689.
 (synoptic), 268, 637 f.
Apollos, 673 f.
Aramaic, 605 f.
Aretas, 629.
Aristeas, epistle of, 64, 621.
Ariston (Aristion), 550 f., 647,
Asia Minor, early Christianity in,
132, 243 f., 463 f., 538, 694 f.
Asnioneans, 95-97.
Assumptio Mosis, 590.
"Baboo Greek," 598.
Ballads, Scots, 643, 650.
Baptism, 535, 647 f.
Bar-kokhba, 495, 688.
Baruch, apocalypse of, 618 ; book of,
615 ; epistle of, 64.
Bezae, Codex : order of gospels in,
108 ; Blass' theory of, 416, 610-612.
Buddhism, 689.

Caesar, Julius, 79, 681.
Caesarea, 132, 348, 700 f.
Caligula, 143, 626, 680 f., 687.
Canon, varying order of NT books in,
53 f., 107-117.
' ' Catholicism " of early churches,
412 f., 466, 695.
Cerinthus, 575, 700.
Christianity, primitive, 668 f., 709.
Chroniclers, mediaeval, 616.
Chronicles, books of, 8.
Chronology, limitations and uncer
tainty of NT, 69-71, 137.
Colossians, epistle to : date, 131 ;
authenticity and contents, 214-217 ;
textual condition of, 633, 634.
Compilation in NT literature, 615 f.
Corinth, Paul's relations with, 174-
178, 672, also 700-704.
Corinthian epistles, 126 f. ; criticism
of, 174-178 ; interpolation in, 627 f.
Damascus, Paul at, 629 f.
Daniel, 460, 464, 638.
Deuteronomy, 623, 675.
Diotrephes, 536 f.
Documents, filiation of, xv, xvi.
Doketism, 32, 496 f., 535.
Domitian, reign and persecution of,
343 f., 460 f., 535, 578, 678 f.
Dragon-myths, 684 f., 686.

Ecclesiastes, 690.
Egypt, 349, 591, 598.
Emperors, worship of, 461 f.,

6S7.

711

712

INDICES

Enoch, book of, 590, 620, 686.
Ephesians, epistle to : date, author
ship, and contents, 225-230, 419 ;
text of, 633, 634.
Ephesus, Paul's note to, 209-213.
Epiktetus, 274, 553, 614.
Episcopate, rise of, 536 f., 560 f.,
700 f.
Epistles, the, and the gospels, 25, 39 f.,
64 f., 258 f. ; of commendation, 63 f.,
210 f.
Eschatology, 267, 597 f., 626 f., 685:
of Jesus, 640.
Esdras, 3rd, 615.
 4th, xx, 463, 605.
Esther, 686.
Eusebius, 114, 690.
Ezekiel, 63.
"Florilegia," 617.
Fourth gospel : origin of, 26, 35 ;
environment, 35, 36, 269 ; date, con
tents, and function, 491-497 ; sub
sequent to synoptic gospels, 491,
492 ; historicity, 623 ; prologue,
492, 493 ; appendix, 694-696 ;
analytic criticism of, 696-700.
Galatians, destination and date of,
124-129 ; interpolations iu, 627.
Gamaliel, E., 243.
Gentile Christianity, 349, 418, 576.
Gnosticism in NT literature, 215 f.,
496, 535 f., 556 f., 589 f., 598.
Gospels, the : their distance from
Jesus, 13-16, 65 f. ; devotional and
didactic, 21 f., 25 f., 30 f., 258 f.,
491 f; environment, 44 f. ; genesis,
64 f., 260 f., 645 ; finally edited, 496,
497, 551 f., 649 f.
Hadrian, 679 f.
Hebrews, epistle to : date, origin, and
contents, 344-351 ; no translation,
607 ; structure of, 650, 651.
 gospel of, 269, 291, 552.
Hellenism, 60, 497, 579 f.
Herakleon, 495.
Hermas, 579 f., 610, 704 f.
Herod, dynasty of, 95-97.
Historical allusions, 46 f., 346, 535.
 criticism, its rights in NT study,
xvii, xviii, 71-73 ; its method, 625,
677.
History, conditions for writing, 13-
16, 658.
Homer, 643.
Homilies, early Christian, 463 f. , 618,
650, 705 f.

Ignatius, 36.
Interpolations, in NT literature, 608 f.,
628, 633 f., 649 f., 705 f.
Isaiah, 60.
James, epistle of: date, contents, and
character, 576-582 ; no translation,
607 ; structure of, 618, 704-706.
Jeremiah, 63, 583, 655.
 epistle of, 64.
Jerome, 53, 116, 598.
Jerusalem, fall of, 267 f., 348 f., 494,
613, 630, 639 f., 685 f. ; the heavenly,
683 f.
Jesus, our knowledge of, 9-11 ; person
ality of, 260 f. ; and the Law, 645 f. ;
and the church, 646 f. ; universal
ism of, 266, 647 f. ; birth -narratives
of, 266, 651 f. ; apostles of, 250 f., 418.
Jews, propaganda of and against, 344 f.,
418 f., 494 f.
John, the apostle, 463, 495, 679, 685,
694 f., 697 f. ; see Fourth gospel.
 epistles of, 534-538, 621, 694 f.
 (Mark), 678 f.
 the baptizer, 35, 636, 673 f.
 the presbyter, 463, 495 f., 536,
697 f.
Josephus, 271f., 412, 497, 596, 605, 615,
639, 664.
Jubilees, book of, 60, 605.
Judas, epistle of: date and object,
589 f. ; relation to Didache, 590,
591 ; to 2nd Peter, 706-708.
 Iskariot, legends of, 419.
Judges, book of, 8.
Lamb, the (in Apocalypse), 684, 687.
Logia, the Matthaean, 265, 606, 641-
645.
Logos, the, 355, 492 f., 686.
Luke, gospel of: tendencies of, 23,
24; author, 32,272, 658f.; relation
to Matthew, 266 f. ; origin, 271 f. ;
sources, 617, 651-653 ; interpolations
in, 651 f.
Maccabees, 1st, 615, 688.
 2nd, 558, 615, 710.
 3rd, 143, 608, 650.
 4th, 581.
Magus, Simon, 669.
Marcion, 108, 229, 558, 703.
Mark, gospel of: its origin, 26 f.,
269; its function, 28 f., 696 ; prior
to Matthew and Luke, 262-266 ;
opening of, 635-637 ; conclusion of,
553; sources, 606 f. ; structure of,
637 f.

INDICES

713

Matthew, gospel of: its tendencies,
23, 38, 268 f., 710; its origin, 27,
268-270 ; no translation, 606, 607 ;
Keim's theory of, 612, 613 ; Soltau
on, 641.
Miraculous element, the, in synoptists,
18 f., 270, 419; in fourth gospel,
690, 691.
Montanism, 580, 611.
MSS, disarrangement of leaves in, 690 f.
[JTS, 1900, num. v]
Muretonian fragment, 54, 55, 108,
211, 589, 630.
Mysticism, Greek, 581, 582.
Mythical hypothesis, the, 16 f.
Mythology, Babylonian, 682 f., 686 f.
Nero, 145, 67S f., 687; his persecution,
242 f., 346, 415, 459 f., 619, 626,709.
"New Testament," and its age, xiii,
xiv ; coherence of, xiv, xv ; name,
4, 5 ; sources of literature, 104-106.
Nikolaitans, 464 f., 589 f.
Oral teaching and tradition, 43, 57,
259, 537, 710.
Oxyrhynchite Logia, 491, 704.
Palestinian Christianity, 641, 652 f.
Papias, 43, 264 f., 461, 550, 606, 619,
638, 690, 691, 709.
Parseeism, 686, 689.
Pastoral epistles : order, date, and con
tents, 556-563 ; relation to Judas,
590 ; analysis of, 700-704.
Paul, and the historical Jesus, 32,
41 f., 66, 653, 709; personality, 418 ;
style, 613 f.; his epistles, 57 f., 137 ;
used in Acts (?), 416 f.; interpolated ( ?),
613, 614, 703; chronology, 121f.,
133 f., 671, 708 ; his death, 415, 559,
638, 702 ; Paul and Judaism, 626 ;
and the primitive apostles, 648 f.,
673; and Stephen, 669 f., 687.
Paulinism, its historical place and de
velopment, 58-60, 246, 250, 535,
557, 581, 589, 621.
Pella, flight of Christians to, 270, 640,
686.
Peter, epistle of, 242-257, 623, 624,
705 ; Peter at Rome, 133, 243, 559,
709 ; in Mark's gospel, 40 ; in
Matthew's gospel, 646 f. ; in fourth
gospel, 694 f.; and Paul, 243 f., 246.
 2nd, date and aim, 596-598, 624.
 apocalypse of, 598, 708 ; gospel
of, 32, 417, 551 f., 647, 691, 710 ;
preaching of, 550.
Philemon, epistleto, 132, 213, 214, 634.

Philip, the deacon, 348, 675.
Philippians, epistle to : date, 129-132 ;
no compilation, 634 f.
Polykarp, 634 f., 703.
Priscilla and Aquila, 349, 672 f.
Prophecy: (apocalyptic), 463 f., 684 f.,
689 ; bias of, 23 f. , 262, 268 f.
Psalt., Solomon, 582, 605, 652.
Pseudonymous authorship, 145, 226,
246, 562 f., 590, 597 f., 619-624.
Resurrection narratives, 551f., 647 f.,
655 f., 675, 694 f.
Roman Empire and early Christianity,
143, 412 f., 459 f.
Romans, epistle to; date, 126 f., ana
lytic criticism of, 211, 630 f.
Rome, Paul at, 124, 131, 132f., 630,
701f. ; and early Christian literature,
561, 582.
Ruth, book of, 657.
Secretaries, in NT literature, 226,
248, 598, 614, 621.
Shorthand, 614.
Sibylline oracles, 580, 609, 688.
Source-criticism, 6, 677.
Source, double-, theory of synoptic
gospels, 264 f.
Speeches (in Acts), llf., 41 3f. , 657, 658.
Supper, the Lord's, 36, 653 f.
Symeon, death of, 579.
Synoptic gospels, date and composition
of, 258-274 ; see also Gospels.
Tacitus, 37, 65, 374.
Tatian, 609, 646.
Temple, overthrow of Jewish, 347 f. , 685.
Tendency-criticism, 10, 37 f., 61, 412 f.,
655-657, 709.
Test. xn. Patriarchs, 609, 619.
Theobutis, 536.
Thessalonian epistles, date and order
of, 125, 126 ; II., date and authen
ticity, 142-146 ; analytic criticism
of, 625-627.
Tiberius, 626.
Timotheus, 346, 666 ; see Pastoral
epistles.
Titus, 174 f., 666 ; see Pastoral epistles.
Tobit, book of, 348, 686.
Tradition, 69 f., 657.
Trajan, 145, 460 f., 649.
Translations, are any NT writings ?
605-608, 681 f.
Ur-Marous, 265, 635 f.
Vespasian, 145, 461, 680 f.

714

INDICES

"Ways, The Two," 616.
We-Journal, in Acts, 664-668, 710.
Wisdom - literature, xx, 351, 582,
704 f.

Writing, use of, in early Christianity,
43, 259, 537, 710.
Zealots, 626, 685.

(b) REFERENCES AND AUTHORITIES

Abbey, C. J., 616.
Abbott, Dr. E. A., 12, 262, 273 f., 461,
491, 535, 550, 598, 652, 694, 710.
 T. K., 216, 225, 607.
Aberle, 412.
Abrahams, 581.
Academy, 688.
Achelis, 560.
Acton, Lord, 14.
Adamnan, 495.
A rl fl i c f*. r\ i
Adeney, W. F., 125, 130, 146, 177, 211,
216, 225, 244, 271, 348, 461, 496,
536 f., 577, 5S2, 591, 597, 705, 707.
Alexandrinus, Codex, 112.
Alford, 577.
Alfric, 117.
Allard, 245, 346, 461.
Allen, W. C, 263, 606.
Amherst papyri, 709.
Amphilochius, 114.
Anastasius Sinaita, 115.
Andokides, 122.
Anz, 683.
Apost. Constit., 556.
Aristotle, 26, 68, 610, 656.
Armenian version, 110.
Arnold, F. O, 461.
 Matthew, 24, 259, 494 f., 534 f.,
605, 608, 625, 648, 695 f., 707, 708.
Arrian, 274, 553, 614.
Askwith, 125.
Athanasius, 54, 115.
Augustine, 11, 30, 116.
Ayles, 348.
Bacon, xvi, 465, 579.
 B.W., 133, 551,690, 692, 705, 708.
Badham, F. P., 613.
Bahnsen, 145, 697.
Baldensperger, 23, 35, 462, 491 f., 536,
638 f., 674, 682, 695.
Baljon, 628, 710.
Ball, C. J., 18.
Barde, 414.
Bartlet, J. Vernon, 125, 126, 130, 136,
216,225, 244, 348, 412 f., 461, 534 f.,
577, 591 f., 613, 654, 677, 695, 701 f.
Barton, Dr., 682.
Bassett, 577.

Batiffol, 64, 133.
Baur, 79, 125, 127, 144, 215, 557, 578,
621, 630 f., 645, 677.
Bebb, Ll. M. J., 271, 273, 612.
Beck, 459.
Becker, 625, 690.
Beer, Dr. G., 683.
Beet, J. Agar, 133.
Belser, 136, 175, 264, 271.
Bengel, 120, 412, 413, 591.
Bennett, W. H., 615.
Bentley, 620.
Berger, S. , 54.
Bernard, St., 122.
 J. H., 130, 132.
Bertholdt, 707.
Bertling, 690, 691.
Beyschlag, 176, 215, 245, 348, 459,
551, 557 f., 564, 577 f., 597 f., 649,
697, 700, 706.
Bickell, 690.
Birt, 613, 655, 682, 690.
Black, J. S., 127.
Blair, J. F., 263, 553, 637, 646, 649,
654, 655.
Blass, xx, 32, 65, 133, 134, 216, 258,
263, 413 f., 492 f., 580, 606 f., 609 f.,
614, 628, 652, 653 f., 655 f., 658, 671,
674, 676, 690, 691, 693, 695.
Blanc-Milsand, 577.
Bleek, 127, 244, 348, 41 4, 560, 597, 669.
Blom, A. H., 578.
Bonaventura, 46.
Bornemann, 142, 143, 683.
Bosanquet, Dr. Bernard, 68.
Boston, Thomas, 175.
Bourquin. 557 f.
Bousset, 50, 143, 144, 247, 271, 347,
461 f., 579, 609, 612, 626 f., 680-
689, 697.
Bovon, 21, 54, 127, 130, 244, 348, 597,
607, 682.
Brandt, 24, 263, 653.
Briggs, Prof., xx, 263, 640, 681.
 F. J., 245.
Brown, W. A., 640.
Bruce, Prof. A. B., xxiii, xxiv, 16, 17,
23, 32, 38, 65, 126, 127, 262 f., 348,
491 f., 636, 640, 644, 646, 648, 651,
654, 656.

INDICES

715

Briiekner, W., 35, 128, 145, 177, 215,
225, 266, 345 f., 536, 550 f., 556 f.,
578 f., 590, 625, 634, 635, 648, 650.
Bruston, 681.
Buisson, du, 263.
Burgon, 550.
Burke, 631.
Burton, Prof. E. D., 126, 127, 131,
135, 268, 577.
Bury, Prof. J. B., 6.
Butcher, Prof. S. H., 259.
Caird, Dr. E., 14, 41.
Calvin, 597.
Candlish, Prof. J. S., 622.
Carlyle, 120, 126.
Carpenter, Prof. J. E., 18, 23, 262,
267 f., 273, 617, 637, 639, 646, 654.
Carr, 577, 606.
Carthage, Council of, 116.
Cary, Dr. G. L., 18, 263, 266, 270,
640, 645, 646, 654.
Cassiodorus, 116.
Chajes, Dr. H. P., 606.
Charles, Prof. R. H., 617, 620, 639,
689, 709.
Chase, F. H., 135, 177, 242 f., 553,
577, 589 f., 596f., 610f.,623, 652,
655, 708.
Chastand, 689, 694, 695.
Cheyne, Prof. T. K., 18, 623, 639 f.,
682, 686.
Chrysostom, 114, 120, 229.
Church Quarterly Review, 242, 460,
461.
Cicero, 69, 598, 614.
Claromontanus, Codex, 112.
Classical Review, 177, 610, 628.
Clem. Alex., 589, 607.
Clemen, C, 129, 132, 137, 144, 146,
177, 209, 216, 258, 271, 413 f., 561,
590,624, 627 f., 630, 632f., 650 f.,
655 f., 659 f., 661 f., 664, 667,668,
671 f., 674 f., 682, 700, 702.
Colani, 639.
Coleridge, 63, 614.
Cone, Dr. Orello, 17, 24, 35, 38, 122,
144, 177, 211, 215, 247, 263, 269,
347, 495, 590, 639, 645, 661.
Contemporary Review, 51, 262, 460.
Conybeare, F. C, 18, 242, 550, 606,
609, 654, 692.
Corpus Inseriptionum, 211.
Corssen, 108, 612.
Cramer, 627.
Cromwell, 124.
Cross, J. A., 416, 710.
Crozier, Dr. J. B., 41, 122, 348, 577.
Cyril, 114, 693.

Dalman, 605, 606, 648, 652.
Dante, 54, 462, 617, 640.
Davidson, Prof. A. B., 2, 17, 347 f.,
462, 622.
 Dr. S., 127, 145, 156, 177,
273, 348, 415, 462, 561, 578, 590,
597, 628.
Deissmann, 56, 64, 177, 259, 598, 621,
627, 634, 650, 705.
Delff, II., 689-699.
Delitzsch, 345.
Denney, Prof. James, 60, 143, 175,
492, 628, 630 f., 632 f., 646, 647, 649.
Derenbourg, 243.
Destinon, 617.
Didon, 29.
Dionysius of Alexandria, 463.
 of Corinth, 609.
Dioskorides, 272.
Dods, Prof. Marcus, 127, 624, 696.
Draseke, 689.
Dreschler, 177.
Driver, Dr. S. R., 71, 622, 638.
Drummond, Dr. James, 127, 136, 146
175, 176, 178, 210, 626, 627 f., 646.
Dryden, 124, 259.
Diisterdieck, 681 f.
Eberhardt, 694.
Ecce Homo, 636, 691.
Eck, 496, 550.
Eckermann, 697.
Edersheim, 645, 693.
Eliot, George, 49.
Emerson, xxiii, 261.
Epiphanius, 108, 115.
Erasmus, 60, 693.
Erbes, C, 133, 215, 462, 678-690.
Erdmann, 577.
Euripides, 672.
Eusebius (of Emesa), 127.
Ewald, H, 125, 209, 215, 248, 628
657, 692, 702.
 P., 244, 266, 577 f., 629, 636.
Fairbairn, Dr. A. M., 2, 214, 243.
Falconer, Prof. R. A., 493, 671.
Farquhar, J. N., 693.
Farrar, 127, 131. 135, 211, 244, 348,
459, 576, 590, 598.
Feine, 60, 272, 577, 656, 658, 661,
668, 705.
Felten, 417.
Field, Dr. F., 142.
Findlay, Prof. G. G., 127, 134, 146,
174, 176, 225, 348, 627 f., 693, 710.
Fortnightly Review, 271.
Foucart, 346.
Francis of Assisi, 46, 582.

716

INDICES

Franke, A. H., 493, 628.
Freeman, 16.
Friedlander, 216, 217, 349.
Friedrich, 413.
Fries, 700.
Gardner, Dr. Percy, 17, 21, 35, 41,
260, 274, 581 f., 652, 653, 658.
Gelasius, decree of, 116.
Gercke, 129, 627, 667.
Gess, 707.
Gfrorer, 415.
Gibb, Prof. J., 130.
Gieseler, 675.
Gifford, Dr. E. H., 630 f.
Gilbert, Prof. G. H. 136, 264.
Gla, 606.
Gloatz, 66.
Gloel, 129, 146, 271.
Godet, 127, 130, 131, 146, 215, 225,
264, 495, 628 f., 630, 640, 694.
Goethe, v, 262.
Goltz, von der, 36.
Gore, 71, 228, 623, 651 f.
Gottschick, 580.
Graetz, 626.
Grafe, 631.
Grafe, F., 610, 653, 655.
Green, T. H., 491.
Gregory, Dr. C. R., 54.
Grimm, 145, 248.
Grotius, 125, 143, 264, 614, 628, 707.
Gunkel, 50, 143, 419, 463, 608, 682 ft'.,
709.
Halcombe, 274, 492.
Halevy, 263.
Hall, E. H., 216, 225, 492, 494.
Handmann, 269.
Hardy, 689.
 E. G., 242.
 Thomas, 6
Haring, 347 f., 535, 538.
Harman, 243.
Harnack, 2, 19, 21, 51, 60, 65, 70, 83,
89, 98, 102, 133, 134, 137, 216,
227 f., 247 f., 262, 269, 273, 347 f.,
416f., 461, 492f., 536 f., 550 f., 556 f.,
579 f., 590, 596 f., 606, 609 f., 612,
616, 617 f. , 635 f. , 638, 646, 648, 650,
652, 673, 694, 702 f., 705, 707.
Harris, J. Rendel, 142, 262, 419, 460,
611, 614, 619, 621, 686, 691.
Hartmann, 127.
Hase, 702.
Hatch, 6, 78, 130, 225, 245, 347, 463,617.
Haupt, 126, 132, 145, 211, 216, 226 f.,
246, 350, 534, 561, 634, 640, 653,
697, 705.

Hausrath, 32, 125, 143, 177, 209 f.,
225, 250, 348, 415, 459, 578, 590,
597, 621, 626, 628, 634, 639, 657,
691, 695, 702.
Havet, 23, 35, 122, 127, 145, 262, 461,
492, 647.
Hawkins, Sir J. C, 23, 263, 414, 637,
642, 666.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 36.
Headlam, A, C, 60, 271, 414; see
Sanday.
Heinrici, C. F. G., xx, 6, 44, 100, 349,
579, 613 f., 627 f.
Heitmuller, 656.
Herodotus, 259, 674.
Herrmann, AV., 21.
Hesse, 700 f.
Hilgenfeld, 127, 132, 145, 177, 225,
264, 267, 270, 273, 348, 414, 494,
536, 557 f., 578, 581, 590, 597, 627 f.,
645, 647, 655 f., 661 ff., 667, 668 f.,
671 f., 675 f., 689, 691, 694, 700 f.
Hillmann, 651.
Hippokrates, 272.
Hirscht, 682.
Hitzig, 215, 626, 691, 701.
Hofmann, 244, 577, 634.
Holsten, 30, 126, 127, 209, 244, 258,
267, 273, 627 f., 630, 648, 657.
Holtzmann, H. J., 18, 21, 24, 35, 38,
127, 130, 144, 145, 175, 211, 215-
217, 225 f., 242 f., 260 f., 271, 300,
344 f., 412f., 461, 491f., 534 f., 556f.,
578f., 590f., 596 f., 606, 618, 630 f.,
633 f., 636 f., 639 f., 644, 645, 648,
649, 651, 654, 656, 657 f., 666, 668,
672-677, 682, 689, 690 f., 693 f.,
696 f., 700 f., 703.
 Oscar, 95, 132, 133, 135, 211,
462, 492f., 534f., 639, 666f., 672,
675, 680, 690, 692, 696, 700.
Hommel, 687.
Honig, 225.
Hort, 72, 127, 131, 132, 215, 225 f.,
231, 242 f., 350, 459, 554, 576, 611,
631 f., 649, 653 f., 689, 691, 696, 703.
HugodeS. Vict., 117.
Huther, 244.
" Imitatione Christi, de," 346.
Immer, 702.
Innocent, rescript of, 116.
Iselin, 639.
Isidorus (of Spain), 117.
Iverach, Prof., 697.
Jacobsen, 262, 266, 417, 666, 691,
694.
Jacobus, M. W., 227.

INDICES

717

Jacoby, 245, 350, 576, 581, 589, 645, 706.
James, M. R., 684.
Jensen, 686.
Joannes Clericus, 611.
 Damascenus, 114.
Johannes, 125.
John of Salisbury, 115.
Jolley, 263.
Jowett, 26, 142, 146, 147, 613.
Jiilicher, 38, 54, 102, 116, 127, 134,
137, 144, 146, 175, 178, 209, 216,
247, 258, 262 f., 265, 273, 347, 414 f. ,
461, 495, 534 f., 539, 579, 589 f., 593,
609, 615, 621, 628, 630, 654, 656,
667, 680, 682, 685, 691, 694, 701.
Jiingst, 271 f., 661, 665, 667, 668 f. ,
671C, 673 f., 676.
Junilius, 110.
Justin Martyr, 416, 461, 495, 563.
Justus of Tiberias, 412.
Juvenal, 64, 274, 610.
Kabisch, 638, 640.
Kahler, 22.
Karkaphensian Peshitto, 110.
Karl, 538.
Kautzsch, 621.
Keane, A. H., 683.
Keim, 14, 22, 95, 267, 273, 415, 459,
535, 612, 637, 639, 646 f, 648, 654,
691, 692, 694.
Kellner, 133.
Kennedy, Dr. H. A. A., 130, 492.
 J. H., 176, 177, 178.
Klopper, 130, 143, 146, 216, 226, 246,
578 f., 629, 645, 695, 696.
Klostermann, 349.
Knoke, 700.
Knowling.R. J., 129, 214, 414, 416 f.,
612, 656, 668, 677.
Knox, John, 121, 251.
Konig, 177.
Koster, 215.
Kostlin, 645.
Kranichfeld, 669.
Krenkel, 177, 271, 629, 666, 701 f.
Kriiger, F. H., 577.
 Gustav, 102, 216, 247, 536, 597,
677, 680, 700.
Kiibel, 348, 707.
Kuenen, 493, 621, 655.
Kiihl, 244, 591, 597, 708.
Kiihn, 129.
Laoarde, 272, 686.
Lange, 707.
Laodicea, Council of, 114.
Laurent, 54, 125, 132, 137, 209 f., 614,
669, 673.

Layamon, 616.
Lechler, 577.
Lecky, W. E. H., 89, 242.
Lee, Sidney, 612.
Lemme, 700-702.
Leontius, 115.
Lewis, F. W., 247.
 W. M., 348.
Liddon, 36.
Lightfoot, 127, 131, 134, 137, 214 f.,
229, 416, 495, 610, 627, 631 f., 694.
Link, 249.
Lipsius, 127, 130, 137, 177, 209, 237,
243, 347, 590, 630 f., 650.
Lisco, 178, 625, 710.
Lock, Dr. AValter, xiii, 51, 131, 227,
228.
Loning, 415.
Loofs, 491, 493, 551, 694.
Lucan, 496.
Lucht, 632.
Lucian, 29, 672.
Lucilius, 64.
Liicke, 459, 560 f.
Ltiken, 45.
Lumby, 577, 597.
Luthardt, 694.
Luther, 55, 60, 117, 650, 693.
Mackintosh, Prof. R., 21, 127, 348.
 Dr. W., 16, 41.
Macpherson, J., 132, 225.
Manen, van, 657 ff., 664, 676.
Mangold, 145, 209, 225, 265 f., 347,
414, 561,577, 590 f., 597, 630 f., 639.
Margoliouth, 67.
Marquardt, 464.
Marshall, J. T., 605 f.
Martial, 274, 610.
Martineau, v., 33, 66, 268, 415, 534 f.,
654, 661, 680, 695.
Massebieau, 262, 582, 704.
Masson, Prof., 462.
Masudi, 112.
Matheson, Dr. George, 32.
Mayerhoff, 215, 244.
Mayor, Prof., 576, 607, 705.
McGiffert, Prof. A. C, 125, 130, 133,
134, 137, 146, 177, 179, 209, 215,
216, 225, 247,347, 351, 412 f., 461,
495, 561, 568, 578, 590, 597, 628,
634, 648, 653, 656, 667, 670, 671 f.,
673 f., 676, 685, 700 f., 705, 707.
Memphitie version, 110.
Menander, 497.
Menegoz, 126, 128, 348, 351, 680, 689,
700.
Menzies, Prof. Allan, 659.
Meritan, 228.

718

INDICES

Meyer, 132, 244.
 Dr. A., 9, 249 f., 581, 606, 682,
692, 697.
Meyrick, 577.
Milligan, G., 348.
 Prof. W., 461, 680-690.
Milton, 24, 462.
Monnet, 146.
Mommsen, 4, 79, 124, 242, 259, 459 f.,
462, 626.
 Canon of, 112.
Montefiore, 581.
Morison, Cotter, 89.
Moulton, J. H., 686.
Muller, D. H, xx.
Nazianzen, Gregory, 114.
Neander, 560 f.
Nestle, Dr. Eberhard, xx, 54, 112,
270, 606 f., 632, 636, 654, 676, 680,
691, 709.
Neteler, 134.
Neumann, 460, 461.
Newman, J. H., 175, 623.
Nicephorus, 115.
Nicolai, 620.
Niebuhr, 52.
Norden, xx, 45, 272, 614.
Nosgen, 271.
Oltramare, 216, 226 f., 631.
Origen, 67, 614, 683.
Overbeck, 244, 267, 621, 629, 650, 656,
661, 664, 666, 667, 674 f., 680.
Page. 610.
Palmer, 682.
Panek, 607.
Paradise Lost, 462.
Pascal, viii.
Paschoud, 260.
Patrick, Principal, 245.
Paul, L., 272.
Peshitto, 110, 654.
Pfleiderer, 23, 125, 145, 176, 177, 209,
215, 225, 246, 258 f., 272 f., 275,
347 f., 412f., 495, 534 f., 557 f., 571,
578 f., 590, 628, 634, 637, 639, 645,
673, 679-689, 691, 694, 702.
Philo, 122, 215.
Picavet, F., 41.
"Piers the Plowman," 611.
Pilgrim's Progress, 346.
Plato, 35, 43.
Pliny Secundus, 57, 132, 242, 464,
465.
Plummer, 273, 496, 534, 591, 654,
694.
— C, 616.

Plumptre, 244, 591.
Polybius, 667.
Pompey, 143, 678.
Pott, 710.
Prescott, 7.
Preuschen, 6, 50, 78.
Procopius, 122.
Quincey, de, 78.
Rainy, Principal, 69.
Ramsay, Prof. W. M., 16, 125-127,
130, 133, 134, 137, 245 f., 271,
272, 348, 412 f., 461, 464, 597 f.,
610 f., 656, 666, 668 f., 671 f.,
673 ff., 676.
Rapp, 251.
Rauch, C, 145, 678.
Reith, Dr. George, 496.
Religio Medici. 344, 553, 611.
Renan, 22, 83, 95, 126, 127, 130, 131,
135, 145, 209 f., 215, 226 f., 242 f.,
252, 262, 348, 412 f., 494, 534f.,
576, 591, 597, 613, 619, 628, 631 f..
638 f., 666, 669, 673, 675, 688, 694,
700.
Rendall, 125, 128, 137, 414.
Resch, 249, 262, 265, 270, 272, 493,
551, 606, 617, 644, 646, 647 f,,
651 f., 653, 691, 694.
Reuss, 127, 130, 132, 145, 215, 225,
244, 247 f., 262, 347, 414, 459, 579,
597, 608, 622, 650, 682, 694, 701,
702.
Reville, A., 15, 16, 28, 34, 264 f., 459,
495, 553, 638, 642 f., 645, 646, 649,
652 f., 699.
 J., 247, 347, 415, 536, 578, 646,
700.
Reynolds, H. R., 461.
Riehm, 493.
Riggenbach, 632 f.
Riggs, J. S., 349.
Ritschl, 209, 244, 262, 274, 557 f.
Roberts, Prof., 348, 576, 606.
Robertson, Dr. A., 129, 178, 227 f., 628.
 Prof. James, 19.
Robinson, Canon J. A., 51, 618, 648.
Roehrich, 262, 266, 643, 644, 648.
Rohrbach, 496 f., 550 f., 647, 695.
Romanes, G. J., 70.
Roos, F., 32.
Rose, 656.
Rovers, 137, 225, 273, 347, 415, 561,
624, 628 f., 682.
Ruegg, 655.
Rufinus of Aquileia, 116.
Rushforth, 460.
Ruskin, 260, 464.

INDICES

719

Sabatier, 83, 127, 130, 132, 133, 135,
138, 143, 145, 177, 192, 216, 223,
225, 243, 417, 493 f., 628, 632, 681,
685, 687, 700.
Salmon, 127, 137, 146, 215, 225, 244,
262, 348, 461, 553, 560 f., 577, 591,
597, 610, 613, 622, 671, 694.
Salmond, Principal, 263, 273, 534, 54S,
606.
Sanday, Dr. W., 18, 21, 65, 127, 146,
175, 216, 242, 244, 262, 272 f., 414,
495, 550, 552, 577, 598, 611, 617,
622, 630 f., 638, 640, 648, 654, 697.
Sayce, 617.
Schafer, 127, 130, 146, 216, 244, 414,
461, 576, 591.
Schanz, 271, 606, 636, 637, 691, 694.
Schiirfe, 658.
Schechter, S., 16, 29.
Schenkel, 145, 215, 347, 591.
Schiller-Szinessy, 607.
Schlager, 266.
Schleiermacher, 135, 226, 265, 415,
561.
Schmidt, O, 70.
 K., 417, 656, 666, 670.
 N., 640, 651.
 -P., 626, 681 f., 6S5.
Schmiedel, P. AV., 126, 129, 134, 145,
174, 177, 215, 225 f., 244 f., 271,
415, 417, 534, 561, 608, 612, 624,
625, 626 f., 654, 655, 666, 66Sf.,
672, 674 f., 677, 681, 683.
Schmoller, 32.
Schnapp, 609.
Schneckenburger, 664.
Scholten, 247, 266, 459, 495, 696.
Schon, 680 f., 685, 687.
Schultze, L., 216, 225, 245, 414, 461.
 V, 460.
Schulz, 209.
Schulze, 417.
Schiirer, 42, 133, 143, 209, 216, 271,
349, 350, 464, 496, 621, 629, 644,
653, 675, 680, 688.
Schwalb, 647.
Schwally, 683.
Schwanbeck, 661, 665.
Schwartzkopff, 551, 639.
Schwegler, 225, 578, 704.
Scrivener, 610.
Seeberg, 580.
Seesemann, 464.
Selwyn, 710.
Semler, 177, 211, 590, 614.
Seufert, 242, 248, 413, 666.
Sieffert, 127, 129, 137, 244, 627.
Siegfried, 351.
Simcox, G. A., 651, 704.

Simcox, W. H., 345, 459, 556, 562 f.,
596 f., 680-688.
Simons, E., 266, 639.
Sinaiticus Codex, 112.
Singer, W., 60.
Smetham, James, 345.
Smith, Prof. G. A., 633.
 Goldwin, 51, 121.
 R. E., 131.
 W. Robertson, 347„352, 604, 615.
Soden, von, 22, 130, 135, 137, 145,
211, 215, 216, 218, 225 f., 247 f.,
266 f., 345 f., 556 f., 578 f., 583, 591,
597, 599, 624, 633 f., 650 f., 661,
667, 702, 705.
Soltau, 263, 267, 637, 641, 645, 646.
Sorof, 657 f., 661, 665 f., 667, 668 f..
671 f.
Spectator, 537.
Spinoza, 55.
Spitta, 131, 132, 142, 145, 248, 414,
462, 560, 577-591, 597, 626, 630 f.,
639, 654, 660 f., 666 f., 669 f., 671 f.,
673 f., 678-689, 690 f., 692f., 701 f.,
704 f.
Stade, 79.
Stalker, Dr. James, 124.
Stanton, V. H., 16, 263, 273, 666.
Staerk, 682.
Stave, 686, 689.
Steck, Rudolf, 122, 129, 132, 417, 578,
621.
Steude, 16.
Stevens, Prof. G. B., 67, 244, 348,
577, 640, 646, 647.
Stockmeyer, K., 653.
Straatman, 628.
Strauss, 17, 645, 647, 691.
Strong, T. B., 459.
Studia Biblica, 54, 607.
Suidas, 687.
Susemihl, 620.
Swete, H. B., 245, 550, 606, 636.
Taine, H. A., 53.
Taylor, Dr. C, 551, 578.
Teichmann, 648.
Theodoret, 127.
Thoma, 35, 492 f., 691, 694, 695.
Thomas, Jas., 652.
Tischendorf, 550, 696.
Titius, 265.
Tolstoi, 534.
Toy, Prof. C. H., 24.
Trenkle, 131, 227, 348, 576.
Trent, Council of, 117.
Turner, C. H., 128, 133, 134, 419, 671.
Tylor, E. B., 709.
Tyndale, 55, 580.

720

INDICES

Ulpian, 690.
Usener, 18, 273'.
Usteri, 244 f., 345, 560, 578 f., 707.
Vaticanus, Codex, 112.
Vinet, 261.
Vischer, 639, 680-689.
Vitringa, 689.
Vogel, 652.
Volkmar, 126, 262, 267, 578, 590, 632,
689, 691.
Vollert, 127, 130.
Arollmer, 617.
Arolter, 177, 590, 628, 631, 635, 677,
679-689.
Votaw, 133.
AVabnitz, 688.
AVandel, 591, 629.
AVarfield, B. B., 127, 143, 551, 651,
691.
AVatkins, 696.
AVeilfenbach, 635, 636, 639.
AVeimd, 270.
AVeiss, B., 21, 127, 130, 132, 136, 143,
145, 178, 209 f., 214 f., 225, 244, 262,
265 f., 271f., 34S, 459, 496, 534f.,
577 f., 591, 597, 606, 611, 624, 626,
631, 637, 644 f., 647, 648, 658, 666,
668 f., 682, 684, 689, 693 f., 696.
AVeiss, J., xx, 129, 145, 177, 209,
217, 264, 412 f., 420, 614, 626, 62S,
638 f., 646, 651, 653 f., 657, 661, 667,
668, 669, 670 f., 675 f., 680, 709.
Weisse, 625, 627, 633, 702.
AVeizscicker, 23, 32, 34, 35, 38, 125,
132, 145, 176, 184, 209, 212, 215,
225 f., 258 f., 347 f., 412 f., 461, 496,
498, 536, 576 f., 590, 628 f., 632 f.,
639, 644, 645, 648, 650, 656, 658,
666 f., 668, 672 f., 675, 681 f., 684,
688, 689, 695 f.
AVellhausen, 270, 350, 605 f., 617, 683,
685, 687.

Wendland, xx, 38.
AVendt, 35, 66, 133, 136, 262f., 271,
347, 413 f., 491 f., 534 f., 611, 629,
6371'., 643f., 645 f., 648 f., 653f., 656,
667, 668 f., 670 f., 673-676, 689-698.
Wernle, 23, 35, 38, 243, 263 f., 491,
553, 607, 639, 642, 645, 646, 648,
651, 709.
AVestcott, 35, 54, 262, 267, 348, 496,
535, 607, 633, 691, 693 f.; see Hort.
Westphal, v.
Wette de, 244.
Wetzel, 621, 696.
Weyland, 677-689.
AVhitelaw, 628.
AViesinger, 538.
AVilke, xx, 614.
AVilkinson, J. H., 266, 492, 495, 578,
644.
AVillrich, 710.
AVitticben, 266, 691.
AVoods, F. H., 262.
Wordsworth, 607, 706.
AVorkman, AV. P., 316, 560.
Wrede, 35, 50, 56, 98, 102, 122, 247,
578, 624, 661, 682, 705.
Wright, A., 65, 273.
AVuttig, 492.
Zahn, A., 538.
 Tbeodor, 15, 26, 28, 29, 38, 43,
54, 110, 126, 128, 129, 130, 133,
135, 137, 142, 145, 174, 178, 209,
210, 214f., 226 f., 244f., 260,264,
271 f., 347, 414 f., 460 f., 491f., 536f..
550 f., 560, 577 f., 589f., 597f., 606f.,
610, 614, 627 f., 630 f., 634, 636 f.,
646, 648, 651, 653 f., 666, 687, 690 f.,
694 ft., 702,705, 709.
Zeller, 41, 68, 271, 412 f., 578,620,
652, 655, 668, 670, 672, 675 ; see
Overbeck.
Zimmer, F., 25, 578.
Zockler, 656.

INDICES

721

(c) PASSAGES CITED FROM OT AND NTJ

Deut 2s, 15.
1 Sam 21"10, 65
676.
Ezra 727-834 91"",
Nehem 11-751227

14",

666.
13134

630; 113

463 ; 496,

633, 64 ;

Job 28, 652.
Ps 69(68)23'v 706 ; 8S23
415.
Isaiah 491,
413 ; 53, 244.
Jerem 722, 634 ; 88b,
634; 291-25-31,
31s1'-, 344.
Dan 1-6, 605; 39S
244; 7-8, 6S3
686 ; 72, 638 ;
648 ; 7s ll36- 37,
121, 638.
Hosea l1"3, 686.
Amos 37, 460.
Jonah l6, 227; 22"10,
Zech 1210, 638.

SI1"3, 8921,

625,
; 7,
714'-, 143;

652.

Matthew (also 641-645, pas
sim).
I1, 636; l1"17,
l22, 268; l25,
1-2, 652.
22"12, 48, 270,
26-18, 613.
314"15, 613.
bs-,™, 28 ; 517-20
645.
67- 16, 606.
r22, 23 ; 728- etc-

text, 302-343

644; 415;613;

269:644 ;

645,

-s, 28 :
645 f. :

24 :

266,

131"62, 28 ; 1324(-
1341, 23 ; 1353,
13M, 591.
la1, 349.
1617- 18, 269,
646 f.
1724"27, 48.
182"7, 28 ; 1810"2
1815"18, 269,
1820, 647.
191, 644.
201"16, 28 ; 2020
2023, 699.
212"5, 48, 613; 215,
613 ; 2123"27, 28 ; 2141,
606.
221"6, 2S ; 227, 268 ;
226il- 7b, 613 ; 228'14,
28 ; 221"14, 613.
23, 28 ; 232- 3, 645 ; 233,
266, 644 ; 2332, 625 ;
2334, 580 ; 2S34-38,
644.
2412, 23 ; 2411- 12, 28 ;
2420, 644 ; 2426-28,
28 ; 2429-39, 144 ; 2429,
268 ; 24so, 606 ;
2437"51, 28; 2 148, 268.
25, 28, 613, 638 ; 255,
26S.
26, 644 ; 2615, 613 ;
2651"53, 48.
27»-, 419, 613 ; 278,
15; 2719, 613; 2751-33,
48, 250, 613 ; 2762-66,
48, 613.
289-20, 553; 289"10, 647;
28", 15, 269 ; 2811"15,
4S ; 2816-20, 269,
645 f., 647 f., 649.
Mark: text, 277-299.
I1"3, 635, 637 ; l2- i,

637

817-18, 263; 83:
8s8, 28, 263.
91, 28 ; ff--"--4, 263
938-41, 249, 637 ; 94>
28, 637.
10", 267 ; IO29- 3°, 637
IO30'-, 28; IO35, 24
263 ; IO39, 699.
ll12"14, 19 ; ll20"25, 19
ll25- 26, 637.
13, 637-641, passim
132, 685; 139"11, 243
1314, 28 ; 1320, 268
1324, 268.
145, 637; 1458, 28
1456-59j 637.
lo21, 267.
168, 553, 649 ; 169-20
(text, 555), 106, 550-
554, 608, 612, 617,
636, 647, 649.
Luke : text, 368-411 (also
641-645, -passim).
I1, 105 ; l1"4, 26, 41,
251, 346, 655; Is,
271 ; l4, 551 ; l32"35-
67 f. 76-73. 80] ggl . 147>
560 ; l49"55, 651, 652.
1-2, 226, 651-653.
2=2. 37. 4!>t 651.
44(l, 669.
65, 691 ; 622, 271.

727

636;

1731, 638.
1943. **,

¦ ete-, 28,
644, 709 ; 731"37, 270.
811- 12, 613 ; S22"26, 270 ;
828-33] 48.
937. 3s 28
IO5, 645, 648 ; 105"16, 617 ;
28; IO5-6, 266; IO23, 267.
266, 645, 648 ; IO30, 22>7, 28.
676 ; IO33"42, 28. 35, 263 ; 3W,
ll1, 644 ; ll3, 669 ; 263 ; 329,
ll10, 636 ; ll12, 15 :
H19. 26-M 704 . 117-19> 513> (337.
28 ; ll21"30, 28 ; ll27, 6s, 591 ; 6s4,
644 ; ll29, 580, 638. 637 ; 651b-52, 263.
1224-25, 28 ; 1228"30, 28 ; 73- 4, 614 ; 719, 39 :
l237-39; 28 ; 1240, 48. 826, 636.
1 To facilitate reference, these passages are printed here in the same order as that
in which the respective books and chapters occur in the ordinary English Bible.
46

267;
263;

1 ; 637,

704; 736-50, 413.
82, 551.
911, 669 ; 951-1814, 653.
ll4fl-51, 625, 637, 638,
704.
122"8, 245 ; 12", 271 ;
1249- 50, 654.
136"9, 19.
1617, 646.
1711"13, 413 ;
187-8, 271.
1910, 413 :
270.
209, 271; 2026-27, 691.
21, 637-641, passim ;
216, 685 ; 2112"15, 638 ;
2112, 271 ; 2123, 625 ;
2118, 676 ; 2121"24,
270 ; 2124, 271 ; 2138,
691.

722

INDICES

22-24, 655 ; 2219- -'>,
612, 653, 654; 2243'44,
654 ; 2245b, 24.
23-24, 413 f. ; 2314-~,
412 ; 2334;l, 654 ;
248"12, 553 ; 2412,
647, 655; 2413"33, 551 ;
2424, 655 ; 244S"li',
649; 2452-53, 413,655.
John : text, 500-533 (also
697-700, passim).
I1"18, 261; 19£-, 35,496;
l14, 621.
3, 36 ; 33, 578 ; 35, 269 ;
38, 578 ; 311- 12, 623 ;
316"21, 578 ; 322'-, 35.
4, 35 ; 48, 689 ; 4-::,
269 ; 4s8, 492, 496.
5-9, 35 ; 54, 654, 689 f. ;
524, 578; om-2s, 689;
543, 144, 495 ; 5«,
578 ; 547, 590 f.
6, 36 ; 689.
715"24, 690, 691 ; 736-44,
691 ; 7s8, 691 ; 745"52,
690 ; 753-8", 551,
608, 612, 691 f.
821- 24, 496 ; 831 '-. 578 ;
8", 464.
9", 623.
1012, 496 ; IO16, 492,
496 ; IO33"36, 35.
ll2, 267; ll48, 495.
1216, 13 ; 1222, 36 ; 1232,
496 ; 124l), 494, 496 ;
1244"511, 692.
13-16, 692, 693 ; 1323,
491 ; 132U. si. :«'¦ 31. 35.
so, 692 f.
1418, 269, 496 ;1426, 13,
496 ; 1430, 692, 693.
15lf-, 692 ; 154"6, 492,
496 ; 1527, 636.
1612- 13, 496 ; 1613, 13 ;
161""19, 415 ; 1625,
496 ; 1633, 692.
17, 227, 693 ; 179, 537 ;
1718, 496 ; 172", 492,
496.
1813"28, 693 f.
1926-27, 491; 1934, 535;
1935, 26, 491, 696.
202-5, 491 ; 201"18, 551 ;
20i4.i8; 647 ; 20191-,
269 ; 2021"23, 649 ;
2022- 23, 648 ; 2029,
492, 694 ; 2030- 31,
26 ; 2031, 494.
21, 106, 551, 552, 617,

694f.;2124,43;2124-J\ 695, 696.
Acts : text, 422-458 (also
660-667, passim).
1-5, 12, 269, 413, 658,
659.
I1, 636; l1-2'-, 26, 417 ;
l8, 413 ; l9'11, 551 ;
l1"12, 414; l16'-,419;
lis. i9> 48 . 123j 551 .
I25, 415.
2, 413 ; 25"11, 48, 413 ;
222, 262 ; 223, 625 ;
243"47, 668.
314 '• 625.
42, 675 ; 44, 668 ; 412,
269 ; 432, 418 ; 432"36,
668.
51"11, 48 ; 512"16, 668 ;
53", 625 ; 536f-, 271.
61*-, 607,669; 65, 464 ;
67, 668 ; 68"15, 669.
758-83, 669, 670.
7, 685.
8, 669 ; 84, 670 ; 85"13,
413 ; 826, 655 ; 839,
413.
92, 64 ; 915, 413 ; O23"25,
628 ; 926'-, 123 ; 9-7,
607 ; 928 '•, 630 ; 9:!",
670 : 9;n, 655.
IO2-- -', 413 ; IO36, 413,
636 ; IO37, 655 ; IO38,
265.
ll1"'-, 413; 1122-21. «...
670; ll26, 48; ll27'-,
134-136, 612 ; ll28,
625, 670.
1225, 134-136.
131'-, 670 ; 1312, 412 ;
1322, 415 ; 1342"52,
671 ; 1344"47, 413,
418.
142-3, 671, 676; 14s,
655 ; 14lr-17, 413,
580 ; 1422, 26, 242 ;
1427, 413.
15, 64, 247, 413, 649,
671,675; 159"11, 250 ;
1521, 344 . 1522. »3)
249, 671 ; 1530, 125 ;
1532, 248.
164, 64, 675 ; 164- 5,
671 ; 161"6, 125 ;
I625-34, 672.
17r', 626 ; 1710, 349 ;
1723'-, 413, 580.
182, 625 f. ; 183, 649 ;
185 '-, 413 ; 1812,

412 ; 1818"22, 673 ;
1818- 26, 210 ; 1823,
125, 126 ; 1826 '-,
673 ; 1827, 63.
191"10, 35, 674 ; 192"7,
48 ; 196. 674 ; 199,
418 ; 1911-20, 48, 674 ;
1927, 460.
203- 4, 127, 229 ; 2018"31,
417, 419 ; 2025, 415 ;
2025. 38> 702 ; 2026- »
674 ; 2027, 461 ; 2029,
210 ; 2029- 30, 538,
590 ; 2035- » 415 ;
2033"35, 674.
218, 656 ; 21s, 675 ;
2110, 670 ; 2118'2",
576 ; 2118, 243 ;
2120b-26j 675 . 2125,
673 ; 2127, 349 ; 2130»,
675 ; 2132, 129.
225, 64 ; 2215- 21, 413 ;
223u-2311, 675 f.
23", 413.
2418, 349 ; 24s5, 580.
253b, 676.
268, 676 ; 2617- 18, 413.
279, 136; 2721"28- 33-35,
676.
2821, 64 ; 28s5 '-, 413 ;
2827'-, 494 f. ; 2830- 31,
124, 242, 414.
Romans: text, 193-208
(cp. also 631, 632).
I5- 13, 630 ; l7- 15, 632 ;
l14, 230.
29, 597 ; 214- 15, 614.
320, 628 ; $*, 413.
41, 350 ; 413- 16, 349 ;
415, 628.
52(l, 129.
77, 129, 628.
89, 637 ; 83(l, 625.
9-11, 463 ; 91"5, 631.
11, 626; ll1"6, 631;
ll9-10, 105, 612,626,
630 ; ll26, 630 ; ll36,
214.
12-13, 244.
123, 630.
131"7, 143.
14, 216, 349, 631 ; 1423,
632.
155, 630; 15s, 652;
1519, 494 ; 15'9'24,
630 ; 1525, 126 ;
153"'-, 673.
15-16, 630-633.
16, 123, 209-213, 630f. ;

INDICES

723

167, 226 ; 1617, 589 ;
1621, 127 ; 1621"23,
614;1625,608; IO-'"27,
631f.
I Corinthians : text, 157-
173. I1- 2, 229 ; l12,
614; l16-17, 674.
22, 174 ; 2°, 229 ; 28-8,
625 ; 28, 706 ; 29,
617.
31"-23, 628; 3", 563;
Z®, 637.
419"21, 174.
59, 129.
B'-IO22, 628 ; 95, 226,
243 ; 924-27, 627.
ll5"13, 628; ll23-24, 41;
ll241-, 653 ;1134, 174.
12, 647, 648 ; 1228,
226.
13, 463.
14", 464 ; 1483b--3li,
627'-.
151"9, 269, 552; 158,
41 ; 1511, 243 ; 1516,
247, 628 ; 1556, 628.
161, 127 ; 167, 174 ;
168, 126, 210 ; 1619,
210 ; 1622, 628.
2 Corinthians : 1-9 (text),
185-191. I1, 249;
l8, 210 ; l14, 176 ;
l28, 174.
21, 174, 175 ; 24-5, 174,
175; 29-13, 175.
31, 63 ; 36, 628 ; 313,
174 ; 317- 18, 64S.
4"-, 463 ; 416-51U, 465.
5W1, 176 ; 517, 645.
614-?1, 176, 612, 614,
628 f.. 708 ; 61(i, 350;
617, 629.
76'-, 126, 177; i12-13,
174, 175.
81, 127 ; 817"24, 175 ;
818, 667.
94, 127 ; 916, 176.
10-1310 (text), 180-183.
129, 174-178, 708.
IO7, 637; IO1", 174,
175.
ll2'-, 628; ll2", 174;
ll23, 210 ; ll25, 412 ;
ll28, 230; ll32-^1,
629 f.
122, 127, 129 ; 12llb"12,
629 ; 1214, 174, 175 ;
1218, 175 ; 1221, 174,
628.

131, 175; 132-10, 174;
IS11"13, 129, 176 ;
1313, 64S.
Galatians: toxt, 151-
155. 1", 125, 127 ;
1", 210 ; 1""', 463;
l13"24, 494, 630 ; 11S,
123 ; l21-2\ 123.
21 '•, 123, 127, 246,
6701'. ; 21"1", 136,
243, 671 ; 27, 246 ;
29, 54 ; 2"-31, 123,
597 ; 212, 577 ; 214"21,
645 ; 218, 627 ; 219,
129.
31, 216 ; 3-'', 349.
45, 652 ; J-", 129.
5s, 210 ; 57- \ 216.
611, 627 ; 617, 129.
Ephesians : text, 232-
236. I1, 229 ; l3,
248, 345 ; l7, 345 ;
l15"17, 634 ; l17, 226 ; i
! 18-ai. ai-K 248, 345.
213, 345 ; 22U, 225, 226,
464, 563 ; 218"22, 248.
3'- '¦'- °, 225, 226 ; 32,
229 ; 34, 464; ?/>¦'",
248 ; S-", 226.
41-11, 225; 48'-, 24S ;
4-'"- -\ 32 ; 4'-'1. 229.
514- 1!l, 226, 227 ; 52li,
345.
61"'-, 463 ; 6n- 12, 6S6 ;
621, 704.
Philippians : text, 238-
241 (also 634, '635).
I1, 634, 635, 704 ;
l12"14, 131, 242 ; l13,
124, 132, 242 ; l23"25,
130.
219"24, 634, 635 ; 223- 24,
130 ; 225, 131.
31, 105, 210; 32'-, 463,
634 f.; 312, 121;
312"14, 627.
418, 131; 419"23, 124, 132.
Colossians : text, 219-
222.
I1, 704 ; l3- "• 9, 634 ;
14. 8. 16 214 • 118-20
633, 647 ; l23, 217.
2i.4.i8. i9j 214; 21-2,
217; 24'-, 590;
214a. is. 23j 633.
451'-, 245; 47, 216;
4'", 210; 414. 271 ;
4ir-i7| 249 ; 4W, 105,
229, 260.

1 Thessalonians : text,
139-141.
lr'"8, 42.
2", 248 ; 2", 142 ; 214"16,
625 f. ; 2"1, 142.
3", 626 ; 311, 684.
413'-, 463, 640; 410, 143,
619, 683 ; 417, 125.
51"11, 142, 597 ; 52, 142,
144 ; 58-9, 625 ; 527,
260, 626.
2 Thessalonians : text,
148, 149.
21"12, 105, 463, 6261'.,
639 ; 21, 125 ; 22,
25,142,633; 23, 144 ;
24, 143; 2"-7, 143-
145. 683; 29"12, 144;
213, 597 ; 215, 125,
142 ; 21S- 17, 684.
3G, 146 ; 37, 142 ; 314,
25 ; 317, 105, 142.
1 Timotheus : text, 572-
575 (also 700-704,
passim).
1"; 636 ; l4- J,J, 560 ;
l12"16, 561, 700.
2-, 701 ; 23"15, 561, 563 ;
27, 560.
3, 561 ; 31"13, 702 ; 314,
702 ; 313, 491.
41, 560, 590 ; 41"3, 561 ;
412, 702 ; 413, 57 ; 414,
561.
h1-'**, 702; 511"23, 561;
517-2U, 702.
63-io,20.2i)561. 62i,562;
617"21, 730.
2 Timotheus : text, 565-
567 (also 700-704,
passim).
I6, 561 ; l11, 560 ; l13"14,
708; l15, 700 f.; I15"18,
105, 123, 561, 578,
700 f., 703.
21"13, 700 f. ; 21"3, 560,
578 ; 23"9, 561, 578 ;
215, 563 ; 217, 497 ;
219, 563 ; 220, 537 ;
217"20, 560 ; 223, 560 ;
224, 578 ; 2'-li-39, 561.
81- 1U, 560, 563 ; 31"2,
590 ; 316, 43 ; 214-317,
708.
43, 563, 590 ; 43"4, 708 ;
4n-22», 703, 704, 708 ;
4'"'-8, 561, 578 ; 46"12,
105 ; 413, 702; 413"15,
105, 123 ; 413"17.

724

INDICES

700 f. ; 416"19, 105,
123, 561 ; 420, 701 ;
421-22a) 105j 123>
701 f., 704; 422, 562,
701 f.
Titus : text, 569 - 570
(also 700-704, pas- j
sim).
I1"6, 700 f. ; l5, 578 ; j
l7"9, 702; l9, 563; |
l10'-, 561.
2i2 563.
31"7, 702 ; 33, 578 ; 35, .
561 ; 39, 560, 561 ;
312-13, 105, 123, 702;-
311-14, 129, 561, 700 f . ;
315, 562.
Philemon : text, 224.
5-6. 634.
19 a. 614; 19. 627.
23. 210.
Hebrews : text, 353-366. !
I1, 607 ; l3, 345 ; l7, j
607.
21"3, 345 ; 21"4, 650 ; 23,
346, 348, 636.
3-4, 650 f.
31, 345 ; 317, 346 ; 317"19,
591.
51, 349 ; 58, 607 ; 511-
63, 345 ; 5"-620, 650 ;
511, 348 ; 512, 346 ;
514, 607.
61'-, 350; 64, 345.
78- w, 350 ; 718, 345.
81, 345 ; S3"6, 350 ; 87,
607 ; 813, 347.
96"9, 350 ; 911- 12, 345 ;
913 350.
IO5- ™, 607 ; 1010, 345 ;
IO14-29, 345; IO2-5,
347, 349, 647 ; IO32"34,
243, 346 ; IO37, 607.
121"5, 345, 647, 706 ;
122, 345 ; 123- 4, 344 ;
124, 348 ; 1211"13,
346 ; 1221, 607 ;
1222'-, 647 ; 1226,
345.
134, 350 ; 137-end, 25,
346, 349 ; 139"16, 350 ;
1318-23, 650 f.; 1319,
346 ; 1322, 344, 345 ;
1323'-, 346, 349.
James : text, 584-588.
1\582, 704f.;l3,705f.;
1a.3.8.wi580.1i2.is.26) 578 ; l18, 704 ; l19
579; li9-2i.22i., 578;

l25, 580, 581; l27,
579, 704, 706.
2\ 591, 704 f.; 23, 579;
23, 706 ; 26- 7, 705 ;
27, 704;28,581 ; 21"14,
589; 2i- 5. 13-17. a 578.
31, 579, 580 ; 36, 581 ;
36"8, 580 ; 39, 704 ;
39'-, 580 ; 313, 578;
314"18, 380 ; 315, 580.
41"4, 578, 580 ; 48, 580 ;
41"10, 706 ; 413, 210 :
416, 578.
51"6, 706 ; 52, 625 ; 56,
582 ; 5'"11, 580, 705 ;
55.9. 13-14; 578 . 5h
579; 516, 579 f.;
519- 2", 579 ; 520, 578 ;
5s4, 579.
1 Peter : text, 253-257.
I1, 243, 247, 250, 582 ;
l1'2, 247; l6, 243;
js-5. 10-1^248; l12, 250;
l17"21, 706 ; l19, 247.
21, 247 ; 24"6, 248 ; 29,
247 ; 21"10, 647 ; 211,
243 ; 214, 249 ; 217- 21,
247 ; 22- 25, 248.
3i4-22( 242 ; 315, 245 ;
316, 243: 318'-22, 248,
250, 582.
43, 249 ; 47f-, 242, 249;
41", 249 ; 412"19, 242,
245 ; 413, 247 ; 414,
249 ; 419, 243.
51, 247, 250, 596 ; 55,
250 ; 58'-, 242 ; 59,
243 ; 511"14, 247, 248 ;
512, 248 f.
2 Peter : text, 600-602.
I1, 707 ; l4- 12"19, 596 ;
l1", 708 ; l14, 694 ;
l15'-,591;l16-18, 596;
l17, 707 ; l20, 596 ;
l20-33, 707.
2, 596 ; 21-32, 708 ;
24-37, 707 ; 24, 707 ;
2", 707 ; 2U- 12, 592 ;
2", 592, 707; 218'-22,
707.
31, 248, 596 ; 32, 596 ;
34, 597 ; 38"13, 708 ;
315, 596, 707 ; 316,
43, 596, 597.
1 John : text, 540-545.
I1"4, 621 ; l1"5, 537.
215, 580 ; 218- 22- 29, 535 ;
219, 538 ; 2s5, 580.
34- 10, 535 ; 36, 621 ; 37,

537 ; 3", 580 ; 318- 19,
464, 535.
42- 3, 32, 535, 537 ; 44,
538 ; 46, 535, 537,
538 ; 414, 621.
52, 580 ; 56"8, 535, 612 ;
516, 537.
2 John : text, 547.
7. 32, 537 ; 10. 537 ;
12. 25, 537.
3 John : text, 549 ; cp.
25, 64.
9. 106.
Judas : text, 594-595.
1. 591, 707.
3. 25, 64 ; 3-4. 589.
4. 590.
6. 707.
8. 589, 590.
9-10. 592, 707.
12. 589, 592 ; 16. 591 ;
12-13. 707.
16-17. 589.
17. 590.
19. 580, 589.
22. 590.
23. 589.
24 f. 632.
25. 560.
Revelation : text, 468-
490 (also 677-684,

l3, 43, 57 ; l7, 638 ; l9,
460, 461, 463.
2-3, 25, 47, 210,
226, 247, 419, 460,
464, 537, 563, 647,
680f.;29-10,578;26-15,
589 ; 226, 638.
33, 144 ; 310, 460 ; 320,
578.
513, 687.
61, 144 ;64-8-12-14, 638;
610, 245 ; 616, 684 ;
617, 638.
71, 638; 71"8, 684 f.,
7", 582.
812, 638.
912, 637, 638.
11-12, 105, 143, 461 ;
ll1, 459 ; ll1"13, 685 ;
ll14, 637.
12, 686 f.; 126-14, 459.
13, 143, 461, 537, 626,
680f.,687;136, 461;
138, 687 ; 1315, 460;
1318, 640.
14\ 582 ; 14", 578, 687 :
146, 638 ; 149, 460 ;

INDICES

725

1410, 687 ; 1414"20,
687 f.
15s, 687.
16", 464 ; 1615, 688 ;
1613, 638.
17, 105, 143, 461, 537,
688-689 ; 178"11, 626 ;

179, 640 ; 1710, 459 ;
1717, 638.
18, 461 ; 18
182u, 464 ;
689.
1913, 689.
20", 460.

1824,

21, 689 ; 211, 638 ; 21-
22, 647, 689.
227, 464, 688 ; 229,
463, 464 ; 2212- 20,
688 ; 2218- 19, 55,
464.

(d) JEWISH, EARLY CHRISTIAN, AND CLASSICAL CITATIONS

Assumptio Mosis, 8-10,
143 ; IO46, 638.
Baruch, Apoc. IO6', 683 ;
27-30, 638 ; 4932, 637 ;
63 f., 683; 708, 638.
Baruch, Bk. of, l14, 710 ;
l15-38, 615 ; 39-44, 580,
605.
Ecclus. 3512"15 5129- 30,
706.
Enoch, 9115, 638 ; 1001- 2,
683 ; IOO3, 688.
Esdras, 2nd, H22-^2,
710.
 4th, 41, 144; 4s5,
245 ; 56- 9, 637 ; 610,
640 ; 624- 25, 637, 638 ;
731, 638 ; 93, 638; 8s2-36,
97'-, 579; 97-8, 638 ;
9™'; 686 ; ll32, 582 ;
1331, 638 ; 1421"48, 44.
Esther, Addit. ll5"11.
Josephus, Antiq. iii.
6-12, 350 ; xvi. 10.
i, 142 ; xviii. 3. 4,
626; xx. 8. 5, 639.
Contra Apion. i. 9,
497.
1 Mace. 922, 696 ; 14-16,
617.
2 Mace. I1- 10, 64.
4 Mace. 17-18, 690 ;
l86b-i9, 687.
Psalt. Sol. 1713"20, 143.
Philo, Quis rer. divin.
hered. I. 511, 350 ; De
Monarch, n. 222, 359.
Sibyll. iii. 319 f., 663 f.,
683 ; iv. 119, 137. 460.
Tobit, l3, 36, 666.
Wisd. Sol. 212"20, 582 ;
1922, 706.

Ambrose, Epp. II. 753,
627.

Apostolic Can. Ixxxv.
(lxxxvi.), 108.
Apostolic Constit. ii. 57:
55, 108.
Ascensio Isaiae, 709 ;
21-312, 619 ; 313-5', 105,
249, 619; 61-!!1, ll23"40,
106, 619 ; 721, 683.
Athanasius, Festal. Epp.
xxxix, 54.
Augustine, Epp. Faust.
xxxii. -xxxiii, 30.
Barnabas, 29 '-, 640 ; 46,
580, 640 ; 41", 346.
Cassiodorus, De Instit.
Div. Lit. xiv, 116.
Clem. Alex. Strom, ill.
2. 6-10, 589 ; vn. 17,
556, 557.
Clem. Rom. i.-iii. 464 ;
ii. 1. 415 ; v. 630 ; v.
4. 7. 415 ; v.-vi. 347 ;
xii. 1. 578 ; xiii. 1. 28,
578 ; xiii. -xv. 537 ;
xviii. 1. 414 ; xxi. 5.
578 ; xxx. 3. 578 ;
xxxviii. 2. 578 ; xl.
xii. 250, 350 ; xlvi. 3.
346; xlvi. 5. 578; xlvii.
43 ; Ixi. 269 ; lxiii. 64.
Didache, i. 28 ; ii. 4. 5,
iv. 3, vi. 14. 580 ; ii. 7.
590 ; iv. 1. 590 ; ix.
496 ; ix. 2. 692 ; xvi.
143, 346.
Diognet. Ep. 5. 5, 243 ;
3, 350.
Epiphan. Haer. xiii. 9,
108.
Eusebius, HE, i. 7. 653 ;
iii. 3. 248 ; iii. 5. 2.
640 ; iii. 19-20. 591 ;
iii. 24. 27 ; iii. 30. 1.
675 ; iii. 31. 36, 697 ;
iii. 37. 649 ; iii. 38.
345, 709 ; iii. 39. 26,

270, 606 ; iii. 39. 4.
550 ; iv. 5. 3. 590 ; iv.
22. 536 ; iv. 23. 609 ;
iv. 23. 11. 248 ; v. 8. 2.
270 ; v. 8. 3. 268 ; v.
8. 6. 460 ; v. 20. 259 ;
v. 24. 36, 697 ; vi. 14.
26, 27, 607 ; vi. 23. 2.
614 ; vii. 25. 15. 463.
Hippolytus, Philosoph. -.
vii. 22, 495.
Hugo de S. Vict., De
Script. 6, 55.
Ignat., ad Rom. x. 1, 249.
ad Ephes. 13, 346 ; 15,
461. adPhilad. 6, 351;
4, 61.
Irenaeus, i. 23. 5. 497 ;
III. 2. 2. 16 ; in. 11. 1.
464 ; m. 12. 2. 16 ;
v. 30. 3. 460 ; v. 33.
2. 638.
Jerome, De Vir. Illustr.
2, 622 ; 3, 536. Contra
Pelag. ii. 15, 550.
Justin Martyr, Apol. i.
12, 581 ; i. 45, 551 ; i.
61, 648 ; i. 67, 21.
Origen, in Matth. Comm.
iv. 329, 683.
Polykarp, ad Phil. iii.
634 ; iii. 2, 64 ; vii.
537 ; xi. 635 ; xiii. 1-
2, 64.
Tertullian, adv. Marc.
iv. 2, 54 ; iv. 5, 598 ;
v. 108. Dc Bapt. 5,

Aristotle, Arik. Eth. I. 2.
5. 26 ; II. 2. 26 ; VI. 5.
26 ; VII. 225.
Cicero, de Amic. i. 4,
620. de Nat. Deorum,
ii. 46, 598.

726

INDICES

Dio Cassius, Epit., lxvii.
14, 460.
Dio Chrysostom, Orat. 21.
10. 460.
Euripides, Bacchae, 436-
441 : 602-608.
Homer, Iliad, ii. 306 f.,
686 ; ii. 484-877, 551 ;
ix. 432-619, 612 ; xxiii.
257-897, 612.

Lucian, Hist. Conscr. 39,
29 ; 58, 658.
Plato, Epp. vii. 341 C,
43 ; Phaedrus, 275 D,
276 A, 259.
Pliny, Epp. ii. 3. 537 ; x.
98. 460, 465.
Plutarch, Gat. Min. 23,
614. Num. 22, 710.
Suetonius, Nero, 57, 460.

Tacitus, Annales, I. p
37 ; II. 42, 43, 71, 85
p. 626; xv. 44, pp.244,
245, 460. Hist. i. 2,
pp. 460, 639 ; v. 9, r,,
143. Agricola, xiv. p
621 ; xlvi. p. 494.
Thucydides, i. 22, 658
viii. 416.

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