uf*'''^-

, fev.

''J 'If- J if'/ '<-(/ /'(,

FAC-SIMILES or
ANCIENT NEW TESTAMENT MANUSCRIPTS,
TO ILLUSTEATE CHAPTER XXVI., PAGE 380.
Most of the foUowing specimens of ancient manuscripts are taken from
Scrivener's Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament. No. (1) is
from Tischendorfs Novum Testamentum Grsece ex Sinaitico Codice ; Nos. (2)
and (11) from Smith's Dictionary of the Bible ; and No. (5) from Home's Intro
duction, Vol. IV.
No. (1). PLATE I. Sinai Codex, Century IV. Heb. 12 : 27-29. Notice
the occasional use of very small letters. In line 3 the article njv is inserted by
correction in its proper place, while it is left standing where it should not at the
beginning of line 2.
No. (2). PLATE I. Alexandktne Codex, Century V. Jno, 1 : 1-5. In the
margin stands the first Ammonian section (A), and under it the tenth Eusebian
canon (I).
No. (3). PLATE II. Vatioan Codex, Century IV. PsA. 1 : 1, 2 and part
of verse 3 ; called by Scrivenei? "a tolerable /ac-simKe."
No. (4). PLATE III. Codex Ephbaemi, pali-mpsest of Century V. 1 Tim.
3 : 16, aud end of verse 15. The heavier upper -HTiting in two columns (cursive)
is a translation froni Ephraem the Syrian. The paler underneath is the Greek
text. No. (5). PLATE iV. CoBes Sezae, Century VI, Matt. 5 : 1-3. From
the type cast for Kipling's edition, ^hich give a good idea of the manuscript. It
is bUi-ngual, the Greek and Latin stichometrically written and on opposite pages.
In the present specimen the Latin is placed below the Greek. On the left mar
gin of the Greek are the Ammonian sections.
No. (6). PLATE II, Codex Puepubbtts, Century VI. Part of Jno. 15 : 20.
In the margin the Ammonian section 139 (.PA9), and under it the third Eusebian
canon (f).
No. (7). PLATE in. Codex Laudianus, Century VL Part of Acts 20:28.
Bilingual and stichometrically written, the Latin on the left and the Greek on
the right.
No. (8). PLATE m. Codex Monaoensis, Century X. Luke 7 : end of
verse 25 and beginning of verse 26.
No. (9). PLATE IIL Codex Basilensis (cursive). Century X. Matt. 15:1,
and part of verse 2.
No. (10). PLATE V. Codex Kubeb (cursive, in bright red ink). Century X.
2 Cor. 1 : 4, with end of verse 3, and beginning of verse 5.
No, (11). PLATE V. Part of Luke 20 : 9, 10, from a fragmentary Palim
psest of century VT., brought iu 1847 from the Nitrian desert, and now in the
British Museum, add. 17,211. It is covered by Syrian writing of Century IX.
or X.

<^i)- PLATE I.
SINAI CODEX.
To KC e T I xn KX^ h>°«
THMTCDNCXKCY o M e Kl cu n'h CTXGc
Cl HCDCn6 noiH
M e H CD N U-1 XM 1 KH
TXM H CXKe^OM €NK
Al O R xc I xe ) XH XCA
XCYXON rrXf AAXiL
RXHOHTeceXOM^^
X Kp I N 2sJ H C AXTj'^T
o Kl e N e Yxp e ctcd-
Ttu e"cL> He Txe-^^x
K I xc K K^'%• e o yc kn
VKy o e c H M CL» H n-yf
KXTKNXMCKOM

(2).
ALEXANDRINE CODEX.

x V  ^ MApXTtrlNOAOrOCKAIOAorocH
TlJ'oCT'OMONKAlQCMMOXOroc •
OyVoG Hr-ieMXl»>c»-rn|»OCTOHeN
TTx M T^x-^. I xy ro ve re M GTo » <x I ^<*»
re iCNY~coYere MGiroova^eeN
Or'er'O M ervieMA.V''<J«J^<AJMM ^vl 
/<A i -rocbcoc e ^-•'T'l^ C KOTO^d) Al
Me I KAlHCl<OTlAAYTOOY>^'^''^e
AABe M •

7

¦/¦

(3)- PLATE II.
VATICAN CODEX.

J

MAlCA|^(oc^^l H^ S coy Ken Of eye Hen
BOYAHiceBCON c^^-^-—
K^le H O A.CO ^HA»p-rtoAci>N OYKeCTH
K A ( e^nj KAe €ApA n a o i m cij n o Y K e KAie ice
iCv Ai H G H T"c5 M O M CD |<VTOe CXHM AVTTT
K^IBH^CON O MCOAYTOYM^Ae-THCe
H M epACKA|NTK'TO''C
KXiecTA.icbcT03 YAONXone<J>YTeY

(6),
CODEX PUEPUEEUS.
^ TO yA o roy oy
ercDeirroHy MlKIOyKGCTi^
J^viDyKO c M I :z-
T'oyKyAy tov

(4).
CODEX EPHEAEMI,

CODEX LAUDIANUS,

(8),
CODEX MONACENSIS,
Xi'oiCHAJi-^ltcrv^fNON'l AOYOI
•^ ¦• I r I ^
<^ nvn^p;^oNTeceNToic.^Aci\£r

no/MeivieiiM
nrHN CK KAH ClAxi
(9),
CODEX BASILENSIS,
tJTI gyoo^-f,-3(T3j,'-rtitt (wruj, ^oLp(o-otioi j^airptt/A-v^a-oGo-
'ojTro i^frvao <7T)A-~-«j-<3oi/-X<)/-uf T6cr- 2ii OLTI ol M o- 6 H
-|^'l axiU T7J^i:p ouxxM./^c un Tt/J -rxrtip o..-,^o=nf' Tvup

PLATE IV.

fi oo

i
i

o
o
o
h o
¦ ^

ou
J-
I

Pi 5
^^ Q

o z
I
8 9
w

i Pi

B^

I 5

;s4 0

b

r 8 ^
Z 5 5^
«i ii 5!
!^ 't o
•^ *< S
ttl v< 5

M 12^1 M

s
z -^ ^
p.

8

S;3

^

:?

? ?^ (0
P O Ce,
s S ^

CD s
p O
<0
^ i^ o
Jh -£ p
3 & Z
o h a
O "^ «>,

'5

(10)

CODEX KUBEE.

PLATE V.

Tl ap <Lk7\HC £e-it' an A.p ^j< d[:\co*i
Hu.iceninAjciTlHi'fTvt'N -et-UtTB

(11).

A PALIMPSEST FEOM THE NITEIAN DESEET,

COMPANION

TO

THE BIBLE.

BY REY. E. P. BARROWS, D. D.,
PEOFESSOE OF BIBLICAL LITEEATUEE.

PUBLISHED BY THE
AMEEICAN TEACT SOCIETY,
150 NASSAU-STEEET, NEW YOEK.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1867, by the American
Tract Society, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
for the Southern District of New York.

I (. '1 i-

GENERAL PREFACE.

The design of the present work, as its title indicates, is to
assist in the study of God's word. The author has had special
reference to teachers of Bible classes and Sabbath-schools;
ministers of the gospel who wish to have ready at hand the
results of biblical investigation in a convenient and condensed
form ; and, in general, the large body of intelligent laymen and
women in our land who desire to pursue the study of Scrip
ture in a thorough and systematic way.
The First Part contains a concise view of the Evidences of
Eevealed Eeligion. Here; since Christianity rests on a basis
of historic facts, special prominence has been given to the
historic side of these evidences ; those, namely, which relate to
the genuineness, integrity, authenticity, and inspiration of the
several books of the Bible. A brief view is added of the evi
dences which are of an internal and experimental character.
In the Introductions to the Old and New Testament whieh
follow in the Second and Third Parts, the general facts are first
given; then an account of the several divisions of each, with
their office and mutual relations, and such a notice of each
particular book as will prepare the reader to study it intelli
gently and profitably.
The Fourth Part is devoted to the Principles of Biblical
Interpretation. Here the plan is to consider the Scriptures,
first, on the human side, as addressed to men in human lan
guage and according to human modes of thinking and speak
ing; then, on the divine side, as containing a true -revelation
from Go.d, and differing in this respect from all other writings.
To this twofold view the author attaches great importance.
To the human side belong the ordinary principles of interpre-

4 GENEEAL PKEEACE.
tation, which apply alike to all writings; to the divine side, the
question of the unity of revelation, and the interpretation of
types and prophecies.
In each of the abovenamed divisions the author has en
deavored to keep prominently in view the unity of revelation
and the inseparable connection of all its parts. It is only
when we thus contemplate it as a glorious whole, having begin
ning, progress, and consummation, that we can truly under
stand it. Most of the popular objections to the Old Testament
have their foundation in an isolated and fragmentary way of
viewing its facts and doctrines; and they can be fairly met
only by showing the relation which these hold to the entire
plan of redemption.
The plan of the present work required brevity and conden
sation. The constant endeavor has been to state the several
facts and principles as concisely as could be done consistently
with a true presentation of them in an intelligible form. It
may be objected that some topics, those particularly which
relate to the Pentateuch, are handled in too cursory a way.
The author feels the difficulty; but to go into details on this
subject would require a volume. He has endeavored to do the
best that was consistent with the general plan of the work.
The point of primary importance to be maintained is the
divine authority and inspiration of the Pentateuch — the whole
Pentateuch as it existed in our Saviour's day and exists now.
There are difficult questions connected with both its form and
the interpretation of certain parts of it in respect to whicli
devout believers may honestly differ. For the discussion of
these the reader must be referred to the works professedly
devoted to the subject.
The present volume is complete in itself; yet it does not
exhaust the circle of topics immediately connected with the
study of the Bible. It is the author's purpose to add another
volume on Bibhcal Geography and Antiquities, with a brief
survey of the historic relations of the covenant people to the
Gentile world.

CONTENTS

PART I.
A CONCISE VIEW OF THE EVIDENCES OF REVEALED
EELIGION.
CHAPTEE L
iNTEorucTOEY Eemaeks. 1, Christianity rests on a Basis of Historic Facts
inseparably connected from First to Last— 2. This Basis to be maintained
against Unbelievers— 3. General Plan of Inquiry— Christ's Advent the Central
Point — Prom this We look forward and backward to the Beginning — i. Impor
tance of viewing Eevelation as a Whole— 5, Fragmentary Method of Objec
tors — Particular Order of the Parts in this Investigation  -paqe, 31
CHAPTEE II.
Genuineness oe the Gospel Naeeatives. 1, Terms defined — ^Necessity of
knowing the Authors of the Gospels — 2. Eemarks on their Origin — They
were not written immediately, but successively at Intervals — Earlier Docu
ments noticed by Luke — 3. Manner of Quotation by the Early Church
Fathers — 4, External Evidences traced upward from the Close of the Second
Century — Testimony of Irenaeus — Of Tertullian — Of Clement of Alexandria-
Letter of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne — 5, Comprehensiveness and
Force of these Testimonies — Freedom of Judgment in the Primitive Church
es — This shown by the History of the Disputed Books — 6. Public Character
and Use of the Gospels — 7. Earlier Testimonies — Justin Martyr — His Desig
nation ofthe Gospels— They are Our Canonical Gospels — Explanation of his
Variations and Additions — His Eeferences td the Gospel of John — 8, Testi
mony of Papias — 9. Epistle to Diognetus — 10. The Apostolic Fathers — Cle
ment of Kome — Ignatius Polycarp — The So-called Epistle of Barnabas — 11.
The Ancient Versions and Muratorian Canon — Syriac Peshito — Old Latin —
12. Testimony of the Heretical Sects — Marcion — Valentinus — Tatian — 1,1 Con
clusiveness of the above External Testimony — 14. Internal Evidences — Eela
tion of the Fir-st Three Gospels to the Last — They differ in Time — The First
Three written before the Destruction of .Jerusalem ; the Fourth after that
Event — They differ in Character and Contents — Yet were all alike received by
the Churches — 15. Relation of the First Three Gospels to Each Other — They
* have Eemarkable Agreements and Differences — These and their General Ee-
ception explained by their Genuineness — 16, The Gospels contain no Trace
of Later Events — 17. Or Later Modes of Thought. 18. From the Character
ofthe Language     — 36

6 CONTENTS.
CHAPTER in.
Uncoeeupt Persbevation oe the Gospel Naeeatives. 1. What is meant by
an Uncorrupt Text-2. -incient Materials for Writing-Pahmpsests-Uncial
and Cursive Manusoripts-3, The Apostolic Autographs have penshed, but
We have their Contents-This shown from the Agreement of Manuscnpts-
From the Quotations of the Pathers-From Ancient Versions-Character of
' the "Various Eeadings "-They do not affect the Substance of the Gospel-
4. The Ancient Versions made from a Pure Text-This shown from the Pub
Uc Beading ofthe Gospels from the Beginning-From the Multiphcation of
Copies-From the High Value attached to the Gospols-From the Want of
Time for Essential Corruptions-From the Absence of all Proof of such Cor-
ruptions-5. The Above Eemarks apply essentially to the other New Testa-
tament Books 
CHAPTER rv.
Authenticity and Ceedieility oe the Gospel Narratives, 1. General Ee-
marks-2. Their Authors Sincere and Truthful— 3, Competent as Men— 4.
And as Witnesses— 2. Character of the Works which they record— Super
natural Character of our Lord's Miracles— They were very Numerous and
Diversified, and performed openly— 6. And in the Presence of His Enemies--
7, The Eesurrection of Jesus— Its Vital Importance— 8. The Character of
Jesus proves the Truth of the Eeeord— Its Originality and Symmetry— It
unites Tranquillity with Fervor— Wisdom with Freedom from Guile— Pru
dence with Boldness— Tenderness with Severity— Humility with the Loftiest
Claims— He is Heavenly-minded without Asceticism- His Perfect Purity—
His Virtues Imitable for All alike— Our Lord's Character as a Teacher— His
Freedom from the Errors of His Age and Nation— His Eeligion One for All
Men and Ages— This explained by its Divine Origin— Our Lord's Manner of
Teaching— His Divine Mission— Divinity of His Person— Originality of its
Manifestations— God His Father in a Peculiar Sense— He is the Source of
Light and Life— He has Inward Dominion over the SouJ— He dwells in Be
lievers, and they in Him — The Inference — His Power over the Human
Heart— Supernatural Character of the Gospel— A Word on Objections  66
CHAPTER V.
The Acts op the Apostles and the Acknowledged Epistles. 1. These Books
a Natural Sequel to the Gospels — 2, Tke Acts of the Apostles — External Testi
monies — 3. Internal Evidence — 4. Credibility — 5. Date of Composition — ^6.
Ike Acknowledged Epistles — Distinction of Acknowledged and Disputed
Books — 7. First Group of Pauline Epistles — Second Group, or the Pastoral
Epistles — Their Date — Their Peculiar Character — 8. First Epistles of Peter and
First of John — 9. Mutual Eelation between the Gospels and Later Books —
10. Argument from Undesigned Coincidences    87
CHAPTER VI.
The Disputed Books. 1, The Question here simply conceming the Extent of
the Canon — 2. The Primitive Age One of Free Inquiry — 3. Its Diversity of

CONTENTS. 7
Judgment no Decisive Argument against a Given Book— 4. The Caution of
the Early Churches gives Weight to their Judgment— This Judgment Nega
tive as well as Positive    96
CHAPTER VII.
Inspiration and the Canon. General Eemarks — 1. Eule of Judgment deter
mined—It is the Writer's Eelation to Christ — 2. Christ Himself Infallible— 3.
The Apostles — They held the nearest Eelation to Him — Their Infallibility as
Teachers shown — From the Necessity of the Case— From Christ's Express
Promises — From their Own Declarations — Summary of the Argument in Ee
spect to the Apostles — 4. Inspiration of the Apostolic Men — 5. Argument from
the Character of the Books of the New Testament — 6. The Inspiration of the
Sacred Writers Plenary — 7. Principles on which the Canon is formed — 101
CHAPTER VIII.
Inseparable Connection between the Old and the New Testament. General
Eemarks — 1. Previous Eevelations implied in Christ's Advent — 2. In the
Character of the Jewish People — 3. Proved from the New Testament — Christ's
Explicit Declarations — 4, The New Testament based on the Facts of the
Old — The FaU of Man — The Abrahamic Covenant, which was conditioned on
Faith alone, and fulfilled in Christ — Christ the End of the Mosaic Economy — •
In its Prophetical Order — In its Kingly Office — In its Priestly Office — 5, The
New Testament Writers the Interpreters of the Old   113
CHAPTER IX.
Authorship op the Pentateuch. Meaning of the Term-^1. It existed in its
Present Form from Ezra's Day — 2. ' ' The Law " ascribed to Moses in the New
Testament — How Much is included in this Term — 3. Force of the New Testa
ment Testimony — 4. The Law of Moses at the Eestoration — 5. Jewish Tradi
tion that Ezra settled the Canon of the Old Testament —He left the Penta
teuch essentially as he found it — Eeferences to the Law in the Books of
Kings and Chronicles — 6. The Book of Deuteronomy — Its Mosaic Authorship
Certain — 7. The Inference Certain that he wrote the Preceding Laws— 8. This
corroborated by their Form- 9. By Eeferences in tbe New Testament — And
the Old also— 10. Eelation of Deuteronomy to the Earlier Precepts— In Ee
spect to Time — And Design— Change in Moses' Personal Eelation to the Peo
ple  Peculiarities of Deuteronomy explained from the Above Considerations —
Meaning of "the Words of this Law" in Deuteronomy— 11. Mosaic Author
ship of Genesis shown— From Antecedent Probability— From its Connection
with the Following Books— Objections considered— Supposed Marks of a
Later Age— And of Different Authors— 12. Unity of the Pentateuch  120
CHAPTER X.
Authenticity and Credibility oe the Pentateuch. 1. Its Historio Truth
assumed in the New Testament— This shown by Examples— 2. It was the
Foundation of the Whole Jewish Polity— And could not have been imposed

8 CONTENTS,
upon the People by Fraud — Contrast between Mohammed and Mose.s — 3. Sci
entific Difficulties connected with the Pentateuch— 4. Alleged Moral Difficul-
.ties— Exclusiveness of the Mosaic Economy — Its Restrictions on Intercourse
with Other Nations— 5, Its Numerous Ordinances- The Mosaic Laws required
Spiritual Obedience— 6, Objections from the Toleration of Certain Usages—
7. Extirpation of the Canaanites— 8, The Mosaic Economy a Blessing to the
Whole World  -    -  134
CHAPTEE XI.
Remaining Books of the Old Testament. 1. General Eemarks — 2. The New
Testament assumes their Divine Authority — Historical Books — 3. Books not
strictly Historical or Prophetical— 1. Prophetical Books— Argument from
Prophecy for the Divine Origin of the Old Testament— 5. Christ the Fulfil
ment of Prophecy — In his Office as a Prophet — as a King — as a Priest — 6.
The Jewish Institutions and History a Perpetual Adumbration of Christ pre-
paratoi-y to His Advent — 7. Eemarks on the Canon of the Old Testament — 8.
Principle of its Formation — 9. Inspiration of the Old Testament  142
CHAPTEE xn.
Evidences Inteenai and Expeeimental. 1. External Evidences Lnportant, but
not Indispensable to True Faith — 2. Internal Evidences — View which the
Bible gives of God's Character — 3. Code of Morals in the Bible — It is Spiritual,
Reasonable, and Comprehensive — Obedience to It the Sum of all Goodness — ¦
4. All Parts of the Bible in Harmony with Each Other — 5, Power of the Bible
over the Conscience — 6. Argument from Personal Experience — 7, From the
Character of Jesus — 8. From General Experience — The Love of Jesus the
Mightiest Principle of Action — Persecution first winnows, then strengthens
the Church — The Church corrupted and weakened by Worldly Alliances —
9. The Gospel gives an Inward Victory over ISin — It purifies and elevates So
ciety — 10. Its Self-purifying Power — 11. The Argument summed up  149

PART II.
AN INTBODUOTION TO THE OLD TESTAMENT.
FIEST DIVISION- GENEEAL INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER XIII.
Names and Exteenal Form of the Old Testament. 1, Origin and Meaning
of the Word Bible— Jewish Designations of the Old Testament — 2. Origin of
the Terms Old and New Testament — Earlier Latin Term— 2. The Unity —
Scripture has its Ground in Divine Inspu-ation — Its Great Diversity in Re
spect to Human Composition — 4. Classification and Arrangement of the Old

CONTENTS. 9
Testament Books — Classification of the Hebrew ; of the Greek Version of
the Seventy ; of the Latin Vulgate— No One of these follows entirely the
Order of Time— 5. Original Mode of Writing called Continuous— 6, Ancient
Sections— Opeu and Closed ; Larger Sections called Parshiyoth and Haph-
taroth— 7. Chapters and Verses— Caution in Respect to our Modem Chap
ters  -  ---  -  165
CHAPTER XIV.
The Oeiginal Text and its Histoet. 1. Chaldee Passages in the Hebrew
Scriptures — Divisions of the Hebrew and Cognate Languages — 2. The As
syrian or Square Character not Primitive — Jewish Tradition respecting its
Origin — 3. The Hebrew Alphabet and its Character — 4. Change in the Lan
guage of the Hebrew Nation — 5. Introduction of the Vowel-Points and Ac
cents — The Question of their Antiquity — 6, Jewish Rules for the Guidance
of Copyists — Their Deep Reverence for the Sacred Text— Its Uncorrupt
Transmission to Us — 7. Age and Character of Hebrew Manuscripts — 8, Form
of Hebrew Manuscripts — the Public in EoUs, the Private in the Book Form,
Poetical Passages, Columns, Pen and Ink Accompaniments — 9. The Samar
itan Pentateuch -  -  -  -  175
CHAPTEE XV.
FoEMATioN AND HisTOEY OF THE Hebeew Canon, 1. Meaning of the Word
"Canon"- — Gradual Formation of the Hebrew Canon — Its Main Divisions —
I. The Pentateuch — 2. General Remark on its Hebrew Name — 3. The Penta
teuch forms the Nucleus of the Old Testament Canon — It was given by Divine
Authority, committed to the Charge of the Priests, kept by the Side of the Ark,
and to be publicly read at Stated Times — II, Tlie Historical Books — 4, The
Authors and Exact Date of Many of them Unknown — Important Historical
Documents were deposited in the Sanctuary — 5. The Authors of the Books of
Joshua and Judges made Use of such Documents — 6, The Author of the
Books of Samuel also — 7. Original Sources for the Books of Kings and Chron
icles — 8. These Two Works refer not to Each Other, but to a Larger Collection
of Original Documents — 9. Character of these Documents — They were writ
ten, in Part at Least, by Prophets, and they aU come to us with the Stamp
of Prophetic Authority, — 10. The Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther —
III. The Prophetical Books — 11. The Books enumerated — Paucity of Proph
ets before Samuel — Schools of the Prophets established by him — The Proph
ets a Distinct Order of Men in the Theocracy from his Day onward — 12. The
Era of Written Prophecy — IV. The Poetical Books — 13. Their General Char
acter—The Book of Job— 14, The Book of Psalms- 15, Proverbs, Ecclesi
astes, and Canticles — Completion of the Ganon — 16. Preservation of the Sacred
Books to the Time of Ezra — The Law ; the Prophetical Books ; the Psalms
and other Canonical Writings— 17. The Completion of the Canon ascribed by
the Jews to Ezra and his Coadjutors — This Tradition True for Substance.
No Psalms written in the Maocabean Age— 18, Contents of the Hebrew Can
on — as given by Jesus the Son of Sirach, by Josephus, by Origen and Euse
bius, by Jerome — 19. The Apocryphal Books  183
1*

10 CONTENTS.
CHAPTEE XVI.
Ancient Versions op the Old Testament. I, The Oreek Version called the
Septuagint— Its Antiquity ; its Great Influence on the Language of the New
Testament— 2. Jewish Account of its Origin— 3. Judgment of Biblical Schol
ars on this Account — 4. Time occupied in the Completion of the Work — 2. In
equalities of this Version — Its Importance to the Biblical Student — 6. Its
Close Connection with the New Testament— Quotations from it by New Tes
tament Writers — Their Manner and Spirit — 7. Hebrew Text from which this
Version was made— IL Other Greek Versions—S. The Septuagint originally in
High Esteem among the Jews — Change in their FeeUngs in Regaid to it,
and Eise of New Versions — 9, Aquila's Version— 10. Theodotion — 11. Sym-
machus — 12. Origen's Labors on the Text of the Septuagint — the Tetrapla
and Hexapla— III, The Glialdee Targums— 13. General Eemarks on these—
14. The Targum of Onkelos — Its General Fidelity and ExceUence — Its Pecu-
Uarities— Jewish Tradition respecting Onkelos — 15. The Targum of Jonathan
Ben Uzziel — 16. Of Pseudo-Jonathan and Jerusalem — 17, Other Targums — ¦
The Samaritan Version of the Samaritan Pentateuch — IV. 18. 27ie Syriac Pe
shito — Its Age and Character     199
CHAPTEE XVII.
Ceitioism of the Saceed Text, 1. The Object to ascertain its Primitive Form —
2. Means at Our Disposal — Ancient Hebrew Manuscripts — Eemarks on their
Quality and Age — 3, Ancient Versions — 4. Primary Printed Editions — 5. Par
allel Passages — 6, Quotations from the Old Testament in the New — 7. Quota
tions in the Talmud and by Eabbinical Writers^S, Critical Conjecture-- 209

SECOND DIVISION— PAETICULAE INTEODUCTION.
CHAPTER XVin.
The Books of the Old Testament as a Whole, 1, Province of Particular
Introduction — The Necessity of Understanding the Unity of Divine Eevela
tion — 2. Eelation of the Old Testament as a Whole to the System of Revela
tion—It is a Preparatory, Introductory to a Final Revelation, of which the
Gospel everywhere avails itself— the Unity of God ; Vicarious Sacrifice ; Gen
eral Principles; Well-developed State of Civilization — Connection ofthe
Hebrews with the Great World Powers— Their Dispersion through the Nations
at our Lord's Advent — Relation of the Gospel to Civilization — 3. A Knowl
edge of the Preparatory Character of the Old Testament Revelations enables
us to judge correctly concerning them — Severity of the Mosaic Laws ; Their
Burdensome MultipUcity ; Objection from their Exclusive Character answer
ed — 4. Office of each Division of the Old Testament Revelations— the Penta
teuch ; the Historical Books ; the Prophetical Books— Character and Officers
of the Hebrew Prophets— Era of Written Prophecy— The Poetical Books—
5. Each Particular Book has its Oface— 6. The Old Testament was a Eevelation
for the Men of its Own Age, as well as for those of Future Ages — the Promise

CONTENTS. 11
made to Abraham ; the DeUverance from Egypt ; the Mosaic Law ; the Words
of the Prophets ; the Psalms of David ; the Wisdom of Solomon— 7. Value of
the Old Testament Eevelations to us— the System of Divine Revelation can be
understood only as a Whole ; Constant Reference of the New Testament to
the Old ; the Old Testament a Eeeord of God's Dealings with Men ; the Prin
ciples embodied in the Theocracy Eternal ; the Manifold Wisdom of God
seen ouly when the WTiole System of Eevelation is studied   214
CHAPTER XIX.
The Pentateuch. 1. Its Unity— Its Fivefold Division— I. Genesis— 2. Its He
brew Name — Its Greek Name— 3. Its Office — It is the Introductory Book of
the Pentateuch — Its Connection with the Following Books — 4. Divisions of
the Book of Genesis — First Part and its Contents ; Second Part aud its Con
tents — 5. Its Mosaic Authorship — Supposed Traces of a Later Hand — 6. Dif
ficulties connected with the Pentateuch — Scientific Difficulties : the Six Days
of Creation ; the Age of the AntedUuvian Patriarchs ; the Unity of the Human
Race ; the Deluge — Historical Difficulties : the Two Accounts of the Crea
tion ; Cain's Wife — Chronological Difficulties : Discrepancies between the
Masoretio Hebrew, the Samaritan Hebrew, and the Septuagint, in Eespect to
(1) the Antediluvian Genealogy ; (2) the Genealogy from Noah to Abraham —
Eemarks on these Discrepancies — II, Ekodv,s — 7. Hebrew Name of this Book —
Its Unity — Its Two Chief Divisions — Contents of the First Division ; of the
Second Division — 8. Time of the Sojourn in Egypt — Sojoum in the Wilder-
nes!3 — III. Leviticus — 9. Its Character and Contents — 10, The Priestly Office
and Sacrifices the Central Part of the Mosaic Law — IV. Numbers — 11. Office
and Contents of this Book — The Three Epochs of its History : the Depar
ture from Sinai, the Eebellion of the People upon the Eeport of the Twelve
Spies, the Second Arrival of Israel at Kadesh with the Events that foUowed —
V. Deuteronomy — 12. Its PecuUar Character, Divisions, and Contents — 13. It
brings the Whole Pentateuch to a Suitable Close  224
CHAPTER XX.
The Histoeical Books. 1 and 2. Their Office to Unfold the History of God'a
Dealings with the Covenant People — General Remarks on the Character of
this History — I. Joshua — 3. Contents of this Book. Its Immediate Connec
tion with the Pentateuch — Its Two Divisions with theirs Contents — 4. Its
Authorship — 5. Its Authenticity and Credibility — The Miracle of the Arrest
of the Sun and Moon in their Course — II, Judges and Ruth — 6. Name of this
Book — Office of the Judges whose History it records — Condition of the
Hebrew Nation during the Administration of the Judges — Office of this Book
in the General Plan of Redemption — 7. Arrangement of its Materials — its
Twofold Introduction ; the Body of its JHistory ; its Two Appendixes — 8. Its
Date and Authorship — 9. Uncertainty of its Chronology — 10. The Book of
Euth. Its Place in the History of Redemption — III. The Books of Samuel —
11. The Two Books of Samuel originaUy One Work — Their Name — 12. Their
Office in the History of Eedemption — Eventful Character of the Period whose
History they record— Change to the Kingly Form of Government — God's

12 CONTENTS.
Design in this— The Kingly Office Typical of Christ— 13. Contents of the
Books of Samuel— Introductory Division ; Second Division ; Third Division —
14, Authorship and Date of their Composition— IV, Tlie Books of Kings— i.5.
They OriginaUy constituted a Single Book— Their Names and Office— Their
Manner of Execution— Their Main Divisions— 16. The First Period— 17. Tho
Second Period— 18, The Third Period— 19. Chronology of the Books of Kings.
Their Date and Authorship— V, The Books of Chronicles— IQ. They originally
constituted One Work — Their Various Names — They constitute an Indepen
dent Work— Their Office different from that of the Books of Kings— Peculi
arities which distinguish them from these Books — Particular Attention to the
Matter of Genealogy ; FuUness of DetaU in Eespect to the Temple Service ;
Omission of the History of the Kingdom of Israel ; other Omissions— 21, Posi
tion of the Chronicles in the Hebrew Canon— Their Authorship and Date —
Their Eelation to the Books of Kings— 22. Difficulties connected with these
Books— VI..,Ezra and Nehemiah— i'i. General Eemarks on these Books — Change
in the Relation of the Hebrews to the Gentile Nations— Gradual Withdrawal of
Supernatural Manifestations— 24, While the Theocracy went steadily forward
to the Accomplishment of its End — The Jews reclaimed from Idolatry in Con
nection with the Captivity — Establishment of the Synagogue Service and its
Great Influence — 25. The Book of Ezra — Its Authorship — Parts written in
Chaldee — Persian Monarchs mentioned by Ezra and Nehemiah — 26. The
Book of Nehemiah — Its Contents and Divisions — First Division ; Second
Division; Third Division — 27, Authorship and Date of the Book — VII,
Esther — 28. Contents of this Book — Feast of Purim — 29. The Ahasuerus of
this Book — Remarks on its History  -   240
CHAPTER XXI.
The Poetical Books (including also Ecclesiastes and Canticles). 1, Books
reckoned as Poetical by the Hebrews — Hebrew System of Accentuation —
A. Characteristics of Hebrew Poetry — Its Spirit- Harmony with the Spirit of the
Theocracy ; Vivid Consciousness of God's Presence ; Originality ; Freshness
and SimpUcity of Thought ; Variety — Job and Isaiah, David, Solomon ; Diver
sity of Themes ; Oriental Imagery ; Theocratic Imagery — Form of Hebrew Po
etry — 3. Its Rhythm that of Clauses — Antithetic Parallelism ; Synonymous
ParalleUsm ; Synthetic Parallelism — Combinations of the above Forms —
Freedom of Hebrew Poetry— PecuUarities of Diction — Office of Hebrew Po
etry — 4. The Celebration of God's Interpositions in Behalf of the Cove
nant People ; Song for the Sanctuary Service ; Didactic Poetry ; Prophetic
Poetry— B. The Several Poetical .Books — 1. Job— I. Survey of its Plan—
¦ 6, Its Design to Show the Nature of God's Providential Government over
Men— 7, Age to which Job belonged— Age and Authorship of the Book—
8. Its Historic Character — II. The Book of Psalms— 9. Its Office — Au
thors of the Psalms— Date of their Composition— 10. External Division of
the Psalms into five Books— First Book ; Second Book ; Third Book ; Fourth
Book ; Fifth Book— Subscription appended to the Second Book— Principle of
Arrangement— Attempted Classification of the Psalms— Frequent Quotation
of the Psalms in the New Testament— 11. Titles of .the Psalms— the Dedica
tory Title ; Titles relating to the Character of the Composition to the Musical

CONTENTS. 13
Instruments, or the Mode of Musical Performance— These Titles very Ancient,
but not iu all Cases Original— IIL The Proverbs of Solomon— U. Place of this
Book in the System of Divine Revelation — 13. Its Outward Form  First
Part ; Second Part ; Third Part ; Fourth Part— 14. Arrangement of the Book
in its Present Form— IV. Ecclesiastes— 15. Authorship of this Book and its
View of Life— 16, Summary of its Contents— V. Ihe Song of Solomon— 17.
Meaning of the Title. Ancient Jewish and Christian View of this Song  18.
It is not a Drama, but a Series of Descripture Pictures— Its Great Theme 
Caution in Eespect to the Spiritual Interpretation of it  -  265
CHAPTER XXII.
The Geeatek Peophets. 1. GeneralEemarksontheProphetical Writings  2, Dif
ferent Offices of the Prophets under the Theocracy— Their Office as Eeprov-
ers — 3. As Expounders of the Mosaic Law in its Spirituality — 4, And of its
End, which was Salvation through the Future Eedeemer — They wrote iu the
DecUne of the Theocracy — Their Promises fulfilled only in Christ — I. Isaiah — ¦
5. He is the First in Order, but not the Earliest of the Prophets — His Private
History almost wholly Unknown — Jewish Tradition Concerning him — Period of
his Prophetic Activity — 6, Two Great Divisions of his Prophecies — Plans for
Classifying the Contents of the First Part — Analysis of these Contents — Gen
eral Character of the Second Part, and View of its Contents — 7, Objections to
the Genuineness of the Last Part of Isaiah and Certain Other Parts — General
Principle on which these Objections are to be met — Previous Preparation for
the Eevelations contained in this Part — True Significance of the Promises
which it contains — Form of these Promises — Mention of Cyrus by Name —
Objection from the Character of the Style considered — 8. Direct Arguments
for the Genuineness of this Part — External Testimony ; Internal Evidences —
9. Genuineness of the Disputed Passages of the First Part — II. Jeremiah —
10, Contrast between Isaiah and Jeremiah in Personal Character and Circum
stances — Our FuU Knowledge of his Outward Personal History and Inward
Conflicts — 11. His Priestly Descent— His Native Place — Period of his Pro
phetic Activity — Degeneracy of the Age — Persecutions to which his Fidelity
subjected him — He is more occupied than Isaiah with the Present— His Mis
sion is emphatically to unfold the Connection between National Profligacy
and National Euin ; yet he sometimes describes the Glory of the Latter
Days — 12. The Chronological Order not always followed in his Prophecies —
General Divisions of them — First Division ; Second Division ; Appendix —
Attempts to disprove the Genuineness of Certain Parts of Jeremiah — The
Book of Lamentations — 13. Its Hebrew Name — Its Authorship and the Time
of its Composition — 14, Structure of its Poetry — III. Ezekiel — 15. His Priest
ly Descent and Eesideuce — Notices of his Personal History — Period of his
Prophetic Activity — 16. PecuUarities of his Style — 17. His Allegoric and
Symbolic Eepresentations — General Eemarks ou the Nature of Allegories and
Symbols — 18. The Two Divisions of the Book — Contents of the-First Part ; of
the Second Part — Prophecies against Foreign Nations — Promises relating to
the Glory of the Latter Days — Ezekiel's Vision of a New Jerusalem with its
Temple — Meaning of this Vision and Principles according to which it is to be
interpreted — IV. Daniel — 19. Its Place in the Hebrew Canon — Notices of
Daniel's Personal History — 20. Arrangement and Contents of the Book— First

14 CONTENTS.
Series of Prophecies ; Second Series— Intimate Connection between the Book
of Daniel and the Apocalypse — 21. Assaults made upon the Book of Daniel in
Respect to its Genuineness and CredibUity — Grounds on which it is received
as a Part of the Sacred Canon— Its Unity ; Uniform Tradition of the Jews and
its EeliabiUty; Testimony of Josephus; of the Saviour; Language and
Style ; Intimate Acquaintance with the Historical Eelations and Manners and
Customs of the Age— 22. Insufficiency of the Various Objections urged against
the Book— Chronological and Historical Difficulties ; Difficulties connected
with the Identification of Belshazzar and Darius the Mede ; Silence of Jesus
the Son of Sirach respecting Daniel ; AUeged Linguistic Difficulties ; Com
mendations bestowed upon Daniel— The Eeal Objection to the Book on the
Part of its Opponents lies in the Supernatural Character of the Events which
it records — Eemarks pn this Objection   294
CHAPTEE XXIII.
The Twelve Minoe Prophets — 1. Jewish Arrangement of these Books — Their
Order in the Masoretic Text and in the Alexandrine Version — 2. General
Remarks on their Character — I. Hosea — 3. Period of his Prophecying and its
Character — 4. Peculiarity of his Style — Contents of the Book — II, Joel — 5.
Place and Date of his Prophecies — 6. Character and Contents of his Book —
in. Amos — 7. Date of his Prophecies — Notices of his Person — He was a
Jew, not trained in any Prophetical School, and sent to prophesy against
Israel — Character and Contents of his Writings — IV, Obadiah — 8. Date and
Contents of his Prophecy — ^V. Jonah — 9, His Age — 10, Remarks on the
History of the Book — 11. Authorship and Historic Truth ofthe Book —
VI, Micah — 12, His Residence and the Time of his Prophetic Activity —
His Prophecies directed against both Israel and Judah — 13. Divisions
of the Book with the Contents of Each — Passages Common to Micah and
Isaiah — General Agreement between the Two Prophets — ^VII. Nahum — 14.
His Prophecy directed against Nineveh — Its Probable Date — 15. Contents
of the Book — VHI, Habakkuk — 16. Date of the Book and its Contents — Ee
marks on the Ode contained in the Third Chapter — IX. Zephaniah — 17. Date
and Contents of his Book — X, Haggai — 18. Date aud Scope of the Book — 19.
Its Different Messages — SI. Zechariah — 20. His Priestly Descent — Date of his
Prophecies — 21. The Three Divisions of the Book — First Division ; Second
Division; Third Division — 22. Eemarks onthe Character of Zechariah's Proph
ecies— XII. Malachi— 23. Name of this Prophet — Date of his Prophecies, and
Condition of the Jewish People — 24 Contents of the Book  332
APPENDIX TO PART II.
The Apocryphal Books op the Old Testament — 1. The Term Apocrypha and
its Origin — 2. Eemarks on the Date of the Apocryphal Books — Their Ee-
ception by the Alexandrine Jews — 3. History of these Books in the Christian
Church— 4, Their Uses— I, The Two Books of Esdras— 5. Name of this Book-
Its Contents — Its Date— 6, The Second Book of Esdras found only in Ver
sions-Remarks on these Versions — 7. Its Contents and Date — II. Tobit —
8. Accounts of the Contents of this Book — 9. Various Texts in which this Book

CONTENTS. 15
is Extant^Its General Scope— III, Judith— 10. Contents of the Book— 11.
Eemarks on its Character, Date, and Design- IV, Additions to the Book of
Esther— 12. Account of these— V. The Wisdom of Solomonr— 13. Its Divisions
and their Contents— 14. Authorship of the Book— Its Merits and Defects—
VI. Ecclesiasticus— 15. Its Titles and Contents— 16. Date of the Book and of
its Translation— VIL Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah— 11. Character and
Contents of the Book of Baruch— 18. Second, or Syriac Book of Baruch— 19.
So-caUed Epistle of Jeremiah— VIII. Additions to the Book of Daniel— 20. Enu
meration of these— Their Authorship and Date— IX. The Prayer of Manasses—
21. Remarks ou this Composition— X, The Books of the Maccabees— 22. Num
ber of these Books — Eemarks on their Historie Order— Origin of the Name
Maocabee — 23. First Book — Its Genuineness and CredibiUty — Its Authorship
and Date— Original Language— 24. Second Book— Its Character and Con
tents— 25, Third Book— Its Contents and Character— Fourth Book— Its Stoi
cal Character— Its Contents— Fifth Book— Its Original Language and Con
tents  -  ,-  350

PART III.
AN INTEODUCTION TO THE NEW TESTAMENT.
FIRST DIVISION— GENERAL INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER XXIV.
Language of the New Testament — 1. God's Providence as seen iu the Lan
guages of the Old and New Testaments — Fitness of the Hebrew for its Office
in History, Poetry, and Prophecy — 2. Adaptation of the Greek to the Wants
of the New Testament Writers — 3. Providential Preparation for a Change in
the Language of the Inspired Writings — Cessation of the Hebrew as the Ver
nacular of the Jews, and Withdrawal of the Spirit of Prophecy Contempora
neous — 4. Introduction of the Greek Language into Asia and Egypt — Its Use
among the Jews, especially in Egypt — Its General Use in our Lord's Day —
6. Character of the New Testament Greek— rlts Basis the Common HeUenio
Dialect, with an Hebraic Coloring received from the Septuagint, and an Ara-
. maic Tinge also — The Writers of the New Testament Jews using the Language
of Greece for the Expression of Christian Ideas — Technical Terms in the New
Testament — 6. Adaptation of the New Testament Greek to its Office  365
CHAPTEE XXV.
¦PiXTEBNAL FoBM OP THE New TESTAMENT — 1. The Three Main Divisions of the
New Testament Writings : Historical, Epistolary, Prophetical — 2. Natural
Order of these Divisions — 3. Subdivisions — In the Historic Part — In the Epis
tolary Part — Diversity of Arrangement in Manuscripts — 4, Arrangement of
the New Testament Writings not Chronological — Importance of Knowing

16 CONTENTS.
this— 5. Continuous Writing of the Ancient Uncial Manuscripts — Stichomet
rical Mode of Writing — This led gradually to the Present System of Inter-
punction Cursive Manuscripts — 7. Ancient Divisions in the Contents of the
Sacred Text — Ammonian Sections and Eusebian Canons — 8. Divisions called
Titles— 9. Divisions of the Other New Testament Books— 10. Chapters and
Verses — Church Lessons — 11. Remarks on the above Divisions — Paragraph
Bibles— 12. Titles and Subscriptions  -  371
CHAPTEE XXVL
The New Testament Text and its Histoey — I. Tlie Manuscript Text — 1 and 2.
General Remarks— 3. Origin of Various Readings and their Classification —
Substitutions, Insertions, Omissions — Arising from Inadvertence, or UnskUful
Criticism — Wilful Falsifications cannot be imputed to the Copj'ists — 4. Materi
als for Textual Criticism — General Results— 5. Notice of some Manuscripts —
The Vatican, Sinai, Alexandrine, Ephraem, PaUmpsest, Dublin Palimpsest,
Beza or Cambridge (Bilingual), Purple, Cursive Manuscripts — II, Tlie Printed
Text — 6, Primary Editions and their Sources — Complutensian Polyglott,
Erasmian, Stephens', Beza's, Elzevir Editions — 7, Remarks on the Re
ceived Text — III. Principles of Textual Criticism — 8. Its End — Sources of Evi
dence — Greek Manuscripts — Their varying Value — 9. Ancient Versions and
their Value — 10. Citations of the Church Fathers — 11. Canons of Criti
cism -  -  -  383
CHAPTEE XXVII.
Foemation and Histoey of the New Testament Canon — 1. General Eemarks —
2, Different Periods to be noticed — 3, Apostolic Age — 4. Age of the Apostolic
Fathers — Eemarks on their Quotations — 5. Age of Transition — Events of this
Age which awakened the Christian Church to a Full Consciousness of the
Divine Authority of the Apostolic Writings — Execution of Versions— 6. Age
of the Early Church Fathers — They recognized a Canon, though not yet Com
plete — Canon of the Syriac Peshito, Muratorian Canon — Canon of the Coun
cils of Laodicea and Carthage — 7. Closing Eemarks    394
CHAPTEE XXVIII.
Ancient Versions of the New Testament— I. Latin Versions — 1. Interest at
taching to these Versions— 2. The Ante-Hieronymian or Old Latin Version—
3. Its Canon — Eemarks on its Text — Manuscripts containing it— 4, Jerome's
Eevision of the Old Latin Version— 5, Jerome's New Version of the Old Tes
tament—Books left untranslated— The Vulgate and its Diversified Character—
Eemarks on the History of the Vulgate— IL Syriac Versions— 6. The Peshi
to— It comprises the Old and New Testaments— Its Date— Its Name— 7. Char
acter of the Peshito— The Curetonian Syi-iac- Its Eelation to the Peshito—
Its high Critical Value— 8. The Philoxenian Syriac— Its extremely Literal
Character— Hexaplar Syriac— Eemarks on these Versions— Jerusalem Syriac
Lectionary— HI, Egyptian and Ethiopic Fersioiis— Memphitic Ver,sion, The
baic, Bashmuric— 10. Ethiopic Version— IV. Gothic and other Versior^s— 11.
Gothic Version of UlphUas— 12. PaUmpsest Manuscripts of this Veision— 13.
Ancient Armenian Version  ^qq

CONTENTS. 17

SECOND DIVISION— PAETICULAE INTEODUOTION.

CHAPTEE XXIX.
The Historical Books— 1. The New Testament a Necessary Sequel to the Old—
The Two Testaments interpret Each Other, and can be truly understood only
as an Organic Whole— 2. Eemarks on the Use Made of the Old Testament by
the Writers of the New— Fundamental Character of the Gospel Narratives —
I, The Gospel as a 'Whole — 3. Signification of the Word " Gospel"— Its Prima
ry and Secondary Application — 4, General Eemarks on the Eelation of the
Gospels to Each Other — 5. Agreements of the Synoptic Gospels — 6, Differ
ences— 7, Theories of the Origin of these Three Gospels: That of Mutual
Dependence; That of Original Documents; That of Oral Apostolic Tradition —
Remarks on this Tradition — Its Distinction from Tradition in the Modern
Sense— 8. No One of the Gospels gives the Entire History of our Lord, nor
always observes the Strict Chronological Order of Events — Eemarks on our
Lord's Life before his Baptism — 9. Eemarks on the Peculiar Character of the
Fourth Gospel — This and the other Three mutuaUy Supplementary to Each
Other — 10. Harmonies of the Gospels — Relative Size of the Gospels— II, Mat
thew — 11. Personal Notices of Matthew — 12. Original Language of his Gos
pel — The Problem stated — 13, Testimony of the Ancients on this Point — 14.
Various Hypotheses considered — 15. Primary Design of this Gospel to show
that Jesus of Nazareth was the Promised Messiah — 16. He is also exhibited as
the Saviour of the World — 17. Fulness of Matthew's Record in Respect to our
Lord's Discourses — 18. He does not always follow the Exact Order of Time —
19. Place and Date — 20. Integi'ity — Genuineness of the First Two Chapters — •
in. Mark — 21. Personal Notices of Mark — Intimate Eelation of Mark to
Peter aud Paul — 22. Place — Date — Language — 23. Design of this Gospel to
exhibit Jesus as the Son of God — He makes the Works of Jesus more Promi
nent than his Discourses — 24, Characteristics of Mark as a Historian — 25.
Clcsing Passage in Mark's Gospel — IV. ' Luke — 26. Notices of Luke in the
New Testament — 27, Sources of his Gospel — His Eelation to Paul — 28. Date
and Place of Writing — 29, Universal Aspect of Luke's Gospel — 30. Its Char
acter and Plan — Comparison of the Gospels in Eespect to Peculiar Matter
and Concordances — 31. Integrity of Luke's Gospel — The Two Genealogies of
Matthew and Luke — V. John — 32. John's Manner of indicating himself — 33.
Personal Notices of him — 34. Late Composition of his Gospel and Place of
Writing — 35. Peculiarity of this Gospel in Eespect to Subject-Matter — Its
Relation to the First Three Gospels — 36. General Design of this Gospel — It is
pecuUarly the Gospel of Christ's Person — ^VI, Acts of the Apostles — 37. Author
of this Book — 38. Plan of the Book — Its First Division ; Second Division —
Notices of Antioch — 39. Office of this Book — Portraiture of the Apostolic Agg
of Christianity ; Cursory View of the Inauguration of the Christian Church ;
Various Steps by which the AboUtion of the Middle Wall of Partition between
Jews and Gentiles was effected — 40. Concluding Remarks --   410

18 CONTENTS.

CHAPTEE XXX.
The Epistles op Paul— 1. General Remarks on the Epistles— 2, Paul's Epis
tles all written in the Prosecution of his Work as the Apostle to the Gen-
¦tUes— Nature of this Work— 3, Paul's PecuUar Qualifications for this Work—
His Mode of Procedure— Union iu him of Firmness and FlexibiUty— 4. Char
acter of the Apostle's Style— 5. Points to be noticed iu the Separate Epis
tles—Notices of Paul's Labors in the Acts of the Apostles— 6. Present Arrange
ment of Paul's Epistles and of the Epistles generally— Chronological Order of
Paul's Epistles— Four Groups of these Epistles — I. Epistle to ihe Romans —
7. Date and Place of this Epistle— 8. Composition of the Roman Church—
9. Occasion and Design of the Epistle — Its General Outlines — 10. Special
Office of this Epistle— II, Epistles to the Gorinthians— First Epistle — 11. Place
and Time of its Composition — 12, Notices of the Corinthian Church — Occa
sion of the Apostle's Writing — 13, General Tone of the Epistle as contrasted
with that to the Galatians — Second Epistle — 14. Place and Time of its Compo
sition — 15. Its Occasion — Prominence of the Apostle's Personality in this
Epistle aud its Ground — Peculiarities of its Diction — Its Office in the Econo
my of Revelation — III, Epistle to the Galatians — 16. Historical Notice of Gala
tia — Missionary Visits of the Apostle to that Province — Date of the Present
Epistle aud Place of Composition — 17. Occasion and Design — 18. Outlines of
the Epistle — The Historic Part, the Argumentative, the Practical — IV. Epis
tles to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon — 19. Contemporaneousness of
these Epistles — 20. Place and Date — 21. Chronological Order of the First
Two — Epistle to the Colossians — 22. Notices of Colosse and the Church there —
Occasion of this Epistle— Character of the False Teachers at Colosse — 23. Out
lines of the Epistle — Its Argumentative Part, its Practical — The Epistle from
Laodicea — Epistle to the Ephesians — 24, Notices of Ephesus^Labors of Paul
at Ephesus — Occasion of the Present Epistle — Its General Character — Vari
ous Hypotheses respecting it — 25. Its Outlines — Its Argumentative Part, its
Practical — Epistle to Philemon — 26, Its Occasion and Design — V. Eipisile to the
Philippians — 27. Notices of Philippi and the Formation of the Church there —
28. Occasion of this Epistle^Place and Date of its Composition — 29. Its
Character — General View of its Contents— VI. Epistles to the Thessalonians—
30, Notices of Thessalonica and the Apostle's Labors there — F'lrst Epistle to the
Tliessalonians — 31, Date andPlace of its Composition — 32. Its Occasion and De
sign—Outlines ofthe Epistle— Second Epistle — 33. Place of Writing and Date —
Its Design— Its General OutUues— 34, Comparison between the Epistles to
the Thessalonians and that to the Philippians — VII. Tlie Pastoral Epistles^
35. The Date of these Epistles and Related Questions— 36. Character of the
False Teachers referred to in these Epistles— 37. Genuineness of the Pastoral
Epistles— 38, Their Office— Jirsi Epistle io Timothy— 39. Its Date and Place of
Composition — Its Occasion and Design — Its Contents— Scriptural Notices of
Timothy— ^isiie to Tiius— -iO. Its Agreement with the Preceding Epistle—
The Cretan Church and Titus— Second Elpistle to Timolhy—il. Its Occasion and
Character in Contrast with the Two Preceding Epistles— Its Om.oe— Epistle to
the Hebrews— i2. Question of its Authorship — How it was regarded iu the
Eastern Church— How in the Westem— General Remark— 43. Persons ad-

CONTENTS. 19
dressed iu this Epistle— Time and Place of its Composition— Manner of Refer
ence to the Levitical Priesthood and Temple Services— 44, Central Theme of
this Epistle— Dignity of Christ's Person in Contrast with the Ancient Proph
ets, with Angels, and with Moses— Divine Efficacy of his Priesthood in Con
trast with that of the Sons of Aaron— Design of the Epistle— Its Office in the
System of Revelation    445
CHAPTEE XXXI.
The Catholic Epistles — 1. Origin of the Name "CathoUc"— I. Epistle of
James — 2. Question respecting the Person of James — 3, Place of Writing this
Epistle — Persons addressed — 4. Question of its Date — 5. Its Genuineness and
Canonical Authority — 6, Its Practical Character — Alleged Disagreement be
tween Paul and James without Foundation — H. Epistles of Peter — First Eipis-
tle — 7. Its Canonical Authority always acknowledged — 8, Persons addressed —
9. Place of its Composition — ^Its Occasion and Date — Traditions respecting
Peter — 10, Outline of the Epistle — Seco-nd JSpistle — 11. Persons addressed —
Time of Writing — 12. Question respecting the Genuineness of this Epistje —
External Testimonies — Internal Evidence— General Result — 13, Object ofthe
Present Epistle — PecuUar Character of the Second Chapter — Its Agreement
with the Epistle of Jude — HI. Epistles of John — Fi7-st Epistle of John — 14. Its
Acknowledged Canonicity — Time and Place of its Composition — Persons
addressed — 15. General View of its Contents — Second and Tliird Epistles —
16. Their Common Authorship — Their Genuineness — 17. The Occasion and
Office of Each — IV. F}pistle of Jude — 18. Question respecting Jude's Person —
Time of the Epistle, and Persons addressed — 19. Its Canonical Authority —
Its Design  487
CHAPTEE XXXII.
The Apocalypse — 1. Meaning of the Word "Apocalypse" — Abundance of Ex
ternal Testimonies to this Book — 2. Internal Arguments considered — Use of
the Apostle's Name, Devotional Views, Spirit of the Writer, Style and Dic
tion — Here must be taken into Account the Difference between this Book and
John's other Writings in Subject-Matter, in the Mode of Divine Eevelation,
in the Writer's Mental State and Circumstances ; also its Poetic Diction —
General Results— 3. Date of the Apocalypse and Place of Writing— 4. Differ
ent Schemes of Interpretation— The Generic— The Historic— 5, Symbolic
Import of the Numbers in this Book — The number Seven, Half of Seven, Six ;
The Number Four, a Third and Fourth Part ; the Number Twelve ; the Num
ber Ten— 6. Office ofthe -Apocalypse in the System of Eevelation  503

APPENDIX TO PAET III.
Weitings oe the Apostolic Fathees, with some Notices oe the Apoceyphal
New Testament Weitings— 1. The Writings of the Apostolic Fathers distin
guished from the Proper New Testament Apocrypha— Some Eemarks on the
Character of these Writings  511

20 CONTENTS.
I. Writings of Clement of Bome — 2. His Epistle to the Eomans — Its Genuineness,
Character, and Age — 3, Its Occasion, with a Notice of its Contents — 4. The
so-caUed Second Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians — Its Genuineness not
admitted — Vague and General Character of its Contents — 5. Notice of some
Other Writings falsely ascribed to Clement — Eecognitions of Clement, and the
Clementines, with their Plan and Contents ; Constitutions of Clement, and
their Contents ; Apostolic Canons  -  511
II, Epistles of Ignatius — 6, Notices of Ignatius — The Seven Genuine Epistles that
bear his Name — Unsatisfactory State of the Text — Syriac and Armenian Ver
sions — Enumeration of these Epistles — Their Character — Strong Ecclesiasti
cal Spirit that pervades them — His Letter to the Eomans — The Undue Desire
of Martyrdom which it manifests — His Letter to Polycarp — -7. Spurious Epis
tles ascribed to Ignatius, and their Character    514
III. Epistle of Polycarp — 8, Notices of Polycarp — His Epistle to the PhUippians- ¦
Its Character and Contents — Time and Occasion of its Composition  515
IV. Writings of Barnabas and Hermas — 9. Their Doubtful Authority — 10. The
So-called Epistle of Barnabas — Tischendorfs Discovery of the Original Greek
Text — The Author and Date of the Work — Notice of its Contents — Its Fanci
ful Method of Interpretation — 11, The Shepherd of Hermas — Outward Form
ofthe Work — Its Internal Character — Its Author and Age    516
V. The Apostle's Creed — 12, In what Sense it belongs to the Apostolic Fathers —
Apostolic Character of its Contents    517
VI, Apocryphal Gospels and Acis—13. Their Number — Their Worthless Charac
ter in Contrast with that of the Canonical Gospels and Acts -  617

PART IV.
A DISCUSSION OF THE PEINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL
INTEEPEETATION.
CHAPTEE XXXIII.
Inteoduotoey Eemarks— 1. Definition of Certain Terms— Hermeneutics, Exege
sis, Epexegesis— 2. The Expositor's Office— ParaUel between his Work and
that of the Textual Critic — 3. Qualifications of the Biblical Interpreter— A
Supreme Eegard for Truth— 4, A Sound Judgment with the Power of Vivid
Conception— Office of Each of these QuaUties and their Eelation to Each
Other— 5, Sympathy with Divine Truth— 6. Extensive and Varied Acquire
ments—The Original Languages of the Bible ; Sacred Geography and Natural
History ; Biblical Antiquities ; Ancient History and Chronology — 7. General
Eemarks on the above QuaUfications- 8, The Human and Divine Side to Bib
lical Interpretation — The Importance of observing Both --  521

CONTENTS. 21
FIEST DIVISION— INTEEPEETATION VIEWED ON THE HUMAN SIDE.
CHAPTER XXXIV. .
General Principles op Inteepeetation — 1. Signification of the Terms em
ployed how ascertained, with some Superadded Eemarks— 2. On Ascertaining
the Sense of Scripture— 3. The Scope General and Special— Its Supreme Im
portance illustrated— How the Scope is to be ascertained— The Author's State
ments ; Inferential Eemarks ; Historical Circumstances — Important Help de
rived from the Repeated and Careful Perasal of a Work— 4. The Context
defined and distinguished from the Scope — Indispensable Necessity of attend
ing to it — This illustrated by Examples — Question respecting the Limits of
the Context — In some Cases no Context exists — On the Use of Biblical Texts
as Mottoes — ^Various Applications of the Principle contained iu a Given Pas
sage a Legitimate Mode of Exposition — 5. Parallelisms Verbal and Real —
Help derived from the Former — Subdivision of Real Parallelisms into Doc
trinal and Historic — ^Importance of Doctrinal Parallelisms with Illustrations —
Value of Historic Parallelisms illustrated — Difficulties arising from them, aud
the Principle of their Adjustment — Illustration — 6. External Acquirements —
Various Illustrations of the Importance of these — 7. Sound Judgment — Office
of this QuaUty illustrated — Inept Interpretations : Interpretations Contrary
to the Nature of the Subject ; Necessary Limitations of an Author's Meaniug ;
Reconciliation of Apparent Contradictions ; Forced and Unnatural Explana
tions and the Rejection of Well-established Facts — 8. Remarks on the Proper
Office of Reason iu Interm-etation  527
CHAPTER XXXV.
Figurative Language of Sceiptujje — 1, Figurative Language defined and illus
trated — General Remarks respecting it — 2. Eules for the Ascertaining of Fig
urative Language — Nature of the Subject; Scope, Context, and Analogy of
Scripture — Error of understanding Literal Language figuratively— Eemark on
the Interpretation of Prophecy— 3, Different Kinds of Figures — The Trope iu
its Varieties of Metonymy, Synecdoche, and Metaphor— Remarks on Compar
isons — The Allegory — Its Definition and Distinction from the Metaphor— Dis
tinction between True Allegory and the Allegorical Interpretation of History—
The Parable— How distinguished from the Allegory— The Fable— The Sym
bol  Its Various Forms — The Proverb— It always embodies a General Truth —
Its Various Forms- Signification of the Word "Myth"— It does not come
within the Sphere of Scriptural Interpretation— 4. General Remarks on the
Interpretation of the Figurative Language of Scripture— 5. Its Certainty and
Truthfulness- 6. Key to the Interpretation of the AUegory— Examples : The
Vine Transplanted from Egypt, Psa, 80 ; the two Eagles and the Cedar Bough.
Ezek, 17 : 3-10 ; The Song of Solomon ; the Two AUegories of Ezekiel, chaps,,
16 and 23—7. The Interpretation of the Parable— How it differs from that of
the AUegory— Point of Primary Importance— How far the DetaUs are signifi
cant—Examples : The Sower, Matt, 13:3-8,19-23; the Tares in the Field,

22 CONTENTS.
Matt, 13:24-30, 37-43; the Ten Virgins, Matt 25 : l-l 3 -Remark respecting
the Personages introduced in Parables with Illustrations— The Unforgiving
Servant, Matt. 18 : 23-35 ; the Importunate Friend, Luke 11 :5-8 ; the Unjust
Judge, Luke 18 : 1-8 ; the Unfaithful Steward, Luke 16 : 1-9-8, Scriptural
Symbols— How to determine whether they are Real or Seen in Prophetic Vis
ion—Principles on which they are to be interpreted— Examples— 9. Remarks
on the Interpretation of Numerical Symbols -  546
SECOND DIVISION-INTERPRETATION VIEWED ON THE DIVINE
SIDE.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
Unity of Revelation — 1. Essential Unity between the Old and the New Testa
ment — 2. This Unity one that coexists with Great Diversity — Illustrations
from the Analogy of God's Works— 3, Unity in Diversity in Respect to the
Form of God's Kingdom— 4, The Forms of PubUc Worship— 5, Forms of
ReUgious Labor— 6, Spirit of Revelation— 7. Way of Salvation— 8. Sternness
of the Mosaic Dispensation explained from its Preparatory Character — 9. In
ferences from the Unity of Revelation— 9. Each Particular Revelation Perfect
in its Measure — 10. 'The Later Revelations the Exponents of the Earlier;
Christ and his Apostles in a Special Sense the Expositors of the New Testa
raent— 11, The Extent of Meaning in a Given Revelation that which the Holy
Spirit intended — 12. The Obscure Declarations of Scripture to be interpreted
from the' Clear, with Illustrations — 13. Remarks on the Analogy of Faith —
The Term Defined— Rules for its Use  -  566

CHAPTER .XXXVII.
ScEiPTUE.\L Types — 1, Types distinguished from Analogy — 2. And from tho
Foreshadowing of Future Events by the Present — 3. The Type defined in its
Three Essential Characters-    579
I, Historical Types — 4, In Respect to these Two Extremes to be avoided — Typical
History has a Proper Significance of its Own — This illustrated by Examples :
The Kingly Office ; the Prophetical Office ; Typical Transactions — Remarks
on the Inadequacy of All Types     581
II. Ritual Types — 5. The Sacrifices the Essential Part of the Mosaic Ritual —
What is implied in them — The Sanctuary God's Visible Dwelling-place where
alone they could be offered — 6, The Mosaic Tabernacle described — 7. Its
General Typical Import — 8, Significance of its Different Parts and Appoint
ments — Preciousness of the Materials ; Gradation in this Respect — 9. The
Inner Sanctuary with its Appointments — 10. The Outer Sanctuary with its
Appointments — 11. The Brazen Altar with its Laver — The Levitical Priests
typified Christ — 12. The Levitical Sacrifices typified Christ's Offering of Him
self for the Sins of the World — This shown from Scripture — General Eemark
respecting Christ's Propitiatory Sacrifice — 13. Characteristics of the Types

CONTENTS. 23
Themselves— The Levitical Priests had a Common Human Nature with those
for whom tbey officiated ; were appointed to their Office by God ; were Medi
ators between God and the People ; and Mediators through Propitiatory
Sacriflces — Points of DissimUarity between the Type and the Antitype— Ee
marks on the Central Idea of Priesthood— 14, Scriptural Idea of Sacrifice the
Offering of One Life in Behalf of Another— Classification of the Levitical Sac
rifices with the Ideas belonging to Each : Sin and Trespass Offerings ; Burnt
Offerings ; Peace-Offerings— Sacrificial Nature of the Passover— Other Sacri
fices of a Special Character — All Sacriflcial Victims to be without Blemish 
The Unbloody Offerings and their Signification— 15. Typical Transactions
connected with the Sacrifices and Oblations : The Laying of the Offerer's
"Hands on the Head of the Victim ; the Waving aud Heaving of Offerings;
the Sprjnlding of the Victim's Blood ; the Burning of the Offering— 16. Typical
Meaning of the Tabernacle as a Whole— The Several Points of Adumbration
considered : Adumbration of God's Presence with Men ; Impossibility of ap
proaching God without a Mediator ; Adumbration of Christ's Expiatory Sacri
fice and Heavenly Intercession on tiie Great Day of Atonement ; Burning of
the Victim without the Camp — 17. Distinotioiis between Clean and Unclean —
Levitical View of Bodily Infirmities    585
CHAPTER XXXVIII,
Intepj>eetation of Prophecy — 1. General Eemarks   607
I. Prophecies relating to the Near Future — 2. Their Specific Character — Exam
ples--    -  607
II. Prophecies relating to the Last Days — 3. Meaning of the Term ' ' Last Days, "
and its Equivalents — General Character of this Class of Prophecies — 4. Proph
ecies in which the Order of Events is indicated — Daniel's Fourth Monarchy ;
the Great Red Dragon of Revelation, the Two Beasts that succeeded to his
Power, and the Woman riding a Scarlet-Colored Beast — 5, Prophecies which
give General Views ofthe Future — Examples — 6, The Prophets give an Inward
View of the Vital Forces which sustain and extend God's Kingdom — Unity of
the Plan of Redemption ; its Continual Progress ; Indications of the End
towards which it is tending ; the End Itself the Chief Object of Interest —
Great Crisis in the Church's History — Spirit that should actuate the Inter
preter of Prophecy  608
in. Question of Double Sense — 7. The Term defined — 8. Examples of Literal and
Typical Sense — Melchizedek's Priesthood ; the Rest of Canaan — 9, The Mes
sianic Psalms —Different Principles on which they are interpreted : Exclusive
Application to Christ ; Reference to an Ideal Personage; Christ the Head and
his Body the Church ; Typical View — 10. The Principle of Progressive Ful
filment        618
IV. Question of Literal and Figufative Meaning — 11. General Remarks — 12. Rep
resentative Use in Prophecy of Past Events — 13. Of the Institutions of the
Mosaic Economy — 14. The Principle of Figurative Interpretation not to be
pressed as Exclusive — 15. Question of the Literal Eestoration of the Jews to
the Land of Canaan — 16. Question of our Lord's Personal Eeign on Earth
during the Millennium  654

24 CONTENTS.

CHAPTEE XXXIX.
Quotations from the Old Testament in the New — 1. General Remarks on
the Authority of the New Testament Writers — 2, Outward Form of their
Quotations — Its very Free Spirit — This illustrated by Example — 3. Contents of
the New Testament Quotations — The So-called Principle of Accommodation ;
in what Sense True, and in what Sense to be rejected — 4. Quotations by Way
of Argument — 5, Quotations as Prophecies of Chiist and his Kingdom — Re
marks on the Formula : ' ' That it might be fulfilled " — 6. Prophecies referring
immediately to Christ — 7, Prophecies referring to Christ under a Type — Clos
ing Eemark  -  632

PART I.

EVIDENCES

OP

Revealed Religio

N

Comp. to Btble.

PREFATORY REMARKS.

Many thousands of persons have a full and joyous convic
tion of the truth of Christianity from their own experience,
who yet feel a reasonable desire to examine the historic evidence
by which it is confirmed, if not for the strengthening of their
own faith, yet for the purpose of silencing gainsayers, and
guarding the young against the cavils of infidelity. It is our
duty to give to those who ask us a reason of the hope that is
in us ; and although our own personal experience may be to
ourselves a satisfactory ground of assurance, we cannot ask
others to take the gospel on our testimony alone, It is highly
desirable that we understand and be able to set forth with
clearness and convincing power the proofs that this plan of
salvation has God for its author.
Then there is a class of earnest inquirers who find them
selves perplexed with the difficulties which they hear urged
against the gospel, and which they find themselves unable to
solve in a satisfactory way. It is of the highest importance
that such persons be met in a candid spirit ; that the immense
mass of evidence by which the Christian religion is sustained
be clearly set before them ; and that they understand that a
religion thus supported is not to be rejected on the ground that
there are difficulties connected with it which have not yet been
solved — perhaps never can be solved here below.
Are you, reader, such an earnest inquirer after truth ? We

28 PEEFATOEY EEMAEKS.
present to you in the following pages a brief summary of the
historic evidence by which the Bible, with the plan of salva
tion which it reveals, is shown to be the word of God ; and we
wish, here at the outset, to suggest to you some cautions
respecting the state of mind with which this great inquiry is to
be pursued. First of all, we remind you that, whatever else may be
uncertain, you know that you njust soon die, and try for your
self the realities of the unseen world. The question now before
you is. Whether God has spoken from heaven, and made any
revelations concerning that world. If so, they are more pre
cious than gold ; for in the decisive hour of deatli you will
wish to know not what man, the sinner, has reasoned and con
jectured concerning a future judgment, forgiveness of sin, and
the life to come ; but what God, the Judge, has declared.
Now the Bible claims to contain such a message from God. If
its claims are valid, it will not flatter you and speak to you
smooth things, but will tell you the truth. And you must be
prepared to receive the truth, though it condemn you. Sooner
or later you must meet the truth face to face : be ready to do
so now ; you have no interest in error ; falsehood and delusion
cannot help you, but will destroy you.
Do not come to the examination of this great question with
the idea that you must clear away all mysteries connected with
the gospel before you believe it. The world in which you live
is full of mysteries. One would think that if any thing could
be fully comprehended, it must be the acts of which we are
ourselves the autho^-s. By a volition you raise your hand to
your head ; but how is the act performed ? True, there is in
your body an apparatus of nerves, muscles, joints, and the
like ; but in what way does the human will have power over
this,apparatus ? No man can answer this question : it is wrap-

pbefatoky eemarks. 29
ped in deep mystery. Why be offended, then, because the way
of salvation revealed in the Bible has like mysteries— mysteries
concerning not your duty, but God's secret and inscrutable
methods of acting ?
And since the question now before you is not one of mere
speculation, but one that concerns your immediate duty, be on
your guard against the seductive influence of sinful passion and
sinful habit. There is a deep and solemn meaning in the words
of Jesus : " Every one that doeth evil hateth the light, neither
cometh to the light, lest his deeds should be reproved." Cor
rupt feeling in the heart and corrupt practice in the life have a
terrible power to blind the mind. The man who comes to the
examination of the Bible with a determination to persist in
doing what he knows to be wrong, or in omitting what he
knows .to be right, will certainly err from the truth ; for he is
not in a proper state of mind to love it and welcome it to his
soul. Bemember also that it is not the grosser passions and
forms of vice alone that darken the understanding and alienate
the heart from the truth. Pride, vanity, ambition, avarice — in
a word, the spirit of self-seeking and self-exaltation in every
form — will effectually hinder the man in whose bosom they
bear sway from coming to the knowledge of the truth ; for they
will incline him to seek a religion which flatters him and prom
ises him impunity in sin, and will fatally prejudice him against
a system of doctrines and duties so holy and humbling as that
contained in the Bible. Take, as a comprehensive rule for the
investigation of this weighty question, the words of the .Sav
iour : "If any man will do his will" — the will of God — "he shall
know of the doctrine, whether it be of God, or whether I speak
of myself." So far as you already know the will of God, do it ;
do it sincerely, earnestly, and prayerfully, and God will give

30 PREPATOEY EEMARKS.
you more light. He loves the truth, and sympathizes with all
earnest and sincere inquirers after it. He never leaves to fatal
error and delusion any but those who love falsehood rather
than truth, because they have pleasure in unrighteousness.
Open your heart to the light of heaven, and God will shine
into it from above ; so that, in the beautiful words of our
Saviour, " the whole shall be full of light, as when the bright
shining of a candle doth give thee light."

COMPANION" TO THE BIBLE.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION.

CHAPTEE I.
Introductory Remarks.
I. The Christian religion is not a mere system of ideas, like
the philosophy of Plato or Aristotle. It rests on a hasis of his
toric facts. The great central fact of the gospel is thus expressed
by Jesus himself : " God so loved the world that he gave his
only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in him should not
perish, but have everlasting life," John 3 : 16 ; and by the
apostle Paul thus : "This is a faithful saying, and worthy of
all acceptation, that Christ Jesus came into the world to save
sinners." 1 Tim. 1 : 15. With the appearance of God's Son in
human nature were connected a series of mighty works, a body
of divine teachings, the appointment of apostles and the estab
lishment of the visible Christian church ; aU which are matters
of historic record.
Nor is this all. It is the constant doctrine of Christ and
his apostles that he came in accordance with the scriptures of
the Old Testament, and that his religion is the fulfilment of the
types and prophecies therein contained : " Think not that I am
come to destroy the law, or the prophets : I am not come to
destroy, but to fulfil." Matt. 5:17. "All things must be ful
filled which were written in the law of Moses, and in the proph-

32 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ets, and in the psalms concerning me." Luke 24 : 4A. The facts
of the New Testament connect themselves, therefore, immedi
ately with those of the Old, so that the whole series consti
tutes an indivisible whole. The Bible is, from beginning to end,
the record of a supernatural revelation made by God to men.
As such, it embraces not only supernatural teachings, but
supernatural facts also ; and the teachings rest on the facts in
such a way that both must stand or fall together.
II. This basis of supernatural facts, then, must be firmly
maintained against unbelievers whose grand aim is to destro-y
the historic foundation of the gospel, at least so far as it con
tains supernatural manifestations of God to men. Thus they
would rob it of its divine authority, and reduce it to a mere
system of human doctrines, like the teachings of Socrates or
Confucius, which men are at liberty to receive or reject as they
think best. Could they accomphsh this, they would be very
willing to eulogize the character of Jesus, and extol the purity
and excellence of his precepts. Indeed, it is the fashion of
modern unbelievers, after doing what lies in their power to
make the gospel a mass of "cunningly-devised fables" of
human origin, to expatiate on the majesty and beauty of the
Saviour's character, the excellence of his moral precepts, and
the benign influence of his religion. But the transcendent
glory of our Lord's character is inseparable from his being
what he claimed to be — the Son of God, coming from God to
men with supreme authority ; and all the power of his gospel
lies in its being received as a message from God. To make the
gospel human, is to annihilate it, and with it the hope of the
world. III. When the inquiry is concerning a long series of events
intimately connected together so as to constitute one insepar
able whole, two methods of investigation are open to us. We
may look at the train of events in the order of time from begin
ning to end ; or we may select some one" great event of especial
prominence and importance as the central point of inquiry, and
from that position look forward and backward. The latter of

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 33
these two methods has. some peculiar advantages, and will be
followed in the present brief treatise. We begin with the great
central fact of revelation already referred to, that " the Father
sent the Son to be the Saviour of the world." 1 John 4 : 14.
When this is shown to rest on a foundation that cannot be
shaken, the remainder of the work is comparatively easy.
From the supernatural appearance and works of the Son of
God, as recorded in the four gospels, the supernatural endow
ment and works of his apostles, as recorded in the Acts of the
Apostles, and their authoritative teachings, as contained in their
epistles, follow as a natural and even necessary sequel. Since,
moreover, the universal rule of God's government and works is,
"first the blade, then the ear, after that the full corn in the
ear," (Mark 4 : 28,) it is most reasonable to suppose that such a
fuU and perfect revelation as that which God has made to us
by his Son, which is certainly "the full corn in the ear," must
have been preceded by exactly such preparatory revelations as
we find recorded in the Old Testament. Now Jesus of Naza
reth appeared among the Jews, the very people that had the
scriptures of the Old Testament, and had been prepared for his
advent by the events recorded in them as no other nation was
prepared. He came, too, as he and his apostles ever taught,
to carry out the plan of redemption begun in them. From the
position, then, of Christ's advent, as the grand central fact of
redemption, we look backward and forward with great advan
tage upon the whole line of revelation.
IY. We cannot too earnestly inculcate upon the youthful
inquirer the necessity of thus looking at revelation as a wJiole.
Strong as are the evidences for the truth of the gospel narra
tives considered separately, they gain new strength, on the one
side, from the mighty revelations that preceded them and pre
pared the way for the advent of the Son of God ; and on the
other, from the mighty events that followed his advent in the
apostolic age, and have been foUowing ever since in the history
of the Christian church. The divine origin of the Mosaic insti
tutions can be shown on solid grounds, independently of the
2*

34 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
New Testament ; but on how much broader and deeper a foun
dation are they seen to rest, when we find (as wiU be shown
hereafter, chap. 8) that they were preparatory to the incarna
tion of Jesus Christ. As lq a burning mass, the heat and flame
of each, separate piece of fuel are increased by the surround
ing fire, so in the plan of redemption, each separate revelation
receives new light and glory from the revelations which precede
and follow it. It is only when we view the revelations of the
Bible as thus progressing "from glory to glory," that we can
estimate aright the proofs of their divine origin. If it were
even possible to impose upon men as miraculous a particular
event, as, for example, the giving of the Mosaic law on Sinai,
or the scenes of the day of Pentecost, the idea that there could
have been imposed on the world a series of such events, extend
ing through man}^ ages, and yet so connected together as to
constitute a harmonious and consistent whole, is a simple
absurdity. There is no explanation of the unity that pervades
the supernatural facts of revelation, but that of their divine
origin. V. In strong contrast with this rational way of viewing the
facts of revelation as a grand whole, is the fragmentary method
of objectors. A doubt here, a cavil there, an insinuation yon
der ; a difficulty with this statement, an objection to that, a dis
crepancy here— this is their favorite way of assaiUng the gos
pel. If one chooses to treat the Bible in this narrow and
uncandid way, he wiU soon plunge himseU into the mire of
unbeUef. Difficulties and objections should be candidly con
sidered, and aUowed their due weight ; but they must not be
suffered to override irrefragable proof, else we shaU soon land
in universal skepticism : for difficulties, and some of them too
insoluble, can be urged against the great facts of nature and
natural religion, as weU as of revelation. To reject a series of
events supported by an overwhelming weight of evidence, on
the ground of imexplained difficulties connected with them,
involves the absurdity of running into a hundred difficulties for
the sake of avoiding five. If we are wiUing to examine the

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 35
. claims of revelation as a whole, its divine origin wiU shine forth
upon us Uke the sun in the firmament. Onr difficulties we can
then calmly reserve for farther investigation here, or for solu
tion in the world to come.
TI. When we institute an examination concerning the facts
of revelation, the first question is that of the genuineness and
uncorrupt preservation of the books in which they are record
ed; the next, that of their authenticity and credibiUty. We
may then conveniently consider the question of their inspira
tion. In accordance with the plan marked out above, (No. Ill,)
the gospel narratives wiU be considered first of aU ; then the
remaining books of the New Testament. After this wiU be
shown the inseparable connection between the facts of revela
tion recorded in the Old Testament and those of the New; and
finally, the genuineness of the books which constitute the canon
of the Old Testament, with their authenticity and inspiration.
Tlie whole treatise wUl be closed by a brief view of the internal
and experimental evidences which commend the Bible to the
human understanding and conscience as the word of God.

36 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE II.
Genuineness of the Gospel jvTarratives.
I. Preliminary Remarlcs. 1. A book is genuine if written by
the man whose name it bears, or to whom it is ascribed ; or
when, as in the case of several books of the Old Testament, the
author is unknown, it is genuine if written in the age and coun
try to which it is ascribed. A book is authentic which is a rec
ord of facts as opposed to what is false or fictitious ; and we
caU it credible when the record of facts which it professes to
give is worthy of belief. Authenticity and credibility are,
therefore, only different views of the same quality.
In the case of a book tliat deals mainly with principles, th.e question of
authorship is of subordinate importance. Thus the book of Job, with the
exception of the brief narratives with which it opens and closes, and which
may belong to any one of several centuries, is occupied with the question
of Divine providence. It is not necessary that we know what particular-
man was its author, or at what precise period he wrote. "We only need
reasonable evidence (as will be shown hereafter) that he was a prophetical
man, writing under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But the case of the
gospel narratives is wholly different. They contain a record of the super
natural appearance and works of the Son of God, on the truth of which
rests ouv faith in the gospel. So the apostle Paul reasons : "If Christ be
not risen, then is our preaching vain, and your faith is also vain," 1 Cor.
15 : 14. It is, then, of vital importance that we know the relation which
the authors of these narratives held to Christ. If they were not apostles or
apostolic men, that is, associates of the apostles, laboring with them, enjoy
ing their fuU confidence, and in circumstances to obtain their information
directly from them— but, instead of this, wrote after the apostolic age —
their testimony is not worthy of the unlimited faith which the church in
all ages has reposed in it. The question, then, of the genuineness of the
gospel narratives and that of their authenticity and credibility must stand
or fall together.
2. In respect to the origin of the gospels, as also of the
other books of the New Testament, the foUowing things should
be carefully remembered :

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION. 37
First. There was a period, extending, perhaps, through
some years from the day of Pentecost, when there were no
¦written gospels, their place being suppUed by the Uving pres
ence and teachings of the apostles and other disciples of our
Lord. Secondly. When the need of "written documents' began to
be felt, they were produced, one after another, as occasion sug
gested them. Thus the composition of the books of the New
Testament extended through a considerable period of years.
Thirdly. Besides the gospels universaUy received by the
churches, other narratives of our Lord's life were attempted,
as we learn from the evangelist Luke (1:1); but those never
obtained general currency. The churches everywhere receiv
ed the four, gospels of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, be
cause of the clear evidence which they had of their apostoUc
origin and trustworthiness ; and because, also, these gospels,
though not professing to give a complete account of our Lord's
life and teachings, were nevertheless sufficiently full to answer
the end for which they were composed, being not fr-agmentary
sketches, but orderly narratives, each of them extending over
the whole course of our Lord's ministry. The other narratives
meanwhile graduaUy passed into obUvion. The general recep
tion of these four gospels did not, however, come from any
formal concert of action on the part of the churches, (as, for
example, froni the authoritative decision of a general councU,
since no such thing as a general councU of the churches was
kno"wn tUl long after this period;) but simply fr-om the common
perception everywhere of the unimpeachable e"vidence by which
their apostoUc authority was sustained.
The narratives referred to by Luke were earlier than his gospel They
were not spurious, nor, so far as we know, unauthentic ; but rather imper
fect. They must not be confounded with the apocryphal gospels of a
later age.
3. In respect to the quotations of Scripture by the early
fathers of the church, it is important to notice their habit of

38 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
quoting anonymously, and often in a loose and general way.
They frequently cite from memory, blending together the words
of different authors, and sometimes intermingUng with them
their own words. In citing the prophecies of the Old Testa
ment in an argumentative way, they are, as might have been
expected, more exact, particularly when addressing Jews; yet
even here they often content themselves with the scope of the
passages referred to, without being particular aa to the exact
words. With the above preUminary remarks, we proceed to con
sider the evidences, external and internal, for the genuineness
of the gospel narratives.
II. External Evidences. 4. Here we need not begin at a
later date than the last quarter of the second centary. This is
the age of Irenseus in Gaul, of Tertullian in North Africa, of
Clement of Alexandria in Egypt, and of some other writers.
Their testimony to the apostolic origin and universal reception
of our four canonical gospels is as fuU as can be desired. They
give the names of the authors, two of them — Matthew aud
John — apostles, and the other two — Mark and Luke — compan
ions of apostles and fellow-laborers with them, always associ
ating Mark with Peter, and Luke with Paul ; they affirm the
universal and undisputed reception of these four gospels from
the beginning by all the churches; and deny the apostoUc
authority of other pretended gospels. In aU this, they give
not their individual opinions, but the common beUef of the
churches. It is conceded on all hands that in their day these
four gospels were universaUy received by the churches as genu
ine and authoritative records of our Lord's life and works, to
the exclusion of aU others.
Irence-us was a native of Asia Minor, of Greek descent ; but the seat of
his labors was Lyons and Vienne in Gaul, of the former of which places he
became bishop after the martyrdom of Pothinus, about a. r>. 177. He
was born about a. r>. 140, and suffered martyrdom under Septimius Seve
rus A. D. 202. In his youth he was a disciple of Polycarp, who was in turn
a disciple of the apostle John. In a letter to one Florinus, which Euse
bius has preserved, (Hist. BocL, 5. 20,) he gives, in glowing langiiage, his

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 39
recoUections of the person and teachings of Polycai-p, and tells Avith what
interest he listened as this man related his intercourse with the apostle
John and the others who had seen the Lord, " how he recounted their words,
and the things which he had heard from them conceming the Lord, and
concerning his miracles and teaching." And he adds that these things
which Polycarp had received from eye-witnesses he related "all in agree
ment with the Scriptures ;" that is, obviously, with the gospel narratives.
Pothinus, the predecessor of Irenseus at Lyons, was ninety years old at
the time of his martyrdom, and must have been acquainted with many who
belonged to the latter part of the apostoUc age. Under such circumstances,
it is inconceivable that Irenseus, who knew the Christian traditions of
both the East and the "West, should not have known the truth respecting
the reception of the gospels by the churches, and the grounds on which
this reception rested, more especiaUy in the case of the gospel of John.
Tischendorf, after mentioning the relation of Irenseus to Polycarp the dis
ciple of John, asks, with reason : "Are we, nevertheless, to cherish the
supposition that Irenseus never heard a word from Polycarp respecting the
gospel of John, and yet gave it his unconditional confldence — this man
L-enseus, who in his controversies with heretics, the men of falsification
and apocryphal works, employs against them, before aU other things, the
pure Scripture as a holy weapon ?" (Essay, "When were Our Gospels "Writ
ten, p. 8.) The testimony of L-enseus is justly regarded as of the most
weighty character. The fact that he gives several fanciful reasons why
there should be only four gospels, (Against Heresies, 3. 11,) does not in
vaUdate his statement of the fact that the churches had always received
four, and no more. "We always distinguish between men's testimony to
facts of which they are competent witnesses, and their philosophical
explanations of these facts.
Tertullian was born in Carthage about a. d. 160, and died between
A. D. 220 and 240. About A, d. 202 he joined the sect of the Montanists ;
but this does not affect his testimony respecting the origin and universal
reception of the four canonical gospels. His works are very numerous,
and in them aUhe insists with great earnestness that the gospel narratives,
as also the other apostoUc writings, have been received without corrup
tion, as a sacred inheritance, from the apostoUc churches. His work
against Marcion, whom he accuses of employing a mutUated gospel of
Luke, is particularly instructive as showing how deep and settled was the
conviction of the early Christians that nothing could be a gospel which did
not proceed from apostles or apostoUc men ; and how watchful they were
against aU attempts to mutUate or corrupt the primitive apostoUc records.
In defending the true gospel of Luke against the mutilated form of it
employed by Marcion, he says : "lafSrm that not in the apostolic churches
alone, but in all which are joined with them in the bond of feUowship,

^0 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
that gospel of Luke which we most firmly Tna.inta.i-n, has been vaUd from
its flrst pubUcation ; but Marcion's gospel is unknown to most of them,
and known to none, except to be condemned. " This testimony of Ter
tulUan is very important, as showing his full conviction that Marcion could
not deny the universal reception, from the beginning, of the genuine gos
pel of Luke. And a Uttle afterwards he adds : "The same authority of the
apostoUc churches wiU defend the other gospels also, which we have in Uke
manner through them, and according to them," (Against Marcion, 4. 5.)
Many more quotations of Uke purport might be added.
Clement of Alexandria was a pupU of Pantsenns, and his successor as
head of the catechetical school at Alexandria in Egypt, He was of heathen
origin, bom probably about the middle of the second century, and died
about A. D. 220. He had a philosophical turn of mind, and after his con
version to Christianity made extensive researches under various teachers,
as he himself teUs us, in Greece, in Italy, in Palestine, and other parts of
the East. At last he met with Pantsenns in Egypt, whom he preferred to
aU his other guides, and in whose instructions he rested. The testimony
of Clement to the universal and undisputed reception by the churches of
the four canonical gospels as the writings of apostles or apostolic men,
agrees with that of TertulUan. And it has the more weight, not only on
account of his wide investigations, but because, also, it virtually contains
the testimony of his several teachers, some of whom must have known, if
not the apostles themselves, those who had Ustened to their teachings.
In connection with the testimony of the above-named writers, we may
consider that of the churches of L-yons and Vienne in Gaul, in a letter
addressed by them to "the churches of Asia and Phrygia," which Eusebius
has preserved for us, (Hist. Eccl., 5. 1,) and which describes a severe per
secution through which they passed in the reign of Antoninus Verus, about
A. r>. 177. In this they say : "So was fulfilled that which was spoken by
our Lord, ' The time shall come, in which whosoever kiUeth you shall think
that he doeth God service.'" In speaking again of a certain youthful
martyr, they first compare him to Zacharias, the father of John the Bap
tist, afBrming, in the very words of Luke, that he "had walked in aU the
commandments and ordinances of the Lord blameless," (Luke 1:6;) and
then go on to describe him as "having the Comforter in himself, the
Spirit, more abundantly than Zacharias," where they apply to the Holy
Spirit a term pecuUar to the apostle John. Here, then, we have indubit
able testimony to the fact that the gospel of John, as weU as of Luke, was
known to the churches of Gaul in the west and Asia Minor in the east in
the days of Pothinus, bishop of these churches, who suffered martyrdom
in this persecution. But Pothinus was ninety years old, so that his knowl
edge of these gospels must have reached back to the first quarter of the
second century, when many who had inown the apostles were yet Uving.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 41
5. These testimonies, let it be carefuUy remembered, apply
not to one part of Christendom alone, but to aU its different
and distant divisions; and that, too, long before there was any
attempt to bring the judgment of the churches into harmony
by means of general councUs. The orthodox churches planted
in the different provinces of the Eoman empire, though in sub
stantial harmony with each other, had nevertheless their minor
differences, which were sometimes discussed with much warmth.
In their relation to each other, they were jealous of their free
dom and independence. The history of the so-caUed Antilego-
mena (Disputed Books of the New Testament, chap. 6) shows
that the reception of a writing as apostoUc in one division of
Christendom, did not insure its reception elsewhere. Had it
been possible that a spurious book should be imposed as gen
uine on the churches of one region, it would certainly have met
with opposition in other regions ; but our four canonical gos
pels were everywhere received without dispute as the writings
of apostles or apostolic men. This fact admits of but one
explanation: the churches had fr-om their first appearance
indubitable evidence of their genuineness.
6. Let it be furtherremembered that this testimony relates not
to books of a private character, that inight have lain for years
hidden in some corner ; but to ih.epyiblic ivritings of the churches,
on which thefr faith was founded, of which they aU had copies,
and which it was the custom, from the apostoUc age, to read in
thefr assembUes along with the law and the prophets. (Justin
Martyr Apol., 1. 67.) Earnestness and sincerity are traits
which will not be denied to the primitive Christians, and they
were certainly not wanting in common discernment. Let any
man show, if he can, how a spurious gospel, suddenly appear
ing somewhere after the apostoUc days, could have been impos
ed upon the churches as genuine, not only where it originated,
but everywhere else in Christendom. The difficulty "with which
some of the genuine books of the New Testament gained uni
versal currency sufficiently refutes such an absurd supposition.
7, We are now prepared to consider the testimonies of an

42

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

earUer period. Here Justin Martyr is a very weighty witness,
since he lived so near the apostolic age, and had every faciUty
for investigating the history of the gospel narratives. He was
born near the beginning of the second century, and his extant
works date from about the middle of the same century. Before
his conversion to Christianity he was a heathen philosopher
earnestly seeking for the truth among the different systems of
the age. Of his undoubtedly genuine works, there remain to
us two Apologies (defences of Christianity) and a Dialogue
with Trypho a Jew, designed to defend the Christian religion
against its Jewish opponents. In these he quotes the gospel
of Matthew very abundantly ; next in number are his quotations
from Luke. His references to Mark and John are much fewer,
but enough to show his acquaintance with them. He never
quotes the evangelists by name, but designates their writings
as "The Memoirs of the Apostles;" and more fully, "The
memoirs which I affirm to have been composed by his " — our
Lord's — "apostles and their followers," Dialog., ch. 103,
" which," he elsewhere says, " are called gospels," Apol. 1. 66,
and in a collective sense, " the gospel," Dialog., ch. 10. It
should be carefully noticed that he speaks in the plural num
ber both of the apostles who composed the gospels and their
followers. This description applies exactly to our canonical
gospels — two written by apostles, and two by their followers.
The attempt has been made in modern times to set aside Justin's testi
mony, on the aUeged ground that he quotes not from our canonical gos
pels, but from some other writings. The groundlessness of this supposi
tion is manifest at flrst sight. Justin had visited the three principal
churches of Rome, Alexandria, and Ephesus. It is certain that he knew
what gospels were received by them in his day as authentic, and that these
are the very gospels which he quotes, affirming that they were the writings
of apostles and their foUowers. Now, that the gospels which Justin used
should have been whoUy supplanted by others in the days of Irenseus, who
was of fuU age at the time of Justin's death, is incredible. But Irenseus,
in common with Clement, TertuUian, and others, quotes our four canon
ical gospels as alone possessing apostoUc authority, and as having been
always received by the churches. It foUows that the ' ' Memoirs " of Justin
must be the same gospels, "We cannot conceive that in this brief period

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 43
an entire change of gospels should have been made throughout aU the dif
ferent and distant provinces of the Roman empire, at a time when con
certed action through general councils was unknown ; and that, too, in so
sUent a manner that no record of it remains in the history of the chm-ch.
The supposition that the gospels known to Justin were different from those
received by Irenseus ought not to be entertained without irrefragable proof.
But no snch proof exists. "An accurate examination in detail of his cita
tions," says Semisch, Life of Justin Martyr, 4. 1, "has led to the result
that this title" — ^the Memoirs of the Apostles — -"designates the canonical
gospels — a result in no way less certain because again caUed in question iu
modem days,"
The agreement of his quotations with onr present gospels is of such a
character and extent as can be explained only from his use of them. The
variations are mainly due to his habit of quoting loosely from memory.
"Many of these citations," says Kirchhofer, "agree, word for word, with
the gospels ; others -nith the snbstance, but -with alterations and additions
of words, with transpositions and omissions ; others give the thought only
in a general way; others stiU condense together the contents of several
passages and different sayings, in which case the historic quotations are
yet more free, and blend together, in part, the accounts of Matthew and
Luke. But some quotations are not found at aU in our canonical gos
pels," (see immediately below;) "some, on the contrai-y, occur twice or
thrice." QueUensammlung, p. 89. note. Two or three more important
variations af e, perhaps, due to the readings in the manuscripts employed
by Justin, since the lat^r church fathers, who, as we know, employed the
canonical gospels, give the same variations. FinaUy, Justin gives a few
incidents and sayings not recorded in our present gospels. As he Uved so
near the apostoUc times he may weU have received these from tradition ;
but if in any case he took ihem from written documents, there is no proof
that he ascribed to such documents apostoUc authority. In one passage,
he accurately distinguishes between what he gives from tradition or other
written sources, and what from the apostoUc records. ""When Jesus
came," he says, "to the river Jordan, where John was baptizing, as he
descended to the water, both was a fire kindled in the Jordan, and as he
ascended from the water, the apostles of this very Christ of ours have
•written that the Holy Spirit as a dove Ughted upon him." Dial., ch. 88.
It has been doubted whether certain references to the gospel of John
can be found in Justin's -writings ; but it seems plain that the foUo-wing is
a free quotation from chapter 3:3-5: "For Christ said. Except ye be
bom again, ye shaU by no means enter into the kingdom of heaven. But
that it is impossible that they who have once been bom should enter into
the wombs of those who bare them is manifest to aU." Apol. 1. 61. To
affirm that a passage so peculiar as this was borrowed by both the evange-

'-t-i COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Ust John and Justin from a common tradition, is to substitute a very im
probable for a very natural explanation. Besides, Justin uses phraseology
pecuUar to John, repeatedly calling our Sa-\'iour "the Word of God," and
"the "Word made fiesh ;" affirming that he "was ina pecuUar sense begot
ten the only Son of God," "an only begotten One to the Father of aU
things, being in a peculiar sense begotten of him as "Word and Power, and
afterwards made man through the Virgin;" and calUng him "the good
Rock that sends forth (hteraUy, causes to 'bubble forth — compare John 4 : 14)
U-ving waters into the hearts of those who through him have loved the
Father of aU things, and that gives to aU who wUl the water of Ufe to
drink. " These and other references to John may be seen in Kirchhofer's
QueUensammlung, pp. 146, 147.
8. Another early witness is Papias, who was bishop of
Hierapolis, in Phrygia, in the first half of the second century.
He wrote " An Exposition of the Oracles of the Lord," in five
books. This work has perished ; but fragments of it, with no
tices of its contents, are preserved to us by Eusebius and other
writers. As Papias, according to his own express testimony,
gathered his materials, if not from apostles themselves, yet
from their immediate disciples, his statements are invested
with great interest. Of Matthew he says, Eusebius Hist.
Eccl., 5. 39, that he "wrote the oracles in the Hebrew dialect,
and every one interpreted them as he could." He speaks of
this interpretation by each one as he could as something past,
implying that in his day our present Greek gospel of Matthew
(of the apostolic authority of which there was never any doubt
in the early churches) was in circulation, whether it was or
was not originaUy composed in Hebrew, a question on which
learned men are not agreed. Of Mark he affirms that, " hav
ing become Peter's interpreter, he wrote down accurately as
many things as he remembered ; not recording in order the
things that were said or done by Christ, since he was not a
hearer or follower of the Lord, but afterwards" — after our
Lord's ascension^ — "of Peter, who imparted his teachings as
occasion required, but not as making an orderly narrative of
the Lord's discourses." Hist. Eccl., 3. 39. The fact that
Eusebius gives no statement of Papias respecting the other

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 45
two gospels is of Uttle account, since his notices of the authors
to whom he refers, and of thefr works, are confessedly im
perfect Eusebius notices, for example. Hist. EccL 4. 14, the fact that Poly
carp, in his letter to the Philippians, "has used certain testimonies from
the First Epistle of Peter ;" but says nothing of his many references, in
in the same letter, to the epistles of Paul, in some of which he quotes the
apostle by name. "We have, nevertheless, through Eusebius, an indirect
but vaUd testimony from Papias to the authorship of the fourth gospel,
resting upon the admitted identity of the author of this gospel -with the
author of the first of the epistles ascribed to John. Speaking of Papias,
Eusebius says : "But the same man used testimonies from the First Epis
tle of John." Hist. Eccl., 3. 39, end. The ascx-iption to John of this
epistle, is virtuaUy the ascription to liim of the fourth gospel also. Euse
bius speaks of Papias as a man " of very smaU mind." The correctness of
this judgment is manifest from the specimens which he gives of his -writ
ings ; but it cannot invalidate the e-vidence we have from the above pas
sages of the existence, in Papias' day, of the gospels to which he refers.
As to the question whether these were our present canonical gospels of
Matthew and Mark, it is sufficient to say that neither Eusebius nor any of
the church fathers understood them differently.
9. A very interesting reUc of antiquity is the .£'2>is;?e to Diog
netus, of which the authorship is uncertain. Its date cannot be
later than the age of Justin Martyr, to whom it is ascribed by
some. It is, notwithstanding some erroneous views, a noble
defence of Christianity, in which the author shows his acquaint
ance "with the gospel of John by the use of terms and phrases
pecuUar to him. Thus he caUs Christ "the Word," and "the
only begotten Son," whom God sent to men. In the words,
"not to take thought about raiment and food," section 9, there
is an apparent reference to Matt. 6 ; 25, 31.
In addition to the above testimonies might be adduced
some fragments of early Christian "writers which have been
preserved to us by those of a later day ; but for bre-vity's sake
they are omitted.
10. FoUowing up the stream of testimony, we come now to
that of the so-caUed apostolic fathers ; that is, of men who were
disciples of apostles, and "wrote in the age next foUowing them.

46 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
Holding, as they do, such a near relation to the apostles, and
famiUar with the oral traditions of the apostoUc age, we cannot
expect to find in them such frequent and formal references to
the "books of the New Testament as characterize the works of
later writers. They quote, for the most part, anonymously,
interweaving with their own words those of the sacred writers.
One of the earliest among the apostoUc fathers is Clement of Borne, who
died about a. d, 100. Of the numerous writings anciently ascribed to him,
his First Epistle to the Corinthians is admitted, upon good evidence, to be
genuine. In this we find words which imply a knowledge of the first three
gospels. Citing evidently from memory, in a loose way, he says: "For
thus he" — the Lord Jesus — "spake, 'Be merciful, that ye may obtain
mercy ; forgive, that ye may be forgiven ; as ye do, so shaU it be done to
you ; as ye give, so shaU it be given to you ; as ye judge, so shaUye receive
judgment ; as ye are kind, so shaU ye receive kindness ; with what meas
ure ye measure, -with that it shaU be measured to you.'" And again:
"For he said, '"Woe unto that man ; it were better for him that he had
not been born, than that he should offend one of my elect. ' "
Ignatius was bishop of the church at Antioch, and suffered martyrdom
A. D. 107, or according to some accounts, 116. In his epistles, which are
received as genuine, are manifest quotations from the gospel of Matthew,
and some apparent though not entirely certain aUusions to the gospel
of John. Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, was a disciple of tha apostle John. He
suffered martyrdom about the year 166. Of his -writings, only one short
epistle, addressed to the Philippians, remains to us ; but this abounds in
references to the books of the New Testament, especially the epistles of
Paul, Of quotations from the gospel of Matthew, the foUowing are exam
ples : ' ' Judge not, that ye be not judged ; forgive, and ye shaU be for
given ; be merciful, that ye may obtain mercy ; -with what measure ye
mete, it shall be measured to you again." "Blessed are the poor in spirit,
and those that suffer persecution for righteousness' sake, for theirs is the
kingdom of heaven." "The spirit indeed is wiUing, b'ut the flesh is
weak." For the gospel of John, Polycarp's testimony, though indirect, is
decisive. In his letter to the PhiUppians, he quotes from the First Epis
tle of John, " For every one who does not confess that Jesus Christ has
come in the fiesh, is antichrist." 1 John 4 :3. But that the gospel of
John and this first epistle both proceeded from the same author, is a con
ceded fact.
The recently discovered Sinai Codex, the oldest kno-wn codex in the
world, contains the entire Epistle of Barnabas in the original Greek. In

EVIDENCES OF EEVEALED RELIGION. 47
this we find, among other references to the fli-st three gospels, one to the
loriiien gospel of Matthew of the most decisive character : "Let us be
mindful, therefore, lest perchance we be found as it is -wiitten, ' Many are
caUed, but few are chosen.' " Matt. 20 : 16 ; 22 : 14. The form of quota
tion, " as it is -written," is employed by the writers of the New Testament
only of citations from Scriptui-e. In these words the writer places the gos
pel of Matthew in the same rank as the Scriptures of the Old Testament.
That he was the Barnabas mentioned in the New Testament as the com
panion of Paul cannot be maintained ; but the composition of the epistle
is assigned, -with probabiUfy, to the beginning of the second century,
though some place it as late as its close.
The testtmony of other apocryphal -writings of early date might be ad
duced, but for the sake of bre-vity it is here omitted. It may be seen in
the essay of Tischendorf, already referred to.
«
11. A different class of witnesses wUl next be considered —
the ancient Syriac version, the old Latin version, and the
Muratorian fragment on the canon of the New Testament — aU
of which bear testimony to our canonical gospels.
, The ancient Syriac version, commonly caUed the Peshito — si-mple, that
is, expressing simply the meaning of the original, -without aUegorical
additions and explanations, after the manner of the Jewish Targums — ^is
admitted by all to be of very high antiquity. Leamed men are agreed
that this version cannot weU be referred to a later date than the close of
the second century, and some assign it to the middle of the second cen
tury, at which time the Syrian churches were in a very flourishing condi
tion, and cannot weU be supposed to have been without a version of the
Holy Scriptures. The Peshito contains aU the books of the New Testa^
ment, except the Second Epistle of Peter, the Second and Third Epistles
of John, the Epistle of Jude, and the Apocalypse. It testifies to the exist
ence of our four gospels, not only when it was made, but at an ear
Uer date ; since we must, in aU probabUity, assume that some consider
able time elapsed after ihe composition, one by one, of the books of the
New Testament, before they were coUected into a volume, as in this Syiiao
version. Respecting the Old Latin version, (in distinction from Jerome's revision,
commonly called the Vidgate, which belongs to the fourth century,) various
opinions have been maintained. Some have assumed the existence of sev
eral independent Latin versions of the New Testament, or of some of its
books ; but the preferable opinion is that there were various recensions, aU-
having for their foundation a single version, namely, the Old Latin; which,
says "Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, ch. 3, "can be traced back

43 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
as far as the earliest records of Latin Christianity. Every circumstance
connected with it indicates the most remote antiquity." It was current
in uorth Africa, at least soon after the middle of the second century.
Though it has not come do-wn to us in a perfect form, it contains, along
¦with most of the other books of the New Testament, our four canonical
gospels ; and its testunony is of the greatest weight.
The Muratorian Fragment on the Canon is the name given to a Latin
fragment discovered by the ItaUan scholar, Muratori, in the Ambrosian
Library at MUan, in a manuscript bearing the marks of great antiquity.
Its date is determined by its reference to the shepherd of Hermas, which,
says the Fragment, Hermas "-wrote very recently in our times, whUe the
bishop Pius, his brother, occupied the chair of the church at Rflme." The
later of the two dates given for the death of Pius is a. d. 157. The compo
sition of the Fragment must have followed soon afterwards. Though
mutUated at the beginning, as weU as the end, its testimony to the &ist-
ence of the/oMr canonical gospels is decisive. In its present form, it opens
-with the end of a sentence, the beginning of which is lost. It then goes
on to say, " The third gospel according to Lu'ke." After mentioning various
particulars conceming Luke, as that he was a physician whom Paul had
taken -with him, that he did not himself see the Lord in the flesh, etc., it
adds, " The fourth of ihe gospels, thai of John, of the number of the disciples,"
to which it appends a traditional account of the circumstances of its com
position. "With the truth or falsehood of this account we have at jjresent
no concern ; the important fact is that this very ancient canon recognizes
the existence of our four canonical gospels.
12. The neretical sects of the second century furnish testi
mony to the genuineness of our canonical gospels which is of
the most weighty and decisive character. Though some of
them rejected certain books of the New Testament and muti
lated others, it was on doctrinal, not on critical grounds. Had
they attempted to disprove on historic grounds the genuine
ness of the rejected portions of Scripture, it is certain that the
church fathers, who "wrote against them at such length, would
have noticed their arguments. The fact that they did not, is
conclusive proof that no such attempt was made ; but from the
position which the leaders of these heretical sects occupied, it
is certain that, could the genuineness of the canonical gospels,
or any one of them, have been denied on historic grounds, the
denial would have been made.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 49
Marcion, one of the most distinguished leaders of those who separated
themselves from the orthodox church, came to Rome in the second quarter
of the second century. He separated Christianity from aU connection with
Judaism, making the Jehovah of the Old Testament a different being
from the God of the New Testament. His gospel, called by the ancients
the gospel of Marcion, is admitted to have been a mutilated copy of Luke's
gospel. Of course it became necessary that he should reject the first two
chapters of this gospel, (whieh alone he received,) since they contain our
Lord's genealogy in the Une of Abraham and David, and should otherwise
alter it to suit his -views. On the same grounds, he altered the epistles of
Paul also. That Marcion was not ignorant of the other three gospels, but
rejected them, is plain from the words of TertulUan, who accuses him,
Against Marcion, 4. 3, of attempting " to destroy the credit of those gospels
which are properly such, and are published under the name of apostles, or
also of apostoUc men ; thathe may invest his own gospel with the confidence
which he -withdraws from them." His real ground for rejecting some
books of the New Testament and mutilating others was that he could judge
better of the truth than the -writers themselves, whom he represented to
have been misled by the influences of Je-wish prejudices.- Accordingly
Irenseus weU says of the Uberties taken by Marcion, Against Heresies.
1. 27 : "He persuaded his disciples that he was himseU more trustworthy
than the aposties who have delivered to us the gospel ; whUe he gave to
them not the gospel, but a fragment of the gospel."
A distinguished leader of the Gnostics was Valentinus, who came to
Rome about A. D. 140, and continued there tiU the time of Anicetus. His
testimony and that of his foUowers is, if possible, more weighty than even
that of Marcion. -ffis method, according to the testimony of TertulUan,
was not to reject and mutilate the Scriptures, but to pervert their meaning
by false interpretations. TertuUian says. Against Heretics, ch. 38 : "For
though Valentinus seems to use the entire instrument, he has done -violence
to the truth with a more artful mind than Marcion. " "The entire instru
ment" — ^Latin, integro instrumento — includes our four canonical gospels.
Clement of Alexandria and Hippolytus have preserved quotations from
Valentinus in which he refei-s to the gospels of Matthew, Luke, and John.
See Westcott, Canon of the New Testament, 4. 5. Respecting the gos
pel of John in particular, Irenseus says. Against Heresies, 3. 11, that "the
Valentinians make the most abundant use of it. " Hera«leon, whom Origen
represents as having been a famiUar friend of Valentinus, -wrote a com
mentary on John, from which Origen frequently quotes ; but if Valentinus
and his foUowers, in the second quarter of the second century, used "the
entire instrument," they must have found its apostoUc authority establish
ed upon a firm foundation before their day. This carries us back to the
age immediately succeeding that of the apostles, when Polycarp and others
Comp. to BiUe. O

50 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
who had known them personally were yet U-ving. The testimony of the
Valentinians, then, is of the most decisive character.
Another prominent r"^n among the heretical -writers was Tatian, a con
temporary and pupU of Justin Martyr, who, according to the testimony of
Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Theodoret, com^Dosed a Biatessaron, that is, a
four-fold gospel; which can be understood only as a harmony of the fonr
gospels which, as has been shown, were used by Justin ; or of such parts
of these gospels as suited his purpose ; for Tatian, Uke Marcion, omitted
all that relates to our Lord's human descent. With this Diatessaron, Theo
doret was well acquainted ; for he found among his churches more than
two hundred copies, which he caused to be removed, and their places sup
plied by the four canonical gospels.
As to other gospels of the second century, which are occasionaUy men
tioned by later writers, as "The Gospel of Truth," "The Gospel of Basil
ides," etc., there is no e-vidence that they professed to be connected his
tories of our Lord's life and teachings. They were rather, as Norton has
sho^vn, Genuineness of the Gospels, voL 3, chap. 4, doctrinal works em
bodying the -riews of the sectaries that used them.
13. We have seen how full and satisfactory is the external
evidence for our four canonical gospels. Considering how scan
ty are the remains of Christian writings that have come down
to us fr-om the first half of the same century, we have aU the
external evidence for that period also that could be reasonably
demanded, and it is met by no rebutting testimony that rests
on historic grounds. The authorship of no ancient classical
work is sustained by a mass of evidence so great and varied,
and the candid mind can rest in it with entfre satisfaction.
III. Internal Evidences. 14. Here we may begin with con
sidering the relation of the first three gospels to the last, in
respect to both time of composition and character.
And first, with respect to time. The first three gospels —
frequently called the synoptical gospels, or the synoptics, because
from the general similarity of their plan and materials thefr
contents are capable of being summed up in a synopsis — ^record
our Lord's prophecy of the overthrow of Jerusalem. The three
records of this prediction wear throughout the costume of a
true prophecy, not of a prophecy written after the event. They
are occupied, almost exclusively, wdth the various sig^ns by

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 51
which the approach of that great catastrophe might be known,
and "with admonitions to the disciples to hold themselves in
readiness for it. Matthe"w, for example, devotes fifty verses to
the account of the prophecy and the admonitions connected
¦with it. Of these, only four, chap. 24 : 19-22, describe the
calamities of the scenej and that in the most general terms.
Now, upon the supposition that the evangeUst "wrote before the
event, aU this is natural. Our Lord's design in uttering the
prophecy was not to gratify the idle curiosity of the disciples,
but to warn them beforehand in such a way that they might
escape the horrors of the impending catastrophe. He dwelt,
therefore, mainly on the signs of its approach ; and "with these,
as having a chief interest for the readers, the record of the pre
diction is mostly occupied. It is impossible, on the other
hand, to conceive that one who "wrote years afcer the destruc
tion of the city and temple should not have dwelt in more de
taU on the bloody scenes connected with thefr overthrow, and
have given in other ways also a historic coloring to his account.
We may safely say that to "write a prophecy after the event in
such a form as that which we have in either of the first three
gospels^ transcends the power of any rminspired man ; and as
to inspfred narratives, the objectors with whom we are now
dealing deny them altogether.
But there are, in the record of this prophecy, some special
indications of the time when the evangelists wrote. According
to Matthew, the disciples asked, ver. 3 : "When shaU these
things" — the destruction ofthe buUdings ofthe temple — "be?
and what shaU be the sign of thy coming and of the end of the
world?" These questions our Lord proceeded to answer in
such a way that the impression on the minds of the hearers
(to be rectified only by the course of future events) must have
been that the overthrow of the temple and city would be con
nected with his second coming and the end of the world. "Im
mediately after the tribulation of those days," says Matthew,
"shaU the sun be darkened," etc. The probable explanation of
this pecuhar form of the prophecy is that it does actuaUy in-

52 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
elude aU three events ; the fulfilment which it had in the de
struction of the city and temple by the Eomans being only an
earnest of a higher fulfilment hereafter. But however this may
be, it is important to notice that the evangeUsts, in their record
of the prophecy, are evidently unconscious of any discrepancy,
real or apparent, that needs explanation ; which could not have
been the case had they written years after the event predicted.
" It may be safely held," says Professor Eisher, Supernatural
Origin of Christianity, p. 172, "that had the evangeUst been
writing at a later time, some explanation would have been
thrown in to remove the seeming discrepancy between prophecy
and fulfilment."
It shbuld be further noticed that the evangelists Matthew
and Mark, in reference to "the abomination of desolation"
standing in the holy place, throw in the admonitory words,
"Let him that readeth understand." These are not the Sav
iour's words, but those of the narrators calUng the attention of
believers to a most important sign requiring their immediate
flight to the mountains. Before the overthrow of the city these
words had a weighty office ; after its overthrow they would
have been utterly superfluous. Thefr presence in such a con
nection is proof that the record was written before the event to
which it refers.
Admitting the genuineness and authenticity of the book of
Acts, (which "wiU be considered hereafter,) we have a special
proof of the early composition of the gospel according to Luke.
The book of Acts ends abruptly "with Paul's two years' residence
at Eome, which brings us down to A. D. 65, five years before the
destruction of Jerusalem. The only natural explanation of this
fact is that here the composition of the book of Acts was brought
to a close. The date of the gospel which preceded, Acts 1:1,
must therefore be placed still earher.
If, now, we examine the gospel of John, we find its internal
character agreeing with the ancient tradition that it was writ
ten at Ephesus late in the apostle's life. That it was composed

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 53
at a distance from Judea, in a Gentile region, is manifest from
his careful explanation of Jewish terms and usages, whicli
among his countrymen would have needed no explanation.
No man -writing in Judea, or among the GaUleans who habit
ually attended the national feasts at Jerusalem, would have
said, "And the passover, a feast of the Jews, was nigh," 6:4;
"Now the Jews' feast of tabernacles was at hand," 7:2, etc.
The absence of aU reference to the overthrow of the Jewish
poUty, civil and ecclesiastical, may be naturally explained upon
the supposition that the apostle wrote some years after that
event, w^hen his mind had now become famUiar with the great
truth that the Mosaic institutions had forever passed away to
make room for the universal dispensation of Christianity ;- and
that he wrote, too, among Gentiles for whom the aboUtion of
these institutions had no special interest. In general style and
spirit, moreover, the gospel of John is closely allied to his first
epistle, and cannot well be separated from it by a great inter
val of time ; but the epistle undoubtedly belongs to a later
period of the apostle's life.
From the language of John, chap. 5 :2, "Now there is at Jerusalem,
by the sheep-gate, a pool, which is caUed in the Hebrew tongue, Bethesda,
having flve porches," — it has been argued that, when John -wrote, the city
must have been stUl standing. But Eusebius speaks ol the pool as remain
ing in his day, and why may not the porches, as useful to the Roman con
querors, have been preserved, at least for a season ?
We have seen the relation of John's gospel to the other
three in respect to time. It must have been wT-itten several
years later than the last of them ; perhaps not less than fifteen
years. If, now, we look to its relation in regard to character,
we must say that it differs from them as widely as it well could
whUe presenting to our view the same di-vine and loving Sav
iour. Its general plan is different. Eor reasons not known to
us, the synoptical gospels are mainly occupied -with our Lord's
ministry in GaUlee. They record only his last journey to Jeru
salem, and the momentous incidents connected with it. John,
on the contrary, notices his visits to Jerusalem year by year.

54 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Hence his materials are, to a great extent, different from theirs ;
and even where he records the same events — as, for example,
the mfracle of the loaves and fishes, and the last supper — he
connects with them long discourses, which the other evange
Usts have omitted. Particularly noticeable are our Lord's oft-
repeated discussions -with the unbeUeving Jews respecting his
Messiahship, and his confidential intercourse with his disciples,
in both of which we have such treasures of di-viae truth and
love. How strikingly this gospel differs from the others in its
general style and manner every reader feels at once. It bears
throughout the impress of John's individuality, and by this it
is immediately connected -with the epistles that bear his name.
It should be added that in respect to the time when our Lord
ate the passover -with his disciples there is an apparent dis
agreement with the other three gospels, which the harmonists
have explained in various ways.
The essential point of the above comparison is this : Not-
¦withstanding the striking difference between the later fourth
gospel and the earUer three, it was at once received by all the
churches as of apostolic authority. Now upon the supposition
of its genuineness, both its pecuUar character and its undis
puted reception everywhere are easily explained. John, the
bosom disciple of our Lord, -wrote -with the fuU consciousness
of his apostoUc authority and his competency as a witness of
what he had himseU seen and heard. He therefore gave his
testimony in his own independent and original way. How far
he may have been influenced in his selection of materials by a
purpose to supply what was wanting in the earUer gospels,
according to an old tradition, it is not necessary here to
inquire ; it is sufficient to say that, under the iUumination of
the Holy Spfrit, he marked out that particular plan which we
have in his gospel, and carried it out in his own pecuUar man
ner, thus opening to the churches new mines, so to speak, of
the inexhaustible fulness of truth and love contained in him in
whom "dweUeth aU the fulness of the godhead bodUy." And
when this original gospel, so different in its general plan and

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. oo
style from those that preceded, made its appearance, the apos
toUc authority of its author secured its immediate and uni
versal reception by the churches. All this is very plain and
inteUigible. But upon the supposition that the gospel of John is a spuri
ous production of the age succeeding that of the apostles, let
emy one explain, if he can, how it could have obtained universal
and unquestioned apostoUc authority. Its very difference from
the earUer gospels must have provoked inquiry and examina
tion, and these must have led to its rejection, especiaUy at a
time when some who had kno-wn the apostle yet survived ; and
no one now pretends to assign to it a later period.
15. We -wiU next consider the relation of the first three gos
pels to each other. Here we have remarkable agreements ^vith
remarkable differences. The general plan of aU three is the
same. It is manifest also; at first sight, that there Ues at the
foundation of each a basis of common matter — common not in
substance alone, but to a great extent in form also. Equal
ly manifest is it that the three evangelists -write indepen
dently of each other. Matthew, for example, did not draw his
materials from Luke ; for there is his genealogy of our Lord,
and his fuU account of the sermon on the moimt, not to men
tion other particulars. Nor did Luke take his materials from
Matthew ; for there is his genealogy also, with large sections of
matter pecuUar to himseU. Mark has but Uttle matter that is
absolutely new ; but where he and the other two evangelists
record the same events, if one compares his narratives -with
thefrs, he finds numerous Uttle incidents pecuUar to this gospel
woven into them in a very vivid and graphic manner. They
come in also in the most natural and artless way, as might be
expected from one who, if not himself an eye--svitness, received
his information immediately from eye-witnesses. The three
writers, moreover, do not always agree as to the order in which
tiiey record events ; yet, notwithstanding the diversities which
they exhibit, they were aU received fr-om the first as of equal
authority.

56 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The natural explanation of this is that all three wrote in the
apostolic age, and consequently had access, each of them inde
pendently of the other two, to the most authentic sources of
information. These sources (so far as the evangelists were not
themselves eye-witnesses) lay partly, perhaps, in written docu
ments like those referred to by Luke, 1 : 1, partly in the un-
-wi-itten traditions current in the apostolic churches, and partly
in personal inquiry from eye-witnesses, especiaUy, in the case
of Mark and Luke, from apostles themselves. Erom these
materials each selected as suited his purposes, and the churches
everywhere unhesitatingly received each of the three gospels,
notwithstanding the above-named variations between them,
because they had undoubted evidence of their apostolic author
ity. We cannot suppose that after the apostolic age three
gospels, bearing to each other the relation which these do,
could have been imposed upon the churches as aU of them
equally authentic. We know fr-om the history of Marcion's
gospel how fully alive they were to the character of their sacred
records. On apostolic authority they could receive — to men
tion a single example — both Matthew's and Luke's account of
our Lord's genealogy ; but it is certain that they would not
have received the two on the authority of men who Uved after
the apostolic age.
16. In the gospel narratives are numerous incidental allu
sions to passing events without the proper sphere of our Lord's
labors, to social customs, and to the present posture of public
affairs, civil and ecclesiastical. In aU these the severest scru
tiny has been able to detect no trace qf a later age. This is a
weighty testimony to the apostoUc origin of the gospels. Had
their authors lived in a later age, the fact must have manifested
itself in some of these references. The most artless writer can
allude iu a natural and truthful way to present events, usages,
and circumstances ; but it transcends the power of the most
skilful author to multiply incidental and minute references to a
past age without betraying the fact that he does not belong
to it.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 57
17. Every age has, also, its pecuUar impress of thought and
reasoning in reUgious, not less than in secular matters. Al
though the gospel itseU remains always the same, and those
who sincerely embrace it have also substantiaUy the same
character from age to age, there is, nevertheless, continual
progress and change in men's apprehension of the gospel and
its institutions, and consequently in their manner of reason
ing conceming them. No man, for example, could -write a
treatise on Christianity at the present day -without making it
manifest that he did not belong to the first quarter of the pres
ent century. The primitive age of Christianity is no exception
to this universal law. Under the auspices of the apostles it
began to move forward, and it continued to move after their
decease. The pastoral epistles of Paul bear internal marks of
having been written in the later period of his life, because they
are adapted to the state of the Christian church and its institu
tions that belonged to that, and not to an earUer period. If,
now, we examine the -writings of. the so-caUed apostoUc fa
thers — disciples of the apostles, who -wrote after their death —
we find in them cfrcles of thought and reasoning not belonging
to the canonical -writings of the New Testament, least of aU to
the canonical gospels, though they are evidently derived from
hints contained in these -writings, whether rightly or -wrongly
apprehended. In this respect, the works of the apostoUc
fathers are distinguished in a very marked way from those
which bear the names of the apostles themselves or thefr asso
ciates. 18. Another decisive argument lies in the character of the
Greek employed by the evangeUsts, in common with the other
writers of the New Testament. It is the Greek language em
ployed by Jews, (or, in the case of Luke, if his Jewish origin
be doubted — see Col. 4 : 11, 16— by one who had received a
Jewish training under the influence of the Greek version of the
Old Testament,) and therefore pervaded and colored by Hebrew
idioms. This pecuUar form of the Greek language belongs to
the apostoUc age, when the teachers and writers of the church
3*

58 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
were Jews. After the overthrow of Jerusalem, the dispersion
of the Jewish nation, and the death of the apostles and their
associates, it rapidly disappeared. Thenceforward the writers
of the church were of Gentile origin and training, in accordance
with the Saviour's memorable words: "The kingdom of God
shall be taken from you, and given to a nation bringing forth
the fruits thereof."
These internal proofs, coinciding as they do with a mass of
external evidences so great and varied, place the genuineness
of the four canonical gospels on a foundation that cannot be
shaken.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 59

CHAPTEE III.
Uncorrupt ^reservation of the Gospel Nar
ratives.
1. It is necessary, first of aU, to define what is meant in the
present connection by the uncorrupt preservation of the gospel
narratives. When a man, whose business it is to examine and
compare manuscripts or editions of a work, speaks of a given
text as corrupt. Tie means one thing ; in a question concerning
the truth of the Christian system as given in the writings of
the New Testament, a corrupt text means something very dif
ferent. The coUator of manuscripts understands by a corrupt
text one that has been marred by the carelessness or bad judg
ment of transcribers, whence have arisen so many "various
readings," though these do not change, or essentiaUy obscure
the facts and doctrines of Christianity, as has been most con
clusively sho-wn by the results of modern textual criticism; but
ih an inqufry whether we have in our canonical gospels the
account of our Lord's life and teachings as it was originaUy
¦written by the evangeUsts in aU essential particulars, we have
to do with the question, not of various readings, such as are
incident to aU manuscripts, but of essential additions, altera
tions, or mutUations — ^Uke those, for example, which Marcion
attempted — by which the facts and doctrines themselves are
changed or obscured. It is against the charge of such essen
tial corruptions that we maintain the integrity of the text in
the gospels, as in the other books of the New Testament.
2. The most important materials for -writing in ancieni
times were the paper made of the Egyptian papyrus plant —
whence the word paper — and parchment, prepared from the
skins of animals, the finer kinds of which are called vellum.

60 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Both are of high antiquity. The use of the above-mentioned
paper was very common in the apostolic age ; and from an
incidental notice in the New Testament, (2 John 12 compared
with 3 John 13,) it appears to have been the material employed
by the apostles themselves. But the use of parchment became
more common in the following centuries, -while that of papyrus-
paper gradually ceased. To this circumstance we owe, in a
great measure, the preservation of our oldest manuscripts ; for
the papyrus-paper was of a very perishable nature, and the
manuscripts -written upon it that have come down to us from
high antiquity have been kept in specially favorable circum
stances, as, for example, in the ancient Egyptian tombs. With
the disuse of papyrus-paper ceased also the ancient form of the
roU. All manuscripts written on parchment are in the form of
books with leaves. Erom about the eleventh century, paper
made from cotton or linen came into common use.
The costliness of writing materials gave rise to a peculiar
usage. Prom the leaves of an ancient work the original wri
ting was erased, more or less perfectly. They were then em
ployed as the material for another work, the latter being written
over the former. Such manuscripts are called palimp.sests — •
¦written again after erasure. The original writing, which is
very often the sacred text, can in general be deciphered, espe
cially by the aid of certain chemical applications. Some of our
most precious manuscripts are of this character.
The existing manuscripts of the New Testament are of two
kinds. First, the uncial, that is, those written in capital letters.
Here belong aU the most ancient and valuable. The writing is
generally in columns, from two to four to a page ; sometimes in
a single column. There is no division of the text into words ;
the marks of interpunction are few and simple ; and till the
seventh century there were no accents, and breathings only in
special cases. Secondly, the cursive, or those WTitten in run
ning-hand, -with division of the text into words, capitals only
for initial letters, accents, breathings, etc., and often with many
contractions. This is the common form of manuscripts after

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION. 61
the tenth century, the uncial being retained for some ages
afterwards only in books designed for use in the church service.
In both the uncial and the cursive manuscripts, each century
has its pecuUar style of vsT.-iting. From tliis, as weU as from
the quaUty of the materials, expert judges can determine the
age of a given manuscript with a good degree of accuracy.
The detaUs pertaining to the form of ancient manuscripts, their num
ber, character, etc., belong to the department of textual criticism. The
above brief notices are given to prepare the way for a statement of the evi
dence that we. have the gospel narratives, as also the other books of the
New Testament, -without corruption in the form in which they were
originaUy written. See the PLATES al the hegirming of this hook.
3. Of the autograph manuscripts proceeding immediately
from the inspfred authors we find no trace after the apostoUc
age. Here, as elsewhere, the wisdom of God has carefuUy
guarded the church against a superstitious veneration for the
merely outward instruments of redemption. We do not need
the wood of the true cross that we may have redemption through
the blood of Christ ; nor do we need the identical manuscripts
that proceeded from the apostles and thefr companions, since
we have the contents of these manuscripts handed down to us
without corruption in any essential particular. This appears
from various considerations.
First. Several hundred manuscripts of the gospels, or of
portions of them, (to confine our attention at present to these,)
have been examined, two of them belonging to the fourth cen
tury and two, with some fragments, to the fifth. AU these,
though written in different centuries and coming from widely
different regions, contain essentiaUy the same text. In them,
not one of the great facts or doctrines of the gospel history is
mutilated or obscured.
Secondly. The quotations of the church fathers from the last
part of the second to the end of the fourth century are so copi
ous, that from them almost the entfre text of our present gos
pels could be reconstructed. These quotations agree substan-

62 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
tiaUy with each other and with the text of our existing manu
scripts; only that the earUer fathers, as already noticed,
chap. 2. 3, often quote loosely from memory, blend together
different narratives, and interweave with the words of Scrip
ture thefr own explanatory remarks.
Thirdly. We have two versions of the New Testament — the
Old Latin or ItaUc, and the Syriac called Peshito — which
learned men are agreed in placing somewhere in the last" half
of the second century. The testimony of these "witnesses to the
uncorrupt preservation of the sacred text, from the time when
they first appeared to the present, is decisive ; for they also
agree essentiaUy with the Greek text of the gospel as we now
possess it. Nor is this all. Davidson affirms of the Old Latin
version, that "the more ancient the Greek manuscripts, the
closer is their agreement with it." And Tischendorf says of
the oldest known manuscript of the Bible — the Greek Sinai
Codex, brought by him from the convent of St. Catharine,
Mount Sinai, in 1859 — that its agreement, in the New Testa
ment portion, "with the Old Latin version, is remarkable.
Through the joint testimony, then, on the one hand, of the
most ancient Greek manuscripts, especiaUy the Sinai Codex,
which is the oldest of them. aU; and on the other, of the Old
Latin version which belongs to the last haU of the second cen
tury, we are carried back to a very ancient and pure form of
the Greek text prevalent before the execution of this version,
that is, about the middle of the second century. Tischendorf
adds arguments to show that the Syriac Peshito version, the
text of which has not come down to us in so pure a state, had
for its basis substantially the same form of text as the Old
Latin and the Sinai Codex.
The substantial identity of the sacred text, as we now have it, with that
which has existed since about the middle of the second century, is thus
sho-wn to be a matter not of probable conjecture, but of certain knowledge.
Here, then, we have a sure criterion by which to measure and interpret the
complaints which textual critics, ancient or modem, have made, some
times in very strong language, concerning the corraptions that have found

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 63
their way into the text of the New Testament. These -writers have refer
ence to what are called "various readings," not to mutilations and altera
tions, such as those charged by the ancients npon Marcion, by which he
sought to change the facts and doctrines of the gospel. That this must be
their meaning we know ; for there are the manuscripts by hundreds as -wit
nesses, all of which, the most corrupt as textual critics would caU them, as
weU as the purest, give in the gospel narratives the same facts and doc
trines -without essential variation.
Let not the inexperienced inquirer be misled into any -wrong conci
sion by the number of "various readings," amounting to many thousands,
-which textual criticism has brought to Ught. The greater the number of
manuscripts collated, the greater -wiU be the number of these readings ;
whUe, at the same time, we are continuaUy making a nearer approach to
the purity of the primitive text. As a general rule these variations relate
to trifling particulars ; as, for example, whether the conjunction and shaU
be inserted or omitted ; whether but or for is the true reading ; whether
this or that order of words gi-ring the same sense shaUhave the pref erence,
etc. A few of the variations are of a more important character. Thus, in
John 1 : 18, some manuscripts and fathers instead of only begotten Son, read
orHy begotten Qod. But even here we may decide either way without chang
ing or obscuring the great truths of the gospel narratives ; for these are
not dependent on particular words or phrases, but pervade and -vivify the
New Testament, as the vital blood does the body. The same may be said
of certain passages which, on purely critical grounds — that is, the authority
of ancient manuscripts — some have thought doubtful ; as, for example,
John 5 : 4, and the narrative recorded in the beginning of the eighth chap
ter of the same gospeL The insertion or omission of the passages concem
ing which any reasonable doubts can be entertained on critical grounds,
-wiU not affect in the leaat the great truths of the gospel narratives.
4. But it may be asked. Was the text from which the Old
Latin version was made, and -with which, as we have seen, the
oldest manuscripts have a close. agreement, substantiaUy the
same as that which proceeded from the inspfred authors ? Here
we must discard aU groundless suppositions, and adhere strictly
to the known facts in the premises.
The first fact to be noticed is the pubUc reading of the gos
pels in the Christian churches, a custom which prevailed from
the earUest times. Justin Martyr, writing before the middle of
the second century, says of the memofrs written by the apos
tles or thefr foUowers and caUed gospels (which have been

64 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
shown to be our canonical gospels, chap. 2 : 7) that either these
or the writings of the Je-wish prophets were read in the Chris
tian churches on the first day of every week. This is a fact of
the highest importance; for it shows that the witnesses and
guardians of the sacred text were not a few individuals, but the
great body of believers, and that no systematic corruption of
their contents could have taken place without their knowledge
and consent, which would never have been given.
Intimately connected -with the above is a second fact, that
of the great multiphcation of copies of the books of the New
Testament, especially of the gospel narratives, since these con
tain the great facts that lie at the foundation of the Christian
system. Every church would, as a matter of course, be anx
ious to possess a copy, and Christians who possessed the
requisite means would furnish themselves with additional copies
for their own private use. If, now, we suppose one or more of
these copies to have been essentially changed, the corruption
would not, as in the case of a printed work, extend to many
hundreds of copies. It -n'ould be confined to the manuscript or
manuscripts into which it had been introduced and the copies
made therefrom, while the numerous uncorrupt copies would
remain as witnesses of the fraud ; for the supposition of a very
early corruption during the apostoUc age, before copies of the
gospels had been to any considerable extent multipUed, is
utterly absurd.
A third fact is the high value attached by the primitive
churches to the gospel narratives, and thefr consequent zeal for
their uncorrupt preservation. No one will deny to them the
quaUties of earnestness and sincerity. To them the gospels
were the record of thefr redemption through the blood of
Christ. For the truths contained in them they steadfastly
endured persacution in every form, and death itseU. Could we
even suppose, contrary to evidence, that private transcribers
altered at pleasure thefr copies of the gospels, it is certain that
the churches would never have aUowed their pubUc copies to
be tampered -with. The resistance which Marcion met with in

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 6-5
his attempt to alter the sacred text, shows how watchful was
their jealousy for its uncorrupt preservation.
A stiU further fact is the want of time for essential corrup
tions, Uke those now under consideration. That such corrup
tions could have taken place during the apostoUc age, no one
-wiU maintain. EquaUy certain is it that they could not have
happened during the age next succeeding, whUe many pres
byters and private Christians yet survived who had listened to
the apostles, and knew the history of the gospels written by
them or thefr companions. But this brings us down into the
first part of the second century.
Leaving out of view the apostle John, who probably died near the close
of the first century, and assuming the martyrdom of Peter and Paul to
have taken place somewhere between a. d. 64 and 67, we may place the
beginning of the age now under consideration at a. d. 65. Of the numer
ous Christians who were then thirty years or less of age many must have
survived tiU a. d. 110, and even later. Polycarp, a disciple of John, suffer
ed ma~tyrdom a. d. 167, and doubtless many others of his hearers survived
tiU the middle of the second century. The time, then, during which such a
corruption as that now under consideration can be supposed to have taken
place is so narrowed down that it amounts to weU-nigh nothing ; and it is,
moreover, the very time during which Justin Martyr wrote his Apologies,
and Marcion made his unsuccessful attempt to mutilate the gospel history.
Finally, no e-vidence exists that the text of the gospel nar
ratives has been essentially corrupted. Of Marcion's abortive
attempt we have abundant notices in the writings of the early
fathers. Thefr sUence in respect to other Uke attempts is con
clusive proof that they were never made. Had we the auto
graphs of the evangeUsts, we should, with reason, attach to
them a high value ; but there is no ground for supposing that
their text would differ in any essential particular fr-om that
which we now possess. They woiUd present to our view the
same Saviour and the same gospel.
5. What has been said respecting the uncorrupt preserva
tion of the gospel nan-atives appUes essentiaUy to the other
books of the New Testament; so that in the consideration of
them the above arguments will not need to be repeated.

66 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE IV.
Authenticity and Credibility of the Gospel
Narratives.
1. The genuineness and uncorrupt preservation of our four
canonical gospels having been estabUshed, the presumption in
favor of their authenticity and credibiUty is exceedingly strong.
In truth, few can be found who, admitting their apostolic origin
in essentiaUy thefr present form, -wiU venture to deny that they
contain an authentic and reUable record of facts. We may
dismiss at once the modern theory which converts the gospels
into myths — pure ideas embodied in allegorical narratives
which have no historic foundation. Myths do not turn the
world upside do-wn, as did the preaching of Christ and his
apostles. Myths do not inspire the souls of men and women
by thousands and tens of thousands with heroic zeal and cour
age, enabling them steadfastly to endure persecution and death
for the truth's sake. It was love towards a crucified and risen
Saviour in deed and in truth, not towards the mythical idea of
such a Saviour, that made the primitive Christians victorious
alike over inward sinful affection and outward persecution.
To every one who reads the gospel narratives in the exercise
of his sober judgrnent, it is manifest that they are intended to
be plain unvarnished statements of facts. The (Question is.
Are these statements reUable? Here new arguments can
hardly be expected; the old are abundantly sufficient. Eeserv-
ing for another place those general arguments which apply to
the gospel system as a whole, let us here briefly consider the
character of the authors and thefr records ; ofthe events which
they record with the surrounding circumstances; and espe
cially of Jesus, their great theme.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 67
2. It is natural to ask, in the flrst place. Were these men
si'ncere and truthfid? Here we need not long delay. Thefr
sincerity, -with that of thefr contemporaries who received thefr
narratives as true, shines forth Uke the sun in the firmament.
With reference to them, the Sa-viour's argument appUes in aU
its force: "How can Satan cast out Satan?" "If Satan rise
up against himself, and be divided, he cannot stand, but hath
an end." The life-long work of the evangeUsts and thefr asso
ciates was to cast out of the world aU fr-aud and falsehood. If
now they attempted to do this by the perpetration of a most
astounding fraud, we have the case of Satan casting out Satan.
But we need not argue the matter at length. By what they
did and suffered in behaU of their doctrines, as weU as by the
artiess simpUcity of thefr narratives, they give fuU proof of
their sincerity and truthfulness.
3. We next inqufre : Were they competent as men ? that is,
were they men of sober judgment, able correctly to see and
record the facts that came under thefr observation, and not
-visionary enthusiasts who mistook dreams for reaUties ? This
question admits of a short and satisfactory answer. No proof
whatever exists that they were -visionary men, but abundant
proof to the contrary. Thefr narratives are calm, unimpas-
sioned, and straightforward, without expatiation on the great
ness of Christ's character and works and the wickedness of his
enemies, as is the way of aU excited enthusiasts. What Paul
said to Festus appUes in its faU force to them and thefr -wri
tings : " I am not mad, most noble Festus, but speak forth the
words of truth and soberness." If any one wUl condemn them
as visionary, it must be on the sole ground that all beUef in the
supernatural is .visionary — a position that wUl be noticed here
after. 4. A further inquiry is. Were these men competent as ivit-
nesses ? that is, had they the requisite means of knowing the
facts which they record ? With regard to the aposties Matthew
and John, this matter need not be argued. With regard to the
other two, Luke states very fairly the position which they occu-

68 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
pied: "It seemed good to me also, having had perfect under
standing of aU things," ("having accurately traced out all
things," as the original signifies,) "from the very beginning, to
write to thee, in order," etc. Luke had in abundance the means
of accurately tracing out all things relating to our Lord's life
and works, for he was the companion of apostles and others
who "from the beginning were eye-witnesses and ministers of
the word ;" and from them, according to his own statement, he
drew his information. The same is true of Mark also.
5. We come now to consider the character of the worics which-
they record, and the circumstances in which they were per
formed. Here it may be remarked in the outset that it is not
necessary to examine in detail aU the miracles recorded in
the gospel history. Though they all proceeded aUke from the
direct agency of God, they are not all aUke open to human
inspection. If upon examination we find the supernatural ori
gin of many of them raised above all possibiUty of doubt, it is
a legitimate inference that the rest of them had the same divine
origin. Not to insist then upon the miracles ascribed to our
Lord within the sphere of inanimate nature, such as the con
version of water into -ndne, the feeding of many thousands with
a few loaves and fishes, and walking upon the sea, all of which
were done in such circumstances that there is no room for
questioning thefr reality, let us examine some that were per
formed upon the persons of men. Palsy, dropsy, withered
Umbs, blindness, the want of hearing and speech, leprosy, con
firmed lunacy — aU these were as weU known in their outward
symptoms eighteen hundred years ago as they are to-day. Per
sons could not be affiicted with such maladies in a corner. The
neighbors must have known then, as they do now, the particu
lars of such cases, and have been unexceptionable witnesses to
their reaUty. Persons may feign bUndness and other infirmi
ties among strangers, but no man can pass himseU off as pal
sied, deaf and dumb, blind, (especially blind fr-om birth,) halt,
-withered, in his own community. The reaUty of the maladies
then is beyond all question ; and so is also the reality of their

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 69
instantaneous removal by the immediate power of the Saviour.
Here we must not fail to take into account the immense num
ber of our Lord's mfracles, thefr diversified character, and the
fact that they were performed everywhere, as weU -without as
-with previous notice, and in the most open and pubUc manner.
Modem pretenders to miraculous power have a select cfrcle of
marvellous feats, the exhibition of which is restricted to partic
ular places. No one of them would venture to undertake the
cure of a man born bUnd, or that had a -withered Umb, or that
had been a paralytic for thfrty-eight years. But Jesus of Naz
areth went about the cities and viUages of Judea for the space
of three years, heaUng aU manner of disease. With him there
was no distinction of easy and difficult, since to Divine power
nothing is hard. With the same word he rebuked a raging
fever, cleansed fr-om leprosy, gave strength to the paralytic,
healed the withered Umb, gave sight to the bUnd, hearing to
the deaf, and speech to the dumb, and raised the dead to Ufe.
The same voice that said to the man at Bethesda, "Eise, take
np thy bed, and walk," said also to Lazarus, who had lain four
days in the gravsi " Come forth."
6. It is with reason that we lay special stress upon the fact
that Christ performed many of his greatest miracles in the
presence of his enemies, who had both the means and the -wiU
to institute a searching investigation conceming them, and who
would have denied thefr reaUty had it been in thefr power to
do so. Sad indeed is the record of the perverse opposition
and calumny which our Lord encountered on the part of the
-Jewish rulers. But even this has a bright side. It shows us
that the Saviour's mfracles could endure the severest scruti
ny — that after every means which power and wealth and patron
age and official influence coiUd command had been used for
thefr disparagement, thefr divine origin stiU shone forth Uke
the unclouded sun at noon-day. If any one doubts this, let
him read attentively the ninth chapter of John's gospel, which
records the investigation instituted by the Jewish rulers respect
ing the miracle of healing a man blind from his birth. In no

70 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
modern court of justice was a question of fact ever subjected
to a severer scrutiny. And the result -n-as that they could not
deny the miracle, but said in their blind hatred of the Eedeem
er, "Give God the praise: -we know that this man is a sinner."
So when they could not deny that Jesus cast out devils, they
alleged that he did it by the help of Satan ; when it was mani
fest that he had by a word healed a man that had lain thirty-
and-eight years a helpless paralytic, they blamed him for work
ing on the Sabbath-day ; when Lazarus had been called out of
his grave in the presence of aU the people, they said, "What do
we ? for this man doeth many miracles." And then they con
sulted not to disprove these miracles, but to put both him and
Lazarus to death. Thus, in the good providence of God, we
have for the reality of our Lord's miracles the testimony of his
enemies and persecutors.
7. The resurrection of Jesus is the miracle of miracles, of
which we may say -with truth that it comprehends in itself aU
the other mighty works recorded in the gospel history. We
cannot but notice the condescending care with which our Lord
himseU certified to his disciples its reality. When he had sud
denly appeared in the midst of them, " they were terrified and
affrighted, and supposed that they had seen a spirit." To con
vince them of the reality of his bodily presence, he said, "Be
hold my hands and my feet, that it is I myseU : handle me and
see ; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me have.
And when he had thus spoken, he showed them his hands and
his feet," that they might see in them the prints of the naUs.
Finding them stiU incredulous, " believing not for joy and won
dering," he added another conclusive proof that he was not
a spfrit, but a true man : he asked for meat ; " and they gave
him a piece of a broUed fish, and of an honeycomb; and he
took it, and did eat before them." Luke 24 : 36-43. To the
rmbeUeving Thomas he offered the further proof which he had
demanded : " Eeach hither thy finger, and behold my hands ;
and reach hither thy hand, and thrust it into my side ; and be
not faithless, but beUeving." The certainty of this great event

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 71
the evangeUst Luke sets forth in his introduction to the Acts
of the Apostles : "To whom also," (to the apostles,) " he showed
himself aUve after his passion, by many infaUible proofs, being
seen of them forty days, and speaking of the things pertaining
to the kingdom of God." The apostle Peter, in his address to
CorneUus and his friends, says : " Him God raised up the third
day, and showed him openly ; not to all the people, but unto
•witnesses chosen before of God, even to us, who did eat and
drink -with him after he rose from the dead." Acts 10 : 40, 41.
The apostle Paid, in his enumeration of our Lord's appearances
to his disciples after his resurrection, 1 Cor. 5-8, mentions that
on one occasion "he was seen of above five hundred brethren
at once ; of whom," he says, " the greater part remain unto
this present, but some are faUen asleep."
It was not the greatness of the miracle, considered simply
by itself, but its relation to the gospel, that made our Lord's
resurrection from the dead the central fact of the apostles'
testimony. It was, so to speak, the hinge on which the whole
work of redemption tumed. Our Lord's expiatory death for
the sins of the world and his resurrection from the dead were
both aUke parts of one indivisible whole. It was not his claim
to be the promised Messiah alone that was involved in the fact
of his resurrection. His completion, as the Messiah, of the
work of man's redemption was also dependent on that great
event. "If Christ be not risen," says the apostle, "then is our
preaching vain, and your faith is also vain;" and again, "If
Christ be not raised, your faith is vain; ye are yet in your
sins." 1 Cor. 15 : 14, 17. We need not wonder then that the
apostles, in thefr testimony to the people, insisted so earnestly
on this one great fact in our Lord's history; for by it God
sealed him as the Prince of Ufe.
8. The character of Jesujs of Nazareth, as drawn by the four-
evangeUsts, is the highest possible proof of the authenticity
and credibiUty of the gospel narratives. Of this it has been
justly said, " The character is possible to be conceived, because
it was actuaUzed in a Uving example." (Nature and the Super-

'^ COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
natural, p. 324.) The inapproachable exceUence of Christ's
character places it high above aU human praise. The reverent
mind shrinks instinctively from the idea of attempting to eulo
gize it, as from something profane and presumptuous. We do
not eulogize the sun shining in his strength, but we put a screen
over our eyes when we would look at him, lest we should be
blinded by the brightness of his beams. So must every man
look at Jesus of Nazareth with reverence and awe, -u-ho has
any true sense of what is great and exceUent. What is now
to be said of this character is not eulogy. It is part of an
argument for the reaUty of the events recorded in the gospel
history. Here it is important to notice not only the character
itseU, but the manner of the portraiture, and its power over the
human heart.
The character of Jesus is perfectly original.. Nothing like
it was ever conceived of by the loftiest minds of antiquity.
Nothing Uke it has appeared since his day, in actual life, or
even in the conceptions of the most gifted writers. As there
is one sun in the firmament, so there is one Jesus Christ in the
history of the world. His character has a human and a divine
element ; and these two interpenetrate each other, so as to
constitute together one indivisible and glorious whole. Jesus
could not be, even in idea, what he is as man, unless he were
God also. And what he is as God, he is as God made flesh,
and dwelling as man among men. It is the God-man which
the gospel narratives present to us. If we consider the quali
ties which belong to our Saviour as man, we notice the union
in full measure and just proportion of all those qualities which
belong to perfect humanity. In the case of mere men, the
abundant possession of one quality impUes almost of necessity
deficiency elsewhere, and consequently one-sidedness of char
acter. Not so in the case of Jesus. He has all the attributes
of a perfect man in perfect fulness and in perfect harmony with
each other. Let us reverently look at some particulars.
His character unites the deepest tranquillity with the deep-

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 73
est /ej-iJor of spirit. Our Lord's tranquiUity shines forth through
the whole course of his ministry, and manifests itseU aUke in
great things and smaU. It is e-vident to aU who read the nar
ratives of the evangelists that he performed his mighty works
as one conscious that divine power belonged to him of right,
and that the exercise of it, even in its highest forms, was noth
ing new nor strange. In connection -with his greatest miracles
he calmly gave directions, as if they had been ordinary occur
rences. When he had fed many thousands with a few loaves
and fishes, he said, " Gather up the fragments that remain,
that nothing be lost." When he had raised from the dead the
daughter of Jafrus, " he commanded that something should be
given her to eat." When he had called out of the grave one
who had lain there four days, he directed, "Loose him, and let
him go." Even in Gethsemane, when oppressed with agony
too great for human endurance, his seU-possession remained as
perfect as his submission to his Father's will. That his seren
ity never left him for a moment during the process of his arrest,
trial, sentence, and lingering death on the cross, is a truth
which shines forth from the sacred narrative as his own rai
ment did on the moimt of transfiguration, " white and gUster-
ing." Any attempt to describe it would be but mockery. And
yet this deep composure of spfrit is not that of indifference or
of a cold temperament. It is the composure of one in whose
bosom bums a steady and intense flame of zeal for. the glory of
God and good wiU towards men, by which he is borne forward
-with untfring energy in the work committed to him from above.
It is the composure of a spfrit whose depth of emotion none
can measure.
W^e notice again the union in our Lord of perfect ivisdom
with perfect freedom from guile and double deaUng. That his
wisdom was never at faidt, all must admit. He was surrounded
by crafty adversaries, who contrived all manner of plans to
entangle him in his talk. Tet in the t-winkling of an eye he
tumed thefr wiles against themselves, and they found them
selves taken in thefr o-wn net. MeanwhUe he always pursued
Comp to Bible. 4

74 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the straightforward com-se of sincerity and truth. Not the
sUghtest trace of deceit or cunning artifice appeared in his
ministry fr-om first to last.
Closely alUed to the above-named quaUties are -prudence and
boldness, both of which met in full measure in our Lord's char
acter. That he feared no man, and shrunk from no peril when
it was his duty to encounter it, is too obvious to be insisted on.
Yet he never needlessly encountered opposition and danger.
He was never bold for the purpose of making a show of bold
ness. When the Jews sought to kiU him, he "walked in GaU
lee" to avoid their enmity. When his brethi-en went up to the
feast in Jerusalem, he would not go up with them, but after
wards went up, "not openly, but as it were in secret." When,
at a later day, after the resurrection of Lazarus, the Jews
sought his lUe, he " walked no more openly among the Jews ;
but went thence into a country near to the wilderness, into a
city called Ephraim, and there continued with his disciples."
Not until the time had come that he should die for the sins of
the world did he expose himsglf to the rage of his enemies;
and then he went boldly into Jerusalem at the head of his dis
ciples. His own precept, "Be ye wise as serpents, and harm
less as doves," he perfectly exemplified throughout his ministry.
We cannot but notice once more the union in our Lord's
character of the greatest tenderness -with unbending severity,
whenever the cause of truth demanded severity. He opened
his ministry at Nazareth by reading from the prophet Isaiah a
portraiture of his own character : " The Spirit of the Lord God
is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the gospel
to the poor; he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted, to
preach deUverance to the captives, and reco.vering of sight to
the bUnd, to set at Uberty them that are bruised, to preach the
acceptable year of the Lord." Isa. 61 : 1, 2. The execution of
this mission required a tender and forbearing spirit, that would
not break the bruised reed, or quench the smoking flax; and
such was the spirit of his whole ministry. For the penitent,
though publicans and sinners, he had only words of kindness.

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION. 75
Towards the infirmities and mistakes of his sincere disciples he
was wonderfully forbearing. When a strife had arisen among
the apostles which of them should be the greatest, instead of
denouncing in severe terms thefr fooUsh ambition, he called to
himself a Uttle chUd and set him in the midst, and from him
gave them a lesson on the duty of humility. Tet this tender
and compassionate Jesus of Nazareth, who took Uttle chUdren
in his arms and blessed them ; who stood and cried, " Come
unto me, aU ye that labor and are heavy-laden, and I wiU give
you rest ;" and who wept at the grave of Lazarus — ^this same
Jesus could say to Peter when he would deter Him from the
path of duty, "Get thee behind me, Satan!" and could denounce
in the presence of aU the people the scribes and Pharisees who
sat in Moses' seat. In truth, the most severe denunciations of
hypocrisy and -wickedness contained in the New Testament,
and the most a-wful descriptions of the future punishment of
the impenitent, feU from our Saviour's lips. In his tendemess
there was no element of weakness.
Our Lord's perfect meekness and humility need no human
comment. They shine forth with serene brightness through all
his words and actions. He described himseU as "meek and
lowly in heart," and his life was a perpetual iUustration of these
quaUties. " When he was revUed, he revUed not again ; when
he suffered, he threatened not ; but committed himseU to him
that judgeth righteously." But the point to be particularly
noticed is the wonderful harmony of this meek and lowly mind
-with claims more lofty than were ever conceived of by any man
before him — claims everywhere boldly asserted, and which, as
we shaU see hereafter, impUed the possession of a divine nature.
It is not that he .claimed and exercised power over nature, or
outward power over men, even power to raise the dead, that
fiUs us with awe and amazement; but that he went -within the
spirit, and offered inward life, Ught, strength, peace — in a word,
life eternal — to aU who would come to him; and that he assert
ed, in a way as decisive as it was calm, his absolute control
over the everlasting destinies of aU men. When we read the

76 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
account of these superhuman claims, we have no feeUng that
they were incongruous or extravagant. On the contrary, they
seem to us altogether legitimate and proper. And yet, as has
been often remarked, were any other person to advance a tithe
of these pretensions, he would be justly regarded as a mad
man. The only possible explanation is, that this meek and
lowly Jesus made good his claim to be the Son of God by what
he was and by what he did.
Another quality very conspicuous in our Lord's character is
his perfect elevation above this ivorld. " Te are from beneath,"
said he to the Jews ; " I am from above : ye are of this world ; I
am not of this world." It was not in his origin alone, but in his
spirit alsOj that he was from above. As he was from heaven,
so was he heavenly in aU his affections. His own precept to
his disciples, "Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth,
but lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven," was the law of
his o-wn Ufe. He had no treasures here below but the souls
of men; and these are not earthly, but heavenly treasures.
Satan pUed him in vain with the offer of " all the kingdoms of
the world, and the glory of them." In him " the lust of the
flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life " could find
no place for a single moment. He kept the world always and
perfectly under his feet. Tet this perfect elevation above the
world had in it no tinge of stoicism or asceticism. He made no
war upon the genuine passions and affections of human nature,
but simply subjected them aU to his higher spfritual nature ;
in other words, to the law of God. Except temporarily for
meditation and prayer, he never -withdrew himseU, nor encour
aged his disciples to -withdraw themselves from the cares and
temptations of an active Ufe, under the false idea of thus rising
to a state of superhuman communion with God. He did not
fast himseU systematicaUy, nor enjoin upon his disciples syste
matic fastings, but left fastings for special emergencies. In a
word, he ate and drank Uke other men. His heavenly mind
lay not in the renunciation of God's gifts, but in maintaining
his affections constantly raised above the gifts themselves to

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 77
the di-vine Giver. It took on a human, and therefore an imita
ble form.
And what shall we say of our Lord's spotless purity of heart
and Ufe? We cannot eulogize it, for it is above aU human
praise. But we can refresh the eyes of our understanding by
gazing upon it, as upon a glorious sun, untU we feel its -rivify-
ing and transforming power in our o-wn souls.
In contemplating the above quaUties, it is of the highest
importance to notice that, though they exist in such fulness and
perfection, they are yet human, and therefore imitable. • They
are not the vfrtues of an angel in heaven, or of a king on the
throne, or of a phUosopher in his school, or of a monk in his
ceU; but of a man moving among men in the sphere of common
life, and filling out common Ufe with aU the duties appropriate
to it. His example then is avaUable for the imitation of the
lowest not less than the highest. It offers itseU to aU classes
of men as a model of aU that is good in human nature. We
may boldly affirm that such a character as this could never
have been conceived of, if it had not actually existed.
If now we look at our Lord's character as a teacher, we find
it equaUy original and wonderful. Writers on the gospel his
tory have with reason laid great stress on the fact that he
stood high above the errors and prejudices, not only of his own
age and nation, but of aU ages and nations. He saw intui
tively and perfectly what God is, what man is, and what are
man's relations to God and to his feUow-men ; and was there
fore able to establish a reUgion for men, as men, that needs no
change for any age, or nation, or condition of life. He has
sometimes been caUed a "GaUlean peasant." The phrase
sounds unpleasantly in the ears of those who adore him as
their divine Lord and Master. Nevertheless it is in an impor
tant sense tme. He was educated among the common people
of GaUlee, and had no special human training. It was an age
of narrowness and formaUsm. The scribes and Pharisees, who
sat hi Moses' seat, had covered up the frue meaning and spirit

78 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of the Old Testament beneath a mass of human traditions that
substituted " mint, and anise, and cummin " for " the weightier
matters of the law." Tet in such an age Jesus came forth a
perfect teacher of di-^frie truth. He swept away at once the
glosses of the Jewish doctors, unfolded to the people the true
meaning of the law and the prophets as preparatory to his
coming, and gave to the world a religion that meets the wants
of aU classes and conditions of men in all ages and nations.
Considered as the good leaven which Christ cast into the lump
of humanity, the gospel has continual progress. But consid
ered as the plan of salvation which he revealed, it cannot have
progress, for it is perfect. It needs no amendment or change,
that it may be adapted to our age or any other age. As afr
and water and light meet the wants of all men in all ages, so
the gospel, when freed from human additions and received in
its original purity, is aU that fallen humanity needs. Here is a
great fact to be explained. The only reasonable explanation
is that given by the Saviour himself. When the Jews mar
velled at his teaching, saying, "How knoweth this man letters,
having never learned ?" he answered, " My doctrine is not
mine, but his that sent me." Such a religion as that described
in the gospels could not have been conceived of unless it had
actuaUy existed ; and it could not have existed without God for
its author. Gifted men may be in advance of their o-wn age ;
that is, they may see before others what is the next thing indi
cated by the present progress of society. But mere men do
not rise at once above aU the errors and prejudices by which
they are surrounded into the region of pure light and truth.
AU the work that men do is imperfect, and needs emendation
by those who come after them. A reUgion that remains from
age to age as perfectly adapted to the wants of all men as it
was at the beginning, mnst be from God, not from man.
Our Saviour's manner qf teaching' was also as original as the
teaching itseU. He saw through the world of nature and mind
at a glance, and it stood always ready at hand to furnish him
with arguments and iUustrations — arguments and illustrations

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 79
as simple and natural as they were profound, and by means of
which he unfolded the deepest truths in the plainest and most
intelUgible forms. Take, for example, the parables of the mus
tard-seed and the leaven. They contain within themselves the
whole history of Christ's kingdom in its inward principle. They
unfold views of its steady progress from age to age, as a growth
from an inward vital force, on which the most philosophical
minds especially love to dweU; and yet they are perfectly
inteUigible to the most unlettered man. To teach by parables,
-without any false analogies, and in a way that interested and
instructed aUke the learned and the ignorant, this was a won
derful characteristic of our Lord's ministry. In this respect no
one of his apostles, not even the bosom disciple, attempted to
imitate him. Tet in the great fact that his teaching was not
for a select few, but for the masses of mankind, so that " the
common people heard him gladly," aU his servants can and
ought to imitate him.
Thus far we have considered mainly the human side of our
Lord's character, though through it aU his di-vinity shines forth.
Let us now look more particularly at his divine mission and
character. On the fact that his mission was from God we need
not dweU. Nicodemus expressed the judgment of every candid
mind when he said, " Eabbi, we know that thou art a teacher
come from God ; for no man can do these mfracles that thou
doest, except God be with him," If there is one truth which
our Lord asserted more frequently than any other, it is that he
came from God : " The works which the Father hath given me
to finish, the same works that I do, bear witness of me, that
the Father hath sent me." "If God were your Father, ye
would love me : for I proceeded forth and came from God ; nei
ther came I of myself, but he sent me."
But Jesus had not only a divine mission, but a divine per
son also ; and the manner in which he manifested his di-vinity
is, if possible, more original than any thing else in his history,
and bears in itself the impress of reaUty. A company of men
who should attempt to give a portraiture of a divine being

80 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
simply from their own conceptions would doubtless put into his
lips many direct assertions of his deity, and make his Ufe abound
in stupendous miracles. But it is not in any such crude way
that our Saviour's divinity manifests itself in the gospel narra
tives. It is true indeed that in the manner of his miracles he
everywhere makes the impression that he performs them by
vfrtue of a power residing in himseU; that whUe the commis
sion to do them comes from the Father, the power to do them
belongs to his own person. In this respect the contrast is very
sharp between his manner and that of the prophets before him
and the apostles after him. In their case the power, as well as
the commission, was whoUy from God, as they were carefid to
teach the people : " In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth,
rise up and walk." " Why look ye so earnestly on us, as
though by our own power or holiness we had made this man
to walk ?" " His name, through faith in his name, hath made
this man strong, whom ye see and know." " Eneas, Jesus
Chriat maketh thee whole." But not to dwell on this, let us
look at some very remarkable ways in which our Sa-viour man
ifested his divine nature.
He caUed God his Father in a peculiar and incommunicable
sense. He never said, " Our Father," by which he would have
classed himseU with other men, but always, "My Father,"
sho-n-ing that thus he stood alone in his relation to God. As
the son has the same nature with the father, and when acting
under his authority, the same prerogatives also ; so Jesus, as
the Son of God, claimed the power and right to do whatever
his Father did, and to receive the same honor as his Father:
" My Father worketh hitherto, and I work." This the Jews
rightly understood to be an assertion of equaUty -with the
Father ; for they "sought the more to kiU him, because he not
only had broken the Sabbath, but said also that God was his
own Father, (so the original reads,) making himself equal -with
God." To this the Saviour answered: " The Son can do noth
ing of himseU" — acting in his o-wn name, and without the con
currence of the Father's wiU — " but what he seeth the Father

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 81
do : for what things soever he doeth, these also doeth the Son
Uke-wise. For the Father loveth the Son, and showeth him aU
things that himself doeth : and he wiU show hinri greater works
than these, that ye may marvel. For as the Father raiseth up
the dead, and quickeneth them ; even so the Son quickeneth
i whom he wiU. For the Father judgeth no man; but hath com
mitted aU judgment unto the Son: that aU men should honor
the Son, even as they honor the Father. He that honoreth not
the Son, honoreth not the Father which hath sent him." John
5 : 17-23. Here the Son, though acting under the Father's
commission, claims equaUty -with the Father; for -without this
he could neither share aU the Father's counsels, nor do aU the
Father's works, nor receive from the Father authority to judge
aU men — an office which plainly implies omniscience — nor be
entitied to the same honor as the Father. The point to be
especiaUy noticed in the present connection is the originality
of the way in which our Lord here asserts his divine nature.
We cannot for a moment suppose that such a way would have
occurred to one who was -writing from his o-wn invention. The
only possible explanation of the existence of such a passage in '
the gospel of John, (and the same is true of many other passa
ges,) is that it is a true record of what actuaUy took place in
our Lord's history.
Again: our Lord represents himself as the source of light
and life to aU mankind. To the Jews he said: "I am the Ught
of the world : he that foUoweth me shaU not walk in darkness,
but shaU have the Ught of life." John 8 : 12. In comparison
with what he here claims for himseU, the outward work of
opening men's bodily eyes d-windles into nothing. That was
only the seal of his divine mission. But in these and other
like words, he does, as it were, draw aside the veU of his
humanity, and give us a glimpse of the glory of the Godhead
that dweUs within. So too he says, " I am the Uving bread
which came down from heaven : if any man eat of this bread
he shaU Uve for ever; and the bread that I wiU give is my
flesh, which I wiU give for the life of the world." John 6 : 51.
4*

82 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The resurrection of Lazarus, stupendous as that miracle was,
does not fill us with such awe and amazement as the mighty
words which he uttered to Martha : " I am the resurrection and
the Ufe : he that believeth in me, though he were dead, yet
shaU he live : and whosoever liveth, and beUeveth in me, shaU
never die," John 11 : 25, 26 ; for in these words he represents
himseU as being to the whole human family the author of all
life, natural, spiritual, and eternal. He connects the particular
act of giving Ufe which he is about to perform -with the final
resurrection, when " all that are in the graves shall hear his
voice, and shall come forth; they that have done good, unto
the resurrection of life; and they that have done evil, unto the
resurrection of damnation." John 5 : 28, 29. These utteran
ces, so calm, so lofty, so original, do not sound like the inven
tions of man. They wear a heavenly costume. When we read
them, we feel that the only explanation of thefr existence in
the gospel narrative is the fact that they were actuaUy uttered
by our Lord.
And the same is true of another kindred class of passages,
¦ in which the Saviour asserts his immrd dominion over the human
spirit. Hear him, as he stands and j)roclainis : " Come unto
me, aU ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I wiU give you
rest." Matt. 11:28. "Peace I leave with you; my peace I
give unto you : not as the world giveth, give I unto you."
John 14 : 27. The world gives peace at best outwardly, and
often only in empty words ; but Jesus has dfrect access to the
inmost fountains of feeUng. He gives peace inwardly and effi
caciously. When he turned into songs of joy the tears of the
widow of Nain by raising her son to life, that was a wonderful
instance of his gi-ving'peace ; but far greater and more glorious
is the work when, by his inward presence in the soul, he makes
it victorious over aU " the sufferings of this present time." This
is what he meant when he said to his disciples : "These things
have I spoken unto you that in me ye might have peace. In the
world ye shaU have tribulation ; but be of good cheer : I have
overcome the worid." John 16:33. In his name, apostles

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 83
raised the dead to Ufe ; but no apostle — ^no mere man — would
have ventured to say, " In me ye shaU have peace."
These last words naturaUy lead to the consideration of
another very pecuUar form of speech first intioduced by our
Lord, and passing from him to the chnrch ; that, of the
midtuil indwelling of himseU and his disciples : "Abide in me,
and I in you. As the branch cannot bear fruit of itseU, ex
cept it abide in the vine ; no more can ye, except ye abide in
me." John 15 : 1-7. It is a vital union of the believer's soul
¦with Jesus, through which he receives from Jesus Ufe and
fruitfulness, as the branch from its union with the vine. Here
is an assertion of deity. The Jews regarded Moses with the
highest reverence ; but no one of them ever spoke of abiding
in Moses, or ha-ving Moses abiding in himself. Had any Chris
tian disciple represented himseU as dwelUng in Peter or Paul,
the apostle would have rent his clothes at the blasphemy of
the words.
Other pecuUar ways in which our Lord manifested his deity
could be specified, but the above wiU suffice as examples. Let
any candid man consider aU these examples in thefr connec
tion, each of them so original and so majestic, so simple and
natural, and yet so far removed from anything that could have
occurred to one sitting down to draw from his own imagination
the picture of a divine person ; and he wiU be con-dnced that
snch a record as that contained in our four canonical gospels
was possible only because it is a simple and truthful history of
what Jesus of Nazareth was and did. Plain men can give a
sfraightforward account of what they have seen or leamed from
eye--witnesses; but it transcends the genius of any man to invent
such narratives of such a character. The gospel narratives are
marked throughout by artless simpUcity. Each of the writers
goes straightforward -with his story, never thinking for a mo
ment of what his own genius is to accompUsh, but intent only
on exhibiting his Lord and Master as the Saviour of the world.
The apostle John, in giving the design of his own gospel, gives
that also of the other evangeUsts : " And many other signs

84 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
truly did Jesus in the presence of his disciples, which are not
-written in this book. But these are -written, that ye might
beUeve that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God ; and that be
lieving ye might have life through his name." John 20 : 30, 31.
And because this glorious and divine person is a Uving real
ity, he possesses from age to age an undying power over the
human heart. Love towards him is the mightiest principle on
earth, both for doing and for suffering. It makes the soul of
which it has taken fuU possession invincible. When Jesus of
Nazareth is enthroned in the castle of the human heart, not aU
the powers of earth and hell can overcome it. See farther,
chap. 12 : 8.
9. Since, as we have seen, the gospel narratives are an
authentic record of facts, it foUows that in the person and life
of Jesus of Nazareth we have a supernatural revelation from God
in the fuUest sense of the words. That his origin was both
superhuman and supernatural, the gospels teach us in the most
explicit terms. He says of himseU : " I came forth fr-om the
Father, and am come into the world : again, I leave the world,
and go unto the Father." John 16 : 28. "And now, O Father,
glorify thou me with thine own seK, with the glory which I had
with thee before the world was." John 17 : 5. That the
appearance on earth of One who dwelt -with the Father in glory
before the world was, and after the fulfilment of his mission
returned to the Father again, was supernatural, is self-evident.
His person was, as has been shown, di-vine. He was God mani
fest in the flesh ; and wherever he went, his supernatural power
displayed itseU. The mfraculous element is so interwoven into
the very substance of the gospel history, that there is no possi
bUity of setting it aside, except by rejecting the history itseU.
It is the fashion with a certain class of -writers, after denying
our Lord's di-rine nature and explaining away his supernatural
works, to be profuse in their eulogies of his character. If they
can first rid themselves of the obUgation to beUeve on him and
obey him as thefr divine Lord, they are wUUng to bestow upon
him, as a man like themselves, the highest commendations

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 85
But the attempt is hopeless. What wiU they do with the fact
of his resurrection from the dead — the most certain as weU as
the greatest mfracle in his history, and which includes in itself
aU the rest ? Had Jesus not risen from the dead, as he so often
affirmed that he should, then he would have been what the Jew
ish rulers caUed him — a deceiver, and no Saviour; but since
the mfracle of his resurrection must be admitted by aU who do
not reject the whole gospel history as a fable, why deny the
lesser miracles connected -with his history? The assumption
that miracles are impossible can only go -with the denial of
God's personaUty ; and this, by whatever name it is called, is
atheism. If there is a personal God, who is before nature,
above nature, and the author of nature in its inmost essence,
he can manifest himseU within the sphere of nature in a super
natural way, whenever he chooses to do so. If God who made
us cares for us, and is indeed our Father in heaven, it is rea
sonable to suppose that he may reveal himself to us in super
natural forms, when the end is our deUverance from the bond
age of sin, and our preparation for an eternity of hoUness and
happiness. To deny this, would be to make nature the highest
end of God — to put the world of God's intelligent creatures
under nature, instead of making nature thefr servant and
minister. 10. The objections that have been m-ged against the gospel
history are of two kinds. The first class relates to its doctrines,
as, for example, that of demoniacal possessions, that of eternal
punishment, etc. To enlarge on this subject would be out of
place here. It is sufficient to say that the only reasonable rule
is to argue from the certainty of the record to the truth of the
doctrines in question. He who first assumes that a certain
docfrine cannot be true, and then, on the ground of this
assumption, sets aside a history sustained by overwhelming
e-vidence, exalts his own finite understanding to be the supreme
rule of faith ; and to him an authoritative revelation becomes
an impossibiUty. The second class of objections relates to
alleged contradictions and inconsistencies between the different

86 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
writers. The explanation and reconciUation of these is the
work of the harmonist. We need not wait, however, for the
result of his labors, that we may rest confidently on the truth
of the record. These apparent disagreements do not affect a
single doctrine or duty of Christianity. They aU relate to inci
dental matters, such as the time and order of the events record
ed, the accompanying circumstances, etc. Had we all the
missing links of the evangelical history, we might reconcUe all
these differences ; but without them, it is not in aU cases possi
ble. Nor is it necessary ; since, where different -writers record
the same transactions, substantial agreement, -with diversity in
respect to the details, is everywhere the characteristic of authen
tic history.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 87

CHAPTEE V.
The yicTS OF the ^postles and the Ackno-wl-
EDGED Epistles.
1. The genuineness, uncorrupt preservation, and credibUity
of the gospel narratives having been shown to rest on a firm
foundation, the principal part of our work is accompUshed, so
far as the New Testament is concerned. We are prepared
beforehand to expect some record of the labors of the apostles,
Uke that contained in the Acts of the Apostles ; and also dis
cussions and instructions relating to the doctrines and duties
of Christianity, such as we find in the apostoUc epistles. Om-
Sa-viour estabUshed his church only in its fundamental princi
ples and ordinances. The work of pubUshing his gospel and
organizing churches among Jews and GentUes he committed to
his apostles. Before his crucifixion he taught them that the
Holy Ghost could not come (that is, in his special and fuU influ
ences as the adminisfrator of the new covenant) tUl after his
departure to the Father: "It is expedient for you that I go
away : for if I go not away, the Comforter wiU not come unto
you ; but if I depart I -wiU send him unto you." John 16 : 7.
" When the Comforter is come, whom I -wiU send unto you
from the Father, even the Spirit of tmth which proceedeth from
the Father, he shaU testify of me. And ye also shaU bear wit
ness, because ye have been -with me fr-om the beginning." John
15 : 26, 27. Now we have, in the Acts of the Apostles, flrst an
accoimt of the fulfilment by the Sa-riour of his promise that he
would send the Holy Ghost ; then a record how the apostles,
thus qualified, obeyed the Saviour's command to preach the
gospel to Jews and Gentiles — a record not, indeed, complete,
but sufficient to show the manner and spirit in which the work

88 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
was performed. Some truths moreover, of the highest import
ance the Sa-viour gave only in outUne, because the time for
their fuU revelation had not yet come. John 16 : 12, 13. Such
were especially the doctrine of his atoning sacrifice on Calvary
with the connected doctrine of justification by faith ; and the
divine purpose to abolish the Mosaic economy, and with it the
distinction between Jews and GentUes. We have, partly in the
Acts and partly in the epistles, an account of the unfolding of
these great truths by the apostles under the guidance of the
Holy Spirit, and of the commotions and contentions that natu
rally accompanied this work. The practical application of the
gospel to the manifold relations of life, domestic, social, and
civU, with the solution of various difficult questions arising
therefrom, was another work necessarily devolved on the apos
tles, and performed by them with divine wisdom for the instruc
tion of all coming ages. The book of Acts and the epistles
ascribed to the apostles being such a natural sequel to the Ee-
deemer's work, as recorded by the four evangelists, a briefer
statement of the evidence for their genuineness and authen
ticity wiU be sufficient.
I. The Acts of the Apostles. 2. According to Chrysostom,
First Homily on Acts, this book was not so abimdantly read
by the early Christians as the gospels. The explanation of this
comparative neglect is found in the fact that it is occupied -with
the doings of the apostles, not of the Lord himseU. Passing by
some uncertain allusions to the work in the writings of the
apostoUc fathers, the first explicit quotation from it is contained
in the letter heretofore noticed, chap. 2 : 4, fr-om the churches
of Yienne and Lyons in Gaul, written about a. d. 177, in which
they say: "Moreover they prayed, after the example of Ste
phen the perfect martyr, for those who inflicted upon them
cruel torments, ' Lord, lay not this sin to their charge.' " Ire
nseus, in the last part of the second century, TertulUan in the
last part of the same century and the beginning of the thfrd,
Clement of Alexandria about the end of the second century
and onwards — aU these bear explicit testimony to the book of

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 89
Acts, ascribing it to Luke as its author ; and from their day
onward, the notices of the work are abundant. We may add
the concurrent testimony of the Muratorian canon and the
Syriac version, caUed the Peshito, wliich belong to the last
quarter of the second centm-y, and the stiU earUer testimonv of
the Old Latin version. In a word, the book is placed by Euse
bius among those that were universaUy acknowledged by the
churches. The rejection of the book by certain heretical sects, as the Ebionites,
Marcionites, Manichaeans, etc., is of no weight, as their objections rested
not on historical, but on doctrinal grounds. As to the statement of Pho
tius that "some caU Clement of Rome the author, some Barnabas, and
some Luke the evangelist,'' it is to be remarked that he is gi-ring not his
own judgment, for he expressly ascribes it to Luke, but the arbitrary opin
ions of certain persons ; and these are contradicted by the obvious fact that
the third gospel, which proceeded from the same hand as the Acts of
the Apostles, was never ascribed to any other person than Luke.
3. The internal testimony to Luke's authorship is decisive.
The writer himseU, in dedicating it to the same TheophUus.
expressly identifies himseU -with the author of the thfrd gospel :
"The former freatise have I made, O TheophUus, of aU that
Jesus began both to do and to teach." Acts 1 : 1. Then there
is a remarkable agreement in style and diction between the
gospel of Luke and the Acts of the Apostles, as any one may
learn who peruses them both together in the original Greek.
Davidson, Introduction to the New Testament, vol. 2, p. 8, has
coUected forty-seven examples of "terms that occur in both,
but nowhere else in the New Testament." Luke, moreover, as
the fravelUng companion of Paul, had aU needed facUities for
composing such a work. With regard to the latter portion of
the book, this is denied by none. His use of the first person
plural, "we endeavored," "the Lord had caUed us," " we came,"
etc. — ^which first appears chap. 16 : 10, and continues, with cer
tain interruptions, through the remainder of the book — admits
of but one natural and reasonable explanation, namely, that
when he thus joins himseU with the apostle he was actuaUy

90 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
in his company. As it respects the first part of the book, we
notice that he visited Csesarea with Paul's company, and "tar
ried there many days," chap. 21 : 8-10 ; afterwards he went up
with him to Jerusalem, chap. 21 : 15. We find him again with
Paul at Csesarea when he sets out for Eome. Chap. 27 : 1.
Now at such centres as Jerusalem and Cassarea he must have
had abundant opportunities to learn all the facts recorded in
the present book -nfrich could not be gathered from Paul's own
lips. 4. For the credibility of this book we have, in general, the
same arguments which apply to the gospel narratives, especially
to the gospel of Luke. Its author is e-vidently a sincere and
earnest man, who goes straightforward with his narrative ; and
where he does not -write as an eye--witness, he had, as we have
seen, abundant means of ascertaining the truth concerning the
facts which he records. His narrative is, moreover, corrobo
rated in a very special way, as wUl be sho-wn hereafter — No. 8,
below — by its many undesigned coincidences with the events
aUuded to in the epistles of Paul. To admit the credibility of
the gospel of Luke and to deny that of this work would be
altogether inconsistent. In truth, there is no ground for
doubting the credibiUty of the Acts of the Apostles other than
that which Ues in the assumption that no record of miraculous
events can be credible, and this is no ground at all.
To some modern -writers the nan-ative of the gift of tongues on the day
of Pentecost has seemed to present an insuperable difficulty. Undoubtedly
it is above our comprehension how a man should suddenly become pos
sessed of the abiUty to speak in a language before unknown to him ; but
why should we doubt God's power to bestow such a gift ? Can any one
suppose for a moment that when our Sa-viom- met with a person deaf and
dumb from birth, he had, for the first time, a case beyond his heaUng
power? The gospel narrative plainly indicates the contrary. Mark 7: 32-37,
upon which passage see Meyer and Alford.'
The account of the sudden death of Ananias and Sapphira, chap. 5 : 1-11,
is not contrary to the spirit of the gospel. They died by the immediate act
of God. His -wisdom judged such an example of severity to be necessary
in the beginning of the gospel, as a solemn warning against hypocrisy and

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 91
&Isehood in his servica Though the gospel is a system of mercy, it takes,
as all admit, a severe attitude towards those who reject it ; why not, then,
towards those who make a hypocritical profession of it ? As Nadab and
AbUiu were consumed by fire from heaven at the beginning of the Mosaic
economy, so the death of Ananias and his -wife came early in the dispensa
tion of the Holy Ghost, as a testimony to aU future ages of Christ's abhor
rence of hypocrisy, and consequentiy of the doom which hypocrites -wiU
receive from him at the last day. Matt. 7 : 21-23.
The fact that Luke has omitted some events in the history of Paul, as,
for example, his joximey into Arabia, which occurred during the three
years that intervened between his conversion and his first -visit to Jerusa
lem, Acts 9 : 22—26 compared with GaL 1 : 1-5-18, is no argument against
the credibiUty of his narrative. Difficulties that arise simply from a
-writer's bre-vity must not be aUowed to set aside satisfactory e-ridence of
his comi>etency and truthfulness. The historical difficulties connected
-with Stephen's address do not concern Luke's credibiUty as a historian,
and the discussion of them belongs to the commentator.
5. The book of Acts closes with a notice that " Paul dwelt
two whole years in his o-wn hfred house, and received aU that
came in unto him, preaching the kingdom of God, and teach
ing those things which concern the Lord Jesus, with aU confi
dence, no man forbidding him." As it adds no notice of the
issue of his imprisonment, or of what afterwards befeU him, we
naturaUy infer that the book was -written at Eome about this
time, that is, about A. D. 63.
IL The Ad:noidedged Epi.stle.i: 6. It is weU known that
doubts existed, to a greater or^ess extent, in the primitive
churches before the fourth century, respecting the apostoUc ori
gin and authority of certain books which now constitute a part
of the New Testament canon. Hence the distinction made by
Eusebius between the acI:nowledged books, fhomologouniena,)
that is, those that were universaUy received from the first, and
the disputed books, (antUegornena,) books respecting which some
entertained doubts. The acknowledged books are, the four gos
pels, the Acts of the Apostles, the thfrteen epistles of Paul
which bear his name at the beginning, the first epistle of Peter,
and the first epistle of -John ; twenty in aU. The disputed books

92 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
are, the epistle to the Hebrews, the epistle of James, the second
epistle of Peter, the second and thfrd epistles of John, the epis
tle of Jude, and the book of Eevelation ; seven in aU. The gos
pels and the Acts have been already considered, and the dispu
ted books are reserved for the following chapter. Some remarks
-wUl here be made on the fifteen acknowledged epistles.
7. The epistles of Paul may be conveniently distributed into
two groups, of which the second or smaUer contains the three
pastoral epistles, and the former or larger, the remaining ten.
Of the apostoUc origin of the larger group little needs to be
said. They bear throughout the impress of genuineness and
authenticity. No doubts were ever entertained concerning
them in the ancient churches. There is, indeed, some ground
for suspecting that a few ancient copies of the epistle to the
Ephesians omitted the words at Ephesus — more literally in
Ephesus — chap. 1 : 1. But the genuineness of these words is
sustained by an overwhelming weight of evidence, and that
Paul was the author of the Epistle was never once doubted
by the ancient churches. The arguments of some modern
¦writers against its apostoUc origin have no real weight, as wiU
be shown hereafter in the introduction to the epistle.
Eespecting the apostolic authorship of the three pastoral
epistles, two to Timothy and one to Titus, there was never any
doubt in the ancient churches. They are supported by the
testimony of the Peshito-Syriac version, of the Muratorian
canon, also, (as appears from* Jerome's letter to MarceUa and
the quotations of the church fathers before him,) of the Old
Latin version; of Irenseus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria,
and a multitude of later writers. There are also some aUusions
to these epistles in the apostoUc fathers, which seem to be
decisive. Such are the foUowing : "Let us therefore approach to him in hoUness
of soul, lifting up to him holy and unpoUuted hands." Clement of Bome,
First Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. 29. " But the beginning of aU mis
chief is the love of money. Kno-wing, therefore, that ¦we brought nothing
into the world neither have power io carry any thing out, let us ai-m ourselves

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 93
¦with the armor of righteousness." Polycarp, Epistle to the PhiUppians,
chap. 4. The student may see other supposed aUusions in Kirchhofer,
QueUensammlung ; Lardner, 2 : 39 ; Davidson's Introduction, 3,p.l01seq.;
Alford's New Testament, Introduction to the Pastoral Episties, etc.
Eespecting the daie of the pastoral epistles very different
opinions are held. The whole discussion turns on the question
whether they were -written before or after Paul's imprisonment
at Eome, which is recorded in the last chapter of the Acts of
the Apostles ; and this again is connected -with the further ques
tion whether he underwent a second imprisonment at Eome,
concerning which leamed men are not agreed. The fuU dis
cussion of this matter belongs to the introduction to the pas
toral epistles. It may be simply remarked, however, that the
internal arguments in favor of a late date are very sfrong, and
that its assumption accounts for the development of such a
state of things at Ephesus as appears in the two pastoral epis
tles to Timothy— a state very different fi-om that which existed
when the epistie to the Ephesians was -written, between a. d.
60 and 64, and which makes it necessary to separate the first
epistle to Timothy from that to the Ephesians by a considera
ble interval of time.
The theme of the pastoral epistles is peculiar. It is the
affectionate counsel of an aged apostie to two young preachers
and rulers in the church respecting the duties of thefr office.
From the pecuUarity of the subject-matter naturaUy arises, to
some extent, a pecuUarity in the diction of these epistles ; yet
the style and costume is throughout that of the apostle Paul.
8. The testimony of the ancient church to the first epistle
of Peter and the first of John is very ample. Besides that of
the Peshito-Syriac version, and of the church fathers Irenseus,
TertuUian, and Clement of Alexandria, they have in addition
that of Papias and the apostoUc father Polycarp. The first
epistle of John is also included in the Muratorian canon. It
scarcely needs, however, any external testimony. The identity
of its author with that of the fourth gospel is so manifest from
its whole tone and style, that it has been always conceded that

94 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
if one of these writings came from the pen of the apostle John,
the other did also.
The testimony of Papias to these two epistles, though indirect, is con
clusive. Eusebius says. Hist. Eccl. 3. 39, "The same Papias has em-
jjloyed testimonies from the first epistle of John, and in like manner of
Peter.'' Polycarp says. Epistle to the Philippians, ch. 7, "For every one
who confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is anti-Christ,"
-with evident reference to 1 John 4 : 3. Eusebius says also. Hist. EccL
4. 14, that in the same ej)istle to the PhiUppians Polycarp "has employed
certain testimonies from the first epistle of Peter ;" and when we examine
the epistle we find several certain references to it, among -n-hich are the
foUowing : "In whom, though ye see him not, ye beUeve ; and beUeving,
ye rejoice -with joy unspeakable, and full of glory." Chap, 1 compared
¦with 1 Pet. 1 : 8. "BeUe-ring in him who raised up our Lord Jesus Christ
from the dead, and gave him glory, and a seat at his right hand. " Chap.
2 compared -with 1 Pet. 1 : 21.
9. The relation of the gospel history to the writings now
under consideration — the book of Acts and the apostoUc epis
tles — is of the most intimate and weighty character. The truth
of the earUer narratives contained in the gospels implies the
truth of these later works; for, as already remarked, they are
the natural sequel of the events there recorded. On the other
hand, the truth of these later writings implies the truth of the
gospel history ; for in that history they find thefr fuU explana
tion, and without it they are, and must ever remain, inexpUca-
ble. All the parts of the New Testament constitute one insep
arable whole, and they aU shed light upon each other. Like a
chain of fortresses in war, they mutually command each other.
Unless the whole can be overthrown, no one part can be suc
cessfully assailed. But to overthrow the whole is beyond the
power of man ; for God has guarded it on every side by impreg
nable bulwarks of evidence.
10. A special argument for the truth of the Scripture history
of the apostle Paul may be dra-wn from the numerous unde
signed coincidences between the events recorded in the book of
Acts and those referred to in the epistles. This work has
been accomplished with great abUity and skUl by Paley in his

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 9.5
Horse Paulinse, to which the reader is referred. The argument
is very conclusive ; for when we consider the " particularity of
St. Paul's epistles, the perpetual recurrence of names of per
sons and places, the frequent aUusions to the incidents of his
private life, and the cfrcumstances of his condition and history,
and the connection and paraUeUsm of these -with the same cfr
cumstances in the Acts of the Apostles, so as to enable us, for
the most part, to confront them one -with another," we must
be satisfied that the truth of the history can alone explain
such a multitude of coincidences, many of them of a minute
character, and aU of them manifestly undesigned.

96 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE VI.
The Disputed Books.
The grounds on which each of the disputed books — AntUe-
gomena, chap. 5, No. 6 — is received into the canon of the New
Testament, wiU be considered in the introduction to these
books. In the present chapter some general suggestions -wiU
be made which apply to them as a whole.
1. This is not a question concerning the truth qf Christian
ity, but concerning the extent of the canon; a distinction which
is of the highest importance. Some persons, when they learn
that doubts existed in the early churches, to a greater or less
extent, respecting certain books of the New Testament, are
troubled in mind, as if a shade of uncertainty were thereby
cast over the whole collection of books. But this is a very
erroneous view of the matter. The books of the New Testa
ment, like those of the Old, were ¦written one after another, as
occasion required ; and the churches received each of them
separately on the evidence they had of its apostoUc origin and
authority. At length coUections of these books, that is, canons,
began to be formed. Such coUections translators would of
necessity make, imless they found them ready at hand. The
earUest canons of which we have any knowledge are contained
in the old Latin version, the Syriac version caUed Peshito,
and the Mm-atorian canon ; each of which represented the pre
vailing judgment of the churches in the region where it was
formed. As this judgment differed in the different provinces
of Christendom in respect to the books in question, so also do
these canons. The Peshito contains the epistle to the Hebrews
and that of James, but omits the other five books. The Mm-a-
torian canon omits the epistle to the Hebrews, the epistle of

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 97
James, and the second epistle of Peter ; but contains the epis
tle of Jude, the book of Eevelation, and apparently also the
second and thfrd of John, though in respect to them its lan
guage is obscure and of doubtful interpretation. The old Latin
version, so far as we can judge from the quotations of the
' church fathers, agreed in general -with the Muratorian canon.
It contained, however, the epistle of James, (Codex Corbeien-
sis,j^,) and that to the Hebrews ; and if, as has been supposed,
this latter was a later addition, it was yet earUer than the time
of TertuUian. See Westcott on the Canon, pp. 282, 283. Now
this diversity of judgment with regard to particular books does
not affect in the least the remaining books of the New Testa-
tament, which are sustained by the authority of aU the above-
named ¦witnesses, as weU as by the undivided testimony of the
ancient churches. Did the New Testament claim to be the
work of a single author, the case would be different. We shordd
then have but one ¦witness ; and U certain parts of his testimony
could be successfuUy assailed, this would throw a measure of
suspicion on the whole. But now we have in the separate
books of the New Testament a large number of ¦witnesses, most
of whom are entirely independent of each other. Doubts
respecting the testimony of one do not affect that of another.
We receive the seven books in question as a part of God's rev
elation on grounds which we judge adequate, as wiU be sho^wn
in the infroductions to the several books. But if any one feels
under the necessity of suspending his judgment with respect
to one or more of these books, let him foUow the teachings of
the other books, which are above aU doubt. He wUl find in
them aU the truth essential to the salvation of his soul ; and he
wiU then be in a position calmly to investigate the evidence for
the canonical authority of the so-caUed disputed books.
2. The diversity of judgment which prevailed in the early
chnrches in respect to certain books of the New Testament, is
in harmony with aU that we know of thefr character and spfrit.
It was an age of free inquiry. General coimcils were not then
known, nor was there any central power to impose its decisions
Comp. to BIblfl. ^

98 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
on aU the churches. In the essential doctrines of the gospel
there was everywhere an agreement, especially in receiving the
writings acknowledged to be apostolic, as the supreme rule of
faith and practice. But this did not exclude differences on
minor points in the different provinces of Christendom; and
-ndth respect to these the churches of each particular region
were tenacious then, as they have been in all ages since, of
their peculiar opinions and practices. It is well known, for
example, that the churches of Asia Minor differed from those
of Eome in the last half of the second century respecting the
day on which the Christian festival of the Passover, with the
communion service connected with it, should be celebrated;
the former placing it on the fourteenth of the month Nisan, the
latter on the anniversary of the resurrection Sunday. Nor
could the conference between Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna in
Asia Minor, and Anicetus, bishop of Eome, about A. D. 162,
avail to change the usage of either party, though it did not at
that time break the bond of brotherhood between them. We
need not be surprised therefore to find a Uke diversity in differ
ent regions respecting certain books of the New Testament.
The unanimous beUef of the Eastern and Alexandrine churches
ascribed to Paul the authorship of the epistle to the Hebrews ;
but in the Western churches its Pauline authorship was not
generally admitted till the fourth century. The Apocalypse,
on the contrary, found most favor with the Western or Latin
churches. It has in its favor the testimony of the Muratorian
canon, which is of Latin origin, and also — as appears from the
citations contained in the commentaries of Primasius — that of
the old Latin version. Other examples see above. No. 1.
3. Although v,'e cannot account for the universal and undis
puted reception of the acknowledged books by aU the churches,
except on the assumption of their genuineness, the non-recep
tion of a given book by some of the early churches is no con
clusive argument against its apostolic origin. From the influ
ence of circumstances unknown to us, it may have remained
for a considerable period of time in comparative obscurity.

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION, 99
We have good ground for beUeving that some apostoUc -wri
tings are utterly lost. To deny the possibiUty of this would
be to prejudge the wisdom of God. As the apostles deUvered
many inspfred discourses which it did not please the Holy
Ghost to have recorded, so they may have -written letters which
he did not judge needful to make the sacred volume complete.
The question is one of fact, not of theory. The most ob-vious
interpretation of 1 Cor. 5 : 9 and Col. 4 : 16 is that Paid refers in
each case to an epistle which has not come down to us. And
if an inspfred epistle might be lost, much more might the
knowledge and use of it be resfricted for a time to a nan-ow
cfrcle of churches. When such an epistle-^for example, the
second of Peter — ^began to be more extensively known, the gen
eral reception and use of it would be a slow process, not only
from the difficulty of communication in ancient as compared
-with modern times, but also from the slowness -with which the
churches of one region received any thing new fr-om those of
other regions.
Then again, U a book were known, there might be in some
regions hesitancy in respect to recei-ving it, from doubts iu
regard to its author, as in the case of the epistle to the Hebrews
and the Apocalypse; or from the pecuUarity of its contents
also, as in the case of the latter book. In the influence of
causes like the above named, we flnd a reasonable explanation
of the fact that some books, whieh the mature judgment of the
churches received into the canon of the New Testament, did
not find at first a universal reception.
4. In the caution and hesitation of the early churches with
respect to the books in question, we have satisfactory evidence
that, in settUng the canon of the New Testament, they acted
-with great deUberation and conscientiousness, thefr rule being
that no book shoidd be received whose apostoUc origin coidd
not be estabUshed on soUd grounds. Did the early history of
the Christian church present no such phenomenon as that of
the distinction between acknowledged and disputed books, we
mio^ht naturaUy infer that aU books that professed to have ema-

100 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
nated from the apostles, or to have had their sanction, were
received without discrimination. But now the mature and final
judgment of the churches is entitled to great consideration.
This judgment, let it be remembered, was not affirmative only,
but also negative. While it admitted to the canon the seven
books now under consideration, it excluded others which were
highly valued and pubUcly read in many of the churches. On
this ground it is entitled to stiU higher regard. It is not, how
ever, of binding authority, for it is not the decision of inspired
men. We have a right to go behind it, and to examine the
facts on which it is based, so far as they can be ascertained
from existing documents. But this work belongs to the intro
duction to the several books.
Three books alone "obtained a partial ecclesiastical currency, through
which they were not cleariy separated at first from the disputed writings
of the New Testament." "Westcott on the Canon, Appendix B, p. 550.
This was on the ground that theywere -written, or supposed to be -written,
by the immediate successors of the apostles. The oldest kno-wn codex of
the Bible is the Sinaitic, discovered at mount Sinai by Tischendorf in 1859,
and which belongs to the fourth century. This contains the whole of the
epistle of Barnabas, and the first part of the work caUed the Shepherd of
Hermas. The Alexandrine codex, belonging to the fifth century, has
appended to it the first epistle of Clement of Bome to the Corinthians, the
genuineness of which is admitted, and also a portion of the second or
apocryphal epistle, the remainder of it being lost. The explanation is,
that these three books were read in some at least of the churches when
these codices were formed. But they never obtained any permanent
authority as canonical -writings, and were excluded from the New Testa
ment "by every councU of the churches, catholic or schismatic." Tertul
lian, as quoted by Westcott, p. 551.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 101

CHAPTEE YII.
Inspiration and the Canon.
By the word i-nspiration, when used in a theological sense,
we understand such an iUumination and guidance of the Holy
Spfrit as raises a speaker or ¦writer above error, and thus gives
to his teachings a divine authority. If we attempt to investi
gate the interior nature of this superhuman influence, its differ
ent degrees and modes of operation, and the relation which
the human mind holds to the di^vine in the' case of those who
receive it, we find ourselves involved in many difficulties, some
of which at least are to our finite minds insuperable. But if
we look at it from a practical point of view, restricting our
inquiries to the end proposed by God iitinspfration, which is to
furnish his church -with an infaUible and sufficient rule of faith
and practice, we find no difficulty in understanding the subject
so far as our duty and weUare are concerned. From such a
practical position the question of inspfration ¦wiU now be dis
cussed; and the inquiry ¦wiU be, at present, rest^cted to the
¦writings of the New Testament. In connection ¦with this dis
cussion wiU also be considered the subject of the canan, not in
its particular extent, but in ^e principle upon which it is formed.
1. It is necessary, first of aU, to find a sure rule by which
we can try the claims of a given book to be inspired, and con
sequently to be admitted into the canon of the New Testament.
It cannot be simply the -writer's o^wn declaration. It ¦wUl be
shown hereafter that, in connection ¦with other e^vidence, his
testimony conceming himseU is of the highest importance.
But the point now is, that no man's inspfration is to be acknowl
edged simply on his own word. Nor can we decide simply

102 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
from the contents of the book. Yery important indeed is the
question concerning the contents of any book which claims to
be a revelation from God. Yet we cannot take the naked
ground that a given book is inspired because its contents are
of a given character. This would be virtually to set up our
own reason as the supreme arbiter of divine truth, which is the
very position of rationalism. Nor can we receive a book as
inspired on the so-called authority of the church, whether this
mean the authority of a man who claims to be its infallible
head, or the authority of a general council of the churches.
Admitting for a moment the Eomish doctrine of the infalUbil
ity of the church, we could know this infalUbUity not from the
declaration of any man or body of men in the church, but
from Scripture alone. But this is assuming at the outset the
infalUbUity of Scripture, and therefore its inspiration, which is
the very point at issue. Looking at the question on all sides,
we shaU find for a given book of the New Testament no valid
test of the writer's inspiration except his relation to the Lord
Jcsus Christ. This presupposes our Lord's divine mission and
character, and his supreme authority in the church. It is
necessary therefore to begin with the great central fact of the
gospel, that Jesus of Nazareth is the Son of God, and that
through him God has made to men a revelation of his own
character a^d will for their salvation. This fact is to be first
estabUshed according to the ordinary rules of human evidence,
as has been attempted in the preceding chapters. After that
w^e come naturaUy to the inspiration of the record, and can
establish it also on a sure foundation.
2. The great fundamental truth that Jesus is the Son of
God, who dwelt from eternity ¦with the Father, knew aU his
counsels, and was sent by him to this fallen world on a mission
of love and mercy, being established on an immovable founda
tion, -n'e have a sure point of departure from which to proceed
in our inquiries respecting inspiration. It becomes at once a
self-evident proposition — the great axiom of Christianity, we
may call it — that the teaching of Jesus Christ, when he was on

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 103
earth, w-as tmth unmixed with eiTor. This he himseU asserted
in the most expUcit terms : " The Father loveth the Son, and
showeth him all things that himself doeth." John 5 : 20. " I
am the Ught of the world : he that foUoweth me shaU not walk
in darkness, but shaU have the Ught of life." John 8 : 12. " Ho
that sent me is fr-ue ; and I speak to the world those things
which I have heard of him." John 8 : 26. "I have not spoken
of myself; bnt the Father which sent me, he gave me a com
mandment, what I should say, and what I should speak. And
I know that his commandment is Ufe everlasting: whatsoever I
speak therefore, even as the Father said unto me, so I speak."
John 12 : 49, 50. Proceeding then from the position of our Lord's
infalUbUity, let us inqufr-e whether any of his disciples, and if
so, who among them, were divinely quaUfied to teach, and con
sequentiy to record, without error, the facts and docfa-ines of
his gospel. There are but two grades of relationship to Christ
"with which we can connect such a high endowment : that of
apostles, and that of thefr companions and feUow-laborers. Let
ns consider each of these in order.
3. Early in our Lord's ministry he chose ficelve apostles,
" that they should be ¦with him, and that he might send them
forth to preach, and to have power to heal ^cknesses, and to
cast out devils." Mark 3 : 14, 15. In this brief notice we have
aU the distinguishing marks of an apostle. He was chosen
that he might be with Christ from the beginning, and thus be
to the people an eye-^witness of his whole pubhc life. When an
apostle was to be chosen in the place of Judas, Peter laid par
ticular sfress on this quaUfication: "Wherefore of these men
which have companied with us aU the time that the Lord Jesus
went in and ont among ns, beginning from the baptism of John,
unto that same day that he was taken np fr-om us, must one be
ordained to be a witness with us of his resurrection." Acts
1 : 21, 22. In the case of Paul alone was this condition of
apostieship wanting ; and this want was made up to him by the
special revelation of Jesus Christ. Gal. 1 : 11, 12. An apos
tle, again, was one who received his commission to preach

104 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
immediately fr-om the Saviour, a qualification which Paul stren
uously asserted in his own behaU: "Paul an apostle, not of
men, neither by man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father,
who raised him from the dead." Gal. 1:1. An apostle, once
more, was one who received directly from Christ the power of
working miracles. This was the seal of his apostleship before
the world. In the three particulars that have been named the
apostles held to Christ the nearest possible relation, and were
by this relation distinguished from aU other men. Have we
evidence that they were divinely qualified, through the indweU-
ing of the Holy Spirit, to preach and record the facts and doc
trines of the gospel without error ?
That they must have been thus qualified, we have, in the
first place, a strong presumption from the necessity of the case.
Though our Lord finished the work which the Father gave him
to do on earth, he did not finish the revelation of his gospel.
On the contrary, he said to his disciples just before his cruci
fixion, " I have yet many things to say unto you, but ye cannot
bear them now. Howbeit when he, the Spirit of truth is come,
he will g-uide you into all truth." John 16 : 12, 13. Let us look
at some of these things which were reserved for future revela
tion. The purelj spiritual nature of Christ's kingdom was not
understood by the apostles till after the day of Pentecost, for
we find them asking, just before his ascension, "Lord, wUt thou
at this time restore the kingdom to Israel?" a question which
he did not ans-wer, but referred them to the promised gift of
the Holy Spirit. Acts 1 : 6-8. Another of the things which
they could not bear was the aboUtion, through Christ's propi
tiatory sacrifice, of the Mosaic law, and with it, of the middle
wall of partition between Jews and GentUes. This great truth
was reserved to be revealed practically in the progress of the
gospel, as recorded in the book of Acts, and doctrinaUy in the
epistles of Paul. Then what a rich unfolding we ha-ve in the
apostolic epistles of the meaning of our Lord's death on Cal
vary, and in connection with this, of the doctrine of justifica
tion by faith — faith not simply in Christ, but in Christ crucified.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 105
Faith in Christ's person the disciples had before his death;
but faith in him as crucified for the sins of the world they could
not have tUl after his resurrection and exaltation to the right
hand of God. The abovenamed truths — ^not to specUy others,
as, for example, what Paid says of the resurrection, 1 Cor., ch.
15 ; 1 Thess. 4 : 13-18 — enter into the very substance of the
gospel. They are, in fact, integral parts of it. Can we sup
pose that our Lord began the revelation of his gospel by his
own infaUible wisdom, and then left it to be completed by the
faUible -wisdom of men ? If Augustine and Jerome in the lat
ter period of the Eoman empfre, U Anselm and Bernard in the
middle ages, if Luther and CaMn at the era of the Eeforma
tion, if Wesley and Edwards in later days, commit errors, the
mischief is comparatively smaU; for, upon the supposition that
the apostles were qualified by the Holy Ghost to teach and
-write without error, we have in thefr "-writings an infaUible stand
ard by which to try the doctrines of later uninspired men. But
if the aposties whom Christ himseU appointed to finish the
revelation which he had begun, and whom he endowed with
mfraculous powers, as the seal of their commission, had been
left -without a sure guarantee against error, then there would
be no standard of tmth to which the church in later ages could
appeal. No man who beUeves that Jesus is the Son of God,
and that he came into the world to make to men a perfect rev
elation of the way of life, can admit such an absurd suppo
sition. In the second place, we have Christ's express promises to his
apostles that they should be divinely quaUfied for their work
through the gift of the Holy Ghost : " But when they deUver
you up, take no thought "^ — ^be not soUcitous, as the original
signifies — ^"how or what ye shaU speak, for it shaU be given
you in that same hour what ye shaU speak. For it is not yo
that speak, but the Spfrit of your Father which speaketh in
you." Matt. 10 : 19, 20. " But when they shaU lead you, and
deUver you up, take no thought beforehand what ye shaU speak,
neither do ye premeditate : but whatsoever shaU be given you
5*

106 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
in that hour, that speak ye : for it is not ye that speak, but the
Holy Ghost." Mark 13 : 11. "And when they bring you unto
the synagogues, and unto magistrates, and powers, take ye no
thought how or what thing ye shall answer, or what ye shall
say : for the Holy Ghost shall teach you in the same hour what
ye ought to say." Luke 12 : 11, 12. " Settle it therefore in
your hearts not to meditate before what ye shaU answer : for I
wiU give you a mouth and wisdom, which aU your adversaries
shaU not be able to gainsay nor resist." Luke 21 : 14, 15. The
above promises are perfectly explicit; and although they refer
primarily to a particular emergency, in which the apostles
would especially feel their need of divine guidance, they cover,
in their spirit, all other emergencies. We cannot read them
without the conviction that they contain the promise to the
apostles of all needed help and guidance in the work commit
ted to them. If they were di-vinely quaUfied to defend the gos
pel before their adversaries without error — "T wiU give you a
mouth and -wisdom which aU your adversaries shall not be able
to gainsay nor resist" — so -«'ere they also to record the facts of
the gospel, and to unfold in thefr epistles its doctrines.
The promises recorded in the gospel of John are more gen
eral and comprehensive in their character. It wiU be sufficient
to adduce two of them : " These things have I spoken unto you
being yet present -with you. But the Comforter, which is the
Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in my name, he shall
teach you all things, and bring aU things to your remembrance,
whatsoever I have said unto you." John 14 : 25, 26. "I have
yet many things to say unto you, but ye cannot bear them
now. Howbeit when he, the Spirit of truth, is come, he will
guide you into aU truth: for he shaU not speak of himseU; but
whatsoever he shaU hear, that shaU he speak : and he wUl show
you things to come. He shaU glorify me : for he shaU receive
of mine, and shall show it unto you. All things that the
Father hath are mine: therefore said I that he shaU take of
mine, and shall show it unto you." John 16 : 12-15. In the
former of these passages the special promise is that the Holy

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 107
Spu-it shaU bring to the remembrance of the apostles and
unfold to thefr- understanding all Christ's personal teachings;
so that they shaU thus have a fuUer apprehension of their
meaning than they could whUe he was yet -with them. The
second promise is intioduced with the declaration that the
Saviour has yet many things to say to his apostles which they
cannot now bear. Of course these things are reserved for the
ministration of the Spirit, as he immediately proceeds to show :
" When he, the Spfr-it of fruth, is come, he -wiU guide you into
aU truth." The Spfrit shaU glorify Christ; for he shaU take of
the things which are Christ's, and reveal them to the apostles.
And what are the things which are Christ's? "AU that the
Father hath;" for the Father has given aU things into the
hands of the Son. John 13 : 3. Among these " aU things "
are included aU the Father's counsels pertaining to the way of
salvation through the Son. These are given to the Son; and
the Holy Ghost shaU take of them and reveal to the church,
through the apostles, as much as it is needful for the church
to know. In these remarkable words we have at once a proof
of our Lord's deity, and a sure guarantee to the apostles of
supernatural iUumination and guidance in the work committed
to them — aU the iUumination and guidance which they needed,
that they might be qualified to finish without error the revela
tion of the gospel which Christ had begun.
The question is often asked : "Were these promises given to the aposties
alone, or through them to the church at large ? The answer is at hand.
They were given pHmarily and in a special sense to the apostles ; for they
had reference to a special work committed to them, which required for its
performance special divine iUumination and guidance. They were also
given, in an important sense, to the church at large ; since aU beUevers
enjoy, through the teaching of the apostles, the benefit of these revelations
of the Holy Spirit. They are not, however, made to all beUevers person
aUy ; but were given, once for aU, through the aposties to the church.
The gift of the Holy Spirit is indeed made to aU beUevers personaUy :
through his enUghtening and sanctifying power they have aU needed help
and guidance. But they are not caUed, as were the aposties, to lay the
foundations of the Christian faith, and have therefore no promise of new

108 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
revelations from the Spirit or of elevation above aU error, any more than
they have of miraculous gifts.
We are now prepared to consider, in the third place, tho
claims which the apostles themselves made to speak and write
with di-vine authority. Although their simple word as men
could avail nothing, yet this same word, taken in connection
with their known relation to Christ, -with the work committed
to them, and -with the promises made to them, is of the most
weighty import. It was not indeed their custom to assert gra
tuitously thefr superhuman guidance and authority. Yet when
occasions arose, from the nature of the subject under discus
sion, or from the opposition of false teachers, they did so in
unambiguous terms. Thus the apostle Paul, -writing to the
Corinthians, says, " Now we have received not the spirit of the
world, but the Spirit which is of God ; that we might know the
things that are fr-eely given to us of God. Which things also
we speak, not in the words which man's wisdom teacheth, but
which the Holy Ghost teacheth; comparing spiritual things
wdth spiritual," 1 Cor. 2 : 12, 13: and writing to the Thessalo
nians concerning the resurrection, " For this we say unto you
by the word of the Lord, that we which are alive and remain
unto the coming of the Lord shall not prevent them which are
asleep," etc. 1 Thess. 4 : 15. And again, in writing to the
Galatians, among whom his apostolic standing had been caUed
in question by certain Judaizing teachers, he says, "I certify
you, brethren, that the gospel which was preached of me is
not after man : for I neither received it of man, neither was I
taught it, but by the revelation of Jesus Christ." Gal. 1 : 11,
12. This language is expUcit enough. It could have been
used only by one who was conscious of having been di-vinely
quaUfied to teach the gospel without error. Accordingly, in
the same epistle, he opposes his apostoUc authority to these
false teachers : " Behold, I Paul say unto you, that if ye be
circumcised Christ shaU profit you nothing." Gal. 5:2. In
the memorable letter of the apostles and elders to the GentUe
churches, Acts 15 : 23-29, they say, " It seemed good to the

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 109
Holy Ghost and to us, to lay upon you no greater burden than
these necessary' things." " To the Holy Ghost and to us" can
mean only, to us under the guidance of the Holy Ghost. Be
sides such explicit assertions as the above, there is a tone of
authority running through the apostoUc -writings which can be
explained only from thefr claim to speak with di-vine authority.
They assert the weightiest truths and make the weigh test rev
elations concerning the future, as men who know that they
nave a right to be impUcitly believed and obeyed. What
majesty of authority, for example, shines through Paul's dis
cussion of the doctrine of the resurrection, 1 Cor., ch. 15, where
he announces truths that Ue whoUy beyond the ken of human
reason. " Behold," says he, " I show you a mystery ; we shaU
not aU sleep, but we shall aU be changed," as one who has per
fect assurance that he speaks from God. The same tone of
certainty runs through aU the remarks which the apostle John
interleaves into his gospel, as weU as through his epistles, and
through the other apostoUc writings.
To sum up in a single sentence what has been said respect
ing the apostles : When we consider the strong presumption,
arising from the necessity of the case, that they must have
been divinely quaUfied to teach and -write -without error, the
expUcit promises of Christ that they should be thus qualified,
and thefr explicit claims under these promises, we have fuU
evidence that they -wrote, as weU as spoke, under the inspira
tion of the Holy Ghost, and consequently that thefr writings
are of di-vine authority.
4. In the second grade of relationship to Christ stand men
who, like Mark and Luke, were not themselves apostles, but
were the companions of apostles, and thefr associates in the
work of preaching the gospel. We are not authorized to place
them in the same rank -with the apostles. Yet they had the
gift of the Holy Spirit, which was always given in connection
¦with ordination at the hands of the apostles. If, in addition
to this, thefr connection ¦with some of the apostles was of such
an intimate nature that we cannot suppose them to have writ-

110 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ten without their knowledge and approbation, we have for their
writings aU the apostoUc authority that is needed. The inti
mate relation of Luke to the apostle Paul has been already suf
ficiently sho-wn. We have good ground for believing that he
was with him when he wrote both the gospel and the book of
Acts. The intimate connection of Mark with the apostle Peter
is shown by the unanimous testimony of the primitive churches,
and is confirmed, moreover, by an examination of the peculi
arities of his gospel. In entire harmony with the position of
these two evangelists is the character of their writings. They
never assume the office of independent teachers, but restrict
themselves to a careful record of the works and words of Christ
and his apostles.
6. A final argument for the inspfration of the books of the
New Testament, whether written by apostles or their compan
ions, may be drawn from their general character, as contrasted
with that of the writings which remain to us from the age next
succeeding that of the apostles. The more one studies the two
classes of writings in connection, the deeper will be his con
viction of the distance by which they are separated from each
other. The descent from the majesty and power of the apos
toUc writings to the best of those which belong to the foUo-wing
age is sudden and vei-y great. Only by a slow process did
Christian Uterature afterwards rise to a higher position through
the leavening influence of the gospel upon Christian society,
and especiaUy upon Christian education. The contrast now
under consideration is particularly important in our judgment
of those books which, Uke the second epistle of Peter, are sus
tained by a less amount of external e-vidence. Though we
cannot decide on the inspiration of a book simply from the
character of its contents, we may be helped in our judgment by
comparing these, on the one hand, with writings acknowledged
to be apostoUc, and on the other, -with writings which we know
to be of the following age.
6. The inspiration of the sacred writers was plenary in the
sense that they received from the Holy Spirit all the illumina-

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 111
tion and guidance which they needed to preserve them from
error in the work committed to them. With regard to the
degree and mode of this influence in the case of different books,
it is not necessary to raise any abstract questions. That Paul
might make to the Galatians a statement of his -visits to Jeru
salem and the discussions connected with them, Galatians,
chaps. 1, 2, or might give an account of his conversion before
king Agrippa, Acts, ch. 26, it was not necessary that he should
receive the same kind and measure of divine help as when he
unfolded to the Corinthians the doctrine of the resurrection,
1 Cor., ch. 15. And so in regard to the other inspired penmen.
Whatever assistance each of them needed, he received. If his
judgment needed di-vine illumination- for the selection of his
materials, it was given him. If he needed to be raised above
narrowness and prejudice, or to have the Saviour's instructions
unfolded to his understanding, or to receive new revelations
concerning the way of salvation or the future history of Christ's
kingdom — whatever divine aid was necessary in aU these cases,
was granted. Thus the books of the New Testament, being
written under the guidance of the Holy Ghost, become to the
Christian church an infaUible rule of faith and practice.
n there be any Umitation connected with the inspiration of the sacred
¦writers, it is one of which the Holy Spirit is himself the author, and which
cannot therefore injuriously affect their testimony. It did not please God,
for example, that the exact order of time should always be kept in the gos
pel narratives ; nor that the identical forms of expression employed by the
Saviour on given occasions should always be preserved; nor that the accom
panying circumstances should in all cases be fuUy stated ; for in aU these
respects the evangelists frequently differ among themselves. 'ELa.d the -wis
dom of God judged it best, minute accuracy in these particulars might
have been secured. But the result would probably have been injurious, by
leading men to exalt the letter above the spirit of the gospeL ^We should
be glad to know -with certainty which, if any, of the different ways that
have been proposed for reconcUing John's narrative -with those of the other
evangeUsts in respect to the day of the month on which our Lord ate his
last passover with his disciples, is the tme one. It would give us pleasure
were we able to arrange aU the incidents connected -with our Lord's resur
rection, as recorded by the four evangelists, in the exact order of their

112 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
occurrence. Had we a fuU record of aU the cii-cumstances pertaining to
these two transactions, this might be accompUshed. But it would not
make any essential addition to our knowledge of the gospeL We should
have, in every jot and tittie, the same way of salvation that we have now,
and the same duties in respect to it. To aU who, on grounds Uke these,
flnd difficulty -with the doctrine of plenary inspiration, we may say, in the
words of the apostle, "Brethren, be not chUdren in understanding ; how
beit, in malice be ye chUdren, bnt in understanding be men. "
7. The extent qf the canon is determined by the extent of inspi
ration. The question to be settled respecting each book of the
New Testament is. Was it written under the guidance of the
Holy Spirit ? or, which amounts to the same thing. Has it
apostoUc authority? If it has, it is to be received; if not, it
is to be rejected. There is no middle ground — no di'vision of
the canon into books of primary and of secondary authority.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 113

CHAPTEE YIII.
Inseparable Connection between the Old and
THE Ne^w Testament.
AiTHOTJGH the great central fruth of redemption, that " the
Father sent the Son to be the Saviour of the world," and that
we have in the New Testament a true record of this mission,
rests, as has been sho-wn, upon an immovable foundation, we
have as yet seen the argument in only haU its strength. Not
untu we consider the advent of Christ in connection ^vith the
bright train of revelations that preceded and prepared the way
for his coming, do we see it in its fuU glory, or comprehend the
amount of di-rine testimony by which it is certified to us. We
have afready seen, chap. 5 : 1, how the events recorded in the
Acts of the Apostles foUow, as a natural sequel, from the truth
of the gospel history ; how, if we admit the former, we ought,
for very consistency, to admit the latter also, since the two
cling together as inseparable parts of one great plan. It is
now proposed to look backward from the Saviour's advent to
the preceding series of revelations, and show how naturaUy in
the plan of God they preceded that great event, and how insep
arably they were connected with it as parts of one great whole.
1. The supernatural mission of Christ furnishes, in and of
itseU, a very sfrong presumption in favor of previous super
natural revelations. That such a mighty event as this should
have burst upon the world abruptly, without any previous
preparation, is contrary to the whole order of providence as
well as of nature, which is, "first the blade, then the ear, after
that the fuU com in the ear." And since the advent of Christ
was mfraculous in the fuUest sense of the term, why should not
the way for it have been prepared by miraculous revelations as

114 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
weU as by providential movements ? The natural sun does not
emerge suddenly from the darkness of night : his approach is
preceded by the day-star and the dawn. So were the revela
tions which God made to men from Adam to Malachi, with the
mighty movements of his providence that accompanied them,
the day-star and the da-^-n that ushered in upon the world the
glorious sun of righteousness.
2. We have the great fact that the Jewish people, among
whom our Lord appeared, and from among whom he chose the
primitive preachers of the gospel, possessed a firm and deeply-
rooted belief in the unity of God and his infinite perfections.
That such a belief was a necessary foundation for the peculiar
doctrines of Christianity, all of which are underlaid by that of
trinity in unity, is self-evident. Now, this belief was peculiar
to the Jews, as contrasted with other nations ; and it was held,
moreover, not simply by a few philosophers and learned men
among them, but by the mass of the people. No other exam
ple of a whole nation recei-ving and holding firmly this funda
mental doctrine of religion existed then, or had ever existed ;
and no adequate explanation of this great fact has ever been
given, except that contained in the revelation of God to this
people recorded in the Old Testament. It was not by chance,
but in accordance with the eternal plan of redemption, that the
Messiah appeared where as well as when he did ; not in Egypt
in the days of Pharaoh, nor in Nineveh, or Babylon, or Greece,
or Eome ; but among the Jewish people, when now " the ful
ness of time was come."
3. The impossibiUty of any attempt to dissever the revela
tions of the Old Testament from those of the New appears most
clearly when we consider the explicit declarations of our Saviour,
and after him the apostles, on this point. If we know any thing
whatever concerning the doctrines of our Lord Jesus, we know
that he constantly taught his disciples that he had come m
accordance with the prophecies of the Old Testament. If there
were found in his discourses only one or two remote allusions
to these prophecies, there would be more show of reason in the

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 115
favorite hypothesis of ratiohaUsts, that the disciples misappre
hended thefr Lord's meaning. But his teachings are so numer
ous and expUcit on this point that, even aside from the inspfra
tion of the ¦writers, such an explanation is not to be thought of
for a moment. It was ¦with two of them a matter of personal
knowledge that " beginning at Moses and aU the prophets, he
expounded unto them in all the Scriptures the things concern
ing himseU," Luke 24 : 27 ; and with aU of them that he said,
after his resurrection, in reference to his past teachings : " These
are the words which I spake unto you, whUe I was yet with
you, that aU things must be fulfilled which were written in the
law of Moses, and in the prophets, and in the psalms concern
ing me." Luke 24 : 44. That in Christ were fulfilled the proph
ecies of the Old Testament, appears in every variety of form
in the gospel narratives. It constituted, so to speak, the warp
into which the Saviour wove his web of daUy instruction. Now
if a single thread, unlike aU the rest in substance and color,
had found its way into this warp, we might, perhaps, regard it
as foreign and accidental; but to dissever fr-om our Lord's
words aU his references to the prophecies concerning himseU
in the Old Testament, would be to take out of the web aU the
threads of the warp, and then the web itseU woidd be gone.
No unbiased reader ever did, or ever cotdd gain from the
words of Christ and his apostles any other idea than that Jesus
of Nazareth came in accordance with a bright h-ain of super
natural revelations going before and preparing the way for his
advent. This idea is so incorporated into the very substance
of the New Testament that it must stand or faU -with it.
4. Having contemplated the indivisible nature of revelation
from the position of the New Testament, we are now prepared
to go back and look at it fi-om the platform of the Old Testa
ment. We shaU find this thickly sown with those great princi
ples which imderUe the plan of redemption, and bind it together
as one glorious whole.
First of aU, we have in the narrative of Adam's faU and the
consequences thence proceeding to the race; the substratum, so

116 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
to speak, on which the plan of redemption is built. From this
we learn that aUenation from God and wickedness is not the
original condition of the race. Man was made upright and
placed in communion with God. From that condition he feU,
in the manner recorded in the Old Testament ; and to restore
him, through Christ, to his primitive state is the work which
the gospel proposes to accompUsh. The great historic event
of redemption is that " the Son of God was manifested that he
might destroy the works of the devil ;" and these are the very
works described in the narrative now under consideration,
namely, the seduction of man from his aUegiance to God, with
the misery and death that foUowed. The primitive history of
man's apostacy contains, then, the very key to the plan of
redemption. So it is plainly regarded by the apostle Paul.
He builds upon it arguments relating not to the outworks of
redemption, but to its inward nature. He makes the univer
sality of man's faUen condition through the sin of Adam the
platform on which is built the universality of the provisions of
salvation through Christ. "As by the offence of one judgment
came upon aU men to condemnation, even so by the righteous
ness of one the free gift came upon aU men unto justification.
For as by one man's disobedience many were made sinners, so
by the obedience of one shall many be made righteous." Eom.
5 : 18, 19. " Since by man came death, by man came also the
resurrection of the dead. For as in Adam all die, even so in
Christ shall all be made aUve." 1 Cor. 15 : 21, 22. How could
the original transaction of the faU, through the wiles of the
devU, and the manifestation of God's Son to destroy the works
of the devil, be more indissolubly bound together as parts of
one great whole than in these words of an inspired apostle ?
Secondly, the Abrahamic covenant connects itself immedi
ately with the mission and work of Christ. It was made with
Abraham, not for himself and his posterity alone, but for aU
mankind : "In thy seed shall aU the nations of the earth be
blessed." Gen. 22 : 18. And if the Abrahamic covenant had
respect to the whole human famUy, the same must be true of

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 117
the Mosaic economy in its ¦ultimate design; since this did not
abrogate the covenant made ¦with Abraham, as the apostle Paul
expressly shows. Gal. 3 : 17, but rather came in as subordinate
to it, and with a view of preparing the way for the aecompUsh-
ment of its rich provisions of mercy for " aU famUies of the
earth." The Mosaic economy was then a partial subservient
to a universal dispensation.
The Abrahamic covenant was also purely spiritual in its
character, the condition of its blessings being nothing else
thau faith. The apostle Paul urges the fact that this covenant
was made ¦with Abraham before his circumcision, lest any
should say that it was conditioned whoUy or in part upon a
carnal ordinance : ".He received the sign of cfrcumcision, a
seal of the righteousness of the faith which he had yet being
uncfrcumcised." Eom. 4 : 11. The seal of cfrcumcision, then,
did not make the covenant vaUd, for the covenant existed many
years before the rite of cfrcumcision was instituted. Faith was
the only condition of Abraham's justification. " He beUeved
in the Lord, and he counted it to him for righteousness."
Gen. 15 : 6.
And if we look at the promise contained in the Abrahamic
covenant, " In thee shaU aU the famiUes of the earth be bless
ed," we find it to be the very substance of the gospel, as the
apostle Paul says : " The Scripture, foreseeing that God would
justify the heathen through faith, preached before the gospel
unto Abraham, saying. In thee shaU aU nations be blessed."
Gal. 3 : 8. The incarnation and work of Christ are, according
to the uniform representation of the New Testament, nothing
else but the carrying out of the covenant made ¦with Abraham ;
for this covenant was made for aU mankuid, was purely spfrit
ual, being conditioned on faith alone, and its substance is Christ,
in whom aU nations are blessed.
And whUe God has thus indissolubly linked to the incarna
tion of his Son this high transaction ¦with Abraham, we see
how he has at the same time connected it with the first prom
ise made in Eden, and thus with the faU of man through the

118 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
subtilty of Satan. The promise in Eden is that the seed of the
woman shaU bruise the serpent's head. The promise to Abra
ham is that in his seed, which is also the seed of the woman,
all the families of the earth shaU be blessed. Now it is by the
bruising of the serpent's head, or, in New Testament language,
by destroying the works of the devil, that Abraham's seed
blesses all the famUies of the earth. The two promises, then,
are in their inmost nature one and the same, and their fulfil
ment constitutes the work of Christ.
Thirdly, the end of the Mosaic economy is Christ. Its gen
eral scope is thus briefly summed up by Paul : " The law was
our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ, that we might be
justified by faith." Gal. 3 : 25. But not io insist on this, let
us contemplate its three great institutions — the prophetic, the
kingly, and the priestly order.
The mode of communication which God employed on Sinai
the people could not endure, and they besought him, through
Moses, that it might be discontinued : " Speak thou -with us,"
they said, " and we will hear : but let not God speak with us,
lest we die." Ex. 20 : 19. Of this request God approved, and
promised: "I wUl raise them up a Prophet from among their
brethren like unto thee." Deut. 18 : 18. The point of special
emphasis is, that the great Prophet here promised, who is
Christ, should be one of their brethren, as Moses was. His per
sonal advent was for many ages delayed; but in the meantime
his office was foreshadowed by the prophetical order in Israel,
consisting of men sent by God to address their brethren. Thus
the old dispensation and the new. are linked together by the
great fundamental principle — that God should address man
through man — which runs through both. The whole series of
Old Testament prophecies, moreover, point to Christ as their
end and fulfilment ; " for the testimony of Jesus is the spfrit of
prophecy." Eev. 19 : 10.
The kingly office of the Old Testament connects itself with
that of Christ in a special way. Not only did the headship
given to David and his successors over the covenant people of

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 119
God adumbrate the higher headship of Christ, but David had
from God the promise : " Thine house and thy kingdom shaU
be estabUshed for ever before thee : thy throne shaU be estab
Ushed for ever." 2 Sam. 7 : 16. This promise is fulfilled in
Jesus of Nazareth, " the seed of David according to the flesh,"
according to the express declaration of the New Testament :
" The Lord God shaU give unto him the throne of his fa thei
David, and he shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever,
and of his kingdom there shaU be no end." Luke 1 : 32, 33.
The priestly office, -with the blood of the sacrifices connect
ed ¦with it, prefigured Christ, " the Lamb of God, which taketh
away the sin of the world." By the stream of sacrificial blood
that flowed for so many ages was set forth that great funda
mental truth of redemption, that " without shedding of blood
is no remission." Heb. 9 : 22. The sacrifices of the Mosaic
law were continuaUy repeated, because " it is not possible that
the blood of buUs and of goats should take away sins." Heb.
10 : 4. But" when Christ had offered his own blood on Calvary
for the sins of the world, the typical sacrifices of the law ceased
for ever, having been fulfiUed in the great Antitype, " in whom
we have redemption through his blood, the forgiveness of sins."
Ephes. 1 : 7.
5. Since the Old Testament and the New are thus insepara
bly connected as parts of one grand system of revelation, of
which the end is Christ, it foUows that the later revelations of
the New Testament are the true interpreters of the earUer,
which are contained in the Old. This is only saying that the
Holy Ghost is the true and proper expositor of his own com
munications to man. From the interpretations of Christ and
his apostles, fairly ascertained, there is no appeal. And they
are fafrly ascertained when we have learned in what sense they
must have been understood by thefr hearers. AU expositions
of the Old Testament that set aside, either openly or in a covert
way, the supreme authority of Christ and his apostles, are false,
and only lead men away from the truth as it is in Jesus,

120 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE IX.
Authorship of the Pentateuch.
The term Pentateuch is composed of the two Greek words,
pente, five, and teuchos, which in later Alexandrine usage signi
fied booh. It denotes, therefore, the collection of five books ;
or, the five books of the law considered as a whole.
1. In our inqufries respecting the authorship of the Penta
teuch, we begin with the undisputed fact that it existed in its
present form in the days of Christ and his apostles, and had so
existed from the time of Ezra. When the translators of the
Greek version, called the Septuagint, began their work, about
280 B. c, they found the Pentateuch as we now have it, and no
one pretends that it had undergone any change between thefr
day and that of Ezra, about 460 b. c. It was universaUy
ascribed to Moses as its author, and was caUed in common
usage the latv, or the law of Moses.
2. That the authorship of the law in its written form is
ascribed to Moses in the New Testament every one knows.
" The law was given by Moses;" " Did not Moses give you the
law?" "Had ye beUeved Moses, ye would have believed me;
for he wrote of me ;" " For the hardness of your heart he,"
Moses, "wrote you this precept;" "Master, Moses ¦wrote unto
us ;" " What is written in the law ? how readest thou ?" etc.
Since now the whole coUection of books was famiUarly kno-wn
to the people as the law, or the latv qf 3Ioses, it is reasonable to
infer that our Saviour and his apostles use these terms in the
same comprehensive sense, unless there is a limitation given in
the context. Such a Umitation the apostle Paul makes when
he opposes to the Mosaic law the previous promise to Abra
ham : " The covenant that was confirmed before of God in

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 121
Christ, the law, which was four hundred and thirty years after,
cannot disannul, that it should make the promise of none
effect." Gal. 3 : 17, and compare the foUowing verses. But in
the following chapter Paul manUestly employs the words the laiv
of the whole Pentateuch, to every part of which he, in common
with the Jewish people, ascribed equal and divine authority :
" TeU me, ye that desire to be under law " — under a system of
law, the article being wanting in the original — " do ye not hear
the law? For it is written, that Abraham had two sons; the
one by a bond-maid, the other by a free woman," etc.. Gal.
4 : 21, seq., where the reference is to the narrative recorded in
Genesis, as a part of the law. So also in the foUo-wing pas
sage : " Moses of old time hath in every city them that preach
him, bd^ng read in the synagogues every sabbath-day," Acts
15 : 21 ; the term Moses necessarily means the law of Moses, as
comprehending the whole Pentateuch, for it was that which
was read in the synagogues. Compare the words of Luke :
" After the reading of the law and the prophets," Acts 13 : 15.
And in general, when Christ and his apostles speak of Moses
or the law, without any limitation arising from the context,
thus, " The law was given by Moses;" " They have Moses and
the prophets," etc., we are to understand them as referring to
the Pentateuch as a whole, for such was the common usage of
the Jewish people, and such must have been their apprehen
sion of the meaning of the terms.
3. But it may be said, Christ and his apostles did not speak
as critics, but only in a popular way. That they did not speak
of the Pentateuch as critics, is certain. They had no occasion
for doing so, since no Jew doubted either its divine authority or
its Mosaic authorship. But when we consider, on the one side,
with what unsparing severity our Lord set aside the traditions
of the Pharisees as " the commandments of men," and on the
other, how he and his apostles ascribed equal divine authority
to every part of the Pentateuch, as will be shown in the next
chapter, and how unequivocaUy they sanctioned the universal
beUef that Moses was its author, we must acknowledge that we
Comp. to Blbii:. 6

122 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
have the entire authority of the New Testament for its Mosaic
authorship in every essential respect. This is entirely consist
ent with the beUef that inspfred men, Uke Ezra, and perhaps
also prophetical men of an earUer age, in setting forth revised
copies of the Pentateuch, that is, copies which aimed to give
the tme text with as much accuracy as possible, may have
added here and there explanatory clauses for the benefit of the
readers of their day. Such incidental clauses, added hy men
of God under the guidance of his Sjjfrit, would not affect in the
least the substance of the Pentateuch. It would stUl remain in
every practical sense the work of Moses, and be so regarded in
the New Testament.
Whether there are, or are not, in the Pentateuch, such clauses added
by a later hand, and not affecting either its essential contents or its Mosaic
authorship, is an open question to be determined by impartial criticism.
At the present day editors carefuUy indicate their explanatory notes ; but
this was not the usage of high antiquity. At the close of the book of
Deuteronomy, for example, there is immediately added, •without any ex
planatory remark, a notice of Moses' death. We are at Uberty to assume,
if we have cogent i-easons for so doing, that brief explanatory clauses were
sometimes interwoven into the Mosaic text ; as, for example, the remark
in Gen. 36 : 31, which is repeated in 1 Chron. 1 : 43, a book ascribed to
Ezra ; Exod. 16 : 35, 36, etc,
4. Going back now to the days of the Restoration under
Zerubbabel and his associates, about 536 B. c, we find that the
very first act of the restored captives was to set up " the altar
of the God of Israel, to offer burnt-offerings thereon, as it is
written in the law of Moses the man of God." The narrative
goes on to specify that "they offered burnt-offerings thereon
unto the Lord, even burnt-offerings morning and evening.
They kept also the feast of tabernacles, as it is -written, and
offered the daily burnt-offerings by number, according to the
custom, as the duty of every day requfred; and afterwards
offered the continual burnt-offering, both of the new moons,
and of aU the set feasts of the Lord that were consecrated,
and of every one that wiUingly offered a free--wiU offering unto
the Lord." Ezra 3 : 1-5. About ninety years afterwards, upon

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 123
the completion of the waUs of Jerusalem under Nehemiah,
about 445 b. c, we find Ezra the priest — " a ready scribe in the
law of Moses, which the Lord God of Israel had given," Ezra
7 : 6 — on the occasion of the feast of tabernacles bringing forth
" the book of the law of Moses, which the Lord had command
ed to Israel," and reading in it "from the moming unto mid
day, before the men and the women, and those that could
understand." In this work he was assisted by a body of men,
who "caused the people to understand the law;" andthe read
ing was continued through the seven days of the feast : " day
by day, from the first day unto the last day, he read in the
book of the law of God." Neh. ch. 8. It was not the book of
Deuteronomy alone that they read. We might infer this from
the extent of the reading, which was sufficient for aU the pre
ceptive parts of the Pentateuch. But here we are not left to
mere inference. On the second day " they found -written in
the law which the Lord had commanded by Moses, that the
chUdren of Israel should dweU in booths in the feast of the
seventh month;" and that they should "fetch oUve-branches,
and pine-branches, and myrtle-branches, and palm-branches,
and branches of thick trees, to make booths, as it is -written."
Neh. 8 : 13-17. The precept conceming booths with boughs
of trees occurs in Lev. 23 : 40-43, a passage which they might
naturally enough reach on the second day.
Ezra's assistants gave the sense not by labored expositions, but by
interpreting the Hebrew in the Chaldee vernacular of the people. This
would about double the time devoted to a given section. All that per
tained to the structure of the tabernacle was superseded by the first tem
ple, which served the retumed captives as their model in the erection of
the second. We may weU suppose that this was omitted. There would
then remain only four or flve chapters in the book of Exodus. Thus the
passage in question would naturaUy faU on the second day.
5. Je-wish tradition ascribes to Ezra the work of settling
the canon of the Old Testament, and setting forth a corrected
edition of the same. Though some things included in this tra
dition are fabulous, the part of it now under consideration ia

124 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
corroborated by aU the scriptural statements concerning him.
nor is there any reasonable ground for doubting its correctness.
Be this as it may, it is admitted that from Ezra's day onward
the Pentateuch existed in its present form. We are sure, there
fore, that " the book of the law of Moses," out of which he read
to the people, was the book as we now have it — the -whole Pen
tateuch, -written, according to unUorm Je-wish usage, on a sin
gle roU. Ezra belonged to the priestly order that had in
charge the keeping of the sacred books, Deut. 31 : 25, 26, com
pared -with 2 Kings 22 : 8, and was moreover " a ready scribe
in the law of Moses." His zeal for the reestabUshment of the
Mosaic law in its purity shines forth in his whole history. In
his competency and fideUty we have satisfactory evidence that
the law of Moses -\rhich he set forth was the very law which
had been handed do-wn from ancient times, and of which we
have frequent notices in the books of Kings and Chronicles.
It is generaUy supposed that Ezra himself -wrote the books of Chroni
cles. They were certainly composed about his time. To admit, as aU do,
that in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah the law of Moses means the
Pentateuch as a whole, and to deny that it has the same meaning in the
books of Chronicles, is veiy inconsistent. Certainly the book which Ezra
set forth was the book which he found ready at hand, and therefore the
book referred to m the Chronicles, and the Kings also. Any explanatory
additions which he may have made did not affect its substance. It remains
for the objector to show why it was not, in aU essential respects, the book
which Hilkiah found in the temple, 2 Chron. 34 : 14, and to which Da-rid
referred in his dying charge to Solomon, 1 Kings 2 : 3.
6. Passing by, for the present, the notices of the law of
Moses contained in the book of Joshua, we come to the testi
mony of the book of Deuteronomy. We have seen that the
Mosaic authorship of the book, as a part of the Pentateuch, is
everywhere assumed by the writers of the New Testament.
But, in addition to this, they make quotations from it under
the forms, " Moses -wrote," " Moses truly said unto the fathers,"
etc. Mark 10 : 3-5 ; Acts 3 : 22 ; Eom. 10 : 19. If we examine
the book itself, its o-wn testimony is equally explicit. In chap.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 125
17 : 24 Moses dfrects that when the Israehtes shaU appoint a
king, " he shaU -write him a copy of this law in a book out of
that which is before the priests the Levites." In the opinion
of some, this language refers to the whole law of Moses, whUe
others would restrict it to the book of Deuteronomy; but aU
are agreed that it includes the whole of the latter work, with
the exception of the closing sections. By a comparison of
this passage with chaps. 28 : 58 ; 31 : 9, 24^26, the evidence is
complete that Moses -wrote this law, and deUvered it to the
priests, to be laid up by the side of the ark in the tabernacle.
If this testimony needed any corroboration, we should have it
in the character of the work itseU. It is the solemn fareweU
of the aged lawgiver to the people whose leader he had been
for the space of forty years. In perfect harmony -with this are
the grandeur and dignity of its style, its hortatory character,
and the exquisite tendemess and pathos that pervade every
part of it. It is every way worthy of Moses ; nor can we con
ceive of any other Hebrew who was in a position to -write such
a book. 7. The book of Deuteronomy contains a renewal of the cove
nant which God made -with the chUdren of Israel at Sinai.
Chap. 29 : 10-15. Moses himseU distinguishes between the for
mer and the latter covenant. "These are the words of the
covenant which the Lord commanded Moses to make with the
chUdren of Israel in the land of Moab, besides the covenant
which he made -with them in Horeb." Chap. 29 : 1. With each
covenant was connected a series of laws ; those belonging to
the latter being mainly, but not entfrely, a repetition of laws
given -with the first covenant. We have seen that Moses -wrote
the second covenant, and aU the laws connected with it. From
Exodus, ch. 24, we leam that he -wrote also the book of the first
covenant containing, we may reasonably suppose, aU of God's
legislation up to that time. The inference is irresistible that
he wrote also the laws that foUowed in connection with the
first covenant. It is an undeniable fact that these laws under-
Ue the whole constitution of the IsraeUtish nation, reUgious,

126 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.'
civU, and social. They cannot, then, have been the invention
of a later age ; for no such fraud can be imposed, or was ever
imposed upon a whole people. They are their own -witness
also that they were given by the hand of Moses, for they are
all prefaced by the words, "And the Lord spake unto Moses,
saying." When we consider thefr fundamental character, thefr
extent, and the number and' minuteness of their detaUs, we can
not for a moment suppose that they were left un-nTitten by such
a man as Moses, who had aU the qualifications for -writing them.
Why should not the man who received them from the Lord
have also recorded them — this man educated at the court of
Egypt, and learned in aU the wisdom of the Egyptians, who
had afready -written "the book of the covenant," and afterwards
-wi-ote the journeyings of the Israelites, Numb. ch. 23, and the
book of Deuteronomy ? An express statement from Moses him
seU is not needed. The fact is to be understood from the nature
of the case, and to call it in question is gratuitous skepticism.
8. The form of the Mosaic laws that precede the book of
Deuteronomy is in perfect harmony with the assumption that
Moses himself not only received them, but wrote them. They
bear the impress of having been recorded not continuously, but
fr-om time to time, as they were communicated to him. In this
way the historical notices which are woven into them^the
matter of the golden calf. Exodus, ch. 32, the death of Nadab
and Abihu, Leviticus, ch. 10, the blasphemy of Shelomith's
son, Le-viticus, ch. 24, and the numerous incidents recorded in
the book of Numbers — aU these narratives find a perfectly nat-
m-al explanation. Some of these incidents — as, for example,
the blasphemy of Shelomith's son — come in abruptly, without
any connection in the context; and thefr position can be
accounted for only upon the assumption that they were record
ed as they happened. In this pecuUar feature of the Mosaic
code before Deuteronomy, we have at once a proof that Moses
was the writer, and that the historical notices connected with
it were also recorded by him. The result at which we arrive
is that the whole record fr-om God's appearance to Moses and

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION. 127
his mission to Pharaoh has Moses himseU for its author. The
authorship of the preceding part of the Pentateuch wUlbe con
sidered separately.
9. The above result in reference to that part of the law
which precedes Deuteronomy, is confirmed by the testimony qf
the Xeic Testa-ment. In disputing -with the Sadducees, our Lord
appealed to the -writings of Moses, which they acknowledged :
"Now that the dead are raised, even Moses showed at the
bush, when he caUeth the Lord the God of Abraham, and the
God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob." Luke 20 : 37. It was
by recording the words of God, as given in Exodus 3 : 6, that
Moses caUed the Lord the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.
The apostie Paul, again, referring to Lev. 18 : 5, says : "Moses
describeth" — UteraUy, writeth — "the righteousness which is of
the law. That the man which doeth those things shaU Uve by
them." Eom. 10 : 5. Here also belong certain passages that
speak of precepts in "the law of Moses," as Luke 2:22-24,
where the reference is to various precepts in Exodus, Le-viticus,
and Numbers— -Exod. 13 : 2 ; 22 : 29 ; 34 : 19 ; Lev. 12 : 2, seq. ;
Numb. 8 : 13 ; 8 : 17; 18 : 15— John 7 : 22, 23, where the refer
ence is to Lev. 12 : 2 ; for -with the New Testament -writers " the
law of Moses " means the law written by Moses. In Uke man
ner we find references in the Old Testament to the books of the
law of Moses that precede Deuteronomy — 2 Chron. 23 : 18 com
pared with Numb. 28 : 2, seq.; 2 Chron. 24: 6 compared with Exod.
30:12, seq.; Ezra 3 :2-5 compared with Numb. 28:2, seq., and
29 : 12, seq. ; Neh. 8 : 15 compared with Lev. 23 : 40.
10. The relation of the book of Deuteronomy to the earUer
portions of the law deserves a careful consideration. And,
first, in regard to time. AU that portion of the law which pre
cedes tiie sixteenth chapter of the book of Numbers was given
in the first and second years after the exodus ; consequently
thfrty-eight years before the composition of the book of Deu
teronomy. The four chapters of Numbers that foUow, chaps.
16-19, are generaUy dated about twenty years later — that is,
about eighteen years before the composition of Deuteronomy.

128 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Only the last seventeen chapters of Numbers, which are mostly
occupied with historical notices, were written in the preceding
year. Then, as it respects general design. At Horeb the entfre
constitution of the theocracy was to be estabUshed. This part
of the law is, therefore, more formal and cfrcumstantial. It
gives minute directions for the celebration of the passover ; for
the constmction of the tabernacle and its furniture ; for the
dress, consecration, duties, and perquisites of the priesthood
and Levitical order ; for the entfre system of sacrifices ; for the
distinction between clean and unclean animals ; for aU those
duties that were especiaUy of a priestly character, as judgment
in the case of leprosy, and purification fr-om ceremonial un
cleanness ; for the order of journeying and encamping in the
wUderness, etc. In a word, it gives more prominence to the
forms of the law, and the duties of those to whom its adminis
tration was committed. Not so on the plains of Moab. The
theocracy had then been long in operation. The detaUs of its
service were weU understood, and there was no need of formal
and cfrcumstantial repetition. The work of Moses now was not
to give a new law, but to enforce the law of Horeb, with such
subordinate modifications and additions as were required by
the new cfrcumstances of the people, now about to take pos
session of the promised land and change thefr wandering Ufe
for fixed abodes. He had to do, therefore, more prominently
not with the administrators of law, but with the people ; and
accordingly his precepts assume a hortatory character, and his
style becomes more diffuse and flowing.
The personal relation of Moses to the people was also greatly
changed. At Horeb he had the great work of his Ufe before
him, but now it is behind him. He is about to leave his be
loved Israel, whom he has borne on his heart and guided by
his counsels for forty years. Hence the inimitable tenderness
and pathos that pervade the book of Deuteronomy.
When now we take into account aU these altered cfrcum
stances, we have a full explanation of the peculiarities which

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 129
mark the book of Deuteronomy as compared with the prece
ding books. Were these pecuUarities wanting, we should miss
a main proof of its genuineness. Nevertheless the book is
thoroughly Mosaic in its style, and the scholar who reads it in
the original Hebrew can detect pecuUar forms of expression
belonging only to the Pentateuch. As to aUeged disagree
ments between some of its statements and those of the earUer
books, it is sufficient to remark that upon a candid examina
tion they mostly disappear; and even where we cannot fuUy
explain them, this furnishes no vaUd ground for denying the
genuineness of either portion of the law. Such seeming dis
crepancies are not xmcommon when a -writer of acknowledged
credibUity repeats what he has before written. Compare, for
example, the three narratives of the apostle Paul's conversion
which are recorded in the book of Acts.
The question as to the extent of meaning which shonld be
given in Deuteronomy to the expressions, " a copy of this law,"
" the words of this law," " this book of the law," is one upon
which expositors are not agreed, nor is it essential ; since, as
we have seen, the Mosaic authorship of the former part of the
law rests upon broader grounds.
In Dent 27 : 3, 8, it seems necessary to understand the expression, " all
the words of this law, " which were to be written npon tables of stone set
np on mount Ebal, of the blessings and curses — var. 12, 13 — contained in
this and the foUowing chapter. But elsewhere, chs. 17 : 18 ; 31 : 9, 2t-26,
we must certainly include at least the whole of Deuteronomy. If we .sup
pose that it was Moses' custom to write out the precepts of the law -with
the historical notices pertaining to them in a continuous roU, which was
enlarged from time to time, and that he added to this roU the book of
Deuteronomy, then the words in question mnst be understood of the entire
body of precepts from the beginning. But if, as seems to be intimated in
Deut. 31 :24, he -wrote Deuteronomy in a separate book, ('-in a book,"
¦without the article,) the words naturaUy refer to Deuteronomy alone.
This work, as containing a summary of the law — a second law, as the word
Beideronomy signifies — ^might weU be spoken of as " this law, " -without any
denial of an earUer law ; just as the covenant made with the people at tbis
time is called " this covenant,'' ch. 29 : 14, without any denial of an earUer
covenant. The reverent scholar -wfll be carefnl not to be -wise above what

130 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
is written. It might gratify our curiosity to know exactly in what outward
form Moses left the Law -with the historical notices woven into it ; whether
in one continuous roU, or in several roUs which were afterwards arranged
by some prophet, perhaps with connecting and explanatory clauses ; but
it conld add nothing to our knowledge of the way of salvation. In either
case it would be alike the law of Moses and the law which Moses -wrote,
invested -with fuU di-vine authority.
11. It being estabUshed that Moses wrote the whole law
with the historical notices appertaining to it, we naturally infer
that he must have written the book of Genesis also, which is
introductory to the law. For this work he had every quaUfi
cation, and we know of no other man that had the like quaUfi
cations. On this ground alone the Mosaic authorship of the
book might be reasonably assumed, unless decided proofs to
the contrary could be adduced. But we find, upon examina
tion, that the book of Genesis is so connected with thefoUotmng
books that -without the knowledge of its contents they cannot
be rightly understood. The very first appearance of God to
Moses is introduced by the remark that he " remembered his
covenant with Abraham, with Isaac, and -with Jacob." In
addressing Moses he caUs the children of Israel " my people,"
Exod. 3 : 6-10 ; and sends Moses to Pharaoh with the message,
" Let my people go." AU this impUes a knowledge of the cov
enant which God made -with Abraham and his seed after him,
by virtue of which the Israehtes became his peculiar people.
It is not simply as an oppressed people that God undertakes to
deUver them and give them possession of the land of Canaan,
but as his people. Again and again does Moses describe the
promised land as " the land which the Lord sware unto your
fathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, to give unto them and to
thefr seed after them." With the book of Genesis these dec
larations are plain; but without it they are uninteUigible. The
Abrahamic covenant, which is recorded m the book of Genesis,'
is not a subordmate, but an essential part of the history of the
Israehtes. It underUes the whole plan of redemption, and
upon it the Mosaic economy, as a part of that plan, is erected.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 131
Why should any one suppose that Moses, who recorded the
establishment of this economy -with aU its details, omitted to
record the great transactions with the pafriarchs which Ue at
its foundation? There are other references to the book of
Genesis in the law of Moses. The institution of the Sabbath
Is expressly based on the order of creation recorded in the first
two chapters; and when the people leave Egypt they carry
with them the bones of Joseph, in accordance with the oath
which he had exacted of them. Gen. 50 : 25, compared with
Exod. 13 : 19.
To the Mosaic authorship of Genesis it has been objected,
that it contains marks of a later age. But these marks, so far as
they have any real existence, belong not to the substance of
the book. They are restricted to a few explanatory notices,
which may weU have been added by Ezra or some prophetical
man before him, in setting forth a revised copy of the law.
See No. 3, above. The passages which can, with any show
of probabUity, be referred to a later age, are, taken aU together,
very inconsiderable, and they refer only to incidental matters,
whUe the book, as a whole, bears aU the marks of high anti
quity. To the Mosaic authorship of this book it has been objected
again, that it contains the writings of different authors. This is
especiaUy argued from the diversity of usage in respect to the
di-vine name, some passages employing the word Elohim, God,
others the word Jehovah, or a combination of the. two terms.
Whatever force there may be in this argument, the vaUdity of
whieh is denied by many who think that the inspfred writer
designedly varied his usage between the general term God and
the special covenant name Jehovah, it goes only to show that
Moses may have made use of previously existing documents ; a
supposition which we need not hesitate to admit, provided we
have cogent reasons for so doing. Whatever may have been
the origin of these documents, they received through Moses the
seal of God's authority, and thus became a part of his inspfred
word.

132 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Several writers have attempted to distinguish throughout the book of
Genesis the parts which they would assign to different authors ; but beyond
the first chapters they are not able to agree among themselves. All
attempts to carry the distinction of different authors into the later books
rest on fanciful grounds.
12. That the Pentateuch, as a whole, proceeded from a
single author, is shown by the unity of plan that pervades the
whole work. The book of Genesis constitutes, as has been
shown, a general introduction to the account which follows of
the estabUshment of the theocracy ; and it is indispensable to
the true understanding of it. In the first part of the book of
Exodus we have a special introduction to the giving of the law ;
for it records the deliverance of the Israelites from bondage in
Egypt, and their journey to Sinai. The Mosaic institutions
presuppose a sanctuary as their visible material centre. The
last part of Exodus, after the promulgation of the ten com
mandments and the precepts connected with them, is accord
ingly occupied with the construction of the tabernacle and its
furniture, and the dress and consecration of the priests who
ministered there. In Leviticus, the central book of the Pen
tateuch, we have the central institution of the Mosaic economy,
namely, the system of sacrifices belonging to the priesthood,
and also, in general, the body of ordinances intrusted to their
administration. The theocracy ha-ving been founded at Sinai,
it was necessary that arrangements should be made for the
orderly march of the people to the land of Canaan. With these
the book of Numbers opens, and then proceeds to narrate the
various incidents that befell the people in the -wilderness, with
a record of their encampments, and also the addition from time
to time of new ordinances. The book of Deuteronomy contains
the grand fareweU address of Moses to the Israelites, into which
is woven a summary of the precepts already given which con
cerned particularly the people at large, with various modifica
tions and additions suited to their new circumstances and the
new duties about to be devolved upon them. We see then
that the Pentateuch constitutes a consistent whole. Unitv oi

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 133
design, harmony of parts, continual progress from beginning
to end — these are its grand characteristics ; and they prove that
it is not a heterogeneous coUection of -writings put together
without order, but the work of a single master-spfrit, -writing
under God's immediate dfrection, according to the uniform
testimony of the New Testament.

134 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE X.
Authenticity and Credibility of the Penta
teuch.
1. The historic truth of the Pentateuch is everywhere
assumed by the writers of the New Testament in the most
absolute and unqualified manner. They do not simply aUude
to it and make quotations from it, as one might do in the case
of Homer's poems, but they build upon the facts which it
records arguments of the weightiest character, and pertaining
to the essential doctrines and duties of religion. This is aUke
true of the Mosaic laws and of the narratives that precede them
or are interwoven with them. In truth, the writers of the New
Testament know no distinction, as it respects divine authority,
between one part of the Pentateuch and another. They receive
the whole as an authentic and inspired record of God's deal
ings with men. A few examples, taken mostly from the book
of Genesis, wiU set this in a clear light.
In reasoning with the Pharisees on the question of divorce,
our Lord appeals to the primitive record : " Have ye not read
that he which made them at the beginning made them male
and female, and said, For this cause shall a man leave father
and mother, and shaU cleave to his -wife : and they twain shaU
be one flesh ? wherefore they are no more twain, but one flesh.
What therefore God hath joined together, let not man put
asunder." And when, upon this, the Pharisees ask, "Why did
Moses then command to give a writing of divorcement, and to
put her away?" Deut. 24:1, he answers in such a way as to
recognize both the authority of the Mosaic legislation and the
vaUdity of the ante-Mosaic record: "Moses, because of the
hardness of your hearts, suffered you to put away your -wives :
but from the beginning it was not so." He then proceeds to

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 135
enforce the marriage covenant as it was " from the beginning."
Matt. 19 : 3-9, compared ¦with Gen. 2 : 23, 24. In Uke maimer
the apostle Paul estabUshes the headship of the man over the
woman : " He is the image and glory of God : but the woman
is the glory of the man. For the man is not of the woman, but
fhe woman of the man. Neither was the man created for the
woman, but the woman for the man." 1 Cor. 11 : 7-9, com
pared ¦with Gen. 2 : 18-22. And again : " I suffer not a woman
to teach, nor to usurp authority over the man, but to be in
sUence. For Adam was first formed, then Eve. And Adam
was not deceived, but the woman being deceived was in the
transgression." 1 Tim. 2 : 12-14, compared with Gen. 2 : 18-22 ;
3 : 1-6, 13. So also he argues from the primitive record that,
as by one man sin and death came upon the whole human race,
so by Christ Jesus life and immortaUty are procured for aU.
Eom. 5:12-21; 1 Cor. 15:21, 22, compared with Gen. 2:17;
3 : 19, 22. The story of Cain and Abel, Gen. 4 : 3-12, is repeat
edly referred to by the Saviour and his apostles as a historic
tinith : Matt. 23 : 35 ; Luke 11 : 51 ; Heb. 11 : 4 ; 12 : 24 ; 1 John
3 : 12 ; Jude 11. So also the naiTative of the deluge : Gen.
chs. 6-8, compared with Matt. 14:37-39; Luke 17:26, 27;
Heb. 11 : 7 ; 1 Peter 3 : 20 ; 2 Peter 2:5; and of the overthrow
of Sodom and Gomorrah, Gen. ch. 19, compared ¦with Luke
17 : 28, 29 ; 2 Peter 2:6; Jude 7. It is useless to adduce fur
ther quotations. No man can read the New Testament without
the profound con-viction that the authenticity and credibiUty of
the Pentateuch are attested in every conceivable way by the
Saviour and his apostles. To reject the authority of the for
mer is to deny that of the latter also.
2. For the authenticity and credibUity of the Pentateuch
we have an independent argument in the fact that it lay at the
foundation of the whole Jewish poUty, civU, reUgious, and
social. From the time of Moses and onward, the IsraeUtish
nation tmanimously acknowledged its divine authority, even
when, through the force of sinful passion, they disobeyed its
commands. The whole Ufe of the people was moulded and

136 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
shaped by its institutions ; so that they became, in a good
sense, a peculiar people, with " laws diverse from aU people."
They alone, of all the nations of the earth, held the doctrine of
God's imity and personality, in opposition to aU forms of poly
theism and pantheism ; and thus they alone were prepared to
receive and propagate the pecuUar doctrines of Christianity.
Chap. 8, No. 2. If now we admit the truth of the Mosaic record,
aU this becomes perfectly plain and inteUigible ; but if we deny
it, we involve om-selves at once in the grossest absm-dities.
How could the Jewish people have been induced to accept with
undoubting faith such a body of laws as that contained in the
Pentateuch — so burdensome in their multiplicity, so opposed
to aU the beUefs and practices of the surrounding nations, and
imposing such severe restraints upon thefr corrupt passions —
except upon the clearest evidence of thefr divine authority?
Such evidence they had in the stupendous miracles connected
with their deUverance from Egypt and the giving of the la^n' on
Sinai. The fact that Moses constantly appeals to these mira
cles, as weU known to the whole body of the people, is irre
fragable proof of thefr- reality. None but a madman would
thus appeal to mfracles which had no existence; and if he did,
his appeal would be met only by derision. Mohammed needed
not the help of miracles, for his appeal was to the sword and
to the corrupt passions of the human heart ; and he never
attempted to rest his pretended divine mission on the e^vidence
of miracles. He knew that to do so would be to overthrow at
once his authority as the prophet of God. But the Mosaic
economy needed and received the seal of miracles, to which
Moses continuaUy appeals as to undeniable reaUties. But U
the mfracles recorded in the Pentateuch are real, then it con
tains a revelation from God, and is entitled to our unwavering
faith. Then too we can explain how, in the pro-vidence of God,
the Mosaic institutions prepared the way for the advent of
" Him of whom Moses in the law and the prophets did write."
Thus we connect the old dispensation -with the new, and see
both together as one whole.

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION. I37
Other arguments might be adduced; bnt upon these two
great pUlars — the authority, on the one side, of the New Testa
ment, and, on the other, the fact that the Pentateuch contains
the entfre body of laws by which the Jewish nation was moulded
and formed, and that its character and history can be explained
only upon the assumption of its tmth — on these two great pU
lars the authenticity and credibiUty of the Pentateuch rest, as
upon an immovable basis.
3. The difficulties connected -with the Pentateuch, so far as
its contents are concerned, rest mainly on two grounds, scien
tific and historical, or moral. The nature of the scientific diffi
culties forbids thefr discussion within the restricted limits of
the present work. It may be said, however, generaUy, that so
far as they are real, they relate not so much to the tmth of the
Mosaic record, as to the manner in which certain parts of it
should be understood.
How long, for example, that state of things continued which is descri
bed in G«n. 1 : 2, or what particular results were produced by the opera
tion of the divine Spirit there recorded, we do not know. "What extent
of meaning should be assigned to the six days of creation — ^whether they
should be understood UteraUy or in a symboUcal way, like the prophetical
days of Daniel and Revelation — Dan. 7 : 25 ; 9 : 24-27 ; Rev. 9 : 1,5 ; 11 : 3,
etc. — is a question on which devont beUevers have differed ever since the
days of Augustine. See Prof. Tayler Iie-sris' Sis Days of Creation, ch- 14.
But aU who receive the Bible as containing a revelation from God agree
in holding the tmth of the narrative. So also in regard to the Deluge
and other events involving scientific questions which are recorded in the
book of Grenesis. Some of these questions may perhaps be satisfactorily
solved by further inquiry. Others -wfll probably remain shrouded in mys
tery tfll the consummation of aU things. To the class of historical diffi-
enlties belong several chronological questions, as, for example, that of the
duration of the IsraeUtish residence in Egypt It is sufficient to say that
however these shaU be settled — if settied at aU — ^they cannot -with any rea
sonable man affect the divine authority of the Pentateuch which is certi
fied to ns by so many sure proofs.
4. The difficulties which are urged against the Pentateuch
on moral grounds rest partly on misapprehension, and are
partly of such a character that, when rightly considered, they

138 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
turn against the objectors themselves. This wiU be iUustrated
by a few examples.
A common objection to the Mosaic economy is drawn from
its exclusiveness. It contains, it is aUeged, a reUgion not for
all mankind, but for a single nation. The answer is at hand.
That this economy may be rightly understood, it must be con
sidered not separately and independently, but as one part of a
great plan. It was, as we have seen, subordinate to the cove
nant made with Abraham, which had respect to " all the famiUes
of the earth.-' Chap. 8, No. 4. It came in temporarily to pre
pare the way for the advent of Christ, through whom the Abra
hamic covenant ¦n'as to be carried into effect. It was a partial,
preparatory to a universal dispensation, and looked, therefore,
ultimately to the salvation of the entire race. So far then as
the benevolent design of God is concerned, the objection drawn
from the exclusiveness of the Mosaic economy falls to the
ground. It remains for the objector to show how a universal
dispensation, like Christianity, could have been wisely intro
duced, ¦without a previous work of preparation, or how any
better plan of preparation could have been adopted than that
contained in the Mosaic economy.
If the laws of Moses interposed, as they certainly did, many
obstacles to the intercourse of the Israehtes with other ij^tions,
the design was not to encourage in them a spirit of national
pride and contempt of other nations, but to preserve them from
the contagious infiuence of the heathen practices by which they
were surrounded. On this ground the Mosaic laws everywhere
rest the restrictions which they impose upon the Israehtes :
" Thy daughter thou shalt not give unto his son, nor his daugh
ter shalt thou take to thy son. For they -will turn away thy
son from foUowing me, that they may serve other gods." Deut.
7 : 3, 4. How necessary were these restrictions was made man
ifest by the whole subsequent history of the people. So far
was the Mosaic law from countenancing hatred towards the
persons of foreigners, that it expressly enjoined kindness : " If
a stranger sojourn -with thee in your land, ye shall not vex him.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 139
But the stranger that dweUeth -with you shaU be unto you as
one bom among you, and thou shalt love him as thyseU: for
ye were sfa-angers in the land of Egypt." Lev. 19 : 34.
5. Another ground of objection to the Mosaic law has been
the number and minuteness of its ordinances. That this fea
ture of the theocracy was, absolutely considered, an imperfec
tion, is boldly asserted in the New Testament. The apostle
Peter caUs it " a yoke which neither we nor our fathers were
able to bear." Acts 15 : 10. Nevertheless the -wisdom of God
judged it necessary in the infancy of the nation, that it might
thus be trained, and through it the world, for the future inher
itance of the gospel. It is in this very aspect that the apostle
Paul says : " The law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto
Christ, that we might be justified by faith. But after that
faith is come, we are no longer under a schoolmaster." Gal.
3 : 24, 25. The di-vine plan was to prescribe minutely aU the
institutions of the Mosaic economy, leaving nothing to human
discretion, apparently to prevent the intermixture with them
of heathenish rites and usages ; perhaps also that in this body
of outward forms the faith of the Israehtes might have a need
ful resting-place, untU the way should be prepared for the
infroduction of a simpler and more spiritual system.
We must be careful, however, that we do not faU into the
error of supposing that the Mosaic law prescribed a reUgion
of mere outward forms. On the confrary, it was pervaded
throughout by an evangeUcal pi-inciple. It knew nothing of
hearUess forms in which the reUgion of the heart is wanting.
The observance of aU its numerous ordinances it enjoined on
the spiritual ground of love, gratitude, and humility. If any
one would understand in what a variety of forms these inward
graces of the soul, which constitute the essence of reUgion, are
inculcated in the Pentateuch, he has but to read the book of
Deuteronomy; there he -wiU see how the law of Moses aimed
to make men reUgious not in the letter, but in the spirit; how,
in a word, it rested the observance of the letter oh the good
foundation of inward devotion to God. The summary which

140 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
om- Saviour gave of the Mosaic law, and in it of all religion,
he expressed in the very words of the law : " Thou shalt love
the Lord thy God with aU thy heart, and with all thy soul, and
with aU thy mind, and -with all thy strength," Deut. 6:4, 5;
" this is the first and great commandment. And the second is
like, namely this. Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyseU."
Lev. 19 : 18. Nor is this love towards our neighbor restricted
to a narrow cfrcle; for it is said of the stranger also sojourn
ing in Israel, " Thou shalt love him as thyself." Lev. 19 : 34.
6. Of one usage which the Mosaic law tolerated, our Sav
iour himself gives the true explanation when he says : " Moses,
because of the hardness of your hearts, suffered you to put
away your -wives ; but from the beginning it was not so." Matt.
19 : 8. This general principle appUes also to polygamy and the
modified form of ser-vitude which prevailed among the Hebrew
people. That the Mosaic economy suffered, for the time being,
certain usages not good in themselves, is no valid objection to
it, but rather a proof of the divine wisdom of its author.
Though it was his purpose to root out of human society every
organic evil, he would not attempt it by premature legislation,
any more than he would send his Son into the world until the
way was prepared for his advent.
7. The extirpation of the Canaanitish nations by the sword
of the Israelites was contemplated by the Mosaic economy.
The names of these nations were carefuUy specified, and they
were peremptorUy forbidden to molest other nations; as, for
example, the Edomites, Moabites, and Ammonites. Deut. 2 : 4,
5, 8, 9, 18, 19. The whole transaction is to be regarded as a
sovereign act of Jehovah, which had in view the manifestation
of his infinite perfections for the advancement of the cause of
truth and righteousness in this fallen world. Though we may
not presume to fathom aU the di-vine counsels, we can yet see
how God, by the manner in which he gave Israel possession of
the promised land, displayed his awful hoUness, his almighty
power, and his absolute supremacy over the nations of the
earth, not only to the covenant people, but also to the sur-

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 141
rounding heathen world. Had the Canaanites perished by
famine, pestUence, earthquake, or fire from heaven, it might
have remained doubtful to the heathen by whose anger their
destruction had been effected, that of the Canaanitish gods, or
of the God of Israel. But now that God went forth with his
people, di-viding the Jordan before them, overthrowing the
waUs of Jericho, arresting the sun and the moon in thefr
course, and raining down upon their enemies gi-eat haUstones
from heaven, it was manifest to aU that the God of Israel was
the supreme Lord of heaven and earth, and that the gods of
the gentile nations were vanity. This was one of the great
lessons which the Theocracy was destined to teach the human
famUy. At the same time the Israehtes, who executed God's
vengeance on the Canaanites, were carefuUy instructed that it
was for thefr sins that the land spewed out its inhabitants, and
that if they imitated them in their abominations, they should
in like manner perish.
8. The Mosaic economy was but the scaffolding of the gos
pel. God took it down ages ago by the hand of the Eomans.
It perished amid fire and sword and blood, but not tiU it had
accompUshed the great work for which it was estabUshed. It
bequeathed to Christianity, and through Christianity to " all
the famiUes of the earth," a glorious body of tmth, which
makes an inseparable part of the plan of redemption, and has
thus blessed the world ever since, and shaU continue to bless
it to the end of time.

142 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
CHAPTEE XI.
Remaining ^ooks of the Old Testament.
1. The divine authority of the Pentateuch having been
estabUshed, it is not necessary to dwell at length on the his
torical books which foUow. The events which they record are
a natural and necessary sequel to the estabUshment of the the
ocracy, as given in the five books of Moses. The Pentateuch
is occupied mainly with the founding of the theocracy; the fol
lowing historical books describe the settlement of the IsraeU
tish nation under this theocracy in the promised land, and its
practical operation there for the space of a thousand years.
There is no history in the world so fuU of God's presence and
providence. It sets forth with divine clearness and power, on
the one side, God's faithfulness in the fulfilment of the prom
ises and threatenings contained in the Mosaic law ; and on the
other, the perverseness and rebelUon of the people, and their
perpetual relapses into idolatry, -with the mighty conflict thus
inaugurated between the pure monotheism of the theocracy,
and the polytheism and image-worship of the surrounding
heathen nations — a conflict which lasted through many ages,
which enUsted on both sides the great and mighty men of the
world, and which resulted in the complete triumph of the Mo
saic law, at least so far as its outward form was concerned,
thus preparing the way for the advent of that great Prqphet in
whom the theocracy had its end and its fulfilment.
2. How fuUy the di-vine authority of these books is recog
nized by Christ and his apostles, every reader of the New Tes
tament understands. It is not necessary to estabUsh this point
by the quotation of particiUar passages. Though the writers
of the historical books which foUow the Pentateuch are for the
most part unknown, the books themselves are put in the New

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 143
Testament on the same basis as the Pentateuch. To those
who deny Christ, the Mosaic economy, -with the history that
foUows, is a mystery; for when they read it "the veU is upon
thefr heart." But to those who receive Christ as the Son of
God, and the New Testament as containing a tme record of
his heavenly mission, Moses and the historical books that fol
low are luminous with di-vine -wisdom and glory, for they con
tain the record of the way in which God prepared the world
for the manifestation of his Son Jesus Christ.
3. The Old Testament contains a body of writings which
are not historical ; neither are they prophetical, in the restricted
sense of the term, although some of them contain prophecy.
The enumeration of these books, prominent among which are
Job, Psahns, and Proverbs, -with an account of thefr contents
and the place which each of them holds in the plan of revela
tion, belongs to the Inti-oduction to the Old Testament. It is
sufficient to say here, that they are precious offehoots of the
Mosaic economy, that they contain rich and varied freasures
of divine truth for the instruction and encouragement of God's
people in all ages, and that they are, as a whole, recognized in
the New Testament as part of God's revelation to men. The
book of Psalms, in particular, is perpetuaUy quoted by the
writers of the New Testament as containing prophecies which
had thefr fulfilment in Jesus of Nazareth.
4. The prophetical books — according to our classification,
the Jews having a different arrangement — are Isaiah, Jere
miah, EzeMel, Daniel, and the twelve minor prophets. The vast
body of prophecies contained in these books — ^the prophetical
portions of the other books being also included — ^may be con
templated in different points of view.
Many of these prophecies, considered independently of the
New Testament, afford conclusive proof that the Old Testa
ment is the word of God, for they bear on thefr front the sig
net of thefr divine origin. They contain predictions of the
distant future which Ue altogether beyond the range of human
sagacity and foresight. Such is the wonderful prophecy of

144 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Moses respectfrig the history of the Israelitish people through
aU coming ages, Lev. ch. 26 ; Deut. ch. 28, a prophecy which
defies the assaults of skepticism, and which, taken in connec
tion with our Lord's solemn declaration, " They shall faU by
the edge of the sword, and shaU be led away captive into all
nations : and Jerusalem shall be .trodden down of the Gentiles,
until the times of the GentUes be fulfiUed," Luke 21 : 24, marks
both the Old Testament and the New as given by the same
omniscient God, who declares tho end from the beginning.
Such also are the predictions of the utter and perpetual deso
lation of Babylon, uttered ages beforehand, and which presup
pose a di-vine foresight of the course of human affairs to the
end of time : " Babylon, the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of
the ^Chaldees' exceUency, shaU be as when God overthrew
Sodom and Gomorrah. It shaU never be inhabited, neither
shaU it be dwelt in fi-om generation to generation." " I wUl
also make it a possession for the bittern and pools of water :
and I -wiU sweep it with the besom of destruction, saith the
Lord of hosts." Isa. 13 : 19, 20 ; 14 : 23. See also the proph
ecy of the overthrow of Nineveh, Nahum, chs. 2, 3, and of Tyre :
" I vnB. also scrape her dust from her, and make her like the
top of a rock. It shaU be a place for the spreading of nets in
the midst of the sea." " I wUl make thee Uke the top of a rock:
thou shalt be a place to spread nets upon ; thou shalt be built
no more." Ezek. 26 : 4, 5, 14. On all the above prophecies,
and many more that might be quoted, the descriptions of mod
ern travellers furnish a perfect comment.
5. But it is preeminently in Christ that the prophecies of
the Old Testament have thefr fuliUment. As the rays of the
sun in a burning-glass aU converge to one bright focus, so aU
the different Unes of prophecy in the Old Testament cenfre in
the person of Jesus of Nazareth. Separated from him they
have neither unity nor harmony; but are, like the primitive
chaos, " -without form and void." But in him predictions, appa
rently contradictory to each other, meet -with divine unity and
harmony.

EVIDENCES OF EEVEALED RELIGION, 145
He is a great Prophet, like Moses ; the Mediator, therefore,
of the new economy, as Moses was of the old, and revealing to
the people the whole wiU of God. As a Prophet, the Spfrit of
the Lord rests upon him, " the spirit of -wisdom and under
standing, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowl
edge and the fear of the Lord." Isa. 11 : 2. As a Prophet, he
receives from God the tongue of the leamed, that he should
know how to speak a word in season to him that is weai-y. Isa.
50 : 4. As a Prophet, " the kings shaU shut thefr mouths at
Tiim : for that whieh had not been told them shaU they see ; and
that which they had not heard shaU they consider." Isaiah
52 : 15.
He is also a mighty King, to whom God has given the hea
then for his inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth
for his possession. He breaks the nations -with a rod of fron ;
he dashes them in pieces as a potter's vessel, Psa. 2:8, 9; and
yet " he shaU not cry, nor hft up, nor cause his voice to be
heard in the street. A bruised reed shall he not break, and
the smoking flax shaU he not quench: he shaU bring forth
judgment unto truth." Isa. 42:2, 3. "AU kings shaU faU
do-wn before him : aU nations shaU serve him," Psa. 72 : 11 ;
and yet "he is despised and rejected of men; a man of sorrows,
and acquainted -with grief:" "he is brought as a lamb to the
slaughter, and as a sheep before her shearers is dumb, so he
opened not his mouth." Isa. 53:3, 7. Many other like con-
frasts could be added.
With the kingly he unites the priestly office. Sitting as a
Mng "upon the throne of Da-vid, and upon his kingdom, to
order it, and to establish it with judgment and with justice from
henceforth even for ever,' Isa. 9 : 7, he is yet '' a priest for ever
after the order of Melchizedek."^- Nor is his priestly office any
thing of subordinate importance, for he is inducted into it bv
the solemn oath of -Jehovah : " The Lord hath sworn, and wiU
not repent, Thou art a priest for ever after the order of Mel
chizedek." Psa. 110 : 4. As a priest he offers up himself " an
offering for sin:" "he was wounded for our transgressions, he
OeniLloIDIilB. I

146 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
was braised for our iniquities ; the chastisement of our peace
was upon him ; and with his stripes we are healed. AU we Uke
sheep have gone astray ; we have turned every one to his own
way ; and the Lord hath laid on him the iniquity of us aU."
Isa., ch. 53. When we find a key that opens aU the intricate
wards of a lock, we know that the key and the lock have one
and the same author, and are parts of one -nhole. The history
of Jesus of Nazareth is the key which unlocks all the wards of
Old Testament jjrophecy. With this key Moses and the proph
ets open to the plainest reader ; without it, they remain closed
and hidden fi-om human apprehension. We know, therefore,
that he who sent his Son Jesus Christ to be the Sa-viour of the
world, sent also his prophets to testify beforehand of his com
ing, and of the offices which he bears for our redemption.
6. To sum up aU in a -word, we take the deepest, and there
fore the most scriptural view of the Jewish institutions and his
tory, when we consider the whole as a perpetual adumbration
of Christ — not Christ in his simple personality, but Christ in
his body the church. It is not meant by this that the Mosaic
economy was nothing but type. Apart from all reference to
the salvation of the gospel, it was to the IsraeUtish people
before the Sa-viour's advent a present reaUty meeting a present
want. The deUverance of the people fr-om the bondage of
Egypt, tlreir passage through the Eed sea, the cloud which
guided them, the manna which fed them, the water out of the
rock which they drank — all these things were to them a true
manUestation of God's presence and favor, aside from their
typical import, the apprehension of which indeed was reserved
for future ages. So also the Mosaic institutions were to them
a true body of laws for the regulation of thefr- commonwealth,
and in their judges, kings, and prophets they had true rulers
and teachers.
But while aU this is important to be remembered, it is also
true that the Mosaic economy was thickly so-wn by God's own
hand with the seeds of higher principles — those very princi
ples which Christ and his apostles unfolded out of the lata and

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED EELIGION, 147
the prophets. Thus it constituted a divine training by which
the people were prepared for that spfritual kingdom of heaven
which "in the fulness of time" the Sa-viour estabUshed. "AU
the prophets and the law prophesied untU John" — not the
prophets and the law in certain separate passages alone, but
the prophets and the law as a whole. They prophesied of
Christ, and in Christ thefr prophecy has its fulfilment.
7. The consideration of the extent of the canon of the Old
Testament does not properly belong here. It is sufficient to
say that we have no vaUd reason for doubting the tmth of the
Jewish ti-adition, which assigns to Ezra and " the great syna
gogue" the work of setting forth the Hebrew canon as we now
have it. That this tradition is embeUished -with fictions must
be conceded; but we ought not, on such a ground, to deny its
substantial truth, confirmed as it is by aU the scriptural notices
of Ezra's qualifications and labors. It is certain tha.t the canon
of the Jews in Palestine was the same in om- Lord's day that
it is now. The Greek version of the Septuagint contains indeed
certain apocryphal books not extant in the Hebrew. These
seem to have been in use, more or less, among the Alexandrine
Jews ; but there is no evidence that any canonical authority
was ascribed to them, and it is certain that the Jews of Pales
tine adhered strictly to the Hebrew canon, which is identical
¦with our o-wn.
8. The principle upon which the canon of the Old Testament
was formed is not doubtful. No books were admitted into it
but those written by prophets or prophetical men. As under
the New Testament the reception or rejection of a book as
canonical was determined by the writer's relation to Christ, so
was it under the Old by his relation to the theocracy. The
highest relation was held by Moses, its mediator. He accord
ingly had the prophetical spirit in the fuUest measme : " If
there be a prophet among you, I the Lord wiU make myself
known unto hinri in a vision, and -wiU speak unto him in a dream.
My servant Moses is not so, who is faithful in aU mine house.
With him wiU I speak mouth to mouth, even apparently, and

148 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
not in dark speeches ; and the similitude of the Lord shaU he
behold." Numb. 12 : 6-8. The next place was held by proph
ets expressly caUed and commissioned by God, some of whom
also, as Samuel, administered the affairs of the theocracy.
FinaUy, there were the pious rulers whom God placed at the
head of the covenant people, and endowed -with the spirit of
prophecy, such as David, Solomon, and Ezra. To no class of
men besides those just mentioned do the Jewish rabbins ascribe
the authorship of any book of the Old Testament, and in this
respect their judgment is undoubtedly right.
9. The inspiration of the books of the Old Testament is
everywhere assumed by our Lord and his apostles ; for they
argue from them as possessing divine authority. "What is
-written in the law?" " What saith the scripture?" "AU things
must be fulfiUed which were written in the law of Moses, and in
the prophets, and in the psalms concerning me ;" " This scrip
ture must needs have been fulfilled, which the Holy Ghost spake
before concerning Judas;" "The scripture cannot be broken " —
aU these and other similar forms of expression contain the fuU
testimony of our Lord and his apostles to the truth elsewhere
expressly affirmed of the Old Testament, that " aU scripture is
given by inspiration of God," 2 Tim. 3:16, and that "the
prophecy came not in the old time by the wUl of man : but
holy men of God spake as they were moved by the Holy
Ghost." 2 Peter 1 : 21. When the Saviour asks the Pharisees
in reference to Psalm 110, "How then doth Da-vid in spirit caU
him Lord?" he manifestly does not mean that this particular
psalm alone was -written "in spfrit," that is, under the inspira
tion of the Holy Spirit ; but he ascribes to it the character
which belongs to the entfre book, in common -with the rest of
Scripture, in accordance -with the express testimony of David :
" The Spfrit of the Lord spake by me, and his word was in my
tongue." 2 Sam. 23 : 2.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 149

CHAPTEE XII.
Evidences Internal and Experimental.
1. The external e-vidences of revealed reUgion are, in thefr
proper place and sphere, of the highest importance. Christi
anity rests not upon theory, but upon historical facts sustained
by an overwhelming mass of testimony. It is desfrable that
eyery Christian, so far as he has opportunity, should make
himseU acquainted with this testimony for the strengthening of
his o-wn faith and the refutation of gainsayers. Nevertheless,
many thousands of Christians are fuUy estabUshed in the faith
of the gospel who have but a vei-y Umited knowledge of the
historical proofs by which its di-rine origin is supported. To
them the Bible commends itseU as the word of God by its
internal character, and the gospel as God's plan of salvation by
thefr inward experience of its di-vine power, and thefr outward
observation of its power over the liearts and Uves of aU who
fruly receive it. This is in accordance -with the general anal
ogy of God's works. We might be assured beforehand that a
system of reUgion ha-ring God. for its author, would shine by
its own light, and thus commend itseU at once to the human
imderstanding and conscience, irrespective of aU ont-syard testi
mony to its truth. Although the internal eridences of Chris
tianity have afready been considered to some extent in connec
tion with those that are outward and historical, it is desfrable
in the present closing chapter to offer some suggestions per
taining to the internal character of the Bible as a whole, and
also to the testimony of Christian experience, individual and
general. 2. To every nnperverted mind the Bible commends itself at
once as the word of God by the wonderful view which it gives

150 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of his character and providence. It exhibits one personal God
who made and governs the world, ¦without the least trace of
polytheism on the one hand, or pantheism on the other — the
two rocks of error upon which every other system of reUgion
in the world has made shipwreck. And this great Spfrit, "infi
nite, eternal, and unchangeable in his being, wisdom, power,
holiness, justice, goodness, and truth," is not removed to a dis
tance from us, but is ever nigh to each one of his creatures.
He is our Father in heaven, who cares for us and can hear and
answer om- prayers. His pro-vidence extends to aU things,
great and smaU. He dfr-ects aUke the sparro-^-'s flight, and the
rise and faU of empires. To the perfect -riew of God's charac
ter and government which the pages of the Bible unfold, no
man can add anything, and whoever takes any thing away only
mars and mutUates it. How now shall we explain the great
fact that the Hebrew people, some thousands of years ago, had
this true knowledge of God and his providence, whUe it was
hidden from aU other nations ? The Bible gives the only rea
sonable answer : God himseU revealed it to them.
The superficial -riew which accounts for the pure monotheism of the
Hebrews from their pecuUar national character, is sufficiently refuted by
their history. Not-withstanding the severe penalties with which the Mosaic
code of laws -visited idolatrous practices in every form, the people were
perpetuaUy relapsing into the idolatry of the surrounding nations, and
could be cui-ed of this propensity only by the oft-repeated judgments of
then- covenant God.
3. Next we have the wonderful code of morals contained in
the Bible. Of its perfection, we in Christian lands have but a
dim apprehension, because it is the only system of morals with
which we are famiUar ; but the moment we compare it -with any
code outside of Christendom, its supreme exceUence at once
appears. It is a spiritual code, made for the heart. It proposes to
regulate the inward affections of the soul, and through them
the outward life. Thus it lays the axe at the root of aU sin.
It is a reasonable code, giving to God the first place in the

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 1.51
human heart, and to man only a subordinate place. Its first
and great commandment is, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy
God -with aU thy heart;" its second, "Thou shalt love thy
neighbor as thyseU." Thus it lays broad and deep the foimda-
tions of a righteous character. If any moral proposition is self-
erident, it is that such a code as this, which exalts God to the
throne of the human soul and humbles man beneath his feet, is
not the offepring of human seU-love. If any one would know
the difference between the Bible and a human code of morals,
let him read Cicero's treatise on Duties, perhaps the best system
of ethics which pure heathenism ever produced, but from which
man's relation to deity is -vfr-tuaUy left out.
It is a comprehensive code, not insisting upon one or two
favorite -vfrtues, but upon aU virtues. Just as the Ught of the
sun is white and gUstering because it contains in itseU, in due
proportion, aU the different sorts of rays, so the moraUty of the
Bible shines forth, Uke the sun^ with a pure and dazzling bright
ness, because it unites in itself, in jnst proportion, aU the du
ties which men owe to God and each other.
Many who outwardly profess Christianity do not make the
precepts of the Bible thefr rule of life, or they do so only in a
very imperfect way, and thus scandal is brought upon the name
of Christ, whose servants they profe&s to be. But it is seU-evi-
dent that he who obeys the Bible in sincerity and truth is thus
made a thoroughly good man ; good in his inward principles
and feelings, and good in his outward life ; good in his rela
tions to God and man; good in prosperity and adversity, in
honor and dishonor, in Ufe and death; a good husband and
father, a good neighbor, a good citizen. If there is ever to be
a perfect state of society on earth, it must come from simple
obedience to the precepts of the Bible, obedience fuU and uni-
TersaL No man can conceive of any thing more glorious and
exceUent than this. We may boldly chaUenge the unbeUever
to name a corrupt passion in the heart or a vicious practice iu
the life that could remain. Let every man love God with aU
bis heart and his neighbor as himself, and bolts and bar:~.

1-52 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
prisons and penitentiaries, would be unnecessary. One might
safely journey around the world unarmed and unattended, for
every man would be a friend and brother. " Glory to God in
the highest, and on earth peace, good-wiU towards men," would
reign from pole to pole. The whole earth would be at rest and
be quiet : it would break forth into singing. That such a glo
rious result would certainly come fi-om simple obedience to the
precepts of the Bible is undeniable. And can any man per
suade himseU that this perfect code of morals comes not fr-om
heaven, but from sinful man?
4. We have, once more, the wonderful harmony beticeen the
different parts of the Bible, written as it was in different and dis
tant ages, and by men who differed widely from each other in
natural character and education, and Uved in very different
states of society. In outward form and institutions the mani
festation of God has indeed undergone great changes ; for it
has existed successively under the patriarchal, the Mosaic, and
the Christian dispensations. But if we look beneath the sur
face to the substance of reUgion in these different dispensa
tions, we shall find it always the same. The God of Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, the God of Moses, Samuel, and Darid, is
also the God of our Lord Jesus Christ. WhUe he changes
from time to time the outward ordinances of his people, he
remains himseU " the same yesterday and to-day and for ever."
Under the Old Testament, not less than under the New, he is
"the Lord, the Lord God, mercUul and gracious, long-suffering
and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy for thou
sands, forgiving iniquity, transgxes.sion, and sin, and that -wiU
by no means clear the guilty." Exod. 34 : 6, 7, etc. Under
the New Testament, not less than under the Old, he is to aU
the despisers of his grace " a consuming fire," Heb. 12 : 29 ;
and his Son Jesus Christ, whom he sent to save the world, -wUl
b,e revealed hereafter "in flaming fire, taking vengeance on
them that know not God, and that obey not the gospel of our
Lord Jesus Christ." 1 Thess. 1 : 7, 8. If the New Testament
insists ou the obedience of the heart, and not of the outward

EVIDENCES OF EEVEALED RELIGION. 153
letter alone, the Old Testament teaches the same doctrine :
" Behold, to obey is better than sacrifice, and to hearken thau
the fat of rams." 1 Sam. 15 : 22. " Thou desfrest not sacri
fice ; else would I give it : thou deUghtest not in burnt offering.
The sacrifices of God are a broken spfrit; a broken and a con
trite heart, O God, thou wUt not despise." Psa. 51 : 16, 17. " I
¦wiU praise the name of God ¦with a song, and ¦wiU magnify him
¦with thanksgiving. This also shaU please the Lord better than
an ox or bullock that hath homs and hoofe." Psa. 69 : 30, 31.
"Take thou away from me the noise of thy songs; for I wiU
not hear the melody of thy -riols. But let judgment run do^wn
as waters, and righteousness as a mighty sfream." Amos 5 : 23,
24. If the Old Testament insists on obedience to aU God's
commandments as an indispensable condition of salvation, so
does the New : " Whosoever shaU keep the whole law, and
offend in one point, he is gmlty of aU," James 2 : 10 ; "If thy
right eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee : for it
is profitable for thee that one of thy members should perish,
and not that thy whole body should be cast into heU." Matt.
5 : 29, etc. The Old Testament, as weU as the New, teaches the
doctrine of regeneration and sanctification by the Holy Ghost :
" Create in me a clean heart, O God, and renew a right spirit
•within me," Psa. 51 : 10. " Then wiU I sprinkle clean water upon
you, and ye shaU be clean : from aU your filthiness, and from
aU your idols -wiU I cleanse you. A new heart also wiU I give
you, and a new spirit ¦wiU I put within you : and I wUl take
away the stony heart out of your flesh, and I wiU give you a
heart of flesh. And I wiU put my Spuit within you, and cause
you to walk in my statutes, and ye shaU keep my judgments
and do them." Ezek. 36 : 25-27. The Old Testament, as weU
as the New, denounces self-righteousness in every form, and
teaches men that they are saved not for the merit of thefr good
works, but through God's free mercy : " Not for thy righteous
ness, or for the uprightness of thy heart dost thou go in to
possess thefr land," Deut. 9:5; "Not for your sakes do I this,
saith the Lord God, be it known unto you : be ashamed and

154 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
confounded for your own ¦o'ays, 0 house of Israel." Ezekiel
36 : 32. When the holy men of the Old Testament so often
beseech God to hear and answer their prayers /or his name's
sake, they renounce all claim to be heard on the ground of
their own merit. Faith that works by love and purifles the
heart from sin — this is the substance of the reUgion taught in
the Bible fr-om Genesis to Eevelation. This wonderful unity
of doctrine and spirit that pervades the books of the Bible
from first to last, finds its natural explanation in the fact that
they were all written " by inspiration of God."
5. The Bible is distinguished from aU other books by its
poiver over the human conscience. The apostle says : "The word
of God is quick and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged
sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit,
and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts
and intents of the heart," Heb. 4 : 12 ; and this declaration is
confirmed by the experience of every thoughtful reader. Who
ever, studies the pages of the Bible in an earnest spirit, feels
that in them One speaks who has a perfect understanding of
his heart in its inmost workings; one who knows not only what
he is, but also what he ought to be, and who therefore speaks
to him with authority. The young are sometimes advised to
study certain authors, that they may thus gain " a knowledge
of men." It cannot be denied that, within the sphere of this
world, the knowledge of men which some of these writers pos
sess is admirable. But the Bible contains not only aU this
knowledge in its most complete and practical form, but also,
what is wanting in the authors referred to, a perfect knowl
edge of men in their higher relation to God. With wonderful
accuracy does the Bible describe men's character and conduct
as citizens of this world. But here it does not stop. It regards
them as subjects of God's everlasting government, and thus as
citizens of eternity also ; and it portrays in vivid and truthful
colors the way in which they harden their hearts, blind their
minds, and stupefy their consciences by thefr continued ¦wiUul
resistance of God's claim to their supreme love and obedience.

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION, 155
In a word, it describes men in thefr relation to God as weU as
to thefr feUow-men ; and every man who reads the description,
hears within his soul the stiU smaU voice of conscience saying,
"Thou art the man." Whence this aU-comprehensive knowl
edge of man contained in the Bible ? The answer is : He who
made man has described man in his own word with infalUble
accuracy ; " because he knew aU men, and needed not that any
should testify of man ; for he knew what was in man."
6. We come now to the argument fi-om personal experience.
To receive Christ in sincerity and tmth, is to know that his
salvation is feom God. Many thousands have thus a fuU and
joyous conviction of the ti-uth of Christianity. They were
oppressed ¦with a deep consciousness of guUt, whieh no tears of
son-ow or supposed good works could remove. But they read
in the Holy Scriptures that Jesus is " the Lamb of God which
taketh away the sin of the world." They put thefr trust in his
atoning sacrifice, and thus obtained peace of conscience, and
joyous access in prayer to God as thefr Father in heaven.
They were earthly in thefr- affections, and able therefore to ren
der to God's holy and spiritual law only an obedience of the
letter, which they knew would not be acceptable. But through
faith in Christ they have been hfted up to a holy and blessed
communion ¦with God, and thus enabled to render to God's law
an obedience of love " in the spirit and not in the letter." They
were oppressed with a painful sense of the empty and unsatis
fying nature of every thing earthly; but they have found in
Christ and his glorious service an aU-sufficient portion. In a
word, they are assured that the gospel is from God, because it
meets aU thefr wants as sinners. They have the same evidence
that God made the gospel for the immortal soul, as that he
made bread for the stomach, afr for the lungs, and Ught for the
eyes. The sincere beUever has in himseU the ¦witness that the
gospel is from heaven, for he is daily experiencing its heaUng,
strengthening, and purifying power. To teU him that the Bible
is a cunningly devised fable, is Uke teUing a man who daUy
feeds on "the finest of the wheat," and is nourished and

156 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
strengthened by it, that the field of golden grain which waves
before his door is only wormwood and gaU ; or that the pure
water from the bosom of the earth which daily quenches his
thfrst is a deadly poison; or that the blessed air of heaven
which fans his lungs is a pestilential vapor. Not until error
becomes the nutriment of the soul and truth its destruction,
can this argument from personal experience be set aside or
gainsaid. 7. The argument fr-om the character qf Jes-iis has already
been considered at length in chap. 4, No. 8. It is sufficient to
repeat here that the very description of such a character, so
gloriously perfect, so far above aU that the greatest minds of
antiquity ever conceived, is itself a proof of its reality. Very
plain men may describe what they have actually seen and
heard. But that any man left to himself — and God would not
help in a work of error and delusion — should have conceived of
such a character as that of Jesus of Nazareth, without the real
ity before him, is impossible ; hoAV much more that four unlet
tered men should have consistently carried out the conception
in such a Ufe as that recorded by the four evangeUsts.
8. Passing now from individual to general experience, we find
another proof of the divine origin of the Bible in the power of
the gospel — which includes in itself the whole word of God —
over the human heart. This is closely connected with the pre
ceding head, since the Christian's reUgion takes the shape of
personal love towards the Saviour — -love which is awakened in
the sinner's soul, as the New Testament teaches, by the Holy
Spirit revealing to him his lost condition and the character and
offices of the Eedeemer, whereby he is drawn into an inward
spfritual union with him. This love of Jesus is the mightiest
principle on earth for both doing and suffering. The man of
whose soul it has taken full possession is invincible, not in his
own strength, but in the strength of Him to whom he has
given his supreme confidence and affection. No hardships,
privations, or dangers can deter him from Christ's service ; no
persecutions can drive him from it. In the early days of Chris-

EVIDENCES OF REVEALED RELIGION. 157
tianity, at the period of the Eeformation, in many missionary
fields in our own time, not only strong men, but tender women
and chUdren, have steadfastly endured shame and suffei-ing in
every form — banishment and the spoiUng of thefr goods,
imprisonment, torture, and death — for Christ's sake. In times
of worldly peace and prosperity, the power of this principle is
dimly seen ; but were the Christians of this day required, under
penalty of imprisonment, confiscation, and death, to deny
Christ, it would at once manifest itself. Many would aposta
tize, because they are beUevers only in name; but true beUev
ers would remain steadfast, as in the days of old. It is a fact
worthy of special notice, that persecution not only faUs to con
quer those who love Jesus, but it faUs also to hinder others
from embracing his reUgion. It has first a winno^wing power.
It separates from the body of the faithful those who are Chris
tians only in name. Then the manUestation of Christian faith
and patience by those who remain steadfast, draws men from
the world ¦without to Christ. Hence the maxim, as true as
frite, "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church."
The Christian reUgion at the beginning had no worldly advan
tages, and it was opposed by aU the power of imperial Eome
in alUance with the heathen priesthood. Had it been possible
that any combination of men should crush it, it must have per
ished at the outset; but it only grew stronger in the midst of
its fierce and powerful enemies. It went through ten bloody
persecutions, "conquering and to conquer," until it overthi-ew
paganism, and became the estabUshed reUgion of the Eoman
empfr-e. Then it was not sfrengthened by its aUiance with the
state, but only corrupted and shorn of its tme power. And so
it has been ever since. The gospel has always sho-wn itseU
mightiest to subdue men to Christ, when it has been compeUed
to rely .most exclusively on its own di-vinely furnished sfrength.
What the apostle said of himseU personaUy, the gospel whicli
he preached can say -with equal fruth : "When I am weak, then
am I strong." How shaU we account for this fact ? The only
reasonable explanation is, that God is the author of the gospel.

158 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
and his power is in it, so that it is able to overcome the world
without any help from without. Were it the invention of man,
we might reasonably expect that it woiUd be greatly sfrength
ened by an alUance -with the kings and riders of the world,
instead of being thereby corrupted and weakened, as we find
to be the invariable result. Because God made the gospel, and
not men, when it is left free to work according to his appoint
ment, it is mighty in its power over the human heart; but the
moment worldly men take it under their patronage, that they
may make it subservient to thefr worldly ends, they bind it in
fetters, and would kUl it, had it not a divine and indestructible
Ufe. 9. We notice, further, that the same love of Jesus which
makes men in-vincible to the world without, also enables them
to conquer tlieir oivn corrupt passions, and this is the greater
victory of the two. It is easy to declaim on the sins and incon
sistencies of visible Christians. The church of Christ, like every
thing administered by men, is imperfect. Unworthy men find
their way into it, making it, as the great Master foretold, a field
in which wheat and tares grow together. Nevertheless, wher
ever the gospel is preached in its purity, bright examples are
found of its power to reclaim the vicious, to make the proud
humble, and the earthly-minded heavenly. It draws aU who
truly receive it, by a gradual but certain process, into a likeness
to Christ, which is the sum of aU goodness. In proportion also
as the principles of the gospel gain ground in any community,
they ennoble it, purUy it, and inspfre it with the spfrit of truth
and justice. Yery imperfectly is our country pervaded by
this good leaven. Tet it is this, smaU as is its measure, which
makes the difference between the state of society here at home
and in India or China. Many thousands who do not person
aUy receive the gospel thus experience its elevating power.
They receive at its hand innumerable precious gifts without
understanding or acknowledging the source from which they
come. 10. As a final argument, may be named the power of the

EVIDENCES OP REVEALED RELIGION. 159
Christian religion to purify itself from the corruptions intio
duced into it by men. It is not alone from the world -without
that Christ's church has been assaUed. Conupt men have
arisen -within her gale who have set themselves to deny or
explain away her essential doctrines, to change her holy prac
tice, or to crush and overlay her with a load of superstitious
observances. But the gospel cannot be destroyed by inward
any more than by outward enemies. From time to time it
asserts its divine origin and in-rincible power, by bursting the
bands imposed on it by men, and throwing off thefr- human
additions, thus reappearing in its native purity and strength.
So it did on a broad scale at the era of the Eeformation, and
so it has often done since in narrower fields.
10. Let now the candid inqufrer ask himseU whether a book
which gives such gloriously perfect riews of God's character
and govemment; whose code of morals is so spotlessly pure
that simple obedience to it is the sum of aU goodness, and
would, U full and universal, make this world a moral paradise ;
aU whose parts, though -written in different and distant ages
by men of such diversified character and training, are in per
fect harmony -with each other ; which displays such a wonder
ful knowledge of man in aU his relations to God and his feUow-
men, and therefore speaks with such authority and power to
his conscience; which reveals a reUgion that satisfies aU the
wants of those who embrace it, that makes them victorious
alike over outward persecution and inward sinful passion, and
that asserts its invincible power by throwing off fi-om itseU the
corrupt additions of men — whether such a book can possibly
have man for its author. Assuredly in character it resembles
not sinfnl man, but the holy God. It must be fr-om heaven, for
it is heavenly in aU its features.

PART II.

IXTRODLXTION

TO

The Old Testament.

PEEFATOEY EEMAEKS.

To consider at length aU the questions which the spirit of
modem inquiry has raised conceming the books of the Old
Testament — thefr genuineness, integrity, date, chronology, and
credibiUty; thefr relation to science, to profane history, to each
other, and to the New Testament — ^would far exceed the limits
aUowed by the plan of the present work. To the Pentateuch
alone, or even a single book of it, as Genesis or Deuteronomy ;
to the books of Chronicles ; to Isaiah or Daniel, a whole vol
ume might be devoted without exhausting the subject. In the
present Infroduction to the books of the Old Testament, the
aim has been to give the results of bibUcal research, ancient
and modem, with a concise statement of the lines of argument
employed, wherever this could be done -without invol-ring dis
cussions inteUigible only to those who are familiar with the
original languages of Scriptiu-e and the ancient versions. For
such discussions the bibUcal student is referred to the more
extended Infroductions which abound at the present day. The
author has endeavored, first of aU, to dfrect the reader's atten
tion to the unity of S'.-ripAare. "Known unto God are aU his
works from the beginning of the world." The plan of Eedemp
tion is the very highest of these works, and it constitutes a
gloriously perfect whole, graduaUy unfolding itseU from age to
age. The earUest revelations have reference to aU that fol
low. The later revelations .shed Ught on the earUer, and receive

164 PREFATORY REMARKS.
Ught fr-om them in return. It is only when the Scriptures are
thus studied as a -nfrole, that any one part of them can be truly
comprehended. The effort has accordingly been made to show
the relation of the Old Testament, considered as a whole, to
the New ; then, the relation of the several great divisions of the
Old Testament — the law, the historical books, the prophets,
the poetical books — to each other, and the place which each
holds in the system of revelation ; and finally, the office of each
particular book, with such notices of its authorship, date, gen
eral plan, and contents, as -wUl prepare the reader to study it
inteUigently and profitably. To all who would have a thorough
and comprehensive knowledge of the New Testament, the diU
gent study of the preparatory revelation contained in the Old,
is earnestly commended. The present Introduction wiU be
foUowed by one to the New Testament on the same general
plan. It is hardly necessary to add that for much of the ma
terials employed in these two parts, particularly what relates to
ancient manuscripts, the author is dependent on the statements
of those who have had the opportunity of making original
investigations.

INTRODUCTION

TO

THE OLD TESTAMENT.

FIRST DIVISION, GEIsTlRAL INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTEE XIII.
Names and External Form, of the Old Testament.
1. The word BiMe comes to us from the Greek {ta biblia, the
hooks; that is, emphaticaUy, the sacred canonical books) through
the Latin and Norman French. In the ancient Greek and Latin
churches, its nse, as a plural noun appUed to the whole coUec
tion of sacred books of the Old and New Testaments, can be
fraced as far back as the fifth century. In the English, as in
aU the modem languages of Europe, it has become a singular
noun, and thus signifies the Book — ^the one book contaiuiBg in
itself aU the particular books of the sacred canon.
In very ancient usage, the word Law (Heb. Torah) was
appUed to the five books of Moses ; but there was no general
term to denote the whole coUection of inspired ¦writings tUi
after the completion of the canon of the Old Testament, when
they were known in Jewish usage as: The Law, the Prophets,
and the Writings (see below. No. 5). In accordance with the
same usage, the writers of the New Testament speak of the " law
and the prophets," and more fuUy, "the law of Moses, and the
prophets, and the psalms," Luke 24 : 44. And they apply to

166 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the coUected -writings of the Old Testament, as well as to par
ticular passages, the term the Scripture, that is, the writings-,
thus : " The Scripture saith," John 7 : 38, etc. Or they employ
the plural number: "Te do err, not kno-wing the Scriptures,"
Matt. 22 : 29, etc. Once the epithet holy is added, 2 Tim. 3 : 15.
In 2 Pet, 3 : 16, the term Scriptures is applied to at least the epistles of
Paul ; apparently also to the other canonical -writings of the Ne-w Testa
ment then extant. In the usage of Christian -writers, the application of
this term to the books of the New Testament soon becarae -weU estab
lished; but the above is the only example of such an application that
occurs in the Ne-w Testament itself.
2. The terms Old and New Testament arose in the foUow
ing way : God's dealings with the Israelitish people, under both
the patriarchs and Moses, took the form of a covenant; that is,
not a mutual agreement as between two equal parties, but an
arrangement or dispenscdion, in which God himseU, as the sover
eign Lord, propounded to the chosen people certain terms, and
bound himseU, upon condition of the fulfilment of these terms,
to bestow upon them blessings temporal and spiritual. Now
the Greek word dicdheke, by which the Septuagint renders the
Hebrew word for covenant, signifies both covenant, in the gen
eral sense above given, and testament, as being the final dispo
sition which a man makes of his worldly estate. The new cov
enant introduced by Christ is, in a sense, a testament, as being
ratified by his bloody death. Matt. 26 : 28 ; Mark 14 : 24 ; Luke
22 : 20. So it is expressly caUed in the epistle to the Hebrews,
9 : 15-17, where the new covenant, considered in the Ught of a
testament, is contrasted -with the old. It was probably in con
nection with this -riew that the Old Latin version of the Bible
(made in the Old Testament not from the original Hebrew, but
from the Greek Septuagint) everywhere rendered the Greek
word diatheke by the Latin testamentum. When Jerome under
took the work of correcting this version, he did not everywhere
pm-sue the same plan. The books of the Old Testament he
rendered in general from the Hebrew; and here he employed
for the Hebrew -word denoting covenant the appropriate Latin

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 167
words foed.us and pactum. But in the Psalms, and the whole
New Testament, from deference to established usage, he gave
simply a rerision of the Old Latin, leaving the word testameAtv.-m,
by whieh that version had rendered the word diatheke, cove
nant, untouched. Hence in Latin usage we have in the New
Testament the two covenants, the old and the new, expressed
by the terms old testament (vetus testamentum, prius or primum
testanierdum) and neic testament ''novum testamentum), and some
times in immediate confrast -with each other, as in 2 Cor. 3 : 6,
14; Heb. 9 : 15-18. The transfer of these terms from the cov
enants themselves to the "writings which give an account of
them was easy, and soon became estabUshed in general usage.
Hence the terms Old and New Testament for the two great
di-visions of the Bible.
Another Liatin term for the two great divisions of the Bible was insiru-
mentu-m, insirument, document; a term applied to the documents or body
of records relatiag to the Roman empire, and very appropriate, therefore,
to the records of Grod's dealings with men. But as early as the time of
TertnUian, about the close of the second century, the word iesta-menium,
testament, was more in use. See TertuUian against Marcion, 4. 1. A
stnMng example of the superior accuracy of Jerome's independent version
aboTe his simple rcTision of the old Latin is the passage Jer. 31: 31-33 as
compared -with the quotation of the same, Heb. 8 : 8-10. In the former,
where the translation is made immediately from the Hebre-w, -we read :
"Behold the days shall come, saith the Lord, that I wiU make for the
house of Israel and the house of Judah a new covenant (fcedus): not
according to the covenant {pactum) which I made with their fathers," etc.
In the .same passage, as quoted in the epistle to the Hebrews, where we
have only a revision of the old Latin, we read : "Behold the days shall
come, saith the Lord, that I -will accomplish for the house of Israel and for
the house of Judah a, new testament {testamentum) : not according to the
ieslaTneni {iesiamenium) which I made for their fathers," etc.
3. The unity of the Bible has its ground only in divine
inspfration. So far as human composition is concerned, both
parts of it have a great variety of authors. The writers of the
Old Testament, especiaUy, Uved in different, and some of them
in very distant ages. They were -widely separated from each
other in native character and endo-wments, in education, and

168 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
in thefr outward circumstances and position in life. It is of
the highest importance that the student of Scripture not only
know these facts, but ponder them long and carefuUy, tUl he
fuUy understands their deep significance. He has been accus
tomed from childhood to see aU the books of the Bible com
prised within the covers of a single volume. He can hardly
divest himself of the idea that thefr authors, if not exactly con
temporary, must yet somehow have understood each other's
riews and plans, and acted in mutual concert. It is only by
long contemplation that he is able to apprehend the true posi
tion which these writers held to each other, separated from
each other, as they often -were, by centuries of time, during
which great changes took place in the social and poUtical
condition of the Hebrew people. Then, for the first time, he
begins to discern, in the wonderfrd harmony that pervades the
writings of the Old Testament, taken as a -whole, the clear
proofs of a superintending divine Spirit; and learns to refer
this harmony to its true ground, that " holy men of God spake
as they were moved by the Holy Ghost." 2 Peter 1 : 21.
According to the received chronology, Moses -wrote the book of Deut
eronomy about 1451 B, o,, and Malachi, the last of the prophets, -wrote
about 397 b. o. The difference, then, between the time of these two
authors is 1054 years ; or say, in round numbers, about 1000 years. From
Moses to the anointing of Da-yid is, according to the shorter chronology,
388 years ; and from Moses to the composition of the books of Kings,
nearly nine centuries. Prom Joel to Malachi we must assume a period of
about 400 years, within which space our present prophejfcical books were
composed. The earher of the psahns written by David differ in time from
those composed at the close of the captivity by about 530 years. Let the
reader who has been in the habit of passing from one book of the Bible
to another, as if both belonged to the same age, ponder well the meaning
of these figures. They confirm the arguments already adduced (ch. 12,
No. 4) that the unity of Scripture has its ground not in human concert,
but in the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.
4. The books of the Old Testament have been differently
classified and arranged. But in no system of distribution has
the chronological order been strictly observed.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 169
(A.) Tlie Jewish dassi/iaition and arrangement is as foUows.
They first distribute the books of the Old Testament into three
great classes, the Lau; the Prophets, and the Writings; that is,
the canonical -writings not included in the other two divisions —
the Hagiographa (holy writings), as they are commonly desig
nated at the present day.
The Laic is then subdirided into five books, as we now have
them ; for the names of which see the infroduction to the Pen
tateuch. Chap. 19, No. 1.
With reference to this five-fold dirision of the Law, the
Eabbins caU it the five-fifths rf the Laic, each book being reck
oned as one-fifth. This term answers to the word Pentateuch,
that is, the five-fold book. Chap. 9, beginning.
The second great class consists of the so-caUed PropJtets.
These are first dirided into the former and the Icdter Prophets.
The former Prophets consist of the historical books : Joshua,
Judges, Samuel, and Kings, in the order named. The latter
comprise the prophetical books in the sfr-icter sense of the
word, with the exception of Daniel ; and these are subdirided
into the greater and the less. The greater Prophets are Isaiah,
Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. The less are the twelve Minor Proph
ets from Hosea to Malachi, in the same order as that foUowed
in our English version.
The remaining books of the Old Testament constitute the
third great class, under the name of Writings, HagiograpM ;
and they are commonly arranged in the foUowing order :
Psalms, Proverbs, Job, Canticles, Euth, Lamentations, Eccle
siastes, Esther, Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, Chronicles. These
books naturaUy faU into three groups. First, devotional and
didactic — the three so-caUed poetical books of Psalms, Prov
erbs, and Job, which have in Hebrew a stricter rhythm; .sec
ondly, the five rolls — Canticles, Euth, Lamentations, Ecclesias
tes, Esther; so caUed because written on five separate roUs for
nse in the synagogue serrice on the occasion of special festi
vals; thirdly, books that are chiefly of an historical character —
Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Chronicles.
Comp. fo BiU«. b

170 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The Talmud arranges the Greater Prophets thus : Jeremiah, Ezekiel,
Isaiah. Of the Hagiographa, various other arrangements, Masoretic aiid
Talmudic, are given, ¦which it is not necessary here to specify.
That the -writing of sacred history belonged to the prophetical ofiice is
clear from various scriptural notices. Compare 1 Chron. 29 : 29 ; 2 Chron.
9 : 29 ; 12 : 15 ; 20 : 34 ; 26 : 22 ; 32 : 32 ; 33 : 19. The nan-ative concermng
Sennacherib inserted in the second book of Kings (18 : 13-19 : 37) is mani
festly from the pen of Isaiah. The Eabbins rightly ascribed the composi
tion of the historical as well as the other books which compose, according
to theu- di-vision, the Prophets, to prophetical men. But the grounds upon
-which they separated from these certain books, as, for example, Daniel,
and placed them among the Hagiographa, are not clear. Some of the
rabbins made the distinction to he in the degree of inspiration, Moses
enjoying it in the fullest measure (Numb. 12 : 6-8), the authors of the
books which are classed among the prophets ha-ring the Spirit of prophecy,
and those of the books belonging to the Hagiographa simply the Holy
Spirit (the Holy Spirit, but not in the degree necessary for prophetic rev
elation). But this distinction is untenable, -Who had the spirit of proph
ecy if not Daniel ? In the opinion of some modern scholars, they reck
oned to the Prophets only books -written by men who were prophets in the
stricter sense of the term ; that is, men trained to the prophetical office,
and exercising it as theu- profession ; while the -writings of men hke Da-rid,
Solomon, and Daniel, who though they had the Spmt of prophecy, were
yet in their office not prophets, but rulers and statesmen, were assigned to
the Hagiographa. But this is inconsistent -with the fact that the book of
Euth (which in respect to authorship must go -with that of Judges) and also
the book of Lamentations are in the Hagiographa. Others, -with more
probabiHty, find the main ground of classification in the character of the
-writings themselves — the Law, as the foundation of the Theocracy ; the
Prophets, that record the history of the Theocracy and make prophetic
revelations conceming it ; the sacred 'Writings, occupied -with the personal
appropriation of the truths of revelation, and as such exhibiting the reh
gious Ufe of the covenant people in its inward and outward form. But
even here we do not flnd perfect consistency.
(B.) Classification of the Greek Version qf the Seventy. The
ancient Greek version of the Old Testament, caUed the Septua
gint (Latin Septuaginta, seventy), because, according to Jewish
tradition, it was the work of seventy men, interweaves the apoc
ryphal with the canonical books. Its arrangement is as foUows,
the apocryphal books and parts of books being indicated by
italic letters. We follow the edition of Yan Ess from the

THE OLD TESTAMENT.

171

Vatican manuscript, which omits the apocryphal Prayer of
Manasseh :

1. Grenes-is.

27, Ecclesiasticus.

2. Exodus.

28. Hosea.

3. Ijeviticus.

29. Amos.

4. Numbers.

30. Micah
5. Deuteronomy.
31. JoeL
6. Joshua.
32. Obadiah
7. Judges.
33. Jonah.
8. Knth.
34. Nahum
9. 1 Kings (our ]
. Samuel).
35. Habakkuk
10. 2 Kings (our :
2 Samuel).
36. Zephaniah.
11. 3 Kings (our 1 Kings).
37. Haggai
12. 4 Kings (our 2
1 Kings). ;
38. Zechariah.
13. 1 Chronicles.
39. MalachL
14. 2 Chronicles.
40. TKaiah.
15. 1 Esdras.
41. Jeremiah.
16. 2 Esdras (our
Ema).
42. Baruc'h.
17. Nehemiah.
43. Lamentations.
18. TobH.
44 Epistle of Jeremiah.
19. JudHk.
45. EzeMeL
20. Esther, tnih
apocryphal addi-
46. Daniel, ¦with apocryphal addi
tions.
tions—Song of the Three Chil
2L Job.
dren in the Furnace, History cf
2-^. Psalms.
Susannah, Story of Bei and the
23. Proverbs.
Bragon.
24. Ecclesiastes.
47. 1 Maccabees.
25. Canticles.
48. 2 Maccabees.
26. Wisdom of Solomon.
49. 3 Maccabees.
The arrangement of books in the Latin Vulgate agrees with
that of the Septuagint with the foUowing exceptions : the two
canonical books of Ezra and Nehemiah appear together, as in
the Septuagint, but under the titles of 1 Esdras and 2 Esdras.
Next foUow the two apocryphal books of Esdras (the latter
wanting in the Septuagint), under the titles of 3 Esdras and
4 Esdias. The Greater Prophets, with Lamentations after
Jeremiah and Daniel after Ezekiel, are inserted before the
twelve Minor Pro_phets, which last stand in the order foUowed
in our version. Thro-wing out of account, therefore, the apoc-
172 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
ryphal books, the order of the Vulgate is that foUowed by our
EngUsh Bible.
Prom the above it is manifest that in neither the Hebrew, the Greek,
nor the Latin an-angement is the order of time strictly followed. The
Hebrew, for example, to say nothing of the Psalms, which were written
in different ages, throws into the Hagiographa Euth, Job, Proverbs, etc. ,
which are older than any of the so-caUed latter prophets. The Hebrew
places the books of Kings, and the Greek and Latin not only these, but
also the books of Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther, before all the
proper prophetical books, though it is well kno-wn that several of these
were much earUer. In the Hebrew arrangement, the three Greater Proph
ets precede all the Minor Prophets, though several of the latter were ear
Uer than Jeremiah and Ezekiel, and even Isaiah. In the Greek, on the
contrary, Isaiah and Jeremiah, as weU as Ezekiel, are placed after even the
prophets of the Eestoration. The bibUcal student should carefuUy remem
ber these facts. He must not hastily assume that the books of the Old
Testament stand iu the order in which they were -written, but must deter
mine the age of each for itself, according to the best Ught that he can
obtain. See further in the introductions to the several books.
5. In high antiquity, the continuous mode of writing, (scriptio
continua,) without divisions between the words, was common.
We cannot indeed infer, from the continuous writing of the
oldest manuscripts of the New Testament, that the same
method prevaUed in the ancient Hebrew writing ; for in very
ancient inscriptions and manuscripts, belonging to different
languages, the words are distingiushed from each other more
or less completely by points. Yet the neglect of these is com
mon. In most Greek and Phoenician inscriptions there is no
dirision of words. The translators of the Septuagint may be
reasonably supposed to have employed the best manuscripts
at thefr command. Tet thefr version shows that in these the
words were either not separated at aU, or only partiaUy. The
complete separation of words by intervening spaces did not
take place till after the introduction of the Assyrian, or square
character. Ch. 14, No. 2. With the separation is connected
the use of the so-caUed final letters, that is, forms of certain
letters employed exclusively at the ends of words.
6. A very ancient Jewish division of the sacred text is into

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 173
open and closed, sections. The former, which are the larger of
the two, are so named because in the Hebrew manuscripts,
and in some printed editions, the remainder of the line at thefr
close is left open, the next section beginning with a new line.
The closed sections, on the confrary, are separated from each
other only by a space in the middle of a Une — shut in on either
hand. The origin of these sections is obscure. They answer
in a general way to our sections and paragraphs, and are older
than the Talmud, which contains several references to them,
belonging at least to the earUest time when the sacred books
were read in pubUc. Daridson, BibUcal Criticism, vol. 1, ch. 5.
Different from these, and later in thefr origin, are the larger
sections of the Law, called Parshiyoth (from the singular Para-
.shah, section), which have exclusive reference to the reading of
the Law in the synagogue serrice. These are fifty-four in num
ber, one for each Sabbath of the Je-wish intercalary year, whUe
on common years two of the smaUer sections are united. Cor
responding to these sections of the Law are sections from the
Prophets, (the former and latter, according to the Je-wish classi
fication,) caUed Haphtaroth, embracing, however, only selections
from the prophets, and not the whole, as do the sections of the
Law. The Jewish ti:adition is that this custom was first intio
duced during the persecution of Antiochns Epiphanes, (about
167 B. c.,) because the reading of the Law had been prohibited
by him. But this account of the matter is doubted by many.
In the Pentateuch, the smaller sections caUed open and closed are indi
cated, the former by the Hebrew letter Q . that is, P, the iiiitial letter of
the word pethuhah, open ; the latter by the Hebrew letter 5=S, the first
letter of the word sethumah, dosed. The larger sections, arranged for the
reading of the Law in the synagogues, are indicated by three ij's or three
O's, according as they coincide at their beginning -with an open or closed
section. In the other portions of the sacred test these divisions are simply
indicated by the appropriate spaces. But some printed editions do not
observe the distinction between the two in respect to space, so that the
open and closed sections are confounded with each other.
7. Chapters and Verses. The di-vision of the poetical books
and passages of the Old Testament into separate lines, Hebrew,

174 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
pesukim, (answering in general to our half-verses, sometimes to
the third of a verse,) is very ancient, if not primitive. It is
found in the poetical passages of the Law and the historical
books, (Exod., ch. 15 ; Deut., ch. 32 ; Judges, ch. 5 ; 2 Sam.,
ch. 22,) and belonged originally to the three books of Job,
Psalms, and Proverbs, which alone the Hebrews reckon as
poetical. See below, Ch. 21, No. 1. The division of the whole
'Old Testament into verses, (likewise called by the Hebrews
pesukim,) is also the work of Jewish scholars. It existed in its
completeness in the ninth century, and must have had its ori
gin much earlier in the necessity that grew out of the pubUc
reading and interpretation of the sacred books in the syna
gogue service.
In the Hebrew text the verses are distinguished by two points called
soph-pasuk ( J ), except in the synagogue roUs, where, according to ancient
usage, this mark of distinction is omitted.
The present division into chapters is much later, and is the
work of Christian scholars. By some it is ascribed to Stephen
Langton, archbishop of Canterbury, who died in 1227 ; by oth
ers to Cardinal Hugo de St. Cher of the same century. The
Jews transferred it from the Latih Vulgate to the Hebrew text.
There are, however, some discrepancies between the chapters
of the Hebrew text and those of the Vulgate and our English
version. The division of the sacred text into chapters and verses is indispensa
ble for convenience of reference. But the Student should remember that
these distinctions are wholly of human drigin, and sometimes separate pas
sages closely connected iu meaning. The first verse, for example, of Isa
iah, ch. 4, is immediately connected in sense -with the threatenings against
"the daughters of Zion" contained in the close of the preceding chapter.
In the beginning of ch. 11 of the same book, the words : "And there shaU
come forth a rod out of the stem of Jesse, and a branch shaU grow out
of his roots," contrast the Branch of the Messiah with the Assyrian bough,
the lopping off of which has just been foretold ; chap. 10 : 33, 34. The
last three verses, again, of Isaiah, ch. 52, evidently belong to the foUo^wing
chapter. The connections of the sacred text, therefore, must be deter
mined independently of these human distinctions.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 175
CHAPTEE XIV.
The Original Text and its History.
1. The original language of the Old Testament is Hebrew,
with the exception of certain portions of Ezra and Daniel and a
single verse of Jeremiah, (Ezra 4 : 8-6 : 18 ; 7 : 12-26 ; Dan. 2 : 4,
from the middle of the verse to end of chap. 7 ; Jer. 10 : 11,)
which are written in the cognate Chaldee language. The He
brew belongs to a stock of related languages commonly called
Shemitic, because spoken mainly by the descendants of Shem.
Its main divisions ares (1,) the Arabic, having its original seat
in the southeastern part of the Shemitic territory, and of which
the .ethiopic is a branch ; (2,) the Aramcean in the north and
northeast, comprising the eastern Aramaean or Chaldee, and
the western or Syriac ; (3,) the Hebrew, occupying a middle
place between the two. The Samaritan is essentially Ara-
msean, but with an intermixture of Hebrew forms; the PJiceni-
cian, or Punic, on the other hand, is most closely allied to the
Hebrew. All these languages, with the exception of the J5thi-
opic, are written from right to left, and exhibit many peculiar
ities of orthography and grammatical forms and structure.
2. The Hebrew characters in present use, called the Assyr
ian, or square writing, are not those originally employed. The
earlier form is undoubtedly represented by the inscriptions on
the coins struck by the Maccabees, of which the letters bear a
strong resemblance to the Samaritan and Phoenician charac
ters. The Jewish tradition is that the present square character
was introduced by Ezra, and that it was of Assyrian origin.
The question of the correctness of this tradition has been much
discussed. Some wholly reject it, and hold that the present
square writing came by a gradual process of change from a
more ancient type. See Davidson's Bib. Crit., vol. 1, ch. 3.

176 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
That the present square writing existed in oui- Saviour's day has been
argued -with much force from Matth, 5 : 18, where tho Sa-sdour says : "TUl
heaven and earth pass, one jot {iota) or one tittle {keraia) shaU in no -wise
pass from the law, tiU aU be fulfllled." The -iota (Hebrew yod) is the letter
i or y, which in the square -writing is the smaUest in the alphabet ( ? ), but
not in the ancient Hebrew, Phoenician, or Samaritan. The keraia, little
turn, is that whieh distinguishes one letter from another ; as "J , d, from
1 , r ; or J , ?, from ^ , k. See Alford on Matth. 5 : 18. [The recent dis
covery in the Crimea of inscriptions on the tombs of Caraite Jews, some
of them dating back, it is aUeged, to the first century, proves that the
Assyrian or square character was then in use. In these inscriptions the
Yod (iota) is represented by a simple point. See Alexander's Kitto, voL
3, p. 1173,]
The Rabbinic is a modification of the Assyrian or square -writing, for
the purpose of gi-ving it a more cm-sivo character.
3. The Hebrew alphabet, Uke all the other Shemitic alpha
bets — -with the exception of the JEthiopic, which is syllabic, the
vowels being indicated by certain modifications in the forms of
the consonants — ^was originaUy a skeleton alphabet, an alpha
bet of consonants, in which, however, certain letters, caUed
vowel-letters, performed in a measure the office of vowels. The
Shemite did not separate the vowels from the consonants, and
express them, as we do, by separate signs. He rather con
ceived of the vowels as inhering in the consonants — as modifi
cations in the utterance of the consonants, which the reader
could make for himseU. Various particulars in respect to the
pronunciation of certain consonants were, in like manner, left
to the reader's own knowledge. Eor example, the three He
brew letters, ^',sh; Di^i; ~\, r,("ia£J>,to be read from right to
left,) might be pronounced, shamar, he kept ; sliemor, keep thou ;
shomer, keeping — the reader determining from the connection
which of these forms should be used, just as we decide in Eng
lish bet-neen the different pronunciations of the word bow. As
long as the Hebrew remained a U-ving language, that is, the
language of the masses of the people, this outUne alphabet was
sufficient for aU practical purposes. The modern Arabs read
without difficulty thefr ordinary books, which, omit, in Uke man
ner, the signs for the vowels. The regularity of structure

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 177
which belongs to the Shemitic languages generaUy, makes this
omission less inconvenient for them than a Uke omission would
be for us in our western tongues.
4. During the long Babylonish captirity the mass of the
Je-wish people, who were born and educated in Babylon and
the adjacent regions, adopted of necessity the language of the
counfry; that is, the Aramaean or Chaldee language. After
the exUe, the Hebrew was indeed spoken and -written by the
prophets and learned men, but not by the people at large. In
Nehemiah 8 : 8 we are told that " they read in the book in the
law of God distinctly, and gave the sense, and caused them to
understand the reading." This has been explained by some
as meaning simply that they expounded to them the sense.
But the more natural meaning is that they interpreted to the
people the words read from the law. We find, soon after the
captirity at least, the old Hebrew supplanted as a Uving lan
guage among the people at large by the Aramaean or Chaldee.
Why not date the change from the latter part of the captivity
itseU? It was natural that the prophets and historians, all of whom -wrote soon
after the exUe, should employ the sacred language of their fathers. This
fact cannot be adduced as a vaUd argument that the body of the people
continued to speak Hebrew. The incorporation, on the other hand, of
long passages in Chaldee into the books of Daniel and Ezra impUes at least
that this language was kno-wn to the people at large. As to the children
spoken of in Neh. 13 :24, who "could not speak in the Jews' language,
but according to the language of each people" — the people, to -wit, to
wbich theu- mothers belonged— " the Jews' language" here is probably
the language used by the Jews, as distinguished from that used by the
people of Ashdod, Ammon, and Moab. KeU, Introduction to Old Testar
ment, 1 18.
5. After the Hebrew had ceased to be the language of the
common people, its traditional pronunciation was carefuUy
preserved for many successive centuries in the synagogue-read
ing. It was not tiU several centuries after Christ (somewhere
between the sixth and the tenth centuries) that the vowel-signs
and other marks of distinction were added in order to perpet-
8*

178 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
nate, with aU possible accuracy, the solemn traditional pronun
ciation of the synagogue. This work is ascribed to learned
Jews of Tiberias, caUed 3Iasoretes, from Masora, tradition ; and
the Hebrew text thus furnished by them is caUed the Masoretic,
in distinction from the unpointed text, which latter is, according
to Jewish usage, retained in the synagogue-roUs. From rever
ence to the word of God, \he punctuators (as these men are also
caUed) left the primitive text in all cases undisturbed, simply
superadding to it their marks of distinction. Aiter giring with
great minuteness the different vowel-signs and marks (com
monly called diacritical) for the varying pronunciation of the
consonants, they superadded a complicated system of accents.
These serve the threefold office of guides in cantillating the
sacred text (according to ancient usage in the synagogue-read
ing) ; of indicating the connection in meaning among the words
and cla-fises ; and of marking, though with certain exceptions,
the tone-syllables of words. In addition to all the above, they
added a mass of notes, partly of a critical and partly of a gram
matical character, relating to various readings, grammatical
forms and connections, modes of orthography, and the like.
These are caUed collectively the Masorah, of which there is a
fuller Masorah caUed the greater (found only in Eabbinical
Bibles), and a briefer, caUed the less, the main part of -n-hich
is found in common editions of the Hebrew Bible. To illus
trate the Masoretic as contrasted with the unpointed text, we
give the first verse of Genesis, first, in its simple unpointed
form ; secondly, with the vowel-signs and diacritical marks for
the consonants ; thirdly, with both these and the accents, the
last being the complete Masoretic text.
) V T T ¦¦ : • - T - ¦¦ - -.-: T T •• :
I -¦ IT X J" : ¦ ^- T - ;•• I,- v: JT T *^.*^ .'.'?
ha-arets. ve-eth hasshnmayim eth elohim bara Beresh'ith
(he-earth, and-it Ihe-heavens them Ood a-eated In-the-beginning

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 179
The round circle above the initial letter in the third Une refers to a
marginal note of the Masorah indicating that it is to be -written large.
Eespecting the origin and antiquity of the Hebrew points a warm con
troversy existed in former times. Some maintained that they were coeval
-with the laJiguage itseK ; others that they were flrst introduced by Ezra
after the Babylonish capti-vity. But their later origin — som.ewhere be
tween the sixth and tenth centuries — is now generaUy conceded. It is
further agreed that their inventors were able scholai-s, thoroughly acquaint
ed as weU with the genius and structure of the language as -with the tradi
tional pronunciation of the synagogue ; and that they have given a faithful
representation of this pronunciation, as it existed in their day. Their
judgment, therefore, though not invested with any divine authority, is
very valuable. "It represents a tradition, it is true; but a ti-adition of
the oldest and most important character." Home's Introduction, vol. 2,
p. 15, edition of 1860.
6. The deep reverence of the Jews for thefr sacred books
manifests itseU in thefr numerous rules for the guidance of
copyists in the transcription of the roUs designed for use in the
synagogue service. They extend to every minute particular —
the quaUty of the ink and the parchment (which latter must
always be prepared by a Jew from the skin of a clean animal,
and fastened by strings made from the skins of clean animals) ;
the number, length, and breadth of the columns ; the number
of lines in each column, and the number of words in each line.
No word must be -written tiU the copyist has first inspected it
in the example before him, and pronounced it aloud ; before
Avriting the name of God he must wash his pen ; aU redun
dance or defect of letters must be carefully avoided; prose
must not be -written as verse, or verse as prose ; and when the
copy has been completed, it must be examined for approval or
rejection within thirty days. Superstitious, and even ridiculous,
as these rules are, we have in them a satisfactory assurance of
the fideUty with which the sacred text has been perpetuated.
Though thefr- date may be posterior to the age of the Talmud-
ists (between 200 and 500 after Christ), the spfrit of reverence
for the divine word which they manifest goes far back beyond
this age. We see it, free ft-om these later superstitious obser
vances, in the transactions recorded in the eighth chapter of

180 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Nehemiah, when Ezra opened the book of the law in the sight
of all the people, " and when he opened it, aU the people stood
up." The early history of the sacred text is confessedly in
volved in great obscurity ; but in the profound reverence with
which the Jews have ever regarded it since the captivity, we
have satisfactory proof that it has come down to us, in aU
essential particulars, as Ezra left it. Of the primitive text
before the days of Ezra and his associates we have but a few
brief notices in the historical books. But in the fideUty and
skill of Ezra, who was " a ready scribe in the law of Moses,
which the Lord God of Israel had given," as well as in the
intelligence and deep earnestness of the men associated with
him, we have a reasonable ground of assurance that the sacred
books which have come down to us through their hands con
tain, in aU essential particulars, the primitive text in a pure
and uncorrupt form.
7. As to the age of Hebrew manuscripts, it is to be noticed
that not many have come down to us from an earUer century
than the twelfth. In this respect there is a striking difference
between them and the Greek and Latin manuscripts of the
New Testament, a few of which are as old as the fourth and
fifth centuries, and quite a number anterior to the tenth. The
oldest known Hebrew manuscript, on the contrary, is a Penta
teuch roll on leather, now at Odessa, which, if the subscription
stating that it was corrected in the year 580 can be reUed on,
belongs to the sixth century. One of De Eossi's manuscripts
is supposed to belong to the eighth century, and there are a
few of the ninth and tenth, and several of the eleventh. Bishop
Walton supposes that after the Masoretic text was fuUy settled,
the Jewish rulers condemned, as profane and iUegitimate, aU
the older manuscripts not conformed to this : whence, after a
few ages, the rejected copies mostly perished. The existing
Hebrew manuscripts give the Masoretic text with but Uttle
variation from each other.
Earnest effort has been made to flnd a reUablo ante-Masoretic text, but
to no purpose. The search in China has thus far been fruitless. "When

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 181
Dr. Buchanan in 1806 brought from India a synagogue-roU -which he
found among the Jews of Malabar, high expectations were raised. But it
is now conceded to be a Masoretic roU, probably of European origin.
Eespeeting the manuscripts of the !3amaritan Pentateuch, see below. No, 9.
[A synagogue-roU has recently been discovered in the Crimea of the
date answering to a. d. 489. See Alexander's Kitto, voL 3, pp. 1172-5,]
8. In respect to form, Hebrew manuscripts faU into two
great di-visions, public and private. The pubUc manuscripts
consist of synagogue-roUs carefuUy -wi-itten out on parchment, as
afready described, -without vowel-points or di-visions of verses.
The Law is written on a single roU; the sections from the
prophets (Haphtaroth, ch. 12. 6) and the Five EoUs — Canticles,
Euth, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes, Esther (ch. 12. 4) — each on
separate roUs. The private manuscripts are written with leaves
in book form — ^folio, quarto, octavo, and duodecimo ; mostly on
parchment, but some of the later on paper. The poetical pas
sages are generaUy arranged in hemistichs ; the rest is in col
umns which vary according to the size of the page. The text
and points were always -written separately ; the former -with a
hearier, the latter -with a Ughter pen, and generaUy with differ
ent ink. The square or Assyrian character is employed as a
i-ule, but a few are -written in the rabbinic character. The
Chaldee para,phrase (less frequently some other version) may
be added. The margin contains more or less of the Masorah;
sometimes prayers, psalms, rabbinical commentaries, etc.
9. There is also a Samaritan Pentateuch; that is, a Hebrew
Pentateuch written in the ancient Samaritan characters, and
first brought to Ught in 1616, respecting the origin of which
very different opinions are held. Some suppose that the Samar
itans received it as an inheritance from the ten fribes ; others
that it was introduced at the time of the founding of the Samar
itan temple on Mount Gerizim ; others that it was brought by
the IsraeUtish priest sent to instruct the Samaritans in the
knowledge of God, 2 Kings 17 : 27, 28. It is agreed among
bibUcal scholars that its text has been subjected to many alter
ations which greatly impafr its critical authority. These, how-

182 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ever, are not sufficient to account for its remarkable agreement
with the Septuagint version against the Masoretic text, in
numerous readings, some of them of importance. The explana
tion of this phenomenon must be the agreement of the original
Samaritan codex with the manuscripts fr-om which the Alexan
drine version was executed. Probably both were of Egyptian
origin. See Alexander's Kitto, art. Samaritan Pentateuch.
In a brief compend, like the present work, it is not thought necessary
to notice particularly the printed editions of the Hebrew Bible. The
reader -wiU find an account of them in the ' ' BibUographical List " appended
to the fourth volume of Home's Introduction, edition of 1860. The text
of Van der Hooght's Hebrew Bible, (Amsterdam and Utrecht, 1705,) which
was chiefiy based on the earlier text of Athias, (Amsterdam, 1667,) is gen
eraUy followed at the present day, and may be regarded as the received
text of the Hebrew Scriptures.

THE OLD TESTAMENT 183

CHAPTEE XV.
Formation and j-Iistor-t of the -J-Iebre-w Cano

N.

1. The Greek word canon (originaUy a straight rod or pole,
¦measuring-rod, then rule) denotes that coUection of books which
the churches receive as given by inspiration of God, and there
fore as constituting for them a divine rule of faith and practice.
To the books included in it the term canonical is appUed. The
Canon of the Old Testament, considered in reference to its con
stituent parts, was formed gradually ; formed under divine
superintendence by a process of growth extending through
many centuries. The history of its formation may be conveni
ently considered under the foUowing divisions : (1,) the Penta
teuch; (2,) the historical books; (3,) the prophetical books in the
stricter sense of the term ; (4,) a somewhat miscellaneous col
lection of books which may be designated in a general way as
poetical.
I. THE PENTATEUCH.
2. In the name appUed to the Pentateuch — •" the book of
the law," and more fully, " the book of the law of Moses," " the
book of the law of Moses, which the Lord had commanded to
Israel" — we have from the beginning the general idea of the
canon. A canonical writing is one that contains a communica
tion from God to men, and has therefore the impress of dirine
authority. In its outward form it may be preceptive, historical,
or meditative. But in all these different modes it stiU reveals
to men God's character, and the duties which he requfres of
them. The Hebrews never admitted to the number of their
sacred books a writing that was secular in its character. Even
those who deny the canonical authority of certain parts of the

184 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Old Testament acknowledge that the Jews received these parts
because they believed them to be of a sacred character.
3. In Deut. 31:9-13, 24^26; 17:18, 19, we read: "And
Moses wrote this law, and delivered it unto the priests the sons
of Leri, -which bare the ark of the covenant of the Lord, and
unto all the elders of Israel. And Moses commanded them,
saying. At the end of every seven years, in the solemnity of the
year of release, in the feast of tabernacles, when aU Israel is
come to appear before the Lord thy God in the place which he
shall choose, thou shalt read this law before all Israel in thefr
hearing. Gather the people together, men, and women, and
children, and thy stranger that is within thy gates, that they
may hear, and that they may learn, and fear the Lord your God,
and observe to do all the words of this law: and that their
children which have not known anything, may hear, and learn
to fear the Lord your God, as long as ye Uve in the land
whither ye go over Jordan to possess it ;" " and it came to
pass, when Moses had made an end of writing the words of
this law in a book, untU they were finished, that Moses com
manded the Levites, which bare the ark of the covenant of the
Lord, saying. Take this book of the law, and put it in the side"
(that is, not within, but by the side. Compare Josh. 12 : 9 ; Euth
2 : 14 ; 1 Sam. 20 : 25 ; Psa. 91 : 7 ; where the same word is used
in the original) " of the ark of the covenant of the Lord your
God, that it may be there for a witness against thee ;" " and it
shaU be when he " — the king whom the Israelites in some future
age shaU set over themselves — " sitteth upon the throne of his
kingdom, that he shaU write him a copy of this law in a book
out of that which is before the priests the Lerites : and it shall
be with him, and he shall read therein aU the days of his Ufe ;
that he may learn to fear the Lord his God, to keep aU the
words of this law and the statutes, to do them." These passa
ges are of the weightiest import ; for they teach us how the
nucleus of the canon of the Old Testament was formed, and give
us aU the particulars that enter into the idea of a canonical
writing. It is given by God as an authoritative rule of faith

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 185
and practice ; it is committed to the custody of his people
throngh thefr recognized officers, and that for aU future time ;
it is to be published to the people at large, and diUgently stud
ied by the nders, that they and the people together may know
and do the wiU of God. It is not necessary to decide the ques
tion how much is included in the words " this book of the law,"
Deut. 31 : 26, whether the whole Pentateuch, or only the book
of Deuteronomy. The arguments to show that the four pre
ceding books came, in aU essential respects, from the pen of
Moses nave been afready given (Ch. 9, Nos. 7-9), and need not
be here repeated. We only add that even if the reference is to
Deuteronomy alone, as some suppose, the mle for this book
would naturaUy be the rule for aU the prerious -writings. They
also would be laid up by the side of the ark ; for it is plain
that the priests and Lerites, who had charge of the sanctuary,
were made the keepers of the sacred -writings generaUy.
As a matter of simple convenience the book of Deuteronomy was writ
ten on a sejiarate roU ("in a book," Deut. 31 :24). But if this book,
-when finished, was laid up with the earUer portions of the law at the side
of the ark, so as to constitute -with them a single coUection, and if, as we
may reasonably suppose, Moses, in writing the book of Deuteronomy,
contemplated such a coUection of aU the parts of the law into one whole ;
then, when the law is mentioned, whether in Deuteronomy or in the later
books, we are to understand the whole law, unless there be something in
the context to Umit its meaning, as there is, for example, in Joshua 8 : 32
compared -with Deut. 27 : 1-8. The command to "read this law before aU
Israel in their hearing," " at the end of every seven years, in the solem
nity of the year of release, in the feast of tabernacles," was understood in
the days of Ezra and Nehemiah of the whole law, and not of Deuteronomy
alone (Ch. 9, No. 4j; an4 so Josephus plainly understood it : "But when the
multitude is assembled in the holy city at the septennial sacrifices on the
occasion of the feast of tabernacles, let the high priest, standing on a lofty
stage whence he can be plainly heard, read the laws to alL" Antiq. 4.8,
12. "The laws," in the usage of Josephus, naturaUy mean the whole
collection of laws.
II. THE HISTORICAL BOOKS.
4. The history of these is involved in obscurity. In respect
to most of them we know not the authors, nor the exact date of

186 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
their composition. There are, however, two notices that shed
much light on the general history of the earUer historical
books. In the last chapter of the book of Joshua, after an
account of the renewal of the covenant at Shechem, it is added :
" And Joshua wrote these words in the book of the law of God,
and took a great stone, and set it up there under an oak that
was by the sanctuary of the Lord." Josh. 24 : 26. Again, upon
the occasion of the estabUshment of the kingdom under Saul,
we are told that "Samuel told the people the manner of the
kingdom, and wrote it in a book, and laid it up before the
Lord." 1 Sam. 10 : 25. From the first of these passages we
learn that a theocratic man after Moses, who had the spirit of
prophecy, connected his writings (or at least one portion of
them) with the law. This addition by Joshua, though never
formally regarded as a part of the law, virtuaUy belonged to it,
since it contained a renewal of the covenant between God and
his people. From the second passage we learn that the place
for other important documents pertaining to the theocracy was
" before the Lord," where the law was deposited. Hence we
infer w'ith much probability that, besides the addition made to
" the book of the law of God," important historical writings,
proceeding from prophetical men, like Joshua and Samuel,
were in process of collection at the sanctuary aU the time from
Moses to Samuel.
5. If now we examine the books of Joshua and Judges, we
must be satisfied that the men who compiled them made use of
such materials. In the book of Joshua is recorded, with much
detail, the allotment of the land of Canaan, among the several
tribes. A document of this nature must have been -written at
the time, and by Joshua himself, or under his immediate dfrec
tion. The same may be reasonably supposed of other portions
of the book. If then it was put into its present form after tho
death of Joshua, as some suppose, the materials must still have
been furnished by him to a great extent. The book of Judges
covers a period of more than three centuries. Who composed
it we do not know, but the materials employed by him must

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 187
have existed, in part at least, in a written form. The book of
Euth may be regarded as an appendix to that of the Judges.
6. The two books of Samuel (which originaUy constituted
one whole) bring down the history of the Theocracy from the
bfrth of Samuel to the close of Darid's reign- — a period of about
a century and a haU. The author, therefore, can have been,
upon any supposition, only in part contemporary with the
events which he records. Tet U we examine the biographical
sketches of Said, Samuel, and Darid contained in these books,
the conriction forces itseU upon us that they must have been
-written by contemporaries. Thefr freshness, minute accuracy
of detaU, and graphic riridness of style mark them as coming
from eye-witnesses, or from writers who had received thefr
accounts from eye--witnesses. Who were authors of these origi
nal documents we cannot determine. It is certain that Sam
uel was one of them. 1 Chron. 29 : 29. Who composed the
books, again, is a question that we are unable to answer. It
was probably a prophet Uving not very long after the separa
tion of the kingdoms of Isi-ael and Judah. From the days of
Samuel and onward there was a fiourishing school of the proph
ets at hand which could famish, under the inspfration of the
Holy Spirit, both the -writers of the original materials and the
author of the books in thefr present form.
The attempt has been made to set aside the evidence that the -svriter of
the books of Samuel made use of earUer documents, from the example of
such men as S-wift and Defoe, who composed works of fiction with aU the
simpUcity and circumstantial detaU of those who write authentic history as
eye--witnesses. But, unless the design be to class the books of Samuel -with
"GuUiver's Travels" and "Eobinson Crusoe," the argument is whoUy
irrelevant. "With Swift and Defoe simpUcity and minuteness of detail were
a matter of conscious effort — a work cf art, for which they naturaUy chose
the region of fiction ; and here they, and other men of genius, have been
eminently successful Shakespeare has portrayed ideal scenes in the Ufe of
JuUus Caesar with more vi-vidness and circnmstantiaUty than any authentic
historian of Caesar's age. But real history, -written simply in the interest
of truth, never has the graphic character, artiess simpUcity, and circum-
stantiaUty of detaU which belong to these inimitable narratives, unless the
¦writer be either an eye--witness, or draw his materials from eye-'sritnesses.

188 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
7. We come next to the books of Kings and Chronicles, the
writers of which corfessedly employed previously existing mate
rials. In the two books of Kings (which, Uke the two of Sam
uel and of Chronicles, originaUy constituted one work) refer
ence is made to the foUowing sources : For the reign of Solo
mon, " the book of the acts of Solomon " (1 Kings 11 : 41) ; for
the kingdom of Judah after the revolt of the twelve tribes fr-om
Eehoboam to Jehoiakim, "the book of the chronicles of the
kings of Judah;" for the kingdom of Israel, "the book of the
chronicles of the kings of Israel." In the books of Chronicles
¦we have: For the reign of David, "the book" (history) "of
Samuel the seer, the book of Nathan the prophet, and the book
of Gad the seer " (1 Chron. 29 : 29) ; for the reign of Solomon,
" the book of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of Ahijah the
Shilonite," and " the vision of Iddo the seer against Jeroboam
the son of Nebat (2 Chron. 9 : 29) ; for the reign of Eehoboam,
"the book of Shemaiah the prophet," and "of Iddo the seer
concerning genealogies," that is, in the manner of a genealogi
cal record (2 Chron. 12 : 15) ; for the reign of Abijah, " the
story " (commentary) "of the prophet Iddo " (2 Chron. 13 : 22) ;
for the reign of Jehoshaphat, " the book of Jehu the son of
Hanani," -who is mentioned (rather, who is inserted, i. e., as an
author) in the book of the kings of Israel (2 Chron. 20 : 34) ; for
the reign of Uzziah, " the prophet Isaiah " (2 Chron. 26 : 22) ;
for the reign of Hezekiah in part, "the vision of Isaiah the
prophet " (2 Chron. 32 : 32) ; for the reign of Manasseh in part,
"the sayings of the seers," or, as many prefer to render, "the
words of Hosai " (2 Chron. 33 : 18). Besides the above, refer
ence is made to "the book of the kings of Judah and Israel,"
"the book of the kings of Israel aud Judah," "the story ofthe
book of the kings;" "the book of the kings of Israel." These
last are probably only different titles of the same coUection of
annals, embracing in its contents the history of both kingdoms ;
since the references to the book of the kings of Israel are for
the affairs of the kingdom of Judah (2 Chron. 20 : 34; 33 : 18).
8. With regard to the above original sources, it should be

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 189
carefuUy noticed that the references in the books of Kings are
not to our present books of Chronicles, which did not exist
when the books of Kings were ¦written. Chap. 20, No. 21. Nei
ther can the aUusions in the books of Chronicles be restricted
to our present books of Kings ; for (1) they refer to matters
not recorded in those books — ^for example, to the wars of Jo
tham, 2 Chron. 27:7; (2) they refer to the book of the kings of
Judah and Israel for a/wR account of the acts of a given mon
arch " first and last," while the history of the same monarch in
our present books of Kings refers iox further information to the
book of the Chronicles of the kings of Judah. It is plain that
both -writers had access to a larger collection of original documents,
which were in great part the same. The chief difference in
outward form is that, when the books of Chronicles were -writ
ten, the annals of the two kingdoms of Judah and Israel seem
to have constituted a single coUection, whereas in the books of
Kings they are always mentioned as two separate works. In
making his selections from these annals, each writer proceeded
independently. Hence the remarkable agreements, where both
used the same materials ; and the remarkable differences, where
one employed documents, or parts of documents, which the
other omitted to use.
9. As to the character of these original documents, it is plain
that a portion of them were -written by prophets. By some the
books of the kings of Israel and Judah so often referred to,
have been regarded as simply the pubUc annals of the two king
doms -written by the official annalists, the " scribes " or "record
ers " so often spoken of. No doubt such annals eristed, and
entered largely into the documents in question. But the right
interpretation of 2 Chron. 20 : 34, shows that, in some cases at
least, the -writings of prophets were incorporated into these
annals. The" extended history of EUjah and EUsha cannot
have been the work of the pubUc scribes of the kingdom of
Israel, but of prophets, -writing from the prophetic point of
riew. The question, however, is not one of practical impor
tance, since, whatever may have been the so-arce or character

190 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of the materials employed, the writers of the books now under
consideration, used them at their discretion under the guidance
of the Spirit of God. To us, therefore, they come with the
weight of prophetic authority. The further consideration of
the relation between the books of Kings and Chronicles is
reserved for the special introductions to these books. It may
be added here that the probable date of the former is the first
haU of the Babylonish captivity ; of the latter, the time of Ezra
under the Persian rule.
10. The books of Ezra and Nehemiah constitute a continu
ation of the books of Chronicles, and need not be particularly
noticed in the present connection. For their authorship and
date, as also for the book of Esther, see the particular intro
ductions to these books.
III. THE PEOPHETICAL BOOKS.
11. Under the propJietical books, in the stricter sense of the
word, may be included the three Greater prophets — Isaiah, Jer
emiah, and Ezekiel — Daniel (though largely historical), and
the twelve Minor prophets. These wiU all come up hereafter
for separate consideration. At present we view them simply
with reference to the growth of the Old Testament Canon.
From the settlement of the IsraeUties in the land of Canaan to
the time of Samuel, a period of several centuries (according to
the chronology foUowed by the apostle Paul, Acts 13 : 20, four
hundred and fifty years), we read of several appearances of the
"angel of the Lord." Judges 2 : 1 ; 6 : 11 ; 13 : 3. The notices
of prophets during the same period are only three in number.
Judges 4:4; 6:8; 1 Sam. 2 : 27. But -with Samuel began a
new era. He was himself one of the greatest of the prophets,
and he estabUshed a school of the prophets over which he him
seU presided. 1 Sam. 10 : 5, 10 ; 19 : 20. From his day onward
such schools seem to have flourished as a theocratic institution
throughout the whole period of the kings, though more vigor
ously at certain times. 1 Kings 18 : 4 ; 20 : 35 ; 2 Kings 2 : 3, 5 ;

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 191
4 : 1, 38, 43 ; 5 : 22 ; 6 : 1 ; 9 : 1. -So far as we have notices of
these schools, they were under the instruction of eminent proph
ets ; and " the sons of the prophets " assembled in them received
such a training as fitted them, so far as human instrumentaUty
is concerned, for the exercise of the prophetical office, as weU
as for being, in a more general sense, the reUgious instructors
of the people. From these schools came, apparently, most
of those whom God caUed to be his messengers to the rulers
and people, though -with exceptions according to his sovereign
wisdom. Amos 1:1; 7 : 14. We find, accordingly, that fr-om
the days of Samuel and onward the prophets were recognized
as a distinct order of men in the Jewish theocracy, who derived
their authority immediately from God, and spoke by dfrect
inspiration of his Spirit, as they themselves indicate by the
standing formula : " Thus saith the Lord."
12. It is a remarkable fact, however, that fr-om Samuel to
about the reign of Uzziah, a period of ^me three centuries, we
have no books of proplwcy -written by these men, if we except,
perhaps, the book of Jonah. Thefr- writings seem to have been
mainly historical (like the historical notices incorporated into
the books of Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel) ; and what
¦ remains to us of them is preserved in the historical books of the
Old Testament. See above, Nos. 6 and 7. But about the time
of Uzziah begins a new era, that of written prophecy. During
his reign appeared Hosea, Amos, Isaiah, and probably Jonah,
Joel, and Obadiah. Micah foUowed immediately afterwards,
being contemporary in part with Isaiah ; and then, in succes
sion, the rest of the prophets whose writings have come down
to us. When the theocracy was now on its decline, waxing old
and destined to pass away for ever, they felt themselves caUed
to put on record, for the instruction of aU coming ages, then-
words of warning and encouragement. Thus arose gradually
our present coUection of prophetical books ; that of Lamenta
tions included, which is but an appendix to the writings of
Jeremiah.

192 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
IV. THE POETICAL BOOKS.
13. These are a precious outgrowth of the theocratic spirit,
in which the elements of meditation and reflection predominate.
Concerning the date and authorship of the book of Job, which
stands first in order in our arrangement, we have no certain
information. Learned men vary between the ante-Mosaic age
and that of Solomon. Its theme is divine providence, as viewed
from the position of the Old Testament. See further in the
introduction to this book.
14. With the call of Darid to the throne of Israel began a
new and glorious era in the history of public worship, that of
" the service of song in the house of the Lord." 1 Chron. 6 : 31.
As when Moses smote the rock in the wilderness the water
gushed forth in refreshing streams, so the soul of David, touched
by the spirit of inspiration, poured forth a rich and copious fiood
of dirine song, which h^s in aU ages reft-eshed and strengthened
God's people in thefr journey heavenward " through this dark
vale of tears." Nor was the foimtain of sacred poetry confined
to him alone. God opened it also in the souls of such men as
Asaph, Ethan, Heman, and the sons of Korah ; nor did its flow
whoUy cease tUl after the captirity. The Psalms of Darid and
his coadjutors were from the first dedicated to the service of
the sanctuary ; and thus arose our canonical book of Psalms,
although (as will be hereafter shown) it did not receive its pres
ent form and arrangement tiU the time of Ezra and Nehemiah.
16. After David came Solomon in the sphere of practical
wisdom. This, according to the di-rine record, he received as
a special endowment from God, though doubtless he had in a
pecuUar measure a natural capacity for such an endowment.
In Gibeon the Lord appeared to him in a dream by night, and
said : " Ask what I shaU give thee." Passing by wealth, long
Ufe, and the death of his enemies, the youthful monarch be
sought God to give him "an understanding heart," that he might
be quaUfied to judge the great people committed to his care.
The answer was : " Behold, I have done according to thy word :

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 193
lo, I have given thee a wise and an understanding heart; so
that there was none like thee before thee, neither after thee
shaU any arise like unto thee.". 1 Kings 3 : 5-12. Thus di
vinely qualified, he embodied, in a vast collection of proverbs,
his observations on human life, and the course of human affairs.
Our canonical book of Proverbs is a selection from these, witli
some additions at the end from other sources. For notices
respecting the arrangement of these proverbs in their present
form, as well as respecting the books of Ecclesiastes and Can
ticles, which are also ascribed to Solomon, the reader may con
sult the introductions to these books.
V. THE COMPLETION OP THE CANON.
The subject thus far before us has been the groivth of the
materials which constitute our canonical books. The question
of their preservation and final embodiment in their present
form remains to be considered.
16. Eespecting the preservation of the sacred books till the
time of Ezra and Nehemiah, our information is very scanty.
Each king was required to have at hand for his own personal
use a transcript of the law of Moses (Deut. 17: 18), the original
writing being carefully laid up in the inner sanctuary, where
HUkiah, the high priest, found it in the reign of Josiah.
2 Kings 22 : 8. We cannot doubt that such kings as Darid,
Solomon, Asa, and Hezekiah complied -with this law; though
after the disorders connected ¦with the reign of Manasseh and
his captivity, the good king Josiah neglected it. Jehoshaphat,
we are expressly told, sent men to teach in the cities of Judah,
who had "the book of the law of the Lord -with them, and
went about throughout all the cities of Judah, and taught the
people." 2 Chron. 17 : 7-9. Of course it was a tiopy, and not
the original autograph, which might not be removed from the
sanctuary. It is a natural supposition that other transcripts
of the law were made under the direction of the high priest, for
rnmp ;n HPle 1'

194 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the use of pious men, especially pious prophets, princes, and
Levites, .who needed its directions for the right discharge of
their official duties, though on this point we can affirm nothing
positively. As to the prophetical books, we know that Jere
miah had access to the writings of Isaiah, for in repeated
instances he borrowed his language. We know again that
Daniel had at hand the prophecies of Jeremiah; for he under
stood "by books" (UteraUy "by the books," ivhich may be
well understood to mean that collection of sacred books of
which the prophecies of Jeremiah formed a part) " the number
of the years whereof the word of the Lord came to Jeremiah
the prophet, that he woidd accompUsh seventy years in the
desolations of Jerusalem." Dan. 9 : 2. The consecration of
the Psalms of David and his coadjutors to the public service of
the sanctuary must have insured their careful preservation by
the Levites who had charge of the temple music ; and, in gen
eral, the deep reverence of the Jews for their sacred writings is
to us a reasonable evidence that they preserved them from loss
and mutilation to the captirity, and through that calamitous
period. 17. To Ezra and his coadjutors, the men of the Great Syn
agogue, the Je'ws ascribe the completion qf the canon of the Old
Testament. Their traditions concerning him are embeUished
¦nith extravagant fictions ; yet we cannot reasonably deny that
they are underlaid by a basis of truth. AU the scriptural noti
ces of Ezra attest both his zeal and his ability as " a scribe of
the words of the commandments of the Lord, and of his statutes
to Israel," a man who " had prepared his heart to seek the law
of the Lord, and to do it, and to teach in Israel statutes and
judgments." Ezra 7 : 10, 11. The work in which he and his
associates were engaged was the reestabUshment of the The
ocracy on its old foundation, the law of Moses, ¦with the ordi
nances pertaining to the sanctuary-serrice afterwards added by '
Darid ; and that too in the virid consciousness of the fact that
disobedience to the dirine law had brought upon the nation the
calamities of the captirity. In such circumstances their first

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 195
soUcitude must have been that the people might have the
inspfred oracles given to thefr fathers, and be thoroughly in
structed in them. The work, therefore, which Jewish tradition
ascribes to Ezra and the men of the Great Synagogue was alto
gether appropriate to ihefr situation, nor do we know of any
man or body of men afterwards so weU qualified for its per
formance, or upon whom it would so naturaUy have devolved.
That they an-anged the inspfred volume in substantiaUy its
present form, we have no good reason for doubting. But we
should not, perhaps, be warranted in saying that they brought
the canon of the Old Testament absolutely and formaUy to a
close. Josephus (against Apion 1. 8) affirms that no book
belongs to the sacred writings of his nation " which are justly
beUeved to be divine," that had its origin after the reign of
Artaxerxes; Xerxes' son (Artaxerxes Longimanus, under whom
Ezra led forth his colony, Ezra, chap. 7); and that on the
ground that from this time onward " the exact succession of
the prophets " was wanting. This declaration of the Jewish
historian is in aU essential respects worthy of fnU credence.
We cannot, however, affirm ¦nith confidence that aU the later
historical books were put by Ezra and his contemporaries into
the exact form in which we now have them. The book of Ne
hemiah, for example, contains some genealogical notices (chap.
12 : 11, 22) which, according to any fafr interpretation, are of a
later date. We are at Uberty to suppose that these were after
wards added officiaUy and in good faith, as matters of public
interest ; or, as some think, that the book itself is an arrange
ment by a later hand of writings left by Nehemiah, perhaps
also by Ezra ; so that whUe its contents belong, in every essen
tial respect, to them, it received its present form after their
death. Eespecting the question when the canon of the Old
Testament received its finishing stroke, a question which the
wisdom of God has left in obscurity, we must speak with diffi
dence. We know with certainty that our present Hebrew
canon is identical with that coUection of sacred writings to
which our Sariour and his apostles constantiy appealed as

196 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
invested throughout with dirine authority, and this is a fii-m
basis for our faith.
The attempt has been made, but -without success, to show that a por
tion of the Psalms belongs to the Maccabean age. The words of the Psalm -
ist (Psa. 74 : 8) rendered in our version : ' ' Th^y have burned up aU the
synagogues of God in the land," have no reference to the synagogues of a
later age, as is now generaUy admitted. The Hebrew word denotes places
of assembly, and was never appUed by the later Jews to their synagogues.
The Psalmist -wrote, moreover, in immediate connection -with the burning
of the temple — "they have cast fire into thy sanctuary, they have defiled
by casting do-wn the dwelling-place of thy name to the ground " — and this
fixes the date of the Psalm to the Chaldean invasion (2 Kings 25 : 9) ; for
the temple was not burned, but only profaned, in the days of the Macca
bees. By "the assembUes of God," we are probably to understand the
ancient sacred places, such as Eamah, Bethel, and GUgal, where the peo
ple were accustomed to meet, though iu a somewhat irregular way, for the
worship of God. But whether this interpretation be correct or not, the
words have no reference to the buUdings of a later age called synagogues.
Some of the apocryphal ¦writings, as, for example, the book of -Wisdom,
the book of Ecclesiasticus, the first book of Maccabees, were highly valued
by the ancient Jews, But they were never received into the Hebrew can
on, because their authors Uved afler "the exact succession of the proph
ets," which ended with Malachi They knew how to make the just dis
tinction between books of human -wisdom and books -written "by inspira
tion of God."
18. The earliest notice of the contents qf the Hebrew Canan
is that contained in the prologue to the Greek translation of
Ecclesiasticus, where it is described as " the law, the prophets,
and the other national books," " the law, and the prophecies,
and the rest of the books," according to the three-fold dirision
already considered. Chap. 13, No. 4. Josephus, in the passage
already referred to (against Apion, 1. 8), says : " We have not
among us innumerable books discordant and contrary to each
other, but oiUy two-and-twenty, containing the history of aU
time, which are justly believed to be divine. And of these five
belong to Moses, which contain the laws and the transmission
of human genealogy to the time of his death. This period of
time wants but little of three thousand years" (the longer
chronology foUowed by him). " But from the death of Moses

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 197
to the reign of Ai-taxerxe-s, who was king of the Persians after
Xerxes, the prophets after Moses wrote the history of thefr
times in thirteen books. The remaining four contain hymns to
God and precepts for human life. From Artaxerxes to our
time various books have been -written ; but they have not been
esteemed worthy of credence Uke that given to the books before
them, because the exact succession of th§ prophets has been
wanting." In this Ust the books of the Old Testament are
artificially arranged to agree -with the number tico-and-tiventy,
that of the Hebrew alphabet. The four that contain " hymns
to God and precepts for human life " are, in aU probabiUty :
Psalms, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles; and the thfr-teen
prophetical books (see below) are : (1) Joshua, (2) Judges and
Euth, (3) the two books of Samuel, (4) the. two books of Kings,
(5) the two books of Chronicles, (6) Ezra and Nehemiah,
(7) Esther, (8) Isaiah, (9) Jeremiah and Lamentations, (10) Eze
kiel, (11) Daniel, (12) the book of the twelve Minor Prophets,
(13) Job. See Oehler in Hertzog's Encyclopsedia, Art. Canon
of the Old Testament. Origen, as quoted by Eusebius (Hist.
EccL 6. 25), and Jerome (both of whom drew thefr information
conceming the Hebrew Canon immediately from Jewish schol
ars, and may, therefore, be regarded as in a certain sense the
expositors of the above list of Josephus) make mention of the
same number, twenty-two. Origen's list unites Euth with
Judges, puts together the first and second of Samuel, the first
and second of Kings, the first and second of Chronicles, Ezra
and Nehemiah (under the names of the first and second of
Ezra), and Jeremiah and Lamentations (with the addition of
the apocryphal Epistle of Jeremiah — an inconsistency, or
rather oversight, to be explained fi-om his constant habit of
using the Septuagint version). In the present text of Eusebius,
the book of the twelve Minor Prophets is wanting. But this is
simply an old error of the scribe, since it is necessary to com
plete the number of twenty-two. Jerome's list (Prologus gale
atus) is the same, only that he gives the contents of the Law,
the Prophets, and the Hagiographa in accordance with the

198

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

Hebrew arrangement, placing Daniel in the last class, and
adding that whatever is without the number of these must be
placed among the Apocryphal writings. Smith's Diet, of the
Bible, Art. Canon. The catalogue of these two distinguished
Christian scholars — Origen of the Eastern church, and Jerome
of the Western, both of whom drew their information imme
diately from Hebreyr scholars — is decisive, and we need add
nothing further.
19. The Apocryphal books of the Old Testament were incor
porated into the Alexandrine version called the Septuagint ;
but they were never received by the Jews of Palestine as a part
of the sacred volume. Concerning them and their history, see
further in the Appendix to this part.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 199

CHAPTEE XVI.
Ancient Versions of the Old Testament.
In the present chapter only those versions of the Old Tes
tament are noticed which were made independently of the
New. Versions of the whole Bible, made in the interest of
Christianity, are considered in the following part.
I. THE GBEEK VEESION CALLED THE SEPTUAGINT.
1. This is worthy of special notice as the oldest existing
version of the holy Scriptures, or any part of them, in any lan
guage ; and also as the version which exerted a very large
influence on the language and style of the New Testament;
for it was extensively used in our Lord's day not only in Egypt,
where it originated, and in the Eoman provinces generally,
but also in Palestine ; and the quotations in the New Testa
ment are made more commonly from it than from the Hebrew.
2. The Jewish account of its origin, first noticed briefly by
Aristobulus, a Jew (as quoted by Clement of Alexandria and
Eusebius), then given at great length in a letter which professes
to have been written by one Aristeas, a heathen and a special
friend of Ptolemy Phiiadelphus, king of Egypt, and the main
part of which Josephus has copied (Antiq. 12. 2), is for sub
stance as foUows : Ptolemy Phiiadelphus (who reigned from
B. c. 285 to 247), at the suggestion of his librarian Demetrius
Phalereus, after having first liberated all the Jewish captives
found in his kingdom, sent an embassy with costly gUts to Ele
azar the high priest at Jerusalem, requesting that he would
send him chosen men, six from each of the twelve tribes, with
a copy of the Je-wish law, that it might be interpreted from the
Hebrew into the Greek and laid up in the royal library at Alex-

200 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
andria. Eleazar accordingly sent the seventy-two elders with
a copy of the la-n's written on parchments in letters of gold,
who were received by the king with high honors, sumptuously
feasted, and afterwards lodged in a palace on an island (appa
rently Pharos in the harbor of Alexandria), -where they com
pleted their work in seventy-two days, and were then sent
home with munificent gifts. The story that they were shut up
in seventy-two separate cells (according to another legend two
by two in thirty-six cells), where they had no communication
with each othei- and yet produced as many versions agreeing
with each other word for word, was a later embellishment de
signed (as indeed were all the legends respecting the origin of
this version) to exalt its character in the apprehension of the
people, and to gain for it an authority equal to that of the in
spired original.
3. The letter ascribed to Aristeas is now generaUy admitted
to be spurious. It purports to have been written by a heathen
scholar, yet it bears throughout marks of a Jewish origin. It
represents the translators as Jewish elders sent by the high
priest from Jerusalem. Yet the version is acknowledged to be
in the Alexandrine Greek dialect. For these and other reasons
learned men ascribe its authorship to a Jew whose object was
to exalt the merits of the Alexandrine version in the estimation
of his nation. But we are not, for this reason, warranted to
pronounce the whole account a pure fable, as many have done.
We may well beUeve that the work was executed under the
auspices of Ptolemy, and for the purpose of enriching his
library. But we must believe that it was executed by Jews
born in Egypt to whom the Greek language was vernacular,
and probably from manuscripts of Egyptian origin. Thus
much is manifest from the face of the version, that it was made
by different men, and with different degrees of ability and
fidelity. The name Septuagint (Latin, Septuaginta), seventy, a roimd number for
the more exact seventy-two, probably arose from this tradition of the exe
cution of the work by seventy-two elders in seventy-two days. The story

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 201
of the parchments sent from Jerusalem for the use of the translators (-with
the request that they might be retumed -with them) has been rejected on
the ground that the text used by them differs too -widely from the Pales
tinian text. See further on this subject in No, 5, below. It has been fur
ther affirmed that Demetrius Phalereus did not belong to the reign of
Ptolemy Philaddphus, but to that of his father Ptolemy Soter, the son
having banished him from court in the beginning of his reign. For this
reason some have proposed to assign the founding of the Alexandrian
Ubrary to the father and not the son. But whatever be our judgment in
respect to Demeti-ius and his relation to the two Ptolemies, the voice of
history is decisive in favor of the son and not the father, as the patron of
leaming. 4. It has been a question whether the Hebrew Scriptures
were translated at one time, or in successive portions. The
tradition above considered speaks only of the law, or, in the
plural, the laws. These might, perhaps, be understood as com
prehensive terms for the whole Old Testament, but they prob
ably mean the Pentateuch alone, in which both the Egyptian
king and the Jews of his realm would feel a special interest.
It is probable that the Pentateuch — the Law in the proper
sense of the term — ^was first translated, and afterwards the re
maining books. But how long a period of time was thus occu
pied cannot be determined. Eespecting the incorporation into
this version of the apocryphal book, see in the appendix to this
Part, No. 2.
-When the translator of the Wisdom of Jesus, son of Sirach (Ecclesi
asticus), says in his prologue, in immediate connection with his residence
and labors in Egypt, that "the law itself and the prophets, and the rest of
the books have no smaU difference [as to force] when read in their own
tongue," he plainly refers to the Septuagint version as complete in his
day. He -visited Egypt "under Euergetes." But to which of the two
TnnTia.rc.lia -who bore that title he refers is uncertain. If to the former, it
was between 246-221 b. c. ; if to the latter, between 145-116 b. c.
5. The version varies so much in its different parts that it
is not easy to give its character as a whole. It is agreed among
bibUcal scholars that the translators of the Pentateuch exceUed
in abiUty and fideUty, according to the weU-known judgment of
9*

202 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Jerome — " which [the books of Moses] we also acknowledge to
agree more than the others -with the Hebrew." Among the
historical books the translations of Samuel and Kings are the
most faulty. Those of the prophets are in general poor, espe
cially that of Isaiah. That of Daniel was so faulty that the
Christians in later times substituted for it the translation of
Theodotion. See below. No. 10. Among the poetical books
that of Proverbs is the best. As a whole the Septuagint ver
sion cannot for a moment enter into competition with the He
brew original. Tet, as the most ancient of versions and one
which also represents a text much older than the Masoretic,
its use is indispensable to every scholar who would study the
Old Testament in the original language.
6. Independently of its critical value, the Septuagint must
be regarded with deep interest from its close connection with
the New Testament. In the days of Christ and his apostles it
was known and read throughout the whole Eoman empire by
the HeUenists ; that is, by those Jews and Jewish proselytes
who had the Greek civilization and spoke the Greek language.
As the Alexandrine Greek, in which this version was made,
was itseU pervaded throughout with the Hebrew spirit, and to
a great extent also with Hebrew idioms and forms of thought,
so was the language of the New Testament, in tum, moulded
and shaped by the dialect of the Septuagint, nor can the for
mer be successfully studied except in connection with the latter.
Then again the greatest number of quotations in the New Tes
tament from the Old is made from the Septuagint. According
to Mr. Greenfield (quoted in Smith's Bible Diet., art. Septua
gint) " the number of dfrect quotations from the Old Testament
in the Gospels, Acts, and Epistles, may be estimated at
three hundred and fifty, of which not more than fifty materiaUy
differ from the seventy. But the indfrect verbal aUusions
would sweU the number to a far greater amount." The discus
sion of the principles upon which the writers of the New Testa
ment quote from the Old belongs to another part of this work.
It may be briefly remarked here that they quote in a free spirit.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 203
hot in that of servile adherence to the letter, aiming to give the
substance of the sacred writers' thoughts, rather than an exactly
Uteral rendering of the original word for word.
The prophecy of Isaiah, for example (6 : 9, 10), is six times quoted in
the New Testament, whoUy or in part, with very free variations of lan
guage. Matt. 13 : 14, 15 ; Mark 4 : 12 ; Luke 8 : 10 ; John 12 : 40 ; Acts
28 : 26, 27 ; Eom. 11 : 8. Erom neither of these quotations, nor from aU
of them combined, could we draw a a-itical argument respecting either the
Hebrew or Greek text of the passage quoted. Neither can we argue from
the exact agreement of a quotation in the New Testament -with the Septu
agint where that differs from the Hebrew, that the Hebrew text has been
corrupted. The New Testament -writers are occupied with the spirit of
the passages to which they refer, rather than -with the letter.
7. The Hebrew text from which the Septuagint version was
executed was unpointed and much older than the Masoretic text.
Were the version more literal and faithful, and had its text come
down to us in a purer form (see below. Chap. 17, No. 2), it
would be of great service in settUng the exact text of the origi
nal Hebrew. With its present character, and in the present
condition of its text, it is of but comparatively smaU value in
this respect. Tet its striking agreement with the text of the
Samaritan Pentateuch (Ch. 13, No. 8) is a phenomenon worthy
of special notice. Biblical scholars affirm that the two agree in
more than a thousand places where they differ from the Hebrew.
For the probable explanation of this see above, Ch. 14, No. 9.
The reader must be on his guard against the error of supposing that
these more than a thousand variations from the Hebrew text are of such a
nature as to affect seriously the system of doctrines and duties taught in
the Pentateuch. They are rather of a critical and grammatical character,
changes which leave the substance of revelation untouched. See on this
point Ch. 3. There is one striking agreement between the Samaritan text
and that of the Septuagint in which many bibUcal scholars think that the
true ancient reading haa been preserved. It is that of Gen. 4:8: "And
Cain said to Abel his brother. Let us go out into the field. And it came
to pass when they were in the field." etc.
II. OTHEB GBEEK VEESIONS.
8. In the beginning of Christianity the Septuagint enjoyed,
as we have seen, a high reputation among the Jews ; and as a

204 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE. .
natural consequence, among the Jewish converts also, as well
as the Gentile Christians. To the great body of Gentile be
Uevers it was for the Old Testament the only source of knowl
edge, as they were ignorant of the Hebrew original. They
studied it diligently, and used it efficiently against the unbe
lieving Jews. Hence there naturally arose in the minds of tbe
latter a feeling of opposition to this version -n-hich became very
bitter. They began to disparage its authority, and to accuse
it of misrepresenting the Hebrew. The next step was to oppose
to it another version made by Aquila, which was soon foUowed
by two others, those of Theodotion and Symmachus.
9. Aquila is represented to have been a Je-n'ish proselyte of
Pontus, and to have lived in the second century. His version
was slavishly literal, following the Hebrew idiom even where it
is contrary to that of the Greek. For this very reason, not
withstanding all the barbarisms thus introduced, the Jews highlj'
valued it, caUing it the Hebreiv verity. AU that remains of it to
us is contained in the fragments of Origen's Hexapla. See
below. No. 12. Had we the -«-hole work, its extremely Uteral
character would give it great value in a critical point of view,
as it would shed much light on the state of the Hebrew text
when it was executed.
10. Theodotion was, according to Irenseus, an Ephesian.
Jerome calls him and Symmachus Ebionites, Judaizing here
tics, and semi-Christians. He is supposed to have made his
version in the last haU of the second century. According to
the testimony of the ancients, it had a close resemblance in
character to the Septuagint. He seems to have had this ver
sion before him, and to have made a free use of it. Of the
three later versions, that of Theodotion was most esteemed by
the Christians, and they substituted his translation of the book
of Daniel for that of the Seventy.
11. Symmachus, called by the church fathers an Ebionite,
but by some a Samaritan, seems to have flourished not far from
the close of the second century. His version was free, aiming
to give the sense rather than the words. His idiom was Hel-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 205
lenistic, and in this respect resembled the Septuagint, from the
author's famUiarity with which, indeed, it probably took its
complexion. Of other ancient Greek versions discovered by Origen in
his Eastern travels and made by unknown authors it is not
necessary to speak.
12. The text of the Septuagint was never preserved so
carefuUy as that of the Hebrew, and in the days of Origen it
.had fallen into great confusion. To meet the objections of the
Jews, as weU as to help beUevers in their study of the Old Tes
tament, Origen undertook first the work called the Tetrapla
(Greek, fourfold), which was followed by the Hexapla, (Greek,
sixfold). To prepare himseU he spent twenty-eight years, trav
elling extensively and collecting materials. In the Tetrapla,
the text of the Septuagint (corrected by manuscripts of itself),
and those of Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus were arran
ged side by side in four parallel columns. In the Hexapla
there were six columns — (1) the Hebrew in Hebrew characters ;
(2) the Hebrew expressed in Greek letters ; (3) Aquila ; (4)
Symmachus; (5) the Septuagint; (6) Theodotion. See David
son's Bib. Grit., 1, p. 203 ; Smith's Bib. Diet., 2, p. 1202. In some
books he used two other Greek versions, and occasionaUy even
a thfrd, giving in the first case eight, in the second, nine columns.
"The great work," says Da-vidson, "consisting of nearly fifty volumes
on which he had spent the best years of his life, does not seem to have
been transcribed — ^probably in consequence of its magnitude and the great
expense necessarily attending a transcript. It lay unused as a whole fifty
years after it was finished, tUl Eusebius and PamphUus drew it forth from
its concealment in Tyre, and placed it iu the Ubrary of the latter in Cses
area. It is thought to have perished there when Caesarea was taken and
plundered by the Saracens, a. d. 653." Bib. Criticism, 1, p. 206. -WeU
did Origen merit by his vast researches and labors the &^i^e\i AdamanUnu.s
{Adamantine) bestowed on him by the ancients. Fragments of the Hex
apla, consisting of extracts made from it by the ancients, have been col
lected and pubUshed in two f oUo volumes by Montfaupon, Paris, 1713, and
reprinted by Bahrdt in two volumes octavo, Leipzig and Lubeck, 1769,
1770. It is the hope of bibUcal scholars that these may be enriched from
the Nitrian manuscripts. See further, Chap. 28, No. 8.

206 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
For the foiu- "Standard Text Editions" of the Septuagint Greek ver
sion, ¦with the principal editions founded on them, the reader may consult
the BibUographical List appended to the fourth volume of Home's Intro
duction, edition of 1860.
III. THE CHALDEE TAEGUMS.
13. The Chaldee word Targum means interpretation, and is
applied to the translations or paraphrases of the Old Testa
ment in the Chaldee language. When, after the captivity, the
Chaldee had supplanted the Hebrew as the language of com
mon life, it was natural that the Jews should desire to have
their sacred writings in the language which was to them ver
nacular. Thus we account, in a natural way, for the origin of
these Targums, of which there is a considerable number now
extant differing widely in age as well as character. No one of
them extends to the whole Old Testament.
The question has been raised whether the Targums have for their
authors single individuals, or are the embodiment of traditional interpre
tations coUected and re-vised by one or more persons. Many bibUcal schol
ars of the present day inoUne strongly to the latter view, which is not in
itself improbable. But the decision of the question, in the case of each
Targum, rests not on theory, but on the character of its contents, as ascer
tained by careful examination.
14. The first place in worth, and probably in time also,
belongs to the Targum on the Pentateuch which bears the name
of Onkelos. It is a literal and, upon the whole, an able and
faithful version (not paraphrase) of the Hebrew text, written
in good Aramaean, and approaching in style to the Chaldee
parts of Daniel and Ezra. In those passages which describe
God in language borrowed from human attributes (anthropo
morphic, describing God in human forms, as haring eyes, hands,
etc. ; anthropopathic, ascribing to God human affections, as repent
ing, grieving, etc.), the author is inclined to use paraphrases ;
thus: "And Jehovah smeUed a sweet savor" (Gen. 8 :21) be
comes in this Targum : " And Jehovah received the sacrifice
with favor;" and "Jehovah went down to see" (Gen. 11:5),
"Jehovah revealed himself" So also strong expressions dis-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 207
creditable to the ancient patriarchs are softened, as : " Eachel
/oofe " instead of " Eachel sto?c." Gen. 31:19. In the poetical
passages, moreover, the Targum aUows itseU more Uberty, and
is consequently less satisfactory.
According to a Je-wish ti-adition, Onkelos was a proselyte and nephew
of the emperor Titus, so that he must have flourished about the time of
the destruction of the second temple. But aU the notices we have of his
person are very uncertain. There is even ground for the suspicion that
the above tradition respecting Onkelos relates, by a confusion of persons,
to Aquila (Chaldee Akilas), the author of the Greek version ah-eady con
sidered. In this case the real author of the Targum is unknown, and we
can only say that it should not probably be assigned to a later date than
the close of the second century.
15. Next in age and value is the Targum of Jonathan Ben
Uzziel on the Prophets ; that is, according to the Jewish classi
fication (Chap. 13, No. 4), Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings,
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the twelve Minor Prophets. In
the historical books, this Targum is in the main Uteral; but in
the prophets (in the stricter sense of the term) paraphrastic
and aUegorical.
The Jewish ti-adition represents that Jonathan -wrote the paraphrase of
the prophets from the mouth of Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi ; a mere
fable. -Who was the real author cannot be determined with certainty, only
that he Uved after the so-caUed Onkelos.
16. There are two other Targums on the Pentateuch, one of
them commonly kno-wn as the Targum ofthe Pseudo- Jonathan (be
cause falsely ascribed to the author of the preceding Targum)
and the Jerusalem Targum. The latter is of a fragmentary char
acter; and its agreement with the corresponding passages of
the former is so remarkable that it is generaUy considered as
consisting of extracts taken from it with free variations. But
according to Daridson (in Alexander's Kitto) : " The Jerusalem
Targum. formed the basis of that of Jonathan ; and its own
basis was that of Onkelos. Jonathan used both his predeces
sors' paraphrases ; the author of the Jerusalem Targum that of
Onkelos alone." The style of Pseudo-Jonathan is barbarous.

208 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
abounding in foreign words, with the introduction of many
legends, fables, and ideas of a later age. He is assigned to
the seventh century. Keil, Introduc. to Old Testament, § 189.
17. The Targums on the Hagiographa are all of late date.
There is one on Psalms, Job, and Proverbs, the last tolerably
accurate and free from legendary and paraphrastic additions;
one on the five rolls — Euth, Esther, Lamentations, Ecclesiastes,
Canticles ; which is not a translation, but rather a commentary
in the Talmudic style ; two on Esther, one on Chronicles.
In the present connection, though not belonging properly
to the Targums, may be named the Samaritan version qf the
Samaritan Pentateuch, printed with the originals in the Paris
and London Polyglotts. It is a literal translation executed in
the spirit of the Targum of Onkelos, and admitting the same
class of variations from the letter of the original.
IV. THE SYEIAC PESHITO.
18. This is the oldest version made by Christians from the
original Hebrew. The word Peshito signifies simple, indicating
that it gives the simple meaning of the original, without para
phrastic and allegorical additions. It is upon the whole an
able and faithful version. It often exhibits a resemblance to
the Alexandrine version. A¥e may readily suppose that the
translator, though rendering from the original Hebrew, was
familiar with the Septuagint, and that this exerted upon his
work a certain degree of influence. The Peshito was the
standard version for the Syriac Christians, being used alike by
all parties; a fact which is naturally explained by its high
antiquity. If it be of the same date as the New Testament
Peshito, it may be placed not far from the close of the second
century. The Old Latin, and in connection with this, the Vulgate of
Jerome, with some other ancient versions of the Old Testa
ment, will be considered in connection with the New Testa
ment.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 209

CHAPTEE XVII.
Criticism of the Sacred Text.
1. The only legitimate criticism of the sacred text is that
which has for its object to restore it, as far as possible, to its
primitive form. Had we the autograph of Moses in the exact
form in which he deposited it in the sanctuary (Deut. 31 : 26),
this would be a perfect text ; and so of any other book of the
Old Testament. In the absence of the autographs, which have
all perished, we are still able to establish the form of their text
with a reasonable degree of certainty for all purposes of faith
and practice. The means of accomplishing this are now to be
considered. 2. Here ancient manuscripts hold the flrst place. It is obvi
ous, however, that in settling the true reading of a given pas
sage we cannot look simply to the number of manuscript testi
monies. The quality of the manuscripts must also be taken
into account. Here age is of primary importance. Other
things being equal, the oldest are the most worthy of credence,
as being nearest to the original sources. But, in estimating
the testimony of a manuscript, there are other qualities besides
age that must be carefully considered — the care of the tran
scriber; its freedom from interpolations by later hands (which
can, however, as a general rule, be easily detected) ; and espe
cially its independence, that is, its independence as compared
with other manuscripts. We may have a group of manuscripts
whose peculiar readings mark them as having come from a sin
gle source. Properly speaking, their testimony is valid only
for the text of their source. The authority of a single inde
pendent manuscript may be equal in weight to their combined
testimony. Then, again, the character of the different readings
must be considered. The easiest reading — that which most

210 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
naturally suggests itself to the scribe — has less presumption
in its favor than a more difficult reading ; and that on the sim
ple ground that it is more Ukely that an easy should have been
substituted for a difficult reading than the reverse. There are
many other points which would need discussion in a work
designed for biblical critics ; but for the purposes of this work
the above brief hints are sufficient.
The Masoretic manuscripts have a great degree of uniformity, and are
all comparatively recent. Chap. 14, No. 7. We have reason to beUeve
that the Hebrew text which they exhibit has a good degree of purity. But
we cannot consider these manuscripts as so many independent witnesses.
The text of the Samaritan Pentateuch is independent of the Masoretic text.
Could we beUeve that we possess it in a tolerably pure form, its critical
value would be very great. But, according to the judgment of the best
bibhcal scholars, it has been subjected to so many alterations, that its crit
ical authority is of smaU account.
3. Next in order come ancient versions, the value of which
for critical purposes depends on their character as Uteral or
free, and also upon the state of their text as we possess it.
Other things being equal, the authority of a version is mani
festly inferior to that of a manuscript of the original. But a
version may have been made fr-om a more ancient form of the
original text than any which we have in existing manuscripts ;
and thus it may be indirectly a witness of great value. The
extremely literal version of Aquila (Chap. 16, No. 9) was made
in the second century. Could we recover it, its testimony to
the Hebrew text, as it then existed, would be of great value.
The Septuagint version was made (at least begun) in the third
century before Christ. But its free character diminishes, and
the impure state of its text greatly injures its critical authority.
Of the Targums, those oE Onkelos and Jonathan alone are
capable of rendering any service in the line of sacred criticism,
and this is not of much account.
4. We have also primary-printed editions of the Hebrew
Bible — those printed from Hebrew manuscripts, which the
reader may see noticed in Home's BibUographical List, Ap-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 211
pendix to vol. 4. The critical authority of these aepends on
that of the manuscripts used, which were aU of the Masoretic
recension. 5. ParaUd pas.sages — paraUel in a critical and not simply in
a historical respect — are passages which profess not merely to
give an account of the same transaction, but to repeat the
same text. WeU known examples are: the song of Darid
recorded in the twenty-second chapter of the second book of
Samuel, and repeated as the eighteenth psalm ; the fourteenth
and fifty-thfrd psalms, etc. Such repetitions possess for every
bibUcal student a high interest. But in the critical use of them
great caution is necessary. It must be ascertained, first of aU,
whether they proceed from the same, or fr-om a different -writer.
In the latter case they are only historical imitations. If, as in
the case of the above-named passages, they manifestly have
the same author, the inquiry stUl remains hoiv the differences
arose. They may be different recensions of the same writer
(in this case, of Darid himseU), or of another inspfred -writer,
who thus sought to adapt them more perfectly — the fifty-thfrd
psalm, for example — to the cfrcumstances of his own day. The
gUt of inspiration made the later -writer, in this respect, coor
dinate in authority -with the earUer.
Historical parallelism, such as those in the books of Chronicles, as com
pared with the earUer historical books, do not properly belong here. Yet
these also sometimes furnish critical help, especiaUy in respect to names
and dates.
6. The quotations from the Old Testament in the New have
for every beUever the highest authority; more, however, in a
hermeneutical than a critical respect. For, as afready remarked
(Chap. 16, No. 6), the Ne-w Testament writers quote mostly from
the Septuagint, and in a very free way. The whole subject of
these quotations wUl come up hereafter under the head of
BibUcal Interpretation.
7. Quotations from the Old Testament in the Talmud and
later rabbinical writers are another source of sacred criticism.

212 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
The Talmud, embodying the ecclesiastical and civil law of the
Jews according to their traditions, consists of two parts, the
Mishna, or text, generaUy referred to the last half of the second
century, and the Gemara, or commentary on the Mishna. The
Mishna is one ; but connected with this are two Gemaras of
later origin ; the more copious Babylonian, and the briefer Jeru
salem Gemara; whence the distinction of the Babylonian and
Jerusalem Talmud. Whether because the Hebrew text was
rigidly settled in its present form in the days of the Tahnud-
ists, or because thefr quotations have been made to agree with
the Masorah, an examination of the Talmud furnishes few vari
ous readings that are of any importance. Most of them relate
to trifling particulars. The quotations of later rabbinical wri
ters are of smaU account in a critical respect.
8. It remains to speak of critical conjecture. Of this a wise
and reverent scholar wiU make a very cautious use. He -wiU
content himseU with offering to the public his suggestions,
without venturing to incorporate them into the text itseU. The
recklessness of some modern critics, who make an abundance
of conjectural emendations, and then embody them in their ver
sions, with only a brief note, deserves severe condemnation.
Had the ancient critics generaUy adopted this uncritical meth
od, the sacred text would long ago have faUen into irretrieva
ble confusion.
We acid an example where critical conjecture is in place, though it may
not venture to alter the estabUshed reading. In Psahn 42, the last clause
of verse 6 and the beginning of verse 7, -written continuously -without a
di-rision of words (Chap. 13, No. 5), would read thus :
With the present division of words :
the clauses are to be translated, as in our version :
For I shall yet praise him [for] the salvation of his countenance. 0 my
Ood, my soul is east down within me.
Divided as foUows (by the transfer of a single letter to the foUo-wing
word) .

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 213
nnin^'fj ?trej ?'71; 'hSni 'ja nritJ'' utin iw o
the rendering would be :
For I shall yet praise him, [who is] the salvation of my countenance and
my God. My soid is cast down -within me.
Thus the refrain would agree exactiy with the two that foUow (ver. 11
and 43 : 5). Tet this conjecture, however plausible, is uncertain, since we
do not know that the saired writer sought exact uniformity in the three
refrains. 9. General remark on the various readings of the sacred
text. As a general rule, the various readings ¦with which text
ual criticism is occupied have respect to minor points — ^for the
most part points of a tririal nature ; and even where the varia
tions are of more importance, they are not of such a character
as to obscure, much less change, the truths of revelation in any
essential respect. BibUcal critics teU us, for example, that the
Samaritan Pentateuch agrees -with the Septuagint version in
more than a thousand places where they differ from the Maso
retic Hebrew text. Chap. 16, No. 7. Tet these three texts aU,
exhibit the same God, and the same system of doctrines and
duties. Eevelation does not Ue in letters and syllables and
grammatical forms, but in the deep and pure and strong and
broad current of truth " given by inspfration of God." Eev-
erence for the inspfred word makes us anxious to possess the
sacred text in aU possible purity. Tet U we cannot attain to
absolute perfection in this respect, we have reasonable assu
rance that God, who gave the revelation contained in the Old
Testament, has preserved it to us unchanged in any essential
particular. The point on which most obscurity and uncer
tainty rests is that of scriptural chronology; and this is not
one that affects Christian faith or practice.

214 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE

SECOND DIVISIOIS^ : PARTICULAR INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTEE XVIII.
The Books of the Old Testament as a Whole.
1. The prorince of Particular Introduction is to consider the
books of the Bible separately, in respect to their authorship,
date, contents, and the place -n-hich each of them holds in the
system of divine truth. Here it is above all things important
that we begin with the idea of the unity of divine revelation —
that all the parts of the Bible constitute a gloriously perfect
whole, of which God and not man is the author. No amount
of study devoted to a given book or section of the Old Testa
ment, with all the help that modern scholarship can furnish,
will give a true comprehension of it, untU we understand it in
its relations to the rest of Scripture. We cannot, for example,
understand the book of Genesis out of connection with the
four books that foUow, nor the book of Deuteronomy separated
from the four that precede. Nor can we fully understand the
Pentateuch as a whole except in the Ught of the historical and
prophetical books which follow ; for these unfold the divine pur
pose in the estabUshment of the Theocracy as recorded in the
Pentateuch. The Pentateuch itself gives us only the constitu
tion of the Theocracy. The books that follow, taken in connec
tion with the New Testament, reveal its office in the plan of
redemption ; and not tUl we know this can we be said to have
an inteUigent comprehension of the theocratic system. The
same is true of every other part of revelation.
The words of the apostle : "Ever learning, and never able to come to
the knowledge of the truth " (2 Tim. 3 : 7), apply to many leamed commen
taries. Their authors have brought to them much accurate scholarship

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 215
and research ; but they have not seen the unity of divine truth. They
have -written mainly in an antiquarian spirit and interest, regarding the
work under consideration simply as an ancient and venerable record.
They have diUgentiy sought for connections in phUology, in antiquities,
and in history. In these respects they have thrown much Ught on the
sacred text. But they have never once thought of inquu-ing what place
the book which they have undertaken to interpret holds in the divine sys
tem of revelation — perhaps have had no faith in such a system. Conse
quentiy they cannot unfold to others that which they do not themselves
apprehend. On a hundred particulars they may give valuable information,
but that which constitutes the very Ufe and substance of the book remains
hidden from theu- view.
2. It is necessary that we understand, first of aU, the relation
of the Old Testament as a whole to the system of revealed truth.
It is a pireparatory revelation introductory to one that is final.
This the New Testament teaches in expUcit terms. "When
the fulness of the time was come, God sent forth his Son."
Gal. 4 : 4. Christ could not have come in the days of Enoch
before the flood, nor of Abraham after the flood, because " the
fulness of the time" had not yet arrived. Nor was the way for
his advent prepared in the age of Moses, or Darid, or Isaiah,
or Ezra. The gospel everywhere assumes that when the Sav
iour appeared, men had attained to a state of comparative
maturity in respect to both the knowledge of God and the prog
ress of human society. The attentive reader of the New Tes
tament cannot faU to notice how fuUy its -writers avaU them
selves of aU the revelations which God had made in the Old
Testament of himseU, of the course of his proridence, and of
his purposes towards the human family. The unity of God,
especiaUy, is assumed as a truth so firmly estabUshed in the
national faith of the Jews, that the doctrine of our Lord's deity,
and that of the Holy Spfrit, can be taught without the danger
of its being misunderstood in a polytheistic sense — as if the
Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit were three gods. It is
certain that this could not have been done any time before the
Babylonish captirity. The idea of vicarious sacrifice, more
over — that great fundamental idea of the gospel that "without
shedding of blood there is no remission " — the writers of the

216 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
New Testament found ready at hand, and in its light they
interpreted the mission of Christ. Upon his very first appear
ance, John the Baptist, his forerunner, exclaimed to the assem
bled multitudes: "Behold the Lamb of God, which taketh
away the sin of the world." To the Jew, with his training
under the Mosaic system of sacrifices, how significant were
these words ! Without such a previous training, how meaning
less to him and to the world for which Christ died! Then
again the gospel, in strong contrast with the Mosaic law, deals
in general principles. Herein it assumes a comparative matu
rity of human thought — a capacity to include many particulars
under one general idea. A beautiful illustration of this is our
Lord's summary of social duties : " Therefore all things what
soever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to
them : for this is the law and the prophets." Matt. 7 : 12. We
may add (what is indeed implied in the preceding remark) that
the gospel required for its introduction a well-developed state qf
civilization and culture, as contrasted with one of rude barba
rism. Now the Hebrews were introduced, in the beginning of
their national existence, to the civilization of Egypt; which,
with all its defects, was perhaps as good a type as then existed
in the world. Afterwards they were brought successively into
intimate connection with Babylonian, Persian, Grecian, and
Eoman civilization ; particularly with the last two. This was,
moreover, at a time when their national training under the
Mosaic institutions had given them such maturity of reUgious
character that they were not in danger of being seduced into
the idolatrous worship of these nations. Dispersed throughout
aU the provinces of the Eoman empfre, they still maintained
firmly the religion of their fathers; and their synagogues every
where constituted central points for the introduction of the
gospel, and its diffusion through the Gentile world. Such are
some of the many waj-s in which the world was prepared for
the Eedeemer's advent. This is a vast theme, on which vol
umes could be written. The plan of the present work will only
admit of the above brief hints.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 217
Our Lord's command is : "Go ye into all the world, and preach the
gospel to every creature." The history of missions shows that the gospel
can be preached -with success to the most degraded tribes — to the Hotten
tots of South Africa and the cannibals of the South sea islands, and .that
this is the only remedy for theu- barbarism. But the gospel did not begin
among savages, nor does it have its centres of power and influence among
them. Christ came at the culminating point of ancient ci-vUization and
culture ; not that he might conform his gospel to existing institutions and
ideas, but that he might through his gospel infuse into them (as far as they
contained elements of truth) the purifying and transforming leaven of
di-rine truth. As the gospel began in the midst of civilization, so does its
inti-oduction among barbarous tribes always bring civilization in its
train. 3. When we have learned to regard the revelation of which
we have a record in the Old Testament as preparatory to the
gospel, we see it in its true Ught. This view furnishes both
the key to its character and the answer to the objections com
monly urged against it. It is not a revelation of abstract
truths. These would neither have excited the interest of the
people, nor have been apprehended by them. God made known
to the covenant people his character and the duties which he
required of them by a series of mighty acts and a system of
positive laws. The Old Testament, is, therefore, in an eminent
degree documentary — a record not simply of opinions, but
rather of actions and institutions. Of these actions and insti
tutions we are to judge from the character of the people and
the age in connection with the great end proposed by God.
This end was not the material prosperity of Israel, but the
preparation of the nation for its high office as the medium
through whieh the gospel should afterwards be given to the
world. The people were rebellious and stiff-necked, and sur
rounded by polytheism and idolatry. Their training required
severity, and aU the severity employed by God brought forth
at last its appropriate fruits. The laws imposed upon them
were stern and burdensome from their multiplicity. But no
one can show that in either of these respects they could have
been wisely modified ; for the nation was then in its childhood
and pupilage (Gal. 4 : 1-3), and needed to be treated accordingly.
Comp. to BtWft- - -

218 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
An objection much insisted on by some is the exdusive char
acter of the Mosaic institutions — a religion, it is aUeged, for
only one nation, while aU the other nations were left in igno
rance. To this a summary answer can be given. In selecting
Israel as his covenant people, God had in view the salvation of
the whole world : " In thee shaU all famiUes of the earth be
blessed " (Gen. 12 : 3) — such was the tenor of the covenant
from the beginning. His plan ¦^vas to bring one nation into
special relation to himseU, establish in it the true religion,
prepare it for the advent of Christ, and then propagate the
gospel from it as a centre throughout all nations. If men are
to be dealt with in a moral way, as fr-ee, responsible subjects of
law (and this is the only way in which God deals with men
under a system of either natural or revealed religion), can the
objector propose any better way? He might as -n-eU object to
the procedure of a military commander that, instead of spread
ing his army over a whole prorince, he concentrates it on one
strong point. Let him wait patiently, and he will find that in
gaining this point the commander gains the whole country.
4. Haring seen the relation of the Old Testament as a whole
to the system of divine revelation, we are now prepared to con
sider the place occupied by its several divisio'ns.
(1.) To prepare the way for our Lord's advent, one nation
was to be selected and trained up under a system of divine laws
and ordinances — the theocracy established under Moses. The
Pentateuch records the establishment of the theocracy, with the pre
rious steps that led to it, and the historical events immediately
connected -with it. Hence the five books of Moses are caUed
emphatically the Law; and as such, their prorince in the Old
Testament is clear and weU defined.
(2.) The end of the Mosaic law being the preparation
of the Israelitish people, and through them the world, for
Christ's advent, it was not the purpose of God that it should
be hidden as a dead letter beside the ark in the inner sanctu
ary. It was a code for practice, not for theory. It contained
the constitution of the state, civU as weU as reUgious; and

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 219
God's almighty power and faithfulness were pledged that it
should accompUsh in a thorough way the office assigned to it.
The theocracy must therefore have a history ; and with the rec
ord of this the historical books are occupied.
(3.) God did not leave the development of this history
to itseU. He watched over it from the beginning, and directed
its course, interposing from time to time, not only in a provi
dential way, but also by dfrect revelation. Sometimes, for spe
cific ends, he revealed himseU immediately to particular indi
viduals, as to Gideon, and Manoah and his wife. But more
commonly his revelations were made to the rulers or people at
large through persons selected as the organs of his Spfrit ; that
is, through prophets. The prophet held his commission imme
diately from God. Since God is the author, not of confusion,
but of order, he came to the people undsr the Law, not above
it; and his messages were to be tried by the Law. Deut.
13 : 1-5. No prophet after Moses enjoyed the same fulness of
access to God which was vouchsafed to him, or received the
same extent of revelation. Numb. 12:6-8; Deut. 34:10-12.
Nevertheless, the prophet came to rulers and people, like Moses,
with an authority derived immediately from God, introducing
his messages with the words : " Thus saith the Lord." In God's
name he rebuked the people for their sins ; explained to them
the true cause of the calamities that befell them ; recalled them
to God's service as ordained in the Law, unfolding to them at
the same time its true nature as consisting in the spirit, and
not in the letter only— 1 Sam. 15:22; Isa. 1:11-20; 57:15;
66:2; Jer.4:4; Ezek. 18:31; Hosea 10:12; 14:2; Joel2:12,
13 ; Amos 5 : 21-24 ; Micah 6 : 6-8 — denounced upon them the
awful judgments of God as the punishment of continued diso
bedience ; and promised them the restoration of his favor upon
condition of hearty repentance. In the decline of the Theoc
racy, it was the special prorince of the prophets to comfort the
pious remnant of God's people by unfolding to them the future
glory of Zion — the true " Israel of God," and her dominion over
all the earth. From about the reign of Uzziah and onward, as

220 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
afready remarked (ch. 15. 12), the prophets began, under the
guidance of the Holy Spfr-it, to reduce their prophecies to wri
ting, and thus arose the series of prophetical books that form a
prominent part of the Old Testament canon. Thefr office is
at once recognized by every reader as distinct from that of
either the Pentateuch or the historical books ; although these
latter were, as a general rule, written by prophets also.
(4.) There is a class, more misceUaneous in character,
that may be described in general terms as the poetical books, in
which the elements of meditation and reflection predominate.
It includes the book of Job, which has for its theme dirine
proridence, as riewed from the position of the Old Testament ;
the book of Psalms, that wonderful treasury of holy thought
and feeUng embodied in sacred song for the use of God's peo
ple in all ages ; the book of Proverbs, with its inexhaustible
treasures of practical wisdom ; the book of Ecclesiastes, haring
for its theme the vanity of this world when sought as a satisfy
ing good; and the book of Canticles, which the church has
always regarded as a mystical song having for its ground-idea,
under the Old Testament, that God is the husband of Zion, and
under the New, that the church is the bride of Christ. How
high a place this dirision of the canon holds in the system of
divine revelation every pious heart feels instinctively. Without
it, the revelation of the Old Testament could not have been
complete for the work assigned to it.
5. We have seen the relation of the Old Testament as a
whole to the entire system of revelation, and also the place
occupied by its several dirisions. It wUl further appear, as we
proceed, that each particular book in these divisions confrib-
utes its share to the perfection of the whole.
6. Although the revelation contained in the Old Testament
was preparatory to the fuUer revelation of the New, we must
guard against the error of supposing that it had not a proper
significance and use for the men of its own time. " Unto us,"
says the apostle, " was the gospel preached, as well as unto
them." Heb. 4 : 2. And aeain : " These all died in faith, not

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 221
having received the promises, but having seen them afar off,
and were persuaded of them, and embraced them, and con
fessed that they were strangers and pilgrims on the earth."
"And these all, haring obtained a good report through faith,
received not the promise : God having provided some better
thing for us, that they ivithout us should not be made perfect."
Heb. 11 : 13, 39, 40. They had a part of the truth, but not its
fulness ; and the measure of revelation vouchsafed to them was
given for thefr personal salvation, as well as to prepare the way
for further revelations. The promise made to Abraham — " In
thy seed shall aU the nations of the earth be blessed "^was
fulfilled in Christ. In this respect Abraham " received not the
promise." Nevertheless, it was a promise made for his benefit,
as well as for that of future ages. Into the bosom of the patri
arch it brought light and joy and salvation. "Tour father
Abraham," said Jesus, " rejoiced to see my day ; and he saw it,
and was glad." John 8 : 56. " He believed in the Lord," says
the inspired record, " and he counted it to him for righteous
ness." Gen. 15 : 6. The deliverance of Israel from Egypt
typified the redemption of Christ ; and it was, moreover, one
of the grand movements that prepared the way for his advent.
But it was neither all type nor all preparation. To the cove
nant people of that day it was a true deliverance ; and to the
beUeving portion of them, a deliverance of soul as well as of
body. " The law," says Paul, " was our school-master to bring
us unto Christ, that we might be justified by faith." Gal. 3 : 24.
But while it had this preparatory office, it was to the Israelitish
nation a true rule of life ; and under it many, through faith,
anticipated its end. The prophets prophesied for the men of
their own age, as weU as for distant generations. The sweet
psalmist of Israel, whUe he foreshadowed the Messiah's reign,
sung for the comfort and edification of himself and his contem
poraries ; and Solomon gave rules of practical wisdom as valid
for his day as for ours. The revelation of the Old Testament
was not complete, Uke that which we now possess ; but it was
sufficient for the salvation of every sincere inquirer after truth.

222 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE."
When the rich man in heU besought Abraham that Lazai-us
might be sent to warn his five brethren on the ground that, if
one went to them from the dead they would repent, Abraham
answered : " If they hear not Moses and the prophets, neither
will they be persuaded though one rose from the dead."
7. There is another practical error against which Christians
of the present day need to be warned. It is the idea that the
fuU revelation of the New Testament supersedes in a great
measure the necessity of studying the prerious revelation con
tained in the Old Testament. Few will openly avow this, but
too many inwardly cherish the delusion in a vague and unde
fined form ; and it exerts a pernicious infiuence upon them, lead
ing them to undervalue and neglect the Old Testament Scrip
tures. Even if the idea under consideration were in accordance
-with truth, it would stUl be to every earnest Christian a matter
of deep historical interest to study the way by which God pre
pared the world for the full light of the gospel. But it is not
true. It rests on a foundation of error and delusion. For, (1.)
The system of dirine revelation constitutes a ivhole, aU the parts
of which are connected, from beginning to end, so that no sin
gle part can be truly understood without a knowledge of all the
rest. The impenetrable darkness that rests on some portions
of Scripture has its ground in the fact that the plan of redemp
tion is not yet completed. The mighty disclosures of the future
can alone dissipate this darkness.
' ' God is Ms Q-wn interpreter,
And he "will make it plain."
(2.) We know that the writers of the New Testament con
stantly refer to the Old for arguments and illustrations. A
knowledge of the Old Testament is necessary, therefore, for a
full comprehension of their meaning. How can the reader, for
example, understand the epistles to the Eomans and Galatians,
or that to the Hebrews, without a thorough acquaintance with
" Moses and the prophets," to which these epistles have such
constant reference ? (3.) The Old Testament is occupied with
the record of God's dealings -n-ith men. Such a record must

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 223
be a perpetual revelation of God's infinite attributes, and of
human character also, and the course of human society, every
part of which is luminous with instruction. (4.) Although the old
theocracy, with its particular laws aud forms of worship, has pass
ed away, yet the principles ou which it rested, which interpene
trated it in every part, and which shone forth with a clear light
throughout its whole history- — these principles are eternal veri
ties, as valid for us as for the ancient patriarchs. Some of these
principles — for example, God's unity, personality, and infinite
perfections ; his universal providence ; his supremacy over all
nations ; the tendency of nations to degeneracy, and the stern
judgments employed by God to reclaim them — are so fully
unfolded in the Old Testament that they needed no repetition
in the New. There they became axioms rather than doctrines.
(5.) "The manifold wisdom of God" in ada]3ting his dealings
with men to the different stages of human progress cannot be
seen without a dUigent study of the Old Testament as well as
the New. Whoever neglects the former, wiU want breadth and
coniprehensiveness of Christian . culture. All profound Chris
tian writers have been weU versed in " the whole instrument of
each Testament," as TertuUian calls the two parts of revela
tion. Chap. 13, No. 2.
Modern skepticism begins with disparaging the Old Testa
ment, and ends with denying the divine authority of both the
Old and the New. In this work it often unites a vast amount
of learning in regard to particulars with principles that are
superficial and false.

224 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XIX.
jHEfl

^entateuch.

1. The unity qf the Pentateuch has afready been considered
(Ch. 9, No. 12), and-will appear more fully as we proceed with
the examination of the separate books included in it. Even if
-R-e leave out of view the authority of the New Testament, this
unity is too deep and fundamental to allow of the idea that it
is a patchwork of later ages. Under dirine guidance the writer
goes steadily for-n^ard from beginning to end, and his work
when finished is a symmetrical whole. Even its apparent in
congruities, Uke the interweaving of historical notices with the
laws, are marks of its genuineness ; for they prove that, in
those parts at least, events were recorded as they transpired.
Such a blending of history with revelation does not impair the
unity of the -work ; for it is a unity which has its ground not in
severe logical arrangement and classification, but in a dirine plan
historically developed. Whether the division of the Penta
teuch into five books (whence its Greek name Pentateuchos, five
fold book) was original, proceeding from the author himself, or
the work of a later age, is a question on which bibUcal scholars
are not agreed. It is admitted by aU that the division is natural
and appropriate. The Hebrew titles of the several books are
taken from prominent words standing at or near the beginning
of each. The Greek names are expressive of thefr prominent
contents ; and these are foUowed in the Latin Vulgate and in
our EngUsh version, only that the name of the fourth book is
translated.
I. GENESIS.
2. The Hebrews name this book Bereshith, in the beginning,
from the first word. Its Greek name Genesis signifies genera-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 225
tion, genecdogy. As the genealogical records with which the
book abounds contain historical notices, and are, in truth, the
earliest form of history, the word is applied to the history
of the creation, and of the ancient patriarchs, as well as to
the genealogical Usts of thefr famUies. Gen. 2:4; 25 : 19 ;
37 : 2, etc. In the same wide sense is it appUed to the book
itseU. 3. Genesis is the introductory book to the Pentateuch, -with
out which our understanding of the foUowing books would be
incomplete. Let us suppose for a moment that we had not this
book. We open the book of Exodus and read of " the chUdren
of Israel which came into Egypt ;" that " Joseph was in Egypt
afready," and that "there arose up a new king over Egypt,
which knew not Joseph." Who were these children of Lsrael?
we at once ask ; and how did they come to be in Egypt ? Who
was Joseph ? and what is the meaning of the notice that the
new king knew not Joseph ? AU these particulars are explained
in the book of Genesis, and without them we must remain in
darkness. But the connection of this book with the foUowing
is not simply explanatory ; it is organic also, entering into the
very substance of the Pentateuch. We are told (Ex. 2 : 24, 25)
that God heard the groaning of his people in Egypt, and " God
remembered his covenant -with Abraham, -with Isaac, and with
Jacob ; and God looked upon the chUdren of Israel, and God
had respect unto them." The remembrance of his covenant
-with their fathers is specified as the ground of his interposition.
Now the covenant made with Abraham, and afterwards renew
ed to Isaac and Jacob, was not a mere incidental event in the
history of the patriarchs and thefr posterity. It constituted
the very essence of God's pecuUar relation to Israel ; and, as
such, it was the platform on which the whole theocracy was
afterwards erected. The nation received the law at Sinai in
pursuance of the original covenant made with thefr fathers ;
and unless we understand the nature of this covenant, we fail
to understand the meaning and end of the law itseU. The very
information which we need is contained in Genesis ; for from

226 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the twelfth chapter onward this book is occupied with an
account of this covenant, and of God's dealings with the patri
archs in connection -with it. The story of Joseph, which unites
such perfect simpUcity -with such deep pathos, is not thrown in
as a pleasing episode. Its end is to show how God accom
pUshed his pm-pose, long before announced to Abraham (ch.
15: 13), that the Israelites should be " a stranger in a land not
theirs." But the Abrahamic covenant itseU finds its explanation in
the prerious history. For two thousand years God had admin
istered the government of the world without a visible church.
And what was the result ? Before the flood the degeneracy of
the human famUy was universal. God, therefore, swept them
all away, and began anew with Noah and his family. But the
terrible judgment of the deluge was not efficacious to prevent
the new world from foUowing the example of the old. In the
days of Abraham the worship of God had been corrupted
through polytheism and idolatry, and ignorance and wicked
ness were again universal. The time had manifestly come for
the adoption of a new economy, in which God should, for the
time being, concentrate his special labors upon a single nation
but with tdtimate reference to the salvation of the whole world.
Thus we have in the book of Genesis in a certain measm-e (for
we may not presume to speak of God's counsels as fuUy appre
hended by us) an explanation of the Abrahamic covenant, and.
in this, of the Mosaic economy also.
4. In accordance with the above view, the book of Genesis
falls into two unequal, but natural divisions. The first part
extends through eleven chapters, and is occupied with the his
tory of the human family as a whole. It is the oldest record in
eristence, and its contents are perfectly unique. It describes
in brief terms : the order of creation ; the institution of the
Sabbath and marriage ; the probation to which man was sub
jected, with its disastrous result in his faU and expulsion from
Eden; the murder of Abel by Cain, and, in connection with
thiSj the dirision of mankind into two famiUes ; man's univer-

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 227
Sal degeneracy; the deluge; the covenant made by God with
the earth through Noah, and the law of murder ; the confusion
of tongues at Babel, and the consequent dispersion of the dif
ferent famiUes of men, a particular account of which is given
by way of anticipation in the tenth chapter. In addition to
these notices there are two genealogical tables ; the flrst from
Adam to Noah (ch. 5), the second from Shem to Abraham
(ch.- 11).
The second part comprises the remainder of the book. In
this we have no longer a history of the whole race, but of
Abraham's family, with only incidental notices of the nations
into connection -with -nhom Abraham and his posterity were
brought. It opens with an account of the caU of Abraham and
the covenant made with him ; notices the repeated renewal of
this covenant to Abraham, with the institution of the rite of
circumcision ; its subsequent renewal to Isaac and Jacob ; and
the exclusion, first of Ishmael and afterwards of Esau, from a
share in its privUeges. In immediate connection -with the cove
nant relation into which God took Abraham and his family,
we have the history of the patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, sometimes with much detaU, but always with reference
to the pecuUar prerogative conferred upon them. The book
closes with an account of the wonderful train of proridences
by which Israel was brought into Egypt.
Though Ishmael and Esau were excluded from the covenant, yet, appa
rentiy in consequence of their near relation to the patriarchs, genealogical
tables are devoted to them ; to Ishmael, ch. 25 : 12-18 ; to Esau, the whole
of ch, 36.
5. The Mosaic authorship of Genesis has afready been con
sidered; and, in connection with this, the question whether
the Pentateuch, and especially Genesis, contains any clauses of
a later date, Ch. 9, No. 11. Some, as Hengstenberg and his fol
lowers, deny the existence of such clauses ; but others think
that a few must be admitted, which were afterwards added, as
needful explanations, by prophetical men. We are at liberty

228 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
to decide either way concerning them according to the evi
dence before us. On the question whether Moses made use of
earUer -written documents, see Ch. 9, No. 11.
The clauses for which a later date can with any show of reason be
claimed are few in number, and none of them enter essentiaUy into the
texture of the book. They are just such extraneous remarks as the neces
sities of a later age required ; for example, Gen. 36 : 31 ; Ex. 16 : 35. On
the la.st of these. Graves, who considers it "plainly a passage inserted by a
later hand," says : "I contend that the insertion of such notes rather con
firms than impeaches the integrity of the original narrative. If this were
a eompUation long subsequent to the events it records " (according to the
false assumption of some respecting the origin of the Pentateuch), "such
additions would not have been plainly distinguishable, as they now are,
from the main substance of the original. " On the Pentateuch, Appendix,
sec. 1, No. 13.
6. The contents of the first part of this book are peculiar.
It is not strange, therefore, that we should encounter difficidties
in the attempt to interpret them. To consider these difficul
ties in detail would be to write a commentary on the first
eleven chapters. Only some general remarks can here be
offered. Some difficulties are imaginary, the inventions of
special pleading. In these the commentaries of modern ra
tionalists abound. They are to be set aside by fair inter
pretation. But other difficulties are real, and should not be
denied or ignored by the honest expositor. If he can give a
vaUd explanation of them, weU and good ; but if not, let him
reverently wait for more Ught, in the calm assurance that the
divine authority of the Pentateuch rests on a foimdation that
cannot be shaken. To deny a weU-authenticated narrative of
facts on the ground of unexplained difficulties connected ¦with
it is to build on a foundation of error.
(A.) Of the difficulties connected -with the flrst part of Genesis some are
scientific. Such is the narrative of the creation of the world in six days.
Eespecting this it has already been remai-ked (Ch. 10, No. 3) that -with aU
who beUeve in the reaUty of divine revelation the question is not respecting
the truth of this narrative, but respecting the interpretation of it. As long
ago as the time of Augustine the question was raised whether these days

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 229
are to be understood UteraUy, or symboUcaUy of long periods of time.
The latter -was his view, and it is strengthened by the analogy of the pro
phetic days of prophecy.
Another difficulty relates to the age of the antedUuvian patriarchs,
which was about tenfold the present term of Ufe for robust and healthful
men. According to the laws of physiology we must suppose that the period
of chUdhood and youth was protracted in a corresponding manner ; since
in man, as in aU the highier animals, the time of physical gro-wth — physical
growth in the -widest sense, the process of arriving at physical maturity —
has a flxed relation to the whole term of existence. After the deluge, in
some way not understood by us, the whole course of human Ufe began to
be graduaUy quickened — to run its round in a shorter time — tiU the age of
man was at last reduced to its present measure. AU that we can say here
is that -vre do not know how God accompUshed this result. He accom
pUshed it in a secret and invisible way, as he does so many other of his
operations in nature. On the discrepancy between the Masoretic Hebrew
text, the text of the Samaritan Pentateuch, and that of the Septuagint,
in respect to the genealogical tables in Genesis, see below.
The unity qf the human race is everywhere assumed in Scripture. Some
modem scientific men have denied this, but their arguments for a diver
sity of origin do not amount to positive proof. They are theoretic rather
than demonstrative, and the weight of evidence is against them. We must
remember, moreover, that man Uves under a supernatural dispensation.
The narrative in the eleventh chapter of Genesis seems to imply that God
interposed miraculously to confound human speech, in accordance with
his plan to scatter men " abroad upon the face of aU the earth." In like
manner he may have interposed in a secret way to intensify the diversity
in the different races of men. It does not appear certain, however, on
physiological grounds, that any miraculous interposition was needed ; and
we may leave the question of the manner in which the present diversity
among the chUdren of Adam was produced among the secret things of
which it is not necessary that we should have an explanation.
The question of the universality of the deluge is -with beUevers in revela
tion one of words only, on which it is hardly necessary to waste time. The
end of the deluge was the complete destruction of the human race, aU but
Noah and his famUy. This it accomplished, and why need we raise any
further inquiries ; as, for example, whether the polar lands, where no man
has ever trod, were submerged also ? ' ' AU the high hills under the whole
heaven " doubtiess included aU the high hilla where man Uved, and which,
therefore, were known to man.
(B.) Another class of difficulties is historical, consisting in aUeged
inconsistencies and disagreements between dififerent parts of the narrative.
For the details of these, the reader must be referred to the commentaries.

230 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
One or two only can be noticed as specimens of the whole. It is said that
the second account of the creation (Gen. 2 : 4-25) is inconsistent with the
fli-st ; the order of creation in the flrst being animals, then man ; in the
second, man, then, animals. But the answer is obvious. In the first
account, the order of succession in the several parts of creation is one of
the main featui-es. It distinctly announces that, after God had finished
the rest of his works, he made man in his o-wn image. The second account,
on the other hand, which is introductory to the narrative of man's sin and
expulsion from Eden, takes no notice of the order of creation in its several
parts. In this, man is the central object, and other things are mentioned
incidentaUy in their relation to man. The writer has no occasion to speak
of trees good for food tiU a home is sought for Adam ; nor of beasts and
birds till a companion is needed for him. Then each of these things is
mentioned in connection with him. No candid interpreter can infer from
this that the second aocount means to give, as the veritable order of crea
tion — man, the garden of Eden, beasts and birds !
A diffictdty has been aUeged, also, in regard to Cain's wife. But this
grows simply out of the brevity of the sacred narrative. The chUdren of
Adam must have intermarried, brothers and sisters. The fact that no
daughter is mentioned as born to Adam before Seth, is no evidence against
the birth of daughters long before. In the fourth chapter no individuals
are mentioned except for special reasons — Cain and Abel, with a genea
logical Ust of Cain's famUy to Lamech, because he was the head of one
branch of the human race before the deluge. In the flfth chapter none
are named but sons in the line of Noah, -with the standing formula of ' ' sons
and daughters " born afterwards. -We are not to infer from this that no
sons or daughters were born before ; other-wise we should exclude Cain and
Abel themselves. At the time of the murder of Abel, the two brothers
were adult men. What was theu- age we cannot teU. It may have been a
hundred years or more ; for our flrst parents were created not infants, but
in the maturity of their powers, and Adam was one hundred and thirty
years old when the next son after Abel's murder was born. Gen. 4 : 25.
At aU events, the interval between Abel's bU-th and death must have been
long, and we cannot reasonably suppose that during this period no daugh
ters were born to Adam.
(C.) The chronology of the book of Genesis involves, as is weU kno-wn,
some difficult questions. In the genealogical tables contained in the flfth
and eleventh chapters, the texts of the Masoretic Hebrew (which is fol
lowed in our version), Hebrew-Samaritan, and Septuagint, differ in a
remarkable manner,
(1.) Antediluvian Oenealogy. According to the Septuagint, no patriarch
has a son before the age of one hundred years. It adds to the age of each
of the flve patriarchs that preceded Jared, and also to the age of Enoch,

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 231
one hundred years before the birth of his son, deducting the same fiom
his hfe afterwards. To the age of Lamech it adds six years before the
birth of Noah, deducting thirty years afterwards. In respect to the age of
Methuselah when Lamech was born, there is a difference of twenty years
between the Vatican and the Alexandrine manuscripts. The latter agi->=.es
-with the Masoretic text : the former gives one hundred and sixty-seven
instead of one hundred and eighty-seven. Thus the Septuagint makes the
period from the creation to the deluge 2262 years (according to the Vati
can manuscript 2242 years) against the 1656 of our Masoretic text.
The Samaritan-Hebrew text agrees -with the Masoretic for the first five
patriarchs and for Enoch. Erom the age of Jared it deducts one hundred
years ; from that of Methuselah one hundred and twenty (one hundred
according to the Vatican manuscript of the Septuagint) ; and from that of
Lamech, one hundred and twenty-nine — three hundred and forty-nine
years in aU — before the birth of their respective sons. This places the
deluge in the year of the world 1307.
(2.) Genealogy from Noah to Abraham. Chap. 11. Here the Samari
tan-Hebrew and the Septuagint (which Josephus foUows -with some varia
tions) give a much longer period than the Masoretic text. They both add
to the age of each of the six patriarchs after Shem one hundred years
before the birth of his son. To the age of Nahor the Samaritan-Hebrew
adds fifty, and the Septuagint one hundred and flfty years. The latter
also inserts after Arphaxad a Cainan who was one hundred and thirty
years old at the birth of Salah.
In respect to the variations in these two genealogical tables (chaps. 5
and 11) it is to be remarked : (1) that the authority of the Masoretic
text is, on general grounds, higher than that of the Septuagint or Samar
itan Pentateuch ; (2) that in the present case there is reason to suspect
systematic change in these two latter texts ; strong external corroboration
alone could warrant us in adopting the longer chronology of the Septua
gint ; (3) that any uncertainty which may rest on the details of numbers in
the Pentateuch ought not to affect our confldence in the Mosaic record as
a whole, for here, as it is weU kno-wn, there is a pecuUar UabUity to varia
tions. "With these brief remarks we must dismiss this subject. The reader
-wiU find the question of scriptural chronology discussed at large in the
treatises devoted to the subject. Eor more compendious views, see in Alex
ander's Kitto and Smith's Dictionary of the Bible the articles entitled
Chronology. »
II. EXODUS.
7. The Hebrew name of this book is : Ve-etle shemoth, Now
these [are] the names; or more briefly: Shemoth, names. The

232 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
-v\-ord Exodus (Greek Exodos, whence the Latin Exodus) signifles
going forth, departure, namely, of Israel from Egypt. With the
book of Exodus begins the history of Israel as a natioii. It has
perfect unity of plan and steady progress from beginning to
end. The narrative of the golden calf is no exception ; for
this records in its true order an interruption of the divine legis
lation. The book consists of two parts essentially connected
with each other. The contents of the first part (chaps. 1-18)
are briefly the deliverance of the Israelites from Egypt and their
journey to Sinai, as preparatory to their national covenant with
God there. More particularly this part contains : (1) an account
of the multiplication of the people in Egypt ; their oppression
by the Egyptians ; the birth and education of Moses, his abor
tive attempt to interpose in behaU of his people, his flight to
Midian, and his residence there forty j'ears (chaps. 1, 2) ;
(2) God's mfraculous appearance to Moses at Horeb under the
name JEHOVAH; his mission to Pharaoh for the release of
Israel, in which Aaron his brother was associated with him;
the execution of this mission, in the progress of which the
Egyptians were visited with a succession of plagues, euding in
the death of all the first-born of man and beast in Egypt ; the
final expulsion of the people, and in connection with this the
establishment of the feast of the passover and the law respect
ing the first-born of man and beast (chaps. 3-13); (3) the
journey of the Israehtes to the Eed sea under the guidance of
a cloudy pillar ; their passage through it, with the overthrow
of Pharaoh's host; the miraculous supply of manna and of
water ; the fight with Amalek, and Jethro's visit to Moses.
The second part contains the establishment qf the Mosaic econ
omy, with its tabernacle and priesthood. At Sinai God enters
into a national covenant with the people, grounded on the pre
ceding Abrahamic covenant ; promulgates in a-wful majesty the
ten commandments, which he afterwards writes on t-n-o tables
of stone, and adds a code of civil regulations. Chaps. 19-23.
The covenant is then written and solemnly ratified by the blood
of sacrifices. Chap. 24. After this follows a direction which

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 233
contains in itseU the whole idea of the sanctuary : •' Let them
make me a sanctuary; that I may dwell among them." Chap. 25 : 8.
The remainder of the book is mainly occupied with the struc
ture of the tabernacle and its fumiture, and the estabUshment
of the Leritical priesthood. Dfrections are given for the
priestly garments, and the mode of inauguration is prescribed ;
but the inaugm-ation itseU belongs to the foUowing book. The
narrative is interrupted by the sin of the people in the matter
of the golden caU, with the various incidents and precepts con
nected -with it (chaps. 32-34), and a repetition of the law of the
Sabbath is added. Chap. 31 : 12-17. The office, then, which
the book of Exodus holds in the Pentateuch is definite and
clear. 8. With regard to the time of the sojourn in Egypt, two opin
ions are held among bibUcal scholars. The words of God to
Abraham : " Know of a surety that thy seed shaU be a stranger
in a land that is not theirs, and shaU serve them ; and they
shall afflict them four himdred years," "but in the fourth gen
eration they shaU come hither again " (Gen. 15 : 13, 16) ; and
also the statement of Moses : " Now the sojourning of the chU
dren of Israel who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and thfrty
years " (Exod. 12 :40), seem to imply that they spent four hun
dred and thirty years in Egypt (a round number being put in
the former passage for the more exact specification of the lat
ter). It has been thought, also, that the vast increase of the
people in Egypt — to six hundred thousand men (Exod. 12 : 37),
which shows that the whole number of souls was over two miU
ions — requfred a sojourn of this length. On the other hand,
the apostle Paul speaks of the law as given " four hundred and
thfrty years after " the jrrornise to Abraham. Gal. 3:17, In this
he foUows the Jewish chr6nology, which is also that of the
Septuagint and Samaritan Pentateuch, for they read in Exod.
12 : 40 : " who dwelt in Egypt and in the land of Canaan." The
words, "in the land of Canaan," are undoubtedly an added
gloss ; but the question stiU remains whether they are not a
correct gloss. The genealogy of Leri's famUy (Exod. 6 : 16-20)

234 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
decidedly favors the interpretation, which divides the period
of four hundred and thirty years between Egypt and the land
of Canaan. To make this table consistent w-ith a sojourn of
four hundred and thirty years in Egypt, it would be necessary
to assume, -n-ith some, that it is an epitome, not a full list, which
does not seem probable.
Before we can draw any certain argument from the increase of the peo
ple in Egypt, we must know the basis of calculation. It certainly includes
not only the seventy male members of Jacob's famUy, with theu- -wives and
children, but also the famiUes of their male-servants (circumcised accord
ing to the law, Gen. 17 : 12, 13, and therefore incorporated with the cove
nant people). From the notices contained in Genesis, we learn that the
famiUes of the patriarchs were very numerous. Gen. 14 : 14 ; 26 : 14 ;
32 : 10 ; 36 : 6, 7. If Abraham was able to arm three hundred and eigh
teen "trained servants born in his o-wn house," how large an aggregate
may we reasonably assume for the servants connected -with Jacob's famUy,
now increased to seventy male souls ? We must not think of Jacob going
into Eg-ypt as a humble personage. He was a rich and prosperous em'ir,
-with his chUdren and grandchUdren, and a great train of servants. With
the special blessing of God upon his children and aU connected with them,
we need find no insuperable difficulty in theu- increase to the number men
tioned at the exodus.
Provision was made in a mUaoulous way for the sustenance of the Israel
ites in the -wilderness. The question has been raised : How were their
flocks and herds pro-vided for ? In answer to this, the foUowing remarks
are in point : (1.) We are not to understand the word " -wUderness " of an
absolutely desolate region. It affords pasturage in patches, Eobinson
describes Wady Peiran, northwest of Sinai, as weU watered, -with gardens
of fruit and palm trees ; and he was assm-ed by the Arabs that in rainy
seasons grass springs up over the whole face of the desert. The whole
northeastern part of the wilderness, where the Israelites seem to have dwelt
much of the thu-ty-eight years, is capable of cultivation, and is stUl culti
vated by the Arabs in x^atches. (2.) The Israehtes undoubtedly marched
not in a direct Une, but from pasture to pasture, as the modern Arabs do,
and spreading themselves out over the adjacent region. When Moses
besought his father-in-law not to leave him, but to go with him that he
might be to the people instead of eyes (Numb. 10 : 31), we may weU sup-
j)ose that he had in view Hobab's knowledge of the places where water and
pasturage were to be found. (3, ) There is decisive e-vidence that this region
was once better watered than it is now, and more fruitful. The planks of
acacia-wood, the shittim-wood, which were employed in the construction

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 235
of the tabernacle, were a cubit and a half in width ; that is, in EngUsh
measure, something more than two and a haU feet. No acacia-ti-ees of
this size are now found in that region. The cutting away of the primitive
forests seems to have been followed, as elsewhere, by a decrease in the
amount of rain. But, however this may be, we know that, for some reason,
this part of Arabia was once more fertUe and populous. In its northeast
ern part are extensive ruins of former habitations, and enclosed flelds. The
same is true of the region around Beersheba and south of it. Here Eob
inson found ruins of former cities, as Eboda and -Elusa. Of the latter
place he says : " Once, as we judged upon the spot, this must have been a
city of not less than twelve or flfteen thousand inhabitants. Now, it is a
perfect fleld of ruins, a scene of unutterable desolation ; across which the
passing stranger can -with difficulty flnd his way." Vol. 1, p. 197. And
of Eboda, farther south : " The large church marks a numerous Christian
population." "But the desert has resumed its rights ; the intrusive hand
of cultivation has been driven back; the race that dwelt here have per
ished ; and their works now look abroad in loneliness aud sUence over the
mighty waste." VoL 1, p, 194. Bitter, the most accomplished of mod
em geographers, affirms that from the present number of the thin and
negUgent population, we can draw no certain conclusion respecting the
former condition of the country. Erdkunde, voL 14, p. 927.
Of the numerous objections urged by Colenso against the Pentateuch,
and the book of Exodus in particular, many are imaginary, and vanish
upon the fair interpretation of the passages in question. Others, again,
rest on false assumptions in regard to facts. For the details, the reader is
referred to the works -written in reply.
III. LEVITICUS.
9. The Hebrews caU this book Vayyikra, and [God] called.
Later Jewish designations are, the laiv qf priests, and the law qf
offerings. The Latin name Leviticus (from the Greek Leuitikon,
Leviticcd, pertaining to the Levites) indicates that its contents
relate to the duties of the Levites, in which body are included
aU the priests. The book of Leriticus is immediately connect
ed with that which precedes, and foUows in the most natural
order. The tabernacle having been reared up and its furniture
arranged, the services pertaining to it are next ordained, and in
connection with these, various regulations, most of which come
within the sphere of the priestly office. Hence we have (1) the
law for the various offerings, followed by an account of the

238 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
anointing of the tabernacle, and the consecration of Aaron and
his sons to the priestly office, with the death of Nadab and
= Abihu for offering strange fir-e before the Lord (chaps. 1-10) ;
(2) precepts concerning clean and unclean beasts, and clean
ness and uncleanness in men from -whatever source, foUowed
by directions for the annual haUowing of the sanctuary on the
great day of atonement, and also in respect to the place where
animals must be slain, and the disposition to be made of their
blood (chaps. 11-17); (3) laws against sundry crimes, which
admitted, in general, of no expiation, but must be visited -with
the penalty of the law (chaps. 18-20) ; (4) various ordinances
pertaining to the purity of the priestly office, the character of
the sacrifices, the yearly festivals, the arrangements for the
sanctuary, etc., with the law for the sabbatical year and the
year of jubilee (chaps. 22-26 : 2) ; (5) a wonderful prophetic
chapter, announcing for aU coming ages the blessings that
should foUow obedience, and the curses which disobedience
should bring upon the people (chap. 26 : 3-46). There is add
ed, as a sort of appendix, a chapter concerning vows and tithes.
Chap. 27.
10. The priestly office, with its sacrifices, was the central
part of the Mosaic economy, for it prefigured Christ our great
Higli Priest, with his aU-perfect sacrifice on Calvary for the
sins of the world. On this great theme much remains to be
said in another place. It is sufficient to remark here that the
book of Leviticus gives the divine riew of expiation. If the
expiations of the Leritical law were typical, the types were true
figm-es of the great Antitype, which is Jesus Christ, " the Lamb
of God, which taketh away the sin of the world." No view of
his death can be true which makes these types empty and
unmeaning.
IV. NUMBEES.
11. Bemidhbar, in the icilderness, is the Hebrew name of this
book, taken from the fifth word in the original. It is also
caUed from the first word Vayyedhabber, and [God] .spake. The

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 237
English version, after the example of the Latin, franslates the
Greek name Arithmoi, numbers, a title derived from the num
bering of the people at Sinai, with which the book opens, and
which is repeated on the plains of Moab. Chap. 26. This
book records tlie journeyings qf tlie Israelites from Sinai to the
borders qf the promised land, and thefr sojourn in the wUderness
of Arabia, -with the various incidents that befeU them, and the
new ordinances that were from time to time added, as occasion
requfred; It embraces a period of thfrty-eight years, and its
contents are necessarily of a very misceUaneous character. The
unity of the book is chronological, history and legislation alter
nating with each other in the order of time. A ftiU enumera
tion of the numerous incidents which it records, and of the
new ordinances from time to time enacted, is not necessary.
In the history of these thfrty-eight years we notice three salient
points or epochs. The first is that of the departure from Sinai.
Of the preparations for this, -with the order of the march and
whatever pertained to it, a fuU account is given. Then follow
tho incidents of the journey to the -wUderness of Paran, with
some additional laws. Chaps. 1-12. The second epoch is that
of -the rebelUon of the people upon the report of the twelve
spies whom Moses had sent to search out the land, for which
sin the whole generation that came out of Egypt, from twenty
years old and upward, was rejected and doomed to perish in
the -n-Uderness. Chaps. 13, 14. This was in the second year
of the exodus. Of the events that foUowed to the thfrty-eighth
year of the exodus, we have only a brief notice. With the
exception of the punishment of the Sabbath-breaker, Korah's
rebelUon and the history connected with it, and also a few
laws (chaps. 15-19), this period is passed by in sUence. The
nation was under the divine rebuke, and could fulfil its part in
the plan of God only by dying for its sins -with an unrecorded
history. The thi^-d epoch begins with the second arrival of
Israel at Kadesh, and this is crowed with great events — the
death of Miriam, the exclusion of Moses and Aaron from the
promised land, -with the death of the latter at Mount Hor, tho

238 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
refusal of Edom to aUow a pas.sage through his territory, the
wearisome jomney of the people "to compass the land of
Edom," ¦with thefr sins and sufferings, the conquest of Arad,
Sihon, and Og, and thus the arrival of the people at the plains
of Moab opposite Jericho. Chaps. 20-22 : 1. Then foUow-s the
history of Balaam and his prophecies, the idolatry and punish
ment of the people, a second numbering of the people, the
appointment of Joshua as the leader of the people, the conquest
of the Midianites, the dirision of the region beyond Jordan to
the tribes of Eeuben and Gad and the haU-tribe of Manasseh,
and a review of the journeyings of the people. With all this
are intermingled various additional ordinances.
V, DErTEEONOMY.
12. The Je-nish name of this book is EUe haddebharim, these
are the ivords. The Greek name Deuteronomion,Vihence the Latin
Deuteronomiiim and the English Deuteronomy, signifies second
law, or repetition of the laic, as it is also caUed by the later Jews.
The book consists of discourses delivered by Moses to Israel in
the plains of Moab over against Jericho, in the eleventh month
of the fortieth year of the exodus. Deut. 1:1, 3. The pecuUar
character of this book and its relation to the preceding books
have been already considered in the first part of the present
work (Chap. 9, No. 10), to which the reader is referred. It is
generaUy divided into three parts. Tlhe first is mainly a recap
itulation of the past history of Israel under Moses, with appro
priate warnings and exhortations, followed by a notice of the
appointment of three cities of refuge on the east side of Jordan.
Chaps. 1—4. The second discourse begins -with a restatement
of the law given on Sinai. Exhortations to hearty obedience
foUoW, which are fuU of fatherly love and tenderness. Various
precepts of the law are then added, -with some modifications
and additions, such as the altered cfr-cumstances of the people
requfred. Chaps. 5-26. Jn the tliird part the blessings and
the curses of the law are prominently set forth as motives to
obedience. Chaps. 27-30. The remainder of the book is occu-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 239
pied -with Moses' charge to Joshua, his dfrection for depositing
the law in the sanctuary by the side of the ark, his song writ
ten by divine dfrection, his blessing upon the twelve tribes, and
the account of his death and burial on mount Nebo.
13. As the book of Genesis constitutes a suitable introduc
tion to the Pentateuch, -without which its very existence, as a
part of the divine plan, would be unintelUgible, so does the
book of Deuteronomy bring it to a subUme close. From the
goodness and faithfulness of God, from his special favor be
stowed upon Israel, from the exceUence of his serrice, from the
glorious rewards of obedience and the terrible penalties of dis
obedience, it draws motives for a deep and evangelical obe
dience — an obedience of the spirit and not of the letter only.
Thus it adds the comer-stone to the whole system of legisla
tion, completing it on the side of the motives by which it chal
lenges obedience, and investing it -with radiant glory. The
Pentateuch, then, is a. whole. The first book is inseparable
from it as an introducticn ; the last as a close. The three inter
mediate books contain the legislation itseU, and in this each of
them has its appropriate province.

240 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XX.
The Historical Books.
1. In the Pentateuch we have the establishment of the
Theocracy, with the preparatory and accompanying history
pertaining to it. The province of the historical books is to
unfold its practical working, and to show how, under the divine
superintendence and guidance, it accomplished the end for
which it was given. They contain, therefore, primarily, a his
tory of God's dealings with the covenant people under the
economy which he had imposed upon them. They look at the
course of human events on the divine rather than the human
side, and in this respect they differ widely from all other his
torical writings. Human histories abound with the endless
details of court intrigues, of alliances and wars, of material civ
ilization and progress, and whatever else pertains to the welfare
of men considered simply as the inhabitants of this world. But
the historical books of the Old Testament, ¦written by prophet
ical men illumined by the Holy Spirit, unfold with wonderful
clearness the mighty movements of God's providence, by which
the divine plan proposed in the Mosaic economy was steadily
carried forward, alike through outward prosperity and adver
sity, towards the fulfilment of its high office. After a long
series of bloody struggles, the Theocracy attained to its zenith
of outward power and splendor under David and Solomon.
From that time onward the power of the Israelitish people
declined, till they were at last deprived of their national inde
pendence, and subjected to the yoke of foreign conquerors.
But in both the growth of the national power under the The
ocracy, and its decline, the presence of God and his supremacy,
as well over the covenant people as over the surrounding
nations, were gloriously manifested, and thefr training for the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 241
future advent of the Messiah was steadily carried forward.
Thus we have in these historical books a wonderful diversity of
divine manifestations, which alike charm and instruct the pious
mind. 2. It has already been shown (Chap. 15, No. 7) that the
books of Kings and Chronicles contain only selections from a
large mass of materials. The same is probably true of the
books ,of Judges and Samuel. The sacred writers did not pro
pose to give a detailed account of all the events belonging to
the periods over which their histories extended, but only of
those which were specially adapted to manifest God's presence
and guidance in the affairs of the covenant people. The his
tory of some persons is given very fully ; of others with extreme
brevity. But we may say, in general, that this divine history,
extending over a period of a thousand years, is the most con
densed in the world, as well as the most luminous with the
divine glory. The student rises from tlie perusal of it with
such clear views of God's presence and supremacy in the course
of human affairs, as cannot be gained from aU the ponderous
tomes of secular history. Each book, moreover, presents some
special phase of God's providential movements, and contains,
therefore, its special lessons of instruction. With few excep
tions, the authors of the historical books are unknown. We
only know that they were prophetical men, who wrote under
the iUumination and guidance of the Holy Spfrit.
I. JOSHUA.
3. This book records the conquest of the land qf Canaan by
the Israelites under Joshua, and its distribution by lot among
the tribes that received their inheritance on the west side ol
the Jordan. It connects itself, therefore, immediately with th
Pentateuch; for it shows how God fulfiUed his promise to
Abraham that he would give to his posterity the land of Ca
naan for an inheritance (Gen, 17 : 8), a promise often repeated
afterwards, and kept constantly in view in the whole series of
Mosaic legislation. The book naturally falls into two parts.
Comp, to BibUi. 11

2i2 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Thefirst twelve chapters contain the history of the conquest
itself, with the movements preparatory thereto. Joshua, who
had been previously designated as the leader of the people
(Numb. 27:15-23), receives a solemn charge to pass over the
Jordan and take possession of the promised land ; the people
prepare themselves accordingly; two spies are sent out to take
a survey of Jericho; the Israelites pass over the Jordan dry-
shod, its waters having been miraculously dirided; they en
camp at Gilgal, and are there subjected to the rite of circum
cision. Chaps. 1-5. Then follows an account of the overthrow
of Jericho, the trespass of Achan with the calamity which it
brought upon the people, the conquest of Ai, the ratification of
the law at mount Ebal with the erection of the stones on which
the law was written, the artifice of the Gibeonites by which
they saved their lives, the overthrow of the combined kings of
the Canaanites at Gibeon, and the conquest, first of the south
ern and afterwards of the northern kings of Canaan. Chaps.
6-12. The second part gives an account of the division of the land
by lot among the several tribes. This work was begun as is
described in chapters 13-17, and after an interruption through
the dUatoriness of the people, for which Joshua rebuked them,
was continued and completed at ShUoh. Chaps. 18, 19. Six
cities of refuge were then appointed, three on each side of the
Jordan ; forty-eight cities were assigned by lot to the Levites ;
and the two and a half tribes that had received their inheri
tance on the east side of the Jordan (Numb., chap. 32) were
sent home. Chaps. 20-22. The twenty-third chapter contains
Joshua's charge to the elders of Israel, and the twenty-fourth
his final charge at Shechem to the assembled tribes, on which
occasion there was a solemn renewal of the national covenant.
The whole book is brought to a close by a brief notice of the
death of Joshua and Eleazar, and the interment of the bones
of Joseph in Shechem. This brief survey of the contents of
the book reveals at once its unity, its orderly plan, and the
place which it holds in the history of the Theocracy.

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 243
4. The authorship of the book cannot be determined from
the title alone, any more than that of the two books which
bear the name of Samuel. Jewish tradition ascribes it to
Joshua himseU, except the last five verses. But it records
some transactions which, according to the most obvious inter
pretation of them, occurred after Jo.^hua's death. Among these
are the conquest of Hebron (chap. 15 : 16-19, compared with
Judges 1 : 12-15), and especiaUy the excursion of the Danitet
(chap. 19 : 47), which must be regarded as identical ¦with that
described in the eighteenth chapter of the book of Judges.
Unless we assume that this notice of the Danites is an addition
made by a later hand, we must suppose that the book was
written by some unkno-wn prophetical man after Joshua's death.
He may weU have been one of the elders who overUved Joshua,
since at the time of his writing Eahab was yet living among
the Israehtes. Chap. 6 : 25.
The eighteenth chapter of the book of Judges, which records the inva
sion of the Danites, is e-videntiy an appendix, introduced by the words :
"In those days there was no king in Israel;" and that this invasion took
place not long after the settlement of the people in Canaan, is manifest
from the object proposed by it. Judges 18 : 1. At the time of the con
quest, Eahab was a young woman, and may weU have survived that event
forty years or more. The ouly apparent indication of a stiU later compo
sition of the book is that found in the reference to the book of Jasher,
chap. 10 : 13. Prom 2 Sam. 1 : 18, we learn (according to the most ap
proved interpretation of the passage) that David's elegy on the death of
Saul and Jonathan was written in the book of Jasher. But we are not
warranted in affirming that this title was appUed to a book of deflnitely
determined contents. It may have been a coUection of national songs,
enlarged from age to age.
Though Joshua does not appear to have been the author of the book in
its present form, we may weU suppose that the -writer employed, in part at
least, materials that came from Joshua's pen. "When the land was divided
by lot among the several ti-ibes, the boundaries of each inheritance, -with
the cities pertaining to it, must have been carefuUy described in -writing
by Joshua himseU, or by persons acting under his direction. It is proba
ble that these descriptions were copied by the author of the book of
Joshua ; and this is sufficient to account for any diversity of diction that
may exist in this part of the book as compared with the purely historic

244 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
parts. Nothing in the style and diction of this book, or in that of the two
foUowing books of Judges and Euth, indicates that they belong to a later
age of Hebrew Uterature. Certain pecuUarities of expression which occa
sionaUy appear in them may be naturaUy explained as pro-rinciaUsms, or
as belonging to the language of conversation and common Ufe.
5. The book of Joshua bears every internal mark of authen
ticity and credibility. The main transaction which it records —
the extirpation of the Canaanites by the immediate help of
Jehovah, and the gift of their country to the Israelites — was
contemplated fi-om the very first by the Abrahamic covenant
(Gen. 13 : 14, 15 ; 15 : 18-21 ; 17 : 8, etc.), and also by the entfre
body of the Mosaic laws. Why God chose to accomplish this
by the sword of his covenant people, has been already suffi
ciently considered. Chap. 10, No. 7. The stupendous mfr-acles
recorded in the book of Joshua are in harmony -with the entire
plan of redemption, the great and decisive movements of which
have been especiaUy marked by signal manifestations of God's
presence and power. The man who denies the credibility of
this book on the ground of these miracles, must, for consist
ency's sake, go much farther, and deny altogether the super
natural manifestations of God recorded in the Bible, including
the mission, miraculous works, resurrection, and ascension of
our Lord Jesus Christ himself.
In chap. 10 : 12-14 we read that, at the word of Joshua, the sim stood
stiU and the moon stayed in the midst of heaven about a whole day, so that
"there was no day like that before it or after it, that the Lord hearkened
unto the voice of a man." Some have sought to explain the whole pas
sage as a quotation from "the book of Jasher" expressed in the language
of poetic hyperbole ; and they have compared with it such poetic ampUfl-
cations as those contained in Psa. 18 : 7-16 ; Hab, , chap, 3, etc. But this
interpretation is forced and unnatural; and besides this, there remains
the analogous event of wliich we have a double record in 2 Kings 20 : 8-11;
Isa. 38 : 7, 8, and which is expressly ascribed to di-vine power : "Behold,
I -wUl bring again the shadow of the degrees, which is gone do-wn in the
sun-dial of Ahaz, ten degrees backward." Here it is manifest that to
human -rision the sun, and -with it the shadow, went backward ten degrees.
How this was accomplished we need not attempt to determine. We are
not shut up to the supposition that the earth was turned back on her axis

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 245
ten degrees, nor that the rays of the sun were miraculously deflected ten
degrees (which would change his apparent position in the heavens ten
degrees), nor to any other particular hypothesis. If God chose that the
sun should to human rision go backward ten degrees, he could accomplish
it by means inscrutable to us ; and so also if he chose that it .should stand
stUl in the midst of heaven about a whole day.
II. JUDGES AND EUTH.
6. The book of Judges is so caUed because it is occupied
with the history of the Israelites during the period when they
were under the general administration of Judges. These men
are not to be confounded with the ordinary judges under the
Theocracy, of the appointment of which we have an account in
Exodus, chap. 18. They were men specially raised up by God
and endowed by him with extraordinary qualifications for their
office, which was general and political rather than municipal.
Many of them were military leaders, called to their work in
times of national calamity. In times of peace they stood at
the head of public affairs, although with regard to some of
them it is generaUy thought that their jurisdiction extended to
only a part of the Israelitish people. Thus Jephthah and the
three succeeding judges seem to have exercised their office in
northeastern Israel, while the scene of Samson's exploits was
southwestern Israel, and he was, in the opinion of many, con
temporary with Eli, who judged Israel at Shiloh. The condi
tion of the nation during the period of the Judges is described
as one in which "there was no king in Israel." Chap. 18: 1;
19 : 1. There was no regularly organized central power which
could give unity to the movements of the people. The tribes
seem to have acted in a great measure independently of each
other, as in the expedition of the Danites. Chap. 18. It was
only on special occasions, like that of the sin and punishment
of the Benjamites (chaps. 19-21), that there was a general con
cert among them. This state of affairs was not favorable to
the development of the military power of the nation, but it
was well suited to the high moral and reUgious ends which the
Theocracy had in view; for it compeUed the people to feel

246 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
their constant dependence on God's presence and help for
defence against their enemies. Sin, and oppression by the
surrounding nations ; repentance, and deUverance by God's
immediate interposition — this is the oft-repeated story of the
book of Judges. AU this was in accordance with the promises
and threatenings of the Law, and it Ulustrated aUke the per
verseness of the nation and God's faithfulness in the fulfilment
of his covenant. The incidents recorded in this book are of a
pecuUarly checkered character, and many of them are fuU of
romantic interest. In the history of redemption, the book of
Judges has a weU-defined place. It unfolds to our view the
operation of the Theocracy in the first stage of the nation's
eristence, and under its first outward form of government.
7. As it respects the arrangement of materials, the book of
Judges opens with a two-fold introduction, giving, first, a brief
notice of the wars carried on against the Canaanites by certain
tribes after Joshua's death, of the faUure of the people to effect
a complete extfrpation of the Canaanites, and of the reproof
administered to them by an angel of the Lord (chap. 1 — 2 : 5) ;
secondly, a survey of the course of events during the time of
the judges, with especial reference to God's faithfulness in the
fulfilment of his promises and threatenings. Chap. 2 : 6 — 3 : 6.
Then foUows the body qf the work, giving an account of the
seven servitudes to which the people were subjected for their
sins, and of the judges raised up by God for their deUverance,
with some incidental notices, as the history of Abimelech,
(chap. 9) and the quarrel of the men of Ephi-aim with Jeph
thah. Chap. 12 : 1-6. The book closes with a two-fold appen
dix, recording, first, the conquest of Laish by the Danites, and
in connection -with this the story of Micah and his idolatrous
establishment (chaps. 17, 18) ; secondly, the punishment of the
Benjamites for espousing the cause of the wicked men of Gib
eah (chaps. 19-21). These events are not to be conceived of
as subsequent to those recorded in the body of the book, but
as contemporaneous with them.
8. The remark : "In those days there was no king in Israel"

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 2i7
(chaps. 18 : 1 ; 19 : 1) plainly implies that the date of the book of
Judges must be assigned to a period after the estabUshment of
the kingdom. The stat-ement, on the other hand, that the
chUdren of Benjamin did not di-ive out the Jebusites from Jeru
salem, "but the Jebusites dwell with the chUdren of Benjamin
in Jerusalem unto this day (chap. 1 : 21), limits the time of its
composition to the period before David's conquest of the city.
2 Sam. 5: 6-9. The author of the book is unknown. Je-wish
ti-adition ascribes it to Samuel. It may weU have been -written
during his Ufe, and possibly imder his supervision, though on
this point we can affirm nothing positively. The -writer must
have avaUed himseU of earUer -written documents. See Chap.
15, No. 5.
9. The chronology of the book of Judges is a matter of
debate among bibUcal scholars. Some contend for a longer
period, in accordance with the reckoning of the apostie Paul,
who says that after God had divided to the people the land of
Canaan by lot, " he gave unto them judges about the space of
four hundred and fifty years, untU Samuel the prophet." Acts
13 : 20. Others seek to reduce the period so as to bring it into
harmony with the statement in 1 Kings 6 : 1, that Solomon
began to buUd the temple "in the four hundred and eightieth
year after the chUdren of Israel were come out of the land of
Egypt." If we suppose that the oppression of the Israehtes by the Philistines,
described in the beginning of the first book of Samuel, is the same as the
forty years' oppression mentioned in the book of Judges, and that the
judgeship of Samson falls within the same period (Judges 15 :20), it is
easy to make out the four hundred and flfty years of the aposfle's reckon
ing. Prom the beginning of the flrst servitude under Cushan-rishathaim
to the close of the last under the Philistines, we have, reckoning the years
of servitude and rest in succession, and aUowing three years for the reign
of Abimelech, three hundred and ninety years. Por the remaining sixty
vears we have (1) the time from the division of the land by lot to the death
of the elders who overUved Joshua ; (2) the time from the close of the last
serritude to the estabUshment of the kingdom ; and possibly (3) a further
period for Shamgar's judgeship, though it is more probable that this falls
within the eighty years of rest after the oppression of the Moabites. Those

248

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

who adopt a shorter chronology, assume that the forty years' dominion o*
the Philistines was contemporaneous with the oppression of the northeast-
em ti-ibes by the .Ammonites and the period during which Jephthah,
Ibzan, Elon, and Abdon judged Israel ; their jurisdiction being, as they
suppose, restricted to the northeastern part of the land. Por both the
longer and shorter chronology, there are sevei-al variously modified
schemes, the detaUs of which the student can find in works devoted to the
subject of bibUcal chronology.
10. The incidents of the book qf Euth belong to the period
of the Judges, so that it may be regarded as in some sort an
appendix to the book of Judges, though probably not written
by the same author. It contains a beautiful sketch of domestic
Ufe in the early period of the Theocracy, -written -with charm
ing simpUcity and gi-aphic vividness. Tet it is not on this
ground alone or chiefly that it has a place in the sacred canon.
It records also the subUme faith of Euth the Moabitess, which
led her to forsake her o'wn country and kindred to trust under
the -n'ings of the Lord God of Israel (ch. 2 : 12), and which
was rewarded by her being made the ancestress of Darid and
of the Lord Jesus Christ. Thus the book connects itseU im
mediately with " the house and lineage of Darid," and may be
regarded as supplementary to the history of his f amUy. It was
eridently -written after David was established on the throne.
Fm-ther than this we have no certain knowledge respecting its
date ; nor can its author be determined.
III. THE BOOKS OF SAMUEL.
11. The two books of Samuel constituted originaUy one
-«-ork. The division was made by the Greek translators as a
matter of convenience, so as to close the first book -with the
death of SaiU, and begin the second with Darid's accession to
the throne. This dirision was foUowed by the Vulgate, and
was introduced by Daniel Bomberg into the printed Hebrew
text. To the original whole work the name of Samuel was
appropriately given ; for he is not only the central personage
in the history which it records to the establishment of the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 249
kingdom, but it was also through him, as the acknowledged
prophet of the Theocracy, that both Saul and Darid were desig
nated and anointed for the kingly office. The Greek Septua
gint designates these books from thefr contents. First and Second
of the Kingdoms, and the Vulgate, Fir.st and Sexx>nd of Kings.
12. In the history of the plan of redemption these two books
have a weU-defined province. They are occupied with tJue
esfoMish^ment, under God's dfrection and guidance, of the kingly
form qf government in the Theocracy. All the events recorded
before the inauguration of Saul were preparatory to that event
and explanatory of it. Since, moreover, Saul was afterwards
rejected with his famUy on account of his disobedience, and
Darid and his family were chosen in his stead, it was in the
person of Darid that the kingdom was first fuUy estabUshed,
and with the close of his reign the work accordingly ends.
The period included in this history, though comparatively brief,
was most eventful Samuel, himseU one of the greatest of the
prophets, estabUshed a school of the prophets, and from his
day onward the prophetical order assumed an importance and
permanency in the Theocracy that was before unknown. See
above, Ch. 15, No. 11. The change to the kingly form of gov
ernment constituted a new era in the Hebrew commonwealth.
Although the motives which led the people to desfre a king
were low and unworthy, being grounded in worldUness and
unbeUef, yet God, for the accomplishment of his own purposes,
was pleased to grant thefr request. The adumbration in the
Theocracy of the kingly office of the future Messiah, not less
than of his priestly and prophetical office, was originaUy con
templated in its estabUshment ; and now the f uU time for this
had come. WMle Darid and his successors on the throne were
true civU and military leaders in a secular and earthly sense,
thefr headship over God's people also shadowed forth the
higher headship of the long promised Eedeemer, the great
Antitype in whom aU the types contained in the Mosaic econ
omy find at once thefr explanation and thefr fhMlment. Under
David the Hebrew commonwealth was rescued from the oppres-

250 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
sion of the surrounding nations, and speedily attained to its
zenith of outward power and splendor.
13. The contents of the books of Samuel naturaUy faU under
three main dirisions. The introductory part takes up the his
tory of the commonwealth under EU and continues it to the
time when the people demanded of Samuel a king. 1 Sam.
chaps. 1-7. This period properly belongs to that of the
judges, but its history is given here because of its intimate
connection with the events that follow. It describes the birth
and education of Samuel ; the disorders that prevaUed under
EU's administration, for which God denounced upon his family
severe judgments ; the invasion of the land by the Phihstines,
with the capture and restoration of the ark ; Samuel's adminis
tration, and the deliverance of the people under him from the
oppression of the PhUistines. The second part, extending
through the remainder of the first book, opens with an account
of the abuses which led the people to desire a king, and then
gives an account of the selection, anointing, and inauguration
of Saul as king of Israel, with a notice of his exploit in deliver
ing the people of Jabesh-gUead from the Ammonites. Chaps.
8-12. It then gives an account of his first sin at Gilgal, for
which Samuel threatened him -nith the loss of his kingdom, and
of his victory over the Phihstines, with a general summary of
the events of his reign. Chaps. 13, 14. For his second sin in
the matter of the Amalekites Saul is rejected, and Darid is
anointed by Samuel as his successor ; the Spirit of the Lord
forsakes Saul, and an evil spirit from God troubles him ; Darid
becomes his minstrel, is in high favor with him, slays GoUath
in the presence of the two armies of Israel and the Phihstines,
returns in triumph to the camp of Saul, marries Michal his
daughter, but becomes an object of his jealousy and hatred
because he has supplanted him in the affections of the people.
Chaps. 15-18 : 9. The remainder of the first book is mainly
occupied with an account of the persecutions to w-hich David
was subjected on the part of Saul, and of the wonderful way
in which God deUvered him. It closes with an account of

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 251
Saul's distress through the invasion of the PhUistines, of his
resort in frouble to a woman that had a famiUar spirit, of the
terrible message that he received at the Ups of the risen Sam
uel, of the defeat of the armies of Israel by the PhiUstines, and
of the death of Saul and his three sons on Mount GUboa.
The third part occupies the whole of the second book. It
records the reign of David, first at Hebron over the tribe of
Judah, with the accompanying war between the house of Saul
and the house of David, and then, after Ishbosheth's death,
over aU Israel at Jerusalem. With the fideUty of tmth the
sacred historian describes not only David's many rictories over
the enemies of Israel, but also his grievous sin in the matter of
Uriah, with the terrible chastisements that it brought upon
him and his kingdom — Amnon's incest, the murder of Amnon
by Absalom, Absalom's rebelUon, poUution of his father's con
cubines, and death in battle. The closing years of Darid's
reign were saddened also by Darid's sin in numbering the
people, for which there feU in pestUence seventy thousand of
his subjects.
14. For the eridence that the author of these books availed
himseU of the writings of the prophets contemporary with the
events described, see above. Chap. 15, No. 6. In 1 Chron.
29 : 29 we read : " Now the acts of David the king, first and
last, behold they are written in the book of Samuel the seer,
and in the book of Nathan the prophet, and in the book of
Gad the seer." If, as some think, our presentTjooks of Sam
uel were composed shortly after Darid's death, the author may
weU have been one of the last two of the above-named proph
ets ; but there are some indications that he lived after the diris
ion of the IsraeUtish people into the two kingdoms of Judah
and Isi'ael.
In 1 Sam. 27 : 6 we read that Achish gave ZUdag to David ; "where
fore," adds the sacred historian, "Ziklag pertaineth unto the kings of
Judah unto this day.'' The only natural interpretation of these words is
that the kings of Judah — not any particular king of Judah, but the kings
of Judah as a Une — are named in contrast with the kings of Israel. In

252 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
several other passages, where he is speaking of events that oocun-ed before
the separation of the two kingdoms, he puts Judah and Israel in contrast.
1 Sam. 11 : 8 ; 17 : 52 ; 18 : 16; 2 Sam, 3 : 10 ; 24 : 1. But this may, per
haps, be explained from the fact that during the seven years of Darid's
reign at Hebron there was an actual separation of Judah from the other
tribes. It is a remarkable fact that whUe the fuU term of Darid's reign is
given (2 Sam. 5:4, 5), which impUes that the -writer Uved after its close,
no notice is taken of his death. The reason of this omission cannot be
kno-wn. As the first book of Kings opens -\rith an account of David's last
days and death, some have conjectured that it was designedly omitted from
the books of Samuel as superfluous, when the historical books were arran
ged in the sacred canon.

IV. THE BOOKS OF KINGS.
15. These two books, like the two of Samuel, originaUy
constituted a single work. The division was first made by the
Greek translators, was foUowed by the Vulgate, and was finally
admitted by Daniel Bomberg into the printed Hebrew text.
The Greek version of the Seventy and the Latin version, having
caUed the books of Samuel, the former. First and Second of the
Kingdoms, the latter. First and Second of the Kings, designate
these books as Thfrd and Fourth of the Kingdoms or Kings.
Each of the historical books presents the covenant people
under a new aspect, and imparts new lessons of instruction.
In the book of Joshua -ne see them taking triumphant posses
sion of the promised land through the mighty assistance of
Jehovah ; the book of Judges describes the course of affairs in
the Hebrew commonwealth before the eristence of a central
kingly government ; in the books of Samuel we leam how such
a central government was established, and how under the reign
of Darid the nation was raised from the deep degradation of
servitude to the summit of worldly power. But the Theocracy
was only a preparatory, and therefore a temporary form of
God's risible earthly kingdom. From the days of David and
Solomon it began to decline in outward power and splendor,
and it is with the history of this decline that the books of
Kings are occupied. In the riew which they present of the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 253
divine plan they are in perfect harmony with the preceding
books of Samuel ; bnt in respect to the manner of execution
they differ widely. The books of Samuel give the history of
Samuel, Said, and- David, with great fulness of detail, and
never refer the reader to other sources of information. The
books of Kings, on the contrary, give professedly only certain
portions of the history of the people under the successive
kings, always adding, at the close of each monarch's reign
after Solomon, that the rest of his acts may be found, for tlie
kings of Judah, in " the book of the Chronicles of the kings of
Judah;" and, for the kings of Israel, in "the book of the
Chronicles of the kings of Israel." The Chronicles referred to
are not our present books of Chronicles, as has been afready
shown. Chap. 15, No. 8, but a larger collection of writings,
from which the authors both of the books of Kings and Chron
icles drew materials, in part at least, for their respective works.
The history contained in the books of Kings may be conveni
ently divided into three periods — (1) the reign of Solomon over
all Israel ; (2) the history of the coexisting kingdoms of Judah
and Israel ; (3) the history of the kingdom of Judah after the
extinction of the kingdom of Israel.
16. The history of the first period opens with the reign of
Solomon, which exceUed that of David in outward magnifi
cence, as it did that of every succeeding king. 1 Kings 3 : 13.
The great event of his reign, constituting an epoch in the his
tory of the Theocracy, was the erection of the temple on Mount
Moriah, which took the place of the ancient tabernacle con
atructed by divine dfrection in the wUderness. Thus Solomon
added to the public services of the sanctuary an outward splen
dor and dignity corresponding with the increased wealth and
glory of the nation. But in the case of his kingdom, as often
elsewhere, the zenith of magnificence came after the zenith of
true power. Had his profuse expenditures ceased with the
erection of the temple and his own house, it would have been
weU ; but the maintenance of such a household as his, embra
cing "seven hundred wives, princesses, and three hundred

254 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
concubines," corrupted his religion and that of the nation, bur
dened the people with heavy taxes, and thus prepared the
way for the division of his kingdom that foUowed immediately
after his death, as recorded in 1 Kings 12.
17. With the division of Solomon's kingdom under his son
Eahoboam into two hostile nations begins the second period of
the history. This division was brought about by God's
appointment as a chastisement for Solomon's sins, and in it
the national power received a blow from which it never recov
ered. The reUgious effect also was unspeakably calamitous so
far as the kingdom of the ten tribes was concerned ; for Jero
boam, the first king of Israel, established idolatry as a matter
of state policy, thus corrupting the reUgion of his whole king
dom with a riew to the establishment of his own power, a sin
in which he was foUowed by every one of his successors. The
sacred historian carries forward the history of these two king
doms together with wonderful brevity and power. Sometimes,
as in the days of Elijah and EUsha, the histoi-y of the ten
tribes assumes the greater prominence, because it furnishes
the fuller illustrations of God's presence and power ; but as a
general fact it is kept in subordination to that of Judah. It is
a sad record of wicked dynasties, each estabUshed in blood
and ending in blood, until the overthrow of the kingdom by
the Assyrians about two hundred and fifty-four years after its
estabUshment. MeanwhUe there was in Judah an alternation
of pious with idolatrous kings, and a corresponding struggle
between the true reUgion and the idolatry of the surroimding
nations, which the sacred writer also describes briefly but viridly.
18. It was dm-ing the reign of the good king Hezekiah that
the extinction of the kingdom of Israel took place, and the
third period of the history began. Hezekiah's efforts for the
restoration of the true religion were rigorous and for the time
successful. But after his death the nation relapsed again into
idolatry and wickedness. The efforts of Josiah, the only pious
monarch that occupied the throne after Hezekiah, could not
avail to stay the progress of national degeneracy, and the king-

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 255
dom of Judah was, in its turn, overthrown by the Chaldeans,
and the people carried captive to Babylon.
19. The chronology of certain parts of the history embraced
in the books of Kings is perplexed and uncertain. But the
beginning of the Babylonish captivity is generally placed b. c.
588, three hundred and eighty-seven years after the beginning
of Eehoboam's reign, and one hundred and thirty-three years
after the extinction of the kingdom of Israel. Eeckoning in
the forty years of Solomon's reign, we have for the period
included in the books of Kings to the beginning of the captiv
ity four hundred and twenty-seven years. To this must be
added twenty- six more years for the thirty-seventh year of
Jehoiachin's captivity (2 Kings 25 : 27), the last date given by
the sacred historian. The author of the books of Kings is
unknown. Jewish tradition ascribes them to Jeremiah, per
haps on the ground that the last chapter of Jeremiah is mostly
a repetition of 2 Kings from chap. 24 : 18 to the end of the
book. But Jeremiah and the author of these books may both
have made use of common documents. We only know that the
writer lived after the accession of Evil-merodach to the throne
of Babylon (2 Kings 25 : 27), and during the full pressure of the
Babylonish captivity, since he nowhere gives any intimation of
its approaching close.
V. THE BOOKS OF CHEONICLES.
20. These books, which originaUy constituted a single
work, are called by the Hebrews : Words of tlie Days ; that is.
History of tlie Events of the Times, or Chronicles, as they were
first caUed by Jerome. The Greek name Paraleipomena, things
omitted, has its ground in the false supposition that they were
designed to be supplementary to the books of Kings, whereas
they constitute an independent work haring its own plan and
end. The author of the books of Kings doubtless looked for
ward to the future restoration of his nation ; but the time for
that joyous event was yet distant, and he could have no imme
diate reference to the wants of the returning exiles. His aim

256 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
was simply to set forth the course of events under the The
ocracy ft-om Solomon to the captirity as an iUustration of
God's faithfulness in the fulfilment of both his promises and
his threatenings. But the author of the books of Chronicles
¦wrote, as aU agree, during the process of the restoration. In
addition to the common aim of aU the historical writers, he
had a particular object in riew, which was to furnish the re
stored captives with such information as would be especially
interesting and important to them, engaged as they were in the
reestabUshment of the commonwealth. Hence we may natu
raUy explain the pecuUarities of these books as compared -with
the books of Kings.
(1.) The writer gives p)0.'iicular attention to the matter of
genealogy. The first nine chapters are occupied ¦with genealo
gical tables interspersed -with short historical notices, which
the author took, for the most part at least, from documents
that have long since perished. To the returning exUes the Un-
eage of their ancestors must have been a matter of general
interest. A knowledge of the descent of the famUies of the
different tribes would greatly faciUtate the people in regaining
thefr former inheritances. To the priests and Levites, espe
ciaUy, it was of the highest importance that they should be
able to show thefr lineage ; since upon this depended their
right to minister in holy things. Ezra 2 : 61-63.
(2.) The books of Chronicles are very full on all that
peitains to the temple service. The -writer devotes, for example,
eight chapters to an account of David's preparations for the
erection of the temple, and of his elaborate arrangements for
all the different parts of the service pertaining to the sanctu
ary. 1 Chron. chaps. 22-29. He gives a particular descrip
tion of the solemn covenant made by the people with Jehovah
under Asa's dfrection, 2 Chron. 15 : 1-15 ; of the reformatory
labors and faith of Jehoshaphat, 2 Chron. 19, 20 ; of Hezekiah,
2 Chron. chaps. 29-31 ; and he adds to the account of Josiah's
efforts against the idolatrous practices of his day, a notice of
his solemn observance of the passover, 2 Chron. 35 : 1-19.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 257
(3.) He omits, on the other hand, the history qf the king
dom of Israel, giring only a notice of its establishment, and of
certain parts of its history which were connected with that of
the kingdom of Judah. The apparent ground of this is, that
the kingdom of the ten tribes fm-nished no example which
could be avaUable to the people in the work of reestablishing
the commonwealth. It is to be noticed, moreover, that he
passes over in silence the adultery of David with its calamitous
consequences, and the idolatry of Solomon. This is, perhaps,
due to the brerity of the history before the division of the king
dom ; for he does not spare the sins of the pious monarchs that
foUowed. See 2 Chron. 16 : 7-12 ; 19 : 2; 32 : 25, 31 ; 35 : 21, 22.
21. In the Hebrew canon the books of Chronicles stand last
in order. It is generally agreed that they were written, after
the return of the Jews from the Babylonish captivity, by Ezra,
who had aU the quaUfications for such a work. Whatever use
he may have made of the earlier books of Samuel and Kings,
it is plain that these were not his chief sources, for he records
many things not found in them. He and the author of the
books of Kings had access to the same pubhc records, and each
of them made such selections from them as suited his purposes.
Hence the matter contained in the two works agrees in part,
and is partly different. See above, Chap. 15, Nos. 7, 8.
22. That there are some discrepancies between the books
of Samuel and Kings and the books of Chronicles, arising from
errors in transcribing, is generaUy admitted. These relate,
however, mainly to dates, and do not affect the general integ
rity of the works. But most of the disagreements between the
earlier and later histories are only apparent, arising from their
brevity, and from the fact that thefr authors frequently select
from the same reign different events, the one passing by in
sUence what the other records ; or that, where they record the
same events, varioils accompanying cfrcumstances are omitted.
An example of apparent error in transcription is 2 Sam. 24 : 13 com
pared -with 1 Chron. 21 : 12 ; the former passage specifying seven years of
famine, the latter three years. For other examples see 2 Sam. 8 : 4 com-

258 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
pared with 1 Chron. 18:4; 2 Sam. 23 : 8 with 1 Chron, 11:11; 1 Kings
4 : 26 with 2 Chron. 9 : 25. We are not to infer, however, that aU eases of
apparent disagreement involve error in one or the other of the records.
When the events of a whole campaign, for example, are crowded into sin
gle sentences, it is not surprising that the different narratives should con
tain seeming discrepancies which a full knowledge of the details would
enable us to reconcile. The separate discussion of the difficulties pre
sented by the books of Chronicles, as compared with the earUer histories,
belongs to the commentator. It is sufficient to remark here, that inde
pendent parallel histories always exhibit, with substantial agreement,
minor diversities which it is sometimes not easy to harmonize. It has not
pleased God that in this respect the sacred narratives of either the Old or
the New Testament should constitute an exception to the general rale.
The paraUel narratives of our Lord's Ufe contain as many and as gi-eat
diversities as those of the old Hebrew commonwealth. Though we may
not always be able to show how these are to be brought into harmony,
they constitute no vaUd objection to the authenticity of the histories in
the one case any more than in the other.
VI. EZEA AND NEHEMIAH.
23. In the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, which record the
most important events connected with the restoration qf the
Hebrew commonwealth, we have unfolded to our view a new era
in the history of the Theocracy. The contrast between the
relation of the IsraeUtish people to the heathen world in the
days of Joshua, and of Ezra and Nehemiah is as great as pos
sible. Under Joshua the people marched, sword in hand, as
invincible conquerors, to the possession of the promised land,
while the hearts of their enemies melted before them. After
the captivity they returned in weakness and fear, by the per
mission of their heathen rulers and under their patronage and
protection. But in the latter case, not less than in the former,
the Theocracy was steadily advancing under God's guidance
towards the accomplishment of its high end, which was the
preparation of the Jewish people, and through them the w-orld,
for the advent of the promised Messiah. In the beginning of
the Mosaic economy, and during the earlier part of its course,
it was altogether appropriate that God should make stupen
dous supernatural manifestations of his infinite perfections and

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 2.59
of his supreme power over the nations of the world. Thus he
revealed himself as the only Uving and true God in the sight
of aU men. But as the history of the covenant people went
forward, there was a gradual return to the ordinary proriden-
tial adminisfration of the divine government. God's mfracu
lous interventions were never made for mere display. They
always had in riew a high religious end. As that end ap
proached its accomplishment, they were more and more with
dra-wn, and soon after the captirity they ceased altogether
until the final and perfect manifestation of God in Christ.
From Malachi to Christ was the last stage of the Theocracy,
when, in the language of the New Testament, it was waxing
old and ready to vanish away. Heb. 8 : 13. It was neither
needful nor proper that its history shoidd be dignified by such
displays of God's mfraculous power as marked its earUer
periods. 24. But, although the age of mfracles ceased aft«r the Bab
ylonish captirity, the Theocracy went steadUy forward in the
accomplishment of its dirine mission. In tmth it was now
that it secured for the first time, as a permanent result, the
high end proposed by it from the beginning, that of rescuing a
whole nation from idolafrous practices and making it steadfast
in the worship of the tme God, at least so far as the outward
life is concerned. By the permanent subjection of the Jewish
people to heathen rulers, thefr national pride was humbled,
and they were placed in such a relation to heathenism as in
clined them to abhor rather than imitate its rites. The fulfil
ment of the terrible threatenings contained in the law of Moses
in the complete overthrow, first of the kingdom of Israel, and
afterrvards of that of Judah, and thefr long and bitter bondage
in Babylon, administered to them severe but salutary lessons
of instruction, under the influence of which they were, by God's
blessing, finaUy reclaimed from idolafrous practices. In con
nection with the restoration, the synagogue serrice was estab
lished, in which the law and the prophets were regularly read
and expounded to the people throughout the land. To this.

280 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
more than to any other human instrumentalitj-, -was due that
steadfastness which the Jewish people ever afterwards mani
fested in the worship of the true God. Thus, w-hile the out
ward glory of the Theocracy declined, it continued to accom
plish the true spiritual end for which it was established.
25. The book of Ezra embraces a period of about seventy-
nine years, from the accession of Cjrus to the throne of Persia
to the close of Ezra's administration, or at least to the last
transaction under it of which we have a record. The first
six chapters give a brief sketch of the course of events among
the restored captives before Ezra's arrival at Jerusalem, espe
cially their activity in rebuilding the temple, the formidable
opposition which they encountered ft-om the neighboring- peo
ple, and how that opposition was finally overcome. The last
four chapters contain the history of Ezra's administration, the
chief event of which was the putting away by the princes and
people of the heathen wives whom they had married. That
Ezra was the author of this book is generally acknowledged.
The first three verses are a repetition, with some unessential
variations, of the last two verses of Chronicles, of -nhich he is
also believed, on good grounds, to have been the author. In
certain passages he speaks of himself in the third person;
Ch. 7 : 1-26 ; ch. 10 ; but there is no reason to deny, on this
ground, that he -n'as their author. Jeremiah changes, in Uke
manner, employing sometimes the first and sometimes the
third person. Certain parts of this book, which are mainly
occupied -with public documents respecting the building of the
temple and the orderly arrangement of its services, are written
in the Chaldee language, namely: chaps. 4:8 — 6:18; 7:12-26.
In respect to the Persian monarchs mentioned in this and the two fol
lowing books, there is not an entire agreement among bibUcal scholars.
The foUo-wing table, formed in accordance -with the riews that seem to be
best supported, will be useful to the reader. It contains, arranged in
three parallel columns, flrst the names of the Persian kings in theu- order
of succession, as given by profane historians ; secondly, their scriptural
names ; thirdly, the dates of their accession to the throne, according to
the received chronology.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 281
Cyrus, Cyrus, Ezra 1 : 1, etc., B.C. 536.
Cambyses, Ahasuerus, Ezra 4:6, " 529.
Smerdis,* Artaxerxes, Ezra 4 : 7-23, " 522.
Darius Hystaspis, Darius, Ezra 4 : 24 — 6 : 15,t " 521.
Xerxes, Ahasuerus, Esther throughout,^ " 485.
Artaxerxes Longimanus, Artaxerxes, Ezra 7:1, etc. ; Neh. 2:1, etc. , ' ' 464.
26. The book of Nehemiah continues the history of the Jew
ish people after the restoration, beginning with the commission
which Nehemiah received from Artaxerxes Longimanus, king
of Persia, in the twentieth year of his reign (b. c. 446), to go
to Jerusalem in the capacity of Tirshatha, or ci-ril governor, for
the purpose of rebuUding the waUs of Jerusalem and setting
in order the affairs of the commonwealth. The book naturally
falls into three dirisions. The first division contains the his
tory of his labors in rebuilding the walls of the city and put
ting an end to the practice of usury, and of the riolent oppo
sition and inti-igues of the sm-rounding people. Chaps. 1 — 7 : 4.
To this is appended a genealogical Ust, which is the same for
substance as that contained in the second chapter of Ezra.
Ch. 7:5-73.
Upon a comparison of the two catalogues, we find various differences
in respect to names and numbers. The differences of names may be ex
plained from the fact that it was common for men to bear different tities,
particularly if they were persons of distinction ; as, for example, Daniel
and Belteshazzar, Zerubbabel and Sheshbazzar. It is not certain upon
what principle the differences in numbers are to be explained. The sum
total of both catalogues is the same, namely, 42,360 ; from which it is plain
that the Usts are in both cases partial, since neither of them amounts to
this sum. We add the foUo-wing suggestion from Grey's Key as quoted
by Scott: "The sum of the numbers, as separately detaUed, -wiU corre
spond, if to the 29,818 specified by Ezra, we add the 1,765 persons reck
oned by Nehemiah which Ezra has omitted ; and, on the other hand, to
the 31,089 enumerated by Nehemiah, add the 494, which is an overplus in
Ezra, not noticed by Nehemiah ; both -writers including in the sum total
10,777 of the mixed multitude, not particularized in the individual detail."
<* He was a usurper who reigned less than a year,
t But in Neh. 12 : 22, Darius Nothus or Darius Codomanus must be referred
to. X Some suppose Darius, others Artaxerxes, to have been the Ahasuerus of
Esther.

202 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
In the second division we have an account of the solemn
pubhc reading of the law of Moses at the feast of tabernacles,
and, in connection with this, of the renewal of the national
covenant with Jehovah through the signature and seal of the
princes, Levites, and priests, in their own behalf and that of
the people. Chaps. 8-10. In this reUgious and ecclesiastical
transaction, Ezra the priest was the leader ; Nehemiah, as the
Tirshatha, or civil governor, simply taking the lead of the
princes in the act of sealing.
The third division contains, along with some genealogical
lists, an account of the measures taken by Nehemiah and the
princes to increase the number of residents in Jerusalem, of
the solemn dedication of the wall of Jerusalem, and of the rec
tification of various abuses -which had crept in partly during
Nehemiah's absence at the court of Persia. Chaps. 11-13.
The date of Nehemiah's commission to rebmld the waUs of Jerusalem
is important on account of its connection -with the seventy prophetic weeks
of Daniel, which are reckoned " from the going forth of the commandment
to restore and to build Jerns.alem." Dan. 9 : 25. It cannot be considered
as exactly ascertained, but may be placed somewhere from b, c, 454 to b. c.
446. See the commentators on Dan. 9 : 24-27. How long Nehemiah's
administration continued after his risit to the court of Persia, in the
twelfth year of his rule, is not kno-wn.
27. The book, as its title testifies, was written by Nehe
miah, not earUer than his return from the court of Persia (ch.
13 : 6 ; 5 : 14) ; how much later cannot be known. From the
general character of style and diction which belongs to the
second division (chaps. 8-10), as well as from the absence of
Nehemiah's peculiar forms of speech, some have thought that
Ezra, as the chief actor in the reading of the law and renewal
of the national covenant, wTote the account of the transaction,
and that Nehemiah incorporated it into his work. To this
supposition there is no serious objection. We must remember,
however, that arguments based on supposed differences of style
cannot amount to much where the materials from which a con
clusion is to be drawn are so scanty.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 283
The genealogical notice in ch. 12 : 10, 11, which gives the lineage of
the high priests from Joshua to Jaddua, who is apparently the high priest
described by Josephus as haring met Alexander the Great on his maroh to
Jerusalem, is thought by many to be an addition made after Nehemiah's
death as a matter of public interest. See above, Chap. 15, No. 17. The
same judgment is passed by some on 1 Chron. 3 : 19-24. But the inter
pretation of this latter passage is very uncertain.
VII. ESTHEK.
28. This book, the author of which is unknown, records the
wonderful manner in which the plot of Haman the Agagite to
destroy the Jews was not only overthrown, but turned to their
enlargement aud honor. It is remarkable that the author
refrains throughout from mentioning the name of God, although
he manifestly designs to represent this deUverance as effected
by his providence, and that too in answer to the fervent pray
ers of the Je-ns in connection with a fast of three days' contin
uance. He prefers, as it -n'ould seem, to let the facts speak for
themselves. The book closes with an account of the estabUsh
ment, under the auspices of Mordecai and Esther, of the feast
of Purim, in commemoration of the deliverance which it
records ; and we are perhaps warranted in saying that the
immediate occasion of writing the book was to show the his
toric origin of that festival — a festival mentioned in the second
book of Maccabees, under the title of Mordecai's day (chap.
15 : 36), and observed, according to Josephus, by the Jews
throughout the whole world. Antiq., 11, 6. 13.
29. Among the various opinions resjDecting the Ahasuerus
of this book, the best sustained is that which identifies him
with the celebrated Xerxes of profane history. With this agrees
all that is said of the splendor and extent of his dominions,
extending "from India even unto Ethiopia, over a hundred
and seven and twenty provinces " (1:1), and of his passionate,
capricious, and sensual character.
To us, who are accustomed to a government of law, in which the rulers
are restrained from the exercise of arbiti-ary power, and are kept under
constant restraint by popular opinion, the incidents recorded in this book

264 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
seem very strange. But it gives a true and faithful portraiture of the
course of affairs at the court of a Persian despot, where the monarch
knows no law but his own arbiti-ary wiU, suddenly elevates his favorites to
the highest places of power and trust, as suddenly consigns them to the
hand of the executioner, and gives himseU up to the unbridled indulgence
of his passions. The history of Haman's sudden rise and fall is that of
many an oriental courtier since his day. The Jews, we are told, " slew of
their foes seventy and flve thousand." This was a vei-y great slaughter ;
but we must remember that it was distributed through aU the provinces of
the kingdom. Ch. 9 : 16. The permission which they had received was
"in every city to gather themselves together, and to stand for theu- Ufe ;
to destroy, to slay, and to cause to perish, aU the power of the people and
province that would assault them, both Uttle ones and women, and to take
the spoU of them for a prey" (ch. 8:11) ; aU which, except the last clause,
seems to have been earned into execution. We are not requu-ed to vindi
cate the -wisdom of this severe decree, or to deny that the Jews may have
used to excess the terrible power thus conferred upon them. On the side
of God's proridence, the vengeance that fell upon the Jews' enemies was
righteous ; but on the side of the human instrumentalities employed by
him, there may have been much imperfection, or even folly and wicked
ness. So it has ever been in the history of human affairs, and so it is at
the present day.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 265

CHAPTEE XXI.
Thk Poetical Books (including also Ecclesiastes
AND Canticles).
1. The Hebrews reckon but three books as poetical, namely :
Job, Psalms, and Proverbs, which are distingmshed fi-om the
rest by a stricter rhythm — the rhythm not of feet, but of
clauses (see below. No. 3) — and a peculiar system of accentua
tion. It is obvious to every reader that the poetry of the Old
Testament, in the usual sense of the word, is not restricted to
these three books. But they are caUed poetical in a special
and technical sense. In any natural classification of the books
of the Old Testament, those of Ecclesiastes and Canticles will
fall into the division which contains the books of Job, Psalms,
and Proverbs.
The Hebrew system of accentuation is very subtle and compUcated,
and there is nothing corresponding to it in our westem languages. These
so-caUed accents are qmte numerous, one of them resting, as a general
rule, upon each word. Certain of them are pecuUar to the poetical books,
and are caUed poetical accents. They seive a threefold office. (1.) They
guide the modulated flow of the voice in cantillation, thus serving, in a cer
tain sense, as musical notes. Some think that this was their primary office.
(2.) They indicate the logical relation to each other of the words and
clauses, thus performing the office of marks of interpunction. (3.) They
rest, -with certain exceptions, on the tone syUable, and thus serve as accents
in our restricted sense of the word.
In the first division of the present chapter, the characteris
tics of Hebrew poetry -wiU be briefly considered in respect to its
spirit, its form, and its offices. Then will foUow, in the second
division, a notice of the contents of the several books.
Comp. to Dibltt. 1 e)

266 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE. •
(A.) CHARACTERISTICS OP HEBREW POETRY.
2. As it respects the spirit of Hebrew poetry, we notice,
first of aU, its perfect harmony with the spirit of the Theocracy.
It is, in truth, an outgrowth of the Theocracy in the souls of
holy men educated under its influence and thoroughly imbued
with its spirit. The God of Moses and Aaron is also the God
of David, Asaph, and Solomon ; of Hosea, Isaiah, and Habak
kuk. In his boldest flights the Hebrew poet always remains
loyal to the institutions of Moses, not in their letter alone, but
much more in their spirit, of which he is the inspired interpre
ter. The same Jehovah who thundered from Sinai and spake
to the people by Moses, speaks also by the sweet psalmist of
Israel, by the wisdom of Solomon, and by the whole succession
of the prophets. Hence the poetry of the Hebrews is radiant
throughout with the pure monotheism of the Theocracy. It
exhibits God in his infinite perfections, as the Creator and
sovereign Euler of the world, without a single taint of panthe
ism or polytheism, and that in an age when pantheism and
polytheism were the reigning forms of religion without the pale
of the covenant people.
Another distinguishing mark of Hebrew poetry is the vivid
consciousness qf God's presence by which it is pervaded. In this
respect it runs entirely parallel with Hebrew history. It has
already been remarked (Ch. 20, No. 1) that Hebrew history
differs widely from all other historical writings in its habit of
looking at the course of human events from the Divine side,
rather than the human ; that while secular history is mainly
occupied with the endless details of human combinations and
alliances, and the progress of material civilization, the histor
ical books of the Old Testament unfold to us with wonderful
clearness God's presence and power as shaping the course of
human events in the interest of his great plan of redemption.
Take, for example, that small section of Hebrew history com
prehended under the title, Affinity with Ahab. No Christian can
read it without feelings of holy awe, for it is radiant through-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 237
out with the presence of that righteous God who renders to
every man according to his works, and visits the iniquity of
the fathers upon the children to the third and fourth genera
tion. In it the retributive justice of God shines forth, like the
lightning, from one end of heaven to the other. Just so is
Hebrew poetry also filled with the presence and glory of God.
When the Hebrew bard sweeps his lyre, all nature gives signs
of her Maker's presence. The heavens rejoice before him, the
earth is glad, the sea roars, the mountains and hills break
forth into singing, and all the trees of the field clap their
hands. He looks on the earth, and it trembles; he touches
the hills, and they smoke. Nor less conspicuous is his pres
ence in providence and in the human soul. He is seen in awful
majesty high above the tumult of the nations, directing their
movements to the accomplishment of his own infinitely wise
purposes ; making the wrath of man to praise him, and restrain
ing the remainder of it. Meanwhile his presence shines in the
believer's soul, like the sun in his strength, filUng it with '
strength, light, and gladness. In a word, over the whole do
main of Hebrew poesy, whether its theme be God or nature
or human society or the human spirit, is heard continually the
solemn cry of the seraphim : " Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord
of hosts : the whole earth is full of his glory."
Originality is another feature of Hebrew poetry. It cannot
indeed be said that this quality belongs to all the Hebrew
poets. With such divinely perfect models as the later writers .
had before them, models with -which they had been familiar
from childhood, it was natural that they should imitate them.
The spirit of inspiration did not prevent this, for it was not
necessary to the ends of revelation that it should be prevented.
Tet even among the later poets we have some striking exam
ples of originality ; and Hebrew poetry, taken as a whole, is
original in the fullest sense of the word, borrowing nothing
that we know of from any other nation. Not to anticipate the
question of the age to which the book of Job belongs, and
passing by some gems of poetry contained in the book of Gen-

268 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
esis, we may say that the oldest recorded song of certain date
which the world possesses is that of the Israelites upon their
deliverance at the Eed sea. Exod., ch. 15. Next in order (to
pass by the poetic effusions of Balaam, and some other frag
ments. Numb., chaps. 21-24) come the song which Moses -wrote
for the children of Israel just before his death (Deut., ch. 32),
and (according to the title, the genuineness of -(vhich there is
no valid reason for doubting) " the prayer of Moses the man
of God," contained in the ninetieth psalm. In the period of
the judges we have only the song of Deborah and Barak. The
perfect originality of all these primitive songs is acknowledged
by all. It constitutes indeed one of their chief charms. With
" the sweet psalmist of Israel" began the era of lyric song; with
Solomon that of didactic, and with Hosea, Joel, Isaiah, and
their contemporaries, that of prophetic poetry. The poets to
whom, under the illumination of the Holy Ghost, these differ
ent forms of Hebrew poetry owe their origin, are all distin
guished for their originality. So is also the book of Job, that
great didactic song so perfectly unique in its character.
The wonderful freshness and simplicity qf thought in Hebrew
poetry is inseparably connected -with its originality. A thought
is fresh when it bursts forth directly from the inner fountain of
the soul just as it was conceived there. But the moment the
man pauses to remould it and shape it to some artificial stand
ard of propriety, it loses its originality and its freshness to
gether. It is no longer the living, glowing conception as it
existed in his bosom, but rather what he thinks it ought to
have been. In the process of working it over he has killed, if
not its life, at least its power. But the Hebrew poet opens, so
to speak, the floodgates of his heart, and pours forth the stream
of his thoughts and emotions just as they have sprung into
being there. Because he is under the sanctifying and illumi
nating infiuence of the divine Spfrit, they are high and holy
thoughts. Because they come forth in their primitive form,
they are natural and fresh; and for this reason the lapse of
ages does not diminish their power over the human spirit.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 269
Intimately connected also with the originahty of Hebrew
poetry is its charming variety. The Hebrew poets are exceed
ingly unlike each other in native character, in training, in sur
rounding circumstances, and in the nature of the work laid
upon them by the Spirit of inspiration. And as they all write
in a natm-al and appropriate way, it foUows that their writings
must exhibit great diversities. No two writers can well be
more unlike each other than Isaiah and the author of the book
of Job. With Isaiah the central object of thought is always
Zion, in whose interest he sees God governing the world, and
whose future glory is revealed to him in prophetic vision. But
Zion is not an individual. She is a dirine organization which
God has destmed to universal rictory, and around which re
volve, under his almighty guidance, the great movements of
the heathen nations. The prophet, accordingly, has to do not
so much with particular persons, as with the destiny of society,
which is involved in that of Zion. He describes her present
conflicts and her future triumphs in his own peculiar and gor
geous imagery. But the problem before the author of the
book of Job is God's providence towards individuals, as viewed
from the position of the Old Testament before the fuUer reve
lations of the New. He is occupied with the destiny of par
ticular persons, rather than of nations or of human society at
large. To the solution of the question of God's justice towards
individual man he dfrects aU his energy, and he discusses this
great theme in a manner as effective as it is original. His
imagery is as forcible as that of Isaiah, but how different, and
how powerfuUy adapted to his end ! A few passages fi-om each
of these great poets, set side by side, wUl exhibit the contrast
between them in a striking manner.
JOB. ISAIAH
THE PEOSPEETFY OP THE EIGHTEOTJS. THE PEOSPEErTT OP ZION.
He shaU deUver thee in six troub- Violence shaU no more be heard
les : yea, in seven there shall no eril . in thy land, wasting nor destruction
touch thee. In famine he shaU re- within thy borders ; but thou shalt
deem thee from death : and in war caU thy waUs Salvation, and thy gates

270

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

from the power of the sword. Thou
shalt be hid from the scourge of the
tongue : neither shalt thou be afraid
of destruction when it cometh. At
destruction and famine thou shalt
laugh : neither shalt thou be afraid
of the beasts of the earth. For thou
shalt be in league -with the stones of
the fleld : and the beasts of the fleld
shaU be at peace -with thee. And
thou shalt know that thy tabernacle
shaU be in peace ; and thou shalt
risit thy habitation, and shalt not
sin. Thou shalt know also that thy
seed shaU be great, and thine off
spring as the grass of the earth.
Thou shalt come to thy grave in a
full age, like as a shock of corn com
eth in in his season. Ch. 5 : 19-26.
JOB.
THE Q-VEBTHBOW OP THE -WICKED.
He shaU flee from the iron weap
on, and the bow of steel shaU strike
him through. It is drawn, and com
eth out of the body ; yea, the gutter
ing sword cometh out of his gall :
teiTors are upon him. AU darkness
shaU be hid in his secret places : a
fire not blown shaU consume him ;
it shaU go iU -with him that is left in
his tabernacle. The heaven shall re
veal his iniquity; and the earth shaU
rise up against him. The increase
of his house shaU depart, and his
goods shaU flow away in the day of
his wrath. Ch. 20 : 24-28..

Praise. The sun shaU be no more
thy Ught by day ; neither for bright
ness shaU the moon give Ught unto
thee: but the Lord shall be unto thee
an everlasting Ught, and thy God thy
glory. Thy sun shaU no more go
do-wn ; neither shall thy moon -with
draw itself : for the Lord shaU be
thine everlasting Ught, and the days
of thy mourning shall be ended.
Thy people also shall be aU right
eous: they shaU inherit the land for
ever, the branch of my planting, the
work of my hands, that I may be
glorified. A little one shaU become
a thousand, and a small one a strong
nation : I the Lord -wUl hasten it in
his time. Ch. 60 : 18-22.
ISAIAH.
THE Q-VEETHEOW OP SION's ENEMIES.
For he bringeth down them that
dweU on high ; the lofty city, he lay-
eth it low ; he layeth it low, even to
the ground ; he bringeth it even to
the dust. The foot shaU tread it
down, even the feet of the poor, and
the steps of the needy. Ch. 26:5, 6.
For I -wiU contend -with him that
contendeth with thee, and I -wiU save
thy chUdren. And I wiU feed them
that oppress thee with their own
flesh ; and they shaU be drunken
¦with their o-wn blood, as -with sweet
-wine: and aU flesh shaU know that I
the Lord am thy Sariour and thy
Bedeemer, the mighty one of Jacob.
Ch. 49 : 25, 26.

If now we open the book of Psalms, we find ourselves in a
new world of poetry, as different from that of Isaiah as it is
from that of the book of Job. David was anointed by God to

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 271
be the head and leader of Israel. As such he had a perpetual
outward conflict with powerful, crafty, and malicious foes, who
sought his life and his kingdom. This brought to him a per
petual inward conflict with doubts and fears. Under the pres
sure of this double conflict he penned those wonderful psalms,
which are the embodiment of his whole religious Ufe. And
since heart answers to heart, as face to face in water, they are
the embodiment of reUgious life in all ages. The songs of
David and his iUustrious coUaborators, Asaph and the sons of
Korah, are emphaticaUy the poetry of reUgious experience.
As such they can never grow old. They are as fresh to-day as
when they were written. God has given them to his church as
a rich treasury for " the service of song in the house of the
Lord," in the famUy, and in the closet. If we turn from the
book of Psalms to the book of Proverbs, we have stiU another
type of poetry, unlike any one of the forms hitherto consid
ered. It is the poetry of reflection on the course of human Ufe,
as seen in the light of God's law and God's providence. It is,
therefore, didactic in the highest sense of the word — the poetry
of practical life. The maxims of heavenly wisdom embodied in
the book of Proverbs will make all who study them, believe
them, and obey them, prosperous in this Ufe and happy in the
Ufe to come. This contrast between the great Hebrew poets
might be carried through the whole galaxy, but the above hints
must suffice.
Diversity of themes often coincides with difference in the
character of the poets. Where the theme is the same, each
writer wiU stiU pursue his own peculiar method. If that theme
be the vengeance of God on the wicked, the style will naturaUy
be rugged and abrupt. Yet the ruggedness and abruptness of
David wUl not be that of Hosea or Nahum. But where both
the theme and the character of the poet differ, there the diver
sity of style becomes very striking. To iUustrate this, take the
two foUowing passages :

272 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
DAVID. NAHUM.
god's favoe to the kighteous. god's -vengbajtce on the -wicked.
The Lord is my shepherd ; I shaU The mountains quake at him, and
not want. He maketh me to he the hills melt, and the earth is bum-
down in green pastures : he leadeth ed at his presence, yea, the world,
me beside the stUl waters. Here- and aU that dweU therein. -Who can
storeth my soul : he leadeth me in stand before his indignation ? and
the paths of righteousness for his who can abide in the flerceness of
name's sake. Yea, though I walk his anger ? his fury is poured out
through the vaUey of the shadow of Uke flre, and the rocks are thrown
death, I wiU fear no e-ril : for thou down by him. The Lord is good, a
art with me ; thy rod and thy staff strong hold in the day of ti-ouble ;
they comfort me. Thou preparest and he knoweth them that trust in
a table before me in the presence of him. But -with an overrunning
mine enemies : thou anointest my flood he -wUl make an utter end of
head with oU ; my cup runneth over, the place thereof, and darkness shaU
Surely goodness and mercy shaU fol- pursue his enemies. Nahum: 1:5-8.
low me aU the days of my life ; and
I -wUl dweU in the house of the Lord
for ever, Psa. 23.
The passage fr-om Nahum is Uke a pent-up mountain stream
leaping from precipice to precipice. The psalm is like the
same stream escaped to the plain, and winding its way gently
and placidly through green meadows and shady groves vocal
with the songs of birds. This subject might be pursued to an
indefinite extent. Suffice it to say that Hebrew poetry has the
charm of endless variety, always with graceful adaptation to
the nature of the theme.
The oriental imagery in which Hebrew poetry abounds im
parts to it a pecuUar and striking costume. Palestine was, in
an emphatic sense, the Hebrew poet's world. It was the land
given by God to his fathers for an everlasting possession ; about
which aU his warm affections clustered ; with whose pecuUar
scenery and cUmate, employments and associations, aU his
thoughts and feelings had been blended from chUdhood. It
foUowed of necessity that these must aU wear an oriental cos
tume. As soon as he opens his mouth there comes forth a
stream of eastern imagery, very natural and appropriate to

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 273
him, but much of it very strange to us of these western regions.
Tx) understand the extent of this characteristic one has only to
peruse the Song of Solomon. The bride is black but comely
as the tents of Kedar, as the curtains of Solomon. She is a
dove in the clefts of the rock ; her hair is as a flock of goats,
that appear from Mount GUead ; her teeth are like a. flock of
sheep which come from the washing ; her Ups are like a thread
of scarlet ; her temples are like a piece of a pomegranate ; her
stature is Uke a palm tree, and her breasts Uke clusters of
grapes — aU thoroughly oriental. So also the bridegroom is
Uke a roe or a young hart leaping upon the mountains ; his
eyes are as the eyes of doves by the rivers of waters ; his cheeks
are as a bed of spices; his Ups like lUies, dropping sweet-
smeUing myrrh, and his countenance as Lebanon, exceUent as
the cedars. So also U we open the book of Isaiah, we find the
Messiah described as " the shadow of a great rock in a w-eary
land"- — a figure which could not weU occur to an EngUshman
or an American, but was perfectly natural in the mouth of a
Hebrew familiar with the terrible sun of the Asiatic deserts,
where neither tree nor cloud offers a shelter to the thirsty and
fainting traveUer. Precisely here lies much of the obscurity of
which the expounders of Hebrew poetry complain. True, there
are other difficulties of a formidable character. The theme is
often vast, stretching into the distant and dimly-revealed future;
the language rugged with abrupt transitions, the historic aUu
sions obscure, and the meaning of the terms employed doubt
ful. But aside from aU these considerations the western
scholar encounters a pei-petual difficulty in the fact that he is
not of oriental birth, and can enter but imperfectly into the
spfr-it and force of oriental imagery. What costs him days of
laborious investigation would open itseU Uke a flash of Ught
ning to his apprehension — aU except that which remains dark
from the nature of the prophetic themes — could he but have
that perfect apprehension of the language, the historic aUu
sions, the imagery employed, and the modes of thought, which
was possessed by the contemporaries of the Hebrew poet.
12*

274 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
It remains that we notice in the last place what may be
caUed the theocratic imagery of the Hebrew poets ; that is, inj-
agery borrowed from the institutions of the Mosaic law. The
intense loyalty of the Hebrew poets to the Mosaic law has
afready been noticed. They were its divinely-appointed expos
itors and defenders, and their whole religious life was moulded
by it. No wonder, then, that their writings abound with aUu
sions to its rites and usages. The sweet psalmist of Israel will
abide in God's tabernacle for ever, and trust in the covert of
his wings, the literal tabernacle on Zion representing God's
spfritual presence here and his beatific presence hereafter
(Psa. 61 : 4 and elsewhere) ; he wUl have his prayer set forth
before God as incense, and the lUting up of his hands as the
evening sacrifice (Psa. 141 : 2) ; he wiU be purged with hyssop
that he may be clean, and washed that he may be -whiter than
snow (Psa. 51 : 7) ; he wiU offer to God the sacrifice of a broken
spirit (Psa. 51 : 17) ; the people promise to render to God the
calves of their lips (Hosea 14 : 2) ; the vengeance of God upon
Edom is described as "a sacrifice in Bozrah, and a great
slaughter in the land of Idumea," in which the Lord's sword
shaU be fiUed with the blood of lambs and goats and the fat of
the kidneys of rams (Isa. 34 : 6) ; with aUusions to the Levitical
sprinklings God promises that he -will sprinkle upon his peni
tent and restored people clean water that they may be clean
(Ezek. 36 : 25) ; and with aUusion to the sacrificial flocks assem
bled at Jerusalem on the occasion of her great festivals, that
he will increase them with men like a flock— "as the holy
flock, as the flock of Jerusalem in her solemn feasts ; so shall
the waste cities be filled with flocks of men" (Ezek. 36 : 37, 38).
How fuU the book of Psalms is of aUusions to the solemn songs
of the sanctuary with their accompaniment of psaltery and
harp, trumpet and cornet, every, reader understands. This
subject might be expanded indefinitely, but the above hints
must suffice.
3. We come now to the form of Hebrew poefa-y. This is
distinguished fi-om the classic poetry of Greece and Eome, as

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 275
weU as from aU modern poetry by the absence of metrical feet.
Its rhythm is that of dauses which correspond to each other in
a sort of free paraUeUsm, as was long ago shown by Bishop
Lowth in his Prelections on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews,
the matter of which has been rerised and expanded in later
treatises. Herein, as elsewhere, Hebrew poetry asserts its
originahty and independence. Biblical scholars recognize
three fundamental forms of paraUeUsm in Hebrew poefa-y,
which -wUl be briefly considered, first separately, and then in
their combinations.
The first is the antithetic form, where two paraUel members
are contrasted in meaning, a form peculiarly adapted to didac
tic poetry, and therefore occurring most abimdantly in the book
of Proverbs. The foUo-wing are examples of it :
The memory of the just is blessed :
But the name of the wicked shaU rot (Pbov. 10 : 7) ;
where, in the original Hebrew, each clause consists of three
words. In such an antithetic paraUeUsm the words of one
couplet, at least, must correspond in meaning, as here memory
and ¦name; whUe the others are in confrast— ^'«s^ and ivicked,
is blessed and shall rot. Sometimes the two clauses are to be
mutuaUy supplied fr-om each other, thus :
A -wise son maketh a glad father :
But a foolish son is the heaviness of his mother (Prov. 10 : 1) ;
where the reader understands that a wise son is the joy, and a
fooUsh son the grief of both father and mother.
The second form is the synonymous, where the same general
thought is repeated in two or more clauses. It is found abun
dantly in the whole range of Hebrew poetry, but is pecuUarly
adapted to that which is of a placid and contemplative charac
ter. Sometimes the paraUel clauses simply repeat the same
thought in different words; in other cases there is only a gene
ral resemblance. Examples are the foUo-wing :
He that sitteth in the heavens shaU laugh :
The Lord shaU have them in derision. Psa. 2 : 4.

276 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
For thou. Lord, wUt bless the righteous :
With favor wUt thou compass him as -with a shield. Psa. 5 : 12.
Perish the day wherein I was bom ;
And the night in which it was said. There is a man chUd conceived. Job 3 : 3.
Hear the word of the Lord, ye rulers of Sodom :
Give ear unto the law of our God, ye people of Gomon-ah. IsA. 1 : 10.
In the following example we have a compound synonymous
couplet : Give them according to theu- deeds.
According to the wickedness of theu- endeavors :
Give them after the work of theu- hands.
Bender to them theu- desert, Psa, 28 : 4.
Sometimes three or more paraUel clauses occur, thus :
"When your fear cometh as desolation.
And your destruction cometh as a whirl-wind ;
¦When distress and anguish cometh upon you. Pbov. 1 : 27.
-Who forgiveth aU thine iniquities ;
"Who healeth aU thy diseases ;
Who redeemeth thy Ufe from desti-uction ;
Who crowneth thee with lo-ring-kindness and tender mercies ;
Who satisfleth thy mouth -with good things ;
Thy youth is renewed like the eagle's. Psa. 103 : 3-5.
In the preceding example, synonymous paraUeUsm passes
into simple enumeration. So often with a succession of short
clauses, or shorter and longer clauses, where the poetry of the
Hebrews assumes the freedom of prose, thus :
Who hath woe ?
"Who hath sorrow ?
-Who hath contentions ?
Who hath babbUng ?
Who hath wounds -without cause ?
Who hath redness of eyes ? Pbov. 23 : 39.
Ah sinful nation ;
A people laden -n-ith iniquity ;

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 277
A seed of eril-doers ;
Corrupt chUdren :
They have forsaken the Lord ;
They have despised the Holy One of Israel ;
They have gone away backward. Isa. 1 : 4.
The parallel clauses are frequently introduced or foUowed
by a single clause, thus :
Blessed is the man
"Who walketh not in the counsel of the ungodly ;
And standeth not in the way of sinners ;
And sitteth not in the seat of scorners. Psa. 1 : 1.
Hear, O heavens ;
Give ear, O earth ;
For the Lord hath spoken. Isa. 1 : 2.
The third form of paraUeUsm is caUed synthetic (Greek syn
thesis, a putting together), where one clause is necessary to com
plete the sense of the other, as in the following examples :
Better is a dinner of herbs where love is,
Than a staUed ox and hatred there-with. Pbov. 15 : 16.
Every way of a man is right in his own eyes ;
But the Lord pondereth the hearts. Pbov. 21 : 2.
Whoso curseth his father and his mother.
His lamp shaU be put out in obscure darkness. Pbov. 20 : 20.
The connection between the two clauses may be that of
comparison, cause, effect, etc. Sometimes it is not expressed,
but simply implied, as in the following :
A whip for the horse,
A bridle for the ass,
And a rod for the fool's back. Pbov. 26 : 3.
The combinations of the above forms in Hebrew poetry are
exceedingly varied and graceful. Here are examples of two
synonymous couplets that are antithetic to each other:
The ox knoweth his owner,
And the ass his master's crib i
Israel doth not know,
My people doth not consider. Isa. 1 : 3.

278 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.'
The Lord bringeth the counsel of the heathen to naught ;
He maketh the derices of the people of non^ effect.
The counsel of the Lord standeth for ever ;
The thoughts of his heart to aU generations. Psa. 33 : 10, 11.
In the folio-wing example, two synonymous couplets consti
tute together a synthetic paraUeUsm :
Because they regard not the works of the Lord,
Nor the operation of his hands,
He shall destroy them,
And not buUd them up. Psa. 28 : 5.
In the foUovring, three synthetic paraUeUsms make a synony
mous triplet :
For as the heaven is high above the earth.
So great is his mercy toward them that fear him :
As far as the east is from the west,
So far hath he removed our transgressions from us :
Like as a father pitieth his chUdren,
So the Lord pitieth them that fear him. Psa. 103 : 11-13.
But our Umits wUl not allow us to pursue this subject far
ther. The fr-eedom of the Hebrew poet is one of his high pre
rogatives. He is not a slave to form, but uses form as it suits
his purposes. He blends together the different kinds of paral-
leUsm as he pleases. Often he breaks through all paraUeUsm
to the freedom of prose. But he soon returns again, because
this measured rhythm of clauses is to him the natural costume
of poetic thought, which always seeks to embody itseU in some
form of rhythm.
To the form of Hebrew poetry belongs also its peculiar dic
tion. To one who reads the HebrcAv poets in the original, this
is a striking characteristic. He meets with words, and some
times with grammatical forms, that do not occur in the prose
writers. Many of these peculiar words are Aramean; that is,
they are words current in the Aramean branch of the Shemitic
languages. Chap. 14, No. 1. They are to be regarded as
archaisms — old words that were once common alike to the
Hebrew and the kindred Aramean, but which have been

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 279
dropped out of prose usage in Hebrew. They must not be
confounded, as has too often been done, with true Aramaism.s,
that is, Aramean words and forms borrowed by later Hebrew
-writers from their intercourse -with those Avho spoke Aramean.
4. As it respects the office of Hebrew poetry, it is through
out subservient to the interests of revealed reUgion. This is
impUed in what has been afready said of the loyalty of the
Hebrew poets to the institutions of the Theocracy. It foUows
that the poetry of the Bible is all- sacred in its character. It
contains no examples of purely secular poetry except here and
there a short passage which comes in as a part of history; for
example, the words of " those that speak in proverbs," Numb.
21 : 27-30 ; perhaps also the lament of David over Saul and
Jonathan. 2 Sam. 1 : 19-27. It is certain that the song con
tained in the forty-fifth psalm and that of the Canticles were
received into the canon solely on the ground that they cele
brate the mutual love between God and the covenant people,
considered as his bride; or, in New Testament language,
between Christ and "the bride, the Lamb's -wife."
But sacred poetry has various uses. One of its earUest
offices was to celebrate the praises of God for his interposition
in behaU of his covenant people, as in the song of the Israel
ites at the Eed sea, and that of Deborah and Barak. But
when Darid was raised to the throne of Israel, the time had
now come for introducing lyric poetry as a permament part of
the sanctuary serrice. God accordingly bestowed upon this
monarch the needful inward gUts, and placed him in the appro
priate outward cfrcumstances ; when at once there gushed forth
from his bosom, smit by the spirit of inspiration, that noble
stream of lyric song, which the congregation of the faithful
immediately consecrated to the pubUc serrice of the sanctuary,
and which, augmented by the contributions of Asaph, the sons
of Korah, and other inspired poets, has been the rich inherit
ance of the church ever since. In the book of Job, sacred
poetry occupies itseU -with the mighty problem ofthe justice of
God's proridential government over men. It is, therefore,

280 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
essentially didactic in its character. In the Proverbs of Solo
mon, it becomes didactic in the fuUest sense ; for here it moves
in the sphere of practical Ufe and morals. The book of Eccle
siastes has for its theme the vanity of this world, considered
as a satisfying portion of the soul; and this it discusses in a
poetic form. Einally, the prophets of the Old Testament
exhaust aU the wealth of Hebrew poetry in rebuking the sins
of the present time, foretelling the mighty judgments of God
upon the wicked, lamenting the present sorrows of Zion, and
portraying her future glories in connection -n-ith the advent of
the promised Messiah. The Hebrew harp — whoever sweeps it,
and whether its strains be jubilant or sad, didactic or emo
tional, is ever consecrated to God and the cause of righteous
ness.
(B.) THE SEVERAL POETICAL BOOKS,
I, JOB.
5. The design of the book of Job wiU best appear if we
first take a brief sm-vey of its plan. Job, a man eminent above
all others for his piety and uprightness, is accused by Satan
as serring God fr-om mercenary motives. To show the false
hood of this charge, God permits Satan to take from the patri
arch his property and his children, and afterwards to smite him
with a loathsome and distressing disease. Thus stripped of
every thing that could make life valuable, he stiU holds fast his
integrity, and returns to his wUe, who counsels him to "cui-se
God and die," the discreet and pious answer : " Shall we receive
good at the hand of the Lord, and shaU we not receive eril ?"
His three friends, who have come to comfort him, amazed and
confounded at the greatness of his calamities, sit down with
him in silence for seven days. At last Job opens his mouth
with vehement expressions of grief and impatience, and curses
the day of his bfrth. The three friends sharply rebuke him,
and in a threefold round of addresses (only that the thfrd
time Zophar fails to speak), enter into an earnest controversy
-ivith him assuming the false ground that the administration

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 281
of God's govemment over this world is stiictlv retributive, so
that special calamity comes only as a punishment for special
wickedness, and is therefore itseU a proof of such wickedness.
They accordingly exhort him to repent of his sins, and seek
Grod's forgiveness, as the sure means of removing his present
misfortrmes. Conscious of his integrity. Job, -with much warmth
and asperity, repels thefr unjust charges, and refutes thefr false
arguments by an appeal to facts. The ground he takes is that,
by some inscrutable plan of God, calamity comes alike upon
good and bad men. He passionately beseeches God to show
him why he thus deals with him; and, according as faith or
despondency prevails in his soul, he sometimes expresses the
hope that he shaU come out of his froubles like gold tried in
the fire; and then, again, the fear that he shaU speedUy sink
do-wn to the grave under the weight of his sorrows, and never
more see good. Having put to sUence his three fiiends by an
array of facts to which they can make no reply, he fr-eely ex
presses the beUef that the hypocrite's end shaU be destmction
(chap. 27) ; shows that the wisdom by which God governs the
world is above man's comprehension, whose true wisdom Ues
in fearing and obeying his Maker (chap. 28); conti-asts his
present calamities with his former prosperity (chaps. 29, 30);
and closes with a solemn protestation of his integrity (chap. 31).
Elihu, a young man who has hitherto been a sUent -witness
of the confroversy, now takes np the argument on the ground
that frouble is sent by God upon men as a discipline, that by it
they may be made aware of their errors and infirmities ; and
that, if they make a right improvement of it, by bearing it with
patient submission and looking to God in penitence and prayer
for its removal, it wiU end in renewed and higher prosperity.
To show the unreasonableness of charging upon God injustice,
he dwells at length upon his infinite majesty and greatness.
The special ground of Job's trial, as given in the first two chap
ters, EUhu could not of course understand. Bnt his general
position in regard to human afflictions is right ; and it shonld
be carefuUy noticed that thefr issue as described bv him in the

282 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
case of a good man — an imperfectly good man under a system
of grace — is precisely what happens to Job when he humbles
himseU before his Maker.
As Elihu's discourse was drawing towards a close, the signs
of God's approach had afready begun to manUest themselves
(chap. 37). Now he addresses Job out of the whfrlwind, rebu
king him for his presumptuous language, and setting before
him His infinite perfections, manUested in the creation and gov
ernment of the world, as a sufficient proof that tp arraign His
justice at the bar of human reason is foUy and presumption.
Job now humbles himseU unconditionaUy before his Maker.
Upon this God pubUcly justifies him to his three friends, whUe
He condemns them, declaring that he has spoken of Him the
thing which is right (42 : 8). This is to be understood as refer
ring not to the spirit manifested by Job, which God had sharply
rebuked, but rather to the ground taken by him in respect to
God's dealings -with men. By God's dfrection the three fr-iends
now offer sacrifices for thefr foUy, which are accepted in answer
to Job's prayer in their behaU, and his former prosperity is
restored to him in double measm-e.
6. From the above sketch of the plan of the book its design
is manUest. It unfolds the nature of God's proridential gov
ernment over men. It is not simply retributive, as the three
fr-iends had maintained, so that the measure of a man's out
ward sufferings is the measm-e of his sins; nor is it simply
incomprehensible, so that there can be no reasoning about it;
but it is disciplinary, in such a way that sorrow, though always
the fr-uit of sin, comes upon good men as well as upon the
wicked, being a fatherly chastisement intended for their bene
fit, and which, if properly improved, -wiU in the end conduct
them to a higher degree of hoUness, and therefore of fr-ue
prosperity and happiness. The three friends were right in
maintaining God's justice; but -with respect to the manner of
its manUestation their error was fundamental. Job's riew was
right, but inadequate. A discipUnary government, adminis
tered over a world in which the wicked and the imperfectly

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 233
good Uve together, must be incomprehensible as it respects the
particular distribution of good and eril. EUhu was right in the
main position, but he wanted authority. The question was set
tled by God's interposition not before the human discussion,
nor without it, bnt after it ; an interposition in which the three
friends were condemned. Job approved, and the argument of
Elihu left in its fuU force.
It has been the fashion with a certain class of critics to disparage EUhu
as a self-conceited young man, and to deny the authenticity of his dis-
coiuses. But thus the plan of the book is fataUy broken, as must be eri-
dent from the acconnt given of it above. It was not necessary that EUhu
shonld be named in the prologue. It is enough that he is described when
he takes a part in the argument. Why he is not named in the closing
chapter has been already indicated. There was nothing in his argument
to be censured. As to the attacks made on other parts of the book as not
authentic, for example, what is said of Behemoth and Leriathan, they rest
on no vaUd foundation. They are only judgments of modem critics as to
how and what the author of the book before us ought to have written.
The attempt to resolve into disconnected parts a book so perfect in its
plan, and which has come do-wn to us by the unanimous testimony of
antiquity in its present form, is a most uncritical procedure.
7. Job plainly belonged to the patriarchal period. This
appears from his longerity. He Uved after his trial a hundred
and forty years (42 : 16), and must have been then considerably
advanced in Ufe. This points to a period as early as that of
Abraham. To the same conclusion we are brought by the fact
that no form of idolatry is mentioned in the book, but only the
worship of the heavenly bodies. The simpUcity of the patri
archal age appears, moreover, in aU its descriptions. But we
need not from this infer that the book was written in the patri
archal age, for the author may have received from the past the
facts which he records. The book is written iu pure Hebrew,
with aU the freedom of an original work, and by one intimately
acquainted with both Arabic and Egyptian scenery. Some
have supposed Moses to be the author, but this is very uncer
tain. The prevailing opinion of the present day is that it was
written not far from the age of Solomon.

234 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.-
8. There is no ground for denying that the book of Job has
a foundation of true history. He is mentioned by Ezekiel with
Noah and Daniel as a real person. Ezek. 14 : 14, 20. The
apostle James also refers to the happy issue of his trials as a
historic event calculated to encourage God's suffering chUdren.
Jas. 5 : 11. But we need not suppose that aU the details of the
book are historic. The inspired poet takes up the great facts
of Job's history and the great arguments connected with them,
and gives them in his own language; probably also, to a cer
tain extent, according to his own arrangement. The scene of
the first two chapters is laid in heaven. Undoubtedly they
record a real transaction ; but it may be a transaction revealed
to the author in an allegorical form, like Micaiah's vision
(1 Kings 22 : 19-22), that it might be thus made level to human
apprehension.
II. THE PSALMS.
9. We have seen the office of the Book of Job in the sys
tem of divine revelation. Yery different, but not less impor
tant, is that of the book of Psalms. It is a collection of sacred
lyrics: that is, of poems expressive of religious feeling and
adapted to the public worship of God. In respect to subjects,
the Psalms exhibit a wonderful diversity. They cover the whole
field of religious experience, and furnish to the churches an
inexhaustible treasury of sacred song for all ages. Seventy-
three of the psalms are ascribed to David in their titles, and
the whole book, as referred to in the New Testament, bears his
name. Of the remaining psalms, Asaph is named as the author
of twelve'; to the sons of Korah eleven are ascribed; to Solo
mon two (Psalms 72 and 127) ; to Moses one (Psalm 90) ; to
Ethan one (Psalm 89). The remaining fifty are anonymous.
Of these, some appear from their contents to have been writ
ten as late as the era of the captivity and restoration. Some
writers have referred certain psalms to the Maccabean age.
But there is nothing in the contents of these psalms which
makes such a reference necessary, and we have decisive evi-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 285
dence that the Hebrew canon was closed long before this
period. See below. Chap. 22, No. 21.
10. In regard to the external arrangement of the Psalms,
which is generaUy ascribed to Ezra, and cannot be earlier than
his day, they are divided in the Hebrew Bible into five books,
each closing with a doxology except the last, to which, as weU
as to the whole coUection, the fiual psalm serves as a doxology.
The first book contains Psalms 1-41. Of these forty-one
psalms, thirty-seven bear the name of Darid. Of the remain
ing four, the second and tenth undoubtedly belong to him, and
in aU probabUity the first and thirty-third also. The psalms
of this book are remarkable for the predominance of the name
Jehovah over Elohim, God.
The second book includes Psalms 42-72. Of these, eighteen
bear the name of David; the first eight (including Psa. 43,
which is manifestly connected with the preceding psalm) are
ascribed to the sons of Korah ; one to Asaph (Psa. 50) ; one to
Solomon (Psa. 72) ; and the remaining three are without titles.
In this book the divine name Elohim, God, greatly predomi
nates over the name Jehovah.
The third book includes Psalms 73-89, seventeen in aU. Of
these, the first eleven are ascribed to Asaph ; four to the sons
of Korah ; one to David (Psa. 86) ; and one to Ethan the Ezra-
hite (Psa. 89). In the psalms of Asaph the divine name Elohim,
God, predominates; in the remainder of the book the name
Jehovah. The fourth book includes Psahns 90-106. Of these seven
teen psalms, only three bear titles ; the ninetieth being referred
to Moses, the hundred and first and hundred and third to
Darid. This book is therefore emphaticaUy one of anonymous
psalms, which are for the most part of a very general charac
ter, being eridently arranged -with reference to the serrice of
song in the sanctuary. Throughout this book the dirine name
Jehovah prevaUs; the name Elohim, God, being rarely used
except in connection with a pronoun or some epithet — my God,
God of Jacob, etc.

286 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The fifth book contains the remaining forty-four psalms.
Of these, fifteen are ascribed to David; one to Solomon (Psa.
127) ; and twenty-eight are anonymous. In this book also the
divine name Jehovah prevaUs almost exclusively.
It is probable that these five books were arranged not simul
taneously but successively, with considerable intervals between
some of them. The subscription appended to the second book :
" The prayers of David the son of Jesse are ended," may pos
sibly be explained upon this supposition. It may have been
added as a subscription to the first two books, before the others
were arranged for the temple service.
Although the psalms belonging to the respective books are
not classified upon any strict principle, yet their arrangement
is not altogether fortuitous. We find psalms with the same
title grouped together — eleven psalms of Asaph (73-83) ; eight
of the sons of Korah (42-49) ; eight of David (139-145 separa
ted from his other psalms) ; three psalms inscribed Al-taschith
(57-59) ; the fifteen songs of degrees (120-134), etc. Also -n-e
find psalms of simUar contents grouped together — Psa. 79, 80 ;
88, 89; 91-100; 105-107; etc.
Various attempts have been made to classify the psalms
according to their subjects. But their very richness and vari
ety makes this a very difficult undertaking. They cover the
whole field of reUgious experience for both individual believers
and the church at large. Many of them — the so-called Messi
anic psalms — are prophetic of the Saviour's offices and work.
We need not wonder, therefore, that the Psalms are quoted in
the New Testament oftener than any other book of the Old
Testament, Isaiah not excepted.
11. Besides the names of the authors, or the occasion of
their composition, many of the psalms bear other inscriptions.
Of these the principal are the folio-wing :
(1.) The dedicatory title: To the chief musician, prefixed to
fifty-three psalms, signifies that the psalm is assigned to him,
as the leader of the choir at the tabernacle or temple, to be
used in the public worship of God. The title rendered in our

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 287
version : For the sons of Korah, is better translated, as in the
margin : Of the sons of Korah ; that is, -written by one of thefr
number. (2.) Titles expressing the character of the composition. Here
we have, as the most common and general. Psalm, a lyric poem
to be sung ; Song, a title borne by sixteen psalms, generaUy in
connection with the word psalm, where the rendering should
be: a psalm, a song; or, a song, a pscdm. AU the psalms thus
designated except two (Psa. 83, 88) are of a joyous character,
that is, songs of praise ; Song qf degrees, a title the meaning of
which is disputed. Many render : A song qf ascents, and sup
pose that the fifteen psalms which bear this title (120-134)
were so caUed because they were ai-ranged to be sung on the
occasion of the ascent of the people to Jerusalem to keep the
yearly festivals. For other explanations, the reader is i-eferred
to the commentaries. The titles: Prayer (Psa. 17, 90, 102,
142), and Praise (Psa. 145) need no explanation. Besides
these titles, there are several others left untranslated in our
version, as: Maschil, teaching, that is, a didactic psalm ; Micldam
(Psa. 16, 56-60) either a ivriting, that is, poem, or a golden
psalm. (3.) Titles relating to the musical performance. Of these,
the most common is the much disputed word Selah. It is gen
eraUy agreed that it signifies a rest, either in singing for the
purpose of an insfa-umental interlude, or an entfre rest in the
performance. As a general rule, this title closes a division of
a psahn. Of the titles supposed to indicate either musical
instruments or modes of musical performance, the foUowing
are examples : Neginath (Psa. 61), elsewhere Niginoth, stringed
instruments; Xehiloth, probably flutes (Psa. 5) ; Gittith (Psa. 8,
81, 84), from the word Gath, which denotes a PhUistine city,
and also a wine-press. Gittith has been accordingly inter
preted to mean (1) a musical instrument or a melody brought
from Gath; (2) a musical instrument in the form of a -wine
press, or a melody used in treading the -wine-press ; Shoshannim,
lilies (Psa. 45, 69) ; Shushan-eduth, lily of the testimony (Psa. 60) ;

288 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
Shoshanmm-eduth, lilies of the testimony (Psa. 80), either a musi
cal instrument so named from its shape, or a particular melody,
or, as some think, an emblematic term referring to the contents
of the psalm ; Sheminith, the eighth, or octave, perhaps a musi
cal key (Psa. 6, 12); Alamoth, viVg'Mis, probably denoting treble
voices (Psa. 46); Al-taschith, destroy not (Psa. 57, 58, 59, 75),
according to some, the name of an air taken from a well-known
poem ; according to others, an indication of the contents of the
psalm. For other titles, occurring but once or twice, the reader
must be referred to the commentaries.
Whether the titles constitute a part of the psalms ; that is, whether
they were prefixed by the writers themselves, is a question that has been
much debated, and answered differently by different -writers. That they ai-e
very ancient — so ancient that the meaning of the terms employed had
passed into oblirion when the Alexandrine version was made — ^must be
admitted. But it would be too much to affirm that they are a part of the
inspired word. The correctness of some of them is doubtful. If we admit
their general correctness, reserving for critical investigation the question of
the historical validity of particular titles, it is as far as we need go.
III. THE PEOVEEBS OF SOLOMON.
12. The place of the book of Proverbs in the system of
divine revelation is obvious at first sight. It contains a com
plete code of practical rules for the regulation of lUe — rules
that have a divine breadth and fulness, and can make men wise
not for time alone, but also for eternity. The principles em
bodied in them admit of endlessly varied applications, so that
the study of a life cannot exhaust them. The more they are
pondered, and prayed over, and reduced to practice, the more
are their hidden treasures of -wisdom brought to light. Solo
mon lived himseU in the sphere of practical Ufe. He had con
stantly to deal with men of aU classes, and he knew men and
the course of human events most thoroughly. His marims are
therefore adapted to the actual world, not to some imaginary
state of things; and they contain those broad principles of
action which meet the wants of all men in aU circumstances

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 289
and conditions of life. Whoever gives himseU, in the fear of
God, to the study of these proverbs, and conforms his life to
the principles which they set forth, -will be a truly happy and
prosperous man. Whoever shapes his conduct by different
principles wiU be compeUed in the end to acknowledge his
foUy. To the young, for whose instruction they were espe
ciaUy intended, they are affectionately commended as thefr
manual of action.
13. In respect to outward form, the book of Proverbs natu
raUy falls into four parts. Of these, the first nine chapters,
consisting of eai-nest and fatherly exhortations addressed to
the young in a series of discourses, of which the parts are more
or less connected with each other, constitute the first, part.
The title prefixed to this part, giving both the author's name
and the end which he proposes (1 : 1-6) refers perhaps to the
book considered as a whole. The second part, inti-oduced by
the title : " The proverbs of Solomon," extends to the end of
the twenty-fourth chapter. Of this, the first section (chaps.
10-22 : 16) consists of proverbs properly so called, each verse
constituting a separate marim of heavenly -wisdom for the regu
lation of the heart and life. Between the different verses
there is either no connection, or one of a shght and casual
character, consisting frequently in the common occurrence of
the same word. In the remaining section (chap. 22 : 17 — 24 : 34)
the method of exhortation in discourse more or less connected
is resumed. To the third part (chaps. 25-29) is prefixed the
superscription : " These are also the proverbs of Solomon which
the men of Hezekiah copied out." The proverbs of this part
are, in general, expressed in detached maxims, as in the first
section of the second part ; but occasionaUy there is a connec
tion between adjacent verses. There is also an effort to bring
together related proverbs, as those conceming rulers (25 : 1-8) ;
conceming fools (26 : 1-12) ; conceming sluggards (26 : 13-16) ;
concerning busybodies and tale-bearers (chap. 26 : 17-28). In
this pari also a number of proverbs are repeated that have
occurred elsewhere. FinaUy, i^e fourth part, which may be
C43ir- >o ^»^- 13

290 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
considered as a sort of appendix, contains the words of Agur
(chap. 30), and of King Lemuel (chap. 31).
According to the most natural interpretation of the words prefixed to
chap. 24 : 23^" these [maxims] also belong to the wise" — the verses that
foUow to the end of the chapter contain also a short appendix of proverbs
not belonging to Solomon.
14. From the above it is manifest that the book of Proverbs
was arranged in its present form as late, at least, as the days
of Hezekiah. It contains not the -whole of the three thousand
proverbs which Solomon spake (1 Kings 4 : 32), but only selec
tions from them, such as the wisdom of God judged needful for
the edification of his people. Whether the proverbs contained
in the first and second parts were arranged in thefr present
form by Solomon himself or by some other person, we do not
know ; but that aU the proverbs of the book belong to him as
their author, except those which are expressly ascribed to
others, there is no valid reason for doubting.
IV. ECCLESIASTES.
15. The Hebrew name of this book is Kolieleth, respecting
the meaning of which there has been much discussion. The
Alexandrine rendering of this word, Ecclesiastes, one who gatJiers
or addresses an assembly, and the EngUsh rendering. Preacher,
express for substance its probable meaning; or rather, since
the form of the word is feminine, it is Wisdom as a preacher,
Solomon being regarded as her impersonation. The unUorm
beUef of the ancient church was that Solomon wrote this book
in his old age, when brought to repentance for the idolatrous
practices into which his heathen -n'ives had seduced him. He
had thoroughly tried the world in all its forms of honor, wealth,
pleasure, and the pursuit of wisdom — speculative wisdom — and
found it only "vanity and vexation of spirit," when sought as
the supreme good. The conclusion to which he comes is that
in such an empty and unsatisfying world, where disappoint
ment and trouble cannot be avoided, the cheerful enjoyment

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 291
of God's present gifts is the part of wisdom, for thus we make
the best of things as we find them. But this enjoyment must
be in the fear of God, who -wUl bring aU our works into judg
ment; and accompanied, moreover, by deeds of love and char
ity, as we have opportunity. He expUcitly asserts a judgment
to come ; yet his general riew of Ufe is that expressed in the
Sariour's words : "The night cometh, when no man can work;"
words which imply that God's earthly serrice, as weU as the
enjoyment of his earthly gUts, -wiU come to a close at death.
This riew of the Preacher is not a denial of the future Ufe, as
some have -wrongly maintained, but impUes rather a less fuU
revelation of it than is given iu the New Testament.
Many evangeUcal men, as Hengstenberg, KeU, and others, interpret
the flrst verse of this book as meaning not that Solomon was himself the
author, or that the -writer meant to pass himseU off as Solomon, but sim
ply that he -wrote in Solomon's name, as assuming his character ; that mon
arch being to the ancient Hebrews the impersonation of -wisdom. Their
reasons for this riew are chiefly two : First, that the state of things de
scribed in the book of Ecclesiastes does not suit Solomon's age, the picture
being too dark and sombre for his reign ; secondly, that the language dif
fers widely from that of the book of Proverbs and of the Canticles. "Whether
we adopt this riew, or that above given, the canonical authority of the book
of Ecclesiastes remains as a weU-established fact. It always held a place
in the Hebrew canon, and existed there in its present form in the days of
Christ and his apostles.
16. The foUowing summary of the Preacher's argument is
condensed from Scott. He had eridently two objects in riew.
First, to show where happiness coiUd not be found; and sec
ondly, where it might. The first six chapters are principaUy
employed on the former part of the argument, yet with coun
sels interspersed tending to show how the vanity, or at least
the vexation of earthly pursuits may be abated. The remain
ing six chapters graduaUy unfold the latter part of the argu
ment, teaching us how to make the best of things as we find
them, how to Uve comfortably and usefaUy in this eril world,
and how to derive benefit from the changing events of life. In
respect to outward things, the sacred writer inculcates a cheer-

292 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
ful, Uberal, and charitable use of them, -n'ithout expecting from
them permanent or satisfying delight. He counsels us to take
the transient pleasure which agreeable circumstances can
afford, as far as consists with the fear of God; to be patient
under unavoidable evil; not to aim at impracticable results; to
fill up our aUotted station in a peaceable, equitable, and pru
dent manner; to be contented, meek, and affectionate; and to
do good abundantly as we have opportunity, in the expectation
of a gracious reward. These general rules are interspersed
with warnings and counsels to princes and great men, and to
subjects in respect to their rulers.
V. THE SONG OF SOLOMON.
17. The title of this book: The Song qf songs, that is, the
most exceUent of songs, indicates its application to the heav
enly Solomon, and his spouse the church. So the Jews from
the most ancient times have interpreted it. Looking at this
song from the position of the Old Testament, its ground-idea
is : " Thy Maker is thy husband." Identical with this is the
New Testament idea: "The bride, the Lamb's wife." The
germ of this representation exists in the Pentateuch, where
idolatry is regarded as spiritual adultery. Exod. 34 : 15 ; Deut.
81 : 16. We find it fully developed in the forty-fifth Psalm,
which probably belongs to Solomon's age, and which is ex
pressly quoted in the epistle to the Hebrews as a description
of the Messiah. The same figure occurs in many passages of
the prophets who lived after Solomon's day. Isa. 54 : 5 ; 62 : 5 ;
Jer. 2 : 2; 3 : 14 ; Hos. 2 : 16, 19, 20. In the book of Eevelation
this imagery is repeated and amplified.
18. This song is not a dramatic representation, in which
the action steadily advances to the end, but a series of descrip
tive pictures, the great theme of which is the separation of the
bride from her beloved — the heavenly Bridegroom — for her
sins, and her reunion with him by repentance. In the spiritual
application of its rich and gorgeous imagery we should confine
ourselves to the main scope, rather than dweU on particulars.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 293
Thus the fruitfulness of the church is set forth under the image
of a garden filled with spices and precious fruits. But we are
not to seek for a hidden meaning in each particular spice or
fruit — the saffron, the spikenard, the myrrh, the pomegrana.te,
the apple, the nut; and the same is true with respect to the
descriptions of the bride and bridegroom with which the book
abounds. The book has always constituted a part of the Hebrew
canon. The language of this book is pure and elegant, -with aU the freshness
and energy of the best age of Hebrew poetry. Its most striking pecuUar
ity is the uniform use (except once in the title) of the abbreriated form of
the relative pronoun as a preflx — shekkuUam for asher hullam; shehamme-
lek for asher hammelek, etc. — ^which is manifestly a dialectic pecuUarity of
the U-ring Hebrew adopted by Solomon for the purpose of giving to his
song a unique costume.

294 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
CHAPTEE XXII.
The Greater Prophets.
1. We have already seen (Chap. 15, Nos. 11 and 12) that from
Moses to Samuel the appearances of prophets were infrequent ;
that with Samuel and the prophetical school established by
him there began a new era, in which the prophets were recog
nized as a distinct order of men in the Theocracy ; and that the
age of written prophecy did not begin till about the reign of
Uzziah, some three centuries after Samuel. The Jewish divis
ion of the latter prophets — prophets in the more restricted sense
of the word — into the greater, including Isaiah, Jeremiah, and
Ezekiel, chronologically arranged ; and the less, or twelve Minor
Prophets, arranged also, in all probability, according to their
view of their order in time, has also been explained. Chap. 13,
No. 4. Eespecting the nature of prophecy and the principles
upon whieh it is to be interpreted, much remains to be said in
another place. In the present connection, a brief account will
be given of the place ivhich the prophets held in the Tlieocracy, fol
lowed by a notice, in this and the following chapter, of the
separate books of prophecy belonging to the Hebrew canon,
according to the order in our English version, Daniel being
reckoned with the greater prophets. Lamentations considered
as an appendix to Jeremiah, and the minor prophets arranged
by themselves. 2. The office of the prophets under the Theocracy, which
we first notice, was that of bold reprovers. They came to rulers
and people with an immediate commission from God to rebuke
them for their sins ; and as the contents of their messages were
received from God himself, they exposed the hypocrisy and
wickedness of their times in the pure sunlight of truth, denoun
cing upon great and small alike the awful judgments of Jeho
vah if they persisted in their impenitence. If we except the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 295
preaching of Christ and his apostles, the history of the world
furnishes no such bright examples of faithful dealing with
men's consciences. They never spare kings and prinqes from
fear of their power and patronage. They never go round about
men's sins, but declare them directly and faithfully. With
what majesty of severity did Samuel reprove Saul, and Nathan
David, and Elijah Ahab, and Elisha Jehoram, and Jehu Je
hoshaphat ! And if we open the books of Hebrew prophecy
which have come down to us from distant ages and from a very
different civil and social order, we find them not in the least
antiquated, but fresh as yesterday, instinct with life and power.
They are a mirror of terrible brightness in which we may see
reflected our pride, self-sufficiency, vain ostentation, and world
Uness; our avarice, fraud, overreaching artifices, breaches of
trust, bribery, oppression of the weak, and corrupt combina
tions for the amassing of filthy luere ; our ambition, slander,
falsehood, intrigues, hypocrisy, and vain pretensions ; our lux
ury, prodigality, sensuality, and intemperance ; our profane
ness. Sabbath-breaking, neglect of God's ordinances and con
tempt of his written word — a mirror too in which we can see
in the background dark clouds of judgment, big with awful
thunder, such as have already come forth upon our land from
the inexhaustible storehouse of divine justice, and are ready to
come forth again, but over which hangs the rainbow of mercy
for all that will repent and humble themselves before God.
3. We may next consider the office of the Hebrew prophets
as expounders qf the Mosaic law — the Mosaic law in its sub
stance, as distinguished from its outward form. They never
undervalued the letter of the law, since that too was of divine
appointment; but they taught men that true obedience must
rise above the letter to its spirit. When Saul excused himself
to Samuel for disobeying God's command on the ground that
the people had spared the best of the sheep and oxen to sac
rifice to the Lord, the prophet indignantly answered : " Hath
the Lord as great delight in burnt-offerings and sacrifices, as
in obeying the voice of the Lord ? Behold, to obel)' is better

296 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
than sacrifice, and to hearken than the fat of rams." 1 Sam.
15 : 22. " Bring no more vain oblations," says God to the Jews
whose liands were full of oppression and blood; "incense is an
abomination unto me : the new moons and Sabbaths, the call
ing of assemblies, I cannot away with ; it is iniquity, even the
solemn meeting. Your new moons and your appointed feasts
my soul hateth : they are a trouble unto me ; I am weary to
bear them." And his direction is: "Wash you, make you
clean : put away the evil of your doings from before mine eyes;
cease to do evil; learn to do well; seek judgment, relieve the
oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the widow." Isaiah
1 : 13-17. " I hate," says God to the covenant people through
Amos, " I despise your feast-days, and I will not smell in your
solemn assemblies. Though ye offer me burnt-offerings and
your meat-offerings, I wiU not accept them ; neither will I
regard the peace-offerings of your fat beasts. Take thou away
from me the noise of thy songs ; for I will not hear the melody
of thy viols. But let judgment run down as waters, and right
eousness as a mighty stream." Amos 5 : 21-24. " Wherewith,"
says Micah, " shall I come before the Lord, and bow myself
before the high God ? Shall I come before him with burnt-
offerings, with calves of a year old ? Will the Lord be pleased
with thousands of rams, or with ten thousands of rivers of oil?
shall I give my first-born for my transgression, the fruit of my
body for the sin of my soul ? He hath showed thee, 0 man,
what is good ; and what doth the Lord require of thee, but to
do justly, and to love mercy, and to walk humbly with thy
God?" Micah 6:6-8. Under the Old Testament, outward
forms of divine service were required, and they are necessary,
to a certain extent, under the New also. But if any man puts
his trust for salvation in these, to the neglect of inward faith,
love, and obedience, he stands condemned at the bar of Moses
and the prophets, not less than at the bar of Christ and his
apostles. Under the Mosaic economy, both the rites of divine
service and the succession of the priesthood were definitively
prescribed by God himself, and therefore to all of binding

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 297
authority. But the man who placed his religion in these out
ward observances, to the neglect of his heart and Ufe, was to
God an object of abhorrence, and the severest judgments were
denounced against him. It cannot be, then, that under the
gospel any system of outward forms, however right and proper
in itself, can bring salvation to the soul, where inward faith,
love, and obedience are wanting.
4. The last and highest office of the prophets was to- direct
men's thoughts to the end of the Mosaic economy, which was the
salvation of the world through the promised Messiah. The
Spirit of Christ that spoke through them, "testified beforehand
the sufferings of Christ and the glory that should foUow."
1 Pet. 1 : 11. It does not appear that they understood the
divine purpose to abolish the Mosaic economy, and with it
"the middle wall of partition" between Jews and Gentiles — ¦
that great mystery, the revelation of which was reserved for
the days of the apostles ; but they did have glorious visions of
the latter days, when the law should go forth from Zion, and
the word of the Lord from Jerusalem, to all nations ; when the
whole world should submit itself to Jehovah under the admin
istration of the Messiah ; and the earth should be " fiUed with
the knowledge of the glory of God, as the waters cover the sea."
Their glowing descriptions of the future enlargement and glory
of Zion have been the stay and solace of God's people in aU
succeeding ages. The student of the Bible should not fail to
notice that these bright visions of the future were vouchsafed
to the Hebrew prophets, and through them to the church uni
versal, not when the Theocracy was in the zenith of its outward
power and splendor, as in the days of David and Solomon, but
in the time of its decline and humihation. The hopes so ar
dently cherished by the covenant people of a return of the out
ward glory of Solomon's reign were destined to utter and final
disappointment. It was not to feed thefr national pride, but to
prepare the way for Christ's advent, that God established the
Theocracy. Now that its outward glory was departing, it was
suitable that the hopes of the pious should be turned from the
13*

298 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
darkness of the present to the brightness of " the last days "
that awaited Zion in the distant future. When Isaiah began
his prophecies, the kingdom of Israel was tottering to its faU,
and before he had finished them it had suffered an utter over
throw. The invasion of Judah by the alhed kings of Israel
and Syria, in the reign of Ahaz, and by Sennacherib king of
Assyria, in the reign of Hezekiah, furnished an occasion for
predicting not only the present deliverance of God's people,
but also the future triumph of Zion over all her enemies, and
the extension of her dominion over aU the earth. In his pres
ent interpositions in behalf of Zion, God mirrored forth his pur
pose to give her a final and universal victory. And so it was
with all the other prophets. With their backs towards the
gloom and distraction of the present, and their faces stead
fastly turned towards the glory of the latter days, they uttered
words of promise and comfort that can have their fulfilment
only in Christ's kingdom, which is the true hefr to all the
promises made to the ancient Zion. Out of Christ these prom
ises are vain and delusory. In Christ their fulfilment has been
begun, and shall be completed in the appointed time. Out of
Christ no amount of learning wiU enable a man to understand
the Hebrew prophets ; for the veil is on his face, which can be
done away only in Christ. What if more than eighteen centu
ries have elapsed since our Lord's advent, and the domain of
his kingdom is yet very Umited? In the divine reckoning,
" one day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thou
sand years as one day." If it took four of these days to pre
pare the world for Christ's advent, can we not aUow two days
and more for the complete establishment of his kingdom ?
We add a uotice of each separate book of the Greater
prophets. I. ISAIAH.
6. According to the Hebrew arrangement afready noticed
(No. 1, above), the book of Isaiah, as the first of those belong-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 299
ing to the greater prophets, stands at the head of the whole
coUection of prophetical books ; although Hosea, Amos, and
Jonah, and in aU probabiUty Joel also, entered upon thefr pro
phetical office before him. Micah was contemporary with him.
Of the private history of Isaiah we know almost nothing, ex
cept that he was the son of Amoz (chap. 1 : 1), and that he was
married and had sons (chap. 8 : 1—4). The Jewish tradition is
that he was sawn asunder under the reign of Manasseh, to
which it has been supposed that there is a reference in the
epistle to the Hebrews (chap. 11 : 37) ; but aU such traditions
are uncertain. Isaiah prophesied "in the days of Uzziah, Jo
tham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings of Judah." Chap. 1:1. If,
with many, we suppose him to have entered upon his office in
the last year of Uzziah, we have sixty-twa years to the close of
Hezekiah's reign. He certainly exercised the prophetical office
to the fifteenth year of Hezekiah's reign, and possibly through
the remaining fourteen years. As the superscription is sUent
respecting any prophecies uttered in Manasseh's reign, we are
not warranted to extend the period of his activity beyond that
of Hezekiah, although he may have survived him, and have
perished in the way indicated by the Jewish tradition.
6. The book of Isaiah naturaUy falls into two great divis
ions. The first, after an infroductory chapter, contains a
great variety of" prophetic messages, deUvered on special occa
sions. Chaps. 2-39. The second dirision, comprising the
remaining twenty-seven chapters, seems to have had no special
occasion, but to have been -written after the overthrow of Sen
nacherib's army, probably in the old age of the prophet, for
•the comfort and encouragement of God's people in all coming
ages. " Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God" —
this is its great theme as expressed in the introductory verse.
Of the various plans for classifying the contents of the first part,
aU that rest upon the rationaUstic riew that the book is a col
lection of -writings belonging to different authors aud ages are
false and groundless. Among evangeUcal men, who hold the
unity of the book and its authorship by Isaiah, there have been

300 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
various schemes of classification. It has been proposed by
Drechsler and others to arrange all of Isaiah's prophecies
around two great central events in the history of his times ;
namely, the invasion of Judah in the reign of Ahaz by the
aUied forces of Israel and Syria (chap. 7), and in Hezekiah's
reign by Sennacherib, king of Assyria (chaps. 36, 37). That
these were the two great crises of Isaiah's age, and that many
of his prophecies had reference to them directly or indirectly,
cannot be denied ; but to affirm that all his prophecies, extend
ing over a period of from forty-eight to sixty-two years, were
connected with these two events, either directly or by way of
anticipation beforehand and natural sequence afterwards, is
more than can be established by any probable arguments. We
must be careful not to thrust upon the prophet a systematic
arrangement beyond any that ever existed in his own con
sciousness. The following brief analysis will be sufficient for
the general reader.
The title prefixed to the first chapter refers certainly to the
first part, and probably to the whole book. The contents of
the first chapter are well suited to constitute a general intro
duction to the book, and there is much ground for the opinion
that the prophet prefixed them, as such an introduction, to the
whole collection of prophecies. The four chapters that follow
were evidently written during a period of great worldly pros
perity. They contain visions against Judah and Jerusalem of
a threatening character, but interspersed with glorious prom
ises to the true Israel. The sixth chapter records a vision
which the prophet had of Jehovah in the temple, with the aw
ful message to the people which he received from His lips.
Many regard this as the prophet's inauguration to his office,
and consequently as the first of his prophecies in order of time.
The four preceding chapters wUl then naturaUy faU into the
reign of Jotham. There is no decisive ground, however, for
understanding the words, " Whom shall I send, and -s\-ho wUl
go for us ?" (verse 8,) as containing the original call of Isaiah
to the prophetical office. They may have reference to the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 301
special message which he immediately receives ; a message of
the most weighty import, and often quoted in the New Testa
ment. The confession of Isaiah, moreover, that he is " a man
of unclean Ups," may be very naturally referred to his previous
exercise of the prophetic office. According to this view, the
preceding four chapters belong to the latter part of Uzziah's
reign. The series of prophecies that follows (chaps. 7-12) is con
nected with the invasion of Judah by the allied kings of Israel
and Syria. In this emergency Ahaz, instead of seeking help
from Jehovah, had hired the Assyrians to defend him against
the confederate forces. The prophet predicts the overrunning
of the land by these same Assyrians in whom the Jews had
reposed their confidence ; and afterwards the overthrow of the
Assyrians themselves, and the universal establishment of the
Messiah's kingdom, who is foretold" under the name of Imman
uel. The series closes with the miUennial song of Zion.
Next we have a series of prophecies relating mainly to the
heathen world (chaps. 13-23), through all of which the prophet
keeps prominently in view the great truth that the nation which
wiU not acknowledge, Jehovah and minister to the welfare of
his people must perish. He begins with Babylon, and passes
in order to PhiUstia, Moab, Syria (with which as a confederate
nation Ephraim is joined), Ethiopia and Egypt (first separately
and then conjointly), Babylon again under the enigmatical
name of " the desert of the sea," Edom, and Arabia. Next fol
lows a prophecy against "the valley of rision," that is, Jerusa
lem, to which is appended one against Shebna. The prophet
then passes to Tyre, and so he brings this series to a close.
The four chapters that foUow (24-27) are general in thefr
character. They exhibit Jehovah as the avenger and deUverer
of his people, who abases the proud and destroys sinners as
weU within the pale of Zion as without in the heathen world,
whUe he exalts his frue worshippers to honor and salvation.
The next series of prophecies (chaps. 28-35) was apparently
delivered in riew of the approaching invasion of the Assyrians,

302 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
by which the destruction of the kingdom of Israel was com
pleted, and Judah was overrun and desolated ; but -n-hich ended
in the overthrow of the invading army, and the deliverance of
Hezekiah and his kingdom. The prophet denounces, first upon
Ephraim and then upon Judah and Jerusalem, God's heavy
judgments for their iniquities, especiaUy for the sin of making
Egypt instead of Jehovah thefr confidence; foretells the utter
and perpetual desolation of Edom, which here represents aU
the powers that array themselves in hostiUty against God's
people ; and describes in glowing language the glory and peace
of Zion under the future reign of the Messiah.
Next foUows the history of Sennacherib's invasion and over
throw ; of Hezekiah's sickness and mfracidous recovery, and of
his sin in connection with the mission of Merodach-baladan's
servants. Chaps. 36-39.
In the second part of Isaiah, which includes the last twenty-
seven chapters, the prophet is occupied with the future redemp
tion and glory of Zion. In the clear Ught of inspfration, and
in accordance with the expUcit prophecy that has just been
quoted, he takes his stand in the future of Babylon's suprem
acy, and of the captivity of Zion and .the dispersion of hei
thUdren ; and he comforts the true Israel by the promise of
restoration and elevation to a greater than the former glory,
when aU nations shall submit themselves to Jehovah, and shaU
minister to the peace and weUare of Zion. If we diride these
twenty-seven chapters into three equal sections of nine chap
ters each, the fii-st and second close with the words : " There is
no peace, saith my God, to the -wicked" (chaps. 48:22; 57:21);
whUe the thfrd ends -with a more extended threatening against
the -wicked (chap. 66: 24). The prominent characteristics of
these three sections are thus given by KeU :
" The first of these sections (chaps. 40-48) portrays the
relation of Israel to the heathen nations ; and from the redemp
tion of Israel effected through Cyrus, the servant of God, it
unfolds the certain rictory of the Theocracy over the gods and
powers of the heathen world. The second section (chaps. 49-57)

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 303
exhibits Israel as the seat of salvation for the world. This it
does by carrying out the thought that, just as Cyrus is to re
deem Israel from the Babylonish captivity, so must the true
servant of Jehovah, by his ricarious suffering and death, make
expiation for sin, raise the covenant people to true glory, and
make them, through the estabUshment of ' the sure mercies of
Darid' (55:3), the centre of salvation for the whole world.
FinaUy in the third section (chaps. 58-66), after an exhortation
in which the sins of the people are acknowledged and rebuked
(chaps. 58, 59), the prophet foreteUs, in a series of majestic
images, how the Theocracy shaU be glorified when it shall be
come, in connection -with the creation of a new heaven and a
new earth, the perfected kingdom of God." Introduction to
the Old Testament, § 65. This riew of the glorification of the
Theocracy in the latter days is preeminently just, prorided only
that we do not understand the Theocracy in a gross literal
sense. It is the tme kingdom of God, once embodied in the
old Theocracy, but now existing under the freer forms of Chris
tianity, that is hefr to aU this glory.
7. As Isaiah holds the first place among the Hebrew proph
ets in the canon, in the extent of his -writings, and in the ful
ness of his prophecies concerning the Messiah and his king
dom, so has he been first also in receiring the assaults of those
who deny the supernatural character of revelation. Since the
last quarter of the last century persistent attempts have been
made to show that the whole of the second part (chaps. 40-66)
and various sections of the first part, particularly aU those
that relate to the overthrow of Babylon, belong not to Isaiah,
but to an unkno-wn prophet who Uved about the close of the
erile. In support of this riew many arguments have been ad
duced ; but the real argument which Ues at the foundation of
the whole is the belief that no such insight into the fiiture is
possible as that -which this part of the book manifests, upon
the supposition that Isaiah was himself the author of it. The
denial of the genuineness of the chapters in question began
and has alwf^s gone hand in hand with the denial of the real-

304 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ity of prophetic inspiration. In the view of rationalists proph
ecy is no revelation of the future through the iUumination of
the Holy Spirit. It is only anticipation and shrewd conjecture
of the futm-e from the course of the present. The possibiUty
of prophecy, therefore, is Umited by the possibiUty of human
foresight. Eeasoning from this false position, the critic Ifrst
assumes that Isaiah cannot have been the author of the last
part of the book which bears his name, and then proceeds to
find arguments against its genuineness. To meet him we must
plant our feet firmly on the great historic truth that God has
made to men a supernatural revelation, of which prophecy in
the proper sense of the word — the revelation of the future by
his Spirit — constitutes an important part. We do indeed find
that in the matter of prophecy, as in aU other parts of God's
operations, the great law is : " First the blade, then the ear,
after that the fuU corn in the ear." The way for the fuUer rev
elations is prepared by prerious intimations of a more general
character. Precisely so was it in the present case. Moses
himseU had more than once predicted the captivity of the cov
enant people and the desolation of their land as the punish
ment of their foreseen apostacy from God's serrice, and also
the preservation of a remnant and its restoration upon repent
ance. Lev., chap. 26; Deut., chaps. 28-82. When Solomon
had dedicated the temple, and his kingdom was at the zenith
of its glory, he received fi-om the mouth of God himseU the
solemn warning : " If ye shaU at aU tum from foUowing me,
ye or your chUdren, and wiU not keep my commandments and
my statutes which I have set before you, but go and serve
other gods and worship them ; then wUl I cut off Israel out of
the land which I have given them; and this house, which I
have haUowed for my name, wiU I cast out of my sight ; and
Israel shall be a proverb and a by-word among aU people."
1 Kings 9:6, 7. When the prophet wrote, these a-wful threat
enings had been fulfiUed upon the kingdom of the ten fribes,
and he had been commissioned to announce their approaching
fulfilment upon Judah also, and that in the form of a captivity

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 305
in Babylon : " Behold, the days come, that all that is in thy
house, and that which thy fathers have laid up in store untU
this day, shaU be carried to Babylon: nothing shall be left,
saith the Lord. And of thy sons which shaU issue from thee,
which thou shalt beget, shaU they take away; and they shall
be eunuchs in the palace of the king of Babylon" (39:6, 7).
Micah also had foretold, in express terms, both the Babylonish
captivity, and the subsequent delivery of God's people (4 : 10).
We see, then, what a full preparation had been made for the
revelations vouchsafed to Isaiah in the chapters now under
consideration. They relate not to something new and unheard
of, but to a captivity which he had himself foretold in accord
ance with the threatenings of God by former prophets. Under
the Ulumination of the Holy Spirit he is carried into the future
of Zion. In prophetic vision he sees her land wasted, her tem
ple burned, and her children groaning in captivity. As the
nearest interposition of God in her behaU, he foreteUs her lib
eration by Cyrus, the anointed of the Lord, and her restoration
to the promised land. But this is only the earnest and pledge
of a higher redemption through the Messiah, the true servant of
Jehovah, under whom she shaU be glorified with a perpetual sal
vation, and her dominion extended over aU the earth. To limit
the prophet's vision to the deliverance from Babylon would be
to make him a messenger of glad tidings which mocked the
hopes of the covenant people ; for this deUverance did not ful
fil the just expectations which his lofty promises awakened iu
the bosoms of the pious remnant of Israel. No ; it is in Christ's
redemption alone, of which that of Cyrus was only a shadow,
that Zion receives in fuU measure the glorious promises which
shine forth in this part of Isaiah.
If now we consider the /orm of these promises, we find that
they bear throughout the stamp of true prophecy, as distin
guished from history. They have neither the dress of prose
history, with its dates and circumstantial details, such as we
find in the books df Ezra and Nehemiah, nor of historic poetry,
like the song of Deborah and Barak; like the seventy-eighth.

306 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
hundred and fifth, and hundred and sixth psalms. They are
expressed in a series of poetic images, in which, with the excep
tion of the name of Cyrus, all is general; images, moreover,
drawn for the most part, not from the great events connected
with the conquests of Cyrus, but from the earlier history of
Israel. Let any one read, for example, the forty-sixth and
forty-seventh chapters of Isaiah, and ask himself whether a
writer who lived in Cyrus' day could have described the fall of
Babylon without specific allusions to the agencies by which it
was brought to pass. As to the historic references which some
find to the march of the Jewish caravans of returning captives
through the desert that lay between Babylon and Palestine,
whoever reads the passages in question without a previously
formed conclusion, must be satisfied that they are poetic descrip
tions of the redemption and restoration of God's people bor
rowed mainly from the primitive journey of Israel from Egypt
to Canaan through the wilderness of Arabia. God, as then,
goes before his people, opening for them in their extremity
" rivers in high places, and fountains in the midst of the val
leys;" making "the wilderness a pool of water, and the dry
land springs of water." Even Cyrus is mentioned not as the
king of Persia, but as a man raised up from the east to execute
God's vengeance on the oppressors of his people.
According to Ctesias and Plutarch, the name Cyrus signifles sun.
Strabo says that his name, before ascending the throne of Persia, was
Agradates. Some are of opinion that the word Cyrus (Heb. Koresh) was
an appellation common to the kings of Persia. We do not need, however,
the help of this hypothesis. God himself explains the ground on which
he is mentioned by name : ' ' For Jacob my servant's sake, and Israel
mine elect, have I even caUed thee by thy name : I have surnamed thee,
though thou hast not known me " (45 : 4). According to Josephus (Antiq.
11. 1, 2), Cyrus was moved to issue his decree for the Uberation of the
Jews by a knowledge of the prophecies of Isaiah in which he is mentioned
byname. With this agree the terms of the edict: "The Lord God of
heaven hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he hath charged
me to buUd him a house at Jerusalem, which is in Judah." Ezra 1 : 2,
compared with Isa. 44 : 28. If this riew be correct, the mention of Cyrus
by name was a part of God's plan for the restoration of the covenant people.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 307
It is not true, as has been asserted, that the prophet foUows Cyrus in
the detaUs of his conquests. On the contrary, his notices of him are few
and general. As to the sins of the people which he rebukes, they may be
aU naturaUy referred to the times of Isaiah, while some of them, as the
neglect of the estabUshed sacrifices and oblations (43 : 23, 24), and the
offering of sacriflces in connection -with an impure heart and Ufe (66 : 3),
presuppose the existence of the temple and altar at Jerusalem, where alone
sacriflces could be la-wfuUy offered. The sin of seeking heathen aUiances
(57 : 9) points also unmistakably to the same period. Although the prophet
is carried forward in vision to the future of the covenant people, he does
not whoUy forget the men of his o-wn generation, but occasionaUy admin
isters to them sevei-e rebukes, thus mingUng the present -with the future,
after the manner of all the prophets.
The other arguments which have been urged against the
genuineness of this part of Isaiah are only of secondary impor
tance, and can readUy be answered. It is said that the style
is more diffuse and flowing than in the flrst part. The answer
is that this agrees well with both the altered circumstances of
the prophet and the altered character of his theme. Most of
his earUer prophecies were deUvered under the pressure and
excitement of pubhc life, when he went before rulers and peo
ple charged with specific messages from Jehovah, and these,
too, mostly of a denunciatory character. But the part now
under consideration was written in the serenity of retfrement,
-with the general purpose of comforting God's people by a riew
of the future glory in reserve for them. It is entirely natural,
then, that the style of the first part should be more concise and
abrupt, that of the latter more diffuse and flowing ; even if we
do not make allowance for the influence of age. But notwith
standing this difference between the two parts, both have the
same general costume, and the same pecuUar expressions and
turns of thought, by which they are sufficiently marked as the
productions of the same pen; It should be added that the
Hebrew of this second part of Isaiah is in general as pure as
that of the first part. The few Chaldaisms which it exhibits
may be explained as belonging to the poetic diction. Such
Chaldaisms exist, moreover, in the earUer books. " Some words,
as seganim (princes, 41 : 25), may be explained by the intercourse

308 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of the Jews with the Assyrians in the days of Isaiah." David
son's Introduction to the Old Testament, p. 857.
8. It has been sho-wn that the arguments against the genu
ineness of this part of Isaiah (and by parity of reason against
certain sections of the first part) have their ground in tho
denial of prophetic inspfr-ation, and cannot endure the test of
sober criticism. The evidence, then, for the genuineness of
these chapters remains in its full force, and it is of the most
weighty character. If we look to external testimony, there is
the undeniable fact that, as far back as we can trace the his
tory of the book of Isaiah, they have constituted an integral
part of it. They are recognized as such by Josephus (Antiq.
11. 1, 2) ; by Jesus the son of Sirach, in the book called Eccle
siasticus (48 : 24, 25) ; and always in the New Testament when
quotations are made from them — Matt. 3 : 3 ; 8 : 17 ; 12 : 17-21 ;
Luke 3 : 4 ; 4 : 17-19 ; John 1 : 23 ; 12 : 38-41, where a quotation
from the last part of Isaiah is joined with one from the first
part; Acts 8: 28-33; Eom. 10 : 16, 20, 21. That they were
appended by fi-aud and forgery no one pretends to affirm. Tho
character of this part of the book, not less than the character
of those who had the Jewish canon in custody, is a sufficient
protection against such a supposition. That they should have
been appended through ignorance is inconceivable. How can
the name of so great a prophet have remained unknown?
According to the hypothesis in question, he Uved about the
close of the Babylonish captirity. He was contemporary, there
fore, with Daniel ; with Zerubbabel also, Jeshua, and the other
chiefs of the restoration. Did no one of these know who was
the man that prophesied so abundantly of the work which they
had so much at heart ? And did his name indeed escape the
knowledge of the learned scribe Ezra? And U they did not
know his name, why did they append his writings to those of
the true Isaiah, thus tacitly ascribing to him their authorship?
Why did they not leave them -without a name, as they did tho
books of Judges, Euth, Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles ? That
these chapters have always constituted a part of the book of

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 309
Isaiah, and been acknowledged as such, is a fact which admits
of but one explanation; that, namely, of their genuineness.
The Great Unknown, as he is called, is no other than Isaiah
himself, whom the principles of certain critics do not allow them
to acknowledge as Isaiah.
The internal evidence for the genuineness of these chapters
has already been partly considered in an incidental way. It is
found in the purity of the Hebrew, which belongs to the age of
Isaiah, not of Cyrus ; in the undeniable aUusions to the temple
sacrifices and oblations as then existing (43 : 23, 24), and to the
sin of seeking heathen aUiances (57 : 9) ; and especially in the
fact that a writer Uring near the close of the exile must have
referred in a more particular and historic way to the great
events connected with Cyrus' conquests. It may be added
that there are in the later prophets some clear allusions to this
part of Isaiah. Jeremiah, who undeniably made use of proph
ecies contained in the first part of Isaiah, was acquainted with
the second part also. Compare Jer. 10 : 3, 4, with Isa. 40 : 19,
20 ; 41 : 7 ; Jer. 31 : 35, with Isa. 51 : 15, where a whole clause
is repeated from Isaiah, which agrees in the Hebrew to every
letter ; Jer. 50 : 2, with Isa. 46 : 1, 2. Compare also Zeph. 2 : 15,
with Isa. 47 : 8 ; Nah. 1 : 15, with Isa. 52 : 7.
9. The arguments urged against the genuineness of certain
sections of the first part of Isaiah are for substance the same
as these that have now been examined, and need not a separa-
rate consideration. We come on soUd grounds to the conclu
sion that Isaiah was the author of the whole collection of prop-
ecies which bear his name, and that the arrangement of these
prophecies in thefr present form also proceeded from him.
II. JEREMIAH AND THE BOOK OF LAMENTATIONS.
10. In passing from Isaiah to Jeremiah, the contrast is as
great as it can well be; and yet it is a contrast necessary to
the completeness of divine revelation, which employs men of
all characters and temperaments, and living in every variety of
outward circumstances. Isaiah, like the apostle John, seems

310 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
to have lived above his personal relations in the sphere of divine
truth. He never aUudes to his private history, except where
the nature of a given narrative requires it. It is not prob
able that he was subjected to such an ordeal of persecution as
that through which Jeremiah passed. However this may be,
we gain almost no knowledge of his private life from the book
of his prophecies. But Jeremiah, Uke the apostle Paul, unfolds
to us very fully the history of his inward and outward Ufe.
With his pecuUarly tender and sensitive mind it could not
have been otherwise. If he had not woven into his prophecies
his o-wn inner and outer Ufe, he would not have written natu
rally, and therefore truthfully. Through this interweaving of
biography with revelation, God has given in the case of Jere
miah, as in that of the great apostle to the GentUes, a rich
storehouse of truth for the instruction and comfort of his per-
Becuted and suffering servants in aU ages. With the simplicity
of truth, the prophet informs us how the men of Anathoth, his
native' place, conspired to take away his Ufe (11 : 18-23 ; 12:6);
how Pashur, the son of Immer, smote him and put him in the
stocks (20 : 1-6) ; how in the beginning of Jehoiakim's reign he
was accused before the princes by the priests and false proph
ets as a man worthy of death, but acquitted by them (chap.
26) ; how afterwards he and Baruch were hidden by Jehovah
(chap 36) ; how under Zedekiah he was repeatedly imprisoned
(chaps. 32 : 2 ; 33 : 1), and thrust into dungeons (chaps. 37, 38) ;
how upon the conquest of the city by the Chaldeans he was
released fr-om his fetters and honorably treated (chs. 39 : 11-14 ;
40 : 1-4) ; and how afterwards he was forced to go into Egypt
with the fugitive Jews (chaps. 42, 43).
In connection with this external history, we have a virid
portraiture of his inward conflicts. Most deeply does he sym
pathize with his countrymen in the calamities which thefr sins
have brought upon them ; yet he is rewarded only with curses,
because he faithfuUy forewarns them of the judgments of heav
en which are fast approaching, and which can be averted only
by hearty repentance and reformation. "Woe is me, my moth-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 311
er," he cries out in his anguish, " that thou hast borne me a
man of strife and a man of contention to the whole earth ! I
have neither lent on usury, nor men have lent to me on usury ;
yet every one of them doth curse me " (15 : 10) ; and like Job
he loses aU composure under the pressure of his sorrows, and
bitterly curses the day of his birth (20 : 14-18). Again we seo
him in the hands of his persecutors serenely committing him
seU to God, and calmly warning them against the guUt of
shedding his blood (26 : 12-15). In such alternations of impa
tience and faith we have a true portraiture of the struggle of
-gi-ace against the weakness of nature ; and it is this which gives
it especial value as a part of revelation, which never exhibits
good men in a fictitious Ught, but always in the sober Uvery of
truth. 11. Jeremiah was of priestly descent (1:1); but that Hil
kiah, his father, was identical with the high priest who found
in the temple the book of the law (2 Kings 22 : 8), rests upon
mere conjecture. Anathoth, his native place, was in tbe land
of Benjamin, about four mUes north of Jerusalem. He was
caUed to the prophetical office in his youth, and exercised it in
his native land from the thirteenth year of Josiah to the close
of Zedekiah's reign, through a period of about forty-one years
(chap. 1:3); and afterwards in Egypt, whither he was carried
by the rebelUous remnant of the people (chaps. 43, 44). His
first appearance, therefore, was about one hundred and thirty-
one years after that of Isaiah, if we reckon from the last year
of Uzziah, and some seventy or more after the close of Isaiah's
prophecies. During all this time the reUgious and moral con
dition of the Je-wish nation had been steadUy changing for the
worse under such kings as Manasseh and Amon; nor could
the zealous efforts of Josiah avaU to check the swelling tide of
idolafry and profligacy. Sent by Jehovah in such a degenerate
age to rebuke the wicked riders and people for their sins, and
to forewarn them of God's impending judgments, he was neces
sarUy subjected to much persecution. Isaiah had administered
stern rebukes to Ahaz and his people, but he had encouraged

312 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
them with the hope of successful resistance to the Assyrian
power. But from the Chaldeans, who had succeeded the As
syrians as the ruling monarchy of the world, Jeremiah could
promise no deliverance. In the name of the Lord he counselled
submission, solemnly assuring the kings and princes of Judah
that their reliance on Egyptian help would end in shame and
disappointment (37 :5-10). This brought npon him a load of
calumny, insult, and persecution, which he keenly felt, but bore
with fortitude, never swerving from the path of strict fidelity
towards God. The prophecies of Jeremiah do not contain so
many animating visions of the distant future as are found in
Isaiah. He is more occupied with the sins of his own age, and
the heavy judgments of God that impend over his countrymen.
His mission is emphatically to unfold the connection between
national profligacy and national ruin. This he does with a
masterly hand, holding up to the world, in the character and
fate of his countrymen, a mirror for all time, in which wicked
nations may see themselves and the ruin which awaits them.
The whole compass of profane history does not contain so much
clear instruction on this point as is crowded into the few pages
of "the weeping- prophet." If the book of God's revelation
could not have been complete without the ecstatic risions of
Isaiah, so neither could it have spared Jeremiah's vivid delin
eation of a profligate nation plunging itself into remediless
ruin by its iniquities. At times, however, we find in Jeremiah
also joyous anticipations of the good reserved for God's people
in the latter days. He predicted not only the Babylonish
captivity, but its termination at the end of seventy years, and
the perpetual overthrow of Babylon and the Chaldean power
(25 : 12-14 ; 29 : 10-14). See also chapters 30-33, where he de
scribes, after the manner of Isaiah, the glory of the latter days.
In Jeremiah we have an iUustrious example of one whose reputation
after death became as high and lasting, as the reproach which he endured
before death was deep and protracted. The men of his generation could
not appreciate his worth. His messages they treated -with scorn, and him
with contumely. Through a long hfe of faithful labor it was his lot to

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 313
endture reproach and calumny. But neither their unbeUef, nor the burn
ing of the roU of his prophecies by Jehoiakim could hinder the fulfilment
of his words. When the captirity had come, as he had predicted, and
especiaUy when God's promise through him that it should end after sev
enty years had been fulflUed, he was honored as among the greatest of the
prophets, and from that day onward his name became as ointment poured
' forth. The history of Jeremiah is also peculiarly encouraging to God's
faithful servants who labor on for years amid difficulties and discoui-age-
ments, and see no fruits of their toUs. When he died it seemed as if all
his solemn messages had been wasted upon that ungodly generation. But
they were not lost to the Jews who Uved to -witness the fulfilment of his
predictions in their captivity. In connection with the labors of Ezekiel
and Daniel they contributed greatly to bring about that change for the
better whieh took place during the exUe. Through them, moreover, God
prorided a treasury of instruction and comfort for his people in aU coming
ages. How forcible a comment are his life and labors upon the apostoUc
declaration made many centuries afterwards : "Let us not be weary in
weU-doing : for in due season we shaU reap if we faint not."
12. Of the prophecies of Jeremiah some are without date,
and where the date is given the chronological order is not
always observed. In the fourth year of Jehoiakim the prophet,
by God's direction, dictated to Baruch, and he wrote in a roU
of a book all the prophecies which God had communicated to
him from the days of Josiah to that time (36 : 1-4). When the
king had destroyed this roU, he was directed to prepare another
containing the same prophecies, and " there were added besides
unto them many Uke words" (36 : 27-32). Whatever use may
have been made of this manuscript in the compilation of our
present book, it is plain that it has not come down to us in its
original form as a constituent part of Jeremiah's prophecies ;
since in these, as we now have them, there is an intermingling
of messages before and after the fourth year of Jehoiakim.
We cannot teU the origin of the present order, nor is it a mat
ter of importance, so far as the instructions to be derived
from Jeremiah's writings are concerned. FoUowing the He
brew order (see below) we have the foUowing general divis
ions :
(1.) Prophecies addressed to Judah, with which are con-
Comp, to Biblr.. 14

314 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
nected many notices of Jeremiah's personal history, and at the
close of which stands a message to Baruch. Chaps. 1-45.
(2.) Prophecies against foreign nations.
(3.) An appendix taken almost verbatim fi-om 2 Kings
24:18-20 and chap. 25, and which seems to have been added
by some later -writer, as Ezra (chap. 52.)
It is not necessary to consider particularly the attempt
made to disprove the genuineness of certain parts of Jeremiah's
prophecies, since they all rest, not on critical grounds, but on
the false principle that has been afready considered — the denial
of the reaUty of prophetic inspfration. Men who deny that
Isaiah could foresee the restoration of the Jews from the Baby
lonish captirity, must deny also that Jeremiah could limit the
duration of that captirity to seventy years. But -with those
who beUeve that " holy men of God spake as they were moved
by the Holy Ghost," such arguments cannot have weight. It
is weU known that Jeremiah, particularly in his prophecies
against foreign nations, made use of earlier prophecies, as
those of Isaiah and Obadiah.. Compare Isa, chaps. 15, 16 with
Jer. chap. 48; Obadiah with Jer. 49 : 7-17.
The Alexandrine version differs unaccountably from the Hebrew text
in its arrangement of the prophecies of Jeremiah. Those against foreign
nations come after chap. 2-5 : 13, and also f oUow a very different order.
Besides this, the Alexandrine exhibits a number of variations larger and
smaUer from the Hebrew text. The explanation of these differences in
arrangement and in the text is a matter of uncertain conjecture.
13. The book of Lamentations is designated in Hebrew by the
opening word E-:-hn, how. The unanimous voice of antiquity
ascribes it to Jeremiah, and -with this fradition agree its inter
nal character and style. It was -written in view of the desola
tion of Judah and Jerusalem by the Chaldeans, by an eye--wit-
ness of aU the unutterable miseries connected with that catas
trophe. WhUe it laments, in sfrains of the deepest anguish,
the desolation of Jerusalem -with the slaughter and captivity
of its inhabitants, and heaps together images of horror, it
ascribes righteousness to God, and acknowledges the mamfold

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 315
sins of the rulers and people as the cause of the overwhelming
calamities that had come upon them. We see throughout the
feeUngs of a tender-hearted and compassionate man, of a sin
cere patriot, and of a devout worshipper of Jehovah beautifuUy
blended together. Sad as is the picture, it is to us who con
template it in the Ught of history, not -without its lessons of
comfort as weU as of warning. It teaches us that in the mid
night of Zion's adversity her covenant God is with her, and
that she has an indestructible Ufe. The prerogative which the
Eoman bard appUed to his country : " Plunge her in the deep,
she comes out the stronger" — this high prerogative belongs to
the tme spfritual Jerusalem, which no fire can destroy, nor
floods overwhelm.
The structure of this book is pecuUar. Its five chapters
constitute five poetical compositions, each complete in itseU so
far as outward form is concerned, but the whole inwardly bound
together as parts of one great theme. The first and second
chapters consist each of twenty-two verses, arranged in the or
der of the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet ; that is,
the first verse beginning -with the first letter, the second with
the second, and so on. Each of the verses, moreover, contains
as a rule three clauses. The third chapter contains sixty-six
short verses of one clause each, the first three beginning with
the first letter of the alphabet, the next three with the second,
and so throughout. In this central chapter, therefore, the
alphabetic structure reaches its culmination. The fourth chap
ter is Uke the first and second, with the exception that the
verses generaUy consist of two clauses each. The fifth chapter
contains twenty-two short verses of one clause each, Uke those
of the thfrd, but not arranged alphabetically.
The more artificial structure of the third chapter marks it at once as
peculiar. In this the prophet, as the representative of the pious part of
the nation, bewails the calamities that have come upon himself and his
country, expresses his firm confidence in God and his purpose to wait for
deUverance iu patient submission to his will, exhorts his countrymen to
repentance, and offers up his fervent prayer to God that he would remem-

316 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ber his suffering people and punish theu- persecutors. The flfth chapter
is a complaint of Zion in prayer to God in riew of the terrible calamities
that have come upon her. The other three chapters (the flrst, second,
and fourth) are occupied mainly with a description of these calanuties.
III. EZEKIEL.
15. Ezekiel was especially the prophet of the captivity.
Daniel, his contemporary, received in Babylon glorious revela
tions respecting the future history of God's kingdom; but
he was a statesman, exercising the prophetical office, like
Darid, only in an incidental way. Ezekiel, on the contrary,
was expressly caUed and consecrated, Uke his predecessors
Isaiah and Jeremiah, to the prophetical office; Like Isaiah,
he has given us but few particulars conceming his personal
history. He was the son of Buzi, and of priestly descent (1:3) ;
belonged to that company of captives of the better class of the
people who had been carried away -with Jehoiachin by the king
of Babylon when he made Zedekiah king in his stead (2 Kings
24 : 8-16) ; and Uved with other captives at TeU-abib on the
Chebar (perhaps the ancient Chaboras, a branch of the Eu
phrates), where he had a house and was married (1 : 1-3 ; 3 : 15 ;
8:1; 24:15-18). That he was held hi high honor by his fel
low-captives, as a true prophet of God, is manifest from the
manner in which they assembled at his house to inqufre of the
Lord through him (8 : 1 ; 14 : 1 ; 20 : 1). Of his personal stand
ing and reputation, as weU as of the character of his hearers,
we have an interesting notice in chap. 33 : 30-32, where instead
of "talking against thee" (verse 30) we may better render, as
in the margin of our EngUsh version, " talking of thee:" "Also,
thou son of man, the chUdren of thy people are stiU talking
of thee by the waUs and in the doors of the houses, and speak
one to another, every one to his brother, saying. Come, I pray
you, and hear what is the word that cometh forth from the
Lord. And they come unto thee as the people cometh, and
they sit before thee as my people, and they hear thy words,
but they -wiU not do them : for with thefr mouth they show

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 317
much love, but thefr heart goeth after thefr covetousness. And
lo, thou art unto them as a very lovely song of one that hath a
pleasant voice, and can play weU on an insfr-ument: for they
hear thy words, but they do them not." Ezekiel was caUed to
the prophetical office " in the fifth year of king Jehoiachin's
captirity" (1 : 2), from which date he constantly reckons. Jere
miah's actirity as a prophet continued not only through the
eleven years of Zedekiah's reign, but for a considerable period
afterwards ; so that the two prophets were for some time con
temporary, the one prophesying in Jerusalem and afterwards
in Egypt, the other among the captives in Mesopotamia. The
latest date -which the prophecies of Ezekiel furnish is the twen
ty-seventh year of Jehoiachin's captirity, about twenty-two
years from the time when he was caUed to his office. How
much longer he prophesied we have no means of determin
ing. The date with which the book of Ezekiel opens is "the thirtieth year,
in the fourth month, in the flfth day of the month," which was also "the
fifth year of ting Jehoiachin's captirity" (verse 2), or five hundred and
ninety-five years before Christ. Beckoning back from this date thirty
years, we come to the eighteenth year of Josiah, when he repaired the
temple, and solemnly renewed the worship of God ; and also to the first
year of Nabopolassar, the father of Nebuchadnezzar, who made Babylon
independent of the Assyrian monarchy, and thus estabUshed a new era.
Some have assumed the former of these two eras as that from which the
prophet reckons ; but the latter is more probable. Writing, as he does,
under the Chaldean monarchy, it is natural that he should give, at the
outset, a date by which the chronology of the whole series of his prophe
cies may be determined in reference to Chaldean history. Elsewhere he
dates from Jehoiachin's captirity.
16. It is not worth whfle to raise any questions concerning
the purity of Ezekiel's Hebrew, as compared with that of the
earher writers. The Holy Spirit is not concerned about the
classic style of a prophet. He selects men whose natural qual
ities, providential fraining, and sanctified hearts fit them for
the work assigned to them; and under his inspfration they
speak and write in the dialect to which they and thefr hearers

318 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
are accustomed. Ezekiel's style is marked by Chaldaisms, as
might have been expected from the circumstances in which he
-wrote. At the same time it is as forcible as it is peculiar, a
style every way adapted to the work laid upon him. He was
sent to "a rebeUious nation;" to "impudent children and stiff-
hearted," with the charge: "Be not afraid of them, neither be
afraid of their words, though briers and thorns be -with thee,
and thou dost dweU among scorpions : be not afraid of their
words, nor be dismayed at their looks, though they be a rebel
lious house" (2 : 3, 4, 6). How -n-ell he fulfilled his mission his
prophecies show, in which there is a wonderfrd fire and vehe
mence, joined with a wonderfiil variety of representation and
imagery. Proverbs, parables, riddles, symbolic actions, vivid
portraitures of human -nickedness, terrible denunciations of
God's approaching judgments, and glorious visions of future
peace and prosperity in reserve for the true Israel — these are
aU famUiar to him, and are set forth often with an exuberant
fulness of imagery. When summoned by God to judge " the
bloody city" of Jerusalem, ripe for the judgments of heaven,
he heaps one upon another the black crimes of which she is
guilty (22 : 6-12). The repetitions so remarkably characteristic
of his style are those of energy, not of weakness. They are the
repetitions of a battering-ram that gives blow upon blow tUl
the waU crumbles before it. The same may be said of his am
plifications, as in chaps. 1, 16, 23, 27, etc. He had a remark
able adaptation to his office ; and his influence must have been
very great in bringing about the reformation of the nation
which took place during the captivitj-.
17. Ezekiel abounds in allegoric and symbolic representa
tions. These give to many of his prophecies a dark and mys
terious character, and make them difficult of interpretation.
Jerome long ago called the book " an ocean and labyrinth of
the mysteries of God." Nevertheless, the common reader finds
in him much that is plain of apprehension, and full of weighty
instruction. Eeserving the general subject of the interpreta
tion of prophecy for another place, we add here a few words

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 319
respecting the nature of allegories and symbols, and the prin
ciples upon which they are to be interpreted.
An allego7-y is a narrative of a real event expressed in figur
ative language ; that is, where one historic transaction is de
scribed under the image of another. Thus in chap. 17 : 1-10,
the two great eagles are Nebuchadnezzar and Pharaoh; the
highest branch of the cedar is Jehoiachin ; the cropping off and
carrying away of this branch is his removal by Nebuchadnez
zar to Babylon, etc. So also the extended descriptions of Jeru
salem in chap. 16, and of Jerusalem and Samaria in chap. 23,
under the figure of lewd women. For other beautiful examples
of aUegory see Judges 9 : 8-15 ; Isa. 5 : 1-6 ; Psa. 80 ; Mark
12:1-9. In scriptural usage parables are not always distinguished
from aUegories. But properly speaking parables are narratives
of supposed incidents — at least of incidents the reaUty of which
is of no consequence — for the purpose of iUustrating important
truths; whUe aUegories are figurative descriptions of actual
events. A symbol represents some great truth or event of the future
under the form of an action, or some material structure or
arrangement. Prophetic symbols take the form of actions, and
are of two kinds :
Ffrst, actual, where the prophet himseU performs some ac
tion before the eyes of his countrymen; as in chap. 24:18,
where Ezekiel, in obedience to God's command, refrains from
aU expressions of grief at the death of his wUe; and chap.
37 : 16, 17, where he joins together two sticks to represent the
reunion of the ten tribes -with Judah and Benjamin. See also
Jer. 27 : 2 compared with 28 : 10.
Secondly, ideal; that is, seen only in vision; like Ezekiel's
prophecy upon the dry bones, chap. 37 : 1-10, and his measure
ments of the New Jerusalem -with its temple, porches, etc.
Chaps. 40-48.
It is often difficult to determine to which of these two classes
a given symbol belongs. Did Jeremiah, for example, actually

320 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
go to Euphrates to bury the linen girdle there, or only in pro
phetic ecstacy ? Jer. 13 : 1-11. Did Ezekiel perform the acts
recorded in chap. 4 in reaUty or in rision? The answer to
such questions is not of great importance, since either way the
meaning of the symbols and the instructions which they furnish
are the same.
18. If we diride the book of Ezekiel into two equal parts of
twenty-four chapters each, the first part contains prophecies
deUvered before the overthrow of Jerusalem. These are ar
ranged in chronological order. Aiter an introductory chapter
describing the vision of the glory of God which the prophet
had when called to his office, there follows, in the form of vis
ions, allegories, symboUc actions, and direct addresses, a series
of ririd descriptions of the sins of Jerusalem and the judg
ments of heaven that are about to f aU upon her. With these are
interspersed denunciations of the false prophets that flatter the
people in their sins, and fervent addresses to his feUow-captives
remarkable for thefr plainness and evangelical spfrit. The
second part opens -with a series of prophecies against seven for
eign nations, in which the order of time is not observed — first,
short prophecies against the four neighboring nations, Ammon,
Moab, Edom, PhUistia (chap. 25) ; secondly, a series of proph
ecies against Tyre, to which is appended a short prophecy
against Sidon (chaps. 26-28) ; thfrdly, a Uke series of proph
ecies against Egypt (chaps. 29-32). These prophecies were
fulfilled through the same Chaldean power that executed God's
righteous vengeance on the covenant people. As the number
seven is made out by separating Sidon from Tyre to which it
properly belonged, it is rightly held to be a symboUc number,
as in the book of Eevelation and elsewhere, seven being the
weU-known symbol of completeness. With the announcement
of the fall of Jerusalem (33 : 21) the thunders of God's -wrath
that had so long roUed over her die away ; and the series of
prophecies that foUows is mainly occupied, Uke the last part
of Isaiah, with predictions of the future glory of Zion, in con
nection with God's awful judgments upon the wicked within

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 321
and without her borders. Of these the last nine chapters con
tain a description of the rision which God vouchsafed to the
prophet of a new Jerusalem, -with its temple, priests and altars,
rising out of the ruins of the former, of larger extent and in a
a more glorious form. He sees the land of Canaan also diri
ded out to the retuming captives by lot, as it was in the days
of Joshua, but upon an entfrely different plan.
The general plan of the temple is after the model of Solo
mon's; yet this rision is not to be understood as a mere proph
ecy of the rebuilding of Solomon's temple -with the city in
which it stood, and of the repossession of the land after the
Babylonish captirity. Several particulars in the description
make it plain that it was not intended to be UteraUy under
stood. See chaps. 42 : 15-20 ; 45 : 1-8 ; 47 : 1-12 ; and the whole
of chap. 48. It is rather a symboUcal representation of the
coming deUverance and enlargement of the true spiritual Zion,
which is God's church, the same in aU ages. The resettlement
of the land of Canaan, and the rebuUding of the temple and
city after the captirity, were a part indeed, but only a very
smaU part of the "good things to come" which the rision
shadowed forth. Its fulfilment belongs to the entfre history of
the church from Ezekfel's day onward, and it -wiU be completed
only in her final triumph over the kingdom of Satan, and her
estabUshment in permanent peace and holiness.
As the time had not yet come for the old covenant to pass
away, Ezekiel, who was himself a priest under the law of
Moses, saw the future enlargement of God's kingdom under the
forms of this covenant. The New Jerusalem which God re
vealed to him had its temple, priests, altar, and sacrifices. All
these were shadows of Christ's perfect priesthood, of the spfr
itual temple of which he is the chief comer-stone, and of the
spiritual priesthood of his people. 1 Peter 2 : 5-9. The Uteral
priesthood, altar, and sacrifices are for ever done away in Christ's
one perfect offering for the sins of the world on Calvary. Heb.
chaps. 9, 10.
In interpreting the vision before us we should not curiously

322 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
inquire after the meaning of every particular chamber and pil
lar and door, but rather look to the general meaning of the
whole. The angel measures, and the prophet records all the
parts of the building. This signifies, in general, that God's
care extends to aU parts of his spiritual temple, and that he
wiU see that they are in due time made perfect. The New
Jerusalem described by the apostle John has much in common
with this. It is, in truth, a vision of the same spfritual city,
" whose buUder and maker is God." But it differs from Eze
kiel's rision in two respects. First, it belongs apparently to
the glorified state of the church after the resurrection ; secondly,
it has nothing Jewish in it, neither temple nor altar. These
shadows have for ever passed away.
IV. DANIEL.
19. The book of Daniel is assigned in the Hebrew canon to
the third dirision, called Hagiographa. Eor the supposed
grounds of this, see above. Chap. 13, No. 4. Daniel, Uke Jere
miah, has interwoven into his writings so many biographical
notices of himself, that we gather from them a pretty full his
tory of his lUe. He belonged to the royal family of Judah,
being one of the number "of the king's seed and of the
princes," whom Nebuchadnezzar had carried captive to Baby
lon in an invasion not recorded in the books of Kings or
Chronicles (1 : 1-3). Thus was fulfiUed the prophecy recorded
in Isa. 39 : 7. But God graciously turned this into a rich
blessing to the Hebrew nation; for Daniel, haring been edu
cated -with his three companions, Hananiah, Mishael, and Aza
riah, " in the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans," and
having " understanding in aU risions and dreams," a remark
able proof of which he gave by relating to Nebuchadnezzar the
dream which had gone from him, vrith its interpretation, was
made "ruler over the whole province of Babylon, and chief of
the governors over aU the -wise men of Babylon," and at his
request his three companions were also set over the affafrs of
the province of Babylon (chaps. 1, 2). He continued in high

THE OLD TESTAMENT, 323
honor at the court of Babylon as a wise and incorruptible
statesman, and a prophet who had the gift of interpreting
dreams, tiU the overthrow of the Chaldean empfre by the
Medes and Persians. By Darius the Mede he was treated with
Uke honor (perhaps in copnection with his interpretation of
Belshazzar's dream, chap. 5), being made chief of the three
presidents whom he set over his whole realm, and a plot formed
to destroy him was frustrated through God's mfraculous inter
position and tumed to the increase of his honor and influence ;
so that he continued to prosper "in the reign of Darius, and in
the reign of Cyrus the Persian " (chap. 6). He Uved, therefore,
to see the release of his countrymen fr-om their long captivity,
though it does not appear that he himseU retumed to his native
land. Probably he continued in the service of the Persian
court to the day of his death.
20. The first chapter is introductory to the whole book, giv
ing an account of the selection and education of Daniel and his
three companions by direction of the king of Babylon. The
prophecies that foUow naturally fall into two series. Ihe first,
occupying chaps. 2-7, is written in Chaldee from the middle of
the fourth verse of chap. 2. It unfolds the relation which God's
kingdom holds to the heathen powers as seen (1,) in a twofold
rision of the four great monarchies of the world, in the form
first of an image consisting of four parts, and then of four great
beasts rising up out of the sea, the last monarchy being suc
ceeded by the kingdom of the God of heaven, which shall never
be destroyed (chaps. 2, 7); (2,) in the protection and d eh ver
ance of God's faithful servants from the persecution of heathen
kings and princes (chaps. 3, 6) ; (3,) in the humbling of heathen
monarchs for their pride, idolatry, and profanation of the sacred
vessels belonging to the sanctuary (chaps. 4, 5). Thus we see
that the first three of these six chapters (2-7) correspond to
the last three taken in an inverse order — the second to the sev
enth, the third to the sixth, and the fourth to the fifth. The
second series, consisting of the remaining five chapters, is writ
ten in Hebrew. This also exhibits the conflict between God's

324 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
kingdom and the heathen world, taking up the second and thfrd
monarchies under the images of a ram and a he-goat. Chap. 8.
There foUow some special detaUs relating to the nearer future,
with some very remarkable revelations respecting the time of
the Messiah's advent, the desfruction of the holy city by the
Eomans, the last great conflict between the kingdom of God
and its enemies, and the final resui-rection.
The intimate connection between the book of Daniel and
the Eevelation of John must strike every reader of the holy
Scriptures. They mutually interpret each other, and together
constitute one grand system of prophecy extending down to
the end of the world. Both also contain predictions, the exact
interpretation of which is extremely difficult, perhaps impossi
ble, tUl the mystery of God shaU be finished.
21. That they who deny the reaUty of miracles and proph
ecy should receive the book of Daniel as genuine and authentic
is impossible. To review the history of the assaults made by
them upon it, or of the volumes -written in reply, is foreign to
the plan of the present work. A brief summary only -wiU be
given of the grounds on which its claim to a place in the canon
of the Old Testament is rindicated.
(1.1 The unity of the book of Daniel is now conceded. "The
two leading dirisions are so related that the one impUes
the eristence of the other. Both have the same characteris
tics of manner and style, though a considerable portion of
the book is in Chaldee, and the remainder in Hebrew." Darid
son after Keil and others, Introduction to the Old Testament,
p. 916. This being admitted, the book as a whole claims Dan
iel for its author ; for in it he often speaks in the first person,
and in the last chapter the book is manUestly ascribed to hiifl
(12:4,9). (2.) The uniform fradition of the Jews ascribed the book
to Daniel. It was on this ground that they received it into
the canon of the Old Testament. The objection that they
did not class Daniel -with the prophets, but with the Hagio
grapha (see above. Chap. 13, No. 4) is of no account. Had the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 325
book belonged, as the objectors claim, to the Maccabean age,
it would not have found a place in the Hagiographa any more
than in the prophets. The first book of Maccabees, which con
tains authentic history, was never received into the Hebrew
canon, because, as the Jews rightly judged, it was written after
the -withdrawal of the spfrit of prophecy. Much less would
they have received, under the iUustrious name of Daniel, a book
written as late as the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, more than
three centuries and a haU after Daniel. That they should have
done this through ignorance is inconceivable ; that they could
have done it through fraud is a supposition not to be admitted
for a moment, for it is contrary to all that we know of thefr
conscientious care with regard to the sacred text.
It may be added that the book of Baruch, which cannot be placed later
than the Maccabean age, and is perhaps earUer, makes abundant use of
the book of Daniel ; and that the author of the flrst book of Maccabees
had this book in the Alexandrine version, as is plain from the pecuUar
expressions employed by him in chap. 1 :54 — "they built the abomina
tion of desolation upon the altar." Compare Dan. 9 : 27 of the Alexan
drine version.
(3.) Josephus relates, Antiq. 11. 8. 5, among the other
particulars of the visit which Alexander the Great made to
Jerusalem, that the high priest Jaddus (Jaddua) showed him
the book of Daniel " in which he signified that a certain one of
the Greeks should destroy the empire of the Persians;" and
that this, in connection with other extraordinary circumstances
narrated by Josephus, had the effect of assuaging the king's
wrath which had been excited against the Jewish high priest
and people by their refusal to render him assistance against
Darius, and of disposing him to bestow upon them great favors.
Eespecting the authenticity of this narrative there has been
much discussion ; but there is no ground for denying its sub
stantial truth. It bears the stamp of reality, and it accounts,
moreover, for the extraordinary pririleges conferred upon the
Jews by Alexander, which otherwise remain inexpUcable.
(4.) Christ himself recognizes Daniel as a true prophet. He

326 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
refers to the future fulfilment of one of his prophecies as a
most important sign for his disciples: "When ye therefore
shall see the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel
the prophet, standing in the holy place (whoso readeth, let
him understand), then let them which be in Judea flee into
the mountains." Matt. 24:15, 16; Mark 13:14. De Wette
says indeed: "In the nature of the case Christ neither woidd
nor could be a critical authority." That our Lord did not
assume to be a critical authority in the ordinary sense of the
term is evident ; for in this very case he referred to the Alexan
drine version, without pausing to notice its variation fi-om the
Hebrew. But onr Lord knew whether the book of Daniel is a
collection of real prophecies, or a spurious work composed
several centuries after Daniel, imposing upon the world in
Daniel's name pretended prophecies written after the events.
Far be it from any one who beUeves in the reality of Christ's
supernatural mission thus to make him set the seal of his divine
authority to the work of an impostor. Heb. 11 : 33, 34 also
refers undeniably to Daniel, chaps. 6 and 3.
(5.) The language of the book agrees with the age of Dan
iel. The writer employs both Hebrew and Chaldee, thus
indicating that he lives during the period of transition from the
former to the latter language. His Chaldee, moreover, like
that of Ezra, contains Hebrew forms such as do not occur in
the earliest of the Targums. His Hebrew, on the other hand,
agrees in its general character with that of Ezekiel and Ezra.
Though the Hebrew survived as the language of the learned
for some time after the captivity, we cannot suppose that so
late as the age of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Maccabees a
Jewish author could have employed either such Hebrew as
Daniel uses, or such Chaldee.
(6.) The author manifests intimate acquaintance with the
historical relations, manners, and customs belonging to Dan
iel's time. Under this head writers have specified the custom
of giving new names to those taken into the king's serrice
(1:7); the threat that the houses of the magi should be made

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 327
a dunghiU (2:5); the different forms of capital punishment in
use among the Chaldeans and Medo-Persians; the dress of
Daniel's companions (3 : 21) ; the presence of women at the
royal banquet (5:2), etc. See Davidson's Introduction, p. 920,
who sums up the argument thus: "It is improbable that an
author in the Maccabean times should have been so uniformly
accurate in his narrative, without having been in Babylon
itself." 22. The objections urged against the book of Daniel are
not of a nature to overthrow the mass of evidence in its favor.
They may be considered under the following heads :
(1.) Various chronological and historical difficulties. It is
said that Jewish history knows no expedition of Nebuchad
nezzar against Jerusalem in the third year of Jehoiakim. The
answer is that an expedition which apparently fell about this
time is mentioned in 2 Kings 24 : 1. The actual capture of the
city, however, seems not to have taken place before the fourth
year of Jehoiakim ; for Jeremiah, in a prophecy dated in this
fom-th year, speaks in terms which imply that the threa.tened
blow had not yet fallen. Jer. 25:9. Perhaps Daniel, chap.
1 : 1, dates from the beginning of the expedition, so that it fell
partly in the third and partly in the fourth year of Jehoiakim.
It was in connection with this expedition of Nebuchadnezzar
that he overthrew the army of Pharaoh-necho at Carchemish
on the Euphrates ; for that event also took place in the fourth
year of Jehoiakim. Jer. 46 : 2.
We leam from Berosus, as quoted by Josephus (Antiq. 10. 11. 1), that
when Nebuchadnezzar was engaged in this expedition, and had already
conquered the Egyptians, he received tidings that the throne of Babylon
was made vacant by the death of his father. -Upon this he hastened with
his Ught troops across the desert to Babylon, learing the body of his army
to retum by the ordinary route.
It is said again that the dates given in Jer. 25 : 1 and Dan.
2:1 cannot be reconciled with each other. In the former of
these the first year of Nebuchadnezzar is the fourth of Jehoia
kim, in which year, or at all events in the preceding year,

328 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Daniel with his three companions was taken captive. Tet
after they have been transported to Babylon and received an
education there extending through three years (Dan. 1 : 5), we
find Daniel interpreting Nebuchadnezzar's dream in the second
year of his reign. To this it can be answered in part that in
the second book of Kings and in Jeremiah the years of Nebu
chadnezzar are obviously reckoned from the time when he was
placed by his father, who was now old and infirm, at the head
of his army, the title of king being applied to him by way of
anticipation. 2 Kings 24: 12; 25:8; Jer. 25:1. In the book
of Daniel, on the contrary, his years are reckoned from his
actual accession to the throne. But even then it is necessary
to assume a considerable delay between his return from his
Egyptian expedition and his formal investiture with the king
dom. The grounds of such a delay we can only conjecture. It may have been
connected with the settlement of the affairs of the realm, which he found,
Berosus teUs us, administered by the Chaldeans, the kingdom being kept
for him by the chief man among them ; or the statement of Berosus may
be wanting in fulness and accuracy. An argument from our ignorance
cannot be urged against the authenticity of Daniel any more than in its
favor. As to the acknowledged difficulties connected with the iden
tification of Belshazzar and Darius the Median (chap. 5), it is
sufficient to say that the notices which we have of the Chaldean
monarchy after Nebuchadnezzar are so fragmentary and con
tradictory that no valid argument can be drawn from such dif
ficulties against the authenticity of the book of Daniel.
An old opinion identifles Belshazzar with Nabonnedus, who was either
a son of Nebuchadnezzar or a grandson — caUed his son, Dan. 5 : 22, in the
sense of his descendant. But Eawlinson (as quoted in Smith's Bible Dio-
-tionary) informs us that from inscriptions deciphered by him it appears
that the eldest son of Nabonnedus was caUed Bel-shar-ezer='Bels'hazza,T.
He thinks that as joint king with his father he may have been governor of
Babylon, when the city was taken by the Medes and Persians, and have
perished in the assault, while, in accordance with the statements of Bero
sus, Nabonnedus himself surrived. Upon either of the above suppositions,

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 329
Darius the Median -wUl be Cyaxares II,, son of Astyages and uncle to
Cyrus, who succeeded to the title of king — "took the kingdom" (Dan.
5 : 31 and chap. 6) — though the conquest of Babylon was due to Cyrus him
seU, who not long afterwards ascended the throne of the united kingdoms
of Media and Persia. Another view makes Belshazzar the same as Eril-
merodach, son and successor of Nebuchadnezzar, and identifies Darius
the Median -with Astyages. It is not necessary to decide which, if either
of these two riews, is correct.
(2.) An argument has been drawn from the fact that Jesus,
the son of Sirach, does not mention the name of Daniel in the
catalogue of his worthies (chap. 49). Such negative argu
ments are at best weak, and this loses all its force from the
cfrcumstance that he omits others, as Ezra and Mordecai (the
twelve minor prophets also, since chap. 49 : 10 is regarded as
spurious). (3.) The aUeged linguistic difficulties have been reduced,
so far as the date of the book is concerned, to three or four
Greek names of musical instruments ; all of which — the instru
ments and their names — may naturaUy enough have been
brought from Greece, the home of musical art, in the way of
ordinary commercial intercourse. We are not called upon to
defend the classic purity of Daniel's style. A Hebrew and
educated at the court of Babylon, it was natural that his Chal
dee should be colored with Hebrew forms, and his Hebrew
with Chaldaisms. The argument from the general style of the
book is in favor of its genuineness, not against it.
(4.) The commendations bestowed upon Daniel are thought
to be inconsistent with his being the author of the book.
Some, who admit its authenticity and its right to a place
in the sacred' canon, have been led by this consideration to
adopt the opinion that Daniel, though essentially the author
of the book, did not himseU put it into its present form, but
that some one of his countrymen put together his prophecies,
prefiring to them introductory notices respecting the author.
So far as the canonical authority of the book is concerned there
are no serious objections to this hypothesis ; but we may well
ask whether undue weight is not given to the objection under

330 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
consideration. Throughout the whole book these commenda
tory notices are underlaid by the idea that Daniel's wisdom is
not his own, but is given him by God, and for purposes con
nected with the welfare of the covenant people. By revealing
to his servant secrets beyond the ken of all the wise men of
Babylon, he manifests at once his own infinite perfections and
the vanity of the Chaldean gods; and this Daniel records to
the glory of the God of Israel.
(5.) the real objection to the book lies, as already intima
ted, in the .supernatural character of its contents — in the remark
able miracles and prophecies which it records. The miracles
of this book are of a very imposing character, especially
adapted to strike the minds of the beholders with awe and
wonder. But so are those also recorded in the beginning of
the book of Exodus. In both cases they were alike fitted to
make upon the minds of the heathen, in whose presence they
were performed, the impression of God's power to save and
deUver in aU possible circumstances. The prophecies are
mostly in the form of dreams and visions ; and they are in won
derful harmony -nith Daniel's position as a minister of state at
the court of Babylon, and also with the relation of Judaism to
the heathen world. In the providence of God, the history of
his covenant people, and through them of the visible kingdom
of heaven, had become inseparably connected with that of the
great monarchies of the world. How appropriate, then, that
God should reveal, in its grand outUnes, the course of these
monarchies to the final and complete estabUshment of the king
dom of heaven (2 : 44, 45 ; 7 : 26, 27). In aU this we find noth
ing against the general analogy of prophecy, but every thing
in strict conformity with it. In the seventh chapter there ap
pears, for the first time, an interpreting angel communicating
to the prophet, in connected discourse, the meaning of the rision
which .he has just seen. So also in the eighth chapter and
onward. Such a mode of revelation is pecuUarly adapted to
the communication qf details, and in the eleventh chapter these
are given to an unparaUeled extent. But this constitutes no

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 331
ground for denying the reality of the prophecy. Though the
spirit of prophecy does not, as a general rule, give future events
in their succession, this is sometimes done. So it is in God's
announcement to Abraham of the bondage of his posterity
(Gen. 15 : 13-16) ; and also in' our Lord's prophecy of the over
throw of Jerusalem (Matt., chap. 24). In this respect it does
not become us to prescribe rules for the wisdom of God.
We need not pursue this subject any farther. No one of the above
difficulties, nor aU combined, can outweigh the evidence we have for the
genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel. On the contrary, the
hypothesis that it belongs to so late an age as that of the Maccabees is
beset with difficulties inconceivably greater. It has for its foundation not
sober criticism, but the denial of the supernatural.

332 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XXIII.
fHE Twelve Minor Prophets.
1. By the Je-wish arrangement, which places together the
twelve minor prophets in a single volume, the chronological
order of the prophets as a whole is broken up. The three
greater prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, stand in the
ti-ue order of time. Daniel began to prophesy before Ezekiel,
but continued many years after him. The Jewish arrangement
of the twelve minor prophets is in a sense chronological ; that
is, they put the earUer prophets at the beginning, and the later
at the end of the coUection. It does not appear, however, that
they intended to foUow the order of time with exactness. If
they did, then in the judgment of many they committed errors.
The particulars must be discussed as the books come up sepa
rately for consideration.
In regard to the flrst sis, the arrangement of the Septuagint differs
from the Masoretic, which is foUowed in our version, as follows :
IIASOKETIC TEXT. SEPTUAGrNT VEBSION.
1. Hosea 1. Hosea.
2. JoeL 2. Amos.
3. Amos. 3. Micah.
4. Obadiah. 4. Joel.
5. Jonah. 5. Obadiah.
6. Micah. 6- Jonah.
2. This precious coUection contains the earUest as weU as
the latest WTitings of the Hebrew prophets, except such as are
embodied in the historical books ; for Hosea, Joel, and Amos,
at least, are older than Isaiah, and the three prophets of the
restoration are younger than Ezekiel and Daniel. The minor
prophets exhibit a great diversity of manner and style — the
rugged and sententious, the f uU and flowing, the oratorical, and
the simple and unadorned. In them are passages attaining to

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 333'
the subUmity of Isaiah, to the tenderness and pathos of Jere
miah, and to the vehemence of Ezekiel. Nowhere do we find
sin rebuked with more awful severity, the true meaning of the
law more clearly expounded, or the future glory of Zion more
confidently predicted. That some of these writings are obscure
and of difficult interpretation cannot be denied. This arises
partly from the character of the style, as in the case of Hosea
and others ; partly from the nature ofthe themes discussed, as in
Zechariah ; partly from our ignorance of the times and cfrcum
stances of the writers. Nevertheless the prayerful student wUl
find in them a rich freasury of di-vine truth, which wiU abun
dantly reward the labor bestowed upon it.
I. HOSEA.
3. The prophecies of Hosea were addressed immediately to
the kingdom of the ten tribes, yet so that he did not overlook
Judah; for he considered the two kingdoms of Judah and
Israel as constituting together the covenant people of God.
Of his personal history we know nothing except that he was
the son of Beeri, for the transactions of the first three chapters
may be best understood as symbolic acts seen only in rision.
See above. Chap. 22, No. 17. For any thing that appears to
the contrary, he was of IsraeUtish descent. As it is generaUy
agreed that Isaiah began to prophesy in the last year of Uzzi
ah's reign, or but a few years before his death, whUe Hosea
prophesied in the reign of Jeroboam U., the great-grandson of
Jehu (2 Kings 14 : 23), who died about twenty-six years before
Uzziah, it foUows that Hosea, though partly contemporary with
Isaiah, was eaUed to the prophetical work at an earUer period.
If we suppose him to have commenced prophesying two years
before the death of Jeroboam, and then add the twenty-six
remaining years of Uzziah's reign, the sixteen of Jotham, the
sixteen of Ahaz, and two of the first years of Hezekiah, we
shaU have a period of sixty-two years. To Israel this was a
calamitous period, embracing four usurpations and murders of
the reigning sovereigns, and three invasions of the Assyrians.

ooi COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
See the history in 2 Kings 15 : 8-31, and 17 : 1-6. In the last
of these Hosea, king of Israel, became tributary to Shalmane
ser, king of Assyria; but he proved unfaithful to his master,
and sought the aUiance of So, king of Egypt. 2 Kings 17 : 4.
For this the Assyrian king besieged him in Samaria, and after
a siege of three years, took him with the city, and put an end
to the kingdom of Israel in the fifth year of Hezekiah, king of
Judah. Hosea seems to have closed his writings when Hoshea
was seeking the help of Egypt, whUe he had at the same time
a covenant with Assyria (12 : 1), consequently somewhere early
in Hezekiah's reign.
4. Hosea's style is vei-y concise and sententious, and his
diction impresses even the casual reader as original and pecu
Uar. A remarkable feature of his book is the constancy with
which he sets forth the relation of Israel to Jehovah under the
figure of the marriage-covenant ; thus making unfaithfulness to
God, and especiaUy idolatry and idolatrous alliances, to be spir
itual adultery and whoredom. This fact affords a key to the
interpretation of the fii-st three chapters, -«'here the nature of
the transactions requfres that we understand them not as his
toric events, but as prophetic symbols occurring only in vision.
The remaining eleven chapters contain perhaps a summary of
the prophet's discourses to the people, written by himself near
the close of his ministry. The prophecies of Hosea are repeat
edly referred to in the New Testament as a part of the oracles
of God. Matt. 2:15; 9:13; 12:7; Eom. 9:25, 26; and an
allusion in 1 Cor. 15 : 55. The prophet brings his book to a
close with a deUghtfril and refreshing view of the future pros
perity and peace of the true Israel, chap. 14.
II. JOEL.
5. The prophecies of Joel, the son of Pethuel, give no speci
fications of place or time. But all the internal indications of
the book point to Judea — probably Jerusalem, -with its temple,
altar, priesthood, and solemn assembUes — as the sphere of his
labors, and to the date as among the earliest of those belong-

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 335
ing to written prophecy. The coincidences between Joel and
Amos cannot well be regarded as accidental. Compare Joel
3 : 16 with Amos 1:2; Joel 3 : 18 with Amos 9 : 13 ; and notice
the striking similarity in the close of the t^vo prophecies. If
we may assume that one of these prophets borrowed expres
sions from the other, the priority will naturally be given to Joel,
from whose closing address (3 : 16) Amos takes the opening
words of his prophecies. He must then be placed as early, at
least, as the reign of Uzziah, aud perhaps earlier.
From the fact that Joel does not mention as among the enemies of
Judah the Syrians who invaded Judah in the reign of Joash, the grand
father of Uzziah, some have placed him as early as the reign of Joash before
this Syrian invasion. There is no ground for placing him after Uzziah ;
for his -writings contain no aUusion to the Assyrian power, which became
so formidable soon after Uzziah's time.
6. The writings of Joel bear the full impress of culture in a
prophetic school. His Hebrew is of the purest kind ; his style
is easy, flowing, elegant, and adorned with magnificent image
ry ; and for vividness and power of description he is not sur
passed by any of the prophets. The immediate occasion of
his prophecies is a double plague of drought and locusts, which
has already invaded the land, and whose desolating progress
he describes in poetic strains of matchless elegance and power.
He summons the people of all classes to repentance, and prom
ises, upon this condition, not only the restoration of the land
to its former fruitfulness, but also the outpouring of God's
Spirit upon aU flesh, the triumph of the covenant people over
all their foes, and an era of universal holiness and peace. In
this respect he is a model for all the prophets that come after
him. They all with one accord look forward beyond the calam
ities of the present time, and the heavier impending calamities
which they are commissioned to foreteU in the near future, to
the glory of the latter days, when Zion shall be made triumph
ant over aU her foes, and the whole earth shaU be given her for
her inheritance. The apostle Peter, in his address on the day

336 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of Pentecost, quotes a remarkable prophecy of Joel (2 : 28-32,
compared with Acts 2 : 16-21).
The opinion of some commentators, that under the figure of locusts are
represented simply hostile ai-mies, must be regarded as forced and unnat
ural. More probable is the opinion of Henderson and others, that the
prophet uses an actual invasion of the land by locusts as the type of a more
formidable invasion of foreign foes. But there does not seem to be any
vaUd reason for departing from the simple interpretation above given.
III. AMOS.
7. Amos prophesied "concerning Israel in the days of
Uzziah king of Judah, and in the days of Jeroboam son of
Joash king of Israel, two years before the earthquake" (1 : 1).
The time of this earthquake, which is simply mentioned by
Zechariah (14 : 5) as occurring in Uzziah's reign, cannot be
determined. We only know that Amos must have prophesied
somewhere during the last part of the reign of Jeroboam IL,
when he was contemporary with Uzziah. Amos was thus con
temporary -with Hosea, and was a considerable number of
years earUer than Isaiah, who began to prophesy near the close
of Uzziah's long reign of fifty-two years. The very specific date
"two years before the earthquake" indicates that his whole
mission to Israel was executed within a single year, perhaps
within a few months. It seems to have been after his return
to Judah, when at least two years had elapsed, that he col
lected his prophecies and put them into their present form.
Amos describes himseU as one of "the herdmen of Tekoa,"
a smaU town southeast of Bethlehem on the border of the wil
derness of Judah. 2 Chron. 20 : 20. It belonged to Judah,
whence we infer that Amos was himseU a Jew, a supposition
which agrees weU -with the adrice of Amaziah : " 0 thou seer,
go, flee thee away into the land of Judah, and there eat bread,
and prophesy there" (7:12). He speaks of himseU as "no
prophet, neither a prophet's son " (7 : 14) ; which means that he
had not been trained up for the prophetical office in any school
of the prophets, as were "the sons of the prophets." 1 Kinga

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 337
20 : 35 ; 2 Kings 2 : 3, etc. God took him from following the
herd, and gave him a commission to prophesy to His people
Israel, an office which he executed at Bethel, where one of the
golden calves erected by Jeroboam the son of Nebat was wor
shipped (7 : 10-17 compared with 1 Kings 12 : 29). In entire
harmony -with this historical notice is the character of his
prophecies. His style has not the flowing fulness of Joel, but
charms the reader by its freshness and simplicity. His wri
tings abound in images taken from rural scenes and employ
ments, some of which are very unique and striking in their
character. See chaps. 2:13; 3:12; 5:19; 6:12; 9:2, 3, 9.
He opens his prophecies by a solemn annunciation of the
approaching judgments of heaven upon the nations borderin-g
on Israel, specifying in each case the sin which has provoked
God's wrath. The storm passes, without pausing in its course,
over Syria, PhiUstia, Tyre, Edom, Ammon, Moab, Judah, till
at last it reaches Israel. Here it rests, gathers blackness, and
thunders long and loud. The reign of Jeroboam II. was one of
much outward prosperity. 2 Kings 14 : 25-28. The vices which
Amos rebukes are those which belong to such a period— ava
rice, violence, oppression of the poor, perversion of justice,
luxury, lewdness — aU these joined with the idolatrous worship
estabUshed by Jeroboam the son of Nebat. For such multi
pUed transgressions God wUl cause the sun to go down at
noon, and darken the earth in the clear day. Thefr feasts shaU
be tumed into mourning, their songs into lamentation, and
they shall go into captivity beyond Damascus. But while aU
the sinners among God's people thus perish by the sword, he
-wiU remember his true Israel for good. He wiU rear up again
the faUen tabernacle of Darid, bring again the captivity of his
people of Israel, and plant them for ever in their own land in
peace and prosperity. Thus do the visions of Amos, like those
of Hosea and Joel, close with a cheering riew of the future
glory of Zion. Amos is t-wice quoted in the Acts of the Apos
tles (Acts 7:42, 43; 15:16, 17).
Pomp. !oBrMe. 15

338 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
IV, OBADIAH.
8. The short prophecy of Obadiah is du-ected agahist Edom.
The Edomites were conspicuous for thefr hafred of the cove
nant people. See Ezek. 25 : 12 ; 35 : .5-15 ; Joel 3 : 19 ; Amos
1 : 11, and the paraUel prophecy of Jer. 49 : 7-22. Accordingly
they stand here, in respect to both their gnUt and punishment,
as the representatives of Zion's enemies in aU ages. In Uke
manner the promised rictory of God's people over them shadows
forth the universal fr-iumph of the kingdom of heaven which is
reserved for "the last days."
Conceming the date of Obadiah's prophecy expositors are
not agreed. The whole question turns upon the interpretation
of verses 11-14. That these contain an historic aUusion to the
exultation of the Edomites over the capture and plunder of
Jerusalem cannot weU be doubted. If this was the final cap
ture of the city by the Chaldeans, then Obadiah's place -wUl be
after the beginning of the Babylonish captirity. But since no
mention is made of the burning of Jerusalem, some suppose
that the prophet refers to an earUer capture, as that by the
PhUistines and Arabians under Jehoram. 2 Chron. 21 : 16, 17.
In favor of this riew is urged the fact that Jeremiah, who was
in the habit of using the -writings of the earUer prophets, has
much in common -with Obadiah.
That Jeremiah borrowed the language of Obadiah is far more probable
than that both prophets avaUed themselves of an older document, as some
have conjectured. Since, however, Jerusalem was taken more than once
by the Chaldeans before its firig,! overthrow (2 Kings chap. 24 ; Dan. 1:1),
Obadiah may have referred to one of these earUer captures, and yet have
-written before Jeremiah penned his prophecy against Edom.
V. JONAH.
9. We learn fr-om 2 Kings 14 : 25 that Jonah, the son of
Amittai, was of Gath-hepher, which is undoubtedly the same
as Gittah-hepher, a to-wn of the fribe of ZebiUun in the north
ern part of Palestine (Josh. 19 : 13) ; and that he predicted the

THE OLD TESTAMENT. .339
successes of Jeroboam H. According to the general analogy
of Scripture, prophecies Uke this, relating to one particular
event, are not separated by any great space of time from their
fulfilment. He belongs, therefore, in aU probabUity, to the
days of Jeroboam H., when Amos also flourished. There is
no vaUd reason for assigning him, as some do, to an earlier
date. 10. The story of the book of Jonah is too simple to need
any analysis. His act in fleeing from God's presence, when
commissioned to go to Nineveh with a threatening message, is
very extraordinary; but such is the inconsistency and folly of
human passion. The conduct of the mariners when overtaken
by a tempest is not wonderful : it is in harmony with aU that
we know of ancient habits of thinking and acting. But what
befeU Jonah, when cast into the sea, is more than wonderful :
it is mfraculous. That there exist in the Mediterranean fish
capable of swaUowing a man entire is a weU-attested fact. The
original Hebrew mentions only "a great fish." The Alexan
drine version, and after that the New Testament, use the
word whcde apparently in the sense of any great sea monster.
But whatever the fish may have been, his preservation aUve
in its body for the space of three days, and his subsequent
ejection upon the dry land, can be accoimted for only by refer
ence to the immediate power of God, -with whom nothing is
impossible. The effect of his preaching upon the Ninerites
was remarkable ; but much more so was his grief at its success,
whereby God was moved to spare the city. The common opin
ion is that he feared for his reputation as a frue prophet ; but
a deeper grouni of his anger may have been that he rightly
understood the design of his mission to the Ninevites to be that
through repentance they might be saved from impending de
sti-uction; whUe he regarded them as the enemies of God's
people, and unworthy of his mercy. However this may be,
Jonah's mission to the Ninerites foreshadowed God's purposes
of mercy towards the heathen world, and that too at a very
suitable time, when the history of the covenant people, and

340 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
through them of God's risible earthly kingdom, was about pass
ing into lasting connection with that of the great monarchies
of the earth.
11. The authorship of the book of Jonah is not expressly
given; but may be most natmaUy referred to the prophet him
seU. The few aUeged Chaldaisms found iu it may be explained
as belonging to the prorineial dialect of the prophet; since we
have but an imperfect knowledge of the variations which the
Uving Hebrew language admitted in this respect. In Matt.
12 : 39^1 ; Luke 11 : 29-32 the Sariour refers in expUcit terms
to events recorded in this book as being true history ; nor can
the historic character of the narrative as a whole be denied
except on the ground that aU records of the supernatural are
nnhistoric. VI. MICAH,
12. Micah is caUed the Morasthite, probably because he
was a native of Moresheth-gath, a smaU town of Judea, which,
according to Eusebius and Jerome, lay in a southwesterly
dfrection fr-om Jerusalem, not far from Eleutheropolis on the
plain, near the border of the PhUistine territory. With this
agrees the connection in which it is named (1 : 13-15) ; for La
chish, Mareshah, aud AduUam also lay in that direction. He
prophesied " in the days of Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, kings
of Judah." His prophetic actirity began, therefore, soon after
that of Isaiah, and he was contemporary -with him, as well as
w-ith Hosea and Amos. His prophecies related to Samaria, the
capital city of the kingdom of Israel, and to Jerusalem (1 : 1).
We find accordingly denunciations against Samaria intermin
gled with his prophecies concerning Judah and Jerusalem.
The people, moreover, are spoken of under the name of Jacob
and Israel where, sometimes at least, as in chap. 3 : 9, Judah
must be included. It is generaUy thought that the book of
Micah contains only a summary of his prophecies, prepared
perhaps in the days of Hezekiah. But this is not certain; for
the reference in Jeremiah 26 : 18 obriously relates only to the
particular prophecy quoted there.

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 341
13. The book is commonly distributed into three sections:
chaps. 1 and 2 ; chaps. 3, 4, and 5 ; and chaps. 6 and 7. Each
of these opens with a summons to hear God's message, and
then proceeds -with expostrdations and threatenings, which are
succeeded by glorious promises. The second of these sections,
which is the largest and contains the most extended promises,
is addressed more particularly to the rulers of the people. The
style of Micah is bold, vehement, and abrupt. His sudden
transitions sometimes make his writings difficult of interpreta
tion. He abounds in striking images, taken to a great extent,
like those of Amos, from pastoral and rural life. Micah has
one remarkable prophecy common to him -with Isaiah. Chap.
4 : 1-3 compared with Isaiah 2 : 2-4. From the connection of
the context the passage in Micah is generaUy thought to be
the original. Besides this there is a general agreement be
tween the two prophets in thefr representations ; and especiaUy
in the manner in which they perpetually mingle stern rebukes
and threatenings with glorious promises relating to the Messiah
and his kingdom. The remarkable prophecy concerning the
Messiah's birth (chap. 5:2) is quoted with some variations in
Matt. 2:5, 6, and referred to in John 7 : 42. The Saviour's
words, as recorded in Matt. 10 : 35, 36 ; Mark 13 : 12 ; Luke
12 : 53 contain an obrious reference to Micah 7 : 6.
VII. NAHUM,
14. Nahum is caUed "the Elkoshite," probably from Elkosh,
a riUage of GaUlee, which Jerome (Introduction to Nahum)
mentions as pointed out to him by his guide. The tradition
which assigns for the place of his birth and residence the mod
ern Alkush, an Assyrian viUage on the east side of the Tigris,
a few miles above the site of the ancient Nineveh, rests on no
good foundation. The prophecy of Nahum is directed against
Nineveh, the capital of the Assyrian empfre. When the prophet
-wrote, this city was stUl in the height of its power (chap. 1 : 12 ;
2:8); oppressing the nations and purposing the conquest of
Judah (chap. 1 : 9, 11 ; 3 : 1, 4). From chap. 1 : 12, 13 it appears

342 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
that the Assyrians had already afflicted Judah, and laid their
yoke upon her. All these particulars point to the reign of
Hezekiah as the probable date of the book.
15. The first chapter opens with a description of God's aw
ful majesty and power, which nothing created can withstand.
These attributes shall be directed to the utter and perpetual
overthrow of Nineveh and the salvation of God's afflicted peo
ple. The second chapter begins a sublime description of the
, process of this destruction by the invasion of foreign armies.
The third continues the account of the desolation of Nineveh
by her foes. For her innumerable sins she shall be brought to
shame before the nations of the earth, and made Uke populous
No, that is, No-amon, the celebrated metropolis of upper Egypt,
also called Thebes, whose children were dashed in pieces and
her great men laid in chains. The present condition of Nineveh,
a mass of uninhabitable ruins, is a solemn comment upon the
closing words of the prophecy ; " There is no healing of thy
bruise ; thy wound is grievous : all that hear the report of thee
shall clap their hands over thee : for upon whom hath not thy
wickedness passed continually?" VIII. HABAKKUK.
16. Eespecting Habakkuk's personal history we have no
information. The apocryphal notices of him are unworthy of
credence. From the fifth and sixth verses of the first chapter
it is evident that he prophesied not long before that series of
invasions by the Chaldeans which ended in the destruction of
Jerusalem and the captivity of the people ; that is, somewhere
between 640 and 610 years before Christ, so that he was con
temporary -ndth Jeremiah and Zephaniah. The theme of his
prophecy is, first, the overthrow of Judea by the Chaldeans,
and then the overthrow in turn of the Chaldean monarchy, each
power in turn for its sins. In the first chapter he predicts in
a dramatic form — that of expostulation with God on the part
of the prophet, and God's answer— the approaching desolation
of the land by the Chaldean armies, whose resistless power he

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 343
describes in bold and striking imagery. In the second cnapter
the prophet appears standing on his watch to see what answer
Jehovah wUl give to the expostulation with which the prece
ding chapter closes. He receives a comforting message, but
one that wUl try the faith of God's people by its delay. Verse 3.
It is an announcement of the overthrow of the Chaldean op
pressor, carried out in a series of bold and vivid descriptions
in which woe upon woe is pronounced against him for his
rapine, covetousness, iniquitous oppression, and idolatry. The
thfrd chapter is a lyric ode in which the prophet, in view of
both the judgments that God is about to execute on his coun
trymen through the Chaldeans (chap. 1), and the promised de
liverance from them at a future period (chap. 2), supplicates
and celebrates the future interposition of Jehovah for the re
demption of his people in language borrowed from their past
history. Thus this sublime song is both a prayer for the
renewal of God's wondrous works in the days of old and a
prophecy of such a renewal. The apostle Paul quotes the
words of Habakkuk : " The just shall live by his faith " (2 : 4),
aud appUes them to aU believers (Eom. 1 : 17).
The language of chap. 1 : 5 impUes that the desolation of the land by
the Chaldeans would be a surprising event, which coidd not have been the
case after the rictory of Nebuchadnezzar over the Egyptians and his cap
ture of Jerusalem in the fourth year of Jehoiakim, b. o, 606. It was also
to be inthe day of that generation — " in 'your days. " Consequently we
cannot date the prophecy earlier than B, c. 640, probably not before b. o.
630. The dedication of Habakkuk's ode (3 : 19) "to the chief musician " —
khe Hebrew word is the same that so often occurs in the titles of the
Psalms — impUes that this ode was to be used in the solemn worship of
God. The added words, " on my stringed instruments," are most natu
raUy understood of those under his charge as a leader in the serrice of
song in the sanctuary. Hence we infer with probabUity that Habakkuk
was a Levite.
IX. ZEPHANIAH.
17. Zephaniah prophesied in the reign of Josiah (1 : 1),
apparently Avhile his work of reformation w-as in progress and

344 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
not yet completed (1 : 4r-6, 8, 9) ; that is, somewhere , between
his twelfth and his eighteenth year (2 Chron. 34 : 3-13).
In the first chapter he predicts the utter desolation of Judah,
and with it the destruction of all the patrons of idolatry and
the rich and presumptuous sinners in Jerusalem. In the sec
ond chapter he exhorts the covenant people to repentance in
view of the judgments that are coming upon them (verses 1-3),
threatens the surrounding nations — Philistia, Moab, and Am
mon — with desolation (verses 4^11), and denounces the judg
ments of God upon the Ethiopians and Assyrians (verses
12-15). In the third chapter, after a severe rebuke of Jeru
salem for her incorrigible rebellion against God (verses 1-7),
he foretells in glowing language the future purification and
enlargement of Zion, and the destruction of all her enemies
(verses 8-20). The style of Zephaniah is clear and flowing,
having a general resemblance to that of Jeremiah. He has
frequent allusions to the earlier prophets. Chap. 1 : 7 compared
with Isa. 34 : 6 ; chap. 2 : 13-15 compared with Isa. 13 : 21, 22 ;
34 : 13-15 ; chap. 1 : 14, 15 wUh Joel 2 : 1, 2 ; chap. 1 : 13 with
Amos 5 : 11, etc.
The genealogy of Zephaniah is given through Cushi, Gedaliah, and
Amariah to Hezekiah ; for in the original Hebrew the words Hizkiah and
Hezekiah are the same. As it is not usual that the descent of prophets
should be given -with such particularity, it has been assumed, with some
probabiUty, that this Hezekiah was the king of that name ; though in this
case we should have expected the addition " king of Judah." The " che-
marim," verse 4, are the idol-priests ; that is, priests devoted to idol wor
ship. In 2 Kings 33 : 5, where the writer is speaking of the reformation
under Josiah, the word is translated " idolatrous priests ;" in Hosea 10 : 5
simply "priests,'' which is its meaning in the Syriac language. Some
have maintained that the invasion of Judah to whieh Zephaniah refers was
that of the Scythians described by Herodotus, 1. 105 ; but this is very
improbable. Prom the fact that "the king's chUdren" are included in
the threatened visitation — in the Hebrew, "I-wUI visit upon the princes
and the king's children" (1 :8) — some have inferred that they must have
been already grown and addicted to idolatrous practices; consequently
that Zephaniah -wrote later than the eighteenth year of Josiah. But, as
Keil and others have remarked, the mention of the king's chUdren may
have been added simply to indicate the uuiversaUty of the approaching

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 345
visitation ; not to say that the prophetic vision of Zephaniah may have
anticipated the sin and punishment of these king's children — Jehoahaz
and Jehoiakim.
X. HAGGAI.
18. Haggai is the first of the three prophets after the cap
tivity, who are commonly called Prophets of the Restoration.
His four short messages to the people were all delivered in the
space of three months, and they all had . reference to the re
building of the temple. By the slanderous representations of
the Jews' enemies this work had been interrupted, as we learn
from the fourth chapter of Ezra. Meanwhile the Jews, having
yielded to the spirit of unbelief, had lost their zeal for God's
cause and grown cold and indifferent. For this the prophets
Haggai and Zechariah were sent to reprove them, while at the
same time they encouraged them to resume the work, a mis
sion which they successfully accomplished. Ezra 5 : 1, 2.
19. The first message is dated " in the second year of Da
rius the king " — Darius Hystaspes, who ascended the throne of
Persia B. c. 521 — " in the sixth month, in the first day of the
month." Chap. 1:1. In this message the prophet sharply re
proves the people for their indifference to the cause of God's
house and their selfish devotion to their own private interests^
which have brought upon them the divine rebuke. Chap.
1 : 2-11. The effect of his words in exciting both rulers and
people to renew the work upon the temple is added. Chap.
1 : 12-15. The second message " in the one and twentieth day"
of the same month is throughout of an encouraging character.
The elders who had seen the first house in its glory, were de
spondent in view of the comparative meanness of the new edi
fice. Jehovah promises them that " the Desire of all nations "
shall come, that he will fiU this house with glory, so that " the
glory of this latter house shall be greater than of the former "
(2 : 1-9). This promise was fulfilled in a material way in the
second temple as renewed by Herod the Great. But the real
reference is to its spfritual glory. It was honored by the pres
ence of the Son of God, who is the brightness of the Father's

346

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

glory. In the third message, "in the four and twentieth day
of the ninth month," the prophet in a sort of parable, rebukes
the people for thefr heartless formaUty, which, Uke the touch
of a dead body, defiles all their offerings and serrices, yet prom
ises them God's blessing upon their repentance. Chap. 2 : 10-19.
The last message, which was delivered on the same day, is
whoUy occupied with the future. Amid commotions and over-
turnings God wUl destroy the power of the heathen nations,
and make Zerubbabel as a signet.
The reference is to a seal-ring, and the promise is that God wiU pre
serve Zerubbabel from aU the assaults of the -wicked, Zerubbabel was one
of the Messiah's ancestors (Matt. 1 : 12 ; Luke 3 : 27), and since the proph
ecy reached far beyond his day, the promise made to him extends to all
faithful rulers whom God sets over his church but can have its perfect ful
filment only in the Messiah himself, of whom Zerubbabel was a type.
XI, ZECHARIAH,
20. Zechariah, the second and greatest prophet of the Ees
toration, calls himself the son of Berechiah, the son of Iddo
(1:1).. But in Ezra the name of the father is omitted, perhaps
as being less known, and he is caUed simply the son of Iddo
(chaps. 5:1; 6 : 14), the word son being used in the general
sense of descendant. There is no reason to doubt the identity
of this Iddo with the priest of that name who went up from
Babylon with Zerubbabel and Jeshua (Neh. 12 : 4) ; so that
Zechariah, like Jeremiah and Ezekiel, was of priestly descent.
He began to prophesy two months after Haggai (chap. 1 : 1
compared with Hag. 1 : 1), and the two prophets were contem
porary, at least for a short time.
21. The book of Zechariah may be naturaUy dirided, ac
cording to its contents, into three parts. The first six chapters
constitute the first of these parts. After a short introductory
message (1 : 1-6) there follows a very remarkable series of ris
ions relating to the reestabUshment of the Jews in their own
land, and the future dispensations of God towards them ; the
whole being closed by a symboUc prophecy of Christ as both
priest and king upon the throne of Darid. To the second part

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 347 •
belong the prophecies contained in the seventh and eighth
chapters. The occasion of the first of these was a question
proposed to the prophet conceming the observance of a certain
fast. He first rebukes the 'people for their formaUty, and then
proceeds to encourage them in the way of duty, adding glori
ous promises respecting the future prosperity of Judah and
Jerusalem. The remaining six chapters, constituting the third
part, appear to have been -written at a later time. They aU
relate to the future destinies of the covenant people, and,
through them, of the -risible kingdom of God on earth. But
the first three of these chapters are mainly occupied -with the
nearer futm-e, yet -with gUmpses at the fiual consummation in
the latter days. They are generaUy understood to predict the
conquests of Alexander the Great (9 : 1-8), the conflict of the
Jews -with their enemies in the Maccabean age (9 : 13-16), the
advent of Christ (9 : 9), the corrupt and rapacious character of
the Je-wish rulers at that era, thefr rejection of Christ, and the
consequent rejection of the nation by God (chap. 11). They
also contain a prediction of the final reunion and restoration
of "the house of Judah" and "the house of Joseph" (ch. 10).
The remaining three chapters are occupied -with the great and
decisive conflict of the last days, which is to usher in the era
of miUennial glory.
22. The prophecies of Zechariah, containing as they do a
porfraiture of the destiny of God's people to the end of time,
and comprehending so many mighty events which yet await
thefr fulfilment, present to the interpreter many difficulties,
some of which have hitherto been found insoluble, and wiU
probably remain unsolved tUl the mystery of God contained iu
them shaU have been fulfilled. One thing, however, they
clearly reveal to us : that the future triumph of God's kingdom
is certain, and that aU the great movements in the history of
the nations, however unpropitious they may seem at the time,
are parts of the mighty plan of divine proridence which shaU
end in making the kingdoms of this world the kingdoms of our
Lord and of his Christ.

348 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
In Matt. 27 : 9, 10, there is a quotation for substance of the words of
Zechariah 11 :13, but they are ascribed to "Jeremy the prophet." Of
this discrepancy various explanations have been proposed. Some have
suspected an early error in the manuscript of Matthew's gospel ; but of
this there is no satisfactory proof. Others have thought that the part of
our present book of Zechariah which contains the prophecy in question
actuaUy belongs to Jeremiah ; but upon this hypothesis it remains a mys
tery how it should have been attached to the -writings of Zechariah.
Upon the ground of diversity of style and other aUeged internal marks,
it has been maintained by some bibUcal scholars that the whole of the last
part of Zechariah belongs to an earUer age ; but the vaUdity of this con
clusion is denied by others. To give even a summary of the opposing
arguments would exceed the Umits of the present work. The internal
proofs being very nearly balanced against each other, the fact that these
chapters have always been connected -with the -writings of Zechariah ought
to be aUowed a decisive influence in favor of theu- genuineness.
XII. MALACHI.
23. In Hebrew Malachi signifies my messenger, being the
very word employed in chap. 3 : 1. Hence some have supposed
that this is not the prophet's name, but a description of his
office. Such a supposition, however, is confrary to scriptural
usage, which in every other case prefixes to each of the pro
phetical books the author's proper name. Malachi has not
given the date of his prophecies, but it can be determined with
a good degree of certainty from thefr contents. The people
had been reinstated in the land, the temple rebuilt, and its
regular serrices reestablished. Tet they were in a depressed
condition, dispfrited, and disposed to complain of the severity
of God's deaUngs towards them. Their ardently cherished
expectation of seeing the Theocracy restored to its former
glory was not realized. Instead of dri-ring thefr enemies before
them sword in hand, as in the days of Joshua, or reigning fri-
umphantly over them in peace, as in the days of Solomon, they
found themselves a handful of weak colonists under the domin
ion of foreigners, and returning to the land of thefr fathers
solely by their permission. AU this was extremely humihating
to their worldly pride, and a bitter disappointment of their
worldly hopes. Hence they had faUen into a desponding and

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 349
complaining state of mind. While rendering to God a service
that was not cheerful but grudging, complaining of its weari-
someness, -withholding the tithes required by the law of Moses,
and offering in sacrifice the lame and the blind, they yet. com
plained that he did not notice and requite these heartless ser
rices, and talked as if he favored the proud and wicked. " Te
have said. It is vain to serve God : and what profit is it that
we have kept his ordinance, and walked mournfully before him ?
And now we caU the proud happy ; yea, they that work wick
edness are set up; yea, they that tempt God are even deliv
ered" (3 : 14, 15). To these sins they had added that of put
ting away their Hebrew wives, that they might marry foreign
women (2 : 10-16). AU these circumstances point to the admin
istration of Nehemiah, probably the latter part of it ; for after
his risit to Babylon in the thfrty-second year of Artaxerxes
(Neh. 13 : 6), he found upon his return, and has described in
the last chapter of his book precisely the same state of affairs.
Malachi is thus the last of aU the prophets.
24. He opens his prophecies by reminding the people of
God's great and distinguishing love towards them and their
fathers, which they were so slow to acknowledge. He then
reproves them sharply for the sins above referred to, and
forewarns them that the Lord, of whose delay they complain,
wiU suddenly come to his temple to sit in judgment there — an
advent which they -will not be able to endure ; for it -will con
sume the wicked root and branch, while it brings salvation to
the righteous (3 : 1-5 ; 4 : 1-3). In view of the fact that the
revelations of the Old Testament are now closing, he admon
ishes the people to remember the law of Moses, and closes
-with a promise of the mission of " EUjah. the prophet before
the coming of the great and dreadful day of the Lord" (4 : 5, 6).
This promise, with that contained in chap. 3 : 1, is repeatedly
referred to in the New Testament, and applied to the coming
of John the Baptist as our Lord's forerunner. The opening
words of the prophecy, chap. 1 : 2, are quoted by the apostle
Paul (Eom. 9 : 13).

350 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

APPENDIX.

The y4:POCRYPHAL BoOKS OF THE Old Testament.
1. The Greek word Apocrypha, hidden, that is, hidden or secret books,
was early appUed by the fathers of the Christian church to anonymous or
spurious books that falsely laid claim to be a part of the inspired word.
By some, as Jerome, the term was extended to aU the books incorporated
by the Alexandrine Jews, in their Greek version, into the proper canon of
the Old Testament, a few of -n-hioh books, though not inspired, are un
doubtedly genuine. Another designation of the books in question was
ecclesiastical, books to be read in the churches for edification, but not as
possessing authority in matters of faith. But at the era of the Eeforma
tion, when these books were separated by the Protestant churches from
the true canon, and placed by themselves between the books of the Old
and the New Testament, Jerome's old epithet Apocrypha, or the Apocry
phal books, was appUed to the entu-e coUection.
How the term Apocrypha, hidden, became associated -with the idea of
spurious or anonymous is doubtful. According to Augustine, it was
because the origin of these books was not clear to the church fathers. A
later conjecture, expressed by the translators of the EngUsh Bible, is
" because they were wont to be read not openly and in common, but as it
were in secret and apart. " StiU more probable is the opinion that they
were so caUed from their close relation to the secret books containing the
mysteries — secret doctrines — of certain heretical sects.
2. The date of several of the apocryphal books is very uncertain ; but
none of them can weU be placed as early as the beginning of the third
century before Christ. Though some of them were originaUy -written in
Hebrew or Aramean, they have been preseived to us only in Greek or
other versions. None of them were ever admitted into the Hebrew canon.
The ground of theu- rejection is weU stated by Josephus (Against Apion
1. 8), namely, that from the time of Artaxerxes, Xerxes' son (Artaxerxes
Longimanus, under whom Ezra led forth his colony, Ezra 7:1, 8), "the
exact succession of the prophets " was wanting. The Alexandrine Jews,
however, who were very loose in their ideas of the canon, incorporated
them into theu- version of the Hebrew Scriptures. How far the mass of
the people distinguished between their authority and that of the books
belonging to the Hebrew canon is a question not easUy determined. But

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 351
Josephus, as we have seen, clearly recognized their true character. Philo
also, as those who have examined the matter inform us, though acquainted
with these books, never cites any one of them as of divine authority. The
judgment of these two men doubtless represents that of aU the better
informed among the Alexandrine Jews, as it does that of the Sariour and
his apostles, who never quote them as a part of the inspired word.
3. During the first three centuries of the Christian era very few of the
church fathers had any knowledge of Hebrew. The churches received the
Scriptures of the Old Testament through the medium of the Alexandrine
Greek version, which contained the apocryphal books. It is not surprising,
therefore, that the distinction between these and the canonical books was
not clearly maintained, and that we flnd in the writings of the church
fathers quotations from them even under the name of "dirine scripture."
But Jerome, who translated the Old Testament from the Hebrew, under
stood perfectly the distinction between the canonical and the apocryphal
books. The canon which he has given agrees -with that of the Palestine
Jews. He says (Prolog-us Galeatus) of the apocryphal books "Wisdom,
Ecclesiasticus, Judith, Tobit, and Maccabees, that the chiu-ch reads these
"for the edification of the people, not for authority in estabUshing church
doctrines," The same distinction is made by Euflnus, the contemporary
and antagonist of Jerome. The language of Augustine was more wavering
and uncertain. At the CouncU of Hippo, a. d. 393, at which he was pres
ent, the "ecclesiastical books," as the apocryphal books are caUed, were
included in the catalogue of sacred books ; and from that day to the time
of the Eeformation the extent of the Old Testament canon was regarded
as an open question. But the Eomish CouncU of Trent included the
apocryphal books in the canon of the Old Testament, -with the exception
of Esdras and the prayer of Manasseh, pronouncing an anathema on aU
who should hold a contrary opinion. The Protestant churches, on the
other hand, unanimously adhered to the Hebrew canon, separating from
this the apocryphal books as useful for reading, but of no authority in
matters of faith.
4. Although the Protestant churches rightly reject the apocryphal
books as not belonging to the inspired word, the knowledge of theu- con
tents is nevertheless a matter of deep interest to the bibUcal scholar. The
flrst book of Maccabees is in the main authentic, and it covers an impor
tant crisis of Je-wish history. All of the apocryphal books, moreover,
throw much Ught on the progress of Je-wish thought, especiaUy in the two
directions of Grecian culture and a rigid adherence to the forms of tho
Mosaic law. KeU dirides the apocryphal books into historical, didactic, and
prophetic, but with the remark that this division cannot be rigidly carried
out. In the foUowing brief notice of the several books the arrangement of
the EngUsh Bible is foUowed.

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

I, THE T-WO BOOKS OF ESDKAS.
5. The first two in order of the apocryphal books in the English ver
sion bear the title of Esdras, that is, Ezra. The Greek Bible has only the
first, which stands sometimes before our canonical book of Ezra, and some
times after Nehemiah. In the former case it is caUed the first book of
Esdras, that is, Ezra ; in the latter the third, Nehemiah being reckoned as
the continuatioi^of Ezra, and caUed the second hook of Ezra. It gives the
history of the temple and its serrice from Josiah to Ezra — ^its restoration
by Josiah, destruction by the Chaldees, rebuUding and reestabUshment
through Zerubbabel and Ezra. Its original and central part is a legend
from an unknown source respecting a ti-ial of wisdom between Zerubbabel
and two other young men, made in the presence of Darius, king of Persia,
which resulted in Zerubbabel's favor, and so pleased the king that he
issued letters for the rebuUding of Jerusalem, and confen-ed many other
favors on the Jews. Chaps. 3, 4. The preceding and foUo-wing parts are
made up of extracts from 2 Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, in which the
compUer has made a free use of his bibUcal sources, at one time abridging
the narrative, at another making explanatory additions, and again tians-
posing the order of events contrary to historical truth. Some, as KeU,
think that the -writer made use of the Alexandrine version ; others, that he
drew from the original Hebrew. His design was to exhibit the hberahty
of Cyrus and Darius towards the Jews as a pattern for the heathen rulers
of Judea in his o-wn day, (Keil ) Neither the author nor the date of the
book is known, but it cannot be placed earUer than the second century
before Christ.
6. The second book of Esdras (caUed also the fourth, when the first is
reckoned as the third) is extant in a Latin, an Arabic, and an Ethiopic
version. The Greek original has not thus far been found. The Arabic
and Ethiopic are thought to represent the primitive text more correctiy
than the Latin : as they want the two introductory and closing chapters of
the latter, which are generaUy admitted to be spurious additions by a later
hand ; and contain, on the contrary, a long passage after chap. 7 : 35, which
is not found in the Latin, and is thought to be genuine.
7. If we reject the first two and last two chapters of the Latin version,
which do not belong to the original work, the remainder of the book has
entire unity from beginning to end. It consists of a series of pretended
visions vouchsafed to Ezra through the angel Uriel in the thirtieth year
jfter the destruction of Jerusalem by the Chaldees, whUe he mourned over
the desolate and distressed condition of the covenant people -with fasting
and prayer. Of these risions, the flrst six, which are preparatory to the
last, pertain mainly to the method of God's dealing -with men, the end of
the present age, the introduction of the coining age, and the glorification

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 353
of Zion, -with the heavy judgments of God that shaU accompany these
events. Many of these revelations are made through the medium of sym
bols. In the seventh and last revelation, a voice addresses Ezra out of a
bush, as it did Moses of old. Upon his complaining that the law has been
burnt, he is directed to take flve ready scribes, -with a promise that the
holy writingsSrhich are lost shaU be restored to his people. The next day
the voice calls to him again, commanding him to open his mouth and
drink the cup which is ofi'ered to him, "fuU as it were -with water, but the
color of it was Uke fire.'' Upon this he is fiUed -with the spirit of inspira
tion, and dictates to his five scribes in forty days 204 books (according to
some 94). Of these the last 70 are secret, to be dehvered only "to such
as be wise among the people." The rest are to be published openly, that
the worthy and unworthy may read them. The historic truth underlying
this fabulous revelation seeins to be the rerision of the canon of the Old
Testament by Ezra and his associates. Chap. 15, No. 17. It is agreed
tiiat this book is the production of a Jew, but the date of its composition
is a disputed point. Some assign it to the fitrst century after Christ ;
others to the century preceding our Lord's advent, but -with interpolations
that manifestiy belong to the Christian era.
II. TOBIT.
8. The book of Tobit contains a narrative of the piety, misfortunes,
and final prosperity of Tobit, an Israehte of the tribe of NaphtaU, who was
among the captives brought to Assyria by Enemessar (Shalmaneser) king
of Assyria. "With Enemessar he was in favor, became his purveyor, and
was able to deposit ten talents of sUver with Gabael at Eages, a city of
Media. But Sennacherib, the successor of Enemessar, persecuted him,
especiaUy for his pious care in burying the bodies of his Jewish brethren
whom that king had slain, and he was obUged to flee -with his -wife Anna
and his son Tobias, leaving aU his goods as plunder to the Assyrian king.
Under Sarchedonus (Esarhaddon) he -returned again to his home, but soon
a new misfortune overtook him. As he lay one night by the waU of his
courtyard, being unclean from the burial of a Jew whom his son had found
strangled in the market-place, "the sparrows muted warm dung" into his
eyes, which deprived him of sight. Wishing now to send his son Tobias
for the ten talents of sUver deposited -with Gabael at Bages in Media, he
directs him to seek a guide for the way ; when the angel Eaphael ofiers
himself under the name of Azarias the son of Ananias the great, one of
Tobit's brethren. As the angel and Tobias journey together, they come
one evening to the river Tigris. As the young man goes down to the river
to bathe, a fish assaults him ; but by the angel's direction he seizes him,
drags him on shore, and takes for futiire use his heart, Uver, and gaU. On
their way to Eages they come to Ecbatane, a city of Media, where resides

354 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Kaguel, the cousin of Tobias, whose only daughter, Sara, has lost seven
husbands on the night of theu- marriage, through the power of Asmodeus,
an e-nl spirit Tobias being her nearest surriring kinsman, marries her
according to the law of Moses, By the angel's direction, upon entering
the marriage-chamber, he lays the heart and Uver of the flsh upon embers.
The e-ril spirit, at the smeU of the smoke, flees away into the utmost parts
of Egypt, where the angel binds him. The angel goes to Eages and brings
the ten talents and Gabael himself to the wedding feast ; the wedded pair
return in safety to Tobit -with the sUver, and also the half of Eaguel's
goods, which Sara receives as her wedding portion. FinaUy Tobias, by
the angel's direction, anoints his father's eyes -with the gaU of the fish ;
whereupon he recovers his sight, and Uves in honor and prosperity to a
good old age. Such is a brief outUne of the story, which is told in an
interesting and attractive style. How much historic truth Ues at its foun
dation, it is impossible to determine. The introduction of the angeUc
guide may weU be regarded as a mythical embeUishment.
9. The book of Tobit is extant in various texts^Greek, Latin, Syriac,
and Hebrew, the Hebrew forms being aU translations from the Greek or
Latin. These texts differ in minor details, but have aU sprung directly
or indirectly from one original, which was probably Hebrew or Aramaic,
though some maintain that it was Greek. The book is thoroughly Je-wish
in its spirit. The date of its composition is uncertain. The common opin
ion of bibUcal scholars is that it was composed about 250 — 200 b. o. In its
general scope the book has a resemblance to that of Job, A good man
encounters sufi'ering in the way of piety, but is finaUy deUvered, Uves in
prosperity, and dies in a good old age. The portraiture which it gives of
domestic piety is very pleasing, and affords an instructive insight into the
spirit of the age in which it was -written. It gives great prominence to,
deeds of charity ; but the alms on which it insists so earnestly flow from
inward faith and love. In this respect they are distinguished from the
dead works of the late Scribes and Pharisees.
III. JUDITH,
10. This book relates the exploit of Judith, a Je-wish -widow distin
guished ahke for beauty, courage, and devotion to her country. When
Holofernes, one of Nebuchadnezzar's generals, was besieging BethuUa, a
city of Judea, she went over to his camp -with her maid in the character of
a deserter, promised to guide him to Jerusalem, and by her flattery and
artful representations so insinuated herself into his favor that he enter
tained her -with high honor. At last, being left alone -with hJTTi at night
in his tont, she beheaded him with his o-wn falchion as he lay asleep and
intoxicated, and going forth gave his head to her maid, who put it in her
bag, and they two passed the guards in safety under the pretext of going

• THE OLD TESTAMENT. 355
out for prayer, as had been their nightiy custom. The head of Holofernes
was suspended from the waU of the city, and when the warriors within
saUied forth, the besieging army fled in consternation. Judith receives as
a reward aU the stuff of Holofernes, Uves at BethuUa as a -widow in high
honor, and dies at the age of one hundred and flve.
11. The historical and geographical contradictions of this book are
too many and grave to aUow the supposition that it contains an authentic
narrative of facts. It was manifestly -written after the retum of the Jews
from the Babylonish captivity and the rebuUding of the city and temple
(chaps. 4:3; 5 : 18, 19), when the nation was governed, not by a king, but
by a high priest and Sanhedrim. Chap. 4:6, 8 ; 15 : 8. Tet it makes Neb
uchadnezzar, who reigned in Babylon long before, king in Nineveh in the
eighth year of his reign, whereas his father had destroyed Nineveh. The
attempts that have been made to reconsUe these and other inconsistencies
-with true history are forced and unnatural. Whatever historical truth
may Ue at the basis of the story, it is so interwoven with flction that the
two elements cannot be separated from each other. It was probably writ
ten by a Palestinian Jew in Hebrew or Aramaic somewhere about the sec
ond centiiry before Chi-ist. The design of the book is to excite the people
to faith and courage in theu- severe conflicts with foreign persecutors ; but
its moraUty is of a very questionable character. Judith, its heroine, whUe
she adheres -with great punctUiousness to the Mosaic ritual, does not scru
ple to employ hypocrisy and falsehood that she may prepare the way for
assassination, being eridently persuaded that in the service of the covenant
people the end sanotifles the means.
IV. ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OP ESTHER.
12. These are printed by themselves in our English version, and enti
tled : " The rest of the chapters of the Book of Esther, which are found
neither in the Hebrew, nor in the Chaldee ;" but in the Septuagint and
old Latin they are dispersed through the canonical book so as to form -with
it a consistent whole. They profess to supply deflciencies in the canonical
Esther — a dream of Mordecai -with its interpretation ; an account of the
conspiracy of the two eunuchs to destroy Ahasuerus ; a pretended copy of
the king's edict for the destruction of the Jews ; the prayer of Mordecai
and of Esther in riew of this edict ; various details of Esther's visit to the
king; and the pretended edict of Artaxerxes (Ahasuerus) revoking the
former edict, and giring the Jews Uberty to desti-oy aU who should assault
them — ^into which the name of God, which nowhere appears in the genu
ine book of Esther, is abundantly introduced. The origin of these legends
is unkno-wn.

356 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
V. THE -WISDOM OF SOLOMON.
13. The author of this book personates Solomon, and spesiks in his
name, Solomon being to the ancient Jews the representative of all wisdom.
KeU gives the summary of its contents in three divisions, as foUows :
(1.) "The book begins with a forcible exhortation to the rulers of the
earth to strive after -wisdom as the fountain of righteousness and the guide
to immortaUty and happiness. With this it connects a warning against the
foUy of unbeUering men who rebel against the law, oppress the righteous,
and thus bring upon themselves just punishment, destruction, and ever
lasting shame. Chaps. 1-6. (2.) After the example of King Solomon, who
is introduced as speaking, the way to obtain -wisdom is next pointed out,
and she is described in her nature as the spirit that foi-med and sustains
the world, and is the author of aU that is good, ti-ue, and great. Chaps.
7-9. (3.) Then foUows a long historical discourse (interrupted in chaps.
13-15 by a copious discussion concerning the origin and nature of idola
try), in which the blessed effects of -wisdom and the fear of God, and the
unhappy consequences that come from the foUy of idolatry are iUustrated
by the opposite fortunes of the righteous and the -wicked of past ages,
especiaUy of the people of God as contrasted -with the idolatrous Canaan
ites and Egyptians." The different parts of the book constitute a well-
connected whole.
14. The book was originaUy composed in Greek by an Alexandrine Jew,
who is generaUy placed by bibUcal scholars somewhere in the second cen
tury before Christ, Though possessing no canonical authority, it is very
interesting and valuable for the riew which it gives of the progress of Jew
ish thought in both reUgion and phUosophy. This -writer is the flrst who
expressly identifles the serpent that deceived Eve with the deril : " Through
en-vy of the de-ril came death into the world." Chap. 2 :24. He teaches
also the docti-ine of the immortaUty of the soul and of a future judgment.
In a passage of great beauty he personifies Wisdom, .after the example
of the book of Proverbs, as the worker of aU things, and the teacher and
guide of men. "She is the breath of the power of God, and a pure efflux
from the glory of the Almighty ; therefore nothing deflled can flnd en
trance into her. Por she is the effulgence of the everlasting Ught, and the
unspotted nUrror of the di-rine might, and the image of his goodness.
And being but one she can do aU things ; and remaining in herself [un
changed] she makes aU things new. From age to age entering into holy
souls, she makes them friends of God and prophets." Chap. 7:25-27.
But along -with this true development of docti-ine on the basis of the Old
Testament he holds the unscriptural docfaine of the preexistence of souls
(chap. 8 : 20), whether borrowed from the Platonists, or taken from some
other source. Some have thought that he also holds matter to be etemaL

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 357
But when he speaks of God's almighty hand as having "created the world
out of formless matter" (chap. 11 : 17), he may have reference simply to
the chaotic state described in Qen: 1 : 2.
Jerome left the Latin translation of this book unre-rised. The text,
therefore, of our Latin Bibles is that of the "Old Latin" version, as it
existed before his day. VI. ECCLESIASTICUS.
15. The Greek titie of this book is, The 'Wisdom of Jesus the son of
Sirach, or more briefly : The 'Wisdom of Sirach. The Tiatin title, Ecclesi
asticus, that is. Ecclesiastical book, designates it as a book that was read f o
edification in the churches, though not included in the Hebrew canon.
We give, mainly from Keil, the summary of its contents : This copious
book is rich in its contents, embracing the whole domain of practical -wis
dom, and, what is inseparable from this, the fear of God. These -rirtues
it describes, commends, and inculcates according to their origin and na
ture, their characteristics and results, and their realization in life, in a rich
coUection of proverbs, -with rules and counsels for the regulation of Ufe in
aU its manifold relations. The whole is after the manner of the Proverbs
of Solomon, only -with much greater particularity di details, extending to
aU the spheres of reUgious, ciril, and domestic life, and giving rules of
conduct for the regulation of the same. This coUection of wise maxims,
moral precepts, and rules of life constitutes a united whole, in which the
particular proverbs, counsels, and warnings are strung together in accord
ance -with an association of ideas that is often quite loose. Interwoven
-with these are a number of connected discussions and prayers. The author
closes his instructions -with two extended discourses, in the former of which
he celebrates the works of God in creation (chaps. 42 : 15 — 43 : 33) ; in the
latter, the praises of the famous men of Scripture from Enoch to Simon
the high priest, the sou of Onias (chaps. 44^-50). He then adds in the
fiT^al chapter a thanksgiving and prayer (chap. 51). This book, Uke that
of Wisdom, is of great value for the insight which it gives into the theol
ogy and ethics of the Je-ws at the time of its composition.
16. It is undoubtedly genuine, having been written in Hebrew by the
man whose name it bears, and translated into Greek in Egypt by his
grandson, as stated in the prologue. But the age of the translator, and
consequentiy of the author, is a matter of dispute. The last of the wor
thies described by bim is "Sinion, the son of Onias, the high priest."
There were two high priests of this name, both sons of Onias, but the
author's eulogy is appUcable only to the former, who flourished about
310 — ^290 B. c. It is a natural inference that Jesus, the son of Sirach,
wrote not many years afterwards. The translator, again, speaks of him
self as coming into Egypt "in the eight and thirtieth year, when Euer-

ojS COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
getes was king." Does he mean the eight and thirtieth year of his own
Ufe, or of Euergetes' reign ? If the latter, then of the two kings that
bore the surname Euergetes the latter ouly (b. o. 170 — 117) can be under
stood, since the former reigned only twenty-flve years. If the former, as
is most probable, then we naturaUy understand Euergetes I., who reigned
B. c. 247 — 222, during which period the translation must have been exe
cuted. The Greek text, as exhibited in manuscripts, is in a very con-upt and
confused state, v-ith many variations and transpositions. The Latin text
is that of the "Old Latin," which Jerome left, as he did that of the book
of Wisdom, -without rerision.
VII, BAEUCH AND THE EPISTLE OF JEEEMIAH,
17. This is the only apocryphal book which assumes the character of
prophecy. It is formed after the model of Jeremiah, and ascribed to
Baruch his friend. But its spuriousness is generally adnutted. Besides
historical inaccuracies, such as are not conceivable in the case of Baruch,
the fact that its author employed the Septuagint ti-anslation of Jeremiah
and Daniel mark it as of a later date. KeU assigns it to about the middle
of the second centiiry b. c. The book professes to be a letter written by
Baruch in the name of the captive Jews in Babylon to their brethren at
Jerusalem, and consists of two weU-marked divisions, the flrst of which,
extending to chap. 3 : 8, is, in the opinion of some, a translation from an
original Hebrew document. This part contains, after an introductory
notice, a confession of sin -with prayer for deliverance. The second part
begins -with an address to the covenant people, in which they are rebuked
for neglecting the teachings of dirine -wisdom, and encouraged -with the
hope of returning prosperity when they shaU obey her voice. Chaps.
3 : 9 — 4 ; 8. Zion is then introduced lamenting over the desolations which
God has brought upon her and her chUdren (chap. 4 : 9 — 4 : 29), and after
wards comforting them with the hope of certain deUverance and enlarge
ment (chaps. 4 : 30 — 5 : 9). It is generaUy agreed that the second part was
originaUy -written in Greek, and some think that the same is teue of the
first part also.
18. There is another Epistle of Baruch preserved to us in the Syriac,
which is inserted in the London and Paris Polyglotts. It is addressed to
the nine and a haU tribes, and "made up of commonplaces of warning,
encouragement, and exhortation." Smith's Bib. Diet,, Art. Baruch.
19. There is a spurious Epistle of Jeremiah which appears in the Vul
gate and our EngUsh version as the sixth chapter of Baruch. It is enti
tled : " Copy of an epistie which Jeremiah sent to those who were to be led
captives into Babylon by the king of the Babylonians to make announce
ment to them, as it was commanded him by God." It purports to be a

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 359
warning to these captives against the idolatrous practices which they shaU
-witness in Babylon, and is made up of a long discourse on the impotence
of the idols which the heathen worship, -written in a rhetorical style, in
imitation of Jer. 10 : 1-16. Its author is supposed to have been a HeUen-
istic Jew who Uved towards the end of the Maccabean period.
VIII. ADDITIONS TO THE BOOK OF DANIEL.
20. The Greek version of the book of Daniel, besides many departures
from the Hebrew and Chaldee original, contains three large additions.
The flrst of these is : The Prayer of Azarias, and the Song of ihe Three
Children in the Fiery Fu-mace, which is appended to the third chapter.
The second is : The History qf Susanna, who is exhibited as a pattern of
chastity, and was deUvered from the machinations of her enemies through
the -wisdom of Daniel. This is placed sometimes before the flrst chapter
of Daniel, and sometimes after chapter 12. The thU-d addition is : The
Story qf Bel and the Dragon, which stands at the end of the book, and is
falsely ascribed in the Septuagint to the prophet Habakkuk. Its design
is to show the foUy of idolatry. According to KeU, these three pieces
were composed in Egy]5t towards the end of the thU-d, or the beginning of
the second century before Christ.
IX. THE PKATEE OF MANASSES.
21. A genuine prayer of Manasseh, king of Judah, existed at the time
when the books of Chronicles were composed. 2 Chron. 33 : 18, 19. But
the existing prayer of the Apocrypha, though upon the whole beautiful and
appropriate, cannot claim to be a true representative of that prayer.
"The author,'' says KeU, "was a pious Jew who Uved at aU events before
Christ, though his age cannot be more accurately determined."
X. THE BOOKS OF THE MACCABEES,
221 These are flve in number. The flrst two passed from the Greek
into the early Latin versions, and thence into the ViUgate and the English
versions, and were received as canonical by the CouncU of Trent. Two
others are found in some manuscripts of the Septuagint. The flfth exists
only in Arabic. "If the historic order were observed, the so-called third
book would come flrst, the fourth would be an appendix to the second,
which would retain its place, and ihe first would come last ; but it -wiU be
more convenient to examine the books in the order in which they are
found in the MSS., which was probably decided by some vague tiadition
of their relative antiquity." Smith's Bible Diet., Art. Maccabees. The
name Maccabees is appUed to the famUy and posterity of the Ulustiioua
Je-wish priest Mattathias, who maintained a long and successful struggle

360 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
-with the Syrian kings; and flnaUy succeeded in establishing for a period
the independence of the Jews. The origin of the term has been variously
explained ; but the most common account of it is, that it comes from a
Hebrew word signifying hammer, so that the adjective Maccabee (Greek
MaKKafSoio;) -wiU denote Hammerei: According to Josephus (Antiq. 12,
6. 1) Mattathias was descended from one As'monae-iis : Hence the family of
the Maccabees are also caUed Asmonaeans.
23. Thefirst book qf the Maccabees. This is one of the most important
of all the apocryphal books. It contains a narrative of the long and
bloody struggle of the Jews, under theu- Maocabean leaders, for the pres
ervation of their reUgion, and the deUverance of the nation from the yoke
of theu- Syrian oppressors. The history bears the internal marks of authen
ticity and credibiUty, being distinguished by simpUcity and candor. It is
only when speaking of foreign nations that the -writer faUs into some inac
curacies. These do not deteact from his trustworthiness in relating the
affairs of his own nation through a period of forty years of the most event
ful character (b. c. 175 — 135). The book is pervaded throughout by the
Je-wish spu-it, and must have been -written by a Palestinian Jew. Its date
is uncertain, but may probably be placed somewhere during the govern
ment of the high priest John Hyrcanus (b. o. 185 — 106). According to the
testimony of Origen, the book was originaUy -written in Hebrew. With
this agrees its internal character ; for the Greek version of it contains
many Hebraisms, as weU as difficulties which are readUy accounted for
upon the supposition of a Hebrew original.
24. The second book of Maccabees. This book opens -with two letters
purporting to have been -written by the Jews of Palestine to theu- brethren
in Egypt, in which the former inrite the latter to join -with them in the
celebration of "the feast of tabernacles in the month Casleu," that is, the
feast of dedication established to commemorate the purification of the
temple after its poUution by Antiochus Epiphanes. To the latter of these
is appended an epitome of the flve books of Jason of Cyrene, containing
the history of the Maccabean struggle, beginning -with HeUodorus' attempt
to plunder the temple, about b. o. 180, and ending with the rictory of
Judas Maccabeus over Nicanor, b. o. 161. Both of the letters are regarded
as spurious. The second of them abounds in marveUous legends — how,
upon the desti-uction of the first temple, the sacred flre of the altar was hid
in a hoUow pit -without water ; how, at the close of the captirity, it was
found in the form of thick water, which being by the command of Nehe
miah sprinkled on the wood of the altar and the sacriflces, there was kin
dled, when the sun shone upon it, a great flre, so that aU men marveUed ;
how Jeremiah, at God's command, carried the tabernacle, the ark, and the
altar of incense to the mountain' "which Moses ascended and saw the her
itage of God," that is. mount Nebo (Deut. 34 : 1), and hid them there in a

THE OLD TESTAMENT. 361
«
hoUow cave, where they are to remain until the time that God shall gather
his people together again, and be gracious to them.
The epitome of Jason's history begins some flve years earUer than the
histoiy contained in the flrst book, and covers a period of about nineteen
years ; so that it is partiy anterior to that history, partiy supplementary,
and partiy paraUeL Alexander's Kitto, Art. Maccabees. The two books
are entirely independent in their sources of information ; and although the
second cannot lay daun to the same degree of trustworthiness as the flrst,
yet the general judgment of bibUcal scholars is that it is, in its main facts,
authentic. But these axe set forth -with embellishments and exaggerations,
in which the author manifests his love for the marveUous. "Where the his
tory of the two books is paraUel, it agrees in its general outUnes, but the
details are almost always different, and sometimes they present irreconcila
ble discrepancies. In its reUgious aspect this book is very interesting. In
the account of the martyrdom of a mother and her seven sons for their
refusal to eat swine's flesh (chap. 7) the doctrine of the resurrection is
plainly announced : "It is a thing to be desired," says the fourth son to
the king Antiochus, "that one being put to death by men should wait for
the hope of God that he .shall be again raised up by him ; but for thee
there is no resurrection unto life" (v. 14). "Where Jason composed his
work cannot be determined. He cannot have Uved long after the events
which he describes, else he would have taken notice of the important
events that foUowed. The author of the epitome contained in thi.'! book is
beUeved to have been a HeUenistic Jew Uving in Palestine, who probably
•wrote in the first century before Christ. ^Ttrl
25. Tke third book qf Maccabees. This book does not belong to the
Maccabean age, but to the earUer time of Ptolemy PhUopator (b. c.
221 — ^204). Its titie seems to have come simply from the similarity of its
contents. It relates in a pomjKius and oratorical style how Ptolemy PhUo
pator, being enraged at his faUure to enter the sanctuary at Jerusalem,
determined to -wreak his vengeance on the Jews in Egypt, and assembled
them for this purpose in the circus, that they might be trampled under
foot by drunken elephants, but was hindered by the miraculous interposi
tion of Grod ; whereupon the king Uberated the Jews, prepared for thein a
sumptuous feast, and gave them permission to take vengeance on their
apostate countrymen. The narrative probably has a groundwork of truth
-with legendary embeUishments, after the inanner of the later Je-ws. Its
author is believed to have been an Alexandrine Jew, but his age cannot be
determined. It wes never admitted into the Eomish canon.
26. TTie fourth book of Maccabees opens -with a phUosophical discussion
respecting the supremacy of devout reason over the passions, which is then
iUustrated by the history of the martyrdom of Eleazar and the mother with
her seven sons, an account of which we have in 2 Mace., chaps. 6 and 7.
Comp. to Bible. lo

362 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The author of this book was a Jew imbued -with the spuit of the stoical
phUosophy. It has been falsely ascribed to Josephus.
27. The fifth book of Maccabees exists only in Arabic. We draw our
notice of it from Alexander's Kitto, according to which "it contains the
history of the Jews from HeUodorus' attempt to plunder the treasury at
Jerusalem tUl the time when Herod reveUed in the noblest blood of the
Jews;" that is, from 184 — 86 b. c, thus embracing a period of 98 years.
The book is " a oompUation made in Hebrew, by a Jew who Uved after the
destruction of Jerusalem, from ancient Hebrew memoirs or chronicles,
which were written shortly after the events transpired. In the absence of
the original Hebrew, the Arabic versions of it, printed in the Paris and
London Polyglotts, give the text upon which we must rely.

PART III.

INTRODUCTION

TO

The New Testament.

INTRODUCTION

TO

THE NEW TESTAMENT.
FIRST DIVISION, GENERAL INTRODUCTION.

CHAPTEE XXIV.
Language of the Ne-w Testament.
1. In the character of the original languages qf the Bible, as in
every thing else pertaining to the plan of redemption, God's
hand is to be reverently acknowledged. It was not by chance,
but through the pro-vident care of Him who sees the end from
the beginning, that the -writers of the Old Testament found the
Hebrew, and those of the New Testament the Greek language
ready at hand, each of them so singularly adapted to the high
office assigned to it. The stately majesty, the noble simplicity,
and the graphic -vividness of the Hebrew fitted it admirably for
the historical portions of the Old Testament, in which, under
the illumination of the Holy Spirit, the direct intuition of God's
purposes and of the deep springs of human action superseded
the necessity of philosophical argument and deduction. The
historians of the Old Testament did- not pause to argue con
cerning their statements of men's motives and God's designs.
They saw both with wonderful clearness of vision ; and they
found in the simphcity and directness of the Hebrew syntax.

oG6 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
so far removed from all that is involved and complex, a suita
ble vehicle for their simple and direct statements of truth.
How congenial the Hebrew language is to poetic composition,
as well in its rugged and sublime forms as in its tender and
pathetic strains, every reader of the Old Testament in the origi
nal understands. The soul is not more at home in the body
than is sacred poetry in the language of the covenant people.
As the living spirit of the cherubim animated and directed the
wheels of the chariot in Ezekiel's vision, so does the spirit of
inspired poesy animate and direct the words and sentences of
the Hebrew language : " When the cherubim went, the wheels
went by them ; and when the cherubim lifted up their wings to
mount up from the earth, the same wheels also turned not from
beside them. When they stood, these stood; and when they
were lifted up, these lifted up themselves also : for the spirit of
the living creatures was in them." Ezek. 10 : 16, 17. The same
characteristics fitted the Hebrew language most perfectly for
prophetic vision, in which the poetic element so largely prevails.
2. Turning no-n' from the Hebrew of the Old Testament to
the Greek of the New, we have a language very different in its
structure; elaborate in its inflections and syntax, delicate and
subtle in its distinctions, rich in its vocabulary, highly cultiva
ted in every department of writing, and flexible in an eminent
degree ; being thus equally adapted to every variety of style —
plain unadorned narrative, impassioned oratory, poetry of
every form, philosophical discussion, and severe logical reason
ing : in a word, a language every way fitted to the wants of the
gospel, which is given not for the infancy of the world but for
its mature age, and which deals not so much with the details of
particulars as with great principles, which require for their full
comprehension the capacity of abstraction and generahzation.
In the historical records of the Old Testament, and in its poetic
and prophetic parts, the- Hebrew language was altogether at
home. But for such compositions as the epistle to the Bomans
the Greek offered a more perfect medium ; and here, as every
where else, God's providence took care that the founders of the

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 367
Christian church shoufd be furnished in the most complete
manner. 3. We find, accordingly, that centuries before our Lord's
advent, preparation began to be made in the providence of God
for this change in the language of the inspired writings. One
result of the Babylonish captivity was that Hebrew ceased to
be the vernacular, of the masses of the people, and a form of
Aramaean took its place. Chap. 14, No. 4. After the return
of the Jews from this same captivity and their reestabUshment
in their own land, the spirit of prophecy was also withdrawn,
and the canon of the Old Testament brought to a close. Thus
the cessation of Hebrew as the spoken language of the people,
and the withdrawal of the spirit of prophecy were contempo
raneous events. The canon was locked up in the sacred lan
guage, and the interpreter took the place of the prophet. " The
providential change of language suggested a general limit
within which the voice of inspiration might be heard, as the
fearful chastisements of the captivity turned men's minds to
the old Scriptures with a devotion unknown before." West
cott's Introduc. to the Study of the Gospels, chap. 1.
4. But the conquests of Alexander the Great (b. c. 334^323)
brought the Greek language and the Greek civilization into
Asia and Egypt, as a sure leaven destined to leaven the whole
mass. To this influence the Jews could not remain insensible.
It reached even Palestine, where they naturally clung most
tenaciously to the Aramaean language and to the customs of
their fathers. But out of Palestine, where the Jews were dis
persed in immense numbers, it operated more immediately;
especially in Egypt, whose metropolis Alexandria was, after
the age of Alexander its founder, one of the chief seats of Gre
cian learning. To the Jews of Alexandria the Greek language
was vernacular. By them was executed, as we have seen,
under the patronage of the Egyptian king, the first version ever
made of the Hebrew Scriptures, namely, that called the Septu
agint (Chap. 16, Nos. 1-7), which was begun, if not completed,
in the latter part of the third century before Christ. Though

368 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
this version encountered bitter opposition on the part of the
unbeheving Jews after the estabhshment of the Christian
church, in consequence of the effective use made of it against
them by Christian writers, it was received from its first appear
ance and onward with general favor. The Hellenistic Jews —
those using the Greek language and conforming themselves to
Grecian civiUzation — made constant use of it, and the knowl
edge of it was very widely diffused beyond the boundaries of
Egypt. In our Saviour's day it was in very general use, as the
abundant quotations from it in the New Testament show; and
it must have contributed largely to the spread of the knowl
edge of the Greek language among the Je-ndsh people in and
out of Palestine. Though the Eoman empire succeeded to
that of the Greeks, the Eoman could not supplant the more
pohshed Greek tongue, with its immense and varied hterature.
On the contrary, the Greek language penetrated into Italy, and
especially into Eome, the metropohs of the ci-vihzed world,
where, in our Saviour's day, Greek literature was in high
repute, and the Greek language w^as very generally understood.
Thus, in the good providence of God, the writers of the New
Testament, also, found ready at hand a language singularly
adapted to their service.
BibUcal scholars have noticed the significant fact that of the long Ust
of names in the sixteenth chapter of Eomans, the greater number belongs
to the Greek language, not to the Latin. "The flexibiUty of the Greek
language gained for it in ancient time a general currency similar to that
which Prench enjoys in modem Europe ; but -with this important differ
ence, that Greek was not only the language of educated men, but also the
language of the masses in the great centres of commerce.'' Westcott in
Smith's Bible Diet., Art. HeUenist.
5. Eespecting the character of the New Testament Greek
there was in former times much controversy, often accompa
nied with unnecessary heat and bitterness. One class of wri
ters seemed to think that the honor of the New Testament was
involved in their ability to show the classic purity and elegance
of its style ; as if, forsooth, the Spirit of inspiration could only

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 369
address men through the medium of language conformed to the
classic standard of propriety. Another class went to the oppo
site extreme, speaking in exaggerated terms of the Hebraisms
and solecisms of the New Testament -writers. The truth lies
between these extremes. The style of the New Testament is
neither classical nor barbarous. Its characteristics are strictly
conformable to the history of its origin. (1.) Its basis is not
the Greek of Plato and Xenophon, but the so-called Hellenic
or common dialect which arose in the age of Alexander the
Great, when "the previously distinct dialects, spoken by the
various sections of the Hellenic nation, were blended into a
popular spoken language." Winer, Gram, of the New Test.,
sec. 2. The Alexandrine Jews doubtless learned it not so much
from books as from the- daily intercourse of Ufe, and it proba
bly had its pro-vincial pecuharities in Alexandria and the .adja
cent region. (2.) In Jewish usage this common Greek dialect
received an Hebraic coloring fi-om the constant use of the Sep
tuagint version, which is a hteral rendering of the Hebrew
Scriptures into Greek, of course with the retention of many
Hebrew idioms. Only such thorough Greek scholars as Jose
phus and Philo could rise above this influence. The New Tes
tament vrriters manifest its power in different degrees ; for, as
it respects Hebraisms, they do not by any means stand on a
common level. (3.) As the Aramaic — the so-called Syro-Chal-
daic — ^was the language of the mass of the people, the style of
the New Testament writers received a tinge fi-om this also.
(4.) More than all, the style of the New Testament receives a
pecuhar impress from the fact that the authors were Jews -wri
ting under the full influence of a Jewish education and a Jew
ish faith, -with the superadded element of Christianity. It is
the phenomenon of the spirit and thoughts of Jewish Chris
tians embodied in the language of Greece; and this at once
separates the -writings of the New Testament by a wide inter
val from aU j)urely classic compositions. The apostohc writers
imposed on the Greek language an arduous task, that of ex
pressing ideas foreign to the conceptions of the most cultivated
Ifi-

370 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
among the pagan authors; ideas partly common to the old
Jewish and the Christian religions, partly peculiar to Christi
anity. This could only be done by giving to existing terms a
new and higher meaning, whereby they assumed a technical
character wholly unknown to the classic writers.
" Compare particularly the words : works {to work. Bom. 4 : 4), faith, to
believe in Christ, or to believe absolutely, confession, righteousness, to be jus-
tified, to be chosen, the called, ihe chosen, the saints (for Christians), edifieation
and to edify in a figurative sense, apostle, to publish the good tidings and to
publish absolutely for Christian preaching, the adoption of haptisma, bap
tism, for Christian baptism, perhaps to hreak bread for the holy repast (the
Agape -with the communion), tlie world, the flesh, fleshly, in the kno-wn the
ological sense," etc. Winer's Gram, of the New Test,, sec. 3.
6. From all the abovenamed causes the language of the
New Testament received a form differing widely from the clas
sic style, but admirably adapted to the high office assigned to
it. To those who study the New Testament in the original, the
peculiarities of its language offer a wide and interesting field
of inquiry. But for the common reader the above hints will
be sufficient.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 371

CHAPTEE XXV.
External For.m. of the Ne-w Testament,
1. The writings of the New Testament fall into three main
divisions ; the historical, the epistolary, and the prophetical, the
latter including only the Apocalypse. This distinction is not
to be understood in an absolute sense ; since, as every reader
knows, there are prophetical passages in the historical books,
and both historical and prophetical in the epistles ; but it gives
with accuracy the general character of each division. In out
ward form the Apocalypse is epistolary, being addressed, with
the apostolic greeting, to the seven churches of Asia, and con
taining messages to each. But its contents, after the flrst three
chapters, are so wholly prophetical, that it is entitled to stand
by itself in any general division.
2. The order of these main divisions is natural and appro
priate. The gospel, as was remarked at the outset (Chap. 1,
No. 1), is not a mere system of philosophy or ethics, but rests
on a basis' of historic facts. On these its whole system of doc
trines and duties is built ; so that to destroy the foundation
would be to destroy the superstructure also. It is suitable,
therefore, that the record of the facts should hold the first
place. The apostohc epistles, which unfold the doctrines and
duties involved in the gospel, and make a practical apphcation
of them to all the manifold relations of life, naturaUy follow
the historic record. The mighty system of prophecies con
tained in the book of Eevelation, which stretches over the
whole future history of the church to the end of tinie, forms an
appropriate close to the entire coUection of writings.
3. Equally appropriate is the order of the two subdivisio-ns
of the historic part— 'first, the four Gospels, containing the his
tory of our Lord's Ufe ; secondly, the Acts of the Apostles. In
the general arrangement of the epistles, the thirteen which bear

372 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the name of Paul stand first in order' The seven so-called
catholic epistles occupy the last place. Intermediate between
these two subdi-visions stands the epistle to the Hebrews, which
is anonymous, though generaUy ascribed to Paul. The epistles
which bear the name of Paul fall into two groups — ^nine ad
dressed to Christian churches, which occupy the first place ; then
four to particular persons. Of these last, the fij-st three, being
addressed to Timothy and Titus, the apostle's companions in
travel and in the gospel ministry, are appropriately named
from their contents the pastoral epistles. The letter to Phile
mon, a private member of the church in Colosse, naturally
stands last of aU.
We add from Bleek (Introduc. to New Test., sees. 18 and 254) the fol-
lo-wing additional notices :
The present order of the Gospels is very ancient. Only in some man
uscripts of the Old Latin version, in one Greco-Latin manuscript (the so-
oaUed Codex Bezae or Cambridge Codex), and in the manuscript of the
Gothic version, the two apostles Matthew and John stand flrst ; then the
two companions of aposties, Luke and Mark, or sometimes Mark and Luke.
In the very ancient Curetonian-Syrian manuscript the order is Matthew,
Mark, John, Luke.
The Acts of the Apostles stand in some manuscripts after the PauUne
or after the cathoUc epistles.
In the oldest Greek manuscripts, and generaUy in the greatest number
of Greek manuscripts which contain the whole New Testament, the catho
lic epistles stand before the Pauline ; an arrangement which some modern
editors, as Lachmann and Tischendorf, have foUowed. In many manu
scripts, the oldest Greek included, the epistie to the Hebrews stands after
2 Thessalonians, immediately before the pastoral epistles. Luther placed
together, at the end of his version, the epistles to the Hebrews, the epis
tles of James and Jude, and the Apocalypse. But this arrangement rested
on no authority of manuscripts. It was only an expression of his private
judgment respecting theu- canonical authority, which he placed below that
of the other books of the New Testament.
4. We have seen (Chap. 13, No. 4) that in the arrangement of
the books of the Old Testament, the order of time is foUowed only
very partially. The same is true respecting the order of books in
the New Testament, a fact which the biblical student ought al-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 373
ways to bear in mind. If we look to the several divisions and
subdivisions of the New Testament writings, it is obvious that
the arrangement is not chronological. It is generally admitted
that the Gospel according to John was written after the death
of Peter and Paul; consequently, after the Acts of the Apos
tles (which were written during the life of Paul, Chap. 5, No. 5),
after all the Pauline epistles, and probably after aU the Cath
olic epistles except those which are ascribed to John himself.
The Acts of the Apostles, again, are of later date than several
of Paul's epistles. Finally, neither the Pauline nor the catho
lic epistles are arranged in chronological order. See below.
Chap. 30, No. 6. The inteUigent student of the New Testa
ment will avail himself of all the means at his command to
ascertain the date, proximately at least, of each particular book ;
that he may thus connect it with the development of Christian
ity in the threefold line of doctrine, practice, and polity.
5. The present distinction of large letters (capitals) and
small did not come into use before the ninth century. In con
formity with ancient usage, the manuscripts executed before
this period are written in large disconnected letters (the so-
called uncial), without any marks of interpunction, or even
division of words. This is called the continuous writing {scriptio
continua), in which it is left to the reader's discretion to make
the necessary division of words and sentences ; as if the begin
ning of the Gospel according to John were written thus in
Latin and English :
Latin. English.
INPEIMCIPIOEEATVEKBUMET rNTHEBEGHSTNINGWASTHEWOEDAND
VEKBUMEHATAPDDDEUMETDEUSE THEWOEDWASWITHGODANDGODW
BATVEEBtJMHOCEBATIMPEINCIPI ASTHEWOEDTHESAMEWASINTmSBEGIN
OAPUDDEDMOMNlAPEEIPSUMrA NING-WITHGODAILTHINGSBYHIMWEEEMA
Writers before our Sariour's time do indeed speak of signs of inter
punction ; but they seem to have been in use only in the grammatical
schools, and -with a Umited appUcation to certain doubtful passages in the
ancient writers. That they were unknown in the older manuscripts of the
New Testament is erident from the discussions that arose among the church
fathers respecting the right division of certain passages, in which they never
appeal to the authority of manuscripts, but argue solely from the nature of

374 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the connection. The reader may see a coUection of examples in Hug's
Introduction to the New Testament, ^ 43, where are also some curious
examples of the -wi-ong division of words.

6. To obviate the inconvenience of this continuous mode of
¦avriting, there was introduced, about the middle of the fifth
century, what is called the stichometrical mode (Greek st-ichos, a
roiv or line, and metron, a measure). This consisted in arranging
in a single line only so many words as could be read, consist
ently with the sense, at a single inspiration.
The invention of stichometry has been generally ascribed to
Euthalius, a deacon in Alexandria, who, in the year 458, set
forth a copy of Paul's epistles stichometrically arranged ; but
Tregelles is inclined to the opinion that he borrowed the sys
tem from an earlier writer, Pamphilus the martyr. However
this may be, the original conception doubtless came from the
stichometry of Hebrew poetry. Hug (§ 44) and Tregelles
(Home's Introduct., vol. 4, chap. 4) give an example in Greek
from a fragment of the Pauline epistles. This example (Titus
2:2, 3), when literally translated into English according to the
Greek order of words, reads as foUows :
THEAGEDMENTOBESOBER GRAVE
SOBEEMINDED
SOUNDINTHEFAITH m'LOYE
INPATIENCE
THEAGED-^OMENLIKEWISE
INBEHAVIOEASBECOMESHOL-TWOMEN NOTSLANDEEEES
NOTGIVENTOMUCHWINE
TEACHEESOFGOODTHINGS
Though the design of stichometry was not interpunction
according to the connection of thought, yet it seems to have
led to this result. The expensiveness of this mode of writing,
owing to the waste of parchment, naturally suggested the idea
of separating the lines by a simple point, thus :

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 375
THEAGEDMENTOBESOBEE, GEAVE.
SOBEEMINDED. SOUNDINTHEFAITH.
INLO-ra. INPATIENCE, THEAGED
WOMENLIKEWESE. nSTBEHAVIOEAS
BECOilETHHOLTWOMEN. NOTSLAN
DEEEES. N0TGI-7ENT0MUCHWINE.
TEACHEESOFGOODTHINGS.
As these divisions were mainly rhythmical, and often broke
the true connection of thought, men sought to introduce a more
logical system of interpunction. Thus was laid the foundation
of our present system; which, however, was not perfected tiU
after the invention of the art of printing.
In the opinion of some, the use of the dot, at least to some extent, was
earUer than stichometry. From the eighth or ninth century punctuation
in manuscripts became more common and systematic. In cursive manu
scripts — those that employ the running hand -with large and smaU letters
and the separation of the words, a style of -ni-iting that became the com
mon one from the ninth century and onward — punctuation also prevaUs,
though not according to any one established system. TregeUes, ubi sup.
"Various other particulars interesting to those who study the Greek text in
the original, as those relating to the accents, the smooth and rough breath
ing, and the iota subscript, are here omitted.
7. We come next to consider the ancient divisions made in
the contents of the sacred text. Chapters are -very early men
tioned, as by TertuUian and Dionysius of Alexandria. But it
is uncertain whether any thing more is meant than parts or
sections of given contents. The earUest formal division of the
foui- gospels that has come down to us consists of the Ammo
nian sections (Greek kephalaia, heads or chapters), so named from
Ammonius of Alexandria, who, about the middle of the third
century, prepared a harmony of the four gospels — the Gospel
by four, as Eusebius calls it. His plan was, to arrange in the
order of Matthew the parallel passages side by side, interpo
lating those that were wanting in Matthew. To this end, he
divided each of the gospels into sections the length of which
was very various, being whoUy determined by the paraUelisms
of the other gospels. Of these sections Matthew contained

3'76 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
355; Mark, 234 (in Wordsworth's Greek Testament, 236 are
given); Luke, 342; John, 231 (in Wordsworth's Greek Testa
ment, 232). The infelicity of this arrangement was that, with
the exception of the first gospel, the true order of the evange
lists was broken up—" The train of sequence of the three was
destroyed in respect to the orderly course of reading," as Euse
bius says (Letter to Carpianus, given in Wordsworth's Greek
Testament). To remedy this evil, Eusebius, bishop of Csesarea, in the
foUowing century connected vrith these Ammonian sections his
ten canons. These are ten tables, arranged according to the
order of Matthew, or where sections are wanting in Matthew,
according to the order of the next evangelist that contains
them, in such a way as to show at a glance what sections of
the other evangelists answer to any given section of that gos
pel which stands first in order in each canon.
Numbering the four gospels in order — 1, 2, 3, 4 — the ten canons of
Eusebius contain as foUows :
I. Sections common to 1, 2, 3, 4. VI. Sections common to 1, 2.
n. " 1, 2, 3. TH.. " 1, 4.
in. " 1, 3, 4. Tin. " 2, 3.
rv. " 1, 2, 4. IX. " 3, 4.
V. "- 1, 3. X. Sections iJecuUar to one.
A couple of examples -wiU make this matter plain. Turning to what is
now the beginning of the thu-teenth chapter of Matthew, we find (the.
Greek numerals being exchanged for those in common use) the sign ^
that is, the 131st Ammonian section of Matthew -with the second canon, of
Eusebius. Tiu-ning to the table of the second canon, we find, con-espond-
ing to the 131st section of Matthew, the 36th of Mark and the 76th of
Luke, which contain the paraUel passages concerning the sower. Again,
connected with Mark 1 : 23, is the sign, ,^1 whence we learn, by refer
ence to the eighth canon, that the fourteenth section of Mark answers to
the- 25th of Luke. By a repetition of the canons as often as necessary, so
as to aUow each gospel in tui-n to take the lead, Wordsworth has greatiy
f acUitated the work of comparing paraUel passages.
"The Codex Vaticanus B, contains a distribution into sections whoUy
pecuUar, Of these, St. Matthew contains 170, St. Mark 61, etc. The
length of these dirisions is very unequal ; the sense being the reason of the

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 377
breaks occurring when they do. In the gospels, at least, the sections are
perhaps the best that were ever derised ; and this system of capitulary
division is probably the earUest of which we have the means of kno-wing
any thing." Home's Introduction, vol. 4, chap. 4, revised edition, 1860.
8. Different from the Ammonian -Eusebian sections, and
later in their origin, are the divisions of the gospels caUed titles,
because each of them received a title from one of the flrst or
principal subjects mentioned in it. They are thought to have
been connected with the public reading of the gospels. Of
these, Matthew contains 68; Mark, 48; Luke, 83; John, 18.
They are, therefore, larger than the Ammonian sections, and
resemble more nearly our modern chapters.
These titles are caUed by the Latins briefs {breves), and the tables of
their contents breviaries {brevia-ria). They did not come into common use
before the flfth century, and are commonly annexed to manuscripts along
¦with the Ammonian-Eusebian sections. But they are the only dirisions
kno-wifto some of the church fathers, as Euthymius and Theophylact.
9. The divisions of the other books of the New Testament
are thought to be of later origin. EuthaUus introduced into a
copy, which he sent to Athanasius the younger, divisions caUed
chapters. He has sometimes been considered the author of
those in the Acts and catholic epistles ; but he probably took
them from an older source. Those in the PauUne epistles he
expressly ascribed to " one of the wisest and most Christ-loving
of our fathers." He also gave headings to the chapters, descrip
tive of their contents, but coUected from previous sources.
The Apocalypse was divided into twenty-four larger sections
and seventy-two smaUer — a work ascribed to Andreas of Csesa
rea in Cappadocia. Tregelles, in Home's Introduction, vol.
4, chap. 4.
10. Our present division of chapters was made in the thir
teenth century, by Cardinal Hugo, from whom proceeded also
that in the Old Testament. It was first introduced into the
Latin copies, and afterwards into the Greek. Our present
division of verses was made by Eobert Stephens, in 1551. It

378 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
was preceded by some earUer divisions, as that of Pagninus, in
which the verses were longer than those of Stephens.
Distinct from aU the above di-risions are the church-lessons, made very
early, in imitation of the Jewish Haphtaroth, or sections from the proph
ets. Chap. 13, No, 6. The beginning of these seeins to have been in special
selections for the church festivals. But the usage was afterwards extended
so as to include selections for aU the Sabbaths and feast-days of the year.
Hence from the fifth century and onward the whole New Testament was
no longer pubUcly read, as in the primitive days of Christianity, according
to the free judgment of those who conducted the church-serrices ; but
these selected sections {pericopae). CoUections of these lessons were caUed
by the general name of lectionaries (lectionaiia). Those from the gospels
or Acts and epistles received special names indicative of their contents.
See Bleek, § 265 ; Home's Introduction, vol 4, chap. 4, end.
11. From the above brief survey, it is manifest that none
of the external divisions of the sacred text rest on any di-vine
authority. They are the work of uninspired men, and are to
be treated accordingly. For convenience of reference, a division
of the Scriptures into chapters and verses is indispensable;
and we may weU rest contented with that which now prevaUs,
though it cannot claim perfection. But in the interpretation of
the inspired word we must go behind human di-visions, care
fully inquiring after the true connection of thought, according
to the acknowledged laws of interpretation. To give one exam
ple out of many, we must not infer that the last verse of the
eleventh chapter of the book of Eevelation belongs to the pre
ceding and not the folloiving context, because of its separation
from the latter in the di-vision of chapters ; but we must deter
mine its true connection independently of this di-vision.
A very good arrangement is that of Paragraph Bibles, in which the
distinctions of chapter and verse are thrown into the margin, the text
being broken into longer or shorter sections according to the true course
of thought. Tet this mode of division also is human, and cannot be infal
Uble. 12. The titles of the several books of the New Testament did
not proceed immediately from the authors themselves. In form

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 379
they present some diversity ; for example : The Gospel accord
ing to Matthew ; according to Matthew; the holy Gospd according
to Matthew, etc., the shorter and simpler titles beiiig, as a rule,
the more ancient. For substance, however, the different forms
are the same. They represent the ancient church tradition,
and are of very high authority. The subscriptions, on the other
hand, which stand at the end of the epistles of Paul, that to
the Hebrews included — are confessedly the work of later copy
ists. They are of no authority, and are sometimes manifestly
incorrect.

380 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XXVI.
The Ne-w Testament Text and its History.
The history of the New Testament text naturaUy faUs into
two main divisions, that of the manusa-ipt text, and that of the
printed text. A few remarks -wiU be added on the principles of
textual criticism. See PLATES at the beginning of thii book.
I. THE MANUSCEIPT TEXT.
1. The preservation of the primitive text of the gospels
from aU essential corruptions, additions, and mutilations has
already been shown at some length (Part 1, Chap. 3). The
same Une of argument appUes substantially to the other books
of the New Testament. Though the text of different books
varies in respect to purity, there is no ground for supposing
that if we had the autographs of the evangeUsts and other
sacred -writers, they would present to us a gospel differing in
any essential particular from that which we now possess. We
should see in them the same glorious Sa-viour, and the same
holy system of doctrines and duties.
2. But it has not pleased God to interpose in a miraculous
way for the purpose of keeping the primitive text in a state of
immaciUate purity. He has left it subject to those common
influences which produce what are called various readings in
aU works that are perpetuated from age to age by transcrip
tion. Compared indeed with any other ancient writings, the
text of the New Testament has immensely the advantage in
regard to uncorruptness of preservation and means of verifica
tion. This arises from the early multiphcation of copies, as
weU as from the high value attached by the primitive churches
to their sacred books, and their consequent zeal for their uncor
rupt preservation. But the same multiphcation of copies which
constitutes a sure guarantee against essential mutUations and

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 381
corruptions increases also the number of various readings.
Suppose, for example, that of two books equal in size the sec
ond has been, from the flrst, copied a hundred-fold oftener
than the first. It is plain that, while the means of ascertain
ing and verifying the true text of the second wUl abound,
the number of variations among the different manuscripts will
abound also. The gi-eater the number of copies, the greater
wUl be the number of various readings, but this wUl make the
true text not more but less uncertain ; for by diUgent collation
a text may be produced which, though not absolutely immacu
late, is very near to the primitive autograph, and which can be
certainly known to agree with it in every essential respect.
God does not rain do-wn upon men bread and raiment from
heaven, as he could do with infinite ease ;- but he imposes upon
them the necessity of gaining both by hard labor. " In the
sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread " is the stern law. God
does not miraculously communicate to the missionary who
goes to Syria or India or China a knowledge of the vernacular
in .his field of labor ; but he must learn it by years of patient
study. And when he begins the work of translating, God does
not keep him in a supernatural way from aU errors. He must
find out and correct his errors by the diligent use of the means
at his disposal. Just so it is the wiU of God that we should
have a pure text of the New Testament — pure in a critical
sense — not without hard labor, but by years of patient toil
in the study and coUation of the abundant materials which
his good providence has preserved for us.
3. Various readings have arisen in the manuscripts of the
New Testament, as elsewhere, from the mistakes, and some
times from the unskilful corrections of the copyists and those
subsequently employed to compare and correct the copies.
They are commonly divided into the three classes of substitu
tions, insertions, and omissions.
Substitutions from simUarity of sound would naturally arise
among the vowels when, as was sometimes the case, the copy
ist -wrote fi-om dictation, being guided by the ear instead of the

382 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
eye. Most of these, however, are mere matters of orthography.
It is only when they affect the sense that they come under the
head of various readings. Synonymous words, or those of kin
dred meaning, are fi:equently put for one another, or the order
of words is altered ; sometimes a different word is made through
inadvertence by the change of a single letter or a couple of let
ters; compound words are interchanged with simple; contract
ed words are confounded with each other; plainer or more
grammatical readings are substituted for those that are difficult
or less grammatical, etc. EspeciaUy are paraUel passages in
one writer altered, so as to be brought into conformity with
the same in another.
Insertions are the most fi-equent mode of variation. The
copyist fills out the text of his author from a paraUel passage,
inserts marginal notations in the text, repeats clauses through
inadvertence, etc.
Of amplification from paraUel passages many undoubted examples could
be given. A single one must suffice. In Acts 9 : 5, the words. It is hard
for thee to kick against the pi-icks, have been added from Acts 26 : 14.
The most fruitful source of omissions is the similar termina
tion of two adjacent words, Unes, or sentences, causing the eye
of the copyist to overlook the word, Une, or sentence interve
ning between the two similar endings. The same error may
be caused by the circumstance of two sentences beginning in
the same way. It should be remembered that in the ancient
manuscripts the text was written continuously in uncial — that
is, capital — ^letters, -without any division between the words,
which made it more difficult for the copyist to foUow the manu
script before him, and for both the copyist and coUater to dis
cover the errors made in transcription.
By far the greatest number of various readings had their
origin in simple inadvertence. Some of them, however, are due
to unskiUul criticism ; as -n-hen the copyist or the corrector
sought to bring a passage in one writer into more exact agree
ment with the corresponding passage in another, to supply

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 883
supposed deficiencies or correct supposed errors in his copy, or
to substitute smoother and more grammatical forms of expres
sion. Wilful falsifications in the interest of a particular sect
or party cannot with any show of justice be imputed to the
men who have perpetuated to us the text of the New Testa
ment. 4. The materials for textual criticism are much more abun
dant in the case of the New Testament than of the Old. A
vast mass of manuscripts has been coUected from different and
distant regions, dating fi-om the fourth century and onward.
Of these, part are in the original Greek, part in ancient ver
sions, or bilingual, that is, containing the original and a ver
sion of it side by side. In addition to these are the quotations
of the early fathers, which are so abundant that a large part of
the New Testament text might be coUected from them alone.
The question of the history of the text, as gathered from this
rich mass of materials, is very interesting, but is foreign to the
plan of the present work. To give even a history of the con
troversies respecting the proper classification of the manu
scripts of the New Testament according to their characteristic
readings would require a volume, and the question must be
regarded as yet unsettled. There are, however, some general
results, a few of the more important of which are here given
from TregeUes (in Horne, vol. 4, chap: 8).
The variations in the form of the sacred text are not due to any general
recensions or revisions by ecclesiastical authority, but arose graduaUy from
the causes above considered (No, 3). These variations exhibit such grada
tions of text that it is impossible to draw definite Unes of classification,
-without admitting so many exceptions as almost to destroy the appUcation
of such a system.
There is a general difference in characteristic readings between the more
ancient manuscripts, versions, and citations, and the copies of general cir
culation in more recent times. This gives rise to the general line of demar
cation between the more ancient and the -more recent texts ; each of these
two classes, however, ha-ring, in turUi its o-wn points of difference among
the texts belonging to it.
The more ancient manuscripts, versions, and citations which we pos-
eesis range themselves under what we Imow from their combined testimony

384 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
to be the more ancient text. Among the manuscripts and documents so
aUied there are such shades of difference and characteristic peculiarities,
that the versions and manuscripts might be easUy contemplated as ramify
ing into two subclasses.
The most ancient documents in general are sufficiently dissimilar to
enable us to regard their testimony, when combined, aa cumulative.
5. Eespecting the materials for writing in ancient times —
papyrus and parchment, afterwards paper made from linen or
cotton; the form of manuscripts — the roll -with papyrus, and
the book-form with leaves when parchment was used ; the use
of palimpsests; the uncial and cursive styles of writing; and the
means of determining the age of manuscripts, see in Chap. 3,
No. 2. The existing manuscripts have been aU numbered and
catalogued. The custom since the time of Wetstein has been
to mark the uncial manuscripts by capital letters, and the cur
sives by numbers or smaU letters. We append a brief notice
of a few of the more celebrated manuscripts.
There are four very ancient and important manuscripts, aU of which
originaUy contained the entire Greek Bible of the Old and New Testament,
and which belong to a time when the arrangements of EuthaUus, especiaUy
his stichometrical mode of -writing (Chap. 25, Nos. 6-9), had either not
been introduced or not come into common use. These are the foUo-wing :
(1.) The Codex Vaticanus, 'Vatican maii-uscript, marked by the letter B,
and so caUed from the Vatioan Ubrary at Eome to which it belongs. It is
-written continuously (-without any di-rision of words) on very fine veUum —
one of the marks of high antiquity — in smaU but neat uncial letters, very
much Uke those of the manuscript rolls of Herculaneum, and has three
columns to the page, which is of the quarto size. OriginaUy it had at the
end of particular sections a smaU empty space of the breadth of a letter or
haU a letter, but no ornamental capitals, marks of punctuation, or accents,
though some of these have been added by later hands. The dirisions into
sections made by the empty spaces above named are pecuUar to this codex,
not agreeing -with those of any other system. Of these Matthew has 170 ;
Mark, 62 (so says Cardinal Mai, but others say 72 or 61) ; Luke, 152 ; John,
80. Most of the books have also brief titles and subscriptions. The man
uscript contained originaUy the whole Bible, the Apocrypha included, as
also the epistle ofClement to the Corinthians. The order of the books in
the New Testament, if entire, would be the same as in the Alexandrine
manuscript, the Catholic epistles preceding the Pauline, and the epistle to
the Hebrews coming in between 2 - Thessalonians and 1 Timothy. See

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 385
below. At present the Old Testament wants the greater part of Genesis
and a part of the Psalms. In the New Testament the epistie to PhUemon,
the three pastoral epistles, the latter part of the epistle to the Hebrews,
and the Apocalypse are wanting. This manuscript is generaUy referred to
the fourth century. Its authority is very high, but through the jealousy
of its Koman conservators it has been of late years, for aU practical pur
poses, inaccessible to bibUcal scholars. Cardinal Mai's edition of it in
1858, and the rerision of this in 1859, are unreUable. Tischendorf has
pubUshed an edition of the New Testament part of it. See N'o.(.S),PLATEII.
(2.) The Codex Sinaiticus, Sinai manuscript, designated by Tischendorf ,
its discoverer, by the Hebrew letter aleph (»). One of the most interest
ing events of the present century, in the department of bibUcal science,
is the very unexpected discovery of a complete manuscript of the New
Testament, belonging, as is generaUy agreed, to the fourth century;
therefore as old, at least, as the Vatican manuscript, perhaps older, and of
very high authority in bibUcal criticism. In a -visit to Mount Sinai in
1844, Tischendorf had found at the convent of St. Catharine on Mount
Sinai forty-three beautiful parchment leaves belonging to a manuscript of
the Septuagint not before kno-wn to bibhcal scholars. In a subsequent
-visit to the same convent in February, 1859, it was his high pri-rilege to
find of the same nianuscript aU the Greek New Testament entire, part of
the Old, the so-caUed epistle of Barnabas, and part of the -writing caUed
the Shepherd of Hermas, the whole contained in one hundred and thU-ty-
two thousand columnar lines, written on three hundred and forty-six
leaves. This precious manuscript Tischendorf managed to obtain for the
emperor Alexander of Eussia as the great pati-on of the Greek church, and
it is now at St. Petersburg. It is -written on parchment of a fine quaUty
in large plain uncial letters, -with four columns to a page. It contains, aa
is commonly the case -with ancient manuscripts, revisions and so-eaUed
corrections by a later hand ; but, as it proceeded from the pen of the origi
nal -writer, it had neither ornamented capitals, accents, nor dirisions of
words or sentences. The style of -writing is plain, and every tiling about
it bears the marks of high antiquity. The order of the books is as fol
lows : (1) the gospels ; (2) the epistles of Paul, that to the Hebrews inclu
ded, which stands after 2 Thessalonians ; (3) the Acts of the Apostles ;
(4) the CathoUc epistles ; (5) the Apocalypse. It has the Ammonian sec
tions and Eusebian canons, but whether from the first or a subsequent
hand is doubtful. A splendid edition of this Codex was pubUshed at St.
Petersbm-g in 1862, which seeks to preserve -with the greatest possible
accuracy the form of writing, columns, corrections, etc. The Leipsic
edition is adapted to popular use. See No. (1), PLATE I.
(3.) We -wiU consider next in order the Codex Alexandrimis, Alexan
drine manuscript, placed flrst in the Ust of uncial manuscripts, and accord-
I'omp. to Bfblfl. 2 7

386 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ingly marked A, It is now in the British Museum, London. In the year
1628 it was sent as a present to Charles I, , king of England, by CyriUus
Lucaris, patriarch of Constantinople, by whom it was brought from Alex
andria in Egypt, where CyriUus had formerly held the same office. Hence
the name Alexandrine. CyriUus himself, in a notice attached to it, says
that tradition represented a noble Eg-yptian woman of the fourth century
named Thecla as the -writer of it (an Arabic subscription makes her to have
been Thecla the martyr). These external notices are not so reUable as the
internal marks, aU of which show it to be of a great age. Some assign it
to the fourth centiiry, but it is more commonly assigned to the fifth, and
Egypt is generaUy regarded as the place where it was written. It is on
parchment in uncial letters, without dirisions of words, accents, or brea
things, and -with only occasional marks of interpunction — a dot to indicate
a di-rision in the sense. The lines are arranged in two columns, and the
sections begin with large letters, placed a Uttle to the left of the column —
outside the measure of the column. The order of the books is : (1) the
gospels ; (2) the Acts of the Apostles ; (3) the CathoUc epistles ; (4) the
episties of Paul, -with that to the Hebrews between 2 Thessalonians and
1 Timothy ; (5) the Apocalypse. In the gospels, the Ammonian sections
•with the Eusebian canons are indicated, and at the top of the pages the
larger sections or iiiles. In the Old Testament it is defective in part of
the Psalms. In the New it wants aU of Matthew as far as chap. 25 : 6 ;
also from John 6 : 50 to 8 : 52 ; and from 2 Cor. 4 : 13 to 12 : 6. It has
appended at the end the genuine letter of Clement of Eome to the Corin
thians, and a fragment of a second spurious letter. To these apocryphal
additions we owe the preservation of the Apocalypse in an entire state.
Untu the discovery of the Sinai codex, the Alexandrine exhibited the text
of the New Testament in far the most entire state of aU the uncial manu
scripts. See No. (.2), PLATE Z
(4,) The fourth manuscript of this group is the celebrated paUmpsest
caUed Codex Ephraemi, Ephraem manuscript, preserved in the Imperial
Ubrary of Paris, and marked in the Ust of uncials -with the letter D. Origi
naUy it contained the whole of the New Testament, and apparentiy the
Old also, elegantly -written on thin veUum, -with a single column to a page.
The -writing is continuous, -without accents or breathings, and the letters
are rather larger than in the Alexandrian manuscript, the first letter of each
section being of larger size than the rest, and standing, as in that manu
script, a Uttle to the left of the column. The Ammonian sections stand in
the margin, but -without the Eusebian canons. The gospels were preceded
by the Ust of iiiles, or larger sections, of which those of Luke and John ¦
alone are preserved. The titles and subscriptions are short and simple.
The date of the manuscript is supposed to be the first haU of the fiith cen
tury. It has undergone corrections at the hand of at least two persons,

THE NEW TESTAMENT, 387
iwssibly a thu-d. These can be i-eadUy distingoished from the original
¦writing. The critical authority of this codex is very high. TregeUes (in
Home, voL 4, chap. 13) places it next to the Vatican mamiscript.
A few words on its history. About the thirteenth century, being regard
ed as a worn-out and obsolete manuscript, the veUum on which it was
-written was taien for a new purpose, that of receiving the Greek works of
Ephraem the Syrian saint, a celebrated theologian of the old Syrian church,
who flourished in the fourth century. "For this purpose the leaves were
taken promiscuously, without any regard to their proper original order,
and sewed together at hap-hazard, sometimes top end do-wn, and front side
behind, just as if they had been mere blanks, the sermons of Ephraem
being the only matter regarded in the book. " Stowe, Hist, of the Books
of the Bible, p. 75. In the latter part of the seventeenth century, Alliv
first observed the older -writing under the works of Ephraem. It was very
iUegible, but a chemical preparation appUed in 1834-5 rerivified it to a
certain extent. It has been diUgentiy coUated by eminent scholars, and in
1842 Tischendorf printed an edition of it page for page and line for Une.
Of the two hundred and nine leaves contained in this manuscript, one
hundred and forty-five belong to the New Testament, containing not quite
two-thirds of the sacred text. The order of the books is the same as in
the Alexandrine codex. See No. (4), PLATE III.
Besides the abovenamed four manuscripts, a few others may be briefly
noticed. An interesting palimpsest of great critical value is the Codex Bublinen-
.sis rescriptus, Dublin palimpsest manuscript, in the Ubrary of Trinity Col
lege, Dublin, designated by the letter Z. It contains -with other -writings
thirty-two leaves of the gospel by Matthew. They were edited, as far as
legible, in 1801, by Dr. John Barrett, FeUow of Trinity CoUege. In 1853
Dr. TregeUes made a new and thorough examination of the manuscript,
and, by the aid of a chemical process, brought aU that exists of the gospel
text to a legible condition. This manuscript is assigned to the sixth cen
tury. Its letters are written in a singularly bold style, which unites the
three quaUties of ease, elegance, and symmetry.
A celebrated bilingual manuscript (in this case Graeco-Latin, containing
the Greek and Latin texts) is the Codex Bezae, Beza's man-uscripi, caUed
also Codex Cantabrigiensis, Ca-mbridge manuscript, from the place of its
deposit, which is the pubUc Ubrary of the University of Cambridge, Eng
land. It is designated by the letter D, and contains the four gospels and
Acts of the Aposties in Greek and Latin on opposite pages, stichometri-
caUy written. The account of Theodore Beza, its former possessor, was
that he found it during the French ciril wars in 1562, in the monastery of
St Irenaeus, at Lyons. In 1581 he sent it as a present to the University

388 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of Cambridge. The interest felt in this manuscript arises in great part
from the very peculiar character of its readings. ' ' The text of this codex, "
says Bleek (Introduc. to New Test., sec. 270), "presents much that is
peculiar — many additions and alterations that have even an apocryphal
character, but are yet not uninteresting. Its native country is the West,
and more deflnitely the south of Gaul." See No. (5), PLATE IV.
Among {h.e fragments of manuscripts of high antiquity is one caUed
Codex purpuretis. Purple manuscript. Four leaves of this are in the Cot
ton Library in the British Museum, six in the Vatican, t-wo in the Imperial
Library at Vienna. The manuscript to which they belonged was written
in sUver letters (the names of God and Christ in gold) on purple veUum.
The -writing is in two columns -with large and round letters. It is referred
to the end of l^he sixth or beginning of the seventh century.
Many other uncial manuscripts, or fragments of manuscripts, some of
them of great critical value, might be described ; but the above brief noti
ces must suffice. Of those which contain ancient versions, a few of the
more important -wiU be noticed in the foUo-wing chapter.
The cursive manuscripts of the New Testament are numbered by hun
dreds. In general theu- authority is less than that of the more ancient
uncials. But a cursive manuscript may give indirectly a very ancient text.
There are some cursives which, from theu- characteristic readings, were
manifestly executed from codices of high antiquity, and are for this rea
son very valuable. As such TregeUes specifies those numbered 1 and 33.
For further notices of these, as also of the lectionaries, containing selec
tions for church readings, the reader may consult the works devoted to
bibUcal criticism.
II. THE PEINTED TEXT.
6. The primary editions of the Greek New Testament, whence
is derived what is caUed the received text (Textus receptus) are
the following: (1) the Complutensian; (2) the Erasmian; (3) those
of Bobert StepJiens; (4) those of Beza and Elzevir. Their au
thority in textual criticism depends whoUy upon that of the
manuscripts from which their text was formed. As no stream
can rise higher than its fountains, so no printed text can obtain
a just weight of influence above that of its manuscript sources.
It becomes, then, a matter of interest to inquire what was the
basis of these early printed editions.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 389
(1.) The entu-e New Testament was printed for the flrst time in Greek in
the flfth volume of the Complutensian Polyglott (so caUed from Complutum,
that is Alcala in Spain, where it was printed under the patronage of Cardi
nal Ximenes). It bears the date of 1514, but was not pubUshed untU 1522,
when Erasmus had ah-eady printed three editions of his Greek Testament.
Its editors professed to have formed their text from manuscripts sent to
them from the papal Ubrary at Eome. What these manuscripts were can
not now be ascertained ; but that they were very ancient and correct, as
aUeged by these editors, is contradicted by the character of the text, which
agrees -with the modern in opposition to the most ancient manuscripts.
(2,) At the request of Froben, a celebrated printer and pubUsher of
Basle, Erasmus, who was then in England, where he had devoted some
time to a rerised Latin translation of the New Testament with annotations,
went to Basle in 1515, and began the work of editing a Greek New Testa
ment. "By the beginning of March, 1516," says TregeUes, "the whole
volume, including the annotations as weU as the Greek and Latin texts,
was complete ; in less, in fact, than six months from the time that the first
sheet was begun." The design of this haste was to anticipate the pubUca
tion of the Complutensian edition. The critical apparatus in Erasmus'
possession was quite slender. It consisted of such manuscripts as he
found at Basle, -with the help of the revised Latin translation already pre
pared in England and Brabant. For the Apocalypse he had but one man-
-uscript, and that defective at the end. In his four subsequent editions — ¦
1519, 1522, 1527, 1535 — he made many corrections. In that of 1527 he
avaUed himself of the Complutensian text. This edition, from which
the fifth and last published during his Ufe differs but sUghtly, is the
basis of the common text now in use.
(3.) In 1546, 1549, 1550, appeared the three editions of Bobert Stephens,
the celebrated Parisian printer. In the first two of these the text is said
to have been formed from the Complutensian and Erasmian. In the third
edition, although he had the aid of thirteen Greek manuscripts, his text is
almost identical -with that of Erasmus' fifth edition.
(4.) In 1565, Tlieodore Beza published at Geneva his first edition of the
Greek Testament with his o-wn Latin version, and also the Vulgate with
annotations. Three other editions foUowed in 1576, 1582, 1588-9. He
had the use of the Codex Bezse above described, the Codex Claromon
tanus (an ancient Grseco-Latin manuscript of the PauUne epistles), the
Syriac version then recently published by TremeUius, with a close Latin
translation, and Stephens' coUations. But he is said not to have made
much use of these helps.
The first of the Elzevir editions, so celebrated for their typographical
beauty, was issued in 1624, its text being mainly copied from that of Beza.
This is the text that has acquired the name of Textus receptus, the Received

390 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Text, as it was for more than a century the basis of almost aU subsequent
editions. The genealogy of this Texlus receptus is thus succinctiy given by
Bishop Marsh : " The Te.vtus receptus, therefore, or the text in common
use, was copied, with a few exceptions, from the text of Beza. Beza him
self closely foUowed Stephens ; and Stephens (namely, in his third and
chief edition) copied solely from the fifth edition of Erasmus, except in the
Eevelation, where he followed sometimes Erasmus, sometimes the Com
plutensian edition. The text, therefore, in daUy use, resolves itseU at
last into the Complutensian and the Erasmian editions.'' Divinity Lec
tures, part 1, p. 111.
7. It requires but a moderate acquaintance with the history
of textual criticism to understand that the Elze-vir text is not
only not perfect, but is more imperfect than that which has
been elaborated by the help of the abundant manuscripts, ver
sions, and citations of the early fathers, of which modern criti
cism has availed itself. It is no reproach to the editors of the
primary editions that, -with their comparatively scanty mate
rials, they could not accomplish' as much as we can with the
rich and varied means at our disposal. The essential integrity
of the received text, we do indeed thankfully acknowledge and
firmly maintain. Our fathers had presented to them in this
text the same divine and glorious Sa-viour, the same way of
salvation, the same holy system of doctrines and duties, as we
now find in the most carefuUy re-vised modern text. Neverthe
less, a true reverence for the inspired word must impel us to
the diligent use of aU the means at our command for setting
forth a pure text, that is, a text conformed as nearly as possi
ble to that of the original autographs. Viewed in this hght
the modern critical editions of the New Testament must pos
sess a deep interest for aU who are able to read it in the ori
ginal tongue. But to discuss the merits of these would be for
eign to the design of the present work.
Examples of the more important various readings occur in John 1 : 18 ;
Acts 20:28; 1 Tun, 3:16. The passage 1 John 6: 7, 8, in heaven— in
earth, is generaUy rejected on the testimony of the manuscripts (see the
fuU discussion in Horne, vol 4, ch. 36). Among the passages which are
regarded as more or less doubtful may be mentioned John 5:4; 8 : 3-11 ;

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 391
Acts 8:37. In regard to all these the bibUcal scholar must be referred to
the critical commentaries. So also for the questions connected -with the
text of Mark 16 : 9-20, which are of a pecuUar character.

III. PEINCIPLES OF TEXTUAL CEITICISM.
8. The end proposed by textual criticism is to restore the
sacred text as nearly as possible to its primitive purity (Chap. 7,
No. 1). To this work the bibUcal scholar should come in a
candid and reverential spirit, prepared to weigh carefuUy all
the evidence which is accessible to him, and decide, not as an
advocate, but as a judge, in the simple interest of truth. The
three great sources of evidence for the original text of the New
Testament are Greek manuscripts, versions, and the citations
of the fathers. Of these, Greek manuscripts hold the first
place. But aU manuscripts are not of equal value. Other
things being equal, the oldest manuscripts have the highest
authority. " If the midtipUcation of copies of the New Testa
ment had been uniform, it is evident that the number of later
copies preserved from the accidents of time would have far ex
ceeded that of the earUer, yet no one would have preferred the
fuUer testimony of the thirteenth to the scantier documents of
the fourth century. Some changes are necessarily introduced
in the most careful copying, and these are rapidly multipUed."
Westcott in Smith's Bible Diet. ; Art. New Test. Yet, as the
same -writer remarks, we may have e-vidence that a recent man
uscript has been copied from one of great antiquity, and thus
has preserved to us very ancient readings. Eevisions and
corrections by a later hand are to be carefuUy distinguished
from the primitive writing. Tet these may be valuable, as
testifying to the prevaiUng reading of the age to which they
belong. The general class or famUy to which a given manu
script belongs is also to be taken into the account. In a word,
so many elements of judgment are to be taken into account in
determining the relative weight of authority that belongs to a
given manuscript, that the right decision of the question re
quires large observation combined with much critical tact.

392 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
9. Ancient versions are of great value in textual criticism ;
for some of them, as the old Latin and Syriac, to which may
be added the old Egyptian versions, are based on a text more
ancient than that preserved to us in any manuscript. In text
ual criticism, the testimony of a version is valuable in propor
tion to its antiquity, its fidelity — not its elegance or even its
correctness of interpretation, but its literal closeness — and the
purity of its text. Versions are liable to all the corruptions of
text incident to Greek manuscripts, and far more liable to in
terpolations by explanatory glosses. The difference of idiom,
moreover, frequently prevents such a hteral rendering as shaU
be a sure indication of the form belonging to the original
text. 10. The citations of the church fathers, w-hich are immensely
numerous, constitute another source of testimony. But less
authority belongs in general to these, because they are often
made loosely from memory alone. Their testimony is chiefly
valuable as corroborative. " Patristic citations alone have very
Uttle weight ; such citations, even -n'hen in accordance with a
version, have but little more ; but when a citation is in accord
ance with some ancient MSS. and translations, it possesses
great corroborative value. It is as confirming a reading known
independently to exist, that citations are of the utmost impor
tance. If alone, or nearly alone, they may be looked at as
mere casual adaptations of the words of the New Testament."
Tregelles in Horne, vol. 4, ch. 34.
11. The appiliccdion of the above sources of criticism to the
sacred text demands very extensive research and much sound
judgment. " Canons of criticism," as they are called are valu
able in their proper sphere ; but, as Westcott remarks {uhi
supra), "they are intended only to guide and not to dispense
w-ith the exercise of tact and scholarship. The student will
judge for himself how far they are applicable in every particular
case ; and no exhibition of general principles can supersede
the necessity of a careful examination of the characteristics of
separate witnesses, and of groups of witnesses."

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 393
We bring this subject to a close by an enumeration of the last six ofthe
thirteen rules laid down by Westcott,
8- " The agreement of ancient MSS,. or of MSS. containing an ancient
text, with aU the ancient versions and citations marks a certain reading."
9. '• The disagreement of the most ancient authorities often marks the
existence of a corruption anterior to them."
10. "The argument from internal eridence is always precarious. " This
canon he iUustrates by several examples : "If a reading is in accordance
¦with the general style of the -svriter, it may be said on the one side that
this fact is in its favor, and on the other that an acute copyist probably
changed the exceptional expression for the more usual one,' <SlC.
11. "The more difficult reading is preferable to the simpler." This
canon rests on the obrious ground that a copyist wouldbe more apt to sub
stitute an easy reading for a difficult than the reverse.
12. "The shorter reading is generaUy preferable to the longer." Be
cause of aU corruptions of the text, additions from paraUel passages, or to
meet its supposed -wants, are the most common.
13. "That reading is preferable which explains the origin of the
others."

17*

394 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XXVII.
Formation and Wistory of the ]^ew Testament
Canon,
1. Eespecting the canon of the New Testament there are
two distinct but related fields of inquiry. The flrst has refer
ence to the origin and gradual accumulation qf the materials
which enter into the canon ; the second, to the collection qf these
materials into a volume or series of volumes possessing coordi
nate authority with the books of the Oid Testament, and con
stituting with them the sum of -written revelation. The first of
these questions has been already discussed in great measure.
In Chs. 2-4, the genuineness, uncorrupt preservation, authenti
city, and credibility of the four gospels were shown at some
length ; in Ch. 5 the same was done in respect to the Acts of
the Apostles and the acknowledged epistles ; in Ch. 6 was con
sidered the position of the disputed books in respect to the
canon ; and in Ch. 7 the inspiration of the canon was demon
strated. Connected with these inquiries were some general
notices respecting the date of the several books of the New
Testament ; but the fuUer consideration of this latter question
is reserved for the second division of the present Part — that of
Particular Introduction. It wiU be sufficient to state here in a
general way that, if we leave out of account the -writings of the
Apostle John, the remaining books of the New Testament were
WTitten somewhere between a. d. 45-70 (according to the com
monly received opinion, between A. d. 50-70); while the
most probable date of John's writings is A. D. 70-100. The
composition of the books of the New Testament, then, spreads
itself over a period of about half a century.
2. Turning our attention, now, to the second question, that
of the coUection and arrangement of these writings in a volume
or series cf volumes coordinate in authority with the books of

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 395
the Oid Testament, we have a succession of periods, not sharply
separated from each other, but each of them possessing, never
theless, its prominent characteristics in relation to the canon
ical -writings.
3. First in order is the apostolic age, extending to about a. d.
100, especially the first half of it when many of the apostles
stiU survived. This is the period of the composition of the books
of the New Testament, but we have no certain evidence that
they were then coUected into a whole. The writings of apos
tles and apostohc men had of course the same authority as
their spoken word : that is, an authority that -v\"as supreme
and decisive, according to the principle laid down by the
Sa-riour : " He that receiveth you, receiveth me ; and he that
receiveth me, receiveth him that sent me." Matt. 10 : 40. But'
so long as the chm-ches had the presence of the apostles they
could not feel, as we do now, the need of an authoritative writ
ten rule of faith and practice ; nor is there any proof, that the
apostles themselves understood in the beginning of the gospel
God's purpose to add, through them, a second part to the
canon of revelation that had been for so many centuries
closed. A considerable number of years elapsed after the as
cension before it was thought necessary to give to the churches
under apostoUc sanction a -wiitten account of om- Lord's life
and teachings. The Acts of the Apostles were not composed
tiU about A. D. 61-63. The apostohc epistles were for the most
part wiitten on special occasions and to meet special exigen
cies, the greater number of them not tiU between A. d. 50-70,
those of John stiU later. The Christians of this age drew their
knowledge of the gospel mainly from the same sources to which
Luke refers in the preface to his gospel ; firom oral tradition,
namely, received directly or indirectly fi-om them " who from
the beginning were eye-witnesses and ministers of the word."
4. After the death of the apostles came what may be caUed
the age of the apostolic fathers ; men who, hke Ignatius, Polycarp,
and others whose names have not come down to us, had been
the disciples of the apostles. Ignatius suffered martyrdom at

396 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Eome, A. D. 107 or 116. Polycarp survived beyond the mid
dle of the second century. The literary remains of this period
are very scanty, the genuine writings of the apostolic fathers
being conflned to a few epistles — one of Clement of Eome to
the. Corinthians, seven of Ignatius, one of Polycarp to the Phi
Uppians, to which we may add the so-caUed epistle of Barna
bas ; since whoever was the author, it does not date from later
than the early part of the second century. From these -wri
tings we gather in general that the gospels and apostolic epis
tles were in current use in the churches, but nothing deflnite in
regard to the coUection of these writings into a whole.
" With the exception of the epistles of .Jude, 2 Peter and 2, 3 John, -with
which no coincidences occur, and 1, 2 Thessalonians, Colossian,?, Titus,
and PhUemon, -with which the coincidences are very questionable, aU the
other epistles were clearly known, and used by them ; but still they are
not quoted -with the formulas which preface citations from the Old Testa
ment (The Scripture saith, It is written, kc), nor is the famous phrase of
Ignatius (To the PhUadelphians 5 : Betaking myseU to the gospel, as to
the flesh of Christ, and to the apostles, as the eldership of the church) suffi
cient to prove the existence of a coUection of apostoUc records as distinct
from the sum of apostohc teaching. The coincidences -with the gospels on
the other hand are numerous and interesting, but suoh as cannot be refer
red to the exclusive use of our present written gospels." Westcott, iu
Smith's Bible Diet, ; Art. Canon. The reason of this, as the -writer goes on
to show, was that "the detaUs of the Ufe of Christ werestiU too fresh to be
sought for only in -written records." There is, however, one remarkable
passage inthe epistle of Bamabas, the Qreek text oi which has been recently
discovered appended to the Sinaitic manuscript, in which he says (ch. 4) :
"Let us take care that we be not found as it is -written, many are eaUed, but
few are chosen. " This formula, " as it is written," distinguishes the gospel
from which it is quoted as a part of the inspired word ; for it is the cus
tomary formula employed by Christ and his apostles in accordance -with the
usage of their age, when they appeal to the Old Testament as of dirine au
thority ; and is never api^lied to -writings of mere human authority.
5. Next in order comes what may be caUed the period qf
transition between the age of the apostolic and that of the early
church fathers. The most distinguished writer of this period
is Justin Martyr. It is now generaUy conceded that the " Me
moirs '' of which he so often speaks were our canonical gospels.

THE NEW TESTAMENT 397
Chap. 2, No. 7. Besides the abundant use of these he mentions
the Apocalypse by name, and ascribes it expressly to the apos
tle John — " a certain man among us named John, one of the
apostles of Christ, prophesied, in the revelation given him, that
those who have beUeved in our Christ wiU spend a thousand
years in Jerusalem," etc. Dialogue with Trypho, chap. 81. He
has also some apparent aUusions to the Pauline epistles, but
how far he possessed and used a collection of the New Testa
ment writings, we have no means of judging. Towards the
middle of the second century, however, events occurred which
had a powerful influence, not indeed, for estabUshing the au
thority of the apostolic writings (since that existed from the be
ginning), but for bringing home to the consciousness of the
churches their supreme importance as an authoritative rule of
faith and practice, and also the necessity of carefully deflning
their extent as weU as their true interpretation. Heretical
teachers arose who sowed in the Christian church the seeds of
gnosticism. Of these some, as Marcion, rejected on dogmatical
grounds a portion of the apostoUc writings, and mutilated those
which they retained ; others, as Valentinus, sought by fanciful
principles of interpretation to explain away their true meaniug.
Chap. 2, No. 12. The reaction upon the churches was immedi
ate and effectual. They set themselves at once to define and
defend the true apostolic writings as well against Marcion's
false and mutUated canon, if canon it may be called, as against
the false interpretations of Valentinus, Heracleon and others.
The occasion had now come for the recognition of a New Testa
ment canon coordinate in authority with that of the Old Testa
ment, and from this time onward- we find the idea of such a
canon clearly developed in the writings of the church fathers.
What aided essentiaUy in this work was the execution, about
this time, of ver. sions of the New Testament books, such as the
Old Latin and Syriac ; for the authors of these versions must
of necessity have brought together the -writings, which, in their
judgment, proceeded from the apostles and their companions.
6. We find, accordingly, when the age qf the early church

398 COMPANION TOTHE BIBLE.
fathers opens, about A. D. 170, a clearly recognized canon — some
times described in two parts, the gospels and the apostles— yvhich
is placed on a level with that of the Old Testament as the in
spired word of God, and cited in common with it as the Scrip
tures, the divine Scrijdures, the ScripAures of tlie Lord, etc. Both
canons are mentioned together as The entire Scriptures both pro
phetical and evangelical ; The prophets, the gospel, and the blessed
apostles ; the law and the prophets, with the evangelical and apostoli
cal ivritings ; the Old and the New Testament; the entire in.strument
(f each Testament, etc. Irenceus, against heresies, 2. 46 ; 5. 20 ;
Letter to Florinus in Eusebius' Hist. Eccl., 5. 20: Clement of
Alexandria, Strom., 7, p. 757 ; Tertullian, against heretics, chap.
30. 36 : against Marcion, 4. 6, etc. The canon was not, how-
ever, completed in its present form ; for the right of certain
books — the so-caUed antilegomena, chap. 6. 6. — to a place in it
remained for a considerable time an open question, which, in its
application to particular books was answered differently in the
East and the West. See chap. 6. On the other hand, certain
writings of the apostoUc fathers (as the so-called epistle of Bar
nabas, the Shepherd of Hermas, the epistle of Clement of Eome
to the Corinthians), being read in certain of the early churches,
found their way into some codices of the New Testament.
Chap. 6, No. 4.
To the latter part of the second century belong two important canons,
that of the Syriac Peshito, and the Muratorian canon. The former of
these represents the judgment of the Eastern churches ; the latter appa
rently that of the 'Western.
The canon of the Peshito has, of the seven disputed books, Hebrews and
James. It wants the other five, namely, 2 Peter, 2, 3 John, Jude, Revelation.
The Muratorian canon is in such an imperfect state that its testimony
on some points is doubtful. It contains Jude and Revelation; perhaps also
2, 3 Joh7i. It wants Hebrews, and 2 Peter, and it adds the apocryphal book
caUed the Apocalypse of Peter.
Origen in the thu-d centm-y (as quoted by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl., 6.. 25)
and Eusebius in the fourth. Hist. EccL, 3, 25, give each a reriew of the
New Testament canon -with a statement of the differing judgments as to the
disputed books. The details -wLU come up hereafter in connection -with the
books in question.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 399
The Synodical CotmcU of Loadicea, which was probably held between
A. D. 343-381, gives in its 60th canon (the genmneness of which, how
ever, has been caUed in question by some) a Ust of the books of the Old
and New Testaments. That of the New Testament wants the Apocalypse.
The third CouncU of Carthage, held a. d. 397, contains aU the books
of our present canon. So also the Latin fathers, as Jerome, Rufinus, etc.
But the Syrian churches stUl adhered to the canon of the Peshito.
7. The history of Christian opinion in regard to the canon
of the New Testament, of which a very brief outline has been
given, has aU the marks of naturalness and truthfulness. The
Bibhcal student should carefuUy remember the two foUowing
important considerations :
(1.) The books of the New Testament were not received as
a whole, but separately upon the evidence that each gave of its
apostolic origin. Doubts in respect to certain books throw no
shadow of suspicion upon the rest, the genuineness and authen
ticity of which were acknowledged by aU from the beginning.
The question, therefore, is not concerning the tmth of revelation,
but simply concerning the claims of certain books to be a part
of the record of revelation. However it may be decided in par
ticular cases, the apostoUc authority of the universally acknowl
edged books, which constitute the main body of the New Testa
ment, remains perfectly sure.
(2.) The early diversities of judgment in respect to certain
books furnish satisfactory evidence of the freedom of thought
and discussion among the primitive Christians, and of the sin
cerity and earnestness of their investigations. It was precisely
because they would not accept any book without fuU evidence
of its apostohc authority, that these diversities of judgment
prevailed.

400 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XXVIIL
y^NCiENT Versions of the |^ew Testament.
In the present chapter those versions of the Old Testament
also that were made in connection -with versions of the New,
and in the interest of Christianity, -wiU be briefly considered.
I. LATIN VEESIONS,
1. A pecuUar interest attaches to the early Latin versions.
The " Old Latin " translation of the New Testament, in connec
tion -with which one of the Old Testament was executed from
the Septuagint, is perhaps the earUest that exists in any lan
guage. The Old Syriac alone can rival it in antiquity, and if
either may claim the precedence, it is probably the Latin.
This version, and afterwards the revision of it by Jerome, was
the grand medium through which the Holy Scriptures were
known to the Western or Latin churches for more than twelve
centuries. It has exercised no smaU influence on the popular
modern versions of Christendom, and it is the great storehouse
of theological terms for both Catholic and Protestant Chris
tianity. The EngUsh version of Wiclif (1324^1384) is a literal translation of
the current text of the Latin Vulgate. The Psalter of the Enghsh Prayer
Book is taken from Cranmer's Bible caUed the "Great English Bible:"
and the version of the Psalms foUows the GiUican Psalter, the second of
the revisions made by Jerome from the Old Latin. See below, No. 4.
2. How early the ante-Hieronymian Latin version (that
current before the days of Hieronymus, that is, Jerome), was ex
ecuted is unknown ; but the -writings of TertulUan furnish sat
isfactory proof that it was in popular use in North Africa
(the place where it was made) in the last quarter of the second
century. According to the testimony of the ancient church

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 401
fathers, its text existed in a great variety of forms, and the same
variety has come down to us in the old manuscripts that contain
it. Some, indeed, have maintained that several independent
versions existed. But the sum of the evidence from both the
early fathers and the manuscripts goes to show that there was
never more than one that could be caUed independent. The
copies of this were subjected to multipUed emendations or re
visions from the Greek original, tiU the text had faUen in the
days of Augustine and Jerome into a state of great confu
sion. The language of Augustine is very sti-ong : " The translators of the
Scriptures from the Hebrew tongue into the Greek can be numbered, but
the Latin interpreters can by no means be numbered. For whenever, in
the first ages of Christianity, any one had gained possession of a Greek
manuscript, and imagined himseU to possess some Uttle skill in the two
languages, he ventured to become an interpreter." DeDoct. Christ. 2. 16.
According to the received opinion the so-caUed Itala {Italian) was not an
independent version, but one of these revisions, apparently made in Italy,
and as some think, under ecclesiastical auspices. This, Augustine recom
mends as more faithful and perspicuous that the rest.
3. The canon of the Old Latin version seems to have wanted,
in the New Testament, Hebrews, James, and 2 Peter. In the
Old Testament it followed the Septuagint. It contained, there
fore, the apocryphal books of that version, to which was also
added the second of Esdras. Appendix to Pt. 2, No. 6. The text
of this version is.known to us from two sources, quotations and
manuscripts. For our knowledge of the Old Testament we are
dependent mainly on the quotations of the early Latin fathers,
since only a few fragments remain in the shape of manuscripts.
The same is true of some parts of the New Testament, particu
larly the Apocalypse. But of the gospels as weU as other
parts of the New Testament, we have some very ancient manu
scripts which are of high value in textual criticism. The
agreement of this version in many characteristic readings with
the oldest known Greek manuscripts has already been noticed.
Chap. 3, No. 3. Such agreement is the strongest possible tes-

402 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
timony for the genuineness of the readings in question. Chap.
26, No. 2. . ,
The Codex 'Vercellensis, belongingto the fourth centm-y, and said to have
been wi-itten by Eusebius, bishop of VerceUse (now VerceUi) in Northern
Italy where the manuscriptis preserved, is one of the oldest manuscripts of
the sacred text in existence. The Codex Veronensis at Verona, the Grseco-
Latin Codex Claromontanus in the Imperial Library at Paris, the Code;c
Vindobonensis at Vienna, the Codex Bobbiensis at Turin, and others that
might be named, are also very ancient. Among the codices that contain
what is caUed the Italic version, is the Brixianus of the sixth century.
4. About A. D. 383, Jerome at the solicitation of Damasus,
bishop of Eome, undertook the arduous task of revising the
Old Latin version by a comparison with the original Greek
text. In this work he proceeded very cautiously, being well
aware of the prejudices which he must encounter on the part of
multitudes who could not discriminate between the authority
of the original Greek text and that of the Latin version made
from it. He began with the four gospels. According to his
own testimony, he selected ancient Greek manuscripts, but
such as did not differ much from the Latin usage ; and iu the
use of these he so restrained his pen that, when he had corrected
those things only which seemed to change the sense, he suf
fered the rest to remain as they were. (Preface to the four
gospels addressed to Damasus.) His work of revision was af
terwards extended to the remaining books of the New Testa
ment ; a revision which Tregelles describes as " less complete
and uniform than that of the gospels, and in which many parts
seem to have received hardly any alterations from his hand."
In Horne, vol. 4, ch. 23. About the same time he turned his at
tention to the Latin version of the Old Testament, which had
been made, not from the original Hebrew, but from the Greek
Septuagint. Of this he first revised the Psalter, but not very
thoroughly ; in his own words, " cursorily for the most part."
This first revision is known by the name of the Roman Psalter.
A later and more thorough revision, executed by Jerome at
Bethlehem between A. D. 384-391, is called the Gcdlican Psal-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 403
ter. There is good reason to beUeve that Jerome's revision ex
tended to aU the remaining books of the Old Testament, though
we have positive evidence in respect to only a part of them —
Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Chronicles.
Gregory of Tours is said to have introduced Jerome's second revision
of the Psalter into the pubhc serrice in France ; whence its name GaUican.
The Eoman Psalter was retained in Italy tiU the time of Pius V., who in
ti-oduced the GalUcan generaUy. But three churches, one of them that of
the Vatican, continued to use the Koman Psalter. Westcott in Smith's
Bible Diet. ; Art. Vulgate.
5. Jerome was soon convinced of the necessity of underta
king a new translation of the Old Testament fi-om the original
Hebrew. To this arduous task he addressed himself with
great earnestness, availing himseK of the help of Jewish schol
ars to complete his knowledge of the Hebrew. The whole work
occupied his time, -with periods of intermission, fi-om A. D. 385
to A. D. 405. See in Horne, vol. 2, p. 89. He did not venture,
however, to make a new version fi-om the Hebrew of the book
of Psalms, the constant use of which in the church service was
a barrier to the substitution of a new translation. He accord
ingly retained his second revision from the Septuagint, which is
caUed the GaUican Psalter. Of the Apocryphal books he
translated only two, Judith and Tobit. The remaining Apocry
phal writings were retained in then- old form. The Latin bible
thus in part revised and in part translated by Jerome (most of
the Apocryphal -writings being left unrevised) is caUed the Vul
gate, that is common or current version, although this term be
longed, before the days of Jerome, to the Old Latin itself. Its
diversified character is thus briefly indicated by Westcott. —
"(1.) Unrevised Old Latin: Wisdom, EccL, 1, 2 Mace, Baruch.
(2.) Old Latin revised from the LXX. : Psalter. (3.) Jerome's
free translation from the original text: Judith, Tobit. (4.) Je
rome's translation from the original: Old Testament except Psal
ter. (5.) Old Latin revised from Greek MSS.: Gospels. (6.)
Old Latin cursorRy revised : the remauider of New Testament."
In Smith's Bible Diet. ; Xut. Vulgate.

404 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
It is not necessary to foUow the history of the text of the Vulgate since
Jerome's day. Suffice it to say that the simultaneous use of the Old Latin
and Vulgate led to a corruption of both texts, which has not yet been thor
oughly removed. The present standard text is that caUed the Clementine.
from Pope Clement "VtH,, under whose auspices the Vulgate was edited in
1592. This is better than the preceding Sixtine edition, a. d. 1590, but not
by any means the pure test of Jerome, as it might be recovered, proximate
ly at least, by a careful coUation of ancient manuscripts and quotations.
The oldest and best manuscript of the Latin Vulgate Old and New Tes
taments, is the Codex Amiatinus in the Laurentian Library at Florence. It
belongs to the sixth century, and exhibits the text of Jerome in a very
pure form, carrying us back to about 120 years from Jerome's death. The
Codex Fuldensis is said to belong to the same century. There are other
good manuscripts more or less complete of the eighth and ninth cenhiries.
Many other Latin versions have appeared in modem times, sometimes
in connection -with the original text, and sometimes separately, which it is
not necessary to notice in detaU.
II, STEIAC VEESIONS.
6. The ancient Syriac version caUed the Peshito belongs, in
the judgment of bibUcal scholars, to the second century. It
comprises the Old Testament as weU as the New. The version
of the Old Testament was made from the original Hebrew,
and thus has the honor of being the oldest translation of the
Hebrew Scriptures for Christian use, the Old Latin version
ha-ving been made from the Septuagint. The version of the
New Testament was made in connection with that of the Old,
so that both together constitute one work.
Syrian ti-adition makes extravagant claims in respect to the antiquity ,
of the Peshito, teUing us that it was executed by men sent to Palestine by
the apostle Thaddeus (whom tradition connects -with the founding of the
church at Edessa), and by Abgarus, King of Edessa, a contemporary of
the Sariour, The Old Testament was sometimes referred to a stUl earUer age
— that of Solomon and Hiram, or that of the captirity of the ten tribes.
Without giving credence to such haditions, we may weU beUeve that it
belongs to the earUest period of the Syrian churches, and cannot be placed
later than the last part of the second century. Of the term Peshito, that
is, simple, there are different explanations. The most usual is that it de
notes a simple and Uteral version, free from glosses and aUegorical inter
pretations. TregeUes suggests that it was caUed simple in contrast -with
the translation made by Paul of Tela from the Hexaplar text of Origen

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 405
(see below. No. 8), which was replete -with asterisks and obeli to mark Ori
gen's revisions, and had also marginal references. It is agreed that the
Old Testament was translated from the original Hebrew and Chaldee,
though the translators seem to have had before them the Greek version of
the Seventy, and to have consulted it in the progress of their work.
7. The Peshito is a free, and at the same time, a faithful
version of Scripture, holding the first place among the ancient
versions for its general excellence, whUe it ranks with the Old
Latin in antiquity. Its authority in both textual criticism and
interpretation is deservedly high. As it regards textual criticism,
however, its value is diminished by the fact that its text has not
come down to us in a pure state. It has suffered in the same
way as the text of the Old Latin, though not to the same extent.
Among the manuscripts brought from the Nitrian monaster
ies, and deposited in the British Museum, is one of great antiq
uity, containing large portions of the four gospels in Syriac.
Dr. Cureton pubUshed in 1858 the text of this manuscript as
" Eemains of a very ancient Syriac recension of the four gos
pels in Syriac, hitherto unknown in Europe," with an English
translation and preface. Its appearance was haUed with lively
interest and has excited warm discussions. The manuscript
itself is assigned to the fifth century, but it presents a text
which, in the judgment of competent scholars, is older than the
current text ofthe Peshito. Whether it is an older form of the
Peshito version, or another and earUer version of the gospels, is
a question that has been differently answered. It is main
tained, on the one hand, that the Peshito is a revision of the
Curetonian text, " replete -with readings unkno-wn in the second
century " (TregeUes in Smith's Bible Diet.) ; on the other, that
it is " an older version than the Peshito ; which the author or
authors of the latter consulted throughout." Davidson in Al
exander's Kitto. Its great value for critical purposes must be
acknowledged by aU.
Tti many characteristic readings it agrees -with the oldest manuscripts
and quotations. It has also some erroneous readings kno-wn to be of great
antiquity. In a word, the high antiquity of its text cannot be reasonably
questioned. Drs. Cureton and TregeUes think thatthe gospel of Matthew

493 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
may be a translation from the apostle's Hebrew copy. But this is denied
by Daridson and others.
8. The Philoxenian Syriac version was executed A. d. 508,
under the auspices of Philoxenus, or Xenaias, bishop of Hie-
rapohs or Mabug in Syria. Philoxenus belonged to the sect
of the Monophysites, and it is generaUy thought that the ver
sion was made in the interest of that sect. The translator's
name was Polycarp, one of PhUoxenus' rural bishops. With
the exception, perhaps, of certain books (see below), the text
of this version has not come down to us in its original form.
We have only a revision of it made A. D. 616 by Thomas of Har
kel in a monastery of Alexandria, whence this version is also
called the Harclean Syriac. The characteristic of this version
is its extremely literal character. It is the translator's aim to
represent every Greek word, even the article, by a correspond
ing Syriac word, even where the idiom of the language must
thereby be violated. Hence its style is of necessity barbarous.
But this very character of literalness gives to the Pliiloxeniau
version high authority in respect to textual criticism. So far as
it has come down to us in its primitive form, it is, in truth,
equal to the Greek text of its own time.
About the time that Thomas of Harkel revised the PhUoxe
nian version of the New Testament, Paul of Tela, another Mon
ophysite, executed what is called the Hexaplar Syriac version of
the Old Testament, because it was made from the text of Ori
gen's Hexaplar. Chap. 16, No. 12. It coincides with the
Philoxenian version of the New Testament in respect to its
character as well as the time of its appearance, being made on
the principle of foUo-wing the Greek text word for word as ex
actly as possible. Thus the Hexaplar version of the Old, and
the Philoxenian version of the New, constitute together a whole
of like character throughout.
After the example of Origen, Paul inti-oduced into his version asterisks
and obeli ; the asterisk (*) to indicate insertions made in the text on the
authority of manuscripts and other versions ; the obelus ("i"), to mark pas
sages of doubtful character. Thus it suppUes, as far as a version can, the
Hexaplar of Origen, of which only a few fragments remain.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 407
The PhUoxenian version of the New Testament, as rerised by Thomas
of Harkel, contains also the same asterisks and obeli. Critical marks and
marginal readings also appear in most of the manuscripts. This critical
apparatus is generaUy thought to have proceeded from Thomas himself, in
imitation of the Hexaplar Syriac of the Old Testament ; but whether to indi
cate comparison with the Peshito, or -with the Greek manuscripts employed
by Thomas is not certain.
There is a version of the CathoUc epistles wanting in the Peshito — 2 Pet. ,
2, 3 John, Jude — existing in two forms, one of which is thought to be the
unrevised PhUoxenian text. There is a codex at Bome containing the four
gospels which has also been supposed to contain the same unrevised text.
The Jerusalem Syriac Lectionary, containing simply lessons from the four
gospels, is a pecuUar version known to us from a single manuscript in the
Vatioan Library which belongs to the eleventh century. The version itseU
is referred by some to the sixth century, by others to a later date. Its dia
lect is barbarous, being a mixture of Chaldee and Syriac, but its readings
are said often to coincide -with the oldest and best authorities.
III. EGYPTIAN AND ETHIOPIC VEESIONS.
9. Formerly but one version was known to exist in the lan
guage of the ancient Egyptians. This, which was made in the
dialect of lower Egypt, -was naturally called Coptic. When it
was discovered that another version existed in the dialect of
upper Egypt; the Arabic term Sahidic was applied to it. But
since the word Coptic is generic, applying to both dialects alike,
it has been proposed to call the former version Copto-Memphitic
or simply Memphitic, from Memphis, the ancient capital of lower
Egypt; andthe latter Copto- Thebaic oi Thebaic, trom. Thebes,
the celebrated capital of ancient upper Egypt. When these
versions were executed cannot be determined with certainty.
But they existed in the fourth century, and probably in the
latter part of the third century. Their high antiquity gives to
them great value in textual criticism. The latter of them, how
ever, exists only in a fragmentary form. Some fragments of a
third version, differing from both the Memphitic and the The
baic, have been discovered. To this, the epithet Bashmuric has
been appUed, from the Arabian name Bashmur, a district of lower
Egypt in the Delta to the East. But Egyptian scholars doubt
whether the term is weU appUed, as the version is said to have
stronger affinity to the Thebaic than to the Memphitic version.

408 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
The Memphitic and Thebaic versions are said to have contained the
whole Bible, that of the Old Testament being made from the Septuagint.
The whole Memphitic New Testament has been several times pubUshed,
but never in such a manner as to meet the wants of Biblical criticism. Of
the Thebaic version only some fragments have been pubUshed.
10. An Ethiopic version of the whole Bible exists in the an
cient dialect of Axum. That of the Old Testament was made
from the Septuagint ; that of the New is a close version of the
original Greek. The age to which it belongs is not known.
Many of the readings of its text are said to show an affinity
with the older class of Greek manuscripts, while others are of a
later character. This leads to the suspicion that the version
has undergone revision by the aid of later Greek manuscripts.
An edition of the whole Bible is in process of publication in
Germany.
IV. THE GOTHIC AND OTHEB VEESIONS.
11. The first information which European scholars had of the
existence of a Gothic version of the New Testament was in the six
teenth century, when one Morillon copied from a Gothic manu
script in the library of the Monastery of Werden in Westphalia
the Lord's Prayer and some other parts, which were afterwards
published. When the Swedes, in 1648, took Prague, among
the spoils sent to Stockholm was the celebrated Codex Ar
genteus, Silver manuscript, containing a copy of the Gothic gos
pels written on purple veUum in silver letters, except the begin
nings of the sections which are in gold. When entire the man
uscript is said to have contained 320 leaves, but when found it
had but 188 in quarto size. In its present state it -nhants parts
of all the gospels. The letters are deeply furrowed, and beau
tifully regular. It is thought that this manuscript was exe
cuted for the use of some Gothic king. After various changes
of place, it was finally deposited in the Ubrary of the University
of Upsal in Sweden, where it is now preserved enclosed in a
silver case. The Gothic version, of which the Codex Argenteus
is a transcript, was made in the fourth century by Ulphilas,
second bishop of the Goths in Moesia (the so-called Moeso-

¦ THE NEW TESTAMENT. 409
Goths). The manuscript itself belongs, it is thought, to the
sixth century.
12. In 1762 a palimpsest was discovered by Knittel at
Wolfenbuttel, a city of the duchy of Brunswick in Germany,
containing, as the earlier writing, part of the epistle to the
Eomans in Gothic and Latin, the versions standing side by
side. In 1817 the late Cardinal Mai discovered in the Ambro
sian Library at Milan five palimpsests, from which, in connec
tion with the Wolfenbuttel palimpsest, the Gothic text of the
greater part of the Pauline epistles (that to the Hebre-n'S not in
cluded) has been recovered, as also some fragments of the gos
pels, and of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. All that has
been recovered of the Gothic version was edited in 1835-6 by
Gabelentz and Loebe with a Latin translation, notes, and a
Gothic dictionary and grammar. There are several later edi
tions partly of the Codex Argenteus, and partly of aU the Gothic
remains of the Scriptures. Thus this interesting version, which
represents the text of the New Testament in the fourth century
as it was known to Ulphilas, is made available for the purposes
of Biblical criticism.
13. There is an ancient Armenian version unaccompanied
as yet by any Latin translation; and thus available for critical
purposes only through the help of those who know the language.
By means of such help Dr. Tregelles used it for his critical edi
tion of the New Testament, and he speaks of its value "as a
critical witness as to the general reading of certain Greek
copies existing in the former half of the fifth century." In
Smith's Bible Diet., Art. Armenian Version.
Other ancient versions, as the Arabic and Slavonic, we pass
by ; as their comparatively late date makes them of little im
portance for critical studies. The history of modern versions,
among which is our own authorized version, presents a wide
and interesting fleld of inquiry, but it does not come within the
scope of the present work.
Comp, to Bibifl, -^ ^

410 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
SECOND DIVISION, PARTICULAR INTRODUCTION
CHAPTEE XXIX.
The Historical Books.
1. The New Testament, like the Old, is not an abstract sys
tem of doctrines and duties, but a record qf facts involving doc
trines and duties of the highest import. This record does not
constitute an independent history, complete in itself, and to ba
explained in its own light. It is rather the necessary sequel to
the record of the Old Testament. It interprets the Old Testa
ment, and is itself interpreted by it. The two constitute to
gether an organic -whole, and can be truly understood only in
their mutual connection. To discard the Old Testament
whether formally or in practice, is to throw away the key which
unlocks to us the treasures of the New ; for the writers of the
New Testament continually reason out of the Scriptures of the
Old. If we cannot truly comprehend the Old Testament except
when we view it as preparatory to the revelation contained in
the New, so neither can -R-e have a full understanding of the
Ne-w except as the completion of the revelation begun in the
Old. In a word, we understand revelation aright only in its
unity. 2. The New Testament uses aU the teachings of the Old, but
it does not repeat them all. The unity, personahty, and infinite
perfections of God ; his universal providence, and his suprem
acy as well over nations as individuals ; the duties that men
owe to God and each other, as embodied for substance in the
ten commandments and expanded in the teachings of Moses and
the prophets ; the indissoluble connection, on the one hand, be- ¦
tween righteousness and true prosperity, and on the other, be
tween sin and ruin — all these great truths are so fully unfolded
in the Old Testament that they need no formal repetition in the

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 411
New. The person and office of the Messiah — as that great
prophet, Uke unto Moses, whom God should raise up for his
people in the latter days ; as that mighty king of David's line,
who should sit on his throne and in his kingdom to order it
and to estabhsh it with judgment and -with justice forever ; as
that high priest after the order of Melchisedec whom God
should estabUsh forever with a solemn oath — ^had been prefig
ured in the institutions of Moses, in the Psalms, and in the
-writings of the prophets.
Some other important truths not so fully revealed in the
Old Testament but deducible in a legitimate way either fi-om
its general scope or firom some brief hints in its teachings, had
become fli-mly estabhshed in the faith of the Jewish people
during the long interval that elapsed between Malachi
and Christ. Such particularly were the docti-ine s of the resur
rection of the dead and of fature rewards and punishments.
These truths, also, as weU as those more directly and fiiUy
taught in the Old Testament, were assumed by the Saviour
and his apostles as a platform for the pecuUar revelations of
the gospel, the sum of which is Jesus Christ crucified, for the
salvation of the world. The fom- gospels, then, as containing the
history of our Lord's appearance and works, Ue at the founda
tion of the revelation contained in the New Testament. To
these, then, our attention must first be given ; after which the
history of the apostohc labors, as given in the Acts of the
Apostles, wUl naturaUy foUow.
I. THE GOSPELS AS A WHOLE.
3. The word gospel (Anglo-Saxon, god, good, and spell, history
OT tidings) answers to the Greek word euangdion, good-tidings,
whence comes the Latin evangelium, with the derived words in
use among us, as evangelist, evangelical, etc. It properly signi
fies the good message itsdf, and it is only by a secondary usage
that it is applied to the written histoi-ies of the Sa-viour's life, as
being the embodiment of this message. The titles prefixed to
these gospels from the beginning ; " The Gospel according to

412 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Matthew, "The Gospel according to Mark," etc., indicate that
the -written record is not itseK the gospel, but rather an ac
count of the gospel according to these different writers. Christ
himself is the author of the gospel. It existed and was re
ceived by many thousands before a line of it was put upon
record on the -written page.
4. The genuineness, uncorrupt preservation, and authenti
city of the four canonical gospels have already been sho-wn at
some length. Chaps. 2, 3, 4. In connection with the argument
for their genuineness, their natural division into two parts — the
first three, commonly caUed the synoptical gospels, and the
gospel according to John ; the remarkable agreements and dif
ferences of the three synoptical gospels among themselves ; and
the remarkable contrast which the fourth gospel presents to aU
three of the synoptical gospels, have also been considered
simply as existing facts. Chap. 2, Nos. 14 and 15. But when we
seek an explanation of these remarkable phenomena, we enter
upon a very difficult problem, one on which the ingenuity of
Biblical scholars has exhausted itself for several successive
generations without reaching thus far a result that can be re
garded as perfectly satisfactory. Almost aU conceivable theo
ries and combinations of theories have been proposed, some of
which, however, are now generaUy abandoned as untenable,
and need not be considered at large.
5. Looking at the three synoptical gospels, Matthew, Mark,
and Luke, we find a remarkable agreement not only in their
general plan, but in many of their detaUs also. With the ex
ception of our Lord's last journey to Jerusalem and the history
of his passion there, they are mainly occupied with his ministry
in GalUee. The selection of incidents is also to a great extent
the same. "The most remarkable differences Ue in the pres
ence of a long series of events connected -with the GaUlean
ministry, -v\'hich are peculiar to St. Matthew and St. Mark
(Matt. 14: 22—16: 12; Mark 6:45—8 : 26), and a second se
ries of events connected with the journey to Jerusalem (Luke
9 : 51 — 18 : 14), which is peculiar to St. Luke." Westcott, In-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 413
troduct. to the Study of the Gospels, chap. 3. The coincidences
of language, as weU as incident, are also remarkable ; and here
the general law prevails that these coincidences are more com
mon, as has been sho-wn by Norton and others, in the recital of
the words of others than in the narrative parts of the gospels,
and most common when our Lord's o-wn words are recited.
6. But with these remarkable agreements coexist equaUy re
markable differences. Each -writer has his own pecuUarities of
style, which appear more distinctly in the original than they
can in any version. It has been noticed also by BibUcal schol
ars that these pecuUarities are more marked in the narrative
than in the recitative parts of the gospels in question. Each
¦writer, moreover, brings in incidents pecuUar to himself, not in
the form of patchwork, but as parts of a seK consistent whole.
So far is he from exact outward conformity to either of the.
other gospels, in respect to arrangement and circumstantial de
tails, that the diversity between him and them in these particu-
lai-s, sometimes creates serious difficulties when we attempt to
arrange the three different narratives in the form of a harmony.
7. No theory of the origin of these three gospels ean be true
which does not explain both their coincidences and their differ
ences. Hence we may set aside at once the hypothesis of their
mutual dependence on each other — ^that the later evangelists used
the -writings of the earher. By the different advocates of this
theoi-y, each of the three synoptic gospels has been made in
tum the primary record from which the others drew ; but no one
of them has been able, upon this hvpothesis, to account for the
omissions or insertions of the supposed later evangeUsts, much
less for the remarkable fact already noticed, that the pecuUari
ties of each -writer appear more fuUy in the narrative than in
the recitative part of his gospel. The later evangeUsts may, in
deed, have been acquainted with the -writings of the earlier and
have consulted them, but this supposition alone does not ex
plain their pecuUar coincidences and differences.
Another hypothesis is that of an original document or docu.
¦ments, from which aU three are supposed to have drawn. The

414 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
assumption of a single original written gospel, as the basis of
our first three canonical gospels, is manifestly untenable. Had
a primitive gospel existed of such compass and authority as to
be the common source of our three synoptic gospels, it is incon
ceivable that the churches, which carefully preserved these
three gospels, though two of them proceeded not from apostles
themselves but only from their companions, should have aUowed
the original gospel so speedily and utterly to perish, that no
traces of it remained in the days of Irenseus, Tertullian, and
Clement of Alexandria. Besides, this hypothesis, as it was
soon seen, does not explain the peculiar relation of these gos
pels to each other in respect to coincidences and differences.
Hence various modifications were proposed — an original Ara
maic gospel with various Greek translations, this original Ara
maic gospel variously increased -with new matter, etc. In a
word, the form of these assumed original documents was hy-
pothetically explained from the actual form of our three synop
tic gospels ; the very reverse of the true problem, which was to
explain, from some reliable data, the form of the canonical gos
pels themselves.
, The remaining hypothesis is that of oral tradition emanating
from the apostles themselves, and maintained in its purity dur
ing their lives by their personal presence and teaching. That
the gospel existed in this form alone for some years after the
beginning of Christianity is admitted by aU. The apostles
were Christ's chosen witnesses of his life and teachings. From
their lips proceeded the tradition which now constitutes our
written gospels. The necessity of embodying this tradition in
the form of permanent records was not felt at the beginning.
But, as the churches were multiplied, oral tradition became lia
ble to corruption in many ways through the multipUcity of the
organs employed in its transmission. Then the need of -written
gospels began to manifest itseU, and it was natural that the
apostles should look to the supply of this need either by their
own direct agency, or by that of men writing with their knowl
edge and approbation. How many years elapsed before the

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 415
appearance of the earUest of our canonical gospels, which is
commonly supposed to have been that of Matthew, we have no
means of ascertaining with accuracy. But we may reasonably
suppose that the period was long enough to aUow the apostoUc
tradition of our Lord's Ufe and teachings to assume a somewhat
deflnite shape in respect to both matter and outward form.
First, in respect to matter. As their public instructions could
not cover the whole of our Sa-viour's history (John 20: 30;21 ;
25), they naturaUy selected, under the guidance of the Holy
Spirit, those parts of it which embodied the spirit and meaning
of the whole. Since, moreover, the apostles remained together
at Jerusalem for some time after our Lord's ascension (Acts 8 :
1 ; 15 : 6), it is highly reasonable to suppose that in a matter
of such moment they had a mutual understanding — an under
standing which, while it interfered with the freedom of no one,
secured a general agi-eement as to the points in our Lord's his
tory and teachings which should be especiaUy insisted on.
Secondly in respect to outward form. WhUe the apostles were
preserved by the illumination of the Holy Spnit firom any super
stitious regard to the letter of our Lord's teachings, their rever
ence for him as a perfect teacher, whose words were truth un
mixed -with error, must have made them anxious to put the
oral tradition of his sayings into as perfect a form as possible ;
whence the tradition of our Saviour's words would assume from
the first a more fixed form than that of his life generaUy.
It is supposed by many that the -writers of the first three
gospels drew each from this common body of oral tradition
such materials as suited his general plan ; no one of them pro
posing to give the whole of our Lord's history, or even" to ob
serve a strict chronological order in the events recorded by him,
any farther than such order was rendered necessary by their
nature and, essential connection. In the case of Matthew, who
-was one of the twelve apostles, it might be thought that he
wrote simply from his own personal knowledge ; but his gospel
could not cover aU the gi-oimd of our Lord's history as known
to him, and we may well suppose that in the selection of his

416 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
materials he had regard — not a servile, but a free regard — to
the common oral tradition of the apostles, w-hich was, in fact,
the embodiment of their united wisdom under the iUumination
of the Divine Spirit. Each evangeUst, as well Mark and Luke
who were not apostles, as Matthew who belonged to the number
ofthe twelve, wrote independently of the other two. The later
writers may, indeed, have been acquainted with the writings of
the earlier, but a bare inspection of the three gospels shows that
there was no labored effort on the part of one evangeUst to ad
just his work to those of the others. Hence arise apparent dis
crepancies, as in the two genealogies of our Lord, which it is
sometimes hard to explain. But these very difficulties witness
to the independent truthfulness of the writers. Had they writ
ten in concert, or borrowed systematically from each other, such
difficulties would not have existed.
Although apostolic oral tradition is thus made the main
source whence the writers of these gospels drew their materials,
it is not necessary to affirm or deny their use, in a subordinate
way, of written documents. That such documents existed in
the time of Luke we know frgm his own words, chap. 1 : 1.
He does not condemn them, but neither does he rely upon them.
His gospel is not derived from them, but from his own accurate
investigations; "It seemed good to me also, having accurately
traced out all things from the beginning " (as the original Greek
means)," to write to thee in order, most excellent Theophilus."
Chap. 1 : 3. And if Luke, the companion of Paul, was not
dependent for his materials on any pre-viously existing writings,
neither was Mark, the companion of both Peter and Paul, nor
Matthew, who was himself an apostle. Nor can the incorpora
tion of such writings into the synoptic gospels be shown with
any degree of probability. If it cannot be claimed for this
hypothesis of a primitive apostolic tradition, as the source
whence the writers of the synoptic gospels drew their materials,
that it explains all the phenomena of their mutual relation to
each other, it is, nevertheless, more satisfactory than any other
that has been proposed, and may be regarded as a near approx
imation to the actual facts iv ^.ha ".^.r.-.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 417
Between the traditions of which the apostie Paul speaks (2 Thess. 2 : 15 ;
3:6; also, according to the original, 1 C,>r. 11 : 2) received immediately
from his mouth or pen, and the pretended traditions of later days, handed
do-wn from century to centary through a succession of uninspired men, the
difiference is that between Ught and darkness, between ti-uth and fiction.
We have in the ¦writitigs of the New Testament the genuine apostoUc
ti-adition, at first oral, but put into a -written form during the Ufetime of
the aposties. These traditions are the "gold, sUver, precious stones "of
divine tmth. AU other traditions are the "wood, hay, stubble " of human
origin. In settUng the question respecting the genuineness of the New
Testament -writings, we proceed as in the case of any other -writings. We
avail ourselves of aU the eridence -within our reach, external and internal.
We take the testimony of Irenaeus and TertulUan, and also of Marcion and
Valentinus ; though none of them were inspired, and the two latter were
heretical. But when we have once detennined what books were -written by
aposties or apostoUc men, these contain for us the only authoritative
tradition, as defined by the apostie: "Therefore, brethren, stand fast, and
hold the traditions which ye have been taught, whether by word or our
epistie." 2 Thess. 2:1.5,
8. In comparing the synoptic gospels with each-Dther and
with the fom-th gospel, we must ever bear in mind that no one
of them professes to give a complete history of our Lord's life,
or to arrange all the incidents which he relates in the exact
order of time. Under the guidance of the divine Spirit each
one pursues his own course, independently of the others, here
inserting what one or more of the rest have omitted, or omit
ting what one or more of them have inserted ; and here, again,
bringing in incidents without regard to their exact chronological
order, with some general preface Uke the foUowing: "at that
time," Matt. 12 : 1 ; " and he began again," Mark 4:1; " and it
came to pass as he was alone praying," Luke 9 : 18 ; " and it
came to pass as they went in the way," Luke 9 : 57 ; etc. Thus
the wisdom of God has given us, not aU the particulars of our
Lord's history, but such a selection from both the incidents of
his pubhc life and his pubhc and private teachings as best
embodies the great facts of the gospel, and the doctrines and
duties connected with them. In the four canonical gospels the
church has, not aU of our Lord's history and teachings, but all
that the Holy Ghost judged needful for her estabUshment and

418 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Of our Lord's history before his baptism we have only his genealogy in
a twofold form ; some notices of his miraculous conception ; an account of
his bUth and cU-cumcision, with the -risions and prophecies connected -with
them ; a history of his preservation from Herod's attempt to destroy him ;
the subsequent residence of his parents in Nazareth, with a single incident
of his childhood. Luke 2 : 40-52. AU these particulars have, in one way
or another, a bearing on his divine mission and work as the Son of God-
The apocryphal gospels on the contrary, as, for example, the Gospel of the
Infancy, and the Gospel of Nicodemus, abound in fi-ivolous stories relating
to our Lord's infancy and later lUe, which have no connection -with the
great work of redemption.
9. The peculiarities of the fourth gospel, as weU as its rela
tion to the three preceding gospels, wUl come up for considera
tion hereafter. At present we only remark that John wrote
many years after the appearance of the synoptic gospels, and
that, whatever reference he may have had to them, his gospel'
constitutes, in the plan of revelation, a true complement to the
other three. For (1) if we except the narrative of our Lord's
passion, it covers, for the most, part ground not occupied by
them. They give mainly the history of the Saviour's ministry
in Galilee (Luke also, at some length, that of his last jom-ney
to Jerusalem); the scene of much of John's gospel, on the con
trary, is Jerusalem and its near -vicinity. (2) John unfolds
more fully the nature of our Lord's person, and his pecuhar
relation to the Father and to his church. This he does, more
especially, in his prologue (chap. 1 : 1-18) ; in the record of the
Saviour's discussions with the Jews (chaps. 3, 5-12) ; and in that
of his discourses addressed in private to the circle of the
apostles, chaps. 13-17. Thus John's gospel is emphaticaUy that
of Christ's person, as illustrated by his works and words ; whUe
the three earUer evangelists give rather the gospel of his public
ministry, through -which his divine person everywhere shines
forth. This deeper view of our Lord's person and office which
the gospel of John unfolds met the wants of the primitive
church in a more advanced stage, when false teachers were
already beginning to sow the seeds of those errors wliich, in the
next generation, brought forth such a rank and poisonous

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 419
harvest. The same great characteristics adapt it to the wants
of the church in aU ages. Without the fourth gospel she
could not be completely furnished to meet the assaults of error,
which, firom one generation to another, makes, -with unerring
instinct, its main assault upon the person and office of the Son
of God. But if the evangeUcal narrative wonld not be complete
-without the fourth gospel, neither would it be perfect for the
use of the church -with this alone. The record of our Lord's
life and teachings as given in the first three gospels is preemi
nently adapted to popular instruction. It is precisely such a
record as the preachers of the gospel need in their pubhc
ministrations. With it they can use the fourth gospel -with
effect; but -without it they would want the natural preparation
for and introduction to those deep and spiritual riews of Christ's
person and office which the bosom-disciple unfolds. It is not
in the three synoptic gospels, nor in the gospel of John taken
separately, that we flnd the complete evangeUcal armor, but in
the perfect whole of the four.
10. Very numerous attempts have been made to construct
harmonies of the four gospels. One plan is to form out of the
whole, in what is supposed to be the tme chronological order,
a continuons narrative embracing aU the matter ofthe four, but
-without repetitions of the same or simUar words. Another
plan is to exhibit in chronological order, the entire text of the
four gospels arranged in paraUel columns, so far as two or more
of them cover the same ground. The idea is very imposing,
but the realization of it is beset with formidable if not insur
mountable difficulties. It is certain that the evangelists do not
always foUow the exact order of time, and it is sometimes
impossible to decide between the different arrangements of
events in their records. In the four narratives of the events
connected with the resurrection aU harmonists find themselves
baffled. Had we a faU acconnt of aU the particulars of that
exciting seene, we might undoubtedly assign to the different
parts of each narrative its true place in the order of time.

420 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
But -with our present means of information this is impossible.
Experience shows that the most profitable way of studying
the evangeUcal narrative is to take each gospel as a whole, but -with
continual reference to the parallel parts of the other gospels, so
far as they can be ascertained. In this work a good harmony,
like that of Eobinson, may render essential service, though its
arrangements must in many cases be regarded only as tentative
— essays at obtaining the true order, rather than the certain
determination of it.
The relative number of chapters in the difi'erent gospels does not give
their true relation in respect to size. The chapters are respectively 28, 16,
24, 21; which are to each other in the proportion of 7, 4, 6, 5^. But
estimating according to the number of pages (in an edition without breaks
for the verses), it -wUl be found that the gospel of Luke holds the flrst
place, its size being to that of the other gospels nearly as 60 to 57, 35, 46.
The relation of Matthew's gospel to that of Mark, in respect to the quantity
of matter is then nearly that of 8 to 5.
In the notices of the separate gospels which foUow it is not thought
necessary to give an elaborate analysis of then- contents. The aim -will be
rather to exhibit the prominent characteristics of each, and its special office
in the economy of divine revelation.
II. MATTHEW.
11. The unanimous testimony of the ancient church is that
the flrst gospel was -written by the apostle Mattheiv, who is also
called Levi. With his caU to the apostleship he may have
assumed the name of Matthew, as Saul took that of Paul. He
was of Hebrew origin, the son of Alphaeus, and a tax-gatherer
under the Eoman government. Matt. 10:3; Mark 2:14; 3:18;
Luke 5 : 27, 29 ; 6 : 15 ; Acts 1 : 13. He -was evidently a man of
some means (Luke 5 : 29), and his office must have required for
its proper discharge a knowledge of the Greek as well as of his
native Hebrew ; that is, Aramaean, as the word Hebrew means
in the New Testament, when applied to the vernacular of the
Palestine Jews.
12. The question respecting the original language of Mat
thew's gospel has been, since the time of Erasmus, a matter of

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 421
controversy, in which eminent bibUcal scholars have been
found on different sides. The problem is to find a solution
which shaU bring into harmony the following weU-estabUshed
facts : (1) that, according to the united testimony of the early
church fathers, Matthew originaUy wrote his gospel in Hebrew .
(2) that our present Greek gospel has aU the freedom of an
original work, that it has remarkable coincidences in language
with the second and third gospels, and especiaUy that the
citations from the Old Testament which stand in our Lord's
discourses foUow as a rule the Greek ver.sion of the Seventy ;
(3) that aU the early writers, those who testify to the Hebrew
original of this gospel included, receive and use our present
Greek gospel as the genuine and authoritative gospel of
Matthew ; (4) that the original Hebrew gospel, to the existence
of which there is such abundant testimony, was allowed utterly
to perish, while the Greek form of it alone was preserved and
placed at the head of the canonical books of the New Testa
ment. 13. The testimony from Papias, in the beginning of the
second century, and onward to the fourth century, has often
been quoted and discussed. It is not necessary to adduce it
here at length. It may be found in Kirchhofer, in the critical
commentaries and introductions, and also in the modern Bible
dictionaries. The words of Papias, as preserved to us by
Eusebius (Hist. Eccl., 3. 39) are as foUows : " Matthew
therefore wrote the oracles in the Hebrew dialect, and every
one interpreted them as he was able." If there were any
ground for doubting what Papias meant by " the oracles," it
would be removed by the testimony of the later -writers, as
Pantaenus and Origen (in Eusebius' Hist. Eccl., 5. 10; 6. 25),
Irenaeus (Against Heresies, 3. 1), Eusebius himself (Hist. Eccl.,
3. 24), Epiphanius (Heresies, 29. 9 ; 30. 3), and others. They
who maintain that Matthew wrote originaUy in Greek suppose
that the early fathers confounded an apocryphal gospel, the
so-caUed " gospel according to the Hebrews," -with the true
gospel of Matthew. Others think, perhaps with more reason.

422 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
that the gospel according to the Hebrews was a corrupted form,
or, what amounts to nearly the same thing, a close imitation of
the true Hebrew gospel of Matthew.
The Ebionites and Nazarenes used each apparentiy a difi'erent form of
a Hebrew gospel which is sometimes caUed the gospel according to Mat
thew, but more properly "the gospel according to the Hebrews" (once by
Jerome "the gospel according to the apostles "). According to Epiphanius
that in use among the Ebionites was "not entire and fuU, but corrupted
and abridged. " Heresies, 30, 13. Jerome says : " Matthew, who is caUed
Leri, haring become from a pubUcan an apostie, first composed in Judea,
for the sake of those who had beUeved from among the circumcision, a
gospel of Christ in Hebrew letters and words. Who was the person that
afterwards translated it into Greek is not certainly known. Moreover, the
Hebrew copy itself is at,this day preserved in the Ubrary of Caesarea which
PampUus the Martyr coUected -with much diUgence. The Nazarenes, who
live iu Beroea, a city of Syria, and use this volume, gave me the opportu
nity of -writing it out." De Vir. Hlustr., 3. Here he certainly identifies
this gospel, which, as he repeatedly informs us, he translated, -with the
true Hebrew gospel of Matthew, But he afterwards speaks of it more
doubtfuUy, as " the gospel according to the Hebrews," and more fuUy as
' ' the gospel according to the Hebrews, which is written indeed in the
Chaldee and Syriac language, but in Hebrew letters, which the Nazarenes
use to the present day, [being the gospel] according to the apostles, or, as
most think, according to Matthew" (Against the Pelagians, 3); "the
gospel which the Nazarenes and Ebionites use, which we have lately
translated from the Hebrew language into the Greek, and which is called
by most the authentic gospel of Matthew." Comment, in Matt. 12:13.
The most probable supposition is that Jerome, kno-wing that Matthew
originally -wrote his gospel in Hebrew, hastUy assumed at flrst that the
copy which he obtained from the Nazarenes was this very gospel. The
character of the quotations which he and Epiphanius give from it forbids
the supposition that it was the true Hebrew gospel of Matthew. It may
have been a corrupted form of it, or an imitation of it.
14. Of those who, in accordance with ancient testimony,
beUeve that the original language of Matthew's gospel was
Hebrew, some assume that the apostle himself afterwards gave
a Greek version of it. In itself considered this hypothesis is
not improbable. Matthew, writing primarily for his countrymen
in Palestine, might naturaUy employ the language which was to
them vernacular. But afterwards, when Christianity had

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 423
begun to spread through the Eoman empire, and it became
evident that the Greek language was the proper medium for
beUevers at large ; and when also, as is not improbable, some
of the existing canonical books of the New Testament had
appeared in that language, we might well suppose that, in riew
of these circumstances, the apostle himself put his gospel into
the present Greek form. But it is certainly surprising that, in
this case, no one of the ancient fathers should have had any
knowledge of the matter. In riew of their ignorance it seems
to be the part of modesty as weU as prudence that we also
should say with Jerome : " Who was the person that afterwards
translated it into Greek is not known with certainty." The
universal and unhesitating reception of this gospel by the early
Christians in its present Greek form can be explained only
upon the supposition that it came to them with apostoUc
authority ; that it received this form at the hand, if not of
Matthew himseU', yet of an apostle or an apostoUc man, that is,
a man standing to the apostles in the same relation as Mark
and Luke.
This supposition -wiU explain the freedom of Matthew's gospel and ita
coincidences in language -with the gospels of Mark and Luke. An apostle
or apostolic man would give a faithful, but not a serrile version of the
original. The oral tradition of our Lord's life and teachings from which
the first three evangelists drew, as from a common fountain (see above
No. 7), must have existed in Palestine in a twofold form, Aramaean and
Greek. The translator would naturaUy avaU himself of the Greek phrase
ology, so far as the oral tradition coincided -with that embodied in Matthew's
gospeL Those who have carefuUy examined the subject affirm that the
citations from the Old Testament adduced by Matthew himseU in proof of
our Lord's Messiahship are original renderings, with more or less Uteralness,
from the Hebrew. The citations, on the contrary, embodied in the
discourses of our Lord himseU foUow, as a rule, the Greek version of the
Seventy ; probably because the translator took these citations as they stood
in the oral tradition of these discourses.
MeanwhUe the original Hebrew form of the gospel, being
superseded by the Greek in aU the congregations of beUevers
except those that used exclusively the vernacular language of

424 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Palestine, gradually fell into disuse. The "gospel according to
the Hebrews," noticed above, may have been a corrupted form
of this gospel or an imitation of it. As Marcion chose the
Greek gospel of Luke for the basis of his revision, so the
Ebionites and Nazarenes would naturally use the Hebrew
gospel of Matthew for their purposes.
15. The gospel of Matthew opens with the words: "The
book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of Darid, the
son of Abraham." In accordance with this announcement, it
traces back our Lord's Uneage through David to Abraham,
giving, after the manner of the Jews, an artificial arrangement
of the generations from Abraham to Christ in tliree sets of
fourteen each, chap. 1:17. To effect this, certain kings of
David's line are omitted — between Joram and Ozias (the
Uzziah of the Hebrews), Ahaziah, Joash, and Amaziah;
between Josias and Jechonias, Eliakim — and David is reckoned
twice ; once as the last of a set of fourteen, then as the first of
the foUowing fourteen. The thoroughly Jewish form of this
introduction indicates the primary design of Matthew's gospel,
which was to exhibit to his countrymen Jesus of Nazareth as
their long promised Mes.siah and king. To this he has constant
reference in the facts which he relates, and wliich he connects
with the prophecies of the Old Testament by such forms of
quotation as the foUowing: "that it might be fulflUed which
was spoken of the Lord by the prophet," chaps. 1 : 22 ; 2 : 15,
23 ; 13 : 35 ; 21 : 4 ; 27 : 35 ; " that it might be fulfiUed which was
spoken by Esaias the prophet," chaps. 4 : 14 ; 8:17; 12 : 17 J
" then was ftdfiUed that which was spoken by Jeremy the
prophet," chap. 2:17; etc. His direct references to the Old
Testament in proof of our Lord's Messiahship are more numer
ous than those of either of the other evangeUsts. Peculiar to
him is the expression "the kingdom of heaven," to signify, in
accordance with Eabbinic usage, the kingdom which the
Messiah was to establish in accordance with the prophecies of
the Old Testament; though he takes a spiritual riew of its
character, and not the earthly and political view of the Je-wish

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 425
doctors. Another designation of the same idea, common to
him with the other evangeUsts, is " the kingdom of God,"
which also was current among the Eabbins. This "kingdom
of heaven " and " kingdom' of God " is also the kingdom of the
Messiah. Chaps. 13 : 41 ; 20 : 21.
16. But precisely because Jesus of Nazareth is the promised
Messiah, his mission is not to the Jews only, but to oS mankind,,
in accordance with the original promise to Abraham : " In thy
seed shaU all the nations of the earth be blessed." Gen. 22 : 18*.
WhUe he records the fact that our Lord's personal ministry
was restricted to the Jews (chaps. 10 : 5, 6 ; 15 : 24), he also
shows from our Lord's own words that the unbelieving
" chUdren of the kingdom " — the Jews as the natural heu-s to
the Messiah's kingdom — shaU be cast out, and the beUeving
Gentiles received into it (chaps. 8 :11, 12 ; 21 : 43) ; and he brings
his gospel to a close with the great commission : " Go ye,
therefore, and teach aU nations, baptizing them in the name of
the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost; teaching
them to observe aU things whatsoever I have commanded you,
and lo, I am -with you alway, even unto the end of the world."
Chap. 28:19, 20.
17. A striking characteristic of this gospel is the fulness
and orderly manner with which it records our Lord's discourses.
Striking examples of this are the Sermon on the Mount (chaps.
5-7), his awful denunciation of the Scribes and Pharisees (chap.
23), and the majestic series of parables (chap. 25). Doubtless,
Matthew had by nature a pecuUar endo-wment for this work,
which the Holy Spirit used to preserve for the church much of
our Lord's teachings which would otherwise have been lost.
The narrative part of this gospel, on the other hand, has not
the circumstantial fiilness of the foUowing gospel. As already
remarked, the field covered bv Matthew's narrative is mainly
that of our Lord's GaUlean ministry, with the great events
connected with his final risit to Jerusalem, though he gives
indications of repeated risits to that city. Chap. 23 : 37-39.
18. It has been assumed by some that Matthew foUows, as a

426 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
general rule, the order of time. But others deny this, thinking
that his arrangement is according to subject-matter rather than
chronological sequence, especially in the first part (Alexander's
Kitto) ; and this appears to be the correct judgment. He
follows the exact order of time only when the nature of the
events recorded requires him to do so.
19. It is universally admitted that Matthew wrote his gospel
in Palestine. This fact accounts for the absence of explanatory
dlauses relating to Jewish usages, such as are not unfrequent
in the gospel of Mark. As to the interpretation of Hebrew
words, as " Immanuel " (chap. 1 : 23) ; and the words on the
cross (chap. 27:46), that belongs to the Greek form of the
gospel. The date of this gospel is doubtful. According to the
tradition of the ancient church it was -\vritten first of the four
gospels. Assuming that it originaUy appeared in Hebrew, we
may reasonably suppose that a period of some years elapsed
before it was put into its present Greek form.
20. The integrity of this gospel is unquestionable. In
modera times the genuineness of the first two chapters has
been called in question by various writers, but the iasufficiency
of their arguments has been shown by many, among whom
may be mentioned Davidson, Introduction to New Testament,
vol. 1, pp. 111-127. In the words of this writer the chapters in
question are found " in all unmutilated Greek MSS., and in all
ancient versions;" "the earliest fathers had them in then-
copies, and received them as a part of the gospel ; " " tbe
ancient heretics and opponents of Christianity were acquainted
-n-ith this portion of the first gospel ; " " the commencement of
the first chapter is closely connected with something prece
ding;" and "the diction of these two chapters bears the same
impress and character which belong to the remainder of the
gospel, proving that the gospel, as we now have it, proceeded
from one author." III. MAEK.
21. There is no valid ground for doubting the correctness of
the ancient tradition which identifies the author of the second

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 427
gospel with " John whose surname was Mark " (Acts 12 : 12, 25 ;
15 : 37), who is called simply John (Acts 13 : 5, 13), and Marcus
or Mark (Acts 15:39; Col. 4:10; 2 Tim. 4:11; perhaps also
1 Peter 5 : 13). He was cousin to Barnabas (Col. 4 : 10, not sister's
son, as in our version), which relationship may explain Barnabas'
earnest defence of him (Acts 15 : 37-39). His mother Mary resided
in Jerusalem, and it was to her house that Peter resorted immedi
ately upon his miraculous deliverance from prison (Acts 12 : 12).
The intimacy of Peter with Mary's family must have brought
about an early acquaintance between the apostle and Mark.
Ancient tradition uniformly affirms a close relation between
Peter and Mark, representing the latter to have been the
disciple and interpreter of the former. See helo-w.
Papias (in Eusebius' Hist. EccL 3. 39) says, upon the authority of John
the Presbyter, "Mark being Peter's interpreter, -wrote down accurately as
many things as he remembered ; not, indeed, as giving in order the things
which were spoken or done by Christ. Eor he was neither a hearer nor a
foUower of the Lord, but, as I said, of Peter, who gave his instructions as
occasion required, but not as one who was composing an orderly account
of our Lord's words. Mark, therefore, committed no error when he thus
¦wrote down certain things as he remembered them. For he was careful of
one thing, to omit nothing of the things which he heard and to make no false
statements concerning them." These words of Papias are somewhat loose
and indefinite. But, when fairly interpreted, they seem to mean that as
Peter taught according to the necessities of each occasion, not aiming to
give a full history of our Lord in chronological order, so Mark wrote not
aU things pertaining to our Lord's Ufe and ministry, but certain things,
those namely that he had learned from Peter's discourses, -without always
obserring the strict order of time. We need not press the words "in
order " and " certain things, " as if Papias meant to say that Mark's gospel
is only a loose coUection of fragments. It is a connected and self-consist
ent whole ; but it does not profess to give in all cases the exact chronologi
cal order of events, nor to be an exhaustive account of our Sariour's Ufe
and teachings. Eusebius has preserved for us in his Ecclesiastical History
the testimony of Irenseus on the same point (Hist. EccL, 5. 8) ; also of
Clement of Alexandria (Hist, EccL, 6. 14); andof Origen (Hist. EccL, 6. 25).
He also gives his own (Hist. EccL, 2. 5). We have besides these, the
statements of TertuUian (Against Marcion, 6. 25) ; and Jerome (Epist. ad
Hedib. Quaest., 2), AU these witnesses, though not consistent among
themselves in respect to several minor details, yet agree in respect to the

428 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
two great facts, (1) that Mark was the companion of Peter and had a
special relation to him, (2) that he was the author of the gospel which bears
his name. We add from Meyer (Introduction to Commentai-y on Mark)
the foUowing exposition of the word interpreter as appUed to Mark in his
relation to Peter : "No vaUd ground of doubt can be aUeged against it,
prorided only we do not understand the idea contained in the word
interprets to mean that Peter, not having sufficient mastery of the Greek,
deUvered his discourses in Aramsean, and had them interpreted by Mark
into Greek ; but rather that the office of a secretary is indicated, who wrote
do-wn the oral communications of his apostle (whether from dictation, or in
the freer exercise of his o-wn actirity) and so became in i'he ¦way qf -writing
his interpreter to others."
Mark's connection with the apostle Paul, though interrupted
by the incident recorded in the Acts ofthe Apostles (15:37-39),
was afterwards renewed and he restored to the apostle's
confidence, as is manifest from the way in which he notices
him. Col. 4:10; 2 Tim. 4:11. If, as is probable (see below.
No. 22), Mark wrote between A. D. 60 and 70, his long intimacy
with Peter and Paul quaUfied him in a special manner for his
work. 22. Ancient tradition favors the idea that Mark wrote his
gospel in Rome. Had he written in Egypt, as Chrysostom
thinks, we can hardly suppose that Clement of Alexandria
would have been ignorant of the fact, as his testimony shows
that he was. In respect to date, the accounts of the ancients
differ so much among themselves that it is difficult to arrive at
any definite conclusion. We may probably place it between
A. D. 64 and 70. The language in which Mark wrote was Greek.
This is attested by the united voice of antiquity. The sub
scriptions annexed to some manuscripts of the Old Syriac, and
that in the PhUoxenian Syriac version, to the effect that Mark
wrote in Roman, that is, in Latin, are of no authority. They
are the conjectures of ignorant men, who inferred from the fact
that Mark wrote iu Eome that he must have used the Latin
tongue. The story of the pretended Latin autograph of Mark's gospel preserved
in the Library of St. Mark at Venice is now exploded. The manuscript
to which this high honor was assigned is pai-t of the Codex Forojuliensis,

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 429
which gives the text of the Latin Vidgate. The text was edited by
Blanchini in the appendix to his Evangeliarium Quadruplex, Fourfold
Gospel. The gospel of Mark having been cut out and removed to Venice
¦was exalted to be the autograph of Mark. See TregeUes in Horne, vol. 4,
chap. 23. The fact that Mark wrote out of Palestine and for GentUe
readers at once accounts for the numerous explanatory clauses by whicU
his gospel is distinguished from that of Matthew, Examples are : chaps.
7:3, 4; 12:42 ; 13:3 ; 14 :12 ; 15:42 ; and the frequent interpretations of
Ai-amajan words: 3:17; 5:41; 7:11, 34; 10:46; 14:36; 15:34.
23. The opening words of Matthew's gospel are : " The book
of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of
Abraham," by which, as already remarked, he indicates his
purpose to show that Jesus of Nazareth is the long promised
Messiah of David's line, and the seed of Abraham, in whom all
nations are to be blessed. Mark, on the contrary, passing by
our Lord's genealogy, commences thus : " The beginning of the
gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of God." He recognizes him,
indeed as the son of David, and the promised Messiah and king
of Israel. Chaps. 10 : 47, 48 ;, 11 : 10 ; 15 : 32. But, writing among
Gentiles and for Gentiles, the great fact which he is intent on
setting forth is the person and character of Jesus as the Son of
God. Matthew gives special attention to the Saviour's dis
courses. With these considerably more than a third of his
gospel is occupied. Mark, on the contrary, devotes himself
mainly to the narrative of our Lord's works. With this is
interwoven a multitude of his sayings; since it was the
Saviour's custom to teach in connection -with surrounding
incidents. But if we compare the set discourses of our Lord
recorded by Mark with those which Matthew gives, they wiU
hardly amount to a fifth part in quantity. Between the narra
tive parts of Matthew and Mark, on the contrary, there is not a
very great disparity in respect to the space occupied by each.
24. Though Mark has but Uttle matter that is absolutely
new, he yet handles his materials in an original and independent
way, weaving into the narratives which he gives in common with
one or more of the other evangeUsts numerous Uttle incidents
in the most natural and artless way. His characteristics as a

430 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
historian are graphic vividness of description and circumstantiality
of detail. If we except some striking passages of John's gospel,
he brings us nearer to our Lord's person and the scenes
described than either of the other evangelists. He brings
before us, as in a picture, not only our Lord's words and -works,
but his very looks and gestures. It is he that records as has
been often noticed, how the Sariour " looked round about" him
with anger on the unbeUering multitudes and on Peter (chap.
3:5; 8:33); with complacency on his disciples (chap. 3:34;
10 : 27); and with the piercing look of inquiry (chap. 5 : 32); how
he looked up to heaven and sighed when he healed one who
was deaf and dumb (chap. 7:34); and how he sighed deeply in
spirit at the perverseness of the Pharisees (chap. 8 : 12). He
sometimes gives us the very -n-ords of the Saviour when he
performed his mighty works — Talitha cumi (5:41), Ephpha
tha (7:34). His narratives are remarkable for bringing in
Uttle incidents which can have come fi-om none but an eye
witness, but which add wonderfuUy to the naturalness as well
as the vividness of his descriptions. When the storm arises he
is asleep on a pilloiv (chap. 4 : 38); Jairus' daughter arises and
walks, /or she was qf the age of twelve years (chap. 5:42); the
multitudes that are to be fed sit down in ranks by hundreds and
by fifties (chap. 6:40), etc. As examples of vivid description
may be named the account of the demoniac (chap. 5 :2-20), and
the lunatic. Chap. 9 : 14-27. It is not necessary to assume
that Mark was himself a disciple of our Lord. If, as ancient
tradition asserts, he was the disciple and interpreter of Peter
he could receive from his Ups those circumstantial details with
which his narrative abounds.
25. The closing passage of this gospel, chap. 16 : 9-20, is
wanting in a number of important manuscripts, among w-hich
are the Vatican and Sinaitic. The same was the case also in
the days of Eusebius and Jerome. But it was known to
Irenaeus, and quoted by him and many others after him. The
reader must be referred to the critical commentaries and
introductions for the discussion of the difficult questions con-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 431
cerning it. TregeUes, who, in his account of the printed text
has given a fuU statement of the case, thus expresses his
judgment (in Horne, vol. 4, p. 436): "It is perfectly certain
that from the second century and onward, these verses have
been known as part of this gospel (whoever was their author)."
He thinks that " the book qf Mark himself extends no farther
than ' for they were afraid,' chap. 16:8; but that the remaining
twelve verses, by whomsoever -written, have a full claim to be
received as an authentic part of the second gospel, and that
the full reception of early testimony on this question does
not in the least involve their rejection as not being a part of
canonical Scripture."
IV, LUKE,
26. The unanimous voice of antiquity ascribes the third
gospel -with the Acts of the Apostles to Luke. He first appears
as the traveUing companion of Paul when he leaves Troas for
Macedonia (Acts 16:10); for the use of the first person plural
— " we endeavored," " the Lord had called us," " we came,"
etc. — which occurs from that point of Paul's history and
onward, with certain interruptions, through the remainder of
the Acts of the Apostles, admits of no other natural and
reasonable explanation. There is good reason to believe that
he is identical with " Luke, the beloved physician," who was
with Paul -when a prisoner at Eome. Col. 4 : 14 ; Philemon 24;
2 Tim. 4 : 11. From the first of these passages it has been
inferred that he was not a Jew by bh-th, since he is apparently
distinguished from those " who are of the circumcision," v. 11,
Tradition represents him to have been by birth a Syrian of Antioch
(Eusebias, Hist. EccL, 3. 4; Jerome, Preface to Matt,, and dsewhere),
and a Je-wish proselyte (Jerome, Quest, on Gen., chap. 46); aud it adds
various other legends which are not worth repeating.
27. The evangeUst himself, in his dedicatory address to
Theophilus (chap. 1 : 1-4), gives us clear and definite informa
tion respecting the sources of his gosjxl. He does not profess to
have been himself an eye-witness, but has drawn his informa
tion from those "who from the beginning were eyewitnesses

432 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
and ministers of the word." His investigations have been
accurate and thorough : " having accurately traced out all
things from the beginning " (as the original words mean), he
writes to Theophilus " in order ; " that is, in an orderly and
connected way. He proposes to give not some loose fragments,
but a connected narrative; although, as we have seen above
(No. 10), his order is not always that of strict chronological
sequence. From the long and intimate connection of Luke
with Paul it is reasonable to suppose that the latter must have
exerted an influence on the composition of this gospel. Luke,
however, did not draw the materials of his narrative firom Paul
(at least not principally), but, as he expressly states, from
those " who from the beginning were eye-witnesses and
ministers of the word." He did not write from Paul's dictation,
but in a free and independent way; though there is no
reasonable ground for doubting that it was with Paul's
knowledge and approbation.
The " eye--witn esses and ministers of the word " are those who (1) were
from the beginning eye-witnesses of our Lord's pubhc ministry ; (2) were
intrusted -with the work of preaching the word ; that is, the apostles and
such of their associates as had companied -with them aU the time that the
Lord Jesus went in and out among them. Acts 1 : 21. The words of Luke
must not be strained ; for he records some incidents of our Lord's history
before his pubhc appearance which could have been learned only from
Mary and her circle.
The remarkable agreement between Luke's account of the institution
of the Lord's Supper (Luke 22:9, 20), and Paul's (1 Cor. 11:23-25) has
often been noticed. It is most naturaUy explained by the supposition that
Luke recorded the transaction in the form in which he had often heard it
from the Ups of Paul. But there is nothing in the character of this gospel
which can warrant the supposition that the apostle exercised a formal
supervision over its composition. Such a procedure would be contrary to
the spirit of the apostoUc age. The apostle himseU -wrote by an amanuen
sis. But when one of his associates in the ministry wrote, in whom he had
fuU confidence, he left him to the free exercise of his judgment under the
iUumination of the Holy Spirit.
28. In respect to the date of this gospel, if we assume that
the Acts of the Apostles were written at Eome about A. D. 63-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 433
65 (Chap. 5, No. 5), it is reasonable to suppose that the gospel,
which is dedicated to the same personage, was composed not
very long before, perhaps even during the two years of Paul's im
prisonment at Eome, in which case Eome would also be theplace
of its composition. Whether Luke wrote before or after Mark
is a question that has been differently answered, and cannot be
determined with certainty. The proof that all three of the first
evangelists wrote before the destruction of Jerusalem has been
already given. Chap. 3, No. 14.
29. Though Luke dedicates his gospel to TheophUus (chap.
1 : 1—4), it is not to be supposed that it was written for his use
alone. He had a more general end in view, and that is indicated
by the form of our Lord's genealogy as given by him. WhUe
Matthew traces the Sariour's lineage through David to
Abraham, in conformity -with his design to show that he is the
promised seed of Abraham and king of Israel, Luke traces it
back through Darid and Abraham to Adam " the son of God."
He identifies Jesus of Nazareth not with the Messiah alone of
Abraham's and David's Une, but with man as man. He is the
second Adam, and as such the Saviour of the race. This
universal aspect of the gospel, as a gospel not for one nation
but for aU mankind, shines forth indeed in aU the gospels, but
it appears with wonderful sweetness and power in some of the
parables which are peciUiar to Luke^ as those of the good
Samaritan (chap. 10 : 30-37), the lost sheep (chap. 15 : 3-7), the
lost pieces of silver (chap. 15 : 8-10), the prodigal son (chap.
15 : 11-32) ; in aU which Jesus is set forth as the Saviour of
suffering humanity.
30. As it respects the character and plan of Luke's gospel, the
foUowing particulars are to be noticed. In the distribution of
matter between the narration of events and the recital of om-
Lord's discourses it holds a position between the first and
the second gospel ; being less fuU in the latter respect than
Matthew, but far more fuU than Mark. In the narrative part
there is an easy and graceful style which charms every reader.
In the introduction of minute incidents he goes beyond
Comp, to Bible. 19

434 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
Matthew, though he has not the circumstantial exactness of
Mark. The agreement of Luke's gospel with the two prece
ding in its general plan is recognized at once by every reader.
Like them it is mainly occupied with our Lord's Galilean
ministry. In regard to the Saviour's infancy he is more full
than Matthew, the matter of the first three chapters being in a
great measure peculiar to him. He omits a long series of
events recorded by the first two evangelists. Matt. 14:22 —
16:12; Mark 6:45 — 8:26. On the other hand he introduces
(chap. 9 : 43 — 18 : 30) " a remarkable series of acts and discourses
which are grouped together in connection with the last journey
to Jerusalem. Some of the incidents occur in different con
nections in the other evangelists ; and the whole section proves,
by the absence of historical data and the unity of its general
import, that a moral and not a temporal sequence is the law of
the gospels." Westcott, Introduct. to Gospel, chap. 7. Very
much of the matter in this remarkable section is peculiar to
Luke, and contains passages of wonderful beauty and sweet
ness which would have been lost to the church but for the
record of this gospel. Among these are the mission of the
seventy, several miracles, some striking lessons of instruction
from passing incidents, and no less than twelve parables: the
good Samaritan, the unfortunate friend, the unclean spirit, the
rich fool, the barren fig-tree, the lost sheep, the lost pieces of
silver, the prodigal son, the unfaithful steward, the rich man
and Lazarus, the unjust judge, the Pharisee and publican.
While the attentive reader perceives the very near relationship
of the third gospel to the "first and second, he notices also the
fact that it differs from both of them more than they do fi-om
each other.
" If the total contents of the several gospels be represented by 100, the
foUo-wing table is obtained: Peculiarities, Concordances.
St. Mark,  7  93
St. Matthew,  42  58
St, Luke,  59  41
St. John, .  92  8

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 435
"From this it appears that the several gospels bear almost exactly an
inverse relation to one another, St, Mark and St. John occupying the
extreme positions, the proportion of original passages in one balancing the
coincident passages in the other. If again the extent of aU the coincidences
be represented by 100, their proportionate distribution wUl be :
St. Matthew, St, Mark, St. Luke,  53
St. Matthew, St. Luke,  11
St. Matthew, St. Mark,  20
St. Mark, St. Luke,  6 "
[Westcott, after Stroud and Norton.]
Of absolutely new matter in Mark a striking example is the beautiful
parable, chap. 4:26-29. The two miracles peculiar to him (chap. 7:31-37 ;
8:22-26) are both of avery striking character, and related -with circumstan
tial minuteness X)f detaU. Where his narratives coincide with those of
the other evangeUsts, they are characterized by the addition of details,
which, as already remarked, add much to the vivedness and graphic power
of his descriptions.
31. The integrity of the third gospel has been recently
assailed in Germany in the way of attempting to show that the
gospel of Luke, as we now have it, is corrupted by interpola
tions, and that Marcion had it in its true form. See Chap. 2,
No. 12. But the result of a voluminous discussion is that
Marcion's gospel is now acknowledged to have been a mutilated
form of the canonical gospel, in accordance with the testimony
of the ancient fathers.
Ou the relation to each other pf the two genealogies of our Lord given
by Matthew and Luke respectively, and the different modes of bringing
them into harmony with each other, many volumes have been -wrttten.
Two different principles of interpretation are proposed. According to the
first, the genealogies of both Matthew and Luke are those of Joseph, the
legal father of Jesus, and the only one that could be known in this relation
in the pubUc registers. The second riew is that Matthew gives the gene
alogy of Joseph, and Luke that of Mary, Joseph being caUed the son of
HeU, in the sense of son-in-la-w ; and being perhaps also legal heir to HeU
through Mary in the absence of brothers. The reader -wiU find statements'
of these two riews, the former in Smith's Bible Diet., the latter in Alex
ander's Kitto, Art. Genealogy of Jesus Christ ; also in the commentaries
generaUy. We only add that though we may not be able to deterraine

436 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
-with certainty what is the true solution of the difficulty, no one can show
that such a solution is impossible. The reverent beUever wUl quietly wait
for more Ught, if it shaU please God to give it ; otherwise he -wUl be con
tent to remain -without it. V. JOHN.
32. Though the writer of the fourth gospel everywhere
refrains from mentioning his own name, he clearly indicates
himself as the "bosom disciple." When he speaks of two
disciples that foUowed Jesus, afterwards adding that " one of
the two" "was Andrew, Simon Peter's brother" (chap. 1:37,
40) ; of " one of his disciples, whom Jesus loved " (chap. 13 : 23 ;
21:7, 20); and of "another disciple" in company with Simon
Peter (chap. 18:15, 16; 20:2-8), the only natural explanation
of these circumlocutions is that he refers to himself. Even if
we suppose, with some, that the two closing verses of chapter
21 (the former of which ascribes this gospel directly to John)
are a subscription by another hand, their authenticity is un
questionable, sustained as it is by the uniform testimony of
antiquity, and by the internal character of the gospel.
33. The Scriptural notices of John are few and simple. He
was the son of Zebedee, a fisherman of Bethsaida on the
Western shore of the sea of Galilee not far from Capernaum.
Matt. 4:21; Mark 1:19, 20; Luke 5:10, 11. His mother's
name was Salome. Matt. 27 : 56 compared wijih Mark 15 : 40.
His parents seem to have been possessed of some property,
since Zebedee had hired servants (Mark 1:20), and Salome was
one of the women who followed Jesus in GaUlee, and ministered
to him. Mark 15 : 40, 41. From the order in which he and his
brother James are mentioned — James and John, except Luke
9 : 28— he is thought to have been the younger of the two.
Early in our Lord's ministry he was called to be one of his
followers ; was one of the three who were admitted to special
intimacy with him, they alone being permitted to witness the
raising of Jairus' daughter, the transfiguration, and the agony
of Gethsemane (Matt. 17:1; 26:37; Mark 5:37; 9 : 2; 14:33;
Luke 8 : 51 ; 9: 28) ; and of the' three was, though not flrst m

THE NEW TESTAMENT. ¦ 437
place, first in the Lord's love and confidence — "the disciple
whom Jesus loved," and to whose tender care he committed his
mother as he was about to expire on the cross. By his natural
endowments, as weU as by his lo-ring and confidential inter
course -with the Sariour, he was prepared to receive, and
afterwards to publish to the world, those deep and spiritual
riews of Christ's person and office which so remarkably char
acterize his gospel.
So far as we have any notices of John in the Acts of the
Apostles and epistles of Paul, his residence after our Lord's
ascension was at Jerusalem. But, according to the unanimous
testimony of antiquity, he spent the latter part of his Ufe in
Ephesus, where he died at a very advanced age, not far fi-om
the close of the flrst century. The subject of his banishment
to the isle of Patmos -wiU come up in connection -with the
Apocalypse. There is a mass of traditions respecting the latter years of this apostie,
which are, however, of a, very uncertain character. Among the more
sti-iking of these are: his being taken to Home during the persecution
under Domitian, and there thrown into a caldron of boiUng oU, whence he
escaped unhurt ; his refusal to remain under the same roof with the heretic
Cerinthus, lest it should faU upon him and crush him ; his successful
journey on horseback into the midst of a band of robbers to reclaim a
faUen.member of the church who had become their leader ; and especiaUy,
that during the last days of his life, he was customarUy carried into the
assembly of the church, where he simply repeated the words: "Little
children, love one another."
34. The arguments for the late composition of this gospel —
after the destmction of Jerusalem — have ah-eady been given.
Chap. 2, No. 14. If we say between a. d. 70 and 100, it wiU be
as near an approximation to the time as we can make. The
place, according to Ii-enseus (in Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. 5. 8) was
Ephesus, with which statement aU that we know of his later
Ufe is in harmony.
35. From the beginning of our Lord's ministry John was, as
we have seen, admitted to his intimate companionship and
friendship. He was not therefore, dependent on tradition.

438" COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
His gospel is the testimony of what he had himself seen and
heard. Tet it covers only a part of the Saviour's ministry;
and the question remains why, with the exception of the clos
ing scenes of our Lord's life on earth, that part should be to
so remarkable an extent precisely zvhat the earlier evangelists
have omitted. In answer to this question it might be said that
those actions and discourses of our Lord which John selected
most clearly exhibit his person and office as the son of God;
and that these were especiaUy, (1) his encounters with the
Jewish rulers at Jerusalem, (2) his private confidential inter
course with his disciples. 'Whatever weight we may aUow to
this consideration, it cannot be regarded as a fuU ex23lanation
of the difference between John and the other evangelists in
the selection of materials. With the exception of the miracle
of the loaves and fishes and the incidents connected with it
(chap. 6:1-21) his notices of our Lord's ministry in Gahlee
relate almost entirely to incidents and discom-ses omitted by
the other evangelists. It is altogether probable that, although
John did not write his gospel simply as supplementary to the
earlier gospels, he yet had reference to them in the selection
of his materials. His own statement: "Many other signs
truly did Jesus in the presence of his disciples, which are not
written in this book. But these are written, that ye might
beUeve that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that
believing ye might have Ufe through his name" (chap. 20:30,
31), is not inconsistent with such a supposition. The "many
other signs" he may have omitted, in part at least, because
he judged that a sufficient account of them had been given by
the earlier evangeUsts, of whose writings, when we consider
the time that in all probabiUty intervened between their com
position and that of his gospel, -n-e cannot suppose him to
have been ignorant. Such a reference to these writings does
not in any way exclude the general design which he had, in
common -svith the earUer evangehsts, to show "that Jesus is
the Christ, the Son of God," through faith in whose name
eternal Ufe is received.

THE NEW TESTAMENT, 439
Ancient ti-adition represents, in a variety of forms, that John intended
to complete the evangehcal history, as given by the other evangeUsts, in
the way of fm-nishing additional events and discourses omitted by them.
The citations may be seen in Daridson's Inti-oduct. to New Test., vol. 1,
pp. 320-22. Though the statements of the fathers on this point cannot
, be accepted -without quaUfication, there is no vaUd ground for denying the
general reference above assumed.
36. In writing his gospel John had not a polemical, but a
general end in view. It was not his immediate aim to refute
the errors and heresies of his day ; but, as he tells us, to show
that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, in order that men,
through faith in his name, may have eternal Ufe. Tet, Uke
every wise and practical writer, he must have had regard to
the state of the churches in his day and the forms of error by
which they were assailed. In the latter part of the apostolic
age the seeds of those heresies which in the foUowing century
yielded such a rank and poisonous harvest, had already beg-un
to be sown. Like all the heresies which have troubled the
Christian church to the present day, they consisted essentially
in false riews respecting our Sariour's person and office. The
beloved disciple who foUowed Jesus through the whole of his
ministry and leaned on his bosom at the last supper, has given
us an authentic record of the Eedeemer's words and works, in
which, as in a bright untarnished mu-ror, we see both the
dirine dignity of his person and the true nature of his office as
the Eedeemer of the world. Such a record -nas especiaUy
adapted to refiite the errors of his day, as it is those of the
present day. It is preeminently the gospel of our Lord's
person. It opens with an account of his di-rine nature and
eternal coeristence with the Father ; his general office as the
creator of aU things, and the source of Ught and life to all men ;
and his special office as " the word made flesh," whom the
Father sent for the salvation of the -n^orld, and by whom alone
the Father is revealed to men. EquaUty with the Father in
nature, subordination to the Father in office, union with human
nature in the work of redeeming and judging men, and in all

440 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
these perfect union with the Father in counsel and wUl — such
are the great doctrines that run through our Lord's discussions
with the unbeUering Jews, as recorded by this evangelist. In
the same discussions, but more especially in his private oonfl
dential intercourse -with his disciples, he adds deep riews of his
relation to the world, as the only revealer of God's truth, the
only source of spiritual life, and the only way of access to the
Father ; and to believers, as the true vine, through rital union
with which they have Ufe, nourishment, and fruitfulness. He
unfolds also more fuUy than the other evangeUsts the office of
the Comforter, whom the Father shaU send to make good to
the church the loss of his personal presence. Thus the gospel
of John becomes at once an inexhaustible storehouse of spirit
ual food for the nourishment of the believer's own soul, and a
divine armory, whence he may draw polished shafts in his war
fare against error. This last record of our Lord's Ufe and
teachings owes its present form, under the guidance of the
Holy Spirit, partly to the peculiar character of the writer, and
partly to the lateness of the period when it was composed. In
both these respects we ought devoutly to recognize the super
intending providence of him who sees the end from the begin
ning.
VI. THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES.
37. The author of the Acts of the Apostles is identical with
that of the third gospel, as we learn from the dedication to the
same Theophilus. Chap. 1:1. Both are ascribed to Luke by
the unanimous testimony of the ancient church. The genuine
ness of this book, its credibUity, and the time of its composition
— about A. D. 63-65^have been already shown. Chap. 5, Nos.
2-5. It remains to consider its plan and its office in the system
of revelation. 38. In respect to pla.n this book naturally falls into two
main divisions, the former embracing the first twelve chapters,
the latter the remainder of the work. The first division con
tains the history of the apostolic labors after the ascension, in
Jerusalem and from Jerusalem as a centre. Here, if we except

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 441
the events connected with the martyrdom of Stephen (chs. 6, 7),
the conversion of Saul (chap. 9 : 1-31), and the Ethiopian
eunuch (chap. 8 : 26—40), Peter everywhere appears as the
chief speaker and actor, being first among the twelve, though
possessing no official authority over them. It is he that pro
poses the choice of one to supply the place of Judas, and that
is the foremost speaker on the day of Pentecost, at the gate of
the temple, before the Jewish Sanhedrim, and in the assembly
of the church. Chaps. 1:15-22; 2:14r-40; 3:4-26; 4:8-12;
5 : 3-11, 29-32. Associated with him we often find the apostle
John. Chaps. 3:1 ; 4:13, 19; 8:14. When the Samaritans are
to receive the gift of the Holy Spirit, Peter and John are sent
to them fi-om Jerusalem. Chap. 8 : 14-25. When the gospel is
to be carried for the first time to the GentUes, Peter is sent by
the Holy Ghost to the house of Cornelius in Cesarea (chap. 10),
for which mission he afterwards rindicates himself before the
brethren at Jerusalem. Chap. 11:1-18. Further notices of
Peter we have in chaps. 9 : 32-43 ; 12 : 3-19. We know that the
other apostles must have been actively and successfuUy em
ployed in prayer and the ministry of the word (chap. 6:4), but
it does not come within the plan of this narrative to give a
particular account of their labors.
The second dirision is occupied with the history of Paul's
missionary labors among tlie Gentiles, from Antioch as a centre.
He had already been sent fi-om that city -with Bamabas to
carry alms to the brethren in Jerusalem and Judea (chaps.
11:27-30; 12:25), when "the Holy Ghost said. Separate me
Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have caUed
them ;" and they were sent, -with fasting and prayer and the
solemn laying on of hands, on their great mission to the
Gentiles. Chap. 13 : 1-3. Thenceforward the narrative is
occupied with an account of the labors of Paul among the
Gentiles. The fifteenth chapter is no exception ; for the con
vocation of the apostles and elders at Jerusalem was occa
sioned by the missionary labors of Paul, and had especial
reference to them.

442 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Two cities are mentioned in the New Testament which have the name
of Antioch — Antioch of Pisidia so-caUed, though situated in the southern
part of Phrygia near the border of Pisidia (Acts 13 : 14 ; 14 : 19, 21 ; 2
Tim. 3 : 11) ; and Antioch of Syria, situated on the southern bank of the
Orontes about fifteen mUes from its mouth. Acts 11 : 19-27 ; 13 : 1 ;
14 : 26 ; 15 : 22-35 ; 18 : 22 ; GaL 2 ; 11. The latter city was the centre of
GentUe Christianity. It was the meti-opoUs of Syria, the residence of the
Syrian kings, and afterwards the cax^ital of the Eoman pro-rinces in Asia.
Here the first GentUe church was gathered, and the disciples first received
the name of Christians. Acts 11 : 19-26. Hence Bamabas and Saul were
sent to Jerusalem to bear alms (Acts 11:29, 30 ; 12 ;25) ; and afterwards to
consult the aposties and elders at Jerusalem on the question of imposing
the Mosaic law on the GentUe converts. From this city also the apostle -
started on his three missionary jom'neys, and to it he retumed from his first
and second journey. Acts 13 : 1-3 ; 14 : 26 ; 15 : 36, 40 : 18 : 22, 23. From
the time that Barnabas first brought the apostle to Antioch (Acts 11 : 26)
to that of his seizure at Jerusalem and subsequent imprisonment, most of
his time not occupied in missionary journeys was spent at Antioch. Acts
11 : 26 ; 12 : 25 ; 14 : 26-28 ; 15 : 30, 35 ; 18 : 22, 23. As Jerusalem was the
centre for the apostles of the circumcision, so was Antioch in Syria for the
apostle of the Gentiles.
39. This brief survey of the plan of this book gives us also
an iasight into its office. First of aU it gives us a fresh and
rivid portraiture of the apostoUc labors and the spirit of the
apostoUc chm-ch, as pervaded and quickened by the presence
of the promised Comforter. On the side of the apostles, we see
a boldness and ardor that no persecution can check, united with
simplicity and godly sincerity. On the side of the brethren,
we see a whole-hearted devotion to the Saviour, under the
mighty impulse of faith and love, which opens their hearts in
UberaUty and causes them to have aU things in common. On
the side of both the apostles and the brethren, we see untiring
actirity and patient endurance in the Master's service, such as
make the primitive church a bright iUustration of the promise :
"Thou shalt be Uke a watered garden, and Uke a spring of
water, whose waters faU not. And they that be of thee
shaU build the old waste places." Isa. 58 : 11, 12. On the side
of the unbeUering Jews and GentUes, on the contrary, we
behold, as ever since, a series of unsuccessful efforts to hinder

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 443
the -work of God ; the very ringleader of the persecutors being
caUed, in the midst of his heat and fury against Christianity,
to be the "ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes." Such an
authentic record of apostoUc times is of immense value to the
church in all ages. It gives the true standard of enlightened
Christian zeal and actirity, and the true exhibition of what
constitutes the real strength and prosperity of the Christian
church. The Acts of the Apostles give also a cursory riew of the
inauguration of the Christian church, by the descent of the
Holy Spirit in his plenary influences (chap. 2), hy the appoint
ment of deacons (chap. 6), and the ordination of elders, though
these last are only mentioned incidentaUy (chaps. 14 : 23 ;
20: 17), the office being understood of itself fi-om the usages of
the Je-wish Synagogue. The scantiness of the information which
we have on this matter of church organization is a. part of the
-wisdom of the Holy Ghost, and is fuU of instruction to the
church in aU ages.
Once more, the Acts of the Apostles give a most interesting
and instructive account of the way in which " the middle waU
of partition " between Jews and Gentiles was graduaUy broken
down. The fuU import of the Saviour's last command : " Go
ye into aU the world, and preach the gospel to every creature,"
seems to have been at first but dimly apprehended by the
apostles. For some time then- labors were restricted to their
own countrymen. But when, upon the dispersion of the dis
ciples in the persecution that arose in connection with Stephen's
martyrdom, the gospel had been preached to the Samaritans,
the apostles Peter and John were sent to them, and they in
common -with the Jews received the gift of the Holy Spirit.
Chap. 8 : 5-25. This was an intermediate step. Afterwards
Peter was sent among the GentUes proper, and they also
received the Holy Spirit, to the astonishment of the Jewish
brethren who had accompanied Peter. Chap. 10. The same
thing happened also at Antioch (chap. 11 : 20), where the true
reading is HeUenas, Greeks, that is, Gentiles, not HeUenistas,

444 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Hellenists. But the work was not yet finished. It remained
that the believing Gentiles should be, by the solemn and formal
judgment of the assembled apostles and elders, released from
the yoke of the Jewish law. Of this we have an account in the
fifteenth chapter. Thus was the demolition of the middle waU of
partition completed. Of the greatness of this work and the
formidable difficulties by which it was beset — difficulties having
their ground in the exclusive spirit of Judaism in connection with
the false idea that the Mosaic law was to remain in force under
the Messiah's reign — we who live so many centuries after its
accomijlishment can form but a feeble conception.
40. Brief and imperfect as is the sketch which Luke has
given us, it is sufficient for the instruction of the churches
in subsequent ages. God deals with them not as with chUdren,
to whom the command, "Touch not, taste not, handle not,"
must continuaUy be repeated ; but as with full-grown men,
who need general principles rather than specific and minute
directions. The facts recorded in the Acts of the Apostles are
of a 7-epresentative character. They embody the spirit of
apostoUc times, and the great principles upon which the cause
of Christ must ever be conducted. Fuller information in respect
to details might gratify our curiosity, but it is not necessary
for our edification.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 445

CHAPTEE XXX.
'"The Epistles of Paul.
1. The apostolic epistles are a natural sequence of the office
and work committed by the Sariour to the apostles. They were
the primitive preachers of the gospel, and, under Christ, the
founders of the Christian church. From the necessity ofthe case
they had a general superrision of all the local churches, and
their authority in them was supreme in matters of both faith and
practice. It was to be expected, therefore, that they should
teach by writing, as weU as by oral instruction. It does not
appear, however, that epistolary correspondence . entered
originaUy into their plan of labor. Their great Master taught
by word of mouth only, and they f^Uowed his example. " We,"
said the twelve, " wUl give ourselves continually to prayer, and
tothe ministry of the word." Acts 6: 4. It was only when
circumstances made it necessary, that some of them took up the
pen to -write to the churches. Passing by for the present the
disputed question of the time when the epistle of James was
written, and assuming that the conversion of Paul took place
about A. D. 36, we have an interval of at least sixteen years
between this event and the date of his earliest epistles, those
to the Thessalonians, written about A. D. 53. The apostles did
not regard themselves as letter-writers, but as preachers of the
word. They took up the pen only when some special occasion
made it necessary. The apostoUc epistles are incidental ; and
for this very reason they are eminently Ufe-like and practical.
In respect to themes, and the manner of handling them, they
present a rich variety. All the great questions of faith and
practice that have agitated the Christian church since the
apostoUc age come up for discussion in these letters, not indeed,
in their ever-varying outward forms, but in their great under-

446 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ly™g principles. Thus the providence of God has provided
in them a rich storehouse of truths for the instruction and
edification of believers to the end of time.
2. Of the twenty-one epistles contained in the New Testa
ment fourteen belong to Paul (if we include the anonymous
letter to the Hebrews), all written in the prosecution of his
great work as the apostle to the GentUes. The Saviour's
personal ministry was restricted to the Jews, and so -^-as that
of the twelve apostles and the seventy disciples whom he sent
forth before his crucifixion. Matt. 10 : 5, 6 ; 15 : 24 ; Luke 10 : 1.
But his last command -n-as : " Go ye, therefore, and teach aU
nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the
Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Matt. 28 :19. In carrying into
execution this command, which involved such an immense
change in the outward form of God's visible earthly kingdom,
it was necessary —
(1) That the apostles should insist very earnestly and fuUy
on the great fundamental doctrine of the gospel, that men have
justification and eternal life, not through the law of Moses, or
any other possible system of works, but through fcdth in Jesus
Christ ; a doctrine which cuts up Pharisaism by the roots.
(2) That, since faith in Christ is the common ground of jus
tiflcation for Jews and GentUes, both were to be admitted upon
equcd terms to aU the rights and privUeges of the Christian
church ; the ancient prerogative of the Jews above the Gentiles '
being done away in Christ.
(3) Still further, that since the GentUes had justification
and salvation not through the law of Moses, but through faith
alone, the Mosaic law was not to be imposed upon them. This was
rirtually announcing its aboUtion, its types and shadows ha-riog
been fidfiUed in Christ.
(4) That this removal of " the middle waU of partition " be
tween the Jews and GentUes was in accordance with Moses and
the prophets — not a change of God's original plan, but only the
fuU accompUshment of it. Acts 15:15-18; Eom. 3:21,31;
4:6-25; Gal. 3:6-9.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 447
We have seen how this great work was begun by the gift of
the Holy SpUit, in connection with the preaching of the gospel,
first to the Samaritans (Acts 8:5-17), and afterwards to tho
GentUes (Acts 10; 11:20-26, etc.); and how it was completed,
so far as concerns the principles involved in it, by the solemn
decree of the apostles and the elders (Acts 15 : 1-29).
3. But for the reali'Mtion of these principles in the actual
preaching of the gospel to the GentUe nations, and the estab
Ushment of Christian churches among them which should em
brace on equal terms Jews and GentUes, a man of very pecuUar
qualifications was raised up in the proridence of God. Sard of
Tarsus was a Jew, brought up in Jerusalem at the feet of
Gamahel, thoroughly instructed in the law and the prophets, and
able therefore to speak -with authority concerning the Old
Testament to both Jews and GentUes. His indomitable energy
and fiery zeal, imited ¦with rare practical wisdom, had made him
the foremost man in persecuting the Christians. "Wlien the
proper time had come Jesus met him on the road to Damascus
¦with converting power, and aU his superior education and
endowments were thenceforth consecrated to the work of
preaching the faith which once he destroyed, especiaUy to the
GentUe world. But in this matter he felt and acted as a Jew.
He did not separate himself abruptly fi-om his countrymen.
Cherishing towards them the tenderest affection, they were
everywhere the first objects of his Christian eftbrt. Into what-
ever city he went, he first sought the Je^wish synagogue, and
there he "reasoned ¦with them out of the Scriptures." Acts
13:14; 14:1; 17:2, 10; 18:4; 19:8. It was only when they
persisted in opposing and blaspheming, that he desisted from
further effort among them and tumed to the GentUes. Acts
13 : 4-5-47 ; 18 : 6 ; 19 : 9. Wherever he went he encountered
the bitterest persecution on the part of his own countrymen, be
cause of the prominence which he gave to the great evangehcal
principles above considered — that men have justification not
whoUy or in part through the Mosaic law, but simply throngh
faith in Christ, and that in him the distinction between Jews

448 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
and GentUes is aboUshed. Even the believing Jews found it
hard to apprehend these truths in their fuUness. In the nar
rowness of their Jewish prejudices they were anxious to impose
on the Gentile converts the yoke of the Mosaic law. This, Paul
steadfastly resisted, and it is to his defence of Gentile liberty
that we owe, in great measure, those masterly discussions on
the ground of justification, and the unity of Jews and Gentiles
in Christ, which are so prominent in his epistles. Tet with his
uncompromising firmness of principle he united remarkable
flexibiUty in regard to the means of success. To those -who
would impose circumcision on the Gentiles he "gave place by
subjection, no, not for an hour." Gal. 2:5. But where no
great principle was concerned, he was wilUng to cn-cumcise
Timothy, out of regard to the feelings of the Jews ; thus becom
ing, in his own words, " all things to all men." 1 Cor. 9 :22.
4. The pecuUar character of the apostle's style is obrious
to every reader. It is in an eminent degree argumentative.
He "reasoned with them," says Luke, " out of the Scriptures."
These words describe accurately the character of both his
epistles and his addresses to the Jews as recorded in the Acts
of the Apostles. In addressing a Gentile audience at Athens,
he stiU " reasoned with them ;" but it was now from the inscrip
tion on one of theu- altars, from certain of their own poets, and
from the manifestations in nature of God's power and God
head. His reasoning takes occasionaUy the form of an argu
ment within an argument. He pauses by the way to expand
some thought, and does not return again to complete in gram
matical form the sentence ¦n-hich he had begun; so that his
style sometimes becomes complex and obscure. The versatU-
ity of the apostle's mind, which made him equally at home in
discussing subjects the most varied, appears in his style also.
It naturally takes the complexion of his themes. To under
stand this one has only to compare the epistle to the Eomans
with those to the Corinthians ; the epistle to the Galatians with
that to the Ephesians ; and all these with the epistles to the
PhiUppians^ and Thessalonians. His style may be compared

THE NEW JESTAMENT. 449
to a clear -window, which shows with fldeUty the ever varying
forms and scenes that pass before it.
5. The commentaries that have been written on the epistles
of Paul would themselves constitute a large library. Our own
century has been very fi-uitful in them, and some of them are
accessible to every reader. For this reason our notice of the
separate epistles may well be brief. Our aim will be to give
the occasion of each, its chronological order in the series,
its connection with the apostle's missionary labors, its scope,
and the office which it accompUshes in the plan of revelation.
In connection -with Paul's episties the reader should carefuUy study the
history of his life and labors, as given in the Acts of the Apostles. From
Acts 9 : 23-26 compared -with Gal. 1 : 16-18, we learn that the first three
years after Paul's conversion were spent at Damascus and in Arabia. Then
he went up to Jerusalem, but after a short sojoum there was driven away
by the persecution of the Jews, and retired to his native city. Tarsus in
CiUcia. Acts 9 : 29, 30. After an interval of some time, which he spent
"in the regions of Syria and CUicia" (Gral. 1:21), " Barnabas departed to
Tarsus, for to seek Said. And when he had found him, he brought him
unto Antioch." Acts 11:25, 26. This is supposed to have been about
A. D. 43, seven or eight years after his conversion.
Here begins his recorded public ministry in Antioch and from Antioch
as a centre. See above, Chap, 29, No. 38. It embraces three great mission
ary tours (Acts 13:1, etc.; 15:36, etc.; 18:23, etc.), and /our risits to
Jerusalem besides that ah-eady noticed. Acts 11 : 27-30 compared -with
12 : 25 ; 15 : 2 ; 18 : 22 ; 21 : 15. The last of these ended in his captirity
and imprisonment, first at Cesarea and afterwards at Eome, with an inter
vening perilous voyage and ship-wreck. Acts chap. 21-28. See the incidents of
Paul's Ufe chronologically arranged in Davidson's Introduct. to New Test.,
voL 2, pp. 110-112, -with the annexed table ; in Home's Introduct., vol. 4,
pp. 490-495 ; in Conybeare and Howson, vol. 2, Appendix 2 ; and in the
commentaries of Hackett, Alford, Wordsworth, etc.
6. As the epistles of Paul stand in the New Testament,
they are not arranged in chronological order. The principle
of arrangement seems to have been, flrst, those to churches,
then, those to individuals ; the further order being that of rela
tive size, with this modification -; that two epistles addressed to
the same church should stand together, and that the last of

450

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

them, which is always the shorter, should determine their place
in the series. Wliere the epistles are about equal in size, it
seems to have been the design to arrange them chronologi
cally. The catholic epistles are arranged upon the same plan.
The epistle to the Hebrews, as being anonymous, now stands
after those which bear the name of Paul. But in many Greek
manuscripts it is placed after 2 Thessalonians, consequently
between the epistles addressed to churches and those to indi
viduals. The student of these epistles should cai-efully note the chronological
order, because, iis Wordsworth remarks (Preface to Commentary on the
Epistles), the mutual iUustration which the Acts of the Apostles and the
apostoUc epistles receive from each other "is much impaired if the apostolic
epistles are not studied in connection with and in the order of the aiDostoUc
history.'' The foUowing is the chronological order of the epistles, as far
as it can be ascertained, though (as wiU hereafter appear) some uncertainty
exists in respect to several of them : Colossians  about a, d. 62
PhUemon  " 62
PhUippians  " 63
Hebrews  uncertain.
1 Timothy  about a. d. 65
Titus  " 65
2 Timothy  " 66
Arranged according to the order of time the thirteen epistles which
bear the name of Paul naturaUy faU into/o«r groups: (1) the two epistles
to the Thessalonians, written during the apostle's second missionary journey
recorded Acts 15 : 36 — 18 : 22 ; (2) the epistles to the Galatians, Corinthians,
and Eomans, written during his third missionary journey, Acts 18:23 —
21 : 15 ; (3) the epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, Philemon, and PhU
ippians, -written during Paul's imprisonment in Eome, Acts 28:16-31
(some suppose the first three to have been written during his imprisonment
at Cesarea, Acts 23 : 35 — 26 : 32) ; (4) the pastoral epistles, the first and third
probably written after his recorded imprisonment in Eome, and the second
during a second imprisonment after the pubUcation of the Acts of the
Apostles, and which ended in his martyrdom a, r>. 67 or 68.
The epistles of Paul will now be considered in the usual or
der, except that the three to the Ephesians, Colossians, and
Philemon, which are contemporaneous, wUl be taken together.

1 Thessalonians . .

. about A, D. 53

2 Thessalonians . .

53

Galatians 

" 56 or 57

1 Corinthians . .

57

2 Corinthians . .

57

Eomans 

. . " 58

Ephesians ....

. " 62

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 451

EPISTLE TO THE EOMANS.

7. The date of the epistle to the Eomans, as well as the
place where it was written, can be gathered with much cer
tainty from the epistle itself, taken in connection with other no
tices respecting Paul found in the Acts of the Apostles. He
was about to bear alms to his brethren in Judea from Macedo
nia and Achaia. Chap. 15 : 25, 26. He had previously ex
horted the church of Corinth in Achaia to make this very col
lection, which he was to receive of them when he came to them
through Macedonia. 1 Cor. 16:1-6. That he was also to
bring with him a collection from the Macedonian churches is
manifest from 2 Cor. 8 : 1-4 ; 9 : 1^. He wrote, moreover, from
Corinth ; for among the greetings at the close of the epistle is
one from " Gaius mine host " (chap. 16 : 23), a Corinthian whom
he had baptized (1 Cor. 1 : 14) ; he commends to them Phebe,
a deaconess of the church at Cenchrea, the eastern port of
Corinth, chap. 16 : 1 ; and he speaks of " the city" where he is
as well known (chap. 16:23), which can be no other than
Corinth. No-w by comparing Acts 19 : 21 ; 20 : 1-3 ; 24 : 17, we
find that he was then on his way to Jerusalem through Mace
donia and Greece, for the last time recorded in the New Testa
ment. The epistle to the Eomans, then, was written from
Corinth during the apostle's third missionary tour and second
abode in that city, about a. d. 58. It is the fourth of his epis
tles in the order of time, and stands in near connection with
those to the Galatians and Corinthians, which were apparently
written during the previous year.
8. Concerning the founding of the church at Eome we have
no information. At the date of this epistle Paul had not vis
ited it. Chaps. 1:10-15; 15:23, 24. Of its composition, how
ever, we have more certain knowledge. Founded in the me
tropolis of the Eoman empire, -where, as we know from many
notices of ancient writers, many Jews resided, it must have
been of a mixed character, embracing both Jews and G;entiles.
with this agree the contents of the present epistle. That the

452 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Gentile element largely predominated in the church at Eome
. appears from the general tenor of the epistle. Chaps. 1:13;
11 : 13-25, 30, 31; 15:16. That it had also a Jewish element-
is plain from the whole of chap. 2, and the precepts in chap. 14.
9. The occasion of writing seems to have been of a general
character. The apostle had often purposed to risit Eome, but
had been as often hindered. Chap. 1 : 13. To compensate in
part for this failure, he wrote the present epistle, having, as it
appears, an opportunity to send it by Phebe, a deaconess of
the church at Cenchrea. Chap. 16:1. The apostle's design,
like the occasion of his writing, was general. It was natural
that, in addressing a church which he had long desired to visit,
he should lay himself out to unfold the gospel of Christ in its
deep foundation principles, as a plan of salvation provided for
the whole world, and designed to unite Jews and Gentiles in
one harmonious body, on the common platform of faith in
Christ. He first shows that the Gentiles are under the domin-
* ion of sin (chap. 1:18-32), and the Jews also (chap. 2), so that
both alike are shut up to salvation by grace. Chap. 3. He
connects the gospel plan of salvation immediately with the Old
Testament by showing that Abraham, the father of the Israel
itish people, was justified by faith, not by the works of the law
or any outward rite ; so that he is the father of all who Avalk in
the steps of his faith, whether Jews or Gentiles. Chap. 4. He
then sets forth the love of God in Christ, who is the second
Adam, sent to restore the race from the ruin into which it was
brought by the sin of the first Adam (chap. 5) ; and shows that
to fallen sinful men the law cannot give deliverance from either
its condemnatory sentence or the reigning power of sin, so that
its only effect is to work wrath, while the righteousness which
God gives through faith in Christ sets men free from both the
curse of the law and the inward power of sin, thus bringing
them into a blessed state of justification, sanctification, and
holy communion with God here, with the hope of eternal glory
hereafter. Chaps. 6-8. Since the doctrine of the admission of
the Gentiles to equal privileges with the Jews, and the rejection

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 453
of the unbelieving part of the Jewish nation, was exceedingly
offensive to his countrymen, the apostle devotes three entire
chapters to the discussion of this momentous theme. Chaps.
9-11. He then proceeds to draw from the whole subject, as he
has unfolded it, such practical exhortations in respect to daUy
Ufe and conduct as were adapted to the particular wants of the
Eoman Christians — entire consecration of soul and body to
God in each beUever's particular sphere (chap. 12) ; obedience
to magistrates (chap. 13 : 1-7) ; love and purity (chap. 13 : 8-14) ;
mutual respect and forbearance (chaps. 14 : 1 — 15 : 7). He then
returns to the great theme with which he began, that Christ is
the common Saviour of Jews and Gentiles, in connection with
which he refers to his office and labors as " the minister of
Jeses Christ to the Gentiles" (chap. 15:8-21), and closes with
misceUaneous notices and salutations (chaps. 15 : 22 — 16 : 27).
10. From the above brief survey the special office of the
epistle to the Eomans is manifest. In no book of the New
Testament is the great doctrine of justification by faith so fuUy >
unfolded. The apostle sets it in vivid contrast with the Phar
isaical idea of justification by the Mosaic law, and, by parity of
reason, of justification by every other system of legalism ; show
ing that it is only by grace through Christ that men can be
delivered from either the guUt of sin or its reigning power in
the soul, whUe the effect of the law is only to excite and irritate
men's corrupt passions -without the power to subdue them.
The place, therefore, which this epistle holds in the under
standings and affections of believers must be a good measure of
their progress in the Christian life.
II. EPISTLES TO THE CORINTHIANS.
11. The mest epistle to the Coeinthians was written/rom
Ephesus, not far from the time of Pentecost (chap. 16:8); not
from PhiUppi, according to the subscription appended to it. It
was during Paul's second and last risit to that city, as we learn
from his directions concerning a coUection for the saints at
Jerusalem, and his promise to come to the Corinthians through

454 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Macedonia (chap. 16 : 1-5) ; for when Paul left Ephesus after
his second sojourn there he went by Macedonia and Achaia (of
which province Corinth was the capital) to Jerusalem to bear
alms. Acts 19:21; 20:1-3; 24:17. Paul's second stay in
Ephesus, during which time some think that he made a short
visit to Corinth not mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles,
which would be the second in order, that promised in this and
the second epistle being the third (2 Cor. 12 : 14 ; 13 : 1), ex
tended over the space of about three years. Acts 19 : 1-10 ;
20:81. From his words (chap. 16 : 3-8), we gather that the
epistle was -u-ritten not long before the close of this period.
Chronologists generally place it about a. d. 57.
12. The occasion of his writing -was more siDcciflc than when
he penned his epistle to the Eomans. Corinth, the renowned
capital of the Eoman province Achaia, situated on the isthmus
that connects the southern peninsula of Greece — the ancient
Peloponnesus and the modern Morea, and enjoying the advan
tage of t-wo ports was alike distinguished for its wealth and
progress in the arts, and for its luxury and dissoluteness of
morals. Here the apostle had labored a year and six months,
and gathered a flourishing church embracing some Jews, but
consisting mostly of Gentiles. Acts 18 : 1-11 ; 1 Cor. 12 : 2.
These Gentile converts, having just emerged from the darkness
and corruption of heathenism (chap. 6 :9-ll), and living in the
midst of a dissolute community (chap. 5 : 9, 10), did not -wholly
escape the contamination of heathenish associations and heath
enish rices. Chaps. 5, 6, 8, 10. Taking a low and worldly
view of the Christian church and the spiritual endowments of
its several members, they were led into party strifes andrivalries.
Chaps. 1 : 11-13 ; 3 : 3-7. Certain vain-glorious teachers, more
over, had come in among them with a great show of worldly
wisdom, who disparaged Paul's apostolical standing, taught
the people to despise the simplicity of his teachings, and sought
to supplant him in the confidence and affections of the Corin
thian church. Chaps. 4, 9; 2 Cor. 10-13. In addition to this,
certain disorders and abuses had crept into their pubhc assem-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 455
bUes (chaps. 11, 12, 14), and some among them denied the doc
trine of the resurrection. Chap. 15. According to the most
probable interpretation of chap. 5 : 9, the apostle had already
-written them a letter on some of these points which has not
come down to us, and the Corinthians themselves had written
to the apostle, asking his adrice on some points of a practical
character, particularly in respect to the marriage relation in
then- present state of trial. Chap. 7 : 1. The occasion, then, of
¦writing this epistle, which gives also its .scope and office, was to
correct the above named errors and abuses, of which he had
received accurate information, and also to answer the inquiries
of the Corinthians in their letter. In this work the apostle
employs now sharp rebuke, now tender expostulation, and now
earnest and impassioned argument. The party strifes among
the Corinthians he meets by sho-wing that Christ himseU is the
only head of the church, that aU gifts are from him, and are to
be used to his glory in the edification of beUevers. Chaps.
1 : 13, 14, 30, 31 ; 3 : 5-23. The vain-glorious boasting of their
leaders he exposes by sho-wing the emptiness and impotence of
their pretended wisdom in comparison with the doctrine of
Christ crucified, who is the po-n-er of God and the wisdom of
God for the salvation of all that beUeve, without regard to the
distinctions of worldly rank. Chaps. 1 : 18-2 : 16 ; 3 : 18-20.
The abuses and disorders that had crept into the church he
rebukes -with apostoUcal severity; and in correcting them, as
weU as in answering the questions of the Corinthians, he makes
an apphcation of the general principles of the gospel to the
several cases before him which is fuU of practical wisdom — the
incestuous person (chap. 5 : 8), companionship with the ricious
(chap. 5 : 9-13), Utigation among brethren (chap. 6 : 1-8),
fleshly indiUgence (chap. 6 : 9-20), the inquu-ies of the Chris
tians in respect to marriage (chap. 7), meats offered to idols
and sundry questions connected -with them (chaps. 8, 10),
disorders in the public assembUes (chap. 11), spiritual gifts
with a beautiful eulogy on love (chaps. 12-14), the doctrine of
ilie resurrection (chap. 15). He also defends his apostoUcal

456 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
character and standing against his opposers, though by no
means so earnestly and fully as in the foUowing epistle. Chaps.
4, 9. Thus it comes to pass that the present epistle contains a
remarkable variety of topics, and gives us a fuller aud clearer
insight into the practical working of Christianity in the primi
tive apostoUc churches than that furnished by any other of
Paul's epistles, or, indeed, any other book of the New Testa
ment. The great principles, moreover, which he lays dow-n in
meeting the particular wants of the Corinthian church remain
valid for all time ; shedding from age to age a clear and steady
light, by which every tempest-tossed church may, God helping
it by his grace, steer its way into the haven of peace and pros
perity. 13. The reader cannot fail to notice the remarkable contrast
between the tone of this epistle and that to the Galatians,
which belongs in the order of time to the same group. See
above. No. 6. The errors of the Corinthians were not funda
mental, like those of the Galatians. They built upon the true
foundation, Jesus Christ ; but marred the building by the in
troduction of base materials — the " wood, hay, stubble " of
human wisdom, instead of the " gold, silver, precious stones "
of the truth as Paul had taught it. The false teachers among .
the Galatians, on the contrary, sought to subvert the very
foundations of Christianity by bringing in a system of legal jus
tification. In writing to the Galatians, therefore, Paul con
tends, with apostolic severity, for the very substance of the gos
pel, but in addressing the Corinthians, he seeks only to purify
the gospel from the admixture of human additions.
14. The second Epistle to the Coeinthians was written
not many months after the hrst, from Macedonia, where the
apostle was occupied in completing a collection for the poor
saints at Jerusalem, with the purpose of afterwards proceeding
to Corinth that he might receive the contribution of the Cor
inthian church also. Chaps. 8 : 1-4 ; 9 : 1-5. Whether he
wrote from Philippi, according to the subscription of the epistle,
or from some other place in Macedonia, cannot be determined.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 457
15. The occasion of writing was manifestly the report which
he had received fi-om Titus (and as is generaUy inferred from
1 Cor. 4: 17 ; 16 : 10, from Timothy also). He had sent Titus
to Corinth with the expectation that he would bring tidings
thence to Troas, where he hoped to find him on his way from
Ephesus to Macedonia. But in this he was disappointed. He
therefore hastened from Troas to Macedonia, where he met
Titus andleamed from him the effect of his first epistle. Chaps.
2 : 12, 13 ; 7 : 6 ; 12 : 18. So far as the mam body of the Corin
thian Christians was concerned, this was highly favorable, and
for it the apostle devoutly thanks God (chap. 7 : 6, 7) ; com
mends their prompt obedience (chap. 7 : 11) ; directs them to
restore the excommunicated person (chap. 2 : 5—10) ; and dis
cusses very luUy the matt-er of the coUection for the poor Chris
tians at Jerusalem (chaps. 8, 9). But the very success of his
first epistle with the better pai-t of the church had embittered
his enemies, and made them more determined in their opposition
to him. They accused him of lerity in changing his original
plan of risiting the Corinthian church on his way to Macedonia
(chap. 1 : 15-17) ; of uttering threats which he would not dare
to execute when present among them (chap. 10 : 9-11) ; of ma
king a gain of them by indirect means (chap. 12 : 16-18) ; and
sought in various ways to disparage his apostoUcal character
and standing. This led him to dweU with great earnestness
on the fullness of his apostoUc credentials, the purity of his
apostolic Ufe, and the abundance of his labors and sufferings
in behaK of Christ's cause, always -with reference more or less
direct to his enemies. With these personal notices of himseU
are interwoven exalted riews of the dignity of the ministerial
office, and the tme spirit and manner in which its weighty duties
are to be performed. See chaps. 2 : 14 — 7 : 16 ; chaps. 10-13.
The prominence which the apostle is thus forced to give to his
o-wn person and labor constitutes the most remarkable feature
of the present epistle. To the same cause are due the pecuU
arities of its diction, and its rapid transitions from one theme
and tone to another. " Consolation and rebuke, gentleness
Connx 1.^ V.-l,>. 20

458

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

and severity, earnestness and irony, succeed one another at
very short intervals and without notice." Alford, Introduction
to this Epistle. AU this came about by the wisdom of God,
who placed his servant in such circumstances that fideUty to
the cause of truth compeUed him un-willingly to set forth in
himself the character of a true minister of the gospel in bright
contrast with that of those vain-glorious and selflsh men, who
under a show of great worldly Avisdom, seek to create parties
in the church of Christ for their own private honor and emolu
ment. The particular occasion which caUed forth this epistle
soon passed away ; but the epistle itself remains a rich treasure
for all believers, especially for all Christian teachers.
III. EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS.
16. Galatia is the Greek word answering to the Eoman
GaUia, that is, Gaul. It was one of the central provinces of
Asia Minor, and received its name from the circumstance of its
being inhabited by a people of Gallic origin who came by the
way of Byzantium and the Hellespont in the third century be
fore Christ. Two visits of the apostle to Galatia are recorded
in the Acts of the Apostles ; the first, during his second mis
sionary journey (Acts 16:6) ; and the second, at the beginning
of his third journey (Acts 18 : 23). After which of these risits
the present epistle was written is a question that has been
much discussed, and answered in different ways. The most
natural interpretation, however, of chapter 4 : 13-16 leads to the
conclusion that it was after his second visit. The course of the
events seems to have been as follows : He was suffering from
an infirmity of the flesh when he preached the gospel to the
Galatians " at the first," that is, upon the first visit (verse 13).
Then they received him " as an angel of God, even as Jesus
Christ," and were filled with holy joy through simple faith in
Christ's name (verses 14, 15). Upon his second visit he found it
necessary to warn them in very plain terms against the seduc
tions of false teachers, who were seeking to draw them away
from the simplicity of the gospel to faith in a system of works.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 459
But after his departure these false teachers had great success ;
and the residt was that the affections of the Galatians were
aUenated fi-om Paul, who was their spiritual father. In -vie-w
of this fact he asks (as we may render v. 16, after EUicott, in
perfect accordance with the idiom of the Greek) : " So then, am
I become your enemy, by speaking to you the truth ? " that is
because in my recent visit I told you the truth. According to
this view the epistle belongs to the second group, and was
written about A. D. 56 or 57. Farther than this we cannot go
in determining the time. The place is uncertain. It may have
been Ephesus, or Corinth, which cities Paul visited in his third
and last missionary journey, but it cannot have been Eome, as
the subscription erroneously gives it.
The subscriptions are of no authority. That to the present epistie
probably had its ground mainly in chapter 6 : 17, where the -writer -svas
erroneously supposed to aUude to the bodily sufferings that he endured in
connection -with his last recorded imprisonment.
17. The occasion of this epistle, which gives also its design,
was very specific. The Galatian chm-ches had begun well
(chap. 5:7); but soon after Paul's departure Judaizing teachers
had di-awn them away to the very form of error noticed in the
Acts of the Apostles (chap. 15 : 1) ; " Except ye be cUcumcised
after the manner of Moses ye cannot be saved." They sought
to impose on aU the GentUe converts circumcision as essential
to salvation. Thus they placed justification on a legal ground,
and made faith in Christ a subordinate matter. This error
was fundamental. Paul therefore attacks it with unsparing
severity, with which, however, he mingles a wonderful tender
ness of spirit. His argument is for substance the same as
that in the epistle to the Eomans, only that it takes from ne
cessity a more controversial form, and is canied out -with more
warmth and vehemence of expression. It is a divine model of
the way in which fundamental error shoidd be dealt with.
18. The epistle natm-aUy falls into three divisions. The
fii-st is mainly historic. Chaps. 1, 2. The false teachers had
disparaged Paul's apostoUcal standing, on the ground, appa-

460 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
rently, that he was not one of the original twelve, and had not
been caUed immediately by Christ to the apostleship, but had
received his gospel from men. It would seem also that they
labored to make it appear that Paul's doctrine respecting cir
cumcision and the Mosaic law was contrary to that of Peter
and the other apostles of the circumcision. Paul accordingly
devotes these two introductory chapters to a vindication of his
full apostolic standing. He shows that his apostleship is " not
of man neither by man, but by Jesus Christ and God the Fa
ther " (chap. 1:1); that the gospel which he preaches he neither
received of man, nor was taught by man but by the revelation
of Jesus Christ (verses 11, 12) ; that, accordingly, upon his caU to
the apostleship, he went not up to Jerusalem to receive instruc
tion from those who were apostles before him, but into Arabia,
whence he returned to Damascus (verses 15-17) ; that after
three years he made a brief visit of fifteen days to Peter, where
he also saw James, but had no personal acquaintance with the
churches in Judea (verses 20-24); that fourteen years after
wards he went up to Jerusalem by revelation, not to be instructed
by the apostles there, but to confer ¦with them respecting " the
gospel of the uncircumcision " which was committed to him,
and that he obtained the full recognition of " James, Cephas,
and John, who were reckoned as pillars " (chap. 2 : 1-10) ; and
that afterwards, when Peter was come to Antioch he withstood
him to the face on this very question of circumcision, because,
through fear of his Jewish brethren, he had dissembled and
drawn others into dissimulation, adding also the substance of
the rebuke administered by him to Peter, which contains an
argument (drawn in part from Peter's own practice) against
compeUing the GentUes to live as do the Jews (verses 11-21).
Having thus vindicated his apostolic authority against the
false teachers in Galatia, he proceeds, in the second part of the
epistle, to unfold the great argument for justification by faith in
Christ. The Galatians have received the Holy Spirit, with the
accompanying miraculous gifts, not by the works of the law, but
by faith in Christ (chap. 3 : 1-5) ; Abraham was justified by

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 461
faith, as an example for aU future ages (verses 6-9, 18) ; the law
cannot bring justification to sitfners, but only condemnation
(verses 10-12) ; fi-om this condemnation Christ delivers us, and
makes us through faith the chUdren of Abraham, and heirs to
aU the promises which God made to him (verses 13, 14) ; the
Abrahamic covenant, conditioned on faith alone, is older than
the Mosaic law and cannot be disannuUed by it (verses 15-17) ;
the true office of the law was to prepare men for the coming of
Christ, in ¦whom aU distinction between Jew and Gentile is
abolished (verses 19-29) ; before Christ the people of God -were
Uke a chUd that has not yet received the inheritance, but is
kept under tutors and governors, but through Christ they are
like the same chUd arrived at fuU age, and put in possession of
the inheritance (chap. 4:1-7). The apostle adds (chaps.
4 : 8 — 5 : 12) various arguments and Ulustrations, with pointed
allusions to the false teachers who were subverting the simpU
city of their faith in Christ ; and he solemnly warns the Galatian
Christians that by receiring circumcision they bind themselves
to do the whole law — the whole law as the ground of their
justification. They have left Christ, and thus fallen away from
grace — ^forsaken a system of grace for one of works, so that
" Christ is become of no effect " to them. Chap. 5 : 3, 4.
The third part (chaps. 5:13 — 6:18) is of a practical char
acter. The apostle affectionately exhorts the Galatians to use
their Christian liberty in a worthy manner, mortifying fleshly
lusts, restoring faUen brethren in meekness, bearing one an
other's burdens, and being dihgent in every good work. In
bringing the epistle to a close he contrasts the vain-glory and
hypocrisy of these Judaizing false teachers with his stead
fast purpose to glory only in the cross of Christ, in whom
"neither circumcision avaUeth any thing, nor uncircumcision,
but a new creature."
IV. EPISTLES TO THE COLOSSIANS, EPHESIANS,
AND PHILEMON,
19. These three epistles are contemporaneous, in the sense
that tliey were written on the same general occasion, and for-

462 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
warded at the same time, though some days may have inter
vened between the composition of the first and the last of them.
They were aU written when Paul ¦nas a prisoner (Eph. 3:1;
4:1; 6:20; Col. 4:10; Philemon 1, 9, 10, 23), and aU-sent vir
tually by Tychicus; for Onesimus, a servant whom Paul sent
back to his master, Philemon of Colosse, ¦with a commendatory
letter, went in company with Tychicus. Eph. 6:21, 22; Col.
4:7-9. The epistle to the Ephesians contains no salutations;
but those of the other two, are, with a single exception, sent
from the same persons — Aristarchus, Marcus, Epaphras, Luke,
and Demas. If &nj further argument for their contempora
neousness were needed, it eould be found in the remarkable
agreement between the contents of the epistles to the Ephe
sians and Colossians, extending not only to the thoughts but
to the phraseology also.
20. It is agreed that these three epistles were written during
the apostle's imprisonment in either Cesarea or Rome ; but from
which of these two places is a question on which biblical scholars
differ, and which cannot be answered with certainty, though
the common opinion has been that the apostle wi-ote from
Eome. It is not necessary to review the arguments advanced
on the two sides. The reader who v.-ishes to investigate the
matter wUl find them in commentaries and bible dictionaries.
21. Another question is : In what order ¦were the epistles to
the Ephesians and Colossians written ? Here we have only in
direct indications, and these not decisive. It is manifest, how
ever, from a comparison of the two epistles, that the apostle
had a more specific occasion for -writing to the Colossians than
to the Ephesians. It is natural, therefore, to suppose that he
first penned his letter to the former church, and very soon after
wards, while his heart was yet warm -n-ith the great theme of
that letter — the personal glory and dignity of Christ, and the
union through him of both Jews and GentUes in one holy fam
ily — he wrote to the Ephesians among whom he had so long
labored, going over the same general course of thought, but
with more fulness and in a less argumentative tone. However

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 463
this may be, it is certain that the most convenient order of
studying these two closely related epistles is to begin with that
to the Colossians and thence proceed to the other. We pro
pose to consider them in this order.
22. Epistle to the Colossians- Colosse was a city lying in
the southwestern part of Phrygia, in Asia Minor, in the neigh
borhood of Laodicea and HierapoUs. Chap. 4:13, 16. Ee
specting the founding of the church there we have no informa
tion. According to the most natural interpretation of chap.
2 : 1, Paul had not visited Colosse in person when he wrote the
present epistle. The occasion of his writing seems to have been
information received by him that false teachers were troubling
the Colossian church. That these men were Jews is plain fi-om
chap. 2 : 16, 20, 21 ; where the reference is to Jewish ordinances.
But their doctrine was not simple Phariseeism, Uke that of the
false teachers among the Galatians. They did not seek directly
to substitute circumcision and the Mosaic law for faith in Christ,
as the ground of justification. They seem rather to have been
Christian Jews of an ascetic turn of mind, and imbued with
the semi-oriental philosophy of that day, which contained
in itseU the seeds of the later Gnostic systems. Having no
clear apprehension of the glory of Christ's person and the ful
ness of the salvation which his gospel offers to men, they sought
to supplement the Christian system by their ascetic practices
and their speculations concerning the orders of angels,
whom they seem to have regarded as mediators between God
and men. To aU this human philosophy the apostle opposes
directly the divine dignity and glory of Christ's person, and
the completeness of the redemption which he has provided for
men. The Jewish character of these false teachers appears in their insisting on
meats and drinks, holy-days, new moons, and Sabbaths (chap. 2 : 16, 20,
21) ; their ascetic character, in theu- doctrine concerning the mortification
of the body (chap. 2 : 23) ; their speculations concerning angels, in the fact
that they are described as " deUghting in humiUty and the worship of an
gels" (chap. 2 :18, 23). The apostle apparently refers to a false humiUty
¦»vhich, under the pretence that God is too great to bo approached except

464 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
through the mediation of angels, made them instead of Christ the way of
access to him, thus disparaging the Eedeemer's person and office.
23. In respect to plan, the epistle naturally falls into two
parts of about equal length. T.he first is argumentative. Chaps.
1, 2. After an introduction, in which the apostle thanks God
that the Colossians havo been made partakers of the gospel,
commends them for the fruitfulness of their faith, and assures
them of his incessant prayers in their behalf (chap. 1 : 1-12), and
passes to his great theme, which is to set forth the divine dig
nity and glory of Christ's person. He is the image of the invis
ible God, existing before all things, and the creator and up
holder of all things, those angelic orders included whom the
false teachers regarded as objects of worship (verses 15-17).
He is also the head of the church, and as such unites under
himself all holy beings in heaven and earth in one happy fam
ily (verses 18-22). In him all fulness dwells, and all believers
are complete in him ; receiving through him a spiritual circum
cision which brings to them holiness of heart, forgiveness of
sins, and life from the dead (verses 11-13). Christ has abolished
by his death on the cross "the handwriting of ordinances" —
the Mosaic ordinances under the figure of a bond which was
before of binding force, but which he has annulled — so that the
former ground of separation between Jews and Gentiles is
done away (2 : 14). By the same death on the cross he has
" spoiled principalities and powers " — the powers of darknessj
of which Satan is the head — openly triumphing over them
(verse 15). The Colossians, then, have all that they need in
Christ, and the apostle affectionately warns them against being
spoiled through the philosophy of these false teachers, which
is a compound of ignorance, self-conceit, and will-worship, void
alike of reality and power.
The second part is practical. Chaps. 3, 4. The duties on
which the apostle insists come mainly under two general heads.
The first is that of a heavenly temper qf mind growing out of
their resurrection with Christ who sits at the right hand of God,
and who shall appear again to receive his disciples to himself,

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 465
that they also may appear with him in glory. In view of this
animating hope he exhorts the Colossians to put away all the
sins belonging to their former state of heathenism. Chap.
3 : 1-8. The second is that of mutual love and harmony arising
from their union with each other in Christ, whereby they have
been made one holy body, in which out-n-ard distinctions are
nothing " but Christ is all and in all." On this ground they
are urged to cultivate all the graces of the Spirit, the chief of
which is love, and faithfully to discharge, each one in his sta
tion, the mutual duty which they owe as husbands and wives,
as parents and children, as masters and servants. Chaps.
3 : 9 — 4 . 1. They are admonished, moreover, to let the -n^ord of
Christ dwell in them richly for their mutual edification (chap.
3 : 16) ; to be single-hearted in their aim to please Christ (verse
17); to be prayerful and vigilant (chap. 4:2-4); and wise in
their intercourse with unbelievers (verses 5, 6). The epistle
closes with notices of a personal character intermingled with
salutations (verses 7-18).
In chap. 4 : 16 the apostle directs that this epistle be read also in the
church of the Laodiceans, and that the Colossians like-wise read the epistle
from Laodicea. What was this epistle from Laodicea ? (1) Some think it
was a letter -written by the church of Laodicea to Paul, and forwarded by
him to the Colossians. (2) Others understand it of an epistle of Paul to
the Laodiceans (perhaps forwarded along with the three epistles now under
consideration) and which the Colossians were to obtain from Laodicea.
This is the most probable supposition. On the attempt to identUy this
epistle with our canonical epistle to the Ephesians see below.
24. Epistle to the Ephesians.— Ephesus, the metropolis of
Proconsular Asia, which comprehended the western provinces
of Asia Minor, lay on the coast of the Mge&n sea between
Smyrna on the north and Miletus on the south. In the apos
tolic age it was a flourishing city, and renowned for the temple
of the heathen goddess Diana. Two visits of the apostle to-
Ephesus are recorded in the Acts .of the Apostles, the latter of
which was prolonged through most of three years. Acts
18 : 19-21 ; chaps. 19 ; 20 : 31. The occasion of writing this epistle
20*

^66 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
seems to have been of a very general nature. The apostle was
sending a letter by Tychicus to the Colossians, and embraced
the opportunity to write to the Ephesians also. In entire ac
cordance with this supposition is the general character of the
epistle. The apostle has no particular error to combat, as he
had in the case of the Colossians. He proceeds, therefore, in a
placid and contemplative frame of mind to unfold the great
work of Christ's redemption ; and then makes a practical appli
cation of it, as in the epistle to the Colossians, but with more
fulness, and -nith some important additions.
It has seemed surprising to many that the apostle shoidd have written
in so general a strain to a church on which he had bestowed so much labor,
and where he had so many personal friends ; particularly that he should
have omitted at the close aU salutations. To account for this various hy
potheses have been proposed. The words "in Ephesus" are omitted in
the text of the Vatican manuscript, and there is reason tor believing that
they were wanting in some other ancient manuscripts not now extant. See
the quotations from BasU the Great, and other fathers in Alford, EUicott,
Meyer, and other critical commentators. On this ground some have sup-
XJOsed that the present epistle was intended to be encyclical — an epistle for
general circulation among the churches ; others, that it is the Loadicean
epistle referred to in CoL 4 : 16. But in favor of the words ' ' in Ephesus "
there is an overwhelming weight of eridence. They are sustained by aU
the versions and aU the manuscripts except the Vatican. Besides, as every
Greek scholar knows, if these words are omitted, it compels the omission
from the original of the two preceding words which are found in every
manuscript and version — unless, indeed, we adopt the far-fetched hypoth
esis that the apostle fumished Tychicus -with two or more copies of the
epistle for difi'erent churches, leaving a blank space to be fiUed as occasion
should require ; and then it becomes impossible to explain how the read
ing "in Ephesus" should have been so universal in the manuscripts and
versions. There is no occasion for any of this ingenuity. The omission of
these words from a single manuscript is uot wonderful. It finds a paraUel,
as AUord remarks, in the omission of the words in Rome (Eom. 1 : 7) from
one nianuscript, whether from oversight or for the pm-pose of generah-
zing the reference of its contents. Nor can any vaUd objection be drawn
from the general character of the epistle. That depended much on the
occasioyi which caUed it forth, which we have seen to have been general,
and i'he frame of -mind in which the apostle -\vrote. As to the omission of
salutations, we shaU find upon examination that the measure of Paul's per
sonal acquaintance with the churches was not that of his personal greet-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 467
ings. These abound most of aU in the epistie to the Bomans whom he had
never visited. Bom. 16. They are found sdso in the epistie to the Colos
sians to whom Paul -was personaUy a stranger. CoL 4 : 10-14. On the con
trary they are wanting, except in a general form, in the episties to the Cor
inthians, Galatians, PhiUppians, Thessalonians (in 2 Thessalonians whoUy
-wanting as in this epistie), Titus, and the first to Timothy. The other objec
tions are founded on misinterpretation, as when it is inferred from chap.
1:15 that the author had never seen those to whom he wrote ; and from chap.
3 : 2 that they had no personal acquaintance -with him. But in the former
passage the apostie speaks simply of the good report which had come to
bim from the Ephesian church since he left it : and, in the latter, the
words : "if ye have heard" imply no doubt (compare 1 Peter 2 :3), and
cannot be fairly adduced to prove that the -writer was jjersonaUy unkno-wn
to his readers.
25. This epistle, Uke that to the Colossians, naturaUy faUs
into two divisions of about equal size ; the first argumentative, the
second projdicaL
The argumentative part occupies the first two chapters. FuU
of the great theme -with which the epistle to the Colossians is
occupied — the personal dignity and glory of Christ, the great
ness of his salvation, and especiaUy the union through him of
aU holy beings in heaven and earth in one famUy of God — the
apostle begins, immediately afcer the apostoUc greeting, by
pouring out his heart in thanksgi-ving to God for his rich mercv,
which has made him and his beloved Ephesians partakers of
Christ's redemption, the greatness and glory of which he de
scribes in glowing terms, bringing in, as he proceeds, the thought
with which his mind is fUled, that it is God's purpose to " gather
together in one aU things in Chiist, both which are in heaven,
and which are on earth." Chap. 1 :10. He then adds a fervent
prayer for the growth of the Ephesians in the knowledge of
Chiist, whom God has raised above aU principaUty and power
and made head over aU things to his body the church. Ee
turning in the second chapter to the theme with which he be
gan, he contrasts with the former wretched condition of the
Ephesians, when they had no hope and were without God in the
world, their present blessed state, as feUow-citizens with the
saints and of the household of faith; God having through

468 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Christ broken do-wn the middle waU of partition between Jews
and GentUes, and built them all into a holy temple upon one
common foundation, of which Jesus Christ is the chief corner
stone. In the third chapter he dwells upon the grace of God
which had committed to him, in a special sense, the office
of preaching among the Gentiles the unsearchable riches of
Christ; and adds a rapturous prayer for the strengthenhig of
the Ephesians through the Spirit in the inner man, for their es
tablishment in faith and love, and their iUumination m the love
of Christ which passes knowledge, that they may " be fiUed
with aU the fulness of God." Then foUows a doxology in w-hich
the apostle labors to find words wherewith to express his con
ception of the greatness of God's power and grace through
Jesus Christ.
With the fourth chapter begins the practical psivt ofthe epistle.
He begins with an exhortation to unity, the argument for which
cannot be abridged : " There is one body, and one Spuit, even
as ye are caUed in one hope of your caUing : one Lord, one
faith, one baptism, one God and Father of aU, who is above all,
and through all, and in you all." Chap. 4 : 4-6. He next
speaks of the diversity of gifts among believers, all of -n-hich
come from Christ, and have for their end the unity of the church
in faith and knowledge, and thus her stability (verses 7-16).
Then follow earnest admonitions to shun the vices of their for
mer state of heathenism, and cultivate all the graces of the
Spirit. The mutual relations of life are then taken up, as in
the epistle to the Colossians. Here occurs that grand digres
sion in which the love of Christ towards his church is compared
with that of the husband towards his wife. Chap. 5 : 23-32.
The closing exhortation, in which the Christian is compared to
a warrior wrestling not with flesh and blood but with the pow
ers of darkness, and his heavenly panoply is described at length,
is (with the exception of the brief flgure, 1 Thess. 5 : 8) peculiar
to this epistle and is very striking.
26. Epistle to Philemon. — This short epistle is essentially
of a private character. It was sent to Colosse by Onesimus at

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 469
the same time with the epistle to the Colossians, of which Ty
chicus was the bearer. Col. 4 : 7-9. The epistle itseU plainly
indicates its object. It is a plea for Onesimus, the servant of
PhUemon, who had left his master and apparently defi-auded
him (verse 18), but now retm^ns to him a Christian. As a
model of Christian deUcacy and courtesy it has been the admi
ration of aU ages.
V EPISTLE TO THE PHILIPPIANS.
27. The ancient name of PhUippi was Crenides (Fountains) ;
but PhiUp of Macedon fortifled the place and caUed it after his
own name. It lay along the bank of a river on a plain in the
eastern border of Proconsular Macedonia, and was made a col
ony by Augustus in memory of his rictory gained there over
Brutus and Cassius. Compare Acts 16 : 12. Its port was Ne-
apoUs on the iEgean sea about twelve Eoman miles to the
southeast of it. PhiUppi was the flrst place in Europe where
the gospel was preached by Paul, who had been summoned
across the sea to Macedonia by a rision. Acts 16 : 9. This was
during his second missionai-y journey, about a. d. 53. A record
of his labors and sufferings on that occasion is given in Acts
16 : 12^10. In his third missionary jom-ney he twice visited
Macedonia, sailing the second time fi-om PhiUppi, that is, firom
its port Neapohs. Acts 20 : 1, 3-6.
18. The occasion of this epistle seems to have been the con
tribution made by the PhiUppians to supply the apostle's ne
cessities whUe a prisoner in Eome. Chap. 4 : 10-18. That he
was a prisoner is plain from chap. 1 :13, 14, 16. That the place
of imprisonment was Eome is inferred from the general tone of
the epistle, which shows that the apostle was awaiting a decision
of his case, in accordance with his appeal to Csesar, with the
confident expectation of a favorable result (chaps. 1 : 19-25 ;
2 :23, 24), and especiaUy from the mention of Csesar's house
hold (chap. 4:22). From chap. 2:23, 24 we infer, moreover,
that the time for a decision of his case was at hand. The date
of this epistle, then, was about A. d. 63.

470 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The apostle speaks very confidently of a speedy release and restoration
to the work of his apostolic office. Chaps. 1 : 19, 25, 26 ; 2 : 24. This lan
guage is important in connection -with the two closely related questions,
that of a second imprisonment at Eome and that of the date of the pastoral
epistles. See below, No. 35.
29. The character of this epistle answers weU to its occasion.
It is a free outpouring of the apostle's heart towards his be
loved PhUippians, who had remembered him in his bonds and
sent Epaphroditus to supply his wants. He bestows upon them
no censure, unless the suggestion to Euodias and Syntyche be
regarded as such, but commends them for their UberaUt}-, ex
horts them to steadfastness in the endurance of persecution,
and admonishes them to maintain a deportment which shall be
in aU things such as becomes the gospel, the several parts of
which he specifies in the course of the epistle, but not in any
very exact order. It is in connection with these admonitions
that the apostle, while insisting on the duty of humility and
seU-sacrificing love, brings in that sublime description of the
Sariour's original glory and equaUty with God, which he laid
aside for our redemption, taking upon himself the form of a
servant and submitting to the death of the cross ; for which act
of self-abasement he is now exalted to be Lord of heaven and
earth. Chap. 2 : 5-11. -Intermingled with the above named
commendations, exhortations, and counsels, are fi-equent notices
respecting himself, introduced in the most natural and artless
manner, and unfolding for our edification some of the deepest
principles of Christian character.
His faith in Christ and love for His cause raise him above
the sphere of human jealousies. He rejoices that Christ is
preached, whether of good-will or of envy, knowing that this
shaU tui-n to his salvation through the prayers of the Phihp-
pians and the supply of Christ's Spirit. Chap. 2 : 15-19.
He knows that for himself personaUy it is better to depart
and be with Christ : but to continue in the flesh is more needful
for the PhiUppians. He cannot, therefore, choose between life
and death. Chap. 1 : 21-25. How different this from the spirit

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 471
of some, -svho think of death only in connection with their own
personal comfort, and how much higher the type of rehgion
which it reveals 1
So far as outward advantages are concerned, no man can
have more occasion than he to glory in the flesh. But aU these
he has renounced and counted loss for Christ. His one ambi
tion is to know Christ, and be united with him in his deatli and
resurrection. His present attainments he forgets in his single
purpose of pressing towards the goal for the prize of God's
heavenly caUing in Christ Jesus. Chap. 3 : 4^14.
He warmly commends the PhiUppians for their Uberality,
but wishes them to understand that he does not speak in re
spect to personal want ; for every where and in aU things he has
been taught the lesson of contentment -with present ckcum-
stances. Chap. 4 : 10-14.
VI. EPISTLES TO THE THESSALONIANS.
30. The original name of Thessalonica was Therme, -nhence
the gulf at the head of which it is situated, was caUed the Ther-
maic guU". The modern name of the city is Saloniki, and of
the gulf, the gulf of Salonikir In the apostoUc age it was a
large and wealthy city, and the metropohs of the second district
of Macedonia. At the present day it is second only to Con
stantinople in European Turkey. Then as now a large number
of Je-n-s resided in it. In his second missionary tour the apos
tle, when driven from PhiUppi, went through AmphipoUs and
Apollonia to Thessalonica. After his usual manner he first
resorted to the Jewish synagogue "and three Sabbath days
reasoned with them out of the Scriptures." After this a tumult
was raised at the instigation of the unbeUeving Jews, and the
apostle was sent away by night to Berea. Acts 17 : 1-10. We
cannot affirm that his stay at Thessalonica was Umited to three
-n-eeks; yet it was very brief, and for this reason he was anx
ious to return again that he might impart further instruction
and consolation to the converts there, who were undergoing a
severe ordeal of temptation through persecution. Chaps.

472 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
2 : 17 — 3 : 5. His labors at Thessalonica were not confined to
the Sabbath-day and the Je-n-ish synagogue. He preached the
gospel to the Gentiles also, and his chief success seems to have
been among them. 1 Thess. 1:9; 2 : 14, 16.
31. The ftrst epistle to the Thessalonians was written
during the apostle's second missionary journey, the same journey
in which he first visited Thessalonica. This -ne gather from
the fact that Silvanus (Silas) was with him (chap. 1 : 1), for SUas
was Paul's travelling companion only during that jom-ney (Acts
15:40; 16:19,25,29; 17:4,10,14,15; 18:5); also from the
notice of his being at Athens (chap. 3 : 1 compared with Acts
17 : 15, 16). He did not, however, write from Athens, as the
subscription erroneously states, but from Corinth ; for it was at
this place that Silas and Timotheus rejoined him, bringing
good tidings from Macedonia respecting the church in Thessa
lonica. Chap. 3:1-6 compared -nith Acts 18:1-5. This is,
then, tlie earliest qf PauVs epistles, having been written about
A. D. 53.
32. The epistle clearly indicates its occasion. In considera
tion of the brief time which the apostle had been able to spend
at Thessalonica, and of the severe persecution to which the
converts in that city were exposed, he was very desirous to
make them a second visit. But having been twice frustrated
in this purpose, he sent Timothy and Silas to learn the condi
tion of the Thessalonian church and bring him word concerning
it, which they did while he was at Corinth. Chaps. 2 : 17 — 3 : 6.
The letter is an affectionate outpouring of his heart in riew of
the good tidings received through these brethren, into which
are interwoven encouragements, instructions, and admonitions
adapted to the circumstances of the brethren at Thessalonica,
with abundant references to the apostle's own labors there. In
the first chapter he commends, with devout thanksgiving to God,
the faith and love and patience of the Thessalonian Christians.
The second and third chapters are mainly occupied with a no
tice of his own labors and those of his colleagues at Thessalo
nica, of his strong desire to revisit them which he had thus far

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 473
been hindered from carrying into execution, and of his joy at
the good tidings brought by Timothy, the whole closed with a
fervent prayer in their behalf. The two remaining chapters
contain miscellaneous instructions suited to the condition of a
church that had been recently gathered in great part from the
ranks of heathenism. In the course of these he corrects an er
ror into which the Thessalonian believers had fallen from the
idea that they who should die before Christ's second coming
might fail of their share in its glory and blessedness. Chap.
4:13-18. In both of the epistles he admonishes the Thes
salonians against the neglect of their proper worldly business,
a fault that was apparently connected with visionary ideas
respecting the speedy second coming of our Lord, and which
he rebukes in severe terms. 1 Thess. 4:11 ; 2 Thess. 3 : 10-12.
33. The second epistle to the Thessalonians, like the first,
is written in the name of " Paul, and Silvanus, and Timotheus,"
and seems to have been sent from Co'rinth not many months af
ter the first. The apostle's main design was to correct a per
nicious error respecting the time of our Lord's second advent,
which some at Thessalonica seem to have been strenuously
engaged in propagating, and to give them further instruction
respecting this great doctrine and their duty in relation to it.
After the apostolic salutation he expresses his gratitude to God
for the growth of their Christian faith and love, and comforts
them under the pressure of the persecution to which they were
subjected with the assurance of our Lord's second coming in
glory to destroy his and their enemies and give rest to his suf
fering servants; but proceeds in the second chapter to show
that this day is not yet at hand, and cannot come till there has
first been a great apostacy, the characteristic features of which
he proceeds to give (verses 3-12). The remainder of the epistle
is occupied with commendations and encouragements to perse
veronce; mingled with admonitions. The latter have special
reference to certain idle and disorderly members of the church,
whom the apostle describes as " some which walk among you
disorderly, working not at all, but are busy bodies " (ohap. 3 : 11),

474 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
and who also set themselves in opposition to his apostoUc au
thority (verse 14). These disorderly persons seem to have been
the same as those who were engaged in propagating erroneous
notions respecting the time of our Lord's second advent.
Their visionary views on this subject made them self-conceited,
talkative, and self-wUled, and led them to neglect the sober du
ties of daUy Ufe.
The apostie beseeches the Thessalonians not to be soon shaken in mind,
or troubled, "neither by spmt, nor by word, nor by letter as from us, as
that the day of Christ is at hand. " And he adds : ' ' Let no man deceive you
in any way " — ^in any of the ways specified or any other way. Chap, 2:2, 3.
There were then persons at Thessalonica busily occupied in misleading the
Thessalonians : (1) " by spirit," that is, by prophesies which they professed
to have received from the Holy Spirit ; (2) "by word," by oral teaching;
(3) "by letter as from us," that is, purporting to come from the apostle.
Or, perhaps, we should render : " nor by word nor by letter as from us :"
that is, neither by oral teaching nor by -written communication aUeged to
have come from me. We can well understand how the un-written words of
the apostle should have been perverted by these false teachers. The ques
tion remains : Did they pervert the meaning of his language in the fii-st
epistie, or did they employ an epistle forged iu his name ? The latter has
been from ancient times a common interpretation of this clause, and it is
favored by the words : " The salutation of Paul with mine own hand, which
is the token in every epistle : so I write." ChaiJ. 3 :17, Tet the supposi
tion of such a forged epistie is something so improbable that many are in
cUned to adopt the former supposition.
The question respecting "the man of sin" belongs to the commentator.
In a brief introduction Uke the present, we cannot enter upon it farther
than to say that, though we are not warranted in affirming that it has its
exhaustive fulfilment in the Papacy, yet its chief embodiment thus far has
been in that corrupt and persecuting power whose character answers so re
markably to the apostle's description.
34. The epistles to the churches of Philippi and Thessa
lonica, both lying within the bounds of ancient Macedonia,
have a remarkable agreement in their general tone and manner.
In both cases we have the same affectionate outpouring of the
apostle's heart towards the brethren to whom he -n'rites, and the
same abundant personal notices respecting himself and his min
istry. Yet they differ precisely as -n'e might suppose they would

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 475
in view of the fact that the two to the Thessalonians are the ear
liest of Paul's writings, and are separated from that to the
Philippians by an interval of ten eventful years. In writing to
the Thessalonians he gives peculiar prominence to the doctrine
of our Lord's second coming, perhaps because, in the persecu
tions which they were undergoing, they especially needed its
strengthening and consolatory influence; perhaps also because
in the continual maltreatment which he had encountered ever
since he entered Macedonia — at Philippi (Acts 16:19-40; 1
Thess. 2:2), at Thessalonica (Acts 17:5-10), at Berea (Acts
17:13, 14), at Corinth (Acts 18:6-17) — he was staying his own
soul on the same glorious hope. On the contrary, we flnd in
these earUer epistles no mention of Judaizing Christians, nor
any contrast between the two opposite systems of justification
by faith and by the works of the Mosaic law, such as appears
in his later epistles, that to the Philippians included. Phil.
3 : 4-9. His opponents at Thessalonica are not Judaizing
Christians, but unconverted Jew-s, whose maUgnant opposition
he describes iu strong terms. 1 Thess. 2 :15, 16. To the Thes
salonians the apostle speaks of himself ; but it is of his ministry,
and the manner in which he has discharged its duties among
them. To the Philippians he also speaks of himself; but then
it is from a prison, with a trial for life or death before him, and
the retrospect of a long ministry behind him. He unfolds,
therefore, as is natural, his deep experiences as a Christian and
an apostle of Christ. See above. No. 29. In this contrast be
tween the earlier and the later epistles we have an evidence of
their genuineness which is all the stronger because of its indirect
ness. It is such a mark of truth as no falsifier has power to
imitate. VII. THE PASTOEAL EPISTLES.
35. The attempt to flnd for the pastoral epistles a place in
Paul's ministry as far as recorded in the Acts of the Apostles
is beset with difficulties which amount to impossibiUties.
Among these difficidties are the following :
(1.) '^Tioever carefuUy skidies these three epistles in then- connection

476 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
with each other, and in contrast with the other Pauline epistles, must be
profoundly impressed -with the conviction that they all belong, as it re
spects style and tone of thought, to the same period of the apostle's Ufe ;
and, as it respects subject-matter, to the same era when the churches were
troubled by the same forms of error. But if we assume that they were
written during that part of Paul's ministry of which Luke has left us the
record, the second to Timothy must be widely separated from the other
two. That was certainly written during Paul's last imprisonment near the
close of his life. But when he wrote the flrst to Timothy and that to Titus
he was at Uberty and prosecuting his missionary labors in Asia Minor and
the ricinity. It must have been then, upon this assumption, during his
third missionary tour (when ApoUos appears for the first time, Acts 18 : 24
compared -with Titus 3 : 13), and before his last recorded journey to Jeru
salem, his arrest there, his two years' imprisonment at Cesarea, his voyage
to Eome, and his imprisonment there for the space of at least two more
years. (2.) There is no part of Paul's history " between his flrst visit to Ephe
sus and his Eoman imprisonment, which satisfles the historical conditions
implied in the statements of any one of these epistles." Conybeare and
Howson, vol. 2, Appendix 1. The student may see the arguments on one
side in Davidson's Introduction to the New Testament ; and 'on the other
in Alford, and other critical commentators. Eeference may also be made
to the biblical dictionaries.
(3. ) Upon the assumption that the flrst epistle to Timothy, whom Paul
had left in charge of the Ephesian church, was written before his recorded
imprisonments at Cesarea and Eome, it must be earher than his farewell
address to the elders of Ephesus, and also his epistle to the E23hesians.
But the contents of the epistle manifestly point to a later period, when the
errors in doctrine and practice which he had predicted (Acts 20 :29, 30),
but of which he takes no notice in his epistle to the Ephesians, had ah-eady
begun to manifest themselves. The more one compares with each other
these two eijistles, the deeper must his conviction be that the flrst to Tim
othy is not the earUer but the later of the two.
(4.) The pecuUar tone and diction of the pastoral epistles andthe pecu
Uar character of the errors combated in them aU indicate a later period in
the apostle's Ufe, and a later stage in the history of the churches. To
place the flrst and third of these among those to the Galatians, Corin
thians, and Eomans, and the second, among those to PhUemon, the Colos
sians, Ephesians, and PhUippians, must appear forced and unnatural. It
is much easier to assume the lapse of some years. Even then the contrast
between these and the other epistles of Paul in respect to tone and diction
is very striking. But it may be explained partly from the pecuUar theme
of the pastoral epistles, partly from the change whieh the lapse of time

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 477
¦with its manifold experiences had brought to the apostle's style and
diction. We assume, therefore, that the apostle was released from the Eoman
imprisonment recorded by Luke ; and that, not very long before his sec
ond imprisonment which was terminated by his martyrdom at Eome, he
wrote the three epistles now under consideration. It is well known that
this is in accordance with ancient tradition. See the testimonies in Cony
beare and Howson, chap. 27 ; in Alford, and in other commentators.
Against this riew is urged the apostle's declaration to the elders of
Ephesus that they should see his face no more ; whereas, according to the
present supposition, he risited Ephesus again after his first imprisonment.
As a fair offset to this may be urged on the other side his equally strong
declaration to the PhUippians that his present imprisonment should have
a favorable issue (PhiL 1 : 25) ; which was not the case upon the hypothe
sis of a single imprisonment at Eome. Such declarations, where no doc
trine or fact of Christianity is concerned, are not to be taken as revelations
of the Spirit. We know, for example, from Paul's own words, that he
changed his declared purpose respecting a visit to Corinth, for which his
enemies accused him of using lightness. 2 Cor. 1 : 15-18.
It is urged again that when Paul -wrote the pastoral epistles Timothy
was a young man. 1 Tim. 4 : 12 ; 2 Tim. 2 : 22. But according to ancient
ideas one might be caUed a young man at any age under thirty-five or even
forty years. Paul found Timothy in his second missionary journey, about
A, D. 52. It is not necessary to assume that he was then more than twenty
years old. At the time of Paul's martyrdom, then, about a. d. 67 or 68, he
may have been, for anything that appears to the contrary, a young man in
the ancient sense of the word. ^
36. The false teachers with whom the apostle deals in these
epistles are corrupt in practice as well as in doctrine. 1 Tim.
1:6; 6:5; 2 Tim. 2:16, 17; 3:6, 8; Titus 1:15, 16. They
were chiefly Jews (1 Tim. 1:7; Titus 1 :10, 14; 3;9); but not
Jews who held to simple Phariseeism, like the false teachers
among the Galatians. They more nearly resembled those who
troubled the Colossians — Jews of a speculative turn of mind,
who sought to bring into Judaism the semi-oriental philosophy
of that day. They were not Gnostics ; for Gnosticism was es
sentially anti-Judaistic, separating the God of the Je-n-s from
the God of Christianity, and placing the two in antagonism to
each other. The speculations of these false teachers took a
direction which was in some respects akin to the Gnosticism of

478 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the second century ; but the allegation that they were themselves
Gnostics rests upon the misinterpretation of certain passages
in these epistles, or unwarrantable inferences from them.
37. The genuineness of these epistles is sustained by the
unanimous testimony of the ancient church. Only in modern
times has it been called iu question by certain writers, who rest
their arguments wholly on aUeged internal evidence.
So far as their objections are founded on the assumed early date ofthe
pastoral epistles — before the close of Paul's imprisonment at Eome recorded
by Luke, on their peculiar tone and diction, or onthe supposed references
in them to the Gnosticism of the second centm-y, they have already been
considered. But it is further alleged :
(1.) That they reveal a hierarchical spirit foreign to the character of the
apostle Paul. The answer is that no trace of such a spirit is discernible in
them. The churches had from the first their officers — bishops or elders and
deacons ; and the apostle simply gives the necessary directions for the se
lection of these, with a few brief hints respecting the line of conduct to be ob
served towards them. 1 Tim. 5 : 1, 17, 19, 22.
(2,) That the institution of widows (1 Tim. 5 :9-16) belongs to a later
age. Eespecting the exact position of those who were enroUed in the class
of widows there have been different opinions. One is that this class con
sisted of those who were to receive reUef from the funds of the church ;
another, that they were matrons set apart for special service in the church,
performing for their own sex duties analogous to those which the presby
ters performed for the church generaUy. The latter opinion is the more
probable of the two, as it explains the conditions insisted on by the apostle.
But according to either view there is no difficulty in admitting the existence
in apostolic times of such an arrangement.
38. In these pastoral epistles we have the affectionate coun
sels of the great apostle to the GentUes, when he was now ripe
in years and Christian experience and about to close his earthly
ministry, addressed to two young men whom the Holy Ghost
had made overseers of the churches. They are a rich store
house of instruction for aU to whom God has committed the
ministry of reconciUation. Let them, as they hope at last to
render up an account of their stewardship with joy and not with
grief, prayerfully study and reduce to daily practice these pre
cepts of heavenly wisdom given by the Holy Spirit through tho
pen of " Paul the aged."

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 479
39. The first epistle to Timothy. — The time of this epistle
Ues, as we have seen, beyond the recorded history of the apos
tle, and before his second and final imprisonment at Eome,
perhaps about A. D. 65 or 66. It was addressed to Timothy at
Ephesus not long after the apostle had left that city to go into
Macedonia (chap. 1:3), but whether from Macedonia or some
other prorince of the Eoman empire cannot be determined.
The occ-a.sion we learn from the epistle. Paul had left Timothy
in charge of the Ephesian church, and, being apprehensive of a
protracted absence, he sends him these -written instructions re
lating partly to his own personal demeanor as a Christian min
ister, but chiefly to his office as the overseer of the Ephesian
church. In the discharge of this office he is (1) to withstand
and keep down the gro-wing heresies of the day ; (2) to superin-
. tend the government of the church in various particulars which
the apostle specifies.
The contents of the epistle though not arranged iu systematic
order, are in harmony -with its occasion and design. Into the
first chapter, which is of an inti-odnctory character, the apostle,
in the fi-ee intercourse of confiding affection, inserts a personal
notice of himself, which breathes the spirit of devout gratitude
and deep humUity. He then proceeds to give dUections per
taining to the pubhc worship of God — prayer, the costume of
Avomen, and their place in the pubhc assembly (chap. 2) ; and
to the choice of bishops and deacons (chap. 3 1. After a digres
sion in the fourth chapter respecting the character of the com
ing apostacy foretold by the Spuit, which is foUowed by admo
nitions to Timothy of a personal character, he proceeds in the
fifth chapter to give du-ections respecting the appointment and
treatment of elders, of the elder and younger women, and es
peciaUy of widows, -with personal counsel to Timothy. Then
foUows an admonition to servants, a notice of the false teachers,
a warning to the rich -with fui-ther counsels to Timothy, and an
animating glance at the second coming of our Lord.
Eunice, the mother of Timothy, was a Jewess distinguished for her
piety, as was also his grandmother Lois. Acts 16 : 1 ; 2 Tim. 1 : 5. By

480

COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

them he was carefuUy trained in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures (2
Tim. 3 : 15), and had a good reputation among the bretliren when Paul
found him at Derbe and Lystra (Acts 16 :1, 2). His father being a Greek,
he had never been subjected to the rite of cU-cumcision. But in consider
ation of his mixed descent Paul, to allay the prejudices of his countrymen,
"took and circumcised him,'' whUe he wotUd not allow this rite to be im
posed on Titus, who was of unmixed GentUe origin. Timothy was one of
the most trusty and beloved of PatU's feUow-laborers, as we leam from these
and his other epistles, and he natm-aUy desired the comfort and help of his
presence in his final imprisonment at Eome. 2 Tim. 4 : 9, 21. His health
was feeble (1 Tim. 5 :23), and there ai-e in Paul's episties some indications
that he was n.aturally timid and diffident (1 Cor. 16 : 10, 11 ; 2 Tim, 1 ; 7, 8 ;
2:3). But grace made him faithful to the end.
40. The epistle, to Titus which comes next in chronological
order, has a remarkable agreement with the flrst to Timothy in
both subject-matter and style. With the exception of -n'hat re
lates to widows and the demeanor of women in the pubUc as-«
semblies, it contains the same general precepts, with additional
exhortations that young men be sober-minded, and that the
Cretan Christians obey magistrates and be meek and gentle in
their deportment. With these counsels the apostle interweaves,
as in the first epistle to Timothy, exhortations to Titus of a
personal character, and animating notices of God's grace in the
gospel and of the second coming of our Lord.
Eespecting the founding of the Cretan churches we have no information
in the Acts of the Apostles. The only time mentioned by Luke when Paul
touched at Crete was on his voyage to Bome as a prisoner (Acts 27 :8) ; and
then he had neither time nor Uberty for the work of preaching the gospel
in that island. Crete contained many Jews, some of whom were present at
Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost (Acts 2 : 11). The apostle's visit to Crete
referred to in this epistle we assume to have taken place between his flrst
and second imprisonment at Kome. Whether the churches of the island
were then founded for the first time or had preriously existed, it is certain
that Paul left them in an imperfect state of organization. For this reason
he requested Titus to remain, that he might set in order the things that were
wanting, and ordain elders in every city. Chap. 1 : 5.
It is remarkable that we have no notice of Titus in the Acts of the Apos
tles. From the epistles of Paul we leam that he was his companion in
travel, and inti-usted by him at different times with missions tothe churches.
He accompanied Paid and Barnabas to the so-oaUed Council of the Apos-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 481
ties and Elders at Jerusalem, where, being a Greek, he was exempted from
the necessity of circumcision. Gal. 2:1, 3. For other notices of him see
2 Cor. 2 : 13 ; 7 : 6, 13, 14 ; 8 : 6, 16, 23 ; 12 : 18. His stay in Crete was not
to be permanent ; for the apostle directs that upon the arrival from him of
Artemas or Tychicus he should rejoin him at NicopoUs — ^probably Nicopo
lis in Epirus. Chap. 3 : 12.
41. Second epistle to Timotht. — The flrst epistle to Timo
thy and that to Titus are in a certain sense official ; that is,
they are largely occupied -with apostolic counsels and directions
to these two men respecting the administration of the churches
which Paul had committed to their care. The present epistle
is of a more private and personal character. It was written
from Eome when Paul was a prisoner there (chaps. 1 :8, 16, 17 ;
2:9), and expecting soon to seal his testimony with his blood
(chap. 4:6). In his extremity, when fideUty to him could be
sho-wn only at the hazard of life, many of his friends had for
saken him. Chaps. 1 : 15 ; 4 : 10. He needed the presence and
help of Timothy, and wrote urging him to come speedily, and
to bring certain articles which he had left at Troas. FeeUng that
his end was near, he improved the occasion to give Timothy his
affectionate apostoUc counsel and encouragement. Hence the
present epistle differs strikingly in its preceptive part from the
other two. They contain specific directions for ordaining
officers and managing the affairs of the churches ; for in theni
the apostle -writes to men in charge of specific fields of labor.
In the second epistle to Timothy, on the contrary, the apostle's
exhortations are general, for he is summoning him away from
his particular field to give attendance upon himself at Eome.
But all three of the pastoral epistles agree remarkably, as weU
in their general style and diction as in their description of exist
ing errors and false teachers. It is generally thought that
Timothy was at Ephesus; and with this opinion agrees the
salutation to "the household of Onesiphorus," who was at
Ephesus, Chap. 4; 19 compared with 1:18. The words of
chap. 4 : 12, however, " Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus," do
not favor this supposition. Hence some have thought that
Comp, to BItle. 23

482 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Timothy was not in that city, but only in its ricinity. The
present is undoubtedly the last of Paul's epistles in the order
of time. As such we cannot but peruse it with solemnity, as
the closing testimony of one who has fought the good fight,
flnished the appointed course, and kept the faith ; and who here
instructs all, especiaUy aU preachers of the gospel, how they
may do the same. " And thus we possess an epistle calculated
for all ages of the church ; and in which whUe the maxims cited
and encouragements given apply to aU Christians, and especiaUy
ministers of Christ, in their duties and difficulties — the affecting
circumstances in which the writer himself is placed carry home
to every heart his earnest and impassioned eloquence." Alford,
Introduction to 2 Timothy.
VIII. EPISTLE TO THE HEBEEWS.
42. In regard to the authorship of this epistle bibUcal schol
ars are not agreed. Each of the thirteen preceding epistles
bears the name of Paul. But the present epistle is without
either name or address, and it omits also at the beginning the
apostolic salutation. Thus it commences in the form of an es
say, though it closes in that of an epistle. These circumstances,
in connection with its pecuUar style and diction and the pecu
Uar range of the topics discussed in it, have produced a diver
sity of opinion on the question whether Paul was its author, at
least its author in the immediate sense in which he was the
author of the preceding epistles. For the fuU discussion of
the arguments on both sides the reader must be referred to
the commentaries, some of which are accessible to aU. Om-
limits wiU only permit us to indicate certain facts and princi
ples which have a bearing on the authorship of the epistle and
its canonical authority.
The unanimous belief of the Eastern church, where we must
suppose that it w-as first received and whence the knowledge of
it was spread abroad, ascribed it to Paul as its author either
immediately or virtually; for some, as Origen (in Eusebius'
Hist. Eccl., 6. 14) accounted for its peculiar diction by the sup-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 483
position that Paul furnished the thoughts, while they were re
duced to form by the pen of some other person. Another
opinion was that Paul -wrote in Hebrew, and that our present
canonical epistle is a translation into Greek (Eusebius' Hist.
Eccl., 3. 38; Clement of Alexandria in Eusebius' Hist. Eccl.,
6. 14). In the Westem church Clement of Eome did indeed
refer to the epistle as authoritative, but without naming the
author. Tet its PauUne authorship was not generaUy admitted,
nor was it received as a part of the sacred canon till the fourth
century, when here too the opinion of the Eastern church was
adopted. The Muratorian canon, which represents the beUef
of the Western church before the fourth century, omits this
epistle. The Syriac Peshito, on the other hand, inserts it
in accordance with its uniform reception by the Eastern
church. This uniformity of beUef in the Eastern church must
have had for its starting point the Hebrews to whom the epis
tle was sent ; and it is a strong argument for the supposition
thatit did originaUy come to them under the sanction of Paul's
name and authority; whether dictated to an amanuensis, as
were most of his epistles, or -written with his knowledge and
approbation by some inspired man among his attendants and
feUow-laborers who was thoroughly conversant with his views
on the subjects treated of in the epistle. This is as far as we
have any occasion to go, since we know that the gift of inspi
ration was not confined to the cu'cle of the apostles.
As we cannot affirm that all who were associated with the aposties in the
work of the ministry had the gifts needful for the composition of -writings
that should be given to the churches as the authoritative word of God, so
neither can we deny to some the possession of these gifts, as is plain from
the examples of Mark and Luke. 'When men who stood in the second grade
of relation to Christ — apostolic men, as we may convenientiy call them — com
posed their works, it is not necessary to assume that they ¦wrote under a
formal apostoUc supervision. The " discerning of spirits " is a gift which
we must concede to aU of the aposties. If, then, an associate of one of the
aposties had such relations to him and -wrote in such circuinstances that we
cannot suppose it to have been done -without his knowledge and approba
tion formal or impUed, we have for his work aU needful authority. -What

484 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
fm-ther connection the apostle may have had with it in the way of sugges
tion or supervision is a question which we may well leave undetermined.
In judging of this matter we consider first of aU the testimony of the early
churches, since they enjoyed the best means of ascertaining the origin of a
¦writing ; and then the character of the -writing itseK. Proceeding in this
way we come to the fuU conriction of the canonical authority of the epistle to
the Hebrews, whether we believe, with many, that Paul was its immediate au
thor, or, with Origen, that "the ancients not without reason have handed
it do-wn as Paul's ; but on the question who wrote the epistle God only
knows the truth."
43. That the apostle wrote for the instruction of Jewish
Christians is manifest. The uniform tenor of the epistle indi
cates, moreover, that they were Jewish Christians without any
admixture of a Gentile element. The salutations at the end
further imply that the epistle addresses not Hebrew Christians
in general, but some particular community of them, which is
most naturaUy to be sought in Palestine, perhaps in Jerusalem.
As to the time of the epistle, the manner in which it refers to
the temple and its services makes it certain that the author
wrote before the overthrow of Jerusalem, that is, before A. D. 70.
The arguments adduced to show that Paul was its author, either
immediately or virtually, carry it back beyond A. D. 67 or 68,
when, according to ancient tradition, the apostle suffered mar
tyrdom. It was probably written not many years before that
event ; but a more exact determination of the time is impossible.
According to the most probable interpretation of chap. 13 : 24,
the epistle was written from Italy. But that Timothy was not
the bearer of it, as the subscription states, is plain from the
preceding verse, in which he conditionally promises to come
with Timothy at a future time.
The references in the epistle to the Leritical priesthood and the temple
serrices connected -with it are in thepresen* or perfect fewses — "is ordained,"
"is encompassed," "he ought," "taketh this honor," "have a command
ment to take tithes" "receive tithes" "hath given attendance at the altar''
(chap. 7 : 13), "have become " (chap. 7 : 21, 23), "maketh men high priests,"
"who serve," "hath made the first old" (the references in chap. 9 : 1-5 are
to the ancient tabernacle), "enter always into the first tabernacle" (chap.
9:6), " which he qfers" (verse 7), " the Holy Ghost this signifying thatthe

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 485
way into the hoUest places has notyetbeen made manifest, while the first taber
nacle is asyet standing" (verse 8), "gifts and sacrifices are offered" (verse9),
"sanctifieth," "are by the law purged," "cannever," "standeth." Itisto
be regretted that our version has not in aU cases observed this distinction
of tenses. 44. The central theme of this book is the superiority of the
Christian over the Mosaic dispensation considered on the side
of its dirine Mediator and High-priest. In unfolding this great
theme the writer dwells on the glory and dignity of Christ's
person in contrast with the ancient' prophets, -with the angels,
and -with Moses, all of whom were connected with the flrst
economy. He then proceeds to exhibit the divine efficacy of
Christ's priesthood. This is the substance, of which the Levit
ical priesthood, with its altar, its offerings and all the temple-
services connected with it, was only the shadow. In no book
of the New Testament is our Lord's priestly office set forth
with such fullness and rich variety of illustrations, always with
reference to its divinely appointed type, the Levitical priest
hood. This was especially needful to fortify the Hebrew Chris
tians, who had been educated and lived under the constant im
pression of the splendid Mosaic ritual with its magniflcent
temple, against the danger of being turned from the simplicity
of the gospel to reliance on the " carnal ordinances " of 'Judaism,
which would have been virtual apostacy from Christ. This
magniflcent epistle constitutes in some sense a solemn requiem
to the old temple service with its altar and priesthood, where
the blood of bulls and goats that can never take away sin had
flowed for so many centuries. This service had accomplished
its end in preflguring Christ the true " Lamb of God which
taketh away the sin of the world," and it was destined soon to
pass away forever "with tumult, with shouting, with the sound
of the trumpet" — to pass away forever, that men might give
their undivided faith to Christ, our great High-priest, who
m'inisters for us in the heavenly tabernacle, presenting there
before his Father's throne his own blood shed on Calvary to
make propitiation for the sins of the world.

486 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
To the argumentative part of this epistle are appended ex
hortations (partly, indeed, anticipated in the preceding part) to
constancy in the Christian profession, drawn from the awful
doom that awaits apostates, from the examples of faith fur
nished by ancient worthies, and especially from the example
of Christ himself and the glorious feUowship to which his gos
pel introduces us. To these are added some admonitions of a
more special character. Thus the present epistle performs an
office in the general system of revelation which is suppUed by no
other book of the Old or New Testament. To the book of Le
viticus it may be said to hold the relation of substance to
shadow, and it is its divinely appointed expositor.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 487

CHAPTEE XXXI.

ATHOLIC -tPlSTLES.

jHE p
1. Seven epistles, that of James and the six that foUow, are
caUed Catholic, tha.t is, general ov universal, as not being directed
to any particular church. They were not aU, however, ad
dressed originaUy to beUevers generaUy, but some of them to
particular classes of beUevers, or even to indiriduals, as the in
troductory words show.
I. EPISTLE OF JAMES.
2. The question respecting the person of James who wrote
this epistle is one of great difficulty. That " James the Lord's
brother," whom Paul names as one of the apostles (Gal. 1 : 19),
is identical -with the James mentioned by Luke in Acts 12:17;
15:13; 21:18, and is the author of the present epistle, is ad
mitted by most -writers, though not by aU. That this James of
Gal. 1 : 19 was the James who is named -with Joses, Simon, and
Judas, as one of our Lord's brethren (Matt. 13 : 55; Mark 6:3),
must be received as certain. But whether he was identical
¦with '¦ James the son of Alpheus," who was one of the twelve
(Matt. 10 : 3 ; Mark 3 : 18 ; Luke 6 : 15 ; Acts 1 : 13), is a question
which has been much discussed and on which eminent bibUcal
scholars are found arrayed on opposite sides. The question
turns very much on the interpretation of the words "brother,"
and "brethren" and "sisters," in the passages above referred
to. If we take them in their Uteral sense, as some do, then
James the son of Alpheus and James the Lord's brother are
different persons. But others understand them in the general
sense of kindred or cousins, beUeving that our Sariour was
the only child of Mary. A statement at length of the argu-

488 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ments and objections that are urged on both sides does uoi
come -within the compass of the present work. Nor is it neces
sary. The author of the present epistle is beyond all reasonable
doubt the James who gave the final opinion in the assembly of
the apostles and elders at Jerusalem (Acts 15:13-21), whom
Paul names with Cephas and John as one of the " piUars " there
(Gal. 2 : 9), and who elsewhere appears as a man of commanding
influence in the church at Jerusalem (Acts 21 : 18 ; Gal. 2 : 12).
If any one doubts his identity -with James the son of Alpheus,
who was one of the twelve, this cannot affect the canonical
authority of the epistle. The position of this James in the
church at Jerusalem and his relation to the apostolic college is
such that, even upon the supposition that he did not belong to
the number of the twelve, his writings must have to us the fuU
weight of apostoUc authority. See above chap. 30, No. 42.
3. The place where this epistle was -n-ritten was manifestly
Jerusalem, where James always resided; and the persons ad
dressed are "the twelve tribes who are in the dispersion" (chap.
1:1); that is, as the nature of the case and the tenor of the
epistle make manifest, that part of them who had embraced
Christianity. There is no aUusion in the epistle to Gentile
beUevers. The dispersion is a technical term for the Jews Uving out of Palestine
aniong the GentUes. We need not hesitate to understand it here UteraUy.
The apostle wrote to his Jewish brethren of the dispersion because he
could not risit them and superintend their affairs as he could those of the
Je-wish Christians in and around Jerusalem. Some take the term in a
wider sense of the Je-wish Christians scattered abroad in and out of Pales
tine, but this is not necessary.
4. With regard to the date of this epistle also different opin
ions are held. Some place it early in the history of the church
— earlier, in fact, than any other of the apostoUc epistles — before
the origin of the controversy respecting circumcision and the
Mosaic law recorded in Acts, chap. 15 ; others quite late, not
long before the destruction of Jerusalem by the Eomans. The
latter view best agrees with the contents of the epistle. The

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 489
doctrine of justification by faith, for which Paul had contended,
would naturaUy be abused precisely in the way here indicated,
by the substitution of a barren speculative faith for the true
faith that works by love and purifies the heart and life from
sin. The age preceding the destruction of Jerusalem was one
of abounding wickedness, especiaUy in the form of strife and
faction. It had been predicted by our Lord that the effect of
this would be to chiU the love of many of his visible foUowers
and mthdraw them from his serrice. In truth the descriptions
of these unworthy members of the Je-wish Christian community
which we find in this epistle, in the second of Peter, and in that
of Jude, are but the reaUzation, in most particulars, of the state of
things foretold in the following remarkable words of the Sariour :
" And then shaUmanybe offended, and shaU betray one another,
and shaU hate one another. And many false prophets shaU
arise and shaU deceive many. And because iniquity shall
abound the love of many shaU wax cold. But he that shaU en
dure unto the end, the same shaU be saved." Matt. 24 : 10-13.
5. For the genuineness and canonical authority of the present
epistle we have a very important testimony in the Old Syriac ver
sion (Peshito), which represents the judgment of the Eastern
churches where the epistle was originaUy circulated. The re
maining testimonies prior to the fourth century are scanty and
some of them not very decisive. They may be aU seen in Da
ridson's Introduction to the New Testament, and in the crit
ical commentaries generaUy.
It cannot be reasonably doubted that the words of Irenseus, "Abraham
himseU, -without circumcision and -without the observance of Sabbaths, be
Ueved in God, and it was counted to him for righteousness, and he was
caUed the friend of God " (Against Heresies, 4. 30), refer to James 2 ;23.
Oiigen quotes the epistle as " current under the name of James," and inti
mates that some did not acknowledge its apostoUc authority. But he else
where cites it as that of "James the Lord's brother," " the apostle James,"
"the apostie," and simply "James.'' See in Kirchhofer QueUensamlung,
pp. 263, 264. Eusebius reckons the epistle among the books that were
"disputed, bnt kno-wn nevertheless to many." Hist. EccL, 3, 25. Else
where he says : "It is regarded as spurious ; at least not many of the an-
21*

490 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
cients have made mention of it." Hast. EccL, 2. 23. But these words can
not be regarded as expressing Eusebius' o-wn opinion ; for he himself
quotes him as " the holy apostie," and his words as " Scripture." See in
Daridson's Introduction to the New Testament, vol. 3, p. 336 ; Kirchhofer
QueUensamlung, p. 264.
In the course of the fourth century the canonical authority
of this epistle was graduaUy more and more acknowledged, and
in the fifth its reception in the churches of both the East and
the West became universal.
" This is just what we might exfject : a -writing Uttle known at first, ob-
tians a more general circulation, and the knowledge of the -wi-iting and its
reception go almost together. The contents entirely befit the antiquity
which the -writing claims ; no evidence could be given for rejecting it ; it
differs in its whole nature from the foolish and spurious -writings put forth
in the name of this James ; and thus its gradual reception is to be accounted
for from its haring, from early times, been known by some to be genuine
(as sho-wn by the Syraic version), and this knowledge being afterwards
spread more widely." TregeUes in Home, voL 4, chap. 25. Daridson sug
gests that differences of opinion and perplexities respecting the number of
the persons caUed James in the apostoUc period, and the relation they
bore to one another, and also the fact that the epistle was addressed solely
to Jewish Christians, may have made its early cu-culation comparatively lim
ited. Perhaps we may also add, as he does, its apparent conti-aiiety to the
Pauline doctrine of justification by faith, but this is by no means certain.
6. This epistle is eminently practical. If any part of it can
be called argumentative, it is that in which the apostle shows
that " faith -without works is dead." Chap. 2 : 14-26. The sins
which he rebukes -with such graphic viridness and power were
aU preeminently the sins of his countrymen at that age — heariug
God's word without doing it, resting in an empty faith that
does not influence the life, inordinate love of worldly posses
sions and a self-confldent spirit in the pursuit of them, wanton
revelUng in worldly pleasures, partiality towards the rich and
contempt of the poor, defrauding the poor of their wages, am
bition to assume the office of teaching, censoriousness, a law
less and slanderous tongue, bitter en-pying and strife, mutual
grudging and murmuring, wars and fightings ; all these with an

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 491
unbeUeving and complaining spirit towards God. But these
are not merely Je-wish rices. They are deeply rooted in man's
faUen nature, and many a nominal Christian community of our
day may see its own image by looking into the mirror of this
epistle. The aUeged disagreement between Paul and James is un
founded. Paul's object is to show that the ground of men's
justification is faith in Christ, and not the merit of their good
works. The object of James is to show that faith without good
works, Uke the body without the spirit, is dead. Paul argues
against dead works ; James against dead faith. Here we have
no contradiction, but only two different views of truth that are
in entu-e harmony -with each other, and both of which are es
sential to true godhness. II. EPISTLES OF PETEE.
7. The FIEST epistle or Petek was unanimously received by
the primitive church as the genuine work of the man whose
name it bears. Polycarp, in his epistle to the PhiUppians,
made numerous citations fi:om it. It was also referred to by
Papias, according to the testimony of Eusebius. Hist. Eccl.
3. 39. Irenseus, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Origen, etc.
aU quote it expressly. It is foimd in the Syriac Peshito version
which contains but thi-ee of the cathoUc epistles. It is wanting
in the Muratorian canon, but to this cu-cumstance much weight
cannot be attached when we consider how dark and confused is
the passage refen-ing to the cathoUc epistles.
8. The readers addressed in the epistle are " the elect so
journers of the dispersion, of Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia,
Asia, and Bithynia," aU provinces of Asia Minor. The words
" sojourners " — or " strangers " as rendered in our EngUsh ver
sion — and " dispersion " are both the appropriate terms for the
Jews U-ving in dispersion. That the apostle, in an introduction
of this kind, should have used the word " sojoiu-ners " in a sim
ply figurative sense, to describe Christians as "pUgrims and
strangers on the earth," is very improbable, especially in imme-

492 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
diate connection with the word " dispersion," which must be
understood literally. We must rather understand the apostle
as recognizing in the Christian churches scattered throughout
the world the true "Israel of God," having for its framework
the believing portion of the covenant people, into which the
GentUe Christians had beeil introduced through faith, and thus
made the children of Abraham. Compare Eom. 4 : 12-17; Gal.
3:7-9; and especially Eom. 11:17-24. Hence it comes to
pass that while Peter addresses them as the ancient people of
God, he yet includes Gentile Christians in his exhortations, as
is manifest from various passages, especially fi-om chap. 4:3.
9. According- to chap. 5 : 13 the place from which this epistle
was written was Babylon. No valid reason exists why we
should not understand here the literal Babylon. The old opin
ion that the apostle used the word enigmatically to signify
Eome is nothing more than a conjecture in itself improbable.
It has been urged not without reason that Peter names the
provinces of Asia Minor in the order which would be natural to
one writing from Babylon ; naming Pontus first, which lay
nearest to Babylon, and Asia and Bithynia, which were the
most remote, last. The question of the date of this epistle is con
nected with that of its occasion. This seems to have been a " fiery
trial " of persecution that had already begun to come upon the
Christians of the provinces named in the introductory address.
Chaps. 1:6, 7; 2:12, 19, 20; 3:14, 16,17; 4:1, 12-19; 5:9,
10. The exact date and character of this persecution cannot
be determined. The majority of commentators assign it to the
latter years of Nero's reign, which ended A. D. 68. The second
epistle of Peter was written not long before the apostle's death,
and after the epistles of Paul had become generaUy known in
Asia Minor. As we cannot reasonably separate the two epis
tles by a great space of time (see below. No. 11), we infer that
the first was written after Paul's first imprisonment in Eome,
say somewhere between a. d. 63 and 67.
10. The general tone of the first epistle is in harmony with
its occasion. The apostle seeks to animate and strengthen his

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 493
brethren in view of the " fiery trial " of persecution that had
already begun to come upon them. To this end he sets before
them in glowing language the greatness and glory of the heav
enly inheritance in reserve for them, which was purchased by
the precious blood of Christ, and the dignity and blessedness
of suffering for Christ's sake, with the assurance of God's faith
ful presence and protection. With these encouragements he
intermingles admonitions suited to their circumstances. He
exhorts them as strangers and pilgrims to abstain from fleshly
lusts and all the other vices of their former life in ignorance ;
to commend their religion by a holy deportment which shall
put to shame the calumnies of their adversaries; to perform
faithfully all the duties of their several stations in life; to be
humble, sober, vigilant, and ready always to give a reason of
their Christian hope ; and above all things to have fervent
charity among themselves. The fervent spirit of the grea.t
apostle of the circumcision, chastened and mellowed by age,
shines forth conspicuously in this epistle. The closing chapter,
where he addresses first the elders, then the younger, then the
whole body of believers, charms the reader by the holy tran
quilUty which pervades it throughout — a tranquiUity deeply
grounded in that faith which is "the substance of things hoped
for, the evidence of things not seen."
11. The second epistle oe Peteb. The address of this
epistle is general (chap. 1:1); yet the reference which it con
tains to the first (chap. 3 : 1) shows that the apostle had in mind
•primarily the same circle of churches. The character of this
reference — " This second epistle, beloved, I now write unto
you, in which [two epistles] I stir up your pure minds by way
of reminding [you] " — indicates that the second was not sepa
rated from the first by a very great space of time, certainly not
many years. The apostle -wrote with the conviction that his
decease was near at hand (chap. 1:13-15). There is a tradi
tion, the correctness of which, however, is doubted by many,
that he suffered martydrom at Eome under the persecution
raised by Nero against the Christians. This would be about

494 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
A. D. 67. As to the place from which the epistle was written we
have no information.
12. The present epistle is one of the disputed books. Chap.
5, No. 7, and Chap. 6. The question respecting its genuine
ness may be conveniently considered under the two heads of
external and internal eviderice.

The external testimony to the present epistle is scanty. Passing by
some doubtful references we come first to Origen who says (in Eusebius,
Hist. EccL, 6. 25) : "But Peter, upon whom is buUt the church of Christ,
against which the gates of heU shaU not prevaU, has left one acknowledged
epistle ; a second also, if you -wiU, for it is doubted of, " In those of his
works which are extant only in the Latin version of Eufinus, Origen in a
number of passages quotes the present epistle as Scripture. It has been-
suspected that these passages were interpolated by Eufinus, who took many
Uberties -with the text of Origen ; but one of them, which occurs at the be
ginning of his seventh homUy on Joshua, is so pecuUar that we cannot
weU doubt that Origen himself was its author. In aUusion to the proces
sion of priests. blo-wing with trumpets when the Israehtes compassed the
waUs of Jericho (Josh. chap. 6), he compares the writers of the New Testa
ment to so many sacerdotal trumpeters, assigning to them trumpets for
each book, and mentioning every book, as weU the disputed as the acknowl
edged : "First Matthew in his gospel, gave a blast -srith his sacerdotal
trumpet. Mark also, Luke, and John, sounded -with their single sacerdo
tal trumpets. Peter also sounds aloud -with the two trumpets of his epistles ;
James also, and Jude. But John adds yet again to blow -with the trumpet
through his episties and Apocalypse ; Luke, also, narrating the Acts of the
Apostles. But last of aU that man came, who said : ' I think that God has
set forth us apostles last, ' and thundering -with the fourteen trumpets of his
epistles, overthrew to their foundations the walls of Jericho, and aU the en
gines of idolatry and dogmas of phUosophers, '' The "epistles" through*
which the apostle John sounds are obriously his three epistles. The " four
teen trumpets " upon which Paid blows include the epistle to the Hebrews.
In this remarkable passage, then, we have an exhaustive list of our present
canonical books ; and there is no ground for imputing any interpolation to
the translator. It may be said, indeed, that this enumeration of the
books of the New Testament is made in a popular way, and does not imply
Origen's deUberate judgment that they were aU of apostoUc authority. If
this be granted, it stUl remains evident from the form of the passage that
all the books of our present canon were in current ecclesiastical use in Origen's
day, -whatever doubts he may have had respecting some of them, and that
they constituted, along with the -writings of the Old Testament, that whole

¦ THE NEW TESTAMENT. 495
of divine revelation which the Christian churches employed in assaulting
the kingdom of Satan.
The testimony of Eusebius himseU is of the same general import as that
of Origen — ^that the first epistie of Peter has been universaUy acknowl
edged ; but that the one current as the second has not been received as a
part of the New Testament ; but yet, appearing useful to many, has been
studied -with the other Scriptures (Hist. EccL, 3. 3) ; that among the -wri
tings which are disputed, yet kno-wn to many, are the episties current as
those of James and Jude, and the second epistie of Peter (Hist, EccL,
3. 25). Jerome says that Peter "wrote two episties that are caUed cathoUc, of '
which the second is denied by most persons on account of its disagreement
in style -with the first. " Scrip. EccL , 1. But he himseU received the epis
tie, and explained the difference in style and character and sti-uctiire of
words by the assumption that Peter used different interpreters in the com
position of the two episties (Epist. 120 ad Hedib., chap. 11) ; and from his
time onward the epistie was generaUy regarded as a part of the New Testa
ment. The reader who -wishes to investigate farther the question of external
testimonies -wiU flnd them aU given in Daridson's Inti-oduct, to New Test. ;
and Alford's Commentary, Introduction to 2 Peter. We simply repeat the
remark already made (Chap. 6, No. 3) that although the univeiBal and un
disputed reception of a book by aU the early churches cannot be explained
except on the assumption of its genuineness, its non-reception by some is
no conclusive argument against it. It may have remained (as seems to have
been peculiarly the case -with some of the cathoUc episties) for a considerable
period in obscurity. "When it began to be more extensively kno-wn, the
general reception and use of it would be a slow process both from the
difficulty of communication in ancient as compared -with modem times,
and especiaUy from the slo-wness and hesitancy -with which the churches of
one region received anything new that came from another region. Chap.
2, No. 5. Jerome does indeed mention the objection from the difference
of style between this epistie and the first of Peter; but it is doubtful
whether in this matter he speaks for the early churches generaUy. The
obscurity in which the epistie had remained, partiy at least because it was
not addressed to the guardianship of any particular church, seems to have
been the chief ground of doubt.
The Mzferraa? testimony for and against the genuineness of this epistle has
been discussed at great length by many -writers. The reader -wUl find good
summaries of them in the two works above referred to, also in the critical
commentaries generaUy and the modem Bible dictionaries. H one wonld
come to true results in this field of investigation it is important that he be
gin with tme principles. There are what may be caUed staple peculiarities,

496 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
which mark the style of one writer as compared -with that of another — that
of John, for example, in contrast -with that of Paul. We cannot conceive of
these as being wanting. But then we must aUow to one and the same writer
a considerable range of variation in style and diction, dependent partly on
difference of subject-matter, and partly on varying frames of mind of which
no definite account can be given. If one would be convinced of this, he
has only to read side by side the epistle of Paul to the Eomans and his
second to the Corinthians. Eeserringnow the second chapter of the pres
ent epistle for separate consideration, we do not find in the two remaining
chapters, as compared with the first epistle, any such fundamental differ-
• ences of style and diction as can constitute a just ground for denying the
common authorship of the two epistles. For the particulars, as weU as for
the examination of other objections of an internal character, the reader
must be referred to the sources above named. It is certainly remarkable
that Peter should refer to the writings of Paul in such terms as to class
them with the " Scriptures " of the Old Testament. Chap. 3 : 16. But, as
Alford remarks, this implies not that the canon of the New Testament had
been settled when the present epistle was written, but only that ' ' there
were certain writings by Christian teachers, which were reckoned on a level
with the Old Testament Scriptures, and caUed by the same name. And
that that was not the case, even in the traditional Ufetime of Peter, it would
be surely unreasonable to deny." We close this part of the discussion
with the foUowing words from the same author ; " Our general conclusion
from aU that has preceded must be iu favor of the genuineness and canon
icity of this second epistle ; acknowledging at the same time, that the sub
ject is not without considerable difflc-ulty. That difficulty however is Ught-
ened for us by observing that on the one hand, it is common to this epistle
with some others of those caUed catholic, and several of the later writings
of the New Testament ; and on the other, that no difference can be imag
ined more markedly distinctive, thau that which separates aU these writings
from even the earUest and best of the post-apostoUc period. Our epistle
is one of those latter fruits of the great outpouring of the Spirit on the
apostles, which, not being intrusted to the custody of any one church or
individual, required some considerable time to become generaUy known ;
which when known, were suspected, bearing, as they necessarily did traces
of their late origin, and notes of polemical argument ; but of which as
apostolic and inspired -writings, there never was, when once they became
known, any general doubt ; and which, as the sacred canon became flxed,
acquired, and have since maintained, their due and providential place
among the books of the New Testament."
13. The object of the present epistle is to warn believers
against being led away with the error of the wicked so as to

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 497
faU from their own steadfastness. Chap. 3:17. It contains
accordingly extended notices of the gross errors in doctrine and
morals which, as we know from the New Testament, abounded
in the Christian church near the close of the apostoUc period.
The second chapter, which is occupied with a vivid description
of the false teachers that had "crept in unawares " (chap. 2:1;
Jude 4), is very peculiar in its contents; and its agreement
with the epistle of Jude is of such a character as leads to the
inference that the two writings are somehow connected with
each other. It has been supposed that both writers drew from
a common source unknown to us. More probable is the opin
ion that one of them had in view the words of the other. A
comparison of the two writings will perhaps lead to the belief
that Jude's was the original, though on this point biblical schol
ars differ. It matters not to us whether, under the guidance
of the Holy Spirit, Peter employed, in a free and independent
way, the words of Jude, or Jude those of Peter. Upon either
supposition his writing is as much inspired as if he had written
independently. The most prominent idea of Peter's first epistle
is patience and steadfastness in the endurance of suffering for
Christ's sake ; that of this second epistle is caution against the
seductions of false teachers. Thus each epistle fills an impor
tant place in the entire economy of revelation.
III. EPISTLES OF JOHN.
14. The fiest epistle oe John bears throughout the impress
of its authorship. That it was written by the same man who
¦wrote the fourth gospel is too evident to be reasonably contro
verted. On this ground alone its genuineness and authenticity
may be regarded as estabUshed on a flrm basis. But the ex
ternal testimonies to its authorship are also abundant from Pol
ycarp, the disciple of the apostle, and onward. It is unneces
sary to enumerate them. In respect to the date of this epistle
we have no certain knowledge. The common opinion is that it
was written after the gospel, and towards the close of the first
century. With this supposition the contents agree. It con-

498 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
tains the affectionate counsel of an aged apostle to his younger
brethren, whom he addresses as his "little children." He
writes, moreover, in "the last time," when, according to the
prediction of our Lord and his apostles, many antichrists and
false prophets are abroad in the world (chaps. 2:18; 4:1-3),
and there are some who deny that Jesus Christ is come in the
flesh (chap. 4:2, 3). As to the plaee of the apostle's writing, if
we follow ancient tradition, which makes Ephesus his home in
his old age, we may well believe that he wrote from that city,
and that the epistle was addressed primarily to the circle of
churches which had Ephesus for a centre.
Some of the ancients refer to the present epistie as ¦written to the Parthi
ans. But this is a very improbable assumption, and rests apparently on
some mistake. The apostle eridently -writes to those who are under his
spiritual care ; and these are not the Parthians, but the Christians of Asia,
to whom also the seven letters of the Apocalypse are addressed.
15. The epistle has unity throughout, but not the unity of
systematic logical arrangement. Its unity consists rather in
the fact that all its thoughts revolve around one great central
truth, the incarnation qf the Son of God in the persoii qf Jesus
Christ for the salvation qf the world. With this truth he begins,
and he affirms it authoritatively, as one of the primitive apos
tolic witnesses: "That which we have seen and heard de
clare we unto you." Chaps. 1:3; 4:6. He guards it also
against perversion, when he insists upon the reaUty of our
Lord's incarnation : " Every spirit that confesseth that Jesus
Christ is come in the flesh, is of God : and every spirit that
confesseth not that Jesus Christ is come in the flesh, is not of
God " (chap. 4 : 2, 3), words which are with good reason understood
as referring to a very ancient form of error, that of the Docetce,
who maintained that the Son of God had not a real, but only
an apparent body. The reception through faith of this great
truth, that the Son of God has come in the flesh for man's sal
vation, brings us into blissful union and communion with the
Father and the Son, and thus into the possession of sonship and
eternal life. Chaps. 1:3; 3 : 1, 2 ; 4 : 15 ; 5 : 1, 13, 20. The re-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 499
jection of this truth is the rejection of God's own testimony
concerning his Son (chaps. 2 : 22 ; 5:9, 10), and thus the rejec
tion of eternal life ; for out of Christ, the Son of God, there is
no hfe (chap. 5 : 11, 12). But this reception of Christ is not a
matter of mere theoretic beUef. It is a practical coming to the
Father and the Son, and a holy union -with them. The proof
of such union with God and Christ is Ukeness to God and obe
dience to God's commandments. They who profess to know
God and to be in him, whUe they walk in darkness and allow
themselves in sin, are Uars and the truth is not in them. Chaps.
1 : 5-7 ; 2 : 4-6 ; 3 : 5-10, 24 ; 5 : 4, 5, 18. The sum of aU God's
attributes is love ; and the sum of Christian character is love
also. Chap. 4 : 16. But there can be no true love towards God
where there is none towards the brethren ; and such love must
manifest itseU " not in word, neither in tongue; but in deed and
in truth." Chaps. 3:11-18; 4:7-11, 20, 21; 5:1. He that
loves his brother abides in the Ught ; but he that hates him
abides in darkness and death. Chaps. 2:9-11; 3:14, 15. All
beUevers have an abiding unction of the Spirit, which enables
them to distinguish between truth and falsehood, and keeps
them firom the seductions of the many antichrists that are
abroad. Chap. 2 : 18-27. Such true beUevers, whose hearts
are fiUed ¦with love, are raised above fear, and have confidence
in prayer, and may look forward with joyful confidence to the
day of judgment. Chaps. 2 : 28 ; 3 : 18-20 ; 4 : 17, 18 ; 5 : 14, 15.
These fundamental truths the apostle reiterates in various
forms and connections, intermingUng with them various admo
nitions and promises of a more particular character. He dweUs
with especial fulness on the eridences of discipleship as mani
fested in the daily spirit and Ufe. There is perhaps no part of
God's word so directly avaUable to the anxious inquirer who
¦wishes to know what true religion is, and whether he possesses
it. He who, in humble reUance on the Ulumination of the di
vine Spirit, appUes to himself this touchstone of Christian
character, wiU know whether he is of God, or of the world that
Ues in wickedness.

500 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
16. Second and third epistles of John. These two short
epistles are so closely related to each other in style and man
ner that they have always been regarded as ¦written by one and
the same person. In considering, therefore, the question of
their authorship we take them both together. Though reck
oned by Origen (in Eusebius' Hist. Eccl., 6. 25) and by Euse
bius himself (Hist. Eccl., 3. 25 ; Demonstratio Evangel. 3. 5)
among the disputed ¦writings, the external testimony to their
apostoUc authorship is upon the whole satisfactory, embracing
the names of IrensBus, Clement of Alexandria, Dionysius of
Alexandria, Jerome, etc. When we take into account the
smaU extent of these epistles it is plain that no unfavorable in
ference can be drawn from the sUence of TertuUian and others.
Nor is there any internal eridence against them. That the
man who, in his gospel, studiously avoids the mention of his
o-wn name, describing himseU as " the disciple whom Jesus
loved," and, in his first epistle, simply classes himself -with the
other apostles — " that which we have seen and heard," etc. —
should in these epistles, where some designation of himself
was necessary, speak of himself as " the elder " is not sur
prising. Compare 1 Peter 5 : 1.
17. Concerning the date of these two epistles we know
nothing. The object of the first seems to have been to set
before the lady to whom it was addressed the importance of a
discriminating love, which distinguishes between truth and
falsehood, and does not allow itself to aid and abet error by
misplaced kindness towards its teachers.
In the second the apostle, -writing to Gaius, commends to
his hospitaUty, certain missionai-y brethren, who were strangers
in the place where this disciple Uved. It would seem that the
design of these brethren was to preach the gospel to the Gen
tiles without charge; that he had in a former letter, com
mended them to the church where Gaius resided; but that
Diotrephes had hindered their reception, and persecuted those
who favored them.
Short as these epistles are, then, each of them contains

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 501
weighty instruction — the flrst, in reference to Ul-timed kindness
and liberaUty towards the teachers of error ; the second, con
ceming the character and conduct of those who love to have
the preeminence, and the abhorrence in which they ought to
be held by aU who love the purity and peace of the churches.
IV. EPISTLE OF JUDE.
18. The -writer of this epistle styles himself "the servant of
Jesus Christ, and brother of James." Chap. 1:1. This James
is undoubtedly the same man who held so conspicuous a place
in the church at Jerusalem, and was the author of the epistle
which bears his name. Whether Jude was an apostle, or an
apostoUc man, like Mark and Luke, depends upon the question
respecting the relation which his brother James held to Christ,
conceming which see the introduction to the epistle of James.
In either case the canonical authority of the epistle holds good.
The close relation between this epistle and the second chapter
of Peter's second epistle has already been noticed. See above.
No. 13. It was probably anterior in time to that epistle, but
not separated from it by a great number of years. If we may
infer anything firom the abundant use made by the -writer of
Jewish history and tradition, the persons addressed are Je-wish
Christians. 19. Eusebius classes this epistle also among the disputed
•writings (Hist. Eccl., 2. 23 ; 3. 25), yet the testimonies to its
genuineness are ample — the Muratorian canon, TertxdUan,
Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Jerome, etc.
It was objected to this epistie in ancient times that the ¦writer quotes
from the apocryphal book of Enoch (verses 14, 15). To this it may be
answered — (1) that, if this be the case, Jude does not sanction the book
of Enoch as a whole, but only this particular tradition embodied in it ;
(2) that the -writer of the book of Enoch manifestly made use of a current
tradition, and that, for anything that appears to the contrary, Jude may
have avaUed himseK of the same tradition, independentiy of the book of
Enoch. That au inspired -writer should refer to a traditional history not
recorded in the Old Testament ought not to give offence. The apostie Paul
does the same (2 Tim. 3:8, 9) ; and Jude himself in another passage
(verse 9).

502 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
20. The design of the epistle Jude himself gives in expUcit
terms (verses 3, 4). It is to guard believers against the seduc
tions of false teachers, corrupt in practice as weU as doctrine ;
whose selfishness, sensuaUty, and avarice ; whose vain-glorious,
abusive, and schismatic spirit, he describes in vivid language,
denouncing upon them at the same time the awful judgment of
God. The apostolic portraiture has not yet become antiquated
in the history of Christ's church.

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 503

CHAPTEE XXXII.
The Apocalypse.
1. The word Apocalypse (Greek Apokalupsis) signifies Revela
tion, the title given to the book in our English version as weU
fi-om its opening word as from its contents. Of aU the -writings
of the New Testament that are classed by Eusebius among the
disputed books (^Antilegomena, chap. 5. 6), the apostoUc author
ship of this is sustained by the greatest amount of externcd, eri
dence ; so much so that Eusebius acknowledges it as doubtful
whether it should be classed among the acknowledged or the
disputed books.
It was known to Papias, to MeUto bishop of Sardis, and to TheophUus
of Antioch ; is quoted as a part of Scripture by the churches of Vienne and
Lyons in the last quarter of the second century ; and is expressly ascribed
to the apostie John by Justin Martyr, Irenseus, Tertullian, Clement of
Alexandria, the Muratorian canon, Hippolytus, Origen, Jerome, etc. The
testimonies may be seen in Daridson's Intioduction to the New Test., in
Alford, and in the other works already frequentiy referred to. Eusebius,
after giving a list of tla& acknowledged books, adds : " After these shonld be
placed, if it be thought proper, the Eevelation of John, conceming which
we shaU give the opinions at the proper time." Then, at the end of a Ust
of the disputed and rejectedhooks he adds : "And moreover, as I said, the
Revelation of John, if it be thought proper, which some, as I said, reject,
but others reckon among the acknowledged books" (Hist. EccL, 3. 25) ;
and again, after mentioning -with approbation the account of those who
said that there were at Ephesus two who bore the name of John (John the
aposde, and the so-c^ei presbyter John), he adds : "For it is probable that
the second, if any one be not ¦willing to aUow that it was the first, saw the
Eevelation current under the name of John" (Hist. EccL, 3. 39). Those
who denied the apostoUc authorship of the book genersJly referred it to this
latter, John the presbyter. So Dionysius of Alexandria and others. But
for this they adduced no historie proof. Their arg^uments were dra-wn
whoUy from considerations relating to its internal character, especiaUy in the
case of some, its supposed miUenarian riews. Upon smy fair principle of

504 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
judging, -we must concede that the apostoUc authorship of this book is
sustained by a mass of ancient testimony not rebutted by any contiary
testimony -which rests on a historic basis.
2. In modern, as in ancient times, the main arguments
against the apostolic authorship of the Apocalypse have been
drawn from its internal character, especiaUy as contiasted with
that of the fourth gospel and the first epistle of John. On this
ground the assaults upon the book have been many and strong,
and they have been met with vigorous resistance. To reriew
the arguments on both sides would exceed our Umits. Many
of them, moreover, presuppose a knowledge of the original lan
guages of both the Old and the New Testament. We can only
indicate some considerations of a general nature.
(1.) No vaUd argument against the apostoUc authorship of this book can
be dra'wn from the fact that the -wiiter specifies his name in the introduction
and elsewhere. Chaps. 1 : 1, 4, 9 ; 21 : 2 ; 22 : 8. It may surprise us that the
man who studiously avoids mentioning his name in the fourth gospel, and
who describes himseK in his second and thu-d episties as ' ' the elder, " should
here directiy introduce his name at the beginning and in the progress of the
book. But for this difference he may have had a good reason, whether we
can discover it or not. The direct command, addressed to bim personaUy,
that he should ¦write do^wn his visions and send them to the seven churches
of Asia would seem to imply the propriety, K not the necessity, of his con
necting his own name -with the record of them. He addressed the churches
immediately and authoritatively in the name of the risen and glorified
Sariour. "What more natural and proper than that he should inform them
directiy who he was that had received this heavenly message.
(2.) The doctrinal riews of the Apocalypse afford no argument against its
apostoUc authorship. The -writer, it is tme, moves to a great extent in a
new and pecuUar sphere of ti-uth ; but there is nothing in it contiadictory
to the teachings of John's gospel and episties. On the contrary, the great
central truths that relate to Christ's person and office are in perfect har
mony with those teachings.
(3.) The spirit oi the Apocalypse is not contradictory to that of the gos
pel and episties. A -writer in Alexander's Kitto says : "Quiet contempla
tion has f uU scope in the evangelist ; mUdness and love find utterance in
affectionate discourse. But the spirit of the apoealyptist is stem and re
vengeful, -with cutting reproofs, calls to repentance, commands and threat
enings.'' The answer to aU this is that, just as the human body has bones
and muscles as weU as fluids and soft tissues, so the mediatorial govern-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 505
ment of Christ has a stem as weU as a mild side ; and that the very nature
of the -visions contained in the apocalypse gives prominence to this side.
(4.) TheTaain6b]ectiojisaxe'basedoiidiversityqf style and diction. Not-
-withstanding aU the true points of resemblance in this respect that have
been adduced by -various -writers, the difference between the Apocalypse,
on the one hand, and the gospel and epistles of John, on the other, is very
striking. But here we must take into account, first of all, the great differ
ence in the subject-matter, which natmaUy brings a corresponding differ
ence of language. Next, the difference in the mode of divine com'munication.
The gospel and episties were -written under that constant ti-anqml iUumi
nation of the Holy Spirit which aU the apostles enjoyed. The subject-mat
ter of the Apocalypse was given in direct vision — ^much of it, moreover,
through the medium of oral address. To one who beUeves in the reaUty
of the revelations here recorded it is vain that an opponent urge the differ
ence in style between the flrst epistie of John and the episties to the seven
churches of Asia ; since these latter are expressed in the very words of
Christ. Inseparably connected with the peculiar mode of revelation in the
Apocalypse are the pecuhar mental state and circumstances in which the
apostie -wrote. He composed the gospel and episties in the calmness of
tranquU contemplation and reminiscences of the past. The visions of the
Apocalypse he received "in the Spirit" (chap. 1 :10 ; 4:2); that is, in a
state of ecstacy ; and, according to the plain language of the book, he
wrote them down at the time, beginning, as we must suppose, -with the second
chapter, the introductory chapter and some closing remarks ha-ring been
added afterwards. The direction: "What thou seest -write in a book"
(chap. 1 : 11, 19), does not indeed imply -that he should write upon the spot ;
bnt that he did so is plainly indicated elsewhere : "When the seven thun
ders had uttered tiieir voices, I was about to -write : and I heard a voice
from heaven saying unto me. Seal up those things which the seven thun
ders uttered, and -write them uot " (chap. 10 : 4). In entire harmony with
this is another passage : ' 'And I heard a voice from heaven saying unto me.
Write, Blessed are the dead whieh die in the Lord from henceforth," etc.
(chap. 14 :13) ; that is, "Write do-wn now these words of comfort." The
apostle, therefore, -wrote down his visions one after another immediately
after they were received. "When he -wrote he was not in a state of uncon
sciousness, but of mental and spiritual exaltation above his ordinary condi
tion. To affirm that he could not have received this series of visions -with
out being deprived of the capacity to record them at the time, would be
to limit the modes of divine revelation by our ignorance. If we cannot
understand how the apostie could hear "in the Spirit" the voices of the
seven thunders, and immediately prepare to -write down tiieir utterances,
we ought, at least, reverentiy to receive the fact as stated by him. To ex
pect from one writing in such circumstances careful attention to the rules
Comp. to Bible. f)9

506 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of Greek syntax and the idioms of the Greek language would be absurd.
Undoubtedly Plato iu a like situation would have -written pure Attic Greek,
because that would have been to him the most natural mode of -wi-iting.
But the GralUean flsherman, a Jew by birth and education, feU back upon
the Hebrew idioms -with which he was so famiUar. FinaUy we must re
member that, after the analogy of the Old Testament prophecies, this
prophetic book is expressed in poetic diction. It is fuU of images borrowed
from the old Hebrew prophets, often spirituaUzed and appUed in a higher
sense." Looking to the imagery alone, one may well caU this book a grand
anthology of the old Hebrew poets. Bnt the poetic diction of one and the
same writer may differ -widely from his prose style, as we see in the case
of Moses, Isaiah, and Jeremiah.
If the above considerations do not whoUy remove the difficulty under
consideration they greatly reUeve it. The apostoUc authorship of the
fourth gospel and the flrst epistle of John is sustained by a mass of eri
dence that cannot be set aside. That the same John also wrote the risions
of the Apocalypse is attested, as we have seen, by the almost unanimous
voice of antiquity. Far greater difficulties are involved in the denial of
the ancient tradition of the church than in the admission of it.

3. The date of the Apocalypse has been a matter of much
discussion, the great question being whether it was written be
fore or after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Eomans. The
external testimony strongly preponderates on the side of a late
date ; for the great body of this tradition represents the ban
ishment of the apostle to the isle of Patmos as having taken
place under Domitian who succeeded Titus, and reigned from
a. d. 81 to 96. This supposition also agrees with the fact that
the recipients of our Lord's seven messages (chaps. 2, 3) are the
seven churches of Proconsular Asia, among whom, according to
the unanimous testimony of the primitive church, the apostle
spent the latter years of his life. The hypothesis of an earher
date is but feebly supported by external testimony. It rests
mainly on the alleged reference of the -writer to the overthrow
of Jerusalem as an event yet future, and as being the main sub
ject of the prophesies contained in the book. But this refer
ence has never been clearly estabUshed, and is contradicted by
the general analogy of prophecy, by the contents of the book,
and by its manifest relation to the prophecies of Daniel A

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 507
few only of the briefer prophetic books, as those of Jonah and
Nahum, confine themselves to one particular event lying in the
near future. AU the more extended among them, and many of
the shorter, look forward undeniably to the distant future. The
book of, Daniel can be interpreted only as containing a great
scheme of prophecy stretching forward into the distant future,
and -with this the revelation of John has the closest connection.
The place where the revelation was received was the isle of Pat
mos, one of the group called Sporades in the Mge&n sea off the
southwestern corner of Asia Minor, where the apostle represents
himself to have been " for the word of God, and for the testi
mony of Jesus Christ " (chap. 1:9): that is, in accordance with
ancient tradition, banished to that isle on account of the gospel.
4. For the interpretatimi of this book many and very discord
ant plans have been proposed. Setting aside at the outset aU
those schemes wliich do not find in the Apocalypse a riew of the
conflicts of Christ'speopletothe endof time and their flnal victory
over their enemies, there remain two general principles of inter
pretation. The flrst may be caUed the generic principle. Those
who adopt it inquire only after the general import of the sym
bols employed, -without attempting any particular appUcation
of them to the history of the church in connection with that of
the world. Thus, the white horse of the first seal (chap. 6 : 2)
denotes in general the conquests of Christ through his gospel ;
the red horse of the second seal (chap 6 : 4), war and carnage,
as accompanying the progress of the truth ; and so on through
out the other symbols of the book. But when we come to the
most important part of the prophecies, those conceming the
two beasts (chap. 13), and that concerning the woman riding on
the scarlet-colored beast (chap. 17), this principle utterly fails.
It cannot be that so many specific and very pecuUar marks
mean only persecuting powers in general. They point with
wonderful clearness and precision to that grand combination of
the civil with the ecclesiastical power of which papal Eome has
ever been the chief representative.
We come, then, for the true key to the Apocalypse, to the

508 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
other principle, which may be caUed the historic. This seeks
in the history of the church and of the world for the great
events foretold in this book. It is no valid objection to this
principle, that in the attempt to apply it interpreters flnd great,
and in many cases insuperable difficulties. The mygtery of
God is not yet finished. It may be that the mighty events of
the future can alone throw a clear light on the entire plan of
the book. Meanwhile we must wait in reverential expectation,
haring in the plain fulfilment of that part of its prophecies
which describes the rise and character of the combined ecclesi
astical and political power which, under the name of Christian
ity, persecutes the true servants of Christ, a certain pledge that
aU the rest wUl be accomplished in due season. Expositors
are agreed that the predictions of the book do not run on in
chronological order from beginning to end. Most flnd in chaps.
6 : 1 — 11 : 18 (with an episode, chaps. 10 :1 — 11 : 13) one series
relating more to the outward history of the world in its rela
tions to God's people ; whUe in chap. 12 the writer returns to
the primitive days of Christianity, and gives a more interior and
spiritual view of'the conflicts of God's people along the track of
ages and their final triumph, adding at the close various supple
mentary views of the same mighty struggle and rictory.
5. On the symbolic import of the numbers in the Apocalypse
a few words may be added.
Seven is the weU kno-wn symbol of completeness, and this
is the most prominent number in the book. Thus we have the
seven churches of Asia represented by the seven golden candle
sticks, and their seven angels represented by seven stars (chap.
1 : 4, 12, 16, 20) ; the seven lamps of fire burning before the throne
which are the seven spirits of God (chap. 4:5); the seven seals
(chap. 5:1); the seven trumpets (chap. 8:2); the seven thunders
(chap. 10:4); the seven last plagues (chap. ^5:1); to whieh
may be added the seven ascriptions of praise — power, riches,
wisdom, strength, honor, glory, blessing (chap. 5' : 12), blessing,
glory, -wisdom, thanksgiring, honor, power, might (chap. 7 : 12).
Lastly, we have the seven heads of the persecuting beast in aU

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 509
its various forms. Chaps. 12 :3; 13:1; 17:3. So far as the
number seven has its folfilment in the history of the world, we
are at Uberty to suppose that this is accompUshed, in part at
least, by the manner in which the wisdom of God has been
pleased to group together the events of prophecy — a grouping
which is always appropriate, but might have been different had
the plan of representation so required. The final judgments
which precede the miUenium, for example, which in chaps. 15
and 16 are set forth under the figure of seven rials fiiU of the
-wrath of God, might have been, by another mode of distribution,
represented under the number two. Many think they are thus
represented in chap. 14:14^20. Another prophetic number,
occurring in Daniel and the Apocalypse, always as a designa
tion of time, is the half of seven. Thus we have "a time, and
times, and half a time," that is, three years and a half (chap.
12:14|; or in months, "forty and two months" (chaps. 11:2*
13:5); or in days, "a thousand two hundred and threescore
days" (chaps. 11:3; 12:6). Compare Daniel 7:25. Again,
answering to these three years and a half, we have the three
days and a haU during which the two witnesses Ue dead. Chap.
11:9, 11. The number six, moreover, fi-om its pecuUar rela
tion to seven, represents the preparation for the consummation
of God's plans. Hence the sixth seal (chap. 6 : 12-17), the sixth
humpet (chap. 9 : 14^21), and the sixth rial (chap. 16 : 12-16)
are each preeminent in the series to which they belong. They
¦ usher in the awful judgments of Heaven which destroy the
wicked. Here, perhaps, we have the key to the symboUc im
port of the number of the beast, 666. WhUe it represents,
according to the principles of Greek numeration, the number
of a man, it seems to indicate that upon him faU aU the judg
ments of the sixth seal, the sixth trumpet, and the sixth rial.
Four is the natural symbol for uuiversaUty. Thus we have
the four Uving creatures round about the thrpne (chap. 4 : 6),
perhaps as symbols of the agencies by which God administers
his universal proridential govemment (chaps. 6:1, 3, 5, 7;
15 : 7) ; the four angels standing on the four corners of the earth

510 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
and holding the four winds (chap. 7:1); and the four angels
bound in the river Euphrates (chap. 9 : 14). So also in the four
fold enumeration, " kindred, and tongue, and people, and na
tion," or its equivalent. Chaps. 5 : 9 ; 10 : 11 ; 11 : 9 ; 14 : 6 ; 17 : 15.
A third and a, fourth part, on the contrary, represent what is
partial. Chaps. 6:8; 8 : 12 ; 9 : 18.
Twelve is the weU-known sig-nature of God's people. Com
pare the twelve tribes of the Old Testament and the t-n-elve
apostles of the New ; the woman with a crown of twelve stars
(chap. 12 : 1) ; the twelve gates, twelve angels, tw-elve founda
tions of the New Jerusalem, the twelve times twelve cubits of
its wall, and its tree of life that yields twelve harvests a year
(chaps. 21 : 12, 14 ; 22 : 2). We have also the same number
combined with a thousand, the general symbol for a great num
ber. From each of the twelve tribes of Israel are sealed twelve
thousand- (chap. 7:4-8), making for the symbolical number of
the redeemed twelve times tw^elve thousand (chap. 14 : 1, 3) ; and
the waUs of the New Jerusalem are in every direction twelve
thousand furlongs (chap. 21 : 16).
Ten is possibly only a symbol of diversity, as iu the case of
the- ten horns of the beast (chaps. 12:3; 13 : 1 ; 17:3); though
some take a literal view of it.
6. Dark as are many parts of the Apocalypse and difficult
of interpretation, the book as a whole is radiant -with the prom
ise to God's people of a final and complete victory in their con
flict with the kingdom of Satan. Though long delayed, as we
mortals reckon time, it shaU come at last with a splendor above
the brightness of the sun, and the earth be Ughted from pole
to pole with its glory. " Amen. Even so, come. Lord Jesus "J

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 511

APPENDIX TO PART III.
Writings of the Apostolic Fathers, -with
SOME Notices of the Apochyphal New^ Testa-
'^RITINGS.

fl

1. A -WIDE distinction should be made between the icrititigs of the apos
tolic fathers which are acknowledged to be'genuine, or the genuineness of
which may be maintained on more or less probable grounds, and the large
mass of spurious works afterwards palmed upon the Christian world as the
productions of aposties or their contemporaries. The latter constitute
properly the New Testament Apocrypha, though the term is sometimes
appUed in a loose way to both classes of -writings. The -writings of the
apostoUc fathers, though possessing no dirine authority, are valuable as
sho-wing the state of the Christian churches at the time when they were
composed in respect to both doctrine and discipline, as weU as the various
errors and dirisions by which they -were troubled. Their testimonies to the
genuineness of the New Testament have been already considered. Chap.
2, No. 10. Some of the apocryphal works also, worthless as they are for
instruction in the doctrines and duties of Christianity, throw much light
on the reUgious spu-it, tendencies, and heretical sects of the times to which
they belong. Others of these -writings are unutterably absurd and puerile,
worthy of notice only as showing the type of the pueriUties current in the
age of theu- composition. I. -W^EITINGS OP CLEMENT.
2, Appended to the Alexandrine manuscript (Chap. 26, No. 5) is an
epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians, foUowed by part of a so-caUed
second epistie to the same church. The first of these episties is acknowl
edged to be genuine. It was kno-wn to the ancient fathers as the work of
Clement of Eome, and highly commended by them. Their quotations
from it agree with the contents of the epistie as we now have it, nor does
it exhibit any marks of a later age ; for the author's reference to the weU-
kno-wn fable of the phoenix as a type of the resurrection (chap. 25), consti
tutes no real difficulty. It may prove that he was credulous, but not that
he belonged to a later than the apostoUc age. The ancients represent
this Clement to have been identical with Clement bishop of Rome. -Whether
he was also identical with the Clement named by the apostle Paul (PhiL

512 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
4 : 3), is a question that we may weU leave undecided. The epistle was
-written shortly after some persecution (chap. 1), which Grabe, Hef ele, and
others suppose to have been that under Nero ; Lardner, Cotelerius, and
others, that under Domitian. Upon the former supposition it was -written
about A. D. 68 — a supposition apparentiy favored by the way in which he
refers to the temple and serrice at Jerusalem as stiU in existence (chaps.
40, 41) ; upon the latter, about a. d. 96 or 97.
3. The occasion of the epistle, which Clement -writes in the name of the
church at Eome, is easUy gathered from its contents. As in the days of
Paul, so now, the Corinthian church was troubled by a "wicked and un
holy sedition," fomented by "a few rash and seU--wiUed men,'' who had
proceeded so far as to thrust _out of their ministry some worthy men.
Chap. 44. It would seem, also, from chaps. 24^27 that there were among
them those who denied the doctrine of the resun-ection. To restore in the
Corinthian church the spuit of love and unity is the grand scope of the
epistle. The author commends them for their orderly and holy deport
ment before their present quarrel arose, traces it to its true source in the
pride gendered by the honor and enlargement granted them by God, and
urges them to lay aside their contentions by every motive that the gospel
ofiers — the mischiefs that strife occasions, the rules of their reUgion, the
example of the Sariour and holy men of aU ages, the relation of behevers
to God, his high value of the spirit of love and unity, the reward of obe
dience and punishment of disobedience, etc. Comparing the church to an
army, he insists earnestly on the necessity of different ranks and orders,
aud the spirit of obedience. Comparing it again to the human body, he
shows that aU the particular members, each in his place, should conspire
together for the preservation of the whole.
Clement's style has not the merit of compactness and conciseness. He
is, on the contrary, diffuse and repetitious. But a thoroughly evangeUcal
spirit pervades the present epistle, and it is, moreover, characterized by a
noble fervor and simpUcity. "It evinces the calm dignity and the practi
cal executive -wisdom of the Eoman church in her original apostoUc sim
pUcity, -without the sUghtest infusion of hierarchical arrogance." Schaff,
Hist. Christ. Church, voL 1, p. 460. In its internal character, as in the
time of its composition, it approaches the canonical writings of the New
Testament more nearly than any other remains of antiquity.
4. The second epistle ascribed to Clement is not mentioned by any
of the fathers before Eusebius, who speaks of it doubtingly : "But it
should be known that there is said to be also a certain second epistie of
Clement. But it is clear to us that this is not equaUy kno-wn with the first ;
for we know that the ancients have not made use of it." Hist. Eccles. 3,38.
It is generaUy acknowledged to be spurious, and is, perhaps, as Hefele
suggests, one of the homilies falsely ascribed to Clement. With this snp-

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 513
position. its contents weU agree ; for it does not seem to have, Uke the first
a definite end to accomplish. It opens -with a general exhortation that the
Corinthians should think worthUy of Christ in riew of the great work which
he has -wrought in. their behalf, and urges upon them a steadfast confession
of him before men, not by empty words, but by a Ufe of holy obedience.
It sets before them the incompatibUity of the serrice of God and mammon,
and dwells -with especial earnestness on the high rewards of eternity in
comparison -with the pleasures and pains of the present life ; as if the -wri
ter had in mind those who were exposed to the double peril of substituting
an empty profession for the Uving spirit of obedience, and of apostatizing
from Christ through fear of persecution and martyrdom.
5. Besides the above, there is a mass of -writings cm-rent in ancient days
under the name of Clement which are acknowledged by aU to be spurious.
Among these are : The Recognitions of Clement; The Clementines, or, ac
cording to the Greek title, Clemsnfs Epitome of Peter's Biscourses in Trav
el; CleTnenfs Epitome concerning i'he Acts and Discourses of Peter in Travel —
three forms of substantiaUy the same work. It -wiU be sufficient to give a
brief notice of the Eecognitions. The author, apparently a Jew by birth
and a phUosopher of the Alexandrine school, has embraced a form of Chris
tianity mixed up -with the dogmas of his phUosophy. For the purpose of
attacking and overthro-wing the false reUgious notions of his age, he invents
an ingenious historic plot. Clement, a Boman citizen, who, as appears in
the sequel, has been separated in early Ufe from his father, mother, and
two brothers, whom he supposes to be dead, is inti-oduced as sending to
James, who presides over the church at Jerusalem, -with an accompanying
letter, an account of his early education ; his acquaintance -with the apos
tie Peter, who chooses him to be his companion in travel ; Peter's conver
sations with himself and the rest of the company ; his pubUc addresses
and acts ; especiaUy his famous encounters -with Simon Magus, whom he
overthrows and puts to pubUc shame. In the com-se of then- journeying
they visit a certain island, where they meet -with a poor woman begging
alms, who is found, upon the relation of her history, to be the mother of
Clement. Upon further inqmry it appears that two of Peter's company,
Nicetus and AquUa, are her sons and the brothers of Clement. -PinaUy,
Peter encounters on the sea-shore, whither he had gone to perform for the
newly discovered mother and sons the rite of baptism, an old man who is
found to be the long lost husband and father. Prom these recognitions the
work receives its title. But this historic plot is only the occasion of intro
ducing the -writer's theological and phUosophical opinions, with especial
reference to the prevailing errors of his day. Any page of the work is
sufficient to show that Peter and Clement had nothing to do -with its com
position. It cannot be placed earUer than the close of the second or tho
22*

514 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
beginning of the third century. Prefixed to these Clementine -writings,
and having reference to them, are two spurious episties, one from Peter to
James, president of the church at Jerusalem, with the proceedings of
James consequent upon the reception of it, and one from Clement to
James. These it is not necessary to notice.
The so-caUed Constitutions of Clement in eight books, embracing, as
their name indicates, a system of rules pertaining to church order and dis
cipline, were certainly not the work of Clement. It is not certain that
they had their origin as a whole in the same age ; but the judgment of
learned men is that no part of them is older than the second half of the
third century. The eighty-five so-caUed Apostolic Canons have prefixed to
them the spurious title: "Ecclesiastical Eules of the Holy Apostles pro
mulgated by Clement High Priest (Pontifex) of the Church of Eome,"
The origin of these canons is uncertain. They first appeal- as a coUection
with the above title in the latter part of the fifth century. How much
older some of them may be cannot be determined with certainty.
II, THE EPISTLES O'P IGNATIUS.
6. Ignatius was bishop of the church at Antioch, and suffered martyr
dom at Eome by exposure to wUd beasts a. d. 107, or according to some
accounts, a. d. 116, Of the fifteen epistles ascribed to him, it is agreed
among biblical scholars that eight are spurious and. of later origin. The
remaining seven are generally regarded as genuine, but the text of these,
as of all the rest, is in a very unsatisfactory condition. There are two
Greek recensions, a longer and a shorter, the latter containing approxi
mately the true text, though not without the suspicion of interpolations.
There is a Syriac version containing but three of Ignatius' epistles, and
these in a much reduced form (which some are inclined to regard as the
only genuine epistles) ; also an Armenian version containing thirteen epis
tles. See further Schaff, Hist. Chris. Church, vol. 1, pp. 469-471. As the
question now stands, we may with good reason receive as genuine the seven
mentioned by Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 3. 36) and Jerome (De Viris iUust. 16).
They were aU -written on his last journey to Eome ; four from Smyrna,
where Polycarp was the bishop, to the Ephesians, Magnesians, TraUians,
and Romans ; three after his departure from Smyrna, to the churches of
PhUadelphia and Smyrna, and to Polycarp bishop of Smyrna. The native
rigor and energy of Ignatius, as also the depth and sincerity of his piety,
shine forth conspicuously in these letters ; but they differ from the epistie
of Clement in the manifestation of an intense ecclesiastical spirit, by which,
indeed, they are marked as belonging to a later era of the church. If we
except the epistle to the Eomans, they all abound in exhortations to ren
der impUcit obedience to their spiritual rulers as to Christ himself. To

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 615
these precepts he adds exhortations to maintain unity, and to avoid false
doctrines, specifying particularly Judaizing teachers and suoh as deny our
Lord's proper humanity.
We cannot read his letter to the Eomans, among whom he expected
shortly to lay down his life for Christ's sake, without deep interest. But
it is marred by the manifestation of an undue desire to obtain the cro-wn
of martyrdom, which leads him to protest against any interposition of the
Eoman brethren in his behalf. "I beseech you," says he, "show no un
seasonable good-will towards me. Suffer me to be the food of -wild beasts,
by means of which I may attain to God, I am the wheat of God, and am
ground by the teeth of wild beasts, that I may be found the pure bread of
God." Chap. 4. His letter to Polycarp, a feUow bishop, abounds. in pre
cepts for the right discharge of his duties. It is interesting as sho-wing
Ignatius' idea, on the one side, of the office with its high responsibilities,
and, on the other, of the duties which the churches owe to those who are
set over them in the Lord.
7. There are some spurious epistles ascribed to Ignatius which it is
sufficient simply to name. These are : A letter to one Maria a proselyte of
CiUcia in answer to her request that certain young men might be sent to
her people as theu- spu-itual guides : epistles to the church -of Tarsus, of
Antioch, and of PhUippi — theological dissertations mostly made up of
texts of Scripture ; a letter to Hero a deacon, containing precepts for the
right discharge of his office, and abounding, like those just named, in quo
tations from Scripture : two pretended letters of Ignatius to the apostle
John ; one to the Virgin Mary, with her reply. «
Finally, there are some fragments of Ignatius' writings preserved to us
in the quotations of the ancients, which it is not necessary to notice.
Ill, THE EPISTLE OP POLYCAEP,
8. Polycarp was a disciple of the apostle John, and presided over the
church in Smyrna, He suffered martyrdom about the year 166. Of his
writings only one short epistle remains, addressed by him to the PhiUppi
ans soon after the martyrdom of Ignatius, who passed through Smyrna on
his way to Bome, This we gather from the letter itself ; for in this he
assumes that Ignatius has already suff'ered (chap. 9), and yet he has not
heard the particulars concerning his fate and that of his companions.
Ohap. 14. This brief epistle is marked by a fervor and simplicity worthy
of an apostoUc man. The -writer commends the PhiUppians for the love
manifested by them towards the suffering servants of Christ, exhorts them
to steadfastness, reminds them of PaiU's precepts in his epistle to them.

516 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
and proceeds to unfold and inculcate the duties belonging to the officers
and several classes of members in the church. The immediate occasion of
the letter seems to have been his transmission to the PhiUppians, in com
pUance with their request, of Ignatius' epistle to himseU, -with such others
of his epistles as had come into his hands. Chap. 13, The preservation
of the present epistle is probably due to this its connection with the epis
tles of Ignatius forwarded by him to the PhUippians.
IV. THE WEITINGS OP BAENABAS AND HEEMAS,
9. The writings current under the names of Barnabas and Hermas
have by no means the outward testimony in their favor by which the pre
ceding epistles of Clement, Ignatius, and Polycarp are supported ; nor the
inward evidence arising from the consideration of their contents. We -will
consider them briefiy in the order abovenamed.
10. Until recently the first part of the Epistle of Barnabas existed
only in a Latin version. But in 1859 Tischendorf discovered at Mount
Sinai the Sinai Codex (Chap, 26, No. 5), -Which contains the entire epistle
in the original Greek. That the -writer was the Barnabas mentioned in
the New Testament as the companion of Paul in preaching the gospel,
cannot be maintained on any flrm basis of eridence. As to the date of its
composition learned men differ. Hefele places it between the years 107
and 120. ApostoUc Fathers, Prolegomena, p, 15.
The -writer was apparently a HeUenistic Jew of the Alexandrine school,
and he -wrote for the purpose of oonvinoing his brethren, mainly from the
Old Testament, that Jesus is the Messiah, and that in him the rites of the
Mosaic law ai^ done away. His quotations from the Old Testament axe
. numerous, and his method of interpretation is allegorical and sometimes
very fanciful, as in the foUo-wing passage, for the right understanding of
which the reader should know that the two Greek letters IH, which stand
first in the name IHSOYS, Jesus, and represent that name by abbreviation,
signify as numerals, the first ten, the second, eigld; also that the Greek let
ter T (the sign of the cross) denotes as a numeral, three hundred. "The
Scriptiu-e says,'' arg-ues Bamabas, "that Abraham circumcised of his house
three hundred and eighteen men. What was the knowledge communicated
to him [in this fact] ? Learn first the meaning of the eighteen, then of the
three hundred. Now the numeral letters I, ten, H, eight, make eighteen.
Here you have Jesus (Greek IHSOTN, of which the abbreriation is IH),
And because the cross, which Ues iu the letter T, was that which should
bring grace, he says also three hundred." Chap. 9. The Eabbinic system
of interpretation in which the writer was educated furnishes an explanation,
indeed, of this and other Uke pueriUties, but no vindication of them.
11, The Shepherd of Hermas, as the work current under the name of

THE NEW TESTAMENT. 517
Hennas is caUed, consists of three books — his Visions, his Commands, and
his SimiUtudes. The four visions are received throngh the ministry of an
aged woman, who is the church of Christ. The twelve commands and ten
simiUtudes are received from one who appears to him "in the habit of a
shepherd, clothed with a white cloak, having his bag upon his back, and
his staff in his hand," whence the titie The Shepherd of Hermas. AU these
are intended to unfold the truths of Christianity -with its doctrines and
duties. The -writer has a most luxuriant imagination. In reading his
books, pairicularly the first and the- third, one sometimes finds himseU be-
-wUdered in a thicket of images and simiUtudes, some of them grotesque
and not altogether congruous. Tet the work throws much Ught on the
reUgious ideas and tendencies of its age.
The ancients speak doubtingly of the authority of this work. Origen,
whom Eusebius and Jerome foUow, ascribes it to the Hennas mentioned
in the epistie to the Bomans (chap. 16: 14) ; though it does not appear
that he had any other ground for this than the identity of the name. The
Muratorian canon names as its author Hermas the brother of Pius bishop
of Eome. According to this, which is the more probable riew, the date of
its composition would be about the middle of the second century.
V. THE APOSTLES' CEEED.
12. We put this among the remans of the apostoUc fathers, not be
cause there is any doubt as to its containing the substance of the doctrines
taught by the aposties, but because, as is generaUy admitted, it did not
receive its present form at their hand. " Though not traceable in its pres
ent shape before the third century, and found in the second in different
longer or shorter forms, it is in substance altogether apostohc, and exhib
its an incomparable summary of the leading facts in the revelation of the
triune God from the creation of the world to the resurrection of the body ;
and that in a form inteUigible to all, and admirably suited for pubUc wor
ship and catechetical use." Schaff, Hist. Chris. Church, pp. 121, 122.
VI. APOCEYPHAL GOSPELS AND ACTS.
13. These are very numerous. Under the head of Apocryphal Gospels.
Tischendorf has published twenty-two works ; under that of Apocryphal
Acts of the Aposties, thirteen. To the student of church history they are
not without value ; for they iUustrate the origin of many ancient tradi
tions and some ritual observances. Bnt if we look to their intrinsic char
acter, they may be described as a mass of worthless l^ends abounding in
absurd and pnerUe stories. The contrast between the miracles which they
relate and the tme miracles recorded in the canonical gospels and Acts is

518 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
immense, and such as makes the darkness of these spurious -writings more
•risible. The miracles of the canonical books have always a worthy occa
sion, and are connected -with the Sariour's work of redemption. But the
pretended miracles of the apocryphal -writings are, as a general rule,
wrought on tririal occasions, -with either no end in riew but the display
of supernatural power, or -with a positively unlawful end, whence it not
unfrequently happens that their impiety rivals their abstu-dity. Many
samples of both these characters could be given, but the general reader
may weU remain ignorant of them.

PART IV.

PRINCIPLES

OF

Biblical Interpretation.

PRINCIPLES OF BIBLICAL INTERPRE
TATION.

CHAPTEE XXXIII.
Introductory I^emarks.
1. The term Hermeneutics (Greek, hermeneuo, to interpret)
is commonly employed to denote the principles of scriptural
interpretation. The Greek word exegesis — that is, exposition —
denotes the actual work of interpretation. Hermeneutics is,
therefore, the science of interpretation; Exegesis, the applica
tion of this science to the word of God. The hermeneutical
writer lays down general principles of interpretation ; the exe
getlcal -writer uses these principles in the exposition of Scrip
ture. The terms epexegesis and epexegetical are used by expos
itors in a special sense to denote something explanatory of the
immediate context.
2. The expositor's qffice is, to ascertain and unfold the true
meaning of the inspired writers, without adding to it, subtract
ing from ii, or changing it in any way. Here we may draw an
instructive paraUel between his work and that of the textual
critic. The textual critic aims to give, not what some one
might think the inspired penman should have written, but
what he actuaUy did write. So the true expositor, taking the
very words of Scripture, seeks not to force upon them a mean
ing in harmony with his preconceived opinions, but to take
from them the very ideas which the writer intended to express.
It is pertinent, therefore, to consider at the outset the qualifi
cations which belong to the biblical interpreter. These include
high moral and inteUectual quaUties, as weU as -varied and
extensive acquirements.

522 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE,
3. Foremost among the quaUties that belong to the inter
preter is- a supreme regard for truth. A general conviction and
acknowledgment of the duty of truthfulness wiU not be suffi
cient to guard him against all the seductive influences that
beset his path. Though he may be a sincere Christian, he mh
still be in danger of being misled by the power of preconceived
opinions and party connections. He will need a constant and
vivid apprehension of the sacredness of all truth, more espe
cially of scriptural truth, -nhich God has revealed for the^sanc-
tification and salvation of men. " Sanctify them through thy
truth : thy word is truth." These -n'ords of the Saviour he wiU
do weU to ponder night and day, till they become a part of his
spiritual life ; and to remember always that, if such be the divine
origin and high office of scriptural truth, God will not hold
guiltless any who tamper with it in the interest of preconceived
human opinions, thus substituting the folly of man for the wis
dom of God.
4. The interpreter further needsa sound judgment, combined
with the pow-er of vivid conception. These two qualities are
named together, because they mutuaUy supplement each other.
A large part of the Bible is occupied with description. Here
the interpreter needs the power of conception, that he may
bring before his mind a vivid picture of the scenes described,
with the relations of their several parts to each other. Another
large part of the Bible contains the language of poetry and
impassioned feeling. In the interpretation of this, the faculty
of conception is especiaUy necessary, that we may place our
selves as fully as possible in the circumstances of the writers,
and form a true idea of the emotions which filled their minds
and gave form and complexion to their utterances. Pure cold
logic, with the addition of any amount of human learning, will
not enable us to comprehend and expound aright the forty-
second Psalm. By the power of imagination, we must go with
the poet, in his exUe from the sanctuary at Jerusalem, across the
Jordan to the land of the Hermonites ; must see his distressed
and forsaken condition ; must hear the bitter taunts of his ene-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION, 523
mies ; must witness the inward tempest of his feeUngs — a con
tinual conflict between nature and faith — before we can have a
true understanding of his words. The same might be said of
innumerable other passages of Scripture.
But this power of vivid conception, when not held in check
by a sound judgment, -wUl lead the expositor of Scripture into
the -wUdest vagaries of fancy. Disregarding the plainest rules
of interpretation, he wUl cover up the obvious sense of Scrip
ture with a mass of aUegorical expositions, under color of edu
cing from the words of inspiration a higher and more edifying
meaning. That high natural endowments, united with varied
and soUd learning and indefatigable zeal for the gospel, do not
¦of themselves constitute a safeguard against this error, we learn
from the example of Origen and many others. Xot content to
let the simple narratives of Scripture speak for themselves and
convey their proper lessons of instruction, these allegorical
expositors force upon them a higher spiritual sense. In so
doing, they unsettle the very principles by which the spiritual
doctrines of Scripture are estabUshed.
Origen, for example, in commenting on the meeting between Abra
ham's servant and Eebecca at the weU in Haran, says : "Eebecca came
every day to the wells. Therefore she could be found by Abraham's ser
vant, and joined in marriage -with Isaac. " Thus he gives the Uteral mean
ing of this transaction. But he then goes on to show, among other things,
that Eebecca represents the human soul, which Christ wishes to betioth
to himself, whUe Abraham's servant is "the prophetic word, which unless
you first receive, you cannot be married to Christ." See in Daridson's
Sacred Hermeneutics, pp. 103, KM.
5. Another indispensable quaUfication of scriptural inter
pretation is sympathy ivith divine truth; iri other words, that
harmony of spirit -with the truths of revelation which comes
from a hearty reception of them, and a subjection of the whole
life, inward and outward, to then- control. "If any man,''
said our Saviour, "wiU do his wiU, he shaU know of the doc-
trine_, whether it be of God, or whether I speak of myself."
John 7 : 17. In these words our Lord proposed to the unbe-

524 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Ueving Jews the true remedy for theu- ignorance and eiTor
respecting his person and office, which had their ground not in
the want of evidence, but in theu- perverse and guUty rejection
of evidence. Their moral state was one of habitual rebelUon
against the tmth of God ; and they could not, therefore, have
sympathy -with the Saviour's doctrine. They hat«d the hght,
and would not come to the light, because their deeds were
eviL John 3:20. "^Vhat they needed was not more Ught,
but that obedient spirit which loves the Ught, and aUows it to
shine through the souL The man who would be a successful
interpreter of Gtod's word must begin where the Saviour directed
these Jews to begin. -So far as he knows the truth, he must
give it a hearty reception not in theory alone, but in daUy
practice. Then he -wUl be prepared to make further progress
in the knowledge of it, and to unfold its heavenly treasures to
his feUow-men. But if he comes to the study of God's word
-with a heart habituaUy at variance with its holy precepts, and
an understanding dai-kened by the power of sinful affections,
no amount of scholarship or critical sagacity wUl avail to make
bim a tme expositor of its contents. Having no sympathy w ith
the great foundation doctrines of the gospel, but regarding them
-with positive aversion, he wiU neither be able to apprehend them
in their true Ught, nor to explain them aright to his feUow-men.
In the work of interpretation, a good heart — good in the scrip
tural sense — is not less important than a clear understanding
and weU-fnrnished mind.
6. How extensive and varied should be the acquirements of
the able interpreter -wUl be manifest to any one who considers
the extent and variety of the fields of knowledge covered by
the Holy Scriptuies.
The languages in which they are written are no longer spo
ken. The knowledge of them, hke that of aU dead languages,
is locked up in books— grammars, lexicons, ancient versions,
and various subsidiary helps— and can be mastered only by
severe and protracted study. It is not indeed necessary that
the great body of Christians, or even aU preachers of the gos-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 525
pel, should be able to read the Bible in the original languages.
But it is a principle of Protestantism, the soundness of which
has been confirmed by the experience of centuries, that there
should always be in the churches a body of men able to go
behind the current versions of Scripture to the original tongues
from which these versions were executed. The commentator,
at least, must not take his expositions at second hand ; and a
healthy tone of feeling in regard to the sacredness and supreme
authority of the inspired word wiU always demand that there
should be a goodly number of scholars scattered through the
churches -who can judge from the primitive sources of the cor
rectness of his interpretations.
The Scriptures are crowded with references to the cities,
mountains, plains, deserts, rivers, and seas of Palestine and
the surrounding regions; to their cUmate, soil, animals, and
plants; to their agricrdtnral products and mineral treasures;
to the course of travel and commerce between the different
nations ; in a word, to those numerous particulars which come
under the head of geography and natural history. The extended
investigations of modern times in these departments of knowl
edge have shed a great Ught over the pages of inspiration, which
no expositor who is worthy of the name wiU venture to neglect.
And if one coUect and illustrate the various aUusions of
Scripture to the manners and customs of the ancient Hebrews,
to their civU institutions and their reUgious rites and ceremo
nies, he vriU compose a volume on biblical antiquities.
The connection, moreover, which the covenant people had
with the surrounding nations, especiaUy the great monarchies
which successively held sway over the civUized world — Egypt,
Assyria, Chaldea, Greece, Eome — requires an extended knowl
edge of ancient history, and, as inseparably connected with this,
of ancient chronology. BibUcal chronology constitutes, indeed,
a science of itself, embracing some very perplexed and difficult
questions, the solution of which has an important bearing upon
the passages of Scripture to which they have reference.
7. We do not affirm that aU the above-named qualificationa

525 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
are necessary to a saving knowledge of God's word. Its great
essential doctrines and precepts are so plain that the unlettered
reader, who brings to the -n-ork an honest heart, cannot fail to
understand them. In this respect God has made the vision so
plain " that he may run that readethit ;" and the road to heaven
so direct that " the wayfaring men, though fools, shall not err
therein." But the interpreter of Scripture is expected to unfoJd
the meaning of the difficult passages also, as far as human
investigation will enable him to do so. They are a part of
"aU Sciipture given by inspiration of God," which the apostle
affirms to be "profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correc
tion, for instruction in righteousness." He should spare no
effort, therefore, to ascertain their exact sense, and to expound
this sense to others with all possible fidelity and clearness.
8. There is a human and a divine side to biblical interpreta
tion — a human side, because the Scriptures address men in
human language, and according to human rnodes of thinking
and speaking ; a divine side, because they contain a true reve
lation from God to men, and differ in this respect from all other
writings. The neglect of the human side leads to visionary
schemes of interpretation, in w-hich the writer's fancy is substi
tuted for the sober rules of criticism, and the word of God
accommodated to his preconceived opinions. The rejection,
open or covert, of the divine side, manifests itseU in a cold,
skeptical criticism, which denies or explains away all that is
supernatural in the Bible ; which, instead of seeking to discover
and unfold that unity of plan and harmony of parts which
belong to every work of God, delights rather in exaggerating
the supposed inconsistencies and contradictions of the sacred
writers, and in arraying one part of Scripture against another ;
and which, having no faith itseU in the Bible as containing a
revelation from God, infuses doubts respecting its divine origin
into the mind of the reader. It is only by keeping steadUy in
view these two sides of revelation, which mutually supplement
each other, that we can attain to a true knowledge of the
inspired word.

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 527

FIRST DIVISION.
INTERPRETATION VIEWED ON THE HUMAN SIDE.

CHAPTEE XXXIV.
General Principles of Interpretation,
1. Since the Bible addresses men in human language, and
according tb human modes of thinking and speaking, the inter
preter's first work is to ascertain the meaning qf the terms em
ployed. Here he must proceed as in the case of other writings,
seeking by the aid of grammars, lexicons, cognate languages,
ancient versions, ancient interpreters, and whatever other out
ward helps are avaUable, to gain a thorough knowledge of the
language employed by the Holy Spirit in his revelations to
men. To these external sources of knowledge he wiU add all
the internal Ught which comes from a careftil consideration of
the context, of the author's known use of terms, of parallel pas
sages, etc.
In the case of the New Testament, a knowledge of classical Greek -wUl
not be sufficient. The interpreter must superadd a thorough acquaintance
-with the peculiar dialect of the New Testament (Chap. 24, No. 5), and also
the special usages of particular -writers. The apostie John, to adduce a
single instance, appUes the term Logos, "Word, to the Son of God. But
we cannot argue from this for a like usage by other writers ; as, for exam
ple, in the weU-known passage : " The word of God is quick and powerful,"
etc, Heb. 4:12.
Usage alone is often insufficient to determine the meaning of a word in
a particular passage ; for'(l) the term may occur nowhere else, (2) it may
have in current usage two or more different significations. In the former
case, the interpreter must avaU himself of all the external helps above spe-

528 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
cified, and especiaUy of the Ught shed upon the meaning of the term in
question by the context. In the latter case, the context must be his chief
guide. The same Greek word, for example, signifies stature (Luke 19 :3)
and age (Heb. 11 : 11). In the interpretation of Matt, 6 : 27, where our
version reads : " "Which of you by taking thought can add one cubit unto his
stature ?" the question may naturaUy enough arise in which of these two
senses the Sariour employed it. "Whatever may be the decision, it must
have for its basis not simple usage, which is ambiguous, but the connec
tion of the word iu the context. Many like examples might be adduced.
It has been already remarked (Chap. 21, No, 5) that in New Testament
usage many words have a technical and therefore peculiar meaning. "We
are not at Uberty, however, to determine such technical meanings at ran
dom, or in accordance with any preconceived opinions. It can only be
done, as in the case of aU other writings, in accordance with the acknowl
edged laws of interpretation. The general resnlt, then, at which we arrive
is, that in determining the meaning of scriptural terms we must be guided
by the same rules which we foUow in the interpretation of other writings.
2. From the signification of particular words we proceed
to the consideration of the sense embodied in the language of
the sacred -writers. A knowledge of the words which enter into
the composition of a sentence does not of itseU give us a true
apprehension of the sense which the writer seeks to convey.
We must know the -writer's aim, the shape and course of his
argument, the ideas which he is combating as weU as those
which he seeks to estabUsh, the emphatic words of the sen
tence, whether he -wishes to be understood UteraUy or figura
tively, and various other particulars ; aU which are to be ascer
tained by the same rules which we employ in the interpretation
of language generaUy.
3. The scope or design of the inspired -writer may be general
or special ; the former being his design in -writing the whole
work in question, the latter, his design in particular sections
of it. " The scope,'" it has been weU observed, " is the soul or
spirit of a book ; and, that being once ascertained, every argu
ment and every word appears in its right place, and is perfectly
inteUigible; but if the scope be not duly considered, every
thing becomes obscure, however clear and ob-vious its meaning
may reaUy be." Home's Introduct., vol. 2, p 265, edit, of 1860.

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 529
This language is not too strong. It is by a neglect or perver
sion of the scope that the meaning of the inspired writers is
perverted, and they are made to contradict one another.
The apostle Paul says, for example: "Therefore we conclude that a
man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law." Eom. 3:28.
The apostle James : "Ye see then how that by works a man is justified,
and not by faith only," James 2 :24. If one insists on leaving out of
account the separate and distinct design which each of these two writers
had in riew respectively, he can easUy bring their words into contradic
tion. Had the scope of Paul's argument been to show that faith in Christ
releases men from the obUgation of obeying the dirine law, and thus
makes good works unnecessary ; or had James been laboring to prove that
good works are the meritorious ground of men's forgiveness, then the doc
trines of the two apostles would have been irreconcilably at variance. But
we know that neither of these suppositions is true. Paul was combating
the error of the Pharisees "who trusted in themselves that they were
righteous" — righteous on the ground of "the deeds of the law" — "and
despised others." His aim was to show that men receive forgiveness and
salvation neither wholly nor in part on the ground of the supposed merit
of their good works, but whoUy through faith in Christ ; as he elsewhere
argues that " if it be by grace, then it is no more of works : otherwise grace
is no more grace." Eom. 11 :6. We know also, from the whole tenor of
his -writings, that he condemned as spurious that pretended faith which
does not manifest itself in good works. In this very epistle, where the
question is not concerning the meritorious ground of justification, but con
cerning that character which God -wiU accept, the apostle lays do-wn the
great principle : " Unto them that are contentious, and do not obey the
truth, but obey unrighteousness, indignation and -wrath, tribulation and
anguish, upon every soul of man that doeth e-ril ; of the Jew first, and also
of the Gentile ; but glory, honor, and peace to every man that worketh
good ; to the Jew flrst, and also to the GentUe : for there is no respect of
persons with God. Eom. 2 : 8-11. If now we tum to the epistle of James,
we find that the faith -without works which he condemns as dead is one of
mere empty notions — an. inoperative behef about Christ instead of that
hearty trust in him which brings the heart and Ufe into subjection to his
authority. In a word, Paul condemns, as dead, works -without faith ;
James, faith without works. The one rejects dead works (Heb. 9 : 14) ;
the other, dead faith. Between these two judgments there is no contra
diction. We have dwelt somewhat at large upon this example of aUeged
contradiction for the purpose of fuU iUustration. The same mode of rea
soning might be appUed to many other passages, where a knowledge of
the writer's design is essential to the true apprehension of his meaning.
Comp. to Bible. ^O

330 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Such being the importance of the scope, the question arises :
How shaU it be ascertained ? Here mechanical rules wUl be
of little avaU. The attentive and judicious reader wiU be able,
in general, to gather it from the various indications given by
the writer himseU, or fr-om the known cfrcumstances in which
he -wrote, just as in the case of other writings.
Sometimes an author directiy states his general end, or his design in
-writing a particular section of his work. An example of the former kind
is John 20 : 31 : " These things are written that ye might beUere that Jesus
i3 the Son of God ; and that beUeving ye might have Ufe throngh his
name;" of the latter kind, 1 Cor. 7:1: "Now conceming the things
whereof ye -wrote unto me," etc. ; whence we leam that in this particular
chapter the apostie's design is to answer certain inquiries of the Corin
thian Christians in regard to the relation of marriage. More commonly
the -writer's scope is indicated indirectly by various inferential remarks, as
in the passage ah-eady quoted : " Therefore we conclude that a man is jus
tifled by faith without the deeds of the law,'' which is in fact a statement
of the apostie's design in the preceding argument. See Home's Intro
duct., vol 2, pp. 266, 267, where the author foUows Moms, Hermeneutica,
1. 2. 2.
Sometimes a clear Ught is shed upon the design of a -writer or speaker
by a knowledge of historical circu-mstances ; especiaUy, of his own position
and that of his opponents. The twenty-third chapter of Matthew, in
which the Sariour exposes the -wickedness and doctrinal errors of the
scribes and Pharisees, and denounces upon them the judgments of heaven,
cannot be thoroughly understood without a knowledge of the system of
Pharisaism, and the high position of authority and influence which the
Pharisees held ; sitting, as they did, in Moses' seat, imposing upon the
people their human traditions in place of God's commandments, substitu
ting a reUgion of outward forms for one of inward faith, love, and obedi
ence, and thus taking away from the people the key of divine knowledga
It was necessary that the Son of God, to whom the church belonged, who
came to shed his blood for her redemption, and to establish her in the
principles of truth and holiness, shoidd expose with unsparing severity the
-wickedness and ignorance of tiiese scribes and Pharisees, for the instmc-
tion of his people in all coming ages. A knowledge of the same historical
circumstances throws a strong Ught on the apostie's aim in writing to the
Romans and Galatians. Had we fuUer information respecting the false
teachers referred to in the epistle to the Colossians and the pastoral epis
ties, we should understand more clearly the apostie's arguments against
them. But the &-urest means of ascertaining a writer's scope is the repeated

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 531
and careful perusal of his words. The bibUcal student should early form
the habit of reading over with earnest attention a whole book at a sitting —
the epistie to the Bomans, for example, or that to the Hebrews — without
pausing to investigate particular questions ; his aim being to throw him
self as fuUy as possible into the general current of thought, and to be car
ried forward by it to the writer's final conclusions. When he has thus
made himseU famiUar -with the scope of the work as a whole, he wiU be
better prepared for the examination of the particular difficulties that offer
themselves in the course of the author's argument.
1. The word context (Latin, contextus) signifies UteraUy a
ivexiving together ; and is appropriately used, therefore, to de
note the web of a writer's discourse. The scope is the end
which a -writer proposes to accompUsh : the context gives the
form and manner of its accomplishment. "With reference to a
given passage, the context has been loosely defined to be that
which immediately precedes and foUows. ^ilore accurately, it
is the series of statements, arguments, and iUustrations con
nected -with the passage whose meaning is sought, including
aU the various connections of thought. The sober interpreter,
then, must have constant reference to the context, as weU for
the signification of particxdar terms as for the general sense of
the passage under consideration. To interpret without regard
to the context is to interpret at random ; to interpret contrary
to the context is to teach falsehood for tmth.
The necessity of having constant reference to the context for the deter
mination of the sense, as weU as of the particular terms employed, admits
of innumerable iUustrations. From these we select a few examples :
In Eom. 14 : 23 the apostie lays down the foUowing Tnfl.rim : "He that
doubteth is damned [UteraUy, condemned^ if he eat, because he eateth not
of faith : for whatsoever is not of faith is sin." The context relates not to
the Lord's supper, but to scruples in respect to the use of particular kinds
of food- "One beUeveth that he may eat aU things; another who is
weak " — over-scrupulous in respect to distinctions of food — " eateth herbs "
(ver. 2). Consequentiy there is no reference here to the personal qualifi
cations requisite for partaking of that ordinance, or to the consequence of
eating unwortiuly. The apostie means to say that whoever has scruples
abont the lawfulness of nsing a particular article of food is condemned if
he eat it, "because he eateth not of faith." He acts contrary to his per
suasion of duty. Thus he riolates, in this particular case, that general

532 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
law of faith which requires that in aU things we keep a conscience void o
offence towards God and man, subjecting ourselves in loving confidence t(
Christ's authority, and doing in aU things what we believe to be right h
his sight.
Again we read in Gal. 5 :4 the words: "Ye are faUen from grace.'
Taken out of their connection, these words are ambiguous iu then- appUca
tion. But the context makes all plain. The apostle is addressing thos(
who are inclined to substitute a system of justification by works for th(
grace of the gospel : " Christ is become of no effect unto you, whosoever o:
you are justified by the law ; ye are fallen from gi-ace" — faUen away fron
grace, as the original word means. Ye have abandoned the system o:
grace revealed in the gospel for one of works.
The psalmist says: "My soul thirsteth for God, for the living God
when shaU I come and appear before God ?" Psa. 42 : 2. Taken out ol
their connection, these words might be understood of his desire to enjoj
the beatific vision of God in heaven. But the context shows that the wri
ter had in mind God's earthly sanctuary, from which he was banished :
"My tears have be^jp. my meat day and night, whUe they continuaUy saj
unto me. Where is thy God ? When I remember these things, I pour ou1
my soul in me : for I had gone -with the multitude, I went with them tc
the house of God, -with the voice of joy and praise, with a multitude thai
kept holy-day (ver. 3, 4).
Again the psalmist says : "The king's daughter is aU glorious within"
(Psa. 45 : 13) ; words that have more than once been appUed directiy to the
inward spiritual beauty of the church, the bride of Christ. This is, indeed,
the idea that we gain from a true interpretation of them. But it comes
not directly, but through a beautiful figure. The primary meaning of the
words is, that the royal bride appearing within the palace in raiment ol
¦wrought, gold is aU glorious to the beholder's view. Undoubtedly she rep
resents the church espoused to Christ ; dweUing, so to speak, in his kingly
mansion, and gloriously adorned with his righteousness. Eev. 19 : 8.
The question may naturaUy occur to the reader : Within what limits
is the context to be consulted ? The answer must be, that no definite hm
its can be prescribed. The entire web of discourse must be carefully stud
ied, including the more remote as weU as the nearer context; for the
inspired writers do not, as a general rule, proceed according to formal
dirisions and subdirisions. The train of argument is often interrupted by
parenthetical remarks, particularly in the -writings of the apostle Paul, or
it is resumed in an informal way after extended digressions. The true
connection of thought, then, is to.be gathered not so much from our mod
ern notions of what logical accuracy would require, as from the repeated
and careful pemsal of the -writing in question. In this way alone can we
place ourselves in the author's position, and look at the subject under dis-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 533
cussion from his point of riew ; that is to say, in this way alone can we
enter into his modes of thinking and reasoning, and thus qualUy ourselves
to be the expounders of them to others.
Tti some cases no context exists, and none is to be sought. In a large
part of the book of Proverbs, for example, each separ&te aphorism shines
by its own Ught. If it have any connection with what precedes or fol
lows, it is only casual or superficial. In some books, again, like that of
Ecclesiastes, the transitions are rapid, and often difficult to explain.
Here we should be careful not to force upon the author a logical connec
tion of which he never thought. Systematic arrangement is good in its
place ; but the Holy Spirit did not think it needful to secure it in the case
of aU who spake as he moved them.
Some religious teachers are fond of employing scriptural
texts simply as mottoes, with little or no regard to their true
connection. Thus they too often adapt them to their use by
imparting to them a factitious sense foreign to their proper
scope and meaning. The seeming gain in' aU such cases is
more than counterbalanced by the loss and danger that attend
the practice. It encourages the habit of interpreting Scrip
ture in an arbitrary and fanciful way, and thus furnishes the
teachers of error with their most effective weapon. The prac
tice cannot be defended on any plea of necessity. The plain
words of Scripture, legitimately interpreted according to their
proper scope and context, contain a fulness and comprehen
siveness of meaning sufficient for the wants of all men in all
circumstances. That piety alone is robust and healthful which
is fed, not by the fancies and speculations of the preacher who
practicaUy puts his own genius above the word of God, but by
the pure doctrines and precepts of the Bible, unfolded in their
true connection and meaning.
It is important to remark, however, that when the general
principle contained in a given passage of Scripture has been
once fafrly explained, it admits of innumerable applications
which are in the highest sense legitimate and proper. The
principle, for example, that " whatsoever is not of faith is sin,"
which the apostle Paul announces in connection with the ques-;
tion of using or abstaining from particular kinds of food, may

534: COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
be appUed to the settlement of cases of conscience arising in
-widely different relations and spheres of action. The preach
er's power Ues very much in the abUity of unfolding to the
understanding and applying to the conscience the general
principles involved in the passage of Scripture which he under
takes to expound.
0. 'We may next consider the help to be derived from par
allel passagi-s. The ordinary di-vision of paraUehsms is into
verbal and reol : verbal, where the same word or phrase occurs;
real, where the same thought is expressed or the same subject
discussed. Verbal paraUeUsms often shed much light on the
meaning of particular words or phrases, because what is obscure
in one passage is made plain in another by some explanatory
addition. An example is the use of the expression my glory (English version, -my
honor), in Gien. 49:6: -'O my soul, come not tiiou into their secret"
(their secret condaTe) ; " unto their assembly, my glory, be not thou uni
ted." A comparison of the paraUel passages, Psa. 7:5; 16 : 9 ; 30 : 12 ;
57 : 5 ; IOS : 1, leads to the conclusion that in such a connection the expres
sion is substantiaUy equivalent to fny soul, the soul being made in the
image of Grod, and thus the seat of man-s glory. Br a Uke process of
comparison, we arrive at the true signification of the phrase, "die right
eousness of God," or more fuUy, "the righteousness which is of God by
faith,' ¦ when used -with reference to the way of salvation through Christ ;
at the meaning of the Greek -terms transh»ted "propitiation," etc. In the
same wav, as already remarked ;No. 1, above), the interpreter ascertains
the difi'erent significations iu whieh words are employed, and determines
which of these is appropriate to any given passage.
Real paraUeUsms are subdivided, again, into doctrinal and
Jiistoric ; doctrinal, where the same tmth is inculcated ; historic,
where the same event or series of events is recorded. Tbe
supreme importance of doctrinal paraUelisms -wUl appear most
fuUy when we come to look at revelation on the divine side, as
constituting a grand system of tmth harmonious in aU its
parts. At present we regard them simply as among the means
of ascertaining the sense of a given passage. Presuming that
every author means 'to be self-consistent, it is our custom to

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 535
place side by Side his different statements which relate to the
same subject, that they may mutuaUy explain each other. The
same reasonable method should be pursued with the writings
of Isaiah and Jeremiah in the Old Testament, and of Paul and
John in the New. "What is obscure is to be interpreted by
what is clear; what is briefly hinted, by what is more fuUy
expressed. Different writers, moreover, belonging to the same
age, animated by the sam.e spfrit, and confessedly governed by
the same general rules of faith and practice, mutuaUy explain
each other. Thus the prophets Isaiah, Hosea, Joel, Amos,
and Micah, who belong to the same century, and in a less
degree Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the other prophets of a later
age, shed each a Ught on the pages of aU the rest. The same
is true of all the epistolary writers of the New Testament, not
withstanding their marked differences of style, and the differ
ent aspects also in which they respectively contemplate Chris
tian doctrine and duty. »
Our Saviour says of those who claimed to be, before his advent, the
shepherds and leaders of God's spiritual fold : ' ' AU that ever came before
me are thieves and robbers ; but the sheep did not hear them. " John
10 : 8. Yet according to this same evangelist he honored Abraham, Moses,.
and the prophets, as true leaders and teachers of God's people. Chaps.
8:39, 40, 56; 5:45-47; 12:88^1. We know, then, that the Sariour's
words must be restricted to such spmtual thieves and robbers as the
scribes and Pharisees of his day, who under the leadership of Satan (chap.
8 : 41, 44) climbed up some other way into the fold.
The apostle Paul says (Bom. 2 : 7) that God shaU render " to them who
by patient continuance inweU-doing seek for glory, and honor, and immor
taUty, eternal Ufe." We know at once, -without reference to the context,
that he does not mean, in opposition to the whole tenor of his episties, to
affirm that men can obtain eternal Ufe by their own weU-doing, without
respect to "the righteousness of God, which is by faith of Jesus Christ,
unto aU aud upon aU them that beUeve." But if we examine the con
text, this shows that here the apostle is not speaking of the meritorious
ground of justification, but of God's impartial regard to a righteous char
acter in both Jews and GentUes.
Historical paraUeUsms hold of necessity a prominent place
in the interpretation of both the Old and the New Testament.

536 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
In the Old Testament we have the two paraUel histories of the
Hebrew commonwealth, first in the books of Samuel and the
Kings, then in the books of Chronicles. In the Xew, the four
gospels are four paraUel accounts of our Lord's Ufe and teach
ings. Then there are several paraUeUsms of less extent; as,
for example, Isaiah's account of Sennacherib's war upon Heze
kiah, and Hezekiah's sickness (Isa. chaps. 36-39, compared
with 2 Kings 18 : 13—20 : 21, and the briefer notice of 2 Chron.
chap. 32) ; the three accounts of Paul's conversion (Acts 9 : 1-22;
22 : 1-21 ; 26 : 1-20) ; and other passages which wUl readUy occur
to the reader. To the work of comparing and harmonizing these
paraUel histories bibUcal students have with reason devoted
much labor, since they mutuaUy supplement and illustrate each
other in many ways, We understand the books of Samuel and
Kings more fuUy by comparison with the books of Chronicles,
and the reverse. Each of the four gospels sheds Ught on the
other three. It is by placing the three accounts of Paul's con
version side by side that we gain the most perfect knowledge
of this event. The numerous coincidences between the Acts of
the Apostles and the Pauline epistles, give us a fuUer idea of
the apostle's inward life and outward labors than we could
otherwise gain. Without the epistles the biographical notices
of the Acts would be very incomplete ; without the narrative of
the Acts many references in the epistles woidd remain obscure.
Tet these same historic paraUehsms, which are the source
of- so much Ught, are the occasion of difficulties also, which
requfre for thefr adjustment a comprehensive view of the spirit
of inspfration. In respect to aU essential matters of faith and
practice, a di-rine unity pervades the Holy Scriptures. But
this essential unity does not exclude diversity of conception
and representation. Though aU the "holy men of God spake
as they were moved by the Holy Ghost,'; it pleased the divine
Spirit to leave them free to speak each in accordance -with his
individual pecuUarities of thought and language. A page fi-om
the writings of the apostle John, taken anywhere at random,
can be at once distinguished from a page of Paul or Luke. In

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 537
relating the same transaction, two inspired writers often select
different materials, or handle them in a different way. The
narrative of each is truthful, but not exhaustive. It gives a
correct view of the thing related, but not all the particulars
connected with it. The omission from two or more parallel
'- nan-atives of concomitant circumstances, or the neglect of
exact chronological order, sometimes makes the work of har
monizing them a very difficult jnatter. "We feel confident that
each separate narrative is correct, and that, had we aU the
accompanying cfrcumstances in the true prder of time, we
could see how they are consistent -with each other; but for want
of this light the exact mode of reconcUiation remains doubtful.
Such difficulties are incident to aU paraUel histories. Had the
Holy Spfrit seen good, he could have excluded them from the
pages of inspfration ; but herein he chose to deal with us not
as children, but rather as men " of fiiU age, even those who, by
reason of use, have their senses exercised to discern both good
and e-vU." It is worthy of special notice, that where two or
more evangelists record the same words of our Saviour, they
are soUcitous only about their substance.
In the three paraUel accotmts of the storm on the sea of GalUee, the
disciples say according to Matthew (8:25) : "Lord save us, we perish;"
according to Mark (4 : 88) : " Master, carest thou not that we perish ?"
according to Luke (8 : 24) : "Master, master, we perish." And the Lord
answers according to Matthew (v. 26) : "Why are ye fearful, O ye of Ultie
faith ?" according to Mark (v. 40): "Why are ye so fearful ? how is it that
ye have no faith ?" according to Luke (v. 25) : "Where is your faith?"
On the variations in the words of the disciples Augustine weU remarks
(and the same remarks hold good of our Lord's answer) :^"The disciples
have one and the same meaning in thus awaking the Lord and desiring
salvation. Nor is it necessary tP inquire which of these addresses, rather
than the others, contains the exact words spoken to him. For whether they
uttered one of the three, or other words which no one of the evangeUsts
has mentioned, which yet have the same force in respect to the truth of
the thought, what matters it ?" Harmony of the Gospels 2. 24, quoted by
Alford on Matth. 8 : 25.
On the relation of the books of Chronicles to those of Kings and the
difficulties connected -^th them, see Chap. 20, Nos. 21, 22. On the rela-
23*

538 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
tion of the four gospels to each other, see Chap. 29, Nos. 4-10. We cannot
here go into particulars. It must suffice to indicate the general principle
liy which the harmonist must be gtuded.
6. The external acquirements necessary to constitute the
weU-furnished expositor of God's word — the " scribe which is
instructed unto the kingdom of heaven " — have been already
briefly noticed. Chap. 33, No. 6. Not only are the Scriptures
in their original form locked up in dead languages w-hich the
interpreter must thoroughly master, but they are, so to speak,
embedded in ancient history, chronology, and archaeology.
Illustrations of this point are so numerous that the only difficulty is in
the selection. The serritude of the Israehtes under the Egyptians, then-
captivity in Babylon, their deUverance under Cyrus, and theu- subsequent
history tiU the time of our Lord's advent, connect themselves immediately,
as aU know, -with the general history of the ancient heathen world. But
there are many iUustrations of a more special character. The difficulty of
the position in which our Lord was placed by the ensnaring question of
the Pharisees and Herodians respecting the laTWEulness of paying tribute
to Csesar, and the divine wisdom of his answer (Matt. 22 : 15-22 : Mark
12 : 13-17 ; Luke 20 : 20-26) cannot be perfectiy understood without a
knowledge, on the one hand, of the poUtical condition and feeling of the
Jews as subjected to the dominion of the Eomans, which they thoroughly
detested, and of which dominion the tribute money daUy reminded them ;
and, on the other, of the hatred which both Pharisees and Herodians bore
towards Christ, and their anriety to find a pretext for accusing him to the
people or before this same Eoman government.
To apprehend the force of our Lord's argument from the Pentateuch
against the error of the Pharisees : "Have ye not read that which was
spoken unto you by God, saying, I am the God of Abraham, and the God
of Isaac, and the God of Jacob ? God is not the God of the dead, but of
the Uring " (Mjtt. 22 : 31, 32), we must understand the fonn in which the
Sadducees denied the doctrine of the resun-ection. They denied, namely,
the existence of spirits separated from bodies. Acts 28 : 8. To them,
consequently, the death of the body was the annihilation of the whole man,
which made the very idea of a future resurrection an absurdity. Our Sav
iour showed from the writings of Moses, whose authority they acknowl
edged, the error of their assumption that the spirit dies with the body.
Thus he demolished the ground on which their denial of a future resurrec
tion rested.
The psalmist says of those who hate Zion : "Let them be as the grass

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 539
npon the house-tops, which -withereth before one plucketh it " (Eng. ver
sion, "before it groweth up ") : " where-with the mower fiUeth not his hand,
nor he that bindeth sheaves his bosom." Psa. 129 : 6, 7. Por the iUustra
tion of these words we need a double reference, (1) to the oriental custom
of constructing flat roofs covered -with earth, on which grass readUy springs
up ; (2) to the division of the year into two seasons, the rainy and the dry,
upon the commencement of which latter such grass speedUy -withers.
Another reference to the same oriental roofs we have in the words of Solo
mon : " The contentions of a -wife are a continual dropping ;" "a contin
ual dropping in a very rainy day and a contentious woman are aUke"
(chaps. 19 : 18 ; 27 : 15), where we are to understand a continual dropping
through of water from the roof, which makes every thing within uncom
fortable. Our Lord's parable of the ten rii-gins (Matt. 25 : 1-18) requires for its
iUustration a knowledge of the oriental customs connected with marriage :
the transaction recorded by Luke, where a woman oame behind Jesus as he
recUned at the table, washed his feet with her tears, and wiped them -with
her hair (Luke 7 : 87, 38), and the position of John when at the last supper
he leaned on Jesus' bosom (John 13 : 28, 25), cannot be made inteUigible
¦without a knowledge of the recUning posture in which meals were then
taken : one famUiar only with the use of glass or earthen botties cannot
comprehend the force of otu- Lord's maxim respecting the necessity of put
ting new wine into new botties (Matt. 9 : 17), tUl he is informed that ori
ental botties are made of leather. We might go on multiplying iUustra^
tions indefinitely, but the above must suffice. We may affirm, without fear
of contradiction, that the study of the Holy Scriptures has contributed
more than aU other causes to the diffusion among the masses of the com
munity of a knowledge of ancient history and antiquities. To say that a
congregation has a thorough knowledge of the Bible is equivalent to affirm
ing that it has an enlarged acquaintance -with the ancient world in its spu-it
as weU as in its outward institutions and forms.
7. That the interpreter may make a wise and effective use
of aU the helps that have been enumerated, he needs especiaUy
that sound and practical judgment which is called in ordinary
discourse good sense. Investigations respecting the meaning of
terms, inquiries concerning the scope, reasonings from the con
text, the comparison of paraUel passages, the use of ancient
history, chronology, and archaeology — that any one or all of
these processes combined may lead to valuable results they
must be under the guidance of that sound judgment and prac
tical tact by which the interpreter is enabled to seize the true

540 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
meaning of his author and unfold it with accuracy, or is at
least kept from far-fetched and fanciful expositions where the
author's real sense is involved in obscurity.
(1.) This quality of sound judgment will preserve the inter
preter from inept expositions for which a plausible reason may
be assigned.
Thus, when the Sariour says to Martha, who "was cumbered about
much serving:" "One thing is needful," these words have been inter
preted to mean one dish — not many and elaborate preparations, but a sin
gle dish. A sound judgment rejects at once this interpretation as below
the dignity of the occasion, and not in agreement with what imme
diately follows: "Mary hath chosen that good part, which shall not be
taken away from her. " The one thing needful is such a devotion of the
soul to Christ as Mary manifested. So the words : " Simon, son of Jonas,
lovest thou me more than these ?" (John 21 : 15), have been explained to
mean : more than these fish, or the employment and furniture of a fisher
man — an ingenious substitution, one must say, of a low and trivial mean
ing for the common interpretation : more than these thy fellow-disciples
love me, which accords so perfectly -with Peter's former profession :
"Though all men shaU be offended becatise of thee, yet -wiU I never be
offended, " Matt. 26 : 33 ; Mark 14 : 29.
Interpreters who ordinarily manifest sound judgment and skiU are
sometimes betrayed into inept expositions through the infiuence of some
preconceived opinion. The psalmist says, for example (Psa. 17 :15): "As
for me, in righteousness shall I behold thy face : I shall be satisfied upon
awaking -with thy likeness ;" that is, -with the contemplation of thy like
ness, -with apparent reference to Numb. 12 : 8 : "The likeness of the Lord
shaU he behold." This passage is ordinarily interpreted correctly of the
rision of God upon awaking in ,the world to come. And this view is sus
tained by other Uke passages : "In thy presence is fulness of joy ; at thy
right hand there are pleasures for evermore " (Psa. 16 : 11) ; " Truly God
shaU redeem my soul from the power of Sheol ; for he shall take me,''
(Psa. 49 :15), where Tholuck weU says : "He who took an Enoch and a
Moses to himseU, the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, wUl also take me
to himseU;" "Thou shalt guide me by thy counsel, and afterwards take
me to glory. Whom have I in heaven but thee ? and there is none upon
earth that I desire besides thee. My flesh and my heart faileth : God is
the strength of my heart, and my portion for ever " (Psa. 73 : 24-26)—
words that are inexplicable except as containing the anticipation of a
blessed immortaUty mth God in heaven ; " The wicked is driven away in
his wickedness ; but the righteous hath hope in his death " (Prov. 14 : 32);

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 541
etc. But there is a class of interpreters who, haring adopted the maxim
that the Old Testament, at least in its earUer writings, contains no antioi •
pations of a blessed life with God after death, are constrained to give to
the passage in question the frigid meaning : I shall be satisfied with thy
Ukeness when I awake to-morrow, as if the psalm were intended to be an
evening song or prayer ; or, whenever I awake, that is, from natural sleep.
(2.) A sound judgment will also keep the biblical scholar
from interpretations that are contrary to the known nature of the
subject. A familiar example is the declaration made by Moses of God's view of
man's wickedness : "And it repented the Lord that he had made man on
the earth, and it grieved him at his heart." Gen. 6 : 6. The robust com
mon sense of any plain reader will at once adjust the interpretation of
these words to God's known omniscience and immutability ; just as he will
the prayer of the psalmist : " Search me, O God, and know my heart ; try
me, and know'my thoughts ; and see if there be any \ricked way in me,
and lead me in the way everlasting." Psa. 139 :23, 24. The immutable
God does nothing which is not in accordance -with his eternal counsels.
The omniscient God, to whom all truth is ever present, does not literally
institute a process of searching that he may know what is in man. But in
these and numberless other passages, he condescends to speak according
to human modes of thought and action.
When it is said, again, that " the Lord hardened the heart of Pharaoh ;"
that "God sent an eril spirit betweefi Abimelech and the men of Shech
em " (Judg. 9 : 23); that he sent a lying spirit to deceive Ahab through his
prophets (1 Kings 22 : 21-28) ; that he sent Isaiah with the command :
"Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and shut
their eyes " (Isa. 6 : 10) ; that he made the covenant people to err from
his ways, and hardened their heart from his fear (Isa, 63 : 17), we instinc
tively interpret these and other like passages in harmony with the funda
mental principle announced by the apostle : "Let no man say when he is
tempted, I am tempted of God ; for God cannot be tempted of evil, neither
tempteth he any man. But every man is tempted, when he is drawn away
of his own lust, and enticed. " Jas. 1 : 13, 14. The Scriptures ascribe
every actual event to God in such a sense that it comes into the plan of
his universal providence ; but they reject with abhorrence the idea that he
can excite -wicked thoughts in men, or prompt them to wicked deeds.
When it is said, once more, that men are drawn to Christ (John 6 :44),
or driven to worship the heavenly bodies (Deut. 4:19), we understand at
once a drawing and a driving that are in accordance with their free inteUi
gent and responsible nature. Other iUustrations of this principle -wiU be

542 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
given in the foUo-wing chapter, which treats of the figurative language of
Scripture. (3.) The same quality of good sense will enable the inter
preter to make those limitations in the language of the sacred
writers which are common in popular discourse. In the lan
guage of daily life many statements are made in general terms
that require for their exact truthfulness various qualifications
which the readers or hearers can readily supply for themselves.
Honest men, addressing honest men, are not in the habit of
guarding their words against every possible inisconstruction.
It is enough if they speak so that all who wUl can understand
them. It is said, for example (Gen, 41 :57), that "aU countries (UteraUy, all
the earth) came into Egypt to Joseph for to buy com ; because the famine
was sore in aU the earth." It would be only trifling to ask whether " aU
the earth " included the people of Europe and India. The reader natu
raUy understands all the lands around Egypt, since they only could come
thither for corn. So when it is said in the account of the deluge that "aU
the high hUls that were under the whole heaven were covered " (Gen.
7:19), it is straining the sacred writer's words to give them a rigid geo
graphical appUcation, as if they must needs include the mountains about
the North pole. " AU the high hiUs under the whole heaven " were those
where man dwelt, and which were consequently kno-wn to man. "The
Holy Ghost," says John, "was hot yet given, because that Jesus was not
yet glorified." John 7:39. Yet Darid prayed ages before: "Take not
thy Holy Spirit from me " (Psa. 51 : 11) ; Isaiah says of ancient Israel that
"they rebeUed and vexed his Holy Spirit V (Isa. 63 : 10) ; the Sariour, long
before his glorification, promised the Holy Spirit to aU that should ask for
him (Luke 11 : 13) ; and it is a fundamental article of our faith that from
Abel to the archangel's trump all hoUness is the fruit of the Spirit. But
John's readers, who Uved after the plenary gift of the Holy Spirit from
the day of Pentecost and onward, could not fail to understand him as
referring to the gift of the Spirit in that special sense. The apostle Paul
says (1 Tim. 2 :4) that God "-wUl have aU men to be saved, and to come
unto the knowledge of the truth." Yet the same apostle teaches that some
-wiU remain in ignorance of the truth, and thus perish. 2 Thess. 1 : 8, 9 ;
2 : 11, 12, The reader's good sense readUy reconciles the former with the
latter passages. He understands God's -wiU to have aU men saved as the
will of benevolent desire ; just as God says of ancient Israel (Psa. 81 : 13) :
' ' Oh that my people had hearkened unto me, and Israel had waUjed in my

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 543
¦ways !" but because they would not do this, he "gave them up to their
own heart's lust, and they walked in their own counsels " (ver. 12). Many
like iUustrations might be added.
(4.) Hence we readUy infer the office of a sound judgment
in reconciling apparent contradictions, since these arise mainly
from the neglect, in one or both of the passages between which
the contradiction is said to exist, of reasonable quaUfications
and Umitations.
A striking iUustration of this is found in the two accjounts of the crea
tion. Gen. chaps. 1-2 : 8 and chap. 2 : 4^25. In the former nan-ative the
order of time is an essential foment. Not so in the latter, where man is
the centi-al object, and the different parts of creation are mentioned only
as the writer has occasion to speak of them in connection with him. Hence
we have in this latter passage the creation of the man (ver. 7), the planting
of the garden for his use -with its trees and rivers (ver. 8-14), the placing
of the man in the garden and the law imposed upon bim (ver. 15-17), the
defective condition of the man (ver. 18), the notice in connection ¦with this
of the creation of beasts and fowls and their being brought to the man to
receive names (ver. 19, 20), the creation of the woman and the primitive
condition of the pair (ver. 21-25). This simple statement of the course of
narration sufficientiy refutes the aUegation that the second account is
inconsistent -with the first.
In the first account of Paul's conversion it is said that "the men which
jom-neyed ¦with hiTn stood speechless, hearing a voice but seeing no man. "
Acts 9:7. In the second Paul says : " They that were ¦with me saw in
deed the Ught, and were afraid ; but they heard not the Toice of him that
spake to me." Acts 22 :9. There is no vaUd ground for doubting that
the first narrative, as weU as the other two, came from the Ups of the apos
tle himseU, and the assumption of any essential contradiction is unreason
able and unnecessary. In regard to the light, it is certain that Paul saw
the person of the Sariour, and was made bUnd by the glory of the rision
(Acts 9 ;17, 27; 22 : 14; 1 Cor. 9 :1), whUe his companions saw only the
light that shone around them, which did not make them bUnd. In regard
to the voice, it is a fair interpretation that they heard a voice only, but no
intelUgible words. How this difference of perception between Paul and
his companions in regard to both the Ught and the voice was effected we
do not know, nor is it necessary that we should. The first account, again,
represents Paul's companions as having "stood speechless,'' whUe in the
third the apostie says : "When we were aU faUen to the earth.'' Acts
26 : 14. The most natural explanation here is that the thu-d narrative gives
the posture with accuracy, whUe the first lays stress only upon the amaze-

544 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ment which fixed them in a motionless attitude. The apparent discrepan
cies in these three paraUel histories are pecuUarly instructive, because they
aU proceed from the pen of the same author, and must aU have been de
rived from the same source. Such circumstantial differences have the
stamp of i-eaUty. Instead of thro-wing any discredit upon the transaction,
they only estabUsh its truth upon a firmer basis. Many Uke iUustrations
might be added.
(5.) EinaUy, where the means of reconcUing discrepancies
are not apparent, the same quality of a sound judgment wiU
keep us fi-om the two extremes of seeking, on the one hand,
forced arul unnatural explanations, and, on the other, of discredit
ing well-attested transactions on account of these discrepancies.
In the scriptural narratives there are some difficulties (rela
ting mostly to numbers, dates, and the chronological order of
events) which we find ourselves unable, with our present means
of knowledge, to solve in a satisfactory way. It is the part of
sober reason to reserve these difficulties for further Ught, not
to set aside, in A-iew of them, facts attested by frrefragable
proof. Nothing in the evangeUc record is more certain, for example, than the
fact of our Lord's resurrection. Yet to harmonize the four accounts which
we have of it in aU their details is a work of extreme difficulty. "Sup
posing us to be acquainted -with every thing said and done, in its order
and exactness, -we should doubtless be able to reconcUe, or account for, the
present forms of the narratives ; but not ha-ring this key to the harmon
izing of them, attempts to do so in minute particulars carry no certainty
-with them." AUord on Matt. 28 :1-10. The same general principle ap
pUes to other difficulties — ^in the Old Testament, that respecting the dura
tion of the sojourn in Egypt, and other chronological questions ; in the
New, that of the two genealogies given of our Lord by Matthew and Luke,
that of the day when our Lord ate the passover -with his disciples, etc. See
fui-ther in Chaps. 19, Nos. 6 and 8 ; 20, No. 22 ; 29, Nos. 8-10.
8. In bringing this chapter to a conclusion, we add a few
words on the office of reason in the interpretation of Scripture.
It is admitted by aU that we have certain primitive intuitions
which lie at the foundation of aU knowledge. That an immu
table obUgation, for example, rests on aU men to be truthful.

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 545
just, benevolent, and grateful, is a truth which we see by the
dfrect Ught of conscience. There are certain moral axioms,
also, outside of the direct sphere of conscience, which shine by
then- own Ught. Such is that fundamental truth of theology
thus announced by the apostle John : " God is Ught, and in
him is no darkness at aU " (1 John 1:5); where Ught and dark
ness are both taken in a moral sense, as the context shows;
and thus by the apostle James : " God cannot be tempted with
evU, neither tempteth he any man" (Jas. 1 : 13) ; and thus, ages
before, by Moses : "He is the Eock, his work is perfect : for aU
his ways are judgment : a God of truth and without iniquity,
just and right is he" (Deut. 32:4); and stiU earUer by Abra
ham: "ShaU not the Judge of aU the earth do right?" (Gen.
18 : 25). We are sure that no declaration of God's word, prop
erly interpreted, wiU contradict these necessary and universal
convictions. But there are many weighty truths that Ue whoUy
above the sphere of our direct intuitions on which the infinite
understanding of God is alone competent to pass an infalUble
judgment. Such are the following : If it be God's wiU to cre-
.ite a race of inteUigent beings, what shall be the compass of
thefr faculties, moral, inteUectual, ancl physical ? In what cir
cumstances and relations shaU he place them, to what proba
tion shall he subject them, and what scope shaU he allow to
thefr finite freedom ? If they sin, what plan shaU he derise
for their redemption, and by what processes shaU he reveal
and execute this plan? These, and many other questions
involving man's highest interests, Ue above the sphere of sim
ple intuition. God alone, who looks through eternity at a
glance, can fuUy comprehend them, for they are aU constituent
parts of his eternal plan. That human reason, which cannot
see the whole of truth, should affect to sit in judgment upon
them, and to pronounce authoritatively what God may, and
what he may not do, is the height of presumption and foUy.

546 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
CHAPTEE XXXY.
The Figurative Language of- Scripture.
1. Whex the psalmist says : " The Lord God is a sun and
shield" (Psa. 84 : 11), he means that God is to aU his creatures
the source of life and blessedness, and their almighty protector;
but this meaning he conveys under the figure of a sun and a
shield. When, again, the apostle James says that Moses is
read in the synagogues every Sabbath-day (Acts 15 : 21), he
signifies the writings of Moses under the figure of his name.
In these examples the figure Ues in particular words. But it
may be embodied in a sentence, thus : " It is hard for thee to
kick against the pricks " (Acts 26 : 14), where Saul's conduct in
persecuting Christ's disciples is represented under the form of
an ox kicking against the ploughman's goad only to make the
wounds it inflicts deeper. Figurative language, then, is that
in which one thing is said under the form or figure qf another thing.
In the case of aUegories and parables, it may take the form, as
we shaU hereafter see, of continuous discourse.
A large proportion of the words in aU languages, in truth aU that
express inteUectual and moral ideas, were originaUy figurative, the univer
sal law being to represent immaterial by material objects. Examples are
the words exist, existence, CTnotion, affliction, anguish, etc. But in these, and
innumerable other words, the primitive physical meaning has become
obsolete, and thus the secondai-y spiritual meaning is to us Uteral Or,
what often happens, while the original physical signification is retained, a
secondary figurative meaning of the word has become so common that its
use hardly recalls the physical meaning, and it may therefore be regarded
as Uteral ; as in the words hard, harsh, ro-ugh, when appUed to character.
In the first of the above examples : "It is hard for thee to kick against the
pricks," the transfer of the word hard from what is physicMiUy hard to what
is painful or diffictUt, is so common that it oan hardly be regarded as fig
urative. But the expression that foUows is figurative in the fuUest sense
of the word.
Ehetoricians diride figures into two general classes, figures of words,

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 547
and figures of thought, and they give elaborate definitions, classifications,
and rules for their use. The interpreter of Scripture, however, need not
encumber himseU -with any rhetorical system. The general rules of inter
pretation already considered wiU be, for the most part, a sufficient gtude
to the meaniug of the rich variety of figures contained in the Bible, espe
ciaUy in its poetical parts. It is only necessary to add a few words in ref
erence to the ascertaining of figurative language ; the most prominent
classes of figures ; and some principles to be observed in their interpreta
tion. 2. The question may arise whether a writer is to be under
stood UteraUy or figuratively. For the ascertaining of figurative
language, a few simple rules wiU be, in general, sufficient.
(1.) Multitudes of cases can be decided at once by consid
ering the nature of the subject.
Thus, when the apostie calls Jesus Christ a "foundation," and speaks
of buUding upon this foundation "gold, sUver, precious stones, wood,
hay, stubble," adding that^" every man's work shaU be revealed by fire;
and the fire shaU try every man's work of what sort it is ;" and, fvuther,
that "if any man's work abide" this fire, "he shaU receive a reward," but
"if any man's work be btuned he shall suffer loss" (1 Cor. 8 : 11-15), we
know at once, from the nature of the subject, that he speaks figuratively.
He compares the church of God to a temple, of which Jesus Christ is the
foundation, whUe her teachers and preachers are the buUders. The " gold,
sUver, precious stones, wood, hay, stubble," represent primarily the mate
rials -with which they buUd ; that is, the character of their doctrines and
precepts, and secondarily, the character of those whom they bring into
the Christian fold. The "fire," again, is the trial and judgment of the
last day.
The apostie says of the ancient Israehtes that "they drank of that
spiritual Eock that foUowed them ; and that Eock was Christ. " 1 Cor.
10 : 4. So also Christ is caUed to beUevers "a chief comer-stone, elect,
precious ;" but to unbeUevers " a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence "
(1 Pet. 2 : 6-8) ; "the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the Eoot of Darid"
(Bev. 5:5); "the Lamb of God," and simply "the Lamb" (John 1 :29,
36; Eev. 5:12; 6:1; etc.); "the door of the sheep" (John 10:7, 9);
"the true vine " (John 15 : 1) ; and "the U-ring bread which came down
from heaven " (John 6 : 51). He himseU says : " "Whoso eateth my flesh
and drinketh my blood hath eternal life ; and I -wiU raise him up at the
last day." John 6 : 54. There is no more grotmd for imderstanding the
last of these passages UteraUy than the preceding, that is, there is no
groimd whatever. The dogma of the Eomish church, which teaches that

548 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the consecrated bread and -wine are UteraUy converted into the body and
blood of Jesus, riolates alike sound reason and evei-y sound principle of
interpretation. " As the words, ' This is my body,' and ' This is my blood,'
were spoken betobe Christ's body was broken upon the cross, and befobe
his blood was shed, he cotUd not pronounce them -with the intention that
they should be taken and interpreted UteraUy by his disciples. He could
not take his body in his hands, nor offer them his blood in the cup ; for it
had not yet been shed." Home, voL 2, p. 319.
(2.) In ascertaining figurative language, the interpreter wiU
naturaUy take into account the scope, the context, and the general
analogy of sci-iptural teaching. If the Uteral sense, though pos
sible in the nature of things, is inept or contrary to the general
tenor of Scripture, it must be rejected.
The prophet Isaiah teUs us that, under the future reign of the Mes
siah, the woU shaU dweU with the lamb, the leopard Ue do-wn with the kid,
the lion eat stiaw Uke the ox, and the child play -srith impunity on the
hole of the asp. Isa. 11 : 6-8. It is possible to conceive of this state of
things as effected by a change in the physical nature of aU noxious ani
mals. But the -writer immediately adds : " They shaU not hurt nor destroy
in aU my holy mountain ; for the earth shaU be fuU of the knowledge of
the Lord, as the waters cover the sea" (ver, 9). Since then the change is
effected by the universal diffusion of "the knowledge of the Lord," it
must be a moral change — a transformation of the character of -wicked men
figuratively described as wolves, leopards, bears, Uons, and ripers. The
general analogy of prophetic language, which, as -wiU be hereafter shown,
abounds in figurative forms of representation, strengthens this conclusion.
By the prophet Haggai, again, God says : "Yet once, it is a Uttle whUe,
and I wiU shake the heavens, and the earth, and the sea, and the dry
land." Chap. 2 : 6. The key to the meaning of these words is given in
the foUo-wing verse : "And I -wUl shake aU nations, and the Desu-e of aU
nations shall come : and I wiU fiU this house -with glory, saith the Lord of
hosts." In suoh a connection, and -with such a result, nothing could be
more vapid than to understand this shaking of heaven and earth, sea and
land, in a, physical sense. It is the mighty overtumings among the
nations, social, moral, and poUtical, that are here predicted, as Jehovah
says by Ezekiel : "I -wUl overturn, overturn, overttu-n it, and it shaUbe no
more, untU he come whose right it is, and I -wiU give it to him." Chap.
21 : 27. Compare Isa. 18 : 13 ; Jer. 4 : 24 ; Ezek. 88 : 20 ; Joel 3 : 16. So
when God announces that he "-wiU cause the sun to .go do-wn at noon,
and darken the earth in the clear day " (Amos 8 : 9), we imderstand at once,
that under this figure he forewarns the covenant people of the sudden

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 549
approach of great calamity. Compare Deut. 28 : 29 ; Job 5 : 14 ; Isa.
13 : 10 ; Jer. 4 : 23-28 ; Ezek. 82 ; 7, 8 ; Joel 2 : 31 ; 3 : 15 ; etc. This sub
ject -will be further discussed under the head of the interpretation of
prophecy. In the sermon on the mount, the Sariour says : " Whosoever shaU
smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also " (Matt. 5 : 39) ;
but the preceding context gives the scope of this and the other particular
precepts that foUow, which is that Christ's foUowers should "resist not
eril," that is, by rendering e-ril for e-ril. It is the spirit of meekness and
forbearance that he inculcates, not a slarish regard to this and that par
ticular form of manifesting it. So when he says : " Give to him that ask-
eth of thee, and from him that would borrow of thee turn not thou away "
(ver. 42), Ije cannot mean, consistently -with the scope of the passage and
his teachings elsewhere, that we should stultify ourselves by Uterally giv
ing to every asker and borrower, -without regard to his necessities, real or
aUeged. He means rather to inculcate that liberal spu-it which never -with
holds such help as it is able to give from those who need it.
"When the Sariour says again : "If thy right eye offend thee, pluck it
out aud cast it from thee,'' etc., both the preceding context and the gen
eral tenor of the Scriptures teach us that he means what is expressed by
the apostle in another form : "Mortify, therefore, your members which
are upon the earth." Col. 8:5. To mortify is to deprive of life, make
dead. We mortify our members which would seduce us into sin, not by
destroying them, but by keeping them in subjection to "the law of the
spirit of Ufe in Christ Jesus."
(3.) If the interpreter is Uable to err by taking figurative
language in a Uteral sense, so is he also by regarding as figu
rative what should be understood UteraUy. A favorite expedi
ent -with those who deny the supernatural character of revela
tion is to explain the miraculous transactions recorded in the
Bible as figurative or mythical. When David says that in
answer to his prayer " the earth shook and trembled, the foun
dations also of the hills moved and were shaken, because h&
was ¦wroth;" that God "bowed the heavens also and came
do-wn, and darkness was under his feet ;" that "the Lord thun
dered in the heavens, and the Highest gave his voice, hailstones
and coals of fire;" that "he sent out his arrows and scattered
them, and he shot out Ughtnings and discomfited them," all
acknowledge that the language is to be figuratively taken.
Why then, an objector might ask, not understand the account

550 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of the giving of the law on Sinai amid thunderings and light
nings as figurative also? The answer of every plain reader
would be — and it is the answer of unsophisticated common
sense — that the former passage occurs in a lyric poem, where
such figurative descriptions are entirely in place ; the latter in
a plain narrative, which professes to give throughout historic
facts with names and dates; that no reader, who had not a
preconceived opinion to maintain, ever did or could think of
interpreting the passage in Exodus in any other than a literal
way, while every reader understands at once that the poetic
description in the eighteenth psalm is to be taken figuratively.
The attempt has been made to interpret the gospel history as
a myth — the embodiment of a system of pure ideas in the garb
of history. It is difficult to refute an assumption which has no
foundation to rest upon. This mythical theory may, neverthe
less, be disposed of in a very short and simple way. The great
central truth of the gospel history is the death and resurrection
of Jesus of Nazareth. If any one would know how the apos
tle Paul regarded this, let him read the fifteenth chapter of the
first epistle to the Corinthians, where he pledges his veracity
as a witness on its historic reaUty (ver. 15). If, now, Paul so
regarded it, Luke, his companion in travel and labor, cannot
have taken a different view of it, nor any other of the evange
lists. But if the death and resurrection of Jesus are recorded
as true historic events, the whole mythical theory vanishes at
once into thin afr.
(4.) In regard to those prophecies which relate to the dis
tant future, it may sometimes be difficult to determine whether
-vve are to look for a literal or a figurative fulfilment of them.
But this subject wiU come up for consideration in another
place. 3. In regard to the different kinds of figures a few words may
be in place.
(l.)'The term trope (Greek, tropos, a turn) is appUed, in a
general sense, to figures of words and speech of every variety ;
but, in stricter usage, to a word or sentence turned from its lit-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. ' 551
eral signification to a figurative sense. Quintilian adds (Inst.
Orator. 8. 6. 1) that this must be ivith good effect (cum vir-
tutej; that is, it must add clearness, force, or beauty to the
thought. The principal varieties of the ti-ope are the metonymy and the metaphor.
The metonymy is founded on the relation of one thing to another. Thus
when Abraham says to the rich man : "They have Moses and the proph
ets, let them hear them " (Luke 16 : 29), Moses and the prophets are put
for their ¦writings ; that is, the authors for then- -works. "A soft tongue,"
says the wise man, "breaketh the bone." Prov. 25 :15. Here the word
tongue is put for speech, the instrument for the thing effected, and this met
onymy is joined with a metaphor. (See below.) '\ih^ synecdoche, in which
a, part is put for the whole, as the sword for war, is in its nature essentiaUy
a metonymy. Ehetoricians give elaborate classifications ot metonymies,
but they are of Uttie value to the scriptural student, since aU are inter
preted according to the few simple principles given in the preceding
chapter. The -metaphor is founded on the resemblance of one thing to another ;
as in the examples already given : "The Lord God is a sun and shield"
(Psa. 84 : 11) ; "I am the true vine and my Father is the husbandman."
John 15 : 1. It may Ue not in a single word, but in an entire expression,
thus : " It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks " (Acts 26 : 14) ; "I
counsel thee to buy of me'gold tried in the fire, that thou mayest be rich ;
and white raiment, that thou mayest be clothed, and that the shame of
thy nakedness do not appear ; and anoint thine eyes -with eye-salve, that
thou mayest see." Eev. 3 : 18. The metaphor and metonymy may be
joined, as in the words ah-eady quoted: "A soft tongue breaketh the
bone ;" or they may blend themselves -with each other, as when Nahum
says of the princes of Nineveh : " The sword shaU devour thy young Uons."
Chap. 2 : 18. In this last example, as often elsewhere, personification,
which is properly a figure of thought, is added, the sword being represent
ed as a beast of prey. The grand and gorgeous personifications of Scrip
ture naturaUy clothe themselves in tropical language of inimitable beauty
and exhaustless variety. "O thou sword of the Lord," says Jeremiah,
"how long -wUl it be ere thou be quiet ? put up thyself into thy scabbard,
rest, and be stUl. How can it be quiet, seeing the Lord hath given it a
charge against Ashkelon, and against the sea-shore ? There hath he ap
pointed it." Chap. 47 : 6, 7. The prophet Habakkuk represents God as
coming forth in his glory for the salvation of his people : "' The mountains
saw thee," says he, "and they trembled: the overflo^wing of the water
passed by : the deep uttered his voice, and lifted up his hands on high :
the sun and moon stood stUl in their habitation." Chap. 3 : 10, 11. God's

552 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
promise to his redeemed is : "Ye shaU go out ¦with joy, and be led forth
¦with peace : the mocmtains and the hill.'i shall break forth before you into
singing, and aU the trees of the field shaU clap their hands." Isa. 55 : 12.
Metonymies, metaphors, and sometimes personifications — ^the books of the
New Testament sparkle with these figures, and they are used always for
effect, not empty show. They are like the fiaming bolts of heaven, which
rend and bum as weU as shine. "Beware of false prophets," says the
Sariour, "which come to you in sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are
ravening wolves. Ye shaU know them by their fi-uits : do men gather
grapes of thorns or figs of thistles ?" Matt. 7 : 15, 16. How effectuaUy does
he by these metaphors strip off the mask from false teachers ! "If the
foot shaU say. Because I am not the hand, I am not of the body ; is it
therefore not of the body ? And if the ear shaU say, Because I am not the
eye, I am not of the body ; is it therefore not of the body ?" 1 Cor. 12 : 15,
16. Here is personification without a tiope. "O death, where is thy
sting ? O grave, where is thy rictory ? (1 Cor. 15 : 55), here is a majestic
personification in metaphorical form.
As resemblance Ues at the foundation of the metaphor, it
may be caUed an abbreviated form of comparison, the thing -with
which the comparison is made being dfrectly predicated of that
which is compared. Thus, when we say: A sluggard is vine
gar to the teeth and smoke to the eyes of those who send him,
we have a metaphor, the sluggard being dfrectly caUed -vinegar
and smoke. But if we say : " As rinegar to the teeth, and as
smoke to the eyes, so is the sluggard to them that send him "
(Prov. 10 : 26), we have a comparison, and the language ceases
to be tropical. The metaphor is thus a more ririd form of
expression than the comparison.
A common mode of comparison in the book of Proverbs is simply to
put together the object compared and the thing or things -with which it is
compared, thus : " A whip for the horse, a bridle for the ass, and a rod for
the fool's back " (chap. 26 : 3) ; that is, As a whip is appropriate for the
horse, and a bridle for the ass, so is a rod for the fool's back. Again,
"-Where there is no wood the fire goeth out, and where there is no tale
bearer the strife ceaseth" (Prov. 26:20) ; "Charcoal to Uve coals, and
wood to fire ; and a man of strife to kindle strife" (Prov. 26 : 21) : "SUver
dross spread over an earthen sherd — burning Ups pips glowing -with pro
fessions of love] and a -wicked heart " (Prov. 26 : 23) ; in aU which cases our
version has suppUed particles of comparison.

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 553
(2.) An cdiegory is the narrative of a spiritual transaction
under the figure of something loioer and eaitlily, the lower transac
tion representing dfrectly the higher. We have in the eigh
tieth Psalm an exquisite example of the allegory : " Thou
hast brought a rine out of Egypt : thou hast cast out the hea
then and planted it. Thou preparedst room before it, and
didst cause it to take deep root, and it fiUed the land. The
hiUs were covered with the shadow of it," etc. (ver. 8-16) ;
where the transfer of the Israelitish people from Egypt to the
land of Canaan, with their subsequent history, is described
under the figure of a vine.
The metaphor and aUegory have this in common, that the foundation
of both is resemblance, and in both the lower object is pui directly for the
higher. Yet the metaphor cannot be properly caUed a condensed aUegory,
nor the aUegory an extended metaphor ; for it is essential to the aUegory
that it have the form of a narrative, and that it contain real history — in
the case of prophecy it may be future history — ^under a figure. Hence it
admits of indeflnite extension, as in the "Pilgrim's Progress;" and we
may add the Canticles, which the Christian church from the earUest times
has regarded as an aUegory of which the subject is, in Old Testament lan
guage, God and his covenant people, but, according to the representation
of the New Testament, Christ and his church.
We must carefuUy distinguish' between true allegory and the allegorical
or mystical application of real history. In the former case it is not the Ut
eral meaning, but the higher sense represented by it, which constitutes
the historic truth. God, for example, never transferred a'-rine from Egypt
to Palestine, but he did the covenant people. The story of Sarai and
Hagar, on the contrary (Gen., chap. 16), is true history. The apostie
Paul makes an aUegorical appUcation of it to the two covenants, that on
Sinai and that in Christ, which is very beautiful and appropriate ; yet the
story itseU is not aUegory, bnt plain history. See further, in Chap. 37,
No. 4.
(3.) A parable is the narrative of a supposed event for the
purpose of iUustrating a spiritual truth or principle. The office
of the narrative is to embody the principle. It should, there
fore, be natural and probable ; but its Uteral truth is of no con
sequence. In our Lord's parable of the unjust steward, for
example (Luke 16 : 1-9), the incidents of the narrative may or
CoDip. to BIMe- 5* '

554 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
may not have been historicaUy true ; but either way the great
principle which it Ulustrates (ver. 10) remains the same.
AUegories and parables pass into each other by insensible degrees.
Some of our Lord's so-caUed parables are rather aUegories ; as that of the
vineyard let out to husbandmen (Matt, 21 : 33-41), which is founded on
the beautiful aUegory of Isaiah (chap, 5 : 1-7) ; so also that of the good
shepherd (John 10 : 1-18). In their pure form, however, the aUegory and ¦
the parable are easUy distinguished from each other. In the aUegory, the
flgure represents directly the higher transaction. Hence the incidents
introduced in the figure — at least aU the main incidents — must have some
thing corresponding to them in the spmtual transaction which the figure
represents. The case of the parable is diff'erent. Here the spiritual truth
is not directly described in terms of the figure, but simply illustrated from
it. The incidents and characters of the story are separable from the gen
eral principle which it inculcates, aud are sometimes formaUy separated by
the speaker himself ; as when our Lord says : " The kingdom of heaven is
likened unto a man which sowed good seed in his field," etc. Matt, 13 : 24.
Por this reason they may belong more or less to the mere drapery of the
parable, so that to press them in its interpretation would lead to error
instead of truth. See further below. No, 7.
(4.) The fable is related to the parable, but it differs from it
in two respects. First, it moves in a worldly sphere, having to
do with prudential maxims rather than spu-itual truth. Sec
ondly, it aUows, in harmony -with this its lower nature, irra
tional objects as speakers and actors, which would be contrary
to the dignity pf the parable. Om- Lord never employed fables
as vehicles of instruction. There are two examples of them in
the Old Testament ; neither of them, however, coming fr-om the
Ups of prophetical men. The first is that of Jotham : " The
trees went forth on a time to anoint a king over them; and
they said unto the olive-tree, Eeign thou over us," etc. Judg.
9 : 8-15. The second is that of Jehoash : " The thistie that was
in Lebanon sent to the cedar that was in Lebanon, saying.
Give thy daughter to my son to wife : and there passed by a
wild beast that was in Lebanon, and trode down the thistle.
2 Kfrigs 14 : 9.
(5.) A symbol is a material object, a transaction in the material
world., or sometimes a number, to represent some higher spirit-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 555
iial truth. Eitual symbols, like the ark of the covenant, the
high-priest's dress, the sacrifices, and, in general, the whole
tabernacle and temple service, will be considered hereafter
under the head of types. We speak of symbols now, only so
far as they belong to the human side of interpretation. We
have a beautiful example of a symbolic transaction in the sev
enteenth chapter of the book of Numbers, where the princes
of Israel, by God's direction, take twelve rods, write each man
his name upon his rod, and lay them up in the tabernacle
before the Lord, whereupon Aaron's rod " budded, and brought
forth buds, and blossomed blossoms, and yielded almonds;"
a symbol that God would make the priesthood to flourish in
his famUy.
Scriptural symbols exhibit a wonderful Tariety. Sometimes they are
seen in dreams, as in Jacob's dream of a ladder reaching to heaven (Gen.
28 : 12-15) ; Pharaoh's two dreams of the fat and lean kine, and the good
and thin ears (Gen, 41 : 1-7) ; or in prophetic vision, like Jeremiah's -vision
of a seething pot ¦with the face towards the north (Jer. 1 : 13) ; EzeHel's
^•ision of the cherubim (chap. 1) ; and Amos' vision of a basket of sum
mer fruit (chap. 8:2). At other times they are actual tiansaetions. So
the false prophet Zedekiah " made him homs of iron : and he said. Thus
saith the Lord, ¦with these shalt thou push the Syrians tiU thou have con
sumed them " (1 Kings 22 : 11) ; the ti-ue prophet Jeremiah wore a yoke
upon his neck as a sign that God would subject the nations to Nebuchad
nezzar's power, and the false prophet Hananiah broke it, that he might
thus signify the deUverance of the people from Nebuchadnezzar's rule.
Jer. 27 : 1-8, compared -with 28 : 10, 11.
(6.) A proverb is a short maxim relating to practical life. It
may be expressed Uterally or figuratively, but in either case it
must contain a general truth. " A scorner loveth not one that
reproveth him ; neither wiU he go unto the -wise " (Prov. 15 : 12),
is a proverb expressed in plain language. " The name of the
Lord is a strong tower : the righteous runneth into it, and is
safe" (Prov. 18:10), is a proverb under a beautiful figure.
The fooUsh young men counseUed Eehoboam to say to the
Israelites : " My Uttle finger shaU be thicker than my father's
loins." 1 Kings 12 : 10. This is not a proverb, because it con-

556 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
tains only the figurative statement of a particular fact. But if
we change the form, and say : The Uttle finger of a foolish ruler
is thicker than the loins of a wise king, we make it general, and
thus it becomes a proverb.
The Hebrew word for a proverb {mashal) denotes a similitude, this being
one of its most common forms. Examples occur in abundance in the book
of Proverbs. We have them in the form of direct comparison : "As in
water face answereth to face, so the heart of man to man" (chap. 27 : 19) ;
"A continual dropping in a very rainy day and a contentious woman are
alike " (chap. 27 : 15) ; " Better is a dinner of herbs where love is, than a
staUed ox and hatred therewith" (chap. 15 : 17). We have them also in
the form of metaphor: "The contentions of a -wife are a continual drop
ping " (chap. 19 : 18) ; " The Ups of knowledge are a precious jewel " (chap.
20 : 15). But most frequently the comparison appears in the form of con
trast, thus : "A -wise son heareth his father's instruction ; but a scorner
heareth not rebuke " (ohap. 18 : 1) ; "A faithful ¦witness -wiU not lie ; but
a false ¦witness -wiU utter Ues " (chap. 14 : 5). The signification of the word
proverb is then extended to short sententious maxims of every form, even
where comparison is excluded, thus : "A -wicked man taketh a gift out of
the bosom to pervert the ways of judgment " (chap. 17 : 23).
(7.) The word myth (Greek mutlios) was appUed by the
Greeks to a legend or story of early times, then to 2. fable, hke
those of .^sop. In modern usage it is defined to be a story in
which " there is an unconscious blending of the deeper meaning
-with the outward symbol, the two being separate and separa
ble in the parable." " The mythic narrative presents itseU not
merely as the vehicle of the truth, but as itself being the truth;
while in the parable there is a perfect consciousness in aU
minds of the distinctness between form and essence, sheU and
kernel, the precious vessel and yet more precious -wine that it
contains." Trench, Notes on the Parables, chap. 1. . A good
iUustration of this we have in the tales of Grecian mythology,
once received by the masses of the people as UteraUy trae;
but which " a later and more reflective age than that in which
the mythus had birth " learned to regard as only the vehicle
of certain ideas respecting deity. The myth, as thus defined,
does not come -within the sphere of bibUcal interpretation.

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 557
The historic events recorded in the Old Testament may, and
often do, shadow forth something higher. In that case they
are not myths, but typical history. Chap. 37, No. 4. AU the
scriptural narratives, on the contrary, which are tme, not in
their Uteral meaning, but in a higher sense, come under the
head of allegories, parables, or symbolic representations.
4. In the interpretation of figurative language we must be
guided, in general, by the principles considered in the prece
ding chapter. To lay down special rules for the interpretation
of the rich and endlessly varied figures which adom the pages
of Holy Writ would be as impracticable as useless. The his
tory of BibUcal exegesis, however, shows that some general
cautions are much needed.
5. The youthful student of Scripture should be reminded,
first of aU, that its figurative language is no less certain and
truthful than its plain and Uteral declarations. The figures of
the Bible are employed not simply io please the imagination
and excite the feelings, but to teach eternal verities. The Lord
Jesus, "the faithful and true Witness," said: "Heaven and
earth shaU pass away : but my words shaU not pass away."
Mark 13 : 31. Tet there is a class of interpreters who seem to
think that if they can show in any given case that his language
is figurative, its meaning is well nigh divested of aU certainty
and reaUty. Thrice in immediate succession did he solemnly
warn his hearers to cut off an offending hand or foot, and to
pluck out an offending eye, rather than be cast with the whole
body into hell, "into the fire that never shaU be quenched:
where their worm dieth not, and the fire is not quenched."
Mark 9 : 43-^8. But, says one of this class of expositors, the
maiming of the body is figurative language, and sa is the repre
sentation of the -worm that never dies. Undoubtedly the maim
ing of the body is so ; and how far the unquenchable fire may also
be a figure for the dread reality that awaits the incorrigibly im
penitent in the world to come we pretend not to know. But in the
Ups of Jesus figures teach truth, not fiction. The unhappy sinner
who despises the grace of the gospel will find the reaUty not

558 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
less terrible than the figures by -nhich Christ has represented
it. The story of the rich man and Lazarus is a parable ; but
we cannot on this ground set aside the solemn lessons which it
inculcates. What these lessons are, it requires only candor
and faith to receive. They teach us that God's suffering chil
dren go immediately, upon death, to -a state of conscious blessed
ness ; and " the men of the world, which have their portion in
this life," to a place of unmitigated suffering. Whatever be
the comprehension of the -n-ord Hades (rendered in our version
by the word hell), there is an impassable gulf between Lazarus
in Abraham's bosom and the rich man in torment. The " great
gulf fixed " may be a figure ; but it represents an awful reahty ;
and that reaUty is, that there is no transition from the one state
to the other.
6. In the allegory the higher spiritual transaction is, as we
have seen, directly represeuted'by the lower. When we know,
therefore, what the aUegory represents, we have the key to its
interpretation, and all its incidents' faU naturally into place.
If the sphere of the allegory be the outward history of God's
people, all its incidents — at least aU its main incidents — ought
to have a significance. If its sphere be that of inward spfrit
ual experience, as in the Song of Solomon, more latitude must
be allowed for the drapery of the story ; yet here also the essen
tial parts wiU each correspond to something in the higher object
represented. An example of pure historic aUegory is that of the -rine ti-ansplanted
from Egypt (Psa. 80), where the higher object, which gives the key to the
meaning, is God's covenant people. The casting out of the heathen (ver,
8), is UteraUy expressed, but in the verses foUo^wing, the figure is beauti
fuUy carried out. This -rine takes deep root and fills the land ; the hills
are covered with its shadow, and its boughs are Uke the goodly cedar ; it
sends out its boughs to the sea, and its branches to the river (ver. 9-11).
Here we have one main incident, the increase of the people in the land of
Canaan. Then God breaks down its hedges, so that every passer-by plucks
it ; the boar out of the wood wastes it, and the ¦wUd beast of the field de-
votu:s it (ver. 12, 13). This is another main incident, the withdrawal of
God's protection from his people, and their oppression by theu- heathen
neighbors. The prayer that foUows in behalf of this vine (ver. 14-16)

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 559
represents the love whieh God's people bear to his church. AU these parts
of the aUegory have their proper significance. The rest of the imagery —
the hills overshadowed by it, the boughs Uke the goodly cedar, the -wild
boar wasting it, etc. — ^is but the drapery of the allegory ; and an attempt to
find a spiritual meaning for each of these particulars — the boar out of
the wood, for example, and the beast of the fleld — would but mar its
beauty and force.
We give from Ezekiel (chap. 17 : 3-10) another example of historic aUe
gory, in which the essential parts can be readily distinguished from the
luxuriant imagery of the prophet : "A great eagle with great wings, long-
¦winged, fuU of feathers, which had divers colors [Nebuchadnezzar], came
unto Lebanon, and took the highest branch of the cedar [Jehoiachin,
whom Nebuchadnezzar dethroned and carried to Babylon. The cedar of
Lebanon represents the royal famUy, and Jehoiachin, as the reigning mon
arch, its highest branch] : he cropped off the top of his young twigs [the
same as : he took the highest branch of the cedar] , and carried it into a
land of traffic [Chaldea] ; he set it in a city of merchants [Babylon]. He
took also of the seed of the land [the king's seed, meaning Zedekiah, whom
Nebuchadnezzar made king in the pSce of Jehoiachin] , and planted it in
a fruitful fleld ; he placed it by great waters, and set it as a wUlow-tree
[estabUshed Zedekiah on the throne, and gave him the means of prosper
ity as his vassal]. And it grew, and became a spreading vine of low stature
[not a lofty cedar, but a low -rine ; that is, a tributary king]; whose branches
turned towards him [towards Nebuchadnezzar, as dependent upon him] ,
and the roots thereof were under him [tmder Nebuchadnezzar, as subject
to his power] : so it became a ¦sdne, and brought forth branches, and shot
forth twigs. There was also another great %agle with great ¦wings and
many feathers [Pharaoh, king of Egypt] : and behold this vine did bend
her roots towards him [Zedekiah ttu-ned away his confldence from Nebu
chadnezzar to Phai-aoh], and shot forth her branches towards him, that
he might water it by the furrows of her plantation. It was planted [had
been planted by Nebuchadnezzar] in a good soU by great waters, that it
might bring forth branches, and that it might bear fruit, that it might be
a goodly vine [fldeUty to Nebuchadnezzar would have made Zedekiah pros
perous]. Say thou, Thus saith the Lord God: ShaU it prosper? [now
that it bends towards the second eagle] shall he [Nebuchadnezzar] not
puU up the roots thereof, that it wither ? It shaU -wither in aU the leaves
of her spring, even without great power or many people to pluck it up by
the roots thereof [the work of plucking it up wiU be easy, not requiring a
numerous force]. Yea, behold, being planted shaU it prosper? shaU it
not utterly -wither when the east wind toucheth it ? [a new figure to repre
sent its destruction] it shaU -wither in the furrows where it grew."
There is a class of aUegories in the Old Testament which represent the

560 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
relation of God to his people under the figure of husband and ¦wife. Such
are the Song of Solomon, and the two remarkable aUegories in Ezekiel
(chapters 16 and 23). The luxuriant fulness of imagery in these aUegories
does not admit of interpretation in detaU. The general scope only of the
images is to be taken into account, since this contains the essential idea.
In the free style of the scriptural ¦writers the aUegory admits of the
introduction of literal clauses (" Thou hast cast out the heathen, and planted
it, " Psa, 80 : 8), and also of explanatory clauses, though not so readily as the
parable. See examples in Isa. 5:7; John 10 : 9, 11, 14.
7. The scriptural _pa?-«Wes have a rich variety of form, some
times approaching to that of the aUegory, when the interpreta
tion must be upon the same general principle. In its pure
form, however, the parable does not, like the allegory, repre
sent directly the higher spiritual truth, but is simply a narra
tive to illustrate it. It may be introduced in the absolute
form, like the parable of the barren fig-tree (Luke 13 : 6-9) ;
or, more commonly, in the shape of a similitude, thus: "The
kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man which sowed good
seed in his field " (Matt. 13 : 24) ; " Whereunto shall we hken
the kingdom of God? or with what comparison shall we com
pare it?" Mark 4:30. It may be left without explanation,
but more commonly an explanatory remark is added. So to
the parable of the two gons whom the father asked to work in
his vineyard is added the appUcation: "Verily I say unto
you, that the publicans and the harlots go into the kingdom of
God before you" (Matt. 21:28-31); and the parable of the
Pharisee and pubUcan is both introduced and foUowed by an
explanatory clause (Luke 18:9-14). AU such clauses are of
the highest importance for the interpretation of the parables
to which they are annexed. In the interpretation of a parable,
the first and most important thing is to ascei-tain the spiritual
truth which it is intended to inculcate. How far a spfritual
significance is to be sought for the particular incidents of par
ables is a question to be determined separately for each, accord
ing to its nature.
In the parable of the sower, which our Lord himseU interpreted (Matt.
13 : 3-8, 19-23), aU the parts are essential, singe the four difi'erent kinds of

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 561
soU represent four different classes of hearers. So in the parable of the
tares in the field (Matt. 13 : 24^0, 37-^3), the good seed so-wn by the owner
of the field, the tares so^wn by his enemy, the separation, at the time of
harvest, of the tares from the wheat, the burning of the tares, and the
gathering of the wheat into the barn, are all main incidents in its spiritual
appUcation. Not so in the parable of the ten virgins (Matt. 25 :1-13), of
which otu- Lord himself has given the scope, and, so far as we can see, the
only scope : "Watch, therefore, for ye know neither the day nor thehour
wherein the Son of man cometh." If we go farther, and inquire what is
the spiritual meaning of the lamps and oil-vessels, of the equal dirision of
the rirgins into five wise and five foolish, of the request of the fooUsh vir
gins that the ¦wise would give them oil, and the answer of the -wise vu-gins,
we nm into useless speculations. AU these particulars belong to the dra
pery of the parable, and are intended to make the story nattu-al and prob
able. In the pure form of the parable, the personages introduced to iUustrate
God's ways of proridence and grace do not, as in the aUegory, directly
represent God himself. It is not necessary, therefore, that there be in aU
cases a correspondence between their character and that of the holy God.
It is sufficient if the words and deeds ascribed to them truly Ulustrate the
spiritual principle in question. In the parable of the unforgiving servant
(Matt. 18 : 23.-85), his lord " commanded him to be sold, and his wife and
chUdren, and aU that he had, and payment to be made " (ver. 25) ; and after
wards he "was ¦wroth, and delivered him to the tormentors, tUl he should
pay aU that was due unto him " (ver. 34). We need not trouble ourselves
about the reasonableness of these acts on the part of an earthly lord. It is
sufficient for the end of the parable that they were in accordance ¦with the
usages of the age, and thus iUustrated the great truth which the parable
was intended to enforce : "So Uke^wise shaU my heavenly Father do also
unto you, if ye from your hearts forgive not every one his brother their
trespasses " (ver. 35). We have stiU more forcible iUustrations of this prin
ciple in such parables as those of the importunate friend (Luke 11 : 5-8),
the unjust judge (Luke 18 : 1-8), and the unfaithful steward (Luke 16 : 1-9).
The Sariour. does not compare God to an indolent friend, who ¦wiU not
arise to accommodate his neighbor -with bread tiU he is forced to do so by
his importunity ; nor to an unjust judge, who fears not God nor regards
men. But he draws illustralions from their conduct of the efficacy of im
portunate prayer ; adding, at the conclusion of each parable, its scope :
"And I say unto you, Ask, and it shaU be given you ; seek, and ye shaU
find ; knock, and it shaU be opened unto you" (Luke 11 : 9) ; "And shaU
not God avenge his own elect, which cry day and night unto him, though
he bear long with them ?" Luke 18 : 7. In the parable of the unfaithful
steward, our Lord introduces a fraudulent transaction — a transaction so
24*

562 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
manifestiy fraudulent that there is no danger of our thinking that it could
have his approbation — that he may thus iUustrate the importance oi pru
dent provision for the futm-e. By aUowing each of his lord's debtors to
diminish the amount due from him, he gains theu- favor, that in time of
need he may be received into their houses. For the right apprehension of
the parable, the words of the eighth verse are of primary importance :
"And the lord [the master of the steward] commended the unjust stew
ard, because he had done -wisely" [prudently, as the Greek word means].
Unjust as the steward's conduct was, he could not but commend it as a
prudent transaction for the end which he had in riew. Our Sariour adds :
"For the chUdren of this world are in theu- generation [more exactiy,
towards or in respect to their own generation ; that is, in deaUng -with men
of theu- own sort] wiser than the chUdren of light.'' The steward and his
lord's debtors were aU "chUdren of this world," and the transaction be
tween them was conducted upon worldly principles. Our Sariour would
have " the chUdren of Ught " — God's holy chUdren, who Uve and act in the
sphere of heavenly Ught — ^prorident of their everlasting weUare in the use
which they make of this world's goods, as this steward was of his earthly
welfai-Q when he should be put out of his stewardship. He accordingly
adds, as the scope of the parable (ver. 9) : "Make to yourselves friends of
[by the right use of] the mammon of unrighteousness [so caUed as being
-with unrighteous men the great object of pursuit, and too commonly
sought, moreover, by unrighteous means] ; that when ye faU [are discharged
from your stewardship by death], they may receive you [that is, the friends
whom ye have made by besto-wing your earthly riches in deeds of love and
mercy] into everlasting habitations." Our Lord uses the words, "they
may receive you, "in aUusion to the steward's language : " they may receive
me into their houses.'' They do not receive us by any right or authority
of theu- o-wn, for this belongs to Christ alone ; but they receive us in the
sense that they bear -witness before the throne of Christ to our deeds of
love and mercy, by which is manifested the reality of our faith, and thus
our title, through grace, to everlasting habitations. Compare the remark
able passage in Matt. 25 : 34^6, which furnishes a ti-ue key to the present
parable. 8. To determine whether a symbol is a real transaction or seen
only in vision, we must consider both its nature and the context.
When Ezekiel, at God's command, visits the temple-court, digs
in its waU, and sees the abominations practised there (chap. 8),
we know from his o-wn words (ver. 3) that the whole fransaction
was "in the visions of God." So also the remarkable vision of
dry bones. Chap. 37:1-14. But the symboUcal action that

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 563
foUows — the joining of two sticks into one — seems to be repre
sented as real ; for the people ask concerning it : " Wilt thou
not teU us what thou meanest by these?" (ver. 18), and the two
sticks are in the prophet's hand "before thefr eyes" (ver. 20).
The nature of the symboUcal fa-ansaction recorded in Jer.
32 : 6-12 — the purchase of Hanameel's field — with the accom
panying historical circumstances, shows that it was real. From
the nature of the vision of the chariot of God, on the contrary,
which Ezekiel saw (chap. 1 : 10), as well as from the accompa
nying notices (chaps. 1 : 1 ; 8 : 1-4), we know that it was repre
sented to the prophet's inner sense, not seen with his outward
-eyes. The moral character of the transactions recorded by
Hosea (chaps. 1—3) has led commentators to decide against
thefr Uteral occurrence.
In some cases we must remain in doubt whether the symboUcal trans
actions are real or seen in rision. How are we to understand, for example,
the transactions recorded in Isa. chap. 20 ; in Jer. chap. 13 : 1-11 ; in
Ezek. chap. 4 ? Conceming such examples expositors -wiU judge differ
entiy ; but in either way of understanding them, their meaning and the
instructions which they furnish are the same.
The subject of symbols -wUl come up again in connection
with that of prophecy. At present we consider simply the
general principles upon which they are to be interpreted. Here
we are to be guided first of aU by the -wi-iter's ow-n explanations.
Where these are wanting we must carefuUy study the nature of
the figui-es used, and the connections in which they occur.
The sacred writers very commonly indicate the meaning of the symbols
which they employ. Thus the prophet Isaiah is directed to loose the sack
cloth from his loins, and put off his shoe from his foot, walking naked and
barefoot. Chap. 20 : 2. Then foUows the explanation of this symboUcal
transaction : "Like as my servant Isaiah bath walked naked and barefoot
three years for a sign and wonder upon Egypt and Ethiopia ; so shaU the
king of Assyria lead away the Egyptians prisoners, and the Ethiopians
captives, young and old, naked and barefoot," etc. (ver. 3, 4). For other
examples see the symbol of the girdle (Jer. 13 : 1-7 compared with ver.
8-11) ; of the purchase of Hanameel's field (Jer. 32 : 6-12 compared with
ver. 13-15} ; of the removal of household stuff (Ezek. 12 : 3-7 compared

564 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
with ver. 8-12) ; of the plumb-Une (Amos 7 : 7, 8) ; of the four horns and
four smiths (Zech. 1 : 18-21) ; and many other symbolical transactions
which -wiU readily occur to the student of Scripture.
But sometimes the symbol is given without an explanation, or -with
only an obscm-e intimation of its meaning. The prophet Amos has a ris
ion of grasshoppers, and afterwards of a devouring fire, with only a gen
eral intimation that they denote heavy calamities, which the Lord in his
pity ¦wiU avert in answer to prayer. Amos 7 : 1-6. Here the nature of the
symbols, in connection -with the known situation of the IsraeUtish people,
shows that they represent the general desolation of the land by foreign
enemies. The prophet Ezekiel adds no interpretation to his rision of the
Lord enthroned in glory upon the firmament above the chariot with four
cherubim and four Uring wheels f uU of eyes, in the midst of which a bright
fire glows and Ughtnings blaze. Chaps. 1, 10. From a careful study of
the nature of this magnificent imagery we may infer -with probabUity that '
the cherubim -with their wheels, moring every way with the rapidity of
a flash of Ughtning, denote aU the agencies and instrumentaUties by which
God administers his government over the world, which are absolutely at
his command, and execute ¦with unerring certainty aU his high purposes.
The four faces of the cherubim, moreover, which answer to the four prin
cipal dirisions of Uring beings among the Hebrews, seem to represent the
f-alness of their endowments. The meaning of Ezekiel's rision of a New
Jerusalem, "with its temple and altar, comes more properly under the head
of prophecy. Some of the symbols ill the book of Zechariah are expound
ed with beautiftU clearness, as that of the two oUve-trees. Chap. 4 : 1-10.
Of others the meaning is only hinted -at in an enigmatical way ; so that
their interpretation is a matter of great difficulty and uncertainty. As
examples we may refer to the symbol of the ephah (chap. 5 : 5-11) ; of the
four chariots coming out from between two mountains of brass with horses
of different colors (ohap. 6 : 1-9 ; of the two staves, Beauty and Bands, with
which the prophet in rision is commanded to feed "the flock of the slaugh
ter," and which he is afterwards to break (chap. 11 :4^14), For the de
tails in the interpretation of these and other difficult symbols the reader
must be referred to the commentaries. Our limits wUl only aUow us to
indicate the general principles upon which the expositor must proceed.
9. There is a class of scriptural symbols which may be
caUed numerical. Thus seven is the well-known symbol of com
pleteness, four of universality, twelve of God's people. See
Chap. 32, No. 5. Under this head faU also those passages in
which a day is put for a year, or for an indefinitely long period
of time. One of the most certain examples is Daniel's proph-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 565
ecy of the seventy weeks that. were to precede the death of the
Messiah (chap. 9 : 24^27), for the details of which the reader is
referred to the commentators. Upon the same principle we
must, in all probabUity, interpret the " time ancl times and divi
ding of time," that is, three and a half years (Dan. 7 : 25) ; the
"forty and two months" (Eev. 11:2; 13:5); and the "thou
sand two hundred and threescore days" (Eev. 11:3; 12:6).
Compare Ezekiel 4 : 4^8, in which symbolical transaction a day
is expressly put as the symbol of a year. On the symbolical
interpretation of the six days of creation, see in Chap. 19,
No. 6.

566 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
SECOND DIVISION.
INTERPRETATION VIEWED ON THE DIVINE SIDE.

CHAPTEE XXXVI.
The Unity of Revelation.
1. " Known unto God are all his works from the beginning
of the world;" and therefore they constitute together a self-
consistent whole. To receive the Holy Scriptures as contain
ing a revelation from God is to acknowledge that they possess
an essential and all-pervading unity. Whoever speaks timidly
and hesitatingly of the essential harmony between the Old
Testament and the New, either refuses to acknowledge both as
given by inspiration of God, or he apprehends this great fun
damental truth only in a confused and imperfect manner. If
God spake by Moses and the prophets, as well as by Christ
and his apostles, it is vain to allege any contradiction in doc
trine or spirit between the former and the latter. So abso
lutely certain is it that the Saviour and his apostles built on
the foundation of the Old Testament, that to deny its dirine
authority is to deny that of the New Testament also.
2. But the unity of revelation, like that which pervades aU
the other works of God, is a unity in the midst qf diversity — di
versity in its contemporaneous parts, but especiaUy in its ^jrog-
ress. Illustrations without number are at hand. The history
of a plant of wheat, from the time when the kernel is sown in
the earth to the harvest, has perfect unity of plan. But how
unlike in outward form are the tender blade, the green stalk,
and the ripened ear ! The year constitutes a self-consistent
whole. But can any thing be more dissimilar in form than

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 567
spring and autumn? Yet no one thinks of finding a want of
harmony between the fragrant blossoms of the former, and the
ripened fruit of the latter. The path to the harvest lies through
the blossoms. Geologists dwell at great length on the varied
conditions through which our planet has passed, and the won
derfully diversified forms of vegetable and animal Ufe corre
sponding to these several conditions. Yet in this endless
diversity of outward form they recognize from first to last a
deep underlying unity of plan. We might, then, reasonably
infer beforehand that if God should make a revelation of him
self to men, it would have not only unity but diver.sity qf out
ward form, especially diversity qf progress. The fact that the
revelation contained in the Bible has such diversity is one of
the seals of its genuineness.
3. We may consider this unity in diversity in respect to the
form qf God's kingdom. From Adam to Abraham God admin
istered the affairs of the human family as a whole, without any
visible organization of a church as distinct from the world at
large. From Abraham to Moses his church — using the term
church in a general sense — existed in a patriarchal form. With
the beginning of the Mosaic dispensation he put it into the
form of a state, of which he was the supreme head and law
giver, while its earthly rulers exercised under him all the func
tions of civU offices, the bearing of the sword, included. When
Christ came, he separated the church from the state, and gave
it its present spiritual and universal organization. In all this
diversity of outward form we recognize the progress of one
grand self-consistent plan.
4. We may now go back again to the beginning, and consider
the diversity in the forms qf public worship — the simple offer
ing of Abe], who " brought of the firstlings of his flock, and of
the fat thereof," the altars of the patriarchs, the gorgeous cer
emonial of the Mosaic economy with its priesthood and sacrifi
ces, " the service of song in the house of the Lord " added by
David, the synagogue service of later times, and, finally, the
spiritual priesthood of believers under the New Testament,

568 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
whose office is "to offer up spiritual sacrifices acceptable to
God by Jesus Christ " (1 Pet. 2:5); and show that through aU
this variety of outward form the essence of God's service has
ever remained unchanged, so that the example of primitive
believers is a model for our imitation. Heb. chap. 11.
5. We may show, again, that the saine manifoldness belongs
to the forms qf labor devolved on God's servants in different ages.
The work assigned to Noah was not that of Abraham ; nor was
Abraham's work that of Moses; nor the work of Moses that of
David; nor Darid's work that of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Eze
kiel ; nor did any one of the Old Testament believers receive
the broad commission : " Go ye into all the world, and preach
the gospel to every creature." They could not receive such a
commission, for the way was not yet prepared. Abraham must
sojourn in the land of promise "as in a strange country, dwell
ing in tabernacles with Isaac and Jacob" (Heb. 11 : 9) ; Moses
must lead Israel out of Egypt, and be God's mediator for the
law given on Sinai ; Joshua must take possession of the land of
promise and David maintain it, sword in hand; the prophets
must foretell the future glories of Christ's kingdom, not preach
it, as did the apostles, to all nations. But in the divine plan
this manifoldness of service constitutes a seU-consistent ancl
harmonious whole.
6. The same unity in diversity belongs to the spirit of revela
tion. FaiUng to apprehend the character of God in its entire-
ness, Marcion rent the seamless garment of divine perfection
into two parts, the one consisting of justice, which he assigned
to the " Demiurge " of the Old Testament, the other of goodness,
as the attribute of the supreme God of the New Testament.
He did not see that God's character is ahke infinite on both
sides ; that his justice is a justice of infinite goodness, and his
goodness a goodness of infinite justice. Hence he arrayed in
opposition to each other two caricatures of deity, the one drawn
from the Old Testament, the other from the New ; an error in
which he has had too many imitators in modern times. To see
the harmony of the spfrit that pervades the Holy Scriptures

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 569
from beginning to end in respect to the Divine character, we
shoiUd take a comprehensive instead of a partial view of their
representations. It is true that the Old Testament describes
God as infinite in hoUness and inflexibly just. But it also
describes him as " the Lord God, merciful and gracious, long-
suffering, and abundant in goodness and truth, keeping mercy
for thousands, forgiving iniquity and transgression and sin."
It is true that God's covenant under the Old Testament was
restricted to a single nation ; but this was, as has been hereto
fore shown, preparatory to a universal dispensation of mercy,
as when a general seizes one strong position with a view to
the conquest of an entire region. Chap. 18. It is true, on the
other hand, that the New Testament is, in a peculiar sense, a
revelation of God's mercy through Jesus Christ. But it is a
discriminating mercy, through which God's awful hohness and
justice shine with dazzling brightness. It is a mercy shown
not at the expense of justice, but in perfect harmony with it ;
a mercy sternly restricted, moreover, to those who comply with
the conditions on which it is offered. The gospel is a plan of
salvation, not of condemnation ; " for God sent not liis Son
into the world to condemn the world, but that the world through
him might be saved." John 3 : 17. Yet it brings condemna
tion to those who reject it ; for the Saviour immediately adds
(ver. 18) : " He that believeth on him, is not condemned ; but
he that beUeveth not is condemned already, because he hath
not believed in the name of the only begotten Son of God."
It is in the New Testament, not in the Old,- that we find the
most awful declarations of God's wrath against the finally im
penitent, some of them proceeding, too, from the lips of the
compassionate Saviour : " The Lord Jesus shall be revealed
from heaven, with his mighty angels, in flaming fire, taking
vengeance on them that know not God, and that obey not the
gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ : who shall be punished with
everlasting destruction from the presence of the .Lord, and
from the glory of his power" (2 Thess. 1 : 7, 9) ; " He that be
lieveth not the Son, shaU not see life ; but the wrath of God

570 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
abideth on him" (John 3 : 36) ; " These shall go away into ever
lasting punishment, but the righteous into life eternal " (Matt.
25 : 46).
7. The same harmony of spirit pervades both Testaments
in respect to the way qf salvation. On this momentous ques
tion the teachings of the New Testament are fuller than those
of the Old, but never in contradiction with them. The Old
Testament teaches that men are saved, not frpm the merit of
their good works, but from God's mercy : the New Testament
adds a glorious revelation respecting the ground of this mercy
in Jesus Christ. To exhibit in a clear light the reality of this
harmony, let us take a passage of the New Testament which
embodies in itself the substance of the way of salvation, and
compare with it the declarations of the Old Testament. The
following will be appropriate : " Not by works of righteousness
which we have done, but according to his mercy he saved us,
by the washing of regeneration, and renewing of the Holy
Ghost." Titus 3 : 5.
Not by works of righteousness ivhich we have done, but accord
ing to his mercy he saved us. " The Lord did not set his love
upon you, nor choose you, because ye were more in number
than any people ; for ye were the fewest of all people : but
because the Lord loved you, and because he would keep the
oath which he had sworn unto your fathers, hath the Lord
brought you out with a mighty hand, and redeemed you out
of the house of bondmen, from the hand of Pharaoh king of
Egypt" (Deut. 7:7, 8); "For thy name's sake, 0 Lord, pardon
mine iniquity, for it is great " (Psa. 25 : 11) ; " Have mercy
upon me, OGod, according to thy loving- kindness; according
unto the multitude of thy tender mercies blot out my trans
gressions" (Psa. 51 : 1) ; "I do not this for your sakes, O house
of Israel, but for my holy name's sake, which ye have pro
faned among the heathen whither ye went " (Ezek. 36 : 22) ;
"We do not present our supplications before thee for our right
eousness, but for thy great mercies" (Dan. 9 : 18).
By the washing of regeneration, and renewing ofthe Holy Ghost,

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 571
" Behold thou desirest truth in the inward parts ; and in the
hidden part thou shalt make me to know wisdom. Purge me
with hyssop ancl I shall be clean; wash me, and I shall be
whiter than snow." " Create in me a clean heart, O God ; and
renew a right spirit within me. Cast me not a-n-ay from thy
presence ; and take not thy Holy Spirit from me " (Psa. 51 : 6,
7, 10, 11); "I will put my law in their inward parts, and
write it in their hearts ; and will be their God, and they shall
be my people " (Jer. 31 : 33) ; " Then will I sprinkle clean water
upon you, and ye shall be clean : from all your filthiness, and
from all your idols, will I cleanse you. A new heart also will
I give you, and a new spirit wiU I put within you : and I will
take away the stony heart out of your flesh, and I will give
you a heart of flesh. And I will put my Spirit within you, and
cause you to walk in my statutes, and ye shall keep my judg
ments, aud do them" (Ezek. 36:25-27).
8. The stern character of the Mosaic dispensation is freely
admitted. As a preparatory dispensation, severity belonged
appropriately to it. " The law," says Paul, " was our school
master to bring us unto Christ, that we might be justified by
faith." Gal. 3 : 24. Its office was to educate the human con
science to such a point that it should be prepared for the fuU
revelation, of God's mercy in Christ. We may concede the
prominence of God's justice in the Old Testament, and his
mercy in the New ; but we must never forget that neither part
of cUrine revelation is complete in itself It is only when we
view them in their connection with each other, as parts of one
great whole, that we discern in them an aU-pervading unity
and harmony of spirit.
From the unity of revelation some inferences may be drawn
of a very practical character, especiaUy in reference to the
interpretation of the Old Testament.
9. Each particular communication from Ood to man must be,
ih its place and measure, perfect. For it proceeded fr-om the infi-

572 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
nite mind of God, who understood at the beginning the whole
plan of redemption, and who, when he made the first revela
tion concerning it, knew all that was afterwards to follow, and
said and did, in the most perfect way, -what was proper to be
said and clone at the time. The revelations of the Holy Spirit,
therefore, admit of a stupendous development, but no rectifica
tion or improvement. The very earliest of them contain the
germs of all that is to follow without any admixture of false
hood. There is a holding back of the fuU light reserved for
future ages, but no mist of error — nothing which, fairly inter
preted, will ever need to be retracted. For this reason the
very earliest of God's communications to men retain for us,
who live in these latter days, thefr pristine freshness and power.
Take, for example, the great primitive prophecy : " I wiU put
enmity between thee and the woman, and between thy seed and
her seed ; it shall bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel."
Gen. 3 : 15. We can find no words more pertinent to describe
the mighty confiict now going on between the kingdom of God
and th'at of Satan. What are they but a condensation into one
sentence of the history of redemption — a fiash of light from the
thfr-d heavens, which discloses at a glance man's destiny from
Eden to the trump of the archangel ? And so is it also with
the later prophecies concerning Christ ancl his kingdom. What
is true of the revelations of the Old Testament hold^ good of
all its institutions. In their place, and with reference to the end
which they proposed to accompUsh, they were aU perfect ; were
the best that could be given under existing cfrcumstances. At
the foundation of all our reasonings concerning the appoint
ments of the Old Testament must Ue the axiom : " As for God
his way is perfect."
10. The later revelations mu.st be taken as the true exponents qf
the earlier. This is but saying that the Holy Spirit is the frue
and proper expositor of his own communications to men.
Since, as we have seen, the first revelations were made in fuU
view of aU that was to foUow, the later revelations must be
considered not as a mass of foreign and heterogeneous materi-

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 573
als superadded to the original prophecies, but as a true expan
sion of the earUer prophecies out of their own proper sub
stance. For example, the promise made to Abraham : " In thy
seed shaU aU the nations of the earth be blessed " (Gen. 22 : 18),
is not so much a new promise as a further unfolding of the
original one : " It shaU bridse thy head." A further develop
ment of the same promise we have in Nathan's words to David :
" Thine house and thy kingdom shall be established for ever
before thee, thy throne shall be established for ever;" and in
all the bright train of prophecies in which the glory and uni
versal dominion of the Messiah's kingdx)m are foretold down to
the day of Gabriel's announcement to Mary : " He shaU be
great, and shaU be called the Son of the Highest; and the
Lord God shaU give unto him the throne of his father David.
And he shall reign over the house of Jacob for ever; and of
his kingdom there shaU be no end." Luke 1 : 32, 33.
And since the manifestation of God in the flesh is the cul
minating point of revelation, it follows that the Lord Jesus and
his apostles, whom he authoritatively commissioned to unfold
the doctrines of the gospel, must be, in a special sense, the
expositors of the Old Testament, from whose interpretations,
when once fairly ascertained, there is no appeal. The attempt
of some to make a distinction between Christ's authority and
that of his apostles is nugatory. As it is certain that our Lord
himself could not have been in error, so it is certain also that
he would not have commanded his apostles to teach all nations
concerning himself and his doctrines, and have fiirther given
them, in the possession of miraculous powers, the broad seal
of their commission, only to leave them subject to the common
prejudices and errors of their age. See further in Chap. 7,
Nos. 3, 4.
11. The extent of meaning contained in a given revelation must
he that which the Holy Spirit intended. It is not to be limited,
then, by the apprehension of those to whom it was originaUy
made. EarUer prophecy is, at least in many cases, framed with
a riew to the subsequent development of its meaning. UntU

574 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
such development is made by God himseU, either in the way
of further revelations, or indfrectly by the course of his provi
dence, men's apprehension of its meaning, though it may be
true as far as it goes, must yet be inadequate. To cite a sin
gle passage from one of the Old Testament prophecies: "It
hath pleased the Lord to bruise him ; he hath put him to grief ;
w-hen thou shalt make his soul an offering for sin, he shall see
his seed, he shaU prolong his days, and the pleasm-e of the
Lord shaU prosper in his hand." Isa. 53 : 10. No one wUl
maintain that the Jews before our Lord's advent (aU carnal
prejudices aside) could nave had that apprehension of its deep
meaning which it is our pririlege to enjoy. This meaning was
contained in the promise fr-om the first, but in an imdeveloped
form. Accordingly the prophets themselves " inqufred and
searched diUgently " concerning the import of their utterances
and the time of thefr fulfilment. 1 Pet. 1 : 11. They who deny
the reaUty of prophetic inspfr-ation are necessitated, for consis
tency's sake, to deny also the principle now laid do-wn. But if
revelation be a true communication fr-om God to men, it is rea
sonable to beUeve that it should have contained from the
beginning the germs of mighty events in the distant future, the
reaUzation of which in history should be, in connection with
further revelations from God, its true expositor.
12. The more obscure declarations qf Scripture are to be inter
preted from tlie clearer. A single passage of God's word occa
sionaUy gives us a glimpse c^f some great truth nowhere else
referred to in Scripture. Of this we have a remarkable exam
ple in what the apostle says of Christ's delivering up the king
dom to the Father upon the completion of the work of redemp
tion. 1 Cor. 15 : 24-28, But no gi-eat truth relating to the
wav of salvation through Christ is thus taught obscurely and
in some single passage of Scripture. Every such truth per
vades the broad current of revelation, and shines forth from its
pages so clearly that no candid inqufrer can faU to apprehend
its true meaning. If, then, we find in the Bible dark and diffi
cult passages, they must, if interpreted at all, be explained, not

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 575
in contradiction -with what is clearly and faUy taught, but in
harmony with it. This is but saying that, instead of using
what is obscure to darken what is clearly revealed, we should,
as far as possible, iUustrate that which is dark by that which
is (dear. The Scriptures teach, for example, with abundant clearness, that Christ
is the only foundation on which the church can rest. Isa. 28 : 16 ; 1 Cor.
3:11; Ephes. 2 : 20 ; 1 Pet. 2 : 6. This is, indeed, an office which plainly
requires for its exercise that omnipotence, and that supreme power in
heaven and earth which are expressly ascribed to him. Matt. 11 : 27 ;
28 : 18 ; John 5 : 19-30 ; 17 : 2 : 1 Cor. 15 ; 24-28 ; Ephes. 1 : 20-23 ; PhU.
2 : 9-11 ; Col. 1 : 15-19 ; Heb. 1 : 3. When, therefore, our Lord says to
Peter : "Thon art Peter [that is, as the word Peter means in the original.
Thou art Roclc\, ahd upon this rock -wiU I btdld my church " (Matt. 16 : 18),
to understand Peter, or any pretended successor of Peter, as a rock in any
other sense- than as an eminent instrument in Christ's hand for the estab
lishment of his church, is absurd and blasphemous.
Again : Christ gives to Peter the keys of the kingdom of heaven, with
power to bind and loose (Matt, 16 :19), and elsewhere the same power is
conferred upon aU the apostles (Matt. 18 : 18). That Peter and his associ
ates in the apostieship had the keys of the kingdom of heaven in any such
sense as that in which Christ has them (Eev. 3:7); that is, that they had
authoritative power to admit their feUow-sinners to heaven, or exclude
them from heaven, is contrary to the whole tenor of the New Testament,
which everywhere represents Christ as the supreme Judge, upon whose
decision depends the everlasting destiny of every chUd of Adam. Matt.
7 : 21, 22 ; 16 : 27 ; 25 : 31-46 ; John 17 : 2 ; Acts 17 : 31 ; 2 Cor. 5 : 10).
Christ's words concerning the keys may be best understood of the special
authority which he bestowed on the apostles, as inspired teachers and
gnides of his primitive church, to settle aU questions respecting her. For
eminent examples of the exercise of this power, see the decisions concem
ing GentUe converts. Acts 11 : 1-18 ; 15 : 1-29. In this sense the gift of the
keys ceased ¦with that of inspiration. But if, as some think, the words
may be understood of the common power conferred by Christ on his
churches to regulate their o-wn affairs, to administer discipUne, and to
admit or exclude from their communion, the power continues in this sense
in the visible church, and is vaUd so far as it is exercised in accordance
with God's word.
So also must we interpret the words of Christ recorded by the apostie
John : "And when he had said this, he breathed on them, and said tmto
them. Receive ye the Holy Ghost ; whosesoever sins ye remit, they are
remitted unto them ; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained."

576 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Chap. 20 : 22; 23. The authoritative forgiveness of sin is a prerogative of
God alone, the exercise of which impUes omniscience as weU as supreme
authority in heaven and earth. The prerogative of remitting and retain
ing men's sins here conferred on the aposties is part of the general power
of binding and loosing already considered. It was exercised in the sphere
of the -visible church on earth. As it respects the actual forgiveness of sin
and consequent admission of the soul to communion -with God here and
eternal Ufe hereafter, God's ministers can only declare the terms of salva
tion as they are set forth in the gospel.
The same general principle is applicable to the interpretation of aU
passages containing "things hard to be understood." The "unlearned
and unstable " wrest them, by taking them out of their connection and in
contradiction to the general tenor of God's word. But the candid student
of Scripture never uses that which is difficult in revelation to obscure that
which is plain. He seeks, on the contrary, to iUumine what is dark by
that which shines -with a clear and steady Ught.
13. As a fitting close to this part of our subject we add
some remarks on the analogy of faith. " We may define it to
be that general rule of doctrine which is deduced, not from two
or three parallel passages, but from the harmony qf all parts of
Scripture in the fundamental points of faith and practice."
Home's Introduct., vol. 1, p. 269, edit. 1860. It is based on
two fundamental principles ; first, that " aU Scripture is given
by inspfration of God," and therefore constitutes a self-consist
ent whole, no part of which may be interpreted in contradiction
with the rest; secondly, that the truths to which God's word
gives the greatest prominence, and which it inculcates in the
greatest variety of forms, must be those of primary importance.
Thus understood, the analogy of faith is a sure guide to the
meaning of the inspired volume. He who foUows it will dUi
gently and prayerfully study the whole word of God, not certain
selected parts of it; since it is from the whole Bible that we
gather the system of dirine revelation in its fulness and just pro
portions. " If we come to the Scriptures with any preconceived
opinions, and are more desirous to put that sense upon the
text which coincides with our sentiments rather than with the
truth, it then becomes the analogy of our faith rather than that
of the whole system." Horne, uU supra. In this substitution

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 577
of " the analogy of our faith " for the analogy of Scripture lies
the foundation of sectarian controversy.
Again; he who foUows the true analogy of faith will not
aUow a doctrine which runs through the whole tenor of divine
revelation to be weakened or set aside in the interest of some
other scriptural doctrine.
The Scriptures teach, for example, -with great frequency and clearness,
that men are saved, not from the merit of their good works, but solely by
God's free grace through faith in Jesus Christ. They teach also with
equal frequency and clearness that ¦without repentance and obedience to
the divine law there is no salvation. These two deductions are not contra
dictory, but supplementary to each other. They present two sides of one
and the same way of salvation. Tet it may happen that a BibUcal student
¦wiU find himseU unable to reconcUe in a logical way two such deductions
as the foUowing : "Therefore we conclude that a man is justified by faith
¦without the deeds of the law " (Eom. 3 : 28) ; "Not every one that saith
unto me. Lord, Lord, shaU enter into the kingdom of heaven ; but he that
doeth the ¦wiU of my Father which is in heaven " (Matt. 7 : 21) . ^What then
shaU we counsel him to do ? Plainly it is his duty, first of aU, to receive
and hold both doctrines. Afterwards he may properly seek to reconcUe
them ¦with each other in a logical way ; but if he fails to accomplish this
task to his satisfaction, he must not deny one truth, or sink its importance,
in the interest of the other. The same general principle appUes to various
other doctrinal difiSculties, which need not be here specified.
FinaUy, a true regard to the analogy of faith -wiU make our
system of beUef and practice entire and well propoi'tioned in aU
its parts. Every declaration of God's word is to be received
in a reverent and obedient spfrit. But inasmuch as the Scrip
tures insist much more earnestly and foUy on some things than
on others, it is our wisdom to foUow, in this respect, the lead
ings of the Holy Spirit. It wiU be the aim of the enUghtened
beUever to give to each doctrine and precept of revelation the
place and prominence assigned to it in the Bible. EspeciaUy
wiU he be careful that no obscure or doubtful passage of Scrip
ture be aUowed to contradict the plain teachings of inspfration.
The practical study of the Bible, that is, the study of it as "profitable
for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instraction in righteousness,"
resolves itseU in a great measure into the comparison of Scripture -with
Comp, to RIM*. ^^

578 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
Scriptm-e, especiaUy the comparison of doct-n'nal parallelisms. AU that
the Bible teaches from Genesis to Eevelation concerning God's being and
attributes, his proridential government over man, the person and offices of
Christ and the way of salvation through him, and the flnal destiny of the
righteous and the wicked, should be dUigently compared, that from the
whole we may gather a fuU and weU-proportioned system.of failA and prac
tice as it is contained in the pages of inspiration. So far as -ne faU to do
this otu- riew of divine truth is defective and disproportioned. The sol
emn warning in respect to the last book of revelation appUes ¦with equal
force to revelation as a whole : "If any man shaU add unto these things,
God shaU add unto him the plagues that are ¦written in this book : and U
any man shaU take away from the words of the book of this prophecy,
God shaU take away his part out of the book of Ufe, and out of the holy
city, and from the things that are ¦written in this book.'" Bev. 22 : 18. 19.

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 579

CHAPTEE XXXVII.
Scriptural Types.
1. The material world is full of analogies adapted to the
•fllustration of spfritual things. No teacher ever drew from
this inexhaustible storehouse such a rich variety of examples
as our Sariour. His disciples are the salt of the earth, the
light of the world, and a city set on a hiU. From the ravens
which God feeds and the lilies which God clothes, he teaches
the unreasonableness of worldly anxiety. The Idngdom of
heaven is like seed sown in different soils, like a field of wheat
and tares growing together, and like seed that springs up and
grows the sower Isnows not how. Again it is like a net cast
into the sea, like a grain of mustard seed, and like leaven hid
in three measures of meal. When the Saviour opens his Ups
the whole world of nature stands ready to famish him with
arguments and iUusfrations; as weU it may, since the God of
nature is also the God of revelation. The world of secular
activity abounds in Uke analogies, on which another class of
our Lord's parables is based ; like that of the vineyard let out
to husbandmen, the servants intrusted with different talents,
the ten rirgins, the importunate friend, the unjust judge, the
unfaithful steward, the prodigal son, and others that need not
be enumerated. Analogies Uke these, however, do not prop
erly constitute types. Types rest on a foundation of analogy,
but do not consist in analogy alone.
2. In the history of God's people, moreover, as weU as of
the world which he governs -with reference to them, the present
is continuaUy foreshadowing something higher in the future. This
must be so, because the train of events in thefr history consti
tutes, in the plan of God, neither a loose and disconnected
series nor a confused jumble of incidents, like a heap of stones
thrown together without order or design, but a well-ordered

580 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
whole. It is a building, in which the parts now in progress
indicate what is to foUow. It is the development of a plant, in
which "the blade" foreshadows "the ear," and the ear, "the
fuU corn in the ear." The primal murder, when " Cain rose up
against Abel his brother, and slew him," "because his own
works were evil and his brother's righteous," was the inaugu
ration of the great confiict between the seed of the woman and
the seed of the serpent — the forerunner of the higher struggle
in Egypt between Pharaoh on the side of the devU, and the
covenant people on the side of the seed of the woman. This
struggle in Egypt, again, foreshadowed the stUl higher contest
between truth and error in the land of Canaan — a contest which
endured through so many centuries, and enUsted on both sides
so many kings and mighty men ; and which, in its turn, ushered
in the grand conffict between the kingdom of Christ and that
of Satan, a conflict that began on the day of Pentecost, and is
yet in progress. This continual foreshadowing of the future
by the present is essentially of a typical nature, yet it does not
constitute, in and of itseU, what we understand by a type in the
ordinary usage of the term.
3. A type is a symbol appointed by God to adumbrate some
thing higher in the future, which is caUed the antitype. This def
inition includes three particulars : (1.) The type must be a true
adumbration of the thing typified, though, from the very nature
of the case, the adumbration must be inadequate— a shadow
only of the antitype, and not its substance. Thus the paschal
lamb was a type of Christ, though there is infinitely more in
the antitype than in the type. (2.) The symbol must be oj
divine appointment, and as such, designed by Grod to represent
the antitype. We must carefuUy remember, however, that,
from the very nature of the case, the divine intention cannot
be clearly announced when the type is instituted. The paschal
lamb typified " the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin
of the world;" but it was not tUl centuries after the institution
of the passover that God began to intimate by, the prophets
the approaching sacrifice of the great Antitype (Isa. chap. 53 ;

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 581
Zech. 13 : 7), and the full import of the type was revealed only
when the sacrifice of "Christ our passover" had been accom
pUshed on Calvary. (3.) Since the type is " a shadow of good
things to come," it foUows that the antitype must belong to the
future. A pure synibol may belong to the present or the near
future. It may represent something that now exists, or is com
ing into existence, in respect to which concealment is not neces
sary. Hence we find the sacred writers freely explaining the
meaning of the symbols which they employ (Numb. chap. 17 ;
Josh. 4 : 1-7 ; 1 Sam. 7 : 12 ; 10 : 1, and the same symbol of
anointing often elsewhere ; 1 Kings 11 : 29-39 ; 22 : 11, where a
false prophet uses a symbol-; Isa. chap. 20; Jer. 1:11-14;
13 : 1-11, and elsewhere ; Ezek. chap. 3, and in many other
passages; Amos 7:1-9; 8:1-3; Zech. 1:8-11, and elsewhere).
The true type, on the contrary, reckoned from the time of its
institution, looks forward to the distant future. The high real
ity which it foreshadows may be intimated by the prophets
" as in a glass darkly," but the appearance of the antitype can
alone furnish a fuU explanation of its meaning.
The types of the Old Testament have been variously classi
fied. We propose to consider them under the two dirisions of
historical and Ktual types.
I. HISTOEICAL TYPES.
4. The extravagance of a class of BibUcal expositors in con
verting the Old Testament history into allegory typical of per
sons and events under the gospel dispensation has produced a
strong reaction, leading some to deny altogether the existence
of historical types. But this is going to the other extreme of
error. No man who acknowledges the writers of the New
Testament to be true expositors of the meaning of the Old can
consistently deny the existence in the Old Testament of such
types, for they interpret portions of its history in a typical way.
But it is of the highest importance that we understand, in
resjject to such history, that it has a true and proper significance
of its own, without respect to its typical import. It is not alle-

582 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
gory, which has, UteraUy taken, no substance. It is not mere
type, Uke the rites of the Mosaic law, the meaning of which is
exhausted in their office of foreshadowing the antitype. It is
veritable history, vaUd for the men of its o-wn day, fulfiUing its
office in the plan of God's proridence, and containing, when
we look at it simply as history, its o-wn lessons of instruction.
We caU it typical history because, foUowing the guidance of
the New Testament -writers, we are constrained to regard it as
so ordered and shaped by God's proridence as to prefigure
something higher in the Christian dispensation.
No careftd student of the New Testament can for a moment doubt that
Darid's kingdom typifled the kingdom of Christ. There is, indeed, a very
important sense in which Darid's kingdom was identical with that of
Christ ; for its main element was the visible church of God, founded on
the covenant made -with Abraham, and therefore in aU ages one and indi
visible. Eom. 11 : 17-24 ; Gal, 3 : 14-18 ; Ephes. 2 : 20. But we now
speak of Darid's kingdom in its outward form, which was temporary and
typical of something higher. In this sense it is mamfest that God ap
pointed it to foreshadow that of the Messiah. Darid's headship adtun-
. brated the higher headship of the Eedeemer ; his conflicts with the ene
mies of God's people and his final triumph over them, Christ's conflicts and
rictories. The same thing was ti-ue of Solomon, and in a measure of aU
the kings of Darid's Une, so far as they were true to iheu- office as the
di^rinely appointed leaders of the covenant people. Unless we adopt this
principle, the riew which the New Testament takes of a large number of
Psalms — the so-caUed Messianic psalms — ^becomes utterly visionary.
But neither Darid's kingdom nor his headship over it was mere type.
The nation over which he presided was a historic reaUty, a true power
among the other nations of the earth. Hi,<! leadership also, -with its con
flicts and triumphs, belongs to true history. It brought to the people of
his o^wn day true deUverance from the power of their enemies ; and it con
tains, when we stiidy it -without reference to its typical character, true les
sons of instruction for aU ages.
The declarations of Scripture in respect to the typical nature of the
prophetical office are not so numerous and decisive as those which relate to
the kingly office. There is, however, a remarkable passage in the book of
Deuteronomy, from which we may legitimately infer that it was truly typ
ical of Christ. When God had addressed the people directiy from the
midst of the cloud and flre on Sinai, unable to endure this mode of com
munication between God and man, they besought God that he would

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 583
henceforth address them through the ministry of Moses: "Speak thou
¦with us, and we wiU hear : but let not God speak -with us, legt we die. "
Exod. 20: 19. With reference to this request, God said to Moses : "They
have weU spoken that which they have spoken. I ¦wiU raise them up a
prophet from among their brethren, like unto thee, and wiU put my words
in his mouth : and he shaU speak unto them all that I shaU command him.
And it shaU come to pass, that whosoever will not hearken unto my words
which he shaU speak in my name, I wiU require it of him. " Deut. 18 : 17-
19. The essential points of this promise are, that the promised prophet
shaU be like Moses, one whose words shaU be invested -with supreme author
ity ; and, especiaUy, that he shaU be raised up from among their brethren,
and shaJl therefore be a man like themselves. The promise was manifestiy
intended to meet the wants of the covenant people from, that day and on
ward Tet the great Prophet in whom it was fulfiUed did not appear tiU
after the lapse of fifteen centuries or more. But in the mean time the
promise was truly fulfiUed to God's people in a typical way through the
succession of prophets, who spake in God's name, and who were men Uke
their brethren to whom they were sent. In these two essential particulars
the prophetical office truly prefigured Christ, its great Antitype.
The Old Testament contains not only typical orders of men, but typical
transactions also ; that is, transactians which, whUe they had their own
proper significance as a part of the history of God's church, ^ere yet so
ordered by God as to. shadow forth -with remarkable clearness and force
the higher truths of Christ's kingdom. Such are the transactions between
Melchizedek and Abraham recorded in the fourteenth chapter of Genesis.
Considered simply in itseU, Melchizedek's priesthood belongs to the class
. of ritual types. But in the record of his intercourse ¦with Abraham there
is an accumulation of historic cU-cumstances an-anged by God's proridence
to shadow forth the higher priesthood of Christ. (1.) He united in his
person the kingly and priestly offices, as does the Messiah. In the hundred
and tenth Psalm it is, in Uke manner, a king invested by God -with univer
sal sovereignty, to whom the declaration is made : "The Lord hath sworn,
and -wiU not repent. Thou art a priest for ever, after the order of Melchiz
edek.'' (2.) In official dignity he was higher than Abraham, and thus
higher than any of Abraham's descendants by natural generation ; for
Abraham paid tithes to him, and received from him the priestiy blessing
(Gen. 14 : 19, 20) ; "And without all contradiction the less is blessed of the
better." Heb. 7 : 7. (3.) Hi,'! priesthood was witho-ut limitation, and had
thus the attribute of universality. It was not restricted in its exercise by
nationaUty, for Abraham was not one of his people. (4.) He did not be
long to a Une of priests, who transmitted their office from father to son.
He was, so far as we know from the record, without predecessors, and had
no successor in his priesthood. The author of the epistie to the Hebrews

584 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
describes him as one who is "¦without father, ¦without mother, without
pedigree" (marginal rendering), "having neither beginning of days nor
end of life : but made like unto the Son of God ; abideth a priest contin
uaUy." Heb. 7:3. In the interpretation of this diffictdt passage, we mnst
begin with the ariomatic principle that Melchizedek was a human beiiig.
He could not have been, as some have thought, the Son of God himseU ;
for how could the Son of God be "made Uke unto the Son of God ?" Nor
could he have been an angel ; for angels are not partakers of human nature,
and cannot therefore typify him who came in human nature to deUver those
who are "partakers of fiesh and blood." Heb. 2 : 14-18 ; 4 : 15 ; 5 : 1, 2.
And if he was a proper man, then he was " -without father, without mother,
without pedigree," not in an absolute sense, but -with reference to hiaipriest-
hood. He was a priest whose genealogy is not mentioned, because his
priesthood was not restricted, like that of the Leritical priests, to any partic
ular line of descent. He held his priesthood from God, -without predeces
sors or successors. The words that foUow — " ha^ring neither beginning of
days nor end of hfe : but made like unto the Son of God ; abideth a priest
continuaUy " — are more difficult. It is certain, however, that they cannot
be understood absolutely. They are commonly interpreted upon the same
principle as the preceding words ; namely, that in omitting from the in
spired record every limitation of Melchizedek's Ufe as weU as descent, it
was God's purpose to shadow forth the'tmUmited nature of Christ's priest
hood ; that, in tmth, the apostle describes Melchizedek, the type, in terms
which hold good in their fuU meaning only of Christ the great Antitype.
They who, admitting that Melchizedek was a human being, find the inter
pretation unsatisfactory, must leave the apostle's words shrouded in mys-
tei-y. But whatever obscurity there is in the scriptural notices of Melchizedek,
they abimdantly af&rm the typical nature of his priesthood as distinguished
from that of the Levitical priests. He was a type of Christ not simply as
a priest, but also in the pectdiar character of his priesthood. He united
-with his priesthood the kingly office ; was superior in dignity to Abraham
himseU, and thus to the Leritical priests ; and his priesthood had the attri
bute of tmiversaUty. Here, then, we have an undoubted example of a his
toric type.
It is not -without reason that the deUverance of the covenant people
from Egypt, their journey through the ¦wilderness of Arabia under God's
guidance, and their final settlement in the land of promise, have been
regarded as typical of the higher redemption, guidance, and salvation
received through Christ. From the earUest ages of the Christian ahm-ch
this wonderful history has been an inexhaustible storehouse of analogies
for the iUustration of Christian experience. In his pUgrimage through
this vale of tears, the beUever instinctively turns to it for instruction and

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 585
encouragement. The mighty interposition of God when the IsraeUtes
were "yet -without strength" in their bondage ; their protection through
the blood of the paschal lamb sprinkled on the doors of their houses when
the destroyer passed through Egypt ; the opening of a way through the
Eed sea when aU human means of escape faUed them ; the journey through
the wUderness ; the pUlar of cloud by day and of fire by night to guide,
the water from the rock to refresh, the manna from heaven morning by
morning to feed them ; God's faithful discipUne in contrast with human
unbeUef, waywardness, and foUy ; the final preparation for the conquest
of Canaan and its successful accomplishment — ^this whole series of events
is wonderfuUy adapted to iUustrate the course of Christian experience, and
who sliaU say that God did not order it with a riew to this end ? We do
not resolve it into mere type. We acknowledge it to be true history, vaUd
to the men of that age — a true earthly deUverance, guidance, and suste
nance in the trildemess, conducting to the possession of a true earthly
inheritance. But we say that it is a history so ordered by God as to typ
ify the higher pUgrimage of the beUever to the heavenly Canaan. It is
undeniable that the -writer to the Hebrews regards the rest of the covenant
people in the land of promise as a type of the rest of heaven. Heb. 3 : 7 —
4 : 11. And if that part of the history was typical, it is reasonable to infer
that the whole was typical. It belongs to the nature of a type that it
should, on the one hand, come short of the fulness of meaning that belongs
to the antitype, and, on the other, should contain some things which flnd
no correspondence in that which it adumbrates. The priesthood of the
sons of Aaron, as we shaU see, typified Christ's priesthood, but only inad
equately, as a shadow represents the substance ; whUe sinfulness, which
belonged to all the priests of Aaron's Une, not only did not correspond to
the character of the Antitype, but was in contradiction -with it. So is it
also with the historical types that have been under consideration. They
represent the antitype inadequately, and only in certain respects.
II. RITUAL TYPES.
5. The sacrifices were the central part of the Jewish ritual.
But sacrifices imply offerers, a personal God to whom the offer
ing is made, and a ¦priesthood through which it is presented.
In the primitive ages of the world, men offered sacrifices in
their own behalf and that of their household in whatever place
it was their chance to sojourn. Gen. 4 : 4 ; 8 : 20 ; 12 : 7, 8 ; 31 : 54 ;
33 : 20 ; 35 : 1, 7; 46 : 1 ; Job 1:5; 42 : 8. But upon the estab
lishment of the Mosaic economy, the priestly office was restrict
ed to the family of Aaron. Thenceforward all who wished to
25*

586 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
offer sacrifices must bring them through the mediation of the
priests of Aaron's line. It belonged to the nature of the Mosaic
economy, that God should have a visible dweUing-place among
the IsraeUtes. The dfrections for the construction of the tab
ernacle -with its furniture are introduced by the words: "Let
them make me a sanctuary; that I may dweU among them."
Exod. 25 : 8. The material sanctuary, then, was God's risible
dweUing-place, where he manifested himseU to his people, and
received their worship according to the rites of his own appoint
ment ; the whole being, as we shaU see, typical of higher real
ities pertaining to our redemption throngh Christ. And as
this earthly sanctuary was God's chosen dweUing-place, it fol
lowed, as a necessary consequence, that after its erection aU
the sacrifices must be brought to its altar, and presented there
to God through the priesthood of his appointment.
6. The Mosaic tabernacle was a movable structure very sim
ple in its plan. Its frame-work on three sides consisted of
upright boards, or rather timbers (for, according to the unani
mous representation of the Je-wish rabbins, they were a cubit
in thickness), standing side by side, and kept in position by
transverse bars passing through golden rings. Thus was formed
an enclosure ten cubits in height, thirty cubits in length from
east to west, and ten cubits in width ; the eastern end, which
constituted the front, having only a vaU suspended from five
piUars of shittim-wood. Over this enclosure, and hanging
down on either side, was spread a rich covering formed by
coupling together eleven curtains of "fine-twined Unen, and
blue, and purple, and scarlet, with cherubim of cunning work."
Over this was another covering, formed from the union of ten
curtains of goats' hafr ; and above two other coverings, the one
of rams' skins dyed red, and the other, or outermost, of bad
gers' skins. Surrounding the tabernacle was a court one hun
dred cubits long and fifty wide, enclosed by curtains of fine-
twined Unen supported on piUars five cubits high. The taber
nacle itseK was dirided by a vaU supported on four pUlars into
two parts ; the inner sanctuary, or " holy of hoUes," ten cubits

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 587
every way, and the outer, or "holy place," twenty cubits long
by ten in breadth and height.
In a -wider sense the whole movable sti-ucture -within the court is caUed
the tabernacle. But in a stiicter sense the rich inner curtain is distin
guished in the Mosaic description as the tabernacle, whUe the curtain of
goats' hair is caUed the tent. Exod. 26 : 1 ; 7 ; 36 : 8, 14, 19. The trae
meaning pf the word rendered in our version badgers is tmcertain. Some
think that the seal is referred to.
7. We have seen that the tabernacle was God's visible dweU-
ing-place. But the palace of a king has its audience-rooms,
where he receives his subjects and attends to thefr petitions.
In Uke maimer the Mosaic tabernacle, and afterwards the tem
ple, had its "holy of hoUes" and its "holy place," the former
being in a special sense the abode of Israel's God. The taber
nacle, with its furniture, priesthood, and services, is declared
in the New Testament to have been " a shadow of good things
to come." Heb. 10 : 1, and elsewhere. Unless we understand
this its typical character, we faU to gain any true apprehension
of its meaning.
8. In contemplating the truths which the Mosaic taberna
cle shadowed forth, we begin with the materials used in its con
struction. Here we notice two things ; thefr preciousness, and
the gradation observed in this respect.
(1.) Thefr preciousness. AU the materials were of the most
durable and costly character — gold, sUver, fine-twined linen of
blue and ptu'ple and scarlet, acaeia-wood (the shittim-wood of
our version), brass being aUowed only in the external appoint
ments. This obriously represented the glory and exceUence of
God's serrice, and the corresponding obUgation on the part of
the worshippers to give to God the best of aU that they had.
(2.) The gradation in the preciousness of the materials had
reference to the inner sanctuary, where, as wiU presently be
shown, God dwelt between the cherubim that overshadowed
the mercy-seat. The rule of gradation was this : the nearer to
Grod's d-weUing-place the greater the glory; and hence, as
shadowing forth this glory, the more precious the materials.

588 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The mercy-seat, where God dwelt between the cherubim, was
accordingly of pure gold. All the woodwork pertaining to the
tabernacle and its furniture was overlaid with gold. The inner
or proper covering of the tabernacle, as also the vail that hung
before the ark, separating the holy from the most holy place,
was of "fine-twined linen, and blue, and purple, and scarlet,
with cherubim of cunning work." The outer vaU, at the en
trance of the outer sanctuary, was of the same materials, but
-n'ithout the cherubim ; while the curtains of the court were
made simply of fine-twined linen, susjDended from piUars of
shittim-wood not overlaid with gold. The sockets, again, that
supported the timbers of the tabernacle and the inner row of
pillars before the ark were of silver; but those beneath the
outer piUars of the sanctuary, and all the pillars of the court,
were of brass.
9. Passing to the appointments of the tabernacle, we natu
rally begin with the inner sanctuary. Here between the wings
of the cherubim that overshadowed the mercy-seat, or lid of
the ark, was the Slwkinah, or visible dwelling-place of Jehovah.
In the ark beneath the mercy-seat were placed, by God's direc
tion, the two tables of the law. Exod. 25 : 16 compared with
1 Kings 8 : 9. This was their appropriate place. It shadowed
forth the great truth that God is the fountain of law, and that
they who approach him must come in the spirit of true obe
dience. That God's dweUing-place was between the cherubim we leam from the
original direction for the construction of the ark : ' ' And thou shalt put
the mercy-seat above upon the ark ; and in the ark thou shalt put the tes
timony that I shaU give thee. And there -wUl I meet with thee, and I -wUl
commune -with thee from above the mercy-seat, from between the two
cherubim which are upon the ark of the testimony, of aU things which I
wUl give thee in commandment unto the children of Israel " Exod. 25 : 21,
12. In accordance -with these words God repeatedly promised that he
jfould meet ¦with Moses at the mercy-seat (Exod. 30 : 36 ; Lev. 16 : 2 ;
"S^umb. 17 : 4) ; and after the dedication of the tabernacle and its altar, it
is recorded that "when Moses was gone into the tabernacle of the congi-e-
gation to speak -with Him, then he heard the voice of one speaking unto

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 589
him from off the mercy-seat that was upon the ark of testimony, from be
tween the two cherubim." Numb. 7 : 89. Hence Jehovah is described in
the Old Testament as he that dweUs between the cherubim. 1 Sam. 4:4;
2 Sam. 6 : 2 ; 2 Kings 19 : 15 ; Psa. 80 : 1 ; 99 : 1 ; Isa. 37 : 16.
10. In the outer sanctuary, before the vail that separated it
from the holy of holies, stood, on the south side, the golden.can-
dlestick, with its seven lamps burning always before the Lord
(Exod. 27:20; 40:24, 25; Lev. 24:25), and on the north side
the table of show-bread, with its twelve loaves renewed every
week (Exod. 25 : 30 ; 40 : 22, 23 ; Lev. 24 : 5-9). These typified
the Ught and the life that come from God's presence through
the ordinances of his appointment ; and since the end of these
ordinances is Jesus Christ, they shadowed him forth as the
light of the world and the bread of life. John 8 : 12 ; 12 : 46 ;
6 : 35-58 ; and especiaUy John 1 : 4. Between the golden can
dlestick ancl the table of show-bread, consequently directly in
front of the ark, and separated from it by the inner vaU, was
the golden altar qf incense, on which the priests burned sweet
incense every morning and evening before the Lord (Exod.
30:6-8; 40:26, 27), whereby was shadowed forth Christ's
intercession, through which the prayers of saints are made
acceptable to God.
In the book of Revelation an angel is represented as offering upon this
golden altar much incense -with the prayers of aU saints. "And the smoke
of the incense, which came "with the prayers of the saints, ascended up
before God out of the angel's hand." Rev. 8 : 3, 4. This passage seems to
warrant the interpretation above given to this symbol ; not that the ancient
covenant people understood fuUy its meaning, or that of the other sym
boUc rites, but that such was the mind of the Spirit, to be made manifest
in due time.
There is a riew of the Mosaic ceremonial, which makes it simply a
scenic representation of a king's court ; in which the tabernacle represents
the royal palace, the incense the homage rendered to the monarch (com
pare Dan. 2 : 46), the sacrifices, show-bread, and other unbloody offerings
the provision made for his table, the priests his ministering servants, etc. ;
by which the whole is reduced to the idea of serrice rendered tb Jehovah
as the national monarch, and all typical representation of the prorision
made by God for man's spiritual wants is excluded. This interpretation

590 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of the Mosaic ritual is as snperflcial as it is false. In this ritual, serrice is
indeed rendered to God ; but it is a serrice which typicaUy shadows forth
the prorision which God makes for man's wants as a faUen being — Ught
for his darkened understanding, lUe for his spiritual nature dead in tres
passes and sins, and reconcUiation to God through the blood of Christ.
This is the constant interpretation giren in the New Testament of the
" camal ordinances" of the Old.
11. In the court before the tabernacle stood the brazen altar
with its laver. Here the blood of the sacrifices flowed from
age to age — a lamb every morning and evening, and on the
Sabbath day two lambs morning and evening, besides all the
public sacrifices connected with the national festivals, and the
private sacrifices of indiriduals. The New Testament teaches
us that the Leviticcd priests who ministered at the Jewish altar
typified Christ, our great High Priest. In the one hundred and
tenth psalm, which the Saviour himseU quotes as written by
Darid " in spirit," and as referring to himseU (Matt. 22 : 41-45 ;
Mark 12 : 35-37) the Messiah is represented as uniting in
himseU the kingly and the priestly office. There is a remark
able symbolical transaction in Zechariah (chap. 6 : 9-14) which
contains the same representation. The prophet is dfrected, in
the presence of competent witnesses, to "take silver and gold,
and make crowns, and set them upon the head of Joshua [the
Hebrew word answering to the Greek Jesus, which stands in
the Septuagint rendering of this passage] the son of Josedech,
the high priest." In his office as high priest Joshua typifies
Christ our great High Priest. By the symboUcal act of crown
ing Joshua is typified the kingly office of Christ as united with
the priestly. Hence the prophet is directed by God to add:
" Thus speaketh the Lord of hosts, saying. Behold the man •
whose name is the BEANCH" (compare chap. 3 :8, and Isa.
11 : 1 ; Jer. 23 : 4^6 ; 33 : 15, 16) ; "and he shaU grow up out of
his place, and he shaU build the temple of the Lord : even he
shaU buUd the temple of the Lord; and he shaU bear the glory,
and shaU sit and rule upon his throne ; and he shaU be a priest
upon his. throne : and the counsel of peace shaU be between
them both." In accordance -with these representations a large

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 591
part of the epistle to the Hebrews is occupied -with a discus
sion of our Lord's priestly office, in which, beyond contradic
tion, he is exhibited as the great antitype of both Melchizedec
and the Leritical priests.
12. If the Leritical priests typified Christ, it foUows that
the saa-ifices which they offered were also typical qf Christ's sac
rifice for the sins of the world. So the epistle to the Hebrews
argues : " Every high priest is ordained to offer gifts and sac
rifices: wherefore it is of necessity that this man have some
what also to offer." Chap. 8 : 3. The Levitical priests stood
" daUy ministering, and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices,
which can never take away sins." Chap. 10 : 11. Their offer
ings were only typical of expiation, and needed therefore to be
continuaUy repeated tUl the Antitype itseU should appear. But
Christ offered his own blood on Calvary, by which he obtained
eternal redemption for us, so that his sacrifice needs no repeti
tion. He was " once offered to bear the sins of many;" and by
this "one offering he hath perfected for ever them that are
sanctified." Chaps. 9 : 11-14, 25, 26; 10 : 10-14.
But this doctrine respecting the typical character of the
Levitical sacrifices is not restricted to the epistle to the He
brews. The New Testament is fuU of it. John the Baptist,
the Sariour's forerunner, announced him as " the Lamb of God
which taketh away the sin of the world." John 1 : 29. Whether
we render, as in the margin of our version, " which beareth the
sin of the world," or, as in the text, "which taketh away the sin
of the world," the words contain the idea of a propitiatory sac
rifice, or, which amounts to the same thing, an expiatory sacri
fice ; since it is by expiating our sin that Christ propitiates the
Father. By bearing the sin of the world Christ expiates it,
and thus takes it away. Thus he is " the propitiation for our
sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole
world." 1 John 2: 2.
The Sariour himself announced his purpose to die for his
people : " I lay dovm my Ufe for the sheep." " Therefore doth
my Father love me because I lay down my life, that I might

592 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
take it again. No man taketh it from me, but I lay it down of
myself. I have power to lay it down, and I have power to take
it again. This commandment have I received of my Father."
John 10 : 15, 17, 18. And lest any shoidd think that he died
simply in the character of a martyr, he elsewhere explains that
" the Son of man came not to be ministered unto, but to min
ister, and to give his life a ransom for many " — more literally,
" a ransom instead of many " (Matt. 20 : 28 ; Mark 10 : 45), where
the sacrificial and vicarious nature of our Lord's death is ex
plicitly affirmed.
But it was after our Lord's resurrection that the sacrificial
and propitiatory character of his death was most fully revealed.
We have seen the view taken of it in the epistle to the He
brews. With this the other writers of the New Testament are
in harmony. Jesus Christ is the great sufferer foretold in the
fifty-thfrd chapter of Isaiah, who " was wounded for our trans
gressions, bruised for our iniquities : the chastisement of our
peace was upon him ; and -with his stripes we are healed ;"
upon whom the Lord " laid the iniquity of us all ;" who was
brought as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before her
shearers is dumb, so he opened not his mouth; whose soul
God made " an offering for sin ;" who " was numbered -with the
transgressors," and "bare the sins of many, and made inter
cession for the transgressors." 1 Pet. 2 : 24, 25; Acts 8 : 32-35;
Mark 15 : 28 ; Luke 22 : 37. He " hath once suffered for sins,
the just for the unjust, that he might bring us to God" (1 Pet.
3 : 18) ; He has redeemed us to God by his blood (Eev. 5:9);
has "loved us and washed us fi-om our sins in his own blood"
(Eev. 1:5); and his redeemed " have washed their robes, and
made them white in the blood of the Lamb" (Eev. 7 : 14).
To recite aU the declarations of the apostle Paul on this
great theme would be a superfiuous work. It is not through
Christ's example or teachings, but through his blood that we
have " redemption, the forgiveness of sins." Ephes. 1 : 7.
" Christ^hath redeemed us from the curse of the law, being made
a curse for us" (Gal. 3 : 13), words which teach as exphcitly as

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 593
human language can, that Christ has delivered us fr-om the pen
alty of the divine law, which is its curse, by bearing the curse
in our behalf. This he did when he was hanged on the tree.
His death on the cross was, then, vicarious, a death in our
stead ; and propitiatory, for in view of it God releases us from
the curse of the law. This is what is meant by a propitiatory
sacrifice. FinaUy, as if to cut off aU ground for the assertion
that the efficacy of Christ's death Ues whoUy in its moral influ
ence upon the human heart — its humbling, softening, and win
ning power — the apostle teaches that God has set forth Christ
Jesus as a propitiation through faith in his blood for a mani
festation of his righteousness, "that he might be just, and thejus-
tifier of him that believeth in Jesus." Eom. 3 : 25, 26.
Every word of this weighty passage deserves serious consideration.
We give by the side of the English version another translation, intended
to be somewhat more Uteral :
-Whom God hath set forth io be a Whom God hath set forth, a pro-
propitiation, through faith in his pitiation, through faith, in his blood,
blood, to declare his righteousness for the manifestation of his right-
for the passing over [marginal ren- eousness in respect to the overlook-
deriug] of sins that are past, through ing of sins that are past, through
the forbearance of God. To declare, the forbearance of God — a manifes-
/ say, at this time, his righteous- tation of his righteousness at the
ness ; that he might be just, and the present time ; in order that he may
justifler of him which beUeveth in be just, aud the justifier of him that
lesus. beUeveth in Jesus.
From these words we leam : (1.) That God has pubUcly set forth Christ
as a propitiatory sacrifice. The foUowing paraphrase gives the probable
connection of the words of the first clause : Whom God, by means of his
blood, hath set forth as a propitiation through faith. But if we take the
connection as given in our version, the propitiation is stiU through Christ's
blood, and is thus a propitiatory or expiatory sacrifice. (2.) That the appro
priation to indiridual sinners of this propitiation is conditioned on personal
faith. Christ's propitiatory sacrifice does not, in and of itseU, justify any
man ; but it prorides a ground whereby aU may be justified, if they -wiU be
Ueve in Jesus. (3.) That through Christ's propitiatory sacrifice God makes
a pubUc manUestation of his righteousness in showing mercy to sinners.
The phrase, "the righteousness of God," may mean, in the usage of Patd,

594 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the righteousness — ^justification — ^ which he gives through faith. But in con
nection -with the words that foUow, " that he might be just, and the justi
fier of him that beUeveth in Jesus," it can only mean righteousness as an
attribute of God, his pubUc justice, namely, as the lawgiver and govemor
of the world. (4.) That Christ's propitiatory sacrifice was necessary in
order that God might show mercy to sinners consistently -with the demands
of his justice. For when the apostie says "that God might be just, and
the justifler of him that beUeveth in Jesus," the words necessarUy imply
that, ¦without this sacrifice, he could not have been just in justUying sin
ners. Christ's propitiation was not needed to make God more merciful in
his nature; for in this respect he is unchangeably "the same yesterday,
to-day, and for ever." But it opens a way by which he may show mercy
consistentiy with his justice and the sanctity of his law. -When we raise
inquiries concerning the interior nature of the atonement, we meet -with
deep mysteries, some of which are, perhaps, above the comprehension of
finite human understanding. But we can comprehend, and beUeve upon
God's testimony, the great central fact of the gospel, that Christ offered
himself to the Father to bear in human nature the curse of the divine law
in behalf of sinners ; and that God accepted this propitiatory offering as
a satisfaction to his justice in such a sense that he can pardon aU who
beUeve in Christ -wLthout dishonor to himseU or injury to his moral gov
emment. 13. We have" considered Christ as the great Antitype of the
Leritical priests and sacrifices. Let us now go back and con
sider the characteristics belonging to the types themselves, beginning
with the priesthood.
(1.) The first point in which the Leritical priests typified
Christ was in their possession of the same common human nature
as thosQ in whose behaU they acted. " For both he that sanc
tifieth [Christ] and they who are sanctified [beUevers] are aU
of one [one Father, haring a common sonship as members of
the same family of Adam] : for which cause he is not ashamed
to caU them brethren" (Heb. 2 : 11) ; and again : " Forasmuch
then as the chUdren are partakers of flesh and blood, he also
himself Ukewise took part of the same " (ver. 14) ; and stiU far
ther : " Wherefore in aU things it behooved him to be made
Uke unto his brethren ; that he might be a merciful and faith
ful High Priest in things pertaining to God, to make reconciU
ation for the sins of the people. For in that he himself hath

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 595
suffered, being tempted, he is able to succor them that are
tempted" (ver. 17, 18; and compare 4:15). Accordingly the
priests who typified Christ were taken from among men, not
angels ; and " able to have compassion on th© ignorant, and on
them that are out of the way," being themselves " compassed
with uifirmity." Heb. 5 : 1, 2.
(2.) The Leritical priests, again, were appointed to their office
by God : " And no man taketh this honor upon himseU, but he
that is caUed of God, as was Aaron. So also Christ glorified
not himseU to. be made a high priest ; but he that said unto
him. Thou art my Son, to-day have I begotten thee. As he
saith also in another place. Thou art a priest for ever after the
order of Melchizedec." Heb. 5 : 4^6.
(3.) The Leritical priests, once more, were ¦mediators betiueen
God and the people. After the estabUshment of their priest
hood, no IsraeUte or sojourner in the land could approach God
with sacrifices and oblations in his o-wn right, and be his o-wn
priest. He must come to God through the priesthood of his
appointment — an expressive type of the great truth announced
by Christ; " I am the way, and the truth, and the life : no man
cometh unto the Father but by me." John 14 : 6.
(4.) FinaUy, the Leritical priests were not only mediators
between God and men, but mediators through propitiatory sacri
fices. They were ordained to "offer both gifts and sacrifices
for sins." Heb. 5 : 1 ; 8 : 3. " Wherefore," adds the writer,
" it is of necessity that this man [Christ] ha-^e somewhat also,
to offer." Heb. 8 : 3. They offered the blood of buUs and
goats, which made expiation only in a typical way; he offered
to God his o-wn blood as a real propitiation for sin. Heb. 7 : 27 ;
9:12-28; 10:10-14.
The points of dissimilarity between the Leritical priests and
Christ, as stated in the epistle to the Hebrews, all serve to iUus
trate the superior dignity and efficacy of his priesthood. They
were sinful men, and as such needing to offer sacrifice first for
thefr own sins (chap. 5:3); but he is " holy, harmless, unde
filed, separate from sinners, and made higher than the heav-

596 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
ens " (chap. 7 : 26). They were many, " because they were not
suffered to continue, by reason of death:" but he, "because he
continueth ever, hath an unchangeable priesthood." Chap.
7 : 23, 24. Their ©fferings could not take away sin. They were
only typical of expiation, and therefore needed to be continu
ally repeated. But Christ has by his one offering " perfected
for ever them that are sanctified"- — perfected them in respect to
the expiation of sin, which is the foundation on which the work
of personal sanctification rests. Heb. 10 : 11, 12.

Mediatorship between God and man through propitiatory sacrifice con
stitutes the central idea of priesthood. The Leritical priests did indeed
make intercession for the people in the burning of sweet incense (see
above. No. 8), and in presenting to God their unbloody offerings, but aU
this was done through the blood of atonement. -We see, then, how false and
mischievous is the idea that there can be true mediating priests under the
New Testament dispensation. Christ appeared once for aU "to put away
sin by the sacrifice of himseU" (Heb. 9 : 25-28 ; 10 : 10-12), since which no
further sacrifice is needed, or can be la-wfuUy offered, Christ also opened
to aU beUevers through his blood a new and U-ring way of access to God,
through which they can come boldly to the throne ot grace, haring no
need of human mediators. Heb. 10 : 18-22. BeUevers as a body are "a
holy priesthood, to offer up spiritual sacrifices, acceptable to God by Jesus
Christ." 1 Pet. 2 :5. They present themselves to God "a Uving sacri
fice, holy, acceptable to God." Eom. 12 : 1. They " offer the sacrifice of
praise to God continuaUy, that is, the fruit of their Ups, giring thanks to
his name." Heb. 13 :15. These spiritual sacrifices offered by the body of
beUevers through Christ, their glorified High Priest, are the only sacriflces
Jiuo-wn to the New Testament church.
Of the high priest's garments, made by divine direction "for gloiy and
for beauty," we cannot here speak in detaU. Suffice it to say that they
represented in general the dignity and exceUence of his office, as the
divinely appointed mediator between God and the covenant people. The
golden plate with the inscription HOLINEgS TQ THE LOBD is its own
interpreter. The twelve names of the tribes of Israel, graven on two pre
cious stones, and borne on the shoulders of the high priest, six on each
shotUder, and then the same twelve graven on twelve gems, and borne
on his breast as he ministered before the Lord, beautifuUy typUy Christ
our great High Priest, who bears his people on his shoulders by his
almighty power and efficacious atonement, and on his heart by his ever
lasting love.

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 597
14. From the typical priests we naturaUy pass to the con
sideration of the typical sacrifices offered by them. Upon Noah's
leaving the ark, God prohibited the eating of blood on the
ground that it is the life of the animal. Gen. 9 : 4. The rea
son of this prohibition is unfolded in a passage of the Mosaic
law, which clearly sets fbrth the nature and design of bloody
offerings : " And whatsoever man there be of the house of Israel,
or of the strangers that sojourn among you, that eateth any man
ner of blood, I -wUl even set my face against that soul that eateth
blood, and wUl cut him off from among his people. For the life
of the flesh is in the blood ; and I have given it to you upon the
altar to make an atonement for your souls : foe it is the blood
THAT MAKETH AH ATOIJEMENT FOE THE SOUL." Lev. 17 : 10, 11.
Hence the sprinkUng of the sacrificial blood by the priest as a
sign of expiation, a rite that wiU be more particularly consid
ered hereafter (No. 15). The reason that the blood makes the
atonement is that "the life of the flesh is in the blood." The
scriptural idea, then, of a sacriflce is the offering to God of one
life in behalf of another that has been forfeited by sin — the life
of the innocent beast instead of the Ufe of the guilty offerer.
This general idea of the vicarious and propitiatory nature of sac
rifices comes out with beautiful simpUcity and clearness in the
book of Job : " And it was so when the days of their feasting
were gone about, that Job sent and sanctified them, and rose
up early in the moming, and offered burnt offerings according
to the number of them aU : for Job said, It may be that my sons
have sinned, and cursed God in their hearts." Chap. 1 : 5. And
again : " My -wrath is kindled against thee, and against thy two
friends ; for ye have not spoken of me the thing that is right,
as my servant Job hath. Therefore take unto you now seven
buUocks and seven rams, and go to my servant Job, and offer
up for yourselves a burnt-offering ; ancl any servant Job shaU
pray for you : for him wiU I accept : lest I deal with you after
your foUy." Chap. 42 : 7, 8. The sacrifices of the Mosaic
law were of various kinds, implying various accessory ideas.
But underlying them aU was the fundamental idea of propitia-

598 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
tion through blood. Hence the writer to the Hebrews, when
commenting on the transaction recorded in Exodus, chap.
24 : 4r-8, says : " And almost aU things are by the law purged
with blood ; and without shedding of blood is no remission."
Heb. 9 : 22. The only exception was in the case of the poor
man who was " not able to bring two turtle doves or two young
pigeons." He was aUowed to " bring for his offering the tenth
part of an ephah of fine fiour for a sin-offering" (Lev. 5 :11),
upon the principle that God "wiU have mercy and not sacri
fice." No orderly classification of sacriflces is to be sought without the pale
of the Je-wish ceremonial. The bumt-offerings, for example, mentioned
in the book of Job, had the force of proper sin-offerings. Chaps. 1:5;
42 : 8. The classification in the book of Leriticus is into burnt-offerings,
sin-offerings, trespass-offerings, and peace-offerings. But they may be
most conveniently considered in the order of then- presentation, when two
or more of them were offered on the same occasion, as when Aaron and
his sons were consecrated to the priesthood, and the people sanctifled in
connection -with this transaction (Lev. chaps 8, 9), and in the offerings of
the great day of atonement (Lev. chap, 16).
Here the sin-offering naturaUy held the first place ; for this, as its name
indicates, was whoUy expiatory and propitiatory, bringing the offerer into
a state of forgiveness and divine favor. The sin-offerings had reference (1)
to sin generaUy, as when Aaron and his sons were consecrated and the peo
ple sanctified, and when, on the annual day of atonement, expiation waa
made for the sins of the past year ; (2) k) specific offences (Lev. chaps. 4, 5),
The exact distinction between the sin-offering and the trespass-offering is
of difficult determination. Both were alike expiatory, were in fact sub
dirisions of the same class of offerings. A comparison of the passages in
which trespass-offerings are prescribed (Lev. 5:1; 6 : 1-7 ; Numb. 5 : 6-8)
seems to indicate that they belonged especially to trespasses for which res
titution could be made.
Next in the order of sacrifices, though first in dignity, came the burnt-
offering, also caUed holocaust (Heb. kalil), that is, whole burnt-offering, the
characteristic mark of wjjich was the consuming of the whole by fire (Lev.
chap. 1) . It is conceded by aU that this was a symbol of completeness ; but in
what respect is a question that has been answered in different ways. Some
refer the completeness to the offering itseU, as that form of sacrifice which
embraces in itseU all others (RosenmiUler on Deut. 33 : 10) ; or, as the
most perfect offering, inasmuch as it exhibits the idea of offering in its

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 599
completeness and generality, and so concentrates in itseU all worship.
Bahr, Symbolik, voL 2, p. 862. But we cannot separate, in the intention
of God, the completeness of the form from the state of the offerer's mind.
The burnt-offering was indeed, in its outward form, the most perfect of all
sacrifices, for which reason it excluded female rictims, as relatively infe
rior to the male sex. But because of this its completeness and generaUty
it signified the entire self -consecration of the offerer to God. Winer and oth
ers after PhUo. But this, let it be carefuUy remembered, was a seU-con-
secration that could be made only through the blood of expiation, to indicate
which, the blood of the burnt-offering was sprinkled by the priest "round
about upon the altar ;" or, in the case of a bird, where the quantity was
too smaU to be thus sprinkled, was "¦wrung out at the side of'the altar.''
The peace-offering (more UteraUy, offering of renditions ; that is, offer
ing in which the offerer rendered to God the tribute of praise and thanks
giring which was his due) was in aU its different subdi^risions — ^thank-offer
ing, votive offering, free-wUl offering (Lev. 7 : 11-16) — a eucharistic offer
ing. Hence its social character. After the sprinkUng of the blood, the
burning of the prescribed parts on the altar, and the assignment to the
priest of his portion, the offerer and his friends feasted joyfuUy before the
Lord on the remainder. Lev. chap. 3 compared -with chap. 7 : 11-18. In
the case of monarchs, Uke Darid and Solomon, the whole nation was feasted.
2 Sam. 6 : 17-19 ; 1 Kings 8 : 62-66. Hence the Messiah, as the great Eing of
aU nations, is beautifuUy represented as paying his peace-offerings to God for
the deUverance granted bim from his foes, and as summoning aU nations to
the sacrificial feast : ' ' My praise shall be of thee in the great congregation ; I
¦wiU pay my vows [vows in the form of peace-offerings] before them that
fear him. The meek shall eat and be satisfied : they shaU praise the Lord
that seek him : yotu- heart shaU Uve for ever. AU the ends of the world
shaU remember and tum unto the Lord," etc. Psa. 22 : 25-31. The peace-
offering naturaUy foUowed the btu-nt-offering, as that did the sin-offering
in the sanctification of the IsraeUtish congregation. Lev. 9 : 15-18. It
signified joyfid communion with God in thanksgiving and praise ; but this,
too, only through the blood of the victim sprinkled upon the altar as a sign
of expiation. Lev. chap. 3. In these three classes of offerings, then, we
have typicaUy set forth, first, expiation restoring man to God's favor, then
sey-consecration, then holy communion in thanksgiving and praise — atti
THESE ONIiT THBOUGH THE SPEIKEUNG OP THE BIiOOD OF CtTRTBT, the great
Antitype of the Ijeritical priests and sacriflces.
The sacrificial nature of the passover appears in the direction given at
its institution that the blood of the paschal lamb should be sprinkled on
the lintel and two side-posts of the house where it was eaten as a protec
tion against the destroyer of the first-bom (Exod. 12 : 22, 23) ; and in the
ordinance afterwards estabUshed, requiring that it should be slain at the

GOO COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
sanctuary (Deut. 16 : 1-8), and its blood sprinkled upon the altai-. 2 Chron.
30 : 16 ; 35 : 11. Ita character apin-oached very near to that of the peace-
offerings. It was a joyous festival, commemorative of the deliverance of
Israel from Egyptian bondage ; and thus typically shadowing forth the
higher redemption of God's people from the bondage of sin. As the blood
of the paschal lamb sprinkled on the doors of the houses protected the
inmates from the destroyer of the first-born, so does the blood of Christ
protect aU who through faith receive its expiatoi-y power from the wrath
to come. As the IsraeUtes feasted joyfuUy on the fiesh of the paschal
lamb, so does the church feed by faith on the great antitypal Lamb of
God, who is the true Passover sacrificed for us. 1 Cor. 5 : 7.
There were some other sacrifices of a special character, such as those
by which the covenant between God and the people was ratified (Exod.
24 : 3-8) ; the ram of consecration, when Aaron and his sons were inducted
into the priesthood (Lev. 8 : 22-30) ; the sacrifice and other rites connected
¦with the cleansing of the leper (Lev. 14 : 1-32) ; the sacrifice of the red
heifer from which were prepared the ashes of purification (Numb. ohap. 19) ;
the sacrifice of the heUer in the case of an uncertain murder (Deut. 21 : 1-9).
Eespecting these, it is only necessary to remark generaUy that, whatever
other ideas were typified by them, that of expiation through blood was not
wanting. It was required by the law that aU the sacrificial victims should be -with
out blemish, not only because the offering to God of au imperiect rictim
would have been an affront to his majesty (Mai. 1 :8, 13, 14), but espe
ciaUy because a perfect rictim could alone typUy the Lamb of God, ' ' with
out blemish and -without spot," who was offered on Calvary as the propiti
ation for the sins of the whole world. 1 Pet. 1 : 19, 20.
Of the unbloody offerings {oblations, caUed in our version meat-offerings),
some were supplementary to the sacrifices, being necessary to their com
pleteness. Such was the salt wMch, as a symbol of purity and friendship,
was prescribed for aU meat offerings (Lev. 2 : 13), and seems to have been
used -with aU sacrifices also. Ezek. 43 : 24 compared -with Mark 9 : 49.
Such also were the flour, wine, and oU offered -with the daUy sacriflce
(Exod. 29 : 40), and in certain other cases. Lev. 8 : 26 ; 9 : 17 ; 14 : 10, etc.
Other oblations, Uke those prescribed in the second chapter of Leriticus,
were presented by themselves, as expressions of love, gratitude, and devo
tion to God on the part of the offerers. After a portion of them, including
aU the frankincense, had been burned on the altar, the rest went to Aaron
and his sons as their portion.
The priests also received specified portions from the peace-offerings of
the people, the trespass-offerings, and the sin-offerings the blood of which
was not carried into the sanctuary. See Lev. chap. 6 : 24 — 7 : 34.

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 601
15. Of the typical transactions connected with the offering
of sacrifices and oblations we notice the foUo-wing :
(1.) InaU cases the offerer laid his hands upon the head of the
¦victim. The meaning of this act may be inferred from the first
mention of it in .the Leritical ceremonial : " And he shaU put
his hand upon the head of the burnt-offering ; and it shaU be
accepted for him to make atonement for him." Lev. 1 : 4.
The act in question was, then, the solemn dedication to Jeho
vah of the rictim for the end proposed. By the laying on of
his hands, he presented it to God as his offering to make atone
ment for his soul, and God accepted it as such. From the very
nature of the offering, this act of presentation contained an
acknowledgment of guUt that needed expiation, but there was
no formal ti-ansfer of his sins to the rictim, as in the case of
the scape-goat. See below. No. 16.
(2.) The ivaving and heaving of offerings belonged to the
priests alone. Both were manifestly acts of presentation and
dedication to God. For example, the loaf of bread, cake of
oUed bread, and wafer of unleavened bread employed upon the
occasion of Aaron's consecration were first placed in his hands
to be waved before the Lord, and then burned by Moses on the
altar of burnt-offering. Exod. 29 : 23-25. So also the breast
of the ram of consecration was waved, and the right shoulder
heaved, before they were eaten by Aaron and his sons (Exod.
29 : 26-28) ; the lamb of the leper who had been healed, ¦with
the accompanying oblation, was waved by the priest before the
Lord before slaying it. Lev. 14 : 12, seq.
According to the rabbins, the waving consisted of a movement for
wards and backwards. Some think that there was also a lateral motion
from right to left and the reverse. The heaving was a movement upwards
and do-wnwards. The ground of the distinction between these two forms
of presentation to Jehovah is uncertain. We only know that the ceremony
of heaving was restricted -to certain cases. Thus the breast of tiie peace-
offerings was always waved, and the right shoulder heaved, before they
were given to the priests as their portion. Lev. 7 : 28-34.
(3.) The sprinkling of the victim's blood was a most weighty
part of the ceremonial, for by this expiation was symboUzed,
Comp, to Bible. 26

602 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
It was accordingly restricted to the priest, who was the ap
pointed mediator between God and the people. The seven
fold sprinkUng of the blood that was carried into the sanctuary
(Lev. 4 : 6, 17 ; 16 : 14, 19), and in certain other cases (Lev. 8 : 11 ;
14 : 7, 51) denoted the completeness of the expiation, seven being
the weU-known symbol of perfection. Hence the New Testa
ment beautifully represents believers as purified from sin by the
sprinkUng of the blood of Christ, the great Antitype of the Mo
saic sacrifices. Heb. 9 : 13, 14 ; 10 : 22 ; 12 : 24 ; 1 Pet. 1 r2.
Kindred to the rite of sprinkling was the application of the
victim's blood to the horns of the altar and to the person of
the offerer. Exod. 29 : 12, 20 ; Lev. 4 : 7, 18, 25, 30 ; 8 : 15, 24 ;
14 : 14, etc.
(4.) The burning of the offering, or of certain specified parts
of it, upon the altar, whereby its odor ascended up to heaven,
was a natural expression of dedication to God. Compare Gen.
8 : 21, Lev. 1 : 9, etc.
16. We have seen the typical import of the furniture of the
tabernacle (Nos. 8 and 9 above). That the tabernacle itself, con
sidered generaUy, had also a typical meaning, is admitted by
all who believe in revelation. But when we come to the con
sideration of details, we encounter diversities of interpretation
which cannot be here considered. We notice only the foUow
ing points :
(1.) The Mosaic tabernacle was, as we have seen, God's
visible earthly dweUing-place. As such, it shadowed forth his
real presence and glory, first, in the church of the redeemed on
earth through Jesus Christ ; secondly, in the glorified church in
heaven. Some think that the outer sanctuary, -with its altar of
incense, its golden candlestick, and its table of show-bread,
typified God's presence with the church miUtant, through her
divinely-appointed ordinances; and the inner sanctuary, his
presence -with the church triumphant in heaven.
(2.) Under the Mosaic economy, the people were not admit
ted to either sanctuary. They could approach God only
through the mediation of the priests. The priests themselves

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 603
entered the outer sanctuary daUy to bum incense and perform
the other prescribed serrices; but the high priest alone was
permitted to enter the most holy place once every year with
the blood of the sin-offering. This represented that, under
the old dispensation, the way of access to God on the part of
sinners was not yet made manifest. In respect to the holy of
hoUes, we have the express statement of inspfration : " But into
the second went the high priest alone once every year, not
-without blood, which he offered for himself, and for the errors
of the people: the Holy Ghost this signifying, that the way
into the hoUest of all was not yet made manifest, -tvhUe as the
first tabernacle was yet standing." Heb. 9 : 7, 8. By parity
of reason, the principle holds good in respect to the exclusion
of the people from the outer sanctuary. We are informed,
accordingly, that when Christ cried upon the cross -with a loud
voice, " It is finished," and gave up the ghost, " the vaU of the
temple was rent in twain from the top to the bottom." Matt.
27 : 50, 51 ; Mark 15 : 37, 38 ; Luke 23 : 45, 46. By this was sig
nified that now the way of access to God was opened through
Christ's blood to aU beUevers; so that they constitute a spfr
itual priesthood, ha-ving access to God within the vaU without
the help of any earthly mediation, that they may there " offer
up spfritual sacrifices, acceptable to God by Jesus Christ."
Heb. 7:25; 10:19, 20; 1 Pet. 2:5,9; Eev. 1:6.
(3.) The typical character of the tabernacle appears very
sfrikingly in the ceremonies of the great day of atonement.
Lev. chap. 16. After the high-priest had first offered a sin-
offering for himself, and sprinkled its blood in the inner sanc
tuary upon and before the mercy-seat seven times, he brought
the two goats that had been appointed for the expiation of the
people, one for a sin-offering, the other for a scape-goat, the
office of each being determined by lot. When he had slain
the goat of the sin-offering, he can-ied its blood into the most
holy place, and sprinkled it also seven times upon and before
the mercy-seat, to "make an atonement for the holy place, be
cause of the uncleanness of the chUdren of Israel, and because

604 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
of their transgressions in aU thefr sins (ver. 16)." Then it was
directed that the Uve goat should be brought: "And Aaron
shaU lay both his hands upon the head of the live goat, and
confess over him aU the iniquities of the chUdren of Israel, and
all thefr- transgressions in aU their sins, putting them upon the
head of the goat, and shall send him away by the hand of a fit
man into the wilderness. And the goat shaU bear upon him
all their iniquities into a land not inhabited ; and he shaU let
go the goat in the wUderness." Ver. 21, 22. By this double
ceremonial was signified, first, that Christ should expiate our
sins by his own blood; seconcUy, that through this expiation
he should bear them in his o-wn person, and thus remove them
far away from us. The Jewish high priest entered year by
year through the earthly tabernacle into God's presence with
the blood of the sin-offering, that he might sprinkle it before
the mercy-seat. But Christ, our great High Priest, has entered
"by a greater and more perfect tabernacle not made -with
hands " into heaven itself, to present his own blood before the
throne of God as a perfect propitiation for our sins. Heb.
9 : 11, 12, 24.
The striking ceremonial connected with the scape-goat on the great day
of atonement (Lev. chap, 16) is never to be interpreted separately, but
always in connection -with the other goat, which was slain as a sin-offering,
and its blood carried -within -the vaU intp the most holy place. The inade
quacy of the type made it necessary that two goats should be used in this
o-ne serrice, one to represent the expiation of the people's sin through the
sprinkling of its blood ; the other, the vicarious bearing and taking away
of their sin. Whatever difficulties are connected with the interpretation
of the Hebrew word rendered in our version "for a scape-goat" (Hebrew,
la-azazetj, the typical meaning of the transaction is clear, and it has its fulfil
ment only in Christ, who has expiated, and so taken away, the sin of the
world. (4.) In the case of the more solemn sacrifices — the sin-
offerings for the high-priest and for the congregation (Lev.
4 : 1-21 ; chap. 16) — the expiatory blood was carried into the
sanctuary to be presented before God. But the rictim was in
aU cases slain -without the sanctuary ; and when its blood was

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 605
carried into the sanctuary, its body typicaUy bearing the curse
of the riolated law, was burned -without the camp. In corre
spondence with this, the writer to the Hebrews reminds us that
" Jesus also, that he might sanctify the people -with his own
blood, suffered without the gate." Heb. 13 : 11, 12. He suf
fered " -without the gate " in a two-fold sense. As a condemned
malefactor, he was thrust out of the holy city, which answered
to the ancient IsraeUtish camp, and there he expiated on the
cross the sin of the world. He also suffered "without the
gate " of the true holy city, the heavenly Jerusalem, which he
left that he might tabernacle among men and die for their
redemption ; and having accomplished this work, he went " by
his own blood" into the heavenly holy of holies, there to make
intercession for us.
The dignity and sacredness of these solemn sin-offerings made it neces
sary that a clean place should be selected for the burning of the flesh ; but
inasmuch as they were typicaUy laden -with the curse of sin, they were car
ried ¦without the precincts of the camp where God dwelt, and there con
sumed, where the ashSi^ of all the bloody offerings were poured out. Lev.
4 : 11, 12, 21 ; 16 : 27. The man, moreover, who performed the serrice of
burning the sin-offering on the day of atonement, having been typicaUy
defiled by contact -with it, was required to wash his clothes and bathe his
flesh in water before coming into the camp. Lev. 16 : 28. In the case of
the scape-goat, "the -wUderness," the "land not inhabited," answered to
the place ¦without the camp where the sin-offering was burned ; and the
man that led him away was, in like manner, required to wash his clothes
and bathe his flesh iu water before re'entering the camp. Lev. 16 : 26.
17. The distinctions between dean and unclean in respect to
articles of food and various other particulars, had also a typ
ical meaning. That the regulations in regard to these matters
were promotive of physical purity and health is imdoubtedly
frue; yet we are not to consider them as simply a sanitary
code. They reached to the inner man. Through these phys
ical distinctions of clean and unclean God educated the peo
ple to an apprehension of the difference between moral purity
and impurity.

606 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The Levitical view of sickness and every bodUy infirmity is
deep and fundamental. AU is referred to sin as the primal
cause. The sufferer from leprosy and various other infirmities
(Lev. chaps. 12-15) is regarded not as a sinner above other
men (Luke 13 : 1-5), but yet as suffering in the character of a
sinner. Hence the ceremonial uncleanness of such persons,
and the expiatory offerings required in the case of those who
have been healed.

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 607

CHAPTEE XXXVIII.
Interpretation of Prophecy.
1. The scriptural idea of prophecy is widely removed fi-on?
that of human foresight and presentiment. It is that of a
revelation made by the Holy Spirit respecting the future, always
in the interest of God's kingdom. It is no part of the plan of
prophecy to gratify vain curiosity respecting " the times or the
seasons which the Father hath put in his own power." Acts
1:7. " Comfort ye, comfort ye my people, saith your God " —
this is its key-note. In its form it is carefully adapted to this
great end. Its notices of the fature are interwoven -with ex
hortations and admonitions, encouragements and warnings,
promises and threatenings. These constitute, indeed, the
great bulk of the prophetical writings that have come" do-wn to
us. The subject of thei interpretation of prophecy may be
conveniently considered under the foUowing heads : prophecies
relating to the near future ; prophecies relating to the last
days ; the question of double sense ; the question of Uteral and
figurative meaning.
I. PROPHECIES RELATING TO THE NEAE FUTUBE.
2. The Bible contains many prophecies relating to the
comparatively near future. These are aU specific in thefr- char
acter, and have a sinjgle exhaustive folfilment. Examples are :
the prediction to Noah of the approaching deluge, and to Abra
ham of the bondage of his posterity in a strange land ; the dis
closure through Pharaoh's dreams of the coming famine in
Egypt; Joseph's announcement of the future deUverance of
Israel from Egypt ; the token given to Moses that God had
sent him : " When thou hast brought forth the people out of
Egypt, ye shaU serve God upon this mountain " (Exod. 3 : 12) ;
God's threatened judgments upon the house of Eli with the

608 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
accompanying sign (1 Sam. 2 : 34) ; the warning that David
received by Urim and Thummim of Saul's approach to destroy
him (1 Sam. 23 : 9-12) ; the prediction that Josiah should defile
Jeroboam's altar at Bethel with men's bones (1 Kings 13 : 2) ;
etc. Minute events, in themselves unimportant, sometimes
come within the sphere of prophetic revelation, but always in
connection with and subserviency to important transactions
affecting the interests of God's people.^ Thus when Samuel
anointed Saul as the future king of Israel, he foretold to him
the incidents of his journey homeward (1 Sam. 10 : 2-7). But
this was in order that Saul might be assured of Samuel's pro
phetic office, and consequently of the divine sanction to the
transaction. An event in the immediate futui-e is frequently
predicted as a pledge that some prophecy of more distant ful
filment shall be accompUshed. Thus the death of Eli's two
sons in one day was to be a token of the fulfilment of all the
evils threatened against his house. The same end may be
accompUshed by a miraculous sign. 1 Kings 13 : 3 ; 2 Kings
20 : 9, 11. Prophecies of the kind now under consideration are
in general very plain and simple, and their recorded fulfilment
is to us a sufficient interpreter of thefr meaning.
II. PEOPHECIES RELATING TO THE LAST DATS.
3. In OM Testament usage, "the last days," or "the latter
days " (" in the latter years," Ezek. 38 : 8) denote not simply the
distant future, but that future as including the kingdom of the
Messiah, which extends to the consummation of aU things.
Gen. 49 : 1 ; Numb. 24 : 14 ; Deut. 4 : 30 ; 31 : 29 ; Isa. 2:2; Jer.
23:20; 30:24; 48:47; 49:39; Ezek. 38:16; Dan. 10:14; Hos.
3:5; Mic. 4 : 1. We are not, however, to conceive of these
"last days" as totaUy separated from the preceding ages. In
the plan of God the history of the world constitutes a whole,
aU the parts of which are closely connected. Hence the proph
ecies relating to the latter days include, more or less distinctly,
the events which precede them, and prepare the way for them.
In such prophecies we are not to look for exhaustive details.

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 609
They give, as a rule, only general views relating to the conflicts
of God's people and their final triumph. Where minute inci
dents are introduced (Psa. 22 : 18 ; 69 : 21 ; Zech. 9:9; 11 : 13)
it is apparently for the purpose of identifying to future genera
tions the Messiah as their main subject. See below. No. 9.
Prophecies relating to the days of the Messiah are introduced in other
more indeflnite ways, thus : " Behold the days come " (Jer. 23 : 5 ; 31 : 31 ;
etc.): "Audit shall come to pass afterward" (Joel 2:28) ; "In that day"
(Isa. 4:2, Jer. 30 : 8 ; Ezek. 39 : 11 ; Amos 9 : 11, and elsewhere) ; or they
are sufficiently indicated by their contents, as Isa. chaps. 40-66.
These prophecies naturaUy faU into two classes : those in
which the succession of events is distinctly indicated, and those
which give only general views of the future, -without any clear
order of succession.
4. To the first and smaUer class belong especiaUy certain
of Daniel's prophecies. The four great monarchies, for exam
ple, that are to bear rule over the earth are symboUzed first by
a great image (Dah. chap. 2), then by four beasts rising out of
the sea (Dan. chap. 7). Of these monarchies the fourth, rep
resented by the legs of fron and feet part of iron and part of
clay (Dan. 2 : 33), and by the fourth beast with his ten homs
(Dan. 7 : 7), belongs in part to the latter days of the Messiah.
The fourth kingdom, represented by the "legs of iron and feet part of
iron and part of clay, " is at the beginning ' ' strong as iron " (chap. 3 : 40) ;
afterwards it is "partiy strong and partiy broken" (ver.-42) ; it is, more
over, the last great monarchy that oppresses the world. AU these charac
ters point to the Roman empire, flrst in its pagan, afterwards in its papal
form. From the nature of the symbol, the prophet sees the whole image
standing tUl it is smitten in its feet of iron and clay. This does not mean
that the four monarchies are contemporaneous, but that they constitute
one great system of oppression, in which the power passes successively
down from the head to the feet. It is in its feet that the stone smites it,
for it is in this its last form that the kingdom set up by the God of heaven
shaU encounter and destroy it. The toes, part of iron and part of clay,
weU represent the kingdoms that grew up out of the old Roman empire,
¦with an intermixture of the northern nations. These could never unite into
a compact whole, Uke the original pagan empire, yet they constituted a
continuation of it in a dirided form. 26*

610 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
That the fom-th beast again (chap. 7 : 7-14, 19-28) represents the same
Eoman empire appears from the foUowing considerations : (1.) Both here
and in the second chapter a succession of four great monarchies is repre
sented, of which the first three are admitted to have been universal It is
altogether reasonable, therefore, to look for a universal empire in the
fourth ; but that empire can be no other than the Eoman. (2.) The fourth
beast is represented as the strongest and most terrible of them aU, which
cannot apply to any other than the Roman power. (3.) AU its characters
agree with those of the Roman empU-e, and cannot be made to agree with
those of any other power. Those who understand by the Uttle hom of the
fourth beast Antiochus Epiphanes, must consider the fourth beast as rep
resenting the Syrian monarchy, or perhaps Syria and Egypt. But these
belong to the third beast. They are two of the four dirisions into which
his empire was broken, and which have just been represented by the four
heads and four wings of th^ leopard. (4.) No persecuting power comes
after this beast. Its dominion is destroyed by that of the Messiah, who
takes the kingdom and holds it for ever. This can apply only to the
Roman power as perpetuated in its papal form in the ten homs, which cor
respond fo the ten toes of the image. Chap. 2 : 41-43. AU the characters
of the Uttie hom agree -with those of the papal power ; and considering the
vast influence which this has -wielded, and stUl -wields, over God's church,
we should naturaUy expect that it would be included in a comprehensive
riew like this of the world's history.
The prophecies of the book of Eevelation relative to the great red
dragon — pagan Eome (chap. 12), the two beasts that succeeded tQ his seat
and power (chap. 13), and (what is identical -with these two beasts) the
woman riding upon a scarlet-colored beast (chap. 17), are so iiitimately
related to the fourth kingdom of Daniel, that whatever riew be taken of
this kingdom must apply to them also. In these prophetic symbols we
have again aU the characters of pagan Rome as continued in papal Rome.
Chap. 32, No. 4. To the class of prophecies now tmder consideration
belong also, according to the most probable principle of interpretation,
those of the seven seals, the seven trumpets included under the last seal,
and the seven rials of the last trumpet (Rev. 6 : 1 seq.) ; for in these the
succession of events is distinctiy marked.
The nwmbers of the books of Daniel and Revelation, particularly the
"time and times and diriding of time" — three years and a hall — during
which the Uttle hom is to have dominion (Dan. 7 : 25), and (what is equiv
alent to this number) the " f orty-and-two months" during which the Gen
tUes are to tread do-wn the holy city (Rev. 11 : 2), and the beast that suc
ceeds to the dragon is to have power (Rev. 13 : 5) ; or in days, the thousand
two hundred and threescore days of the two ¦witnesses (Rev. 11 : 3), and of
the woman's sojoum in the ¦wUderness (Rev. 12 : 6), have furnished for cen-

BIBLICAL INTEEPRETATION. 611
turies matter of curious speculation and computation, upon the asstunption
that a day here represents a year (Chap. 35, No. 9) ; but hitherto history
has not verified the results as to time which the students of these prophe
cies have given. The faUure of their computations might have been anti
cipated. It seems to be the plan of God to throw such a vaU over even
exact dates of prophecy, that their place in a chronological chart of history
cannot be accurately marked out beforehand. Either the time from which
the reckoning is to proceed, or the symbolism of the dates, or the place
which the whole series holds in relation to other prophecies, is left in
obscurity. The experience of those who have busied themselves -with the
computation of these dates teaches, not that we should whoUy withdraw
ourselves from inquu-ies of this kind, but that to pursue them in a confi
dent and dogmatic spirit, as if we had been admitted to the cotincU-cham-
ber of heaven, and had there leamed the exact day and hour on which the
papal throne must faU, or our Lord reappear on earth, is a mark, not of
¦wisdom, but of weakness and folly.
5. In the second and larger class of prophecies relating to
the last days, the element of time, and especiaUy that of suc
cession in time, is either wholly wanting, or is indicated in
only a vague and general way.
Examples of this class of prophecies are almost innumerable. A
remarkable specimen is found in the fourth chapter of Isaiah, riewed in
connection -with the preceding context. The prophet's position is that of
his o-wn day. He writes at a time when heavy calamities are impending
over his countrymen. With these calamities he begins: "Behold the
Lord, the Lord of hosts, doth take away from Judah and Jerusalem the
stay and the staff, the whole stay of bread, and the whole stay of water,
the mighty man, and the man of war, the judge, and the prophet, and the
prudent, and the ancient, the captain of fifty, and the honorable man, and
the counseUor, and the cunning artificer, and the eloquent orator." Chap.
3 : 1-3. So he proceeds, in terms which must apply primarUy to the Baby
lonish captirity, to the end of the third chapter, which closes -with the
terrible denunciation : " Thy men shaU faU by the sword, and thy mighty
men in war. And her gates shaU lament and mourn ; and she, being des
olate, shaU sit upon the gi-ound" (ver. 25, 26). To complete the picture
of desolation, it is added in the beginning of the fourth chapter : "And in
that day seven women shaU take hold of one man, saying, We -wUl eat our
own bread, and wear our o-wn apparel : only let us be caUed by thy name
to take away our reproach." The obrious meaning of this last threatening
is, that the mass of the men shaU perish in war, so that the surri-ring
women cannot find husbands. Seven of them, therefore, ask of one man

612 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
the pririlege of being caUed each his -wife, whUe they offer to forego aU
the usual advantages of that relation. Thus far the prophet proceeds in a
strain of threatening. But now, -with the single formula, "in that day,"
there is a sudden transition to promise, and promise of such a character
that it must cover the whole future period of the Messiah's kingdom : "In
that day shaU the branch of the Lord be beautiftd and glorious, and the
fruit of the earth shaU be exceUent and comely for them that are escaped
of Israel" (chap. 4:2); and so he goes on to describe the glory of the lat
ter days, when the Lord, having " purged the blood of Jerusalem from the
midst thereof by the spirit of judgment, and by the spu-it of bm-ning,"
"wiU create upon every dweUing-place of Mount Zion, and upon her
assembUes, a cloud and smoke by day, and the shining of a flaming fire by
night : for upon aU the glory shaU be a defence " (ver. 4, 5). Here we
have, in a certain sense, an indication of time, but it is whoUy indefinite.
No date is given for the fulfilment of the prophecy, nor any exact chrono
logical order of succession. The prophet began with the judgments that
impended over his countrymen. He ends -with the f uU glory of the Mes-
siaU's reign, ¦without any indication of the intervening interval of time.
Another striking example is fumished by the eleventh chapter of Isaiah
in connection with the preceding context. The tenth chapter of Isaiah
contains an account of the Assyrian monarch's progress through the land
of Judea, ending with a figiurative account of his overthrow : "Behold the
Lord, the Lord of hosts, shaU lop the bough -with terror ; and the high
ones of stature shaU be hewn down, and the haughty shaU be humbled.
And he shaU cut down the thickets of the forest ¦with iron, and Lebanon
shaU faU by a mighty one " (ver. 33, 34). Immediately upon this predior
tion, and with reference to the Assyrian bough and the thickets of Leba
non — Sennacherib with his host — ^that have been hewn down, foUows a
prophecy of thei Messiah's advent : "And there shaU come forth a rod out
of the stem of Jesse, and a branch shaU grow out of his roots." Chap.
11 : 1. The prophet represents these two events, the overthrow of the
Assyrian and the advent of the Messiah, as so connected that the latter
foUows as a natm-al sequel to the former, passing over in sUence the many
intervening centvu-ies. He represents, again, the Messiah's kingdom as
one of continuous rictorious progress, tiU " the earth shaU be fuU of the
knowledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea," without pausing to
indicate any intervening period of darkness and depression.
StiU a third pure specimen of this form of prophecy occurs in the fifty-
ninth and sixtieth chapters of Isaiah. The former of these two chapters is
occupied -with a description in very dark Unes of the sins of God's cove
nant people (ver. 1-15), and of God's interposition in awful majesty to vin
dicate his own cause (ver. 16-21). Immediately upon this foUows, in the
sixtieth chapter, a ¦vision of the latter-day glory that has no parallel in

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 613
the Old Testament for brightness, extending down to the fuU establish
ment of the miUennial age. But when shall these things be ? How long
shaU the present age of iniquity endure ? And when Jehovah appears to
save the cause of truth and righteousness, shaU it be by a single interposi
tion or a series of interpositions ? H by the latter, how -widely shaU they
be separated, and what dark scenes shaU intervene ? -When shaU the
promised Eedeemer appear, and how long shaU his work be in progress
before that blessed consummation contained in the promise : "Thy sun
shaU no more go do-wn ; neither shaU thy moon -withdraw itself : for the
Lord shaU be thine everlasting Ught, and the days of thy mourning shaU
be ended ?" On aU these points which involve the element of time the
¦prophecy maintains a majestic sUence. The closing promise indeed is :
"I the Lord ¦wiU hasten it iu his time ;" but ¦with the Liord one day is as
a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day. The time for the con
summation of Grod's plan to rescue this apostate world from the dominion
of Satan — how many slowly revolving centuries may it include, and what
fierce and bloody assaults of the adversary, compeUing God's suffering peo
ple to cry out : " O Lord, how long !"
The whole of the prophecy of Joel belongs to the class now under con
sideration. It begins with impending judgments, and closes -with the con
flict and triumph of the last times : " Multitudes, multitudes in the vaUey
of decision : for the day of the Lord is near in the vaUey of decision. The
sun and the moon shaU be darkened, and the stars shaU ¦withdraw their
shining. The Lord also shaU roar out of Zion, and utter his voice from
Jerusalem ; and the heavens and the earth shall shake ; but the Lord shaU
be the hope of his people, and the strength of the chUdren of IkraeL So
shaU ye know that I am the Lord your God dwelling in Zion, my holy
mountain ; then shaU Jerusalem be holy, and there shaU no strangers pass
through her any more." Chap. 3 : 14^17.
Many more examples might be adduced from the other prophets, but
the above -wiU be sufficient.
6. But let no one infer, from this absence of dates and of
the exact succession of events, that the riew which the prophet
gives of the future is loose and confused. Times and succes
sions belong rather to the outward machinery of God's prori
dential government. They are, so to speak, the wheels and
bands and shafts which connect the different movements. But
the perpetuoH living power that dwells in the church is above aU
time and succession. In this Ues the guarantee of her final
triumph, and with this the prophets are mainly occupied. They
take the deepest riew of the progress of God's kingdom, for

614 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
they unfold to our view the indestructible divine life and power
which animate it throughout, and which are steadily bearing
it onward towards its final destiny — -victory complete and eter
nal over all the powers of darkness. If ¦we examine more par
ticularly the manner in which the prophets of the Old Testa
ment represent the future of the kingdom of heaven, we shall
find that it has its foundation in the unity of the plan of redemp
tion, the end towards which it is tending, the indications of that
end which are perpetually given in its progress, and the fact
that the end itself is the chief object qf interest in prophetic vision..
(1.) The unity of the plan of redemption lies not in its times
and seasons, but in the higher connections of cause and effect,
which, under God's supernatural presence and agency, bind
the whole together lateraUy, so to speak, as well as backward
and forward. It may be compared to the unity of a web, in
which each thread of the warp extends from its beginning to
its end, and each thread of the woof from one margin to the
other ; so that every part of the texture is connected with every
other part without respect to nearness or distance. So in the
plan of redemption, events thousands of years apart and taking
place in regions thousands of mUes from each other, are as
really connected as if they belonged to the same year and
country. And since they are thus connected in God's plan, it
is natural that prophecy should exhibit them in this connec
tion, passing over, it may be, many centuries in sUence ; for it
is the salient points of the church's future history, the great
crises in the process of her development, that the spirit of
inspiration wiU naturally bring to view. Prophecy relating to
the last times is not a map, in which the distance from one
point to another, with all the intervening mountains, rivers, and
towns, is accurately marked; but rather a prospective vieiv,
which exhibits only the great features of the region that lies
before the traveller. He sees far off in the horizon the goodly
mountains rising one behind another, and bathed in the pure
Ught of heaven, with no ability to discern, much less to meas
ure, the intervening. valleys and plains. Nay more, mountain

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 615
ranges that are widely separated may appear to his eye as one
and indirisible.
(2.) The plan of redemption has not only complete unity,
but continual progress towards a high end. It may be compared
to a majestic river, fed by thousands of perennial springs, that
cannot stay a moment in its course towards the ocean. Its
path is not always straight, but it is always onward. Its cur
rent is not always rapid and broken, for it is not always ob
structed. Sometimes, like the Arar described by Caesar, it
vrinds through level plains with a current so gentle and noise
less, that the eye cannot discern its direction. Then it plunges
over some Niagara, roaring, boUing, and foaming, and shaking
the very earth with its mighty cataracts. But it has all the
power in the level meadows that it manifests on the fearful
brink of the precipice. To arrest its current in one place is as
impossible as in the other. Eesistance cannot overcome its
strength, but only bring it to view. Let any number of Titans
build up ever so high a wall across the level meadow, and the
stream, every particle of which is pressed forward by an inward
force, wUl quietly rise above their vain rampart, and then it
will begin to thunder. Since then God's kingdom — this river
of God that is fuU of water — is continuaUy tending towards a
high end, and since every event of his providence contributes
something towards its progress, what wonder if we find in
prophecy events separated by many centuries of time immedi
ately connected as cause and effect ? Does the prophet pre
dict the overthrow of Sennacherib's army, or the coming deso
lation of Jerusalem by the Chaldean armies ; he connects these
calamities immediately with the advent of Christ, for this is the
end towards which they look. Desolating judgments prepare
the way for the King of glory to appear. After the storm of
thunder and haU there foUows a serene light, " as the Ught of
the morning when the sun riseth, even a morning without
clouds; as the tender grass springing out of the earth by clear
shining after rain." The mind of the inspired bard hastens
onward towards the glorious end of God's judgments, without

616 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
pausing to give us, what it is not necessary that we should
know, the chronological distance of that end.
(3.) The progress of God's kingdom gives continual indica
tions of the end towards which it is tending. The first great
interposition of God in behalf of Israel contained in itseU a
pledge of aU needful help for the future, and thus of a final tri
umph in the future ; for it was^ a manifestation of both God's
absolute power to save his people, and his absolute purpose to
save them. The fuU idea embodied in this interposition is
summed up in the closing words of thefr triumphal song on
the shore of the Eed sea : " The Lord shall reign for ever and
ever." What was true of this deliverance was true of every
subsequent deUverance. In each of them separately, and in
the whole of them collectively, lay the promise: "Fear not,
thou worm Jacob, and ye men of Israel ; I wUl help thee, saith
the Lord, and thy Eedeemer, the Holy One of Israel. Behold
I -will make thee [make thee to be] a new sharp threshing
instrument haring teeth : thou shalt thresh the mountains, and
beat them smaU, and shalt make the hills as chaff. Thou shalt
fan them, and the wind shaU carry them away, and the whirl
wind shall scatter them : and thou shalt rejoice in the Lord,
and shalt glory in the Holy One of Israel." Isa. 41 : 14r-16.
The chastisements, moreover, which God inflicted on the
covenant people through the temporary ascendency of thefr
enemies, and in other ways, gave in like manner indications of
a final triumph of the cause of truth and righteousness. How
ever great thefr severity, they were always so ordered that
God's people were -never destroyed, but always purified by thefr
power, and thus the way was prepared for thefr future enlarge
ment. This purifying tendency the divinely Ulumined eye of
the Hebrew prophet clearly discerned. What wonder, then,
that he should have constantly connected -with present or im
pending judgments glorious promises respecting the fature.
The destruction of Sennacherib's army by the destroying angel,
and afterwards of Jerusalem itseK by the Chaldean armies—
the former event so joyous iu its outward form, the latter so

BIBLICAL INTEEPRETATION. 617
sad — these were both alike to the prophet's vision parts of the
preparation through which God was carrying his people for the
fature glory and blessedness of the latter days. He accord
ingly connected both -with bright risions of the future, without
pausing to notice the intervening centiiries, respecting the
duration of which he had no commission to speak.
(4.) The end itself towards which the plan of redemption
tends is the chief object qf interest in prophetic representation.
To nourish the faith and hope of the church, to inrigorate her
in her present struggles by the assurance of final rictory — this,
and not the gratification of a prurient curiosity respecting the
exact dates of "times and seasons," is the main design of proph
ecy. That it has other subordinate ends need not be denied.
It chaUenges for itself the attribute of omniscience, and its ful
filment is, to those who Uve after it, a proof of the vaUdity of
its claim. But to become absorbed in calculations beforehand
respecting its dates is to elevate the subordinate and cfrcum
stantial in prophecy to the place of the essential. The bright
end of the present conflict -with the powers of darkness is what
prophetic rision is continuaUy presenting for our encourage
ment. To those who love God, this is the point of chief inter
est ; and accordingly the prophets make it, not the exact num- *
ber of years that is to elapse before the final consummation
-with the details of their history, the prominent point. Some
great crises in the church's history are indicated so clearly that
they who can discern " the signs of the times " may understand
beforehand that they are near. The general expectation of the
Messiah's advent at the time when he actuaUy appeared had
its foundation in a sober comparison of the prophecies -with the
existing condition of the covenant people. The present uni
versal beUef among Christians that the time for the final over
throw of the triple league between Satan, wicked kings, and
-wicked priests for the suppression of the gospel is at hand
rests, we doubt not, on the same soUd ground. But farther
than this we cannot go. We cannot say that it shaU be in
such a year of the present century, or even in the century, in

618 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
harmony with the true spirit of prophecy. It is enough for us
to know that God "will hasten it in his time " — that the victory
is certain, and that every believer from Abel to the trump of
the archangel shall have his share in it.
III. THE QUESTION OF DOUBLE SENSE.
7. The so-called double .sense of Scripture, especially of
prophecy, concerning which there has been so much discus
sion among biblical writers, must be distinguished from the
double sense of pure allegory, which aU admit. In aUegory,
the first or Uteral meaning is only a cover for the higher spir
itual sense, which alone is of importance. That we may have
a true example of double sense, the obvious literal meaning
must have its own propfer significance, irrespective of the highei*.
sense belonging to it, and this higher sense must be intended
by the Spirit of inspiration. The question now to be consid
ered is: Do such examples occur in Scripture, by whatever
term we may choose to designate them ?
'To avoid logomachy, arising from the use of the same plirase in differ
ent senses, we prefer the expi-es.sion literal and typical sense.
8. If, as has been shown above (chap. 37, No. 4), examples
of historic types are fouud in the Old Testament, these contain
a twofold sense. The priesthood of Melchizedek and the trans
actions between him and Abraham were true historic realities,
having their own proper office and meaning. Tet the word of
inspiration teaches us that the cfrcumstances connected with
Melchizedek's priesthood and his meeting with Abraham were
intended by God to shadow forth the higher priesthood of
Melchizedek's great Antitype. He brought forth bread and
-wine, the very s^-mbols that should afterwards represent Christ
crucified as our spiritual food and drink, blessed him that had
the promises, and received at his hand tithes of aU (Gen.
14 : 18-20), thus exercising the prerogatives of one higher than
Abraham, and consequently higher than aU his posterity. Heb.
7 : 4^10. In the intention of the Holy Ghost, the higher typical

BIBLICAL INTEEPRETATION. 619
meaning lay in this transaction from the beginning, but it was
not revealed to the apprehension of beUevers till the Christian
dispensation had begun. So also the rest of the covenant peo
ple in the land of Canaan is represented in the New Testament
as typical of the true heavenly rest. He^b. 4 : 7-11. Other
examples might be adduced, but these will serve as an iUustra
tion of the principle now -under consideration.
9. The most striking examples of a literal covering a typical
meaning are furnished by the so-called Messianic psal,ms, a part
of which describe the victories and universal dominion of a
mighty King whom Jehovah himself estabUshes on Zion to
reign there for ever (Psalms 2, 45, 72, 110, etc.) ; another part,
the deep aflictions of a mighty Sufferer and his subsequent
deUverance, which has for its result the conversion of all
nations to the serrice of Jehovah. Psalms 22, 40, 69, 109, etc.
That such psalms as the second and seventy-second, the twen
ty-second, fortieth, and sixty-ninth (not to mention others),
have a true reference to Christ's person and work, cannot be
denied without imputing either error or fraud to the writers of
the New Testament. Nay more, our Lord himseU said, after
his resurrection: "These are the words which I spake unto
you, whUe I was yet with you, that aU things must be fulfilled
which were written in the law of Moses, and in the prophets,
and in the psalms, concerning me" (Luke 24 : 44) ; whence we
learn that it was our Lord's custom to refer to the psalms as
containing prophecies of himseU. If the psalms, when legit
imately interpreted, contain no such prophecies, then, when the
writers of the New Testament quoted them as referring to
Christ, they either beUeved that they were making a true appU
cation of them according to the mind of the Holy Spfrit, or
they simply accommodated themselves to what they knew to
be the groundless prejudices of the age. Upon the former
supposition they were in error; upon the latter, they were
guUty of fraud. Such is the dishonor which the modern prin
ciples of rationalism put upon the word of God. In the inter
pretation of these psalms, then, we must assume as a funda-

620 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
mental truth that they contain a true reference to Christ.
The only question is, whether they contain a lower reference
also. (1.) One class of interpreters understand these psalms sim
ply of Christ; that is, they assume that the writer speaks
wholly in the name of Christ, without reference to himself or
any merely human personage. There are psalms — the hun
dred and tenth, for example — that may be very weU explained
in this way. The opening words of that psalm — " The Lord
said unto my lord" — seem to exclude David as the subject,
and it is difficult to see in what sense David could speak of
himself as made by a divine oath " a priest for ever after the
order of Melchizedek" (ver. 4). But in the attempt to carry
this principle consistently through aU the Messianic psalms,
one meets with serious difficulties. They contain, at least
some of them, historic allusions of a character so marked and
circumstantial that it is hard to beUeve that the writer had not
in view his own personal situation. In some of them, moreo
ver, the writer makes confession to God of his sins. Psa.
40:12; 69:5.
They who apply these psalms exclusively to Christ assume that these
confessions of sin are made in a vicarious way, the Messiah assuming the
character of a sinner because " the Lord hath laid on him the iniquities of
ns aU." Isa, 53 : 6. But the form of these confessions forbids such an
interpretation. When the psalmist says: "Mine iniquities have taken
hold upon me ;" "O God, thou knowest my fooUshness, and my sins are
not hid from thee, '' we cannot understand such language of any thing else
than personal sinfulness. It is true that the Messiah bore our iniquities,
and that God "made him to be sin for us, who knew no sin ;" but the Sav
iour nowhere speaks or can speak of "mine iniquities," "my fooUshness,"
and "my sins."
(2.) According to another class of interpreters, the subject
of these psalms, particularly of those which describe the Mes
siah as a sufferer, is an ideal personage, namely, the congrega
tion of the righteous considered not separately from Christ,
but in Christ their head ; or, which amounts to the same thing,
Christ considered, not in his simple personaUty apart from the

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 621
church, but Christ with his body the church. The contents
of these psalms are then apphed, according to their nature, to
Christ alone, to beUevers alone who are his members, or to
Christ in the fuUest sense and beUevers in a subordinate sense.
Much might be said in favor of this riew; yet it labors under
the difficulty afready indicated, that one cannot weU read the
psalms in question, with thefr- marked historic aUusions, -with
out the conriction that the author had in view — not indfrectly,
but immediately — his o-wn personal situation.
(3.) There remains a third, and perhaps preferable riew,
which may be caUed the typical view, maintained, as is weU
known, by Melanchthon, Calvin, and many later expositors.
This begins -with the weU-estabUshed principle that Darid (in
a less eminent degree his successors also on the throne, so far
as they were true to thefr office) was a divinely-constituted
type of the Messiah, not only in his office as the earthly head
of God's kingdom, but in the events of his history also ; that the
psalms in question, whether they describe his rictorious might
or his deep suffering at the hand of his enemies, had a true his
toric origin ; that thefr first and immediate reference was to the
writer's own situation and the events which befeU him ; but that,
under the guidance of the Holy Spfrit, he was carried beyond
himseU to describe the office and history of the Messiah ; that
consequently these psalms have a lower fulfilment in David the
type (the seventy-second in Solomon), and a higher in Christ
the Antitype.
The second psalm, for example, which describes the vain conspiracy of
the heathen irulers against the Lord's anointed king, and God's purpose to
give him the uttermost ends of the earth for his possession, may have had
its occasion in the combination of the surrounding heathen nations against
Darid. In the rictorious inight with which God endowed him, it had a
lower fulfilment ; aud this was, so to speak, the first sheaf of the harvest
of rictories that was to f oUow. It was an earnest and pledge of the com
plete fulfilment of the psalm in Christ, in whom alone the promise made
¦to Darid : "Thine house and thy kingdom shall be established for ever
before thee : thy throne shaU be established for ever " (2 Sam. 7 : 16), could
have its real accomplishment. Luke 1 : 32, 33.

622 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
The second class of psalms, of whieh tho twenty-second is a well-known
example, may have had, in like manner, a tme historic origin. "When the
psalmist began with the exclamation : " My God, my God, why hast thou
forsaken me ?" he may have had immediate reference to his own distressed
condition. But since he was the dirinely appointed head of the line of
kings which should end in Christ, and was thus in his office a trpe of
Christ, God had so ordered the circumstances of his history as to shadow
forth in them the sufferings and final triumph of the Messiah. Writing
tmder the guidance of the Holy Spirit, he was led, through these cu-cum-
stanoes, to say many things which applied to himself only in a lower and
often figurative sense, but which were aj)pointed to have a complete fulfil
ment in Christ his Antitype (Psa. 22 : 1, 7, 8, 14, 15, 16, 18 ; 40 : 6-10 ;
69 : 4, 7-9, 21 ; 109 : 1-20), and which pomt to Christ as the chief subject
of the prophecies.
How far the psalmist understood tliis higher reference of his words is
a question difficult to be determined. With regard to the sixteenth psahn,
the apostle Peter teUs us that Darid, "being a prophet, and knowing that
God had sworn -with an oath to him, that of the fruit of his loins, accord
ing to the flesh, he would raise up Christ to sit on his throne ; he seeing
this before, spake of the resurrection of Christ, that his soul was not left
in heU, neither his flesh did see corruption" (Acts 2:30, 31); whence we
infer that in penning this psahn Darid was conscious of its higher appU
cation to Christ. The spirit of the New Testament quotations from the
psahns indicates that he had a deeper insight into the prophetic meaning
of his words than many modern expositors are -willing to admit. But
however this may be, the Spirit of inspiration had in view the fulfilment
of these psalms in Christ ; and his intention, clearly revealed to us in the
New Testament, is our rule of interpretation.
10. Different fr-om the above Uteral and typical sense, yet
closely related to it in principle, is that of the progressive fulfil
ment of prophecy, which has a -wide application in the inter
pretation of those prophecies which relate to the last days.
By the progressive fulfilment of prophecy is meant, a fulfilment
not exhaustively accomplished at one particular era or crisis
in the church's history, but successively from age to age ; a ful
filment repeated, it may be, many times, and ending only with
the final consummation of the Messiah's kingdom. An imde-
niable example of such a prophecy is God's message by Isaiah
to the covenant people: "Go and teU this people. Hear ye
indeed, but understand not; and see ye indeed, but perceive

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 623
not," etc., with the threatened desolation that should follow
(chap. 6 : 9-13). This prophecy had a true fiilfilment in the
ancient Jewish people before the Babylonish captivity. For
their bUndness of mind and hardness of heart, they were given
over to the power of Nebuchadnezzar, who wasted thefr land,
destroyed thefr city and temple, and carried the remnant of
the people into captivity. But the same prophecy had, in both
its parts, a more awful fulfilment in the generation of Jews who
rejected and crucified our Lord, and were destroyed with their
city and temple by the armies of Eome (Matt. 13 : 14, 15 ; Mark
4:12; Luke 8:10; John 12:39-41; Acts 28:25-27; Eom.
11 : 8) ; and its fulfillment is yet in progress. Joel's prophecy
of the outpouring of the Spfrit in the last days upon all flesh,
with the mighty accompanying judgments (chap. 2 : 28-32), and
Amos' prediction of the raising up of David's fallen tabernacle
(chap. 9 : 11, 12), had both thefr initial fulfilment in the outpour
ing of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost and the triumphs
of the gospel that foUowed. Acts 2 : 16-21; 15 : 16, 17. But
the blessings which they promised were not exhausted in the
apostoUc age. The church has had rich instalments of them,
but richer stUl are' reserved for the fature of miUennial glory.
•A large part of the prophecies of the Old Testament indicate
in their very structure that they are not to be understood of
particular events, but of the development of God's kingdom
from age to age. The reader may take, as a single example
among many others, the prediction of Isaiah and Micah con
ceming the estabUshment of the Lord's house in the last days
in the top of the moimtains, the resort of aU nations to it, and
the universal peace that shaU follow. Isa. 2 : 2-4 ; Micah 4 : 1-4.
That particularism which seeks for the fulfilment of every proph
ecy in some one specific event of history must go widely astray
in its interpretation of Scripture.

624 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

IV. THE QUESTION OF LITERAL AND FIGURATIVE
MEANING.
11. On this question expositors are, as is well known, much
divided; one class adopting, as far as possible, the literal
meaning of the prophetic announcements, the other freely em
ploying the principle of figurative interpretation. A full dis
cussion of the claims of these two methods of interpretation,
on which so many volumes have been written, would far exceed
the limits of the'present work. All that can be done is, to indi
cate some well-established principles which may help to guide
the biblical student in the study of prophecy.
12. We begin by calling attention to the representative ¦use
which the Old Testament prophets make of the events of the
past history of Israel ; that is, to their habit of representing the
future under the imagery of this history. When Israel jour
neyed from Egypt to Palestine through the wUderness of Ara
bia, God dried up the tongue of the Egyptian sea before the
people, guided them miraculously by the cloudy piUar, fed
them with manna, made streams of water to burst forth fr-om
the rock for their refreshment, and finally divided the waters
of the Jordan to give them a passage into the promised land.
This primitive history of Israel furnishes for the prophets who
lived in later ages a rich treasury of images which it would be
absurd to interpret in a Uteral way.
Thus Isaiah, speaking of the future gathering together of the outcasts
of Israel and the dispersed of Judah from the four corners of the earth
(chap. 11:11, 12), says: "And the Lord shaU utterly destroy the tongue
of the Egyptian sea, and -with his mighty -wind shaU he shake his hand
over the river [the Euphrates], and shall smite it in the seven streams,
and make men go over dry shod" (ver. 15). To suppose that the prophet
foreteUs a literal repetition of the miracles -wrought upon the Red sea and
the Jordan is unnecessary and most improbable. The meaning is, that
God shaU remove aU obstacles which hinder the return of his people to
their own land, as he originaUy removed aU obstacles which opposed their
entrance into it. This is, indeed, the very idea of the foUowing verse :
"And there shaU be a highway for the remnant of his people, which shaU

BIBLICAL INTEEPRETATION. 625
be left, from Assyria ; like as it was to Israel in the day that he came up
out of the land of Egypt."
Again, the prophet foretells that in the latter day glory "the Lord -wUl
create upon every dweUing-place of mount Zion, and upon her assembUes,
a cloud and smoke by day, and the shining of a fiaming fire by night :
for npon aU the glory shaU be a defence." Isa. 4 : 5. Here "the figurative
reference is to the piUar of cloud and the pillar of fire in which the Lord
went before the IsraeUtes in the -wUderness, and to the glory which rested
upon the tabernacle." Henderson. God -wUl give to his church in the
latter day that which the piUar of cloud and of fire signified, his glorious
presence and protection. A Uteral repetition of the miracle is not to be
thought of.
Once more, God promises to his weary people, on their pUgrimage to
Zion, that "in the -wUdemess shaU waters- breai out, and streams in the
desert " (Isa. 35 : 6, and often elsewhere), -with obrious aUusion to the mirac
ulous suppUes of -water fumished to the IsraeUtes in then- journey through
the Arabian desert to the land of Canaan. The water here promised is the
water of life, and hot Uteral fountains in the desert. Upon the same prin
ciple are we to interpret the river that flows out from under the threshold
of the temple, and flows do-wn eastward to the Dead sea, gro^wing broader
and deeper in ita course, and imparting life to every thing which comes
¦within its influence. Ezek. 47 : 1-12, and compare Psa. 46 : 4 ; Joel 3 : 18 ;
Zech. 14 : 8.
13. The same representative use is made by the prophets
of the institutions of the Mosaic eeono^my. One of their offices
was, to foreteU the extension of the true reUgion over aU the
earth ; the conversion of aU nations to the faith of the cove
nant people, and thefr peaceful subjection to Jehovah who
reigned in Zion. In what form should this be done whUe the
theocracy was yet in fuU force ? The disclosure of God's pur
pose to abolish this theocracy in the interest of a simpler and
more spiritual dispensation, which should know no distinction
between Jews and GentUes, would have been a premature act.
It would, so far as we can judge, have led to much error and
misapprehension; and it must have had the effect of dispar
aging the existing economy before the world was prepared to
receive any thing better in its place. God, therefore, aUowed
his prophets to portray the glories of the latter day, when aU
nations should come to the knowledge and obedience of the
Comp. to Bble, 97

626 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
truth, under the forms of the Jewish dispensation, -with its temple,
sacrifices, and solemn festivals.
A striking example is the bright portraiture of two contemporary proph
ets : "But in the last days it shaU come to pass, that the mountain of the
house of the Lord shall be estabUshed in the top of the mountains, and it
shaU be exalted above the hills ; and people [Hebrew peoples, that is, as
Isaiah, aU the nations'] shaU flow unto it. And many nations shaU come,
and say, Come, and let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the
house of the God of Jacob ; and he -wiU teach us of his ways, and we ¦wiU walk
in his paths : for tlie law shall go forth of Zion, and the word of the Lord
from Jerusalem. And he shaU judge among many people, and rebuke
strong nations afar off ; and they shaU beat their swords into ploughshares,
and their spears into pruning-hooks : nation shaU not lift up sword against
nation, neither shaU they learn war any more. But they shaU sit every
man under his vine and under his fig-tree ; and none shall make them
afraid : for the mouth of the Lord of hosts hath spoken it." Micah 4 : 1-4,
compared -with Isa. 2 : 2-4. The temple at Jerusalem, with its altar and
priesthood, was the central point of the old theocracy. There aU the sac
rifices were to be offered, there was the seat of royal authority, and conse
quently of pubUc justice, and thither aU the males among the people were
required to repair three times a year at the great national festivals. Deut. ¦
16 : 16. A Jew could conceive of the conversion of aU nations only in the
form of their subjecting themselves to the theocracy, and coming up to
Jerusalem for worship and the administration of justice. Accordingly the
Spirit of prophecy here represents the mountain of the Lord's house as
"established in the top of the mountains," a conspicuous object to aU
nations, who resort thither for worship, submit themselves to the authority
of the great king who reigns there, and thus have universal peace and hap
piness. To insist on the Uteral interpretation of these words is contrary to
the general analogy of prophecy. It is an attempt to bring back the out
ward sensuous form of the kingdom of heaven which the gospel dispensa
tion has abolished.
There is another celebrated passage in Zechariah (14 : 16-21) which is
intensely Jewish in its costume. After describing the judgments of God
npon the nations that have fought against Jerusalem, the prophet goes on
to say : "And it shaU come to pass that every one that is left of aU the
nations which came against Jerusalem, shall even go up from year to year
to worship the King, the Lord of hosts, and to keep the feast of taberna
cles. And it shaU be, that whoso wiU not come up, of aU the famUies of
the earth, unto Jerusalem to worship the King, the Lord of hosts, even
upon them shaU be no rain. And if the family of Egypt go not up, and
come not, that have no rain ; there shaU be the plague, where-with the

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 627
Lord -wiU smite the heathen that come not up to keep the feast of taberna
cles. This shaU be the punishment of Egypt, and the punishment of aU
nations that come not up to keep the feast of tabernacles. In that day
there shaU be upon the bells of the horses, HonnTESs rxTo the Lokd ; and
the pots in the Lord's house shall be Uke the bowls before the altar. Tea,
every pot in Jerusalem and in Judah shaU be holiness unto the Lord of
hosts ; and all they that sacrifice shaU come and take of them and seethe
therein : and in that day there shaU be no more the Canaanite in the house
of the Lord of hosts." The prophets care to include "aU the famiUes of
the earth" in this ordinance is very noticeable. Whatever nation reftises
to observe it shaU have no rain. But, recoUecting that for Egypt thi.t can
be no punishment, he appoints for that country the plague instead of the
absence of rain. Is it so, then, that in the last days aU the families of the
earth are to go up year by year to worship at Jerusalem ? Ji so, they are
to sacrifice also ; for the prophecy is a homogeneous whole, of which, if
the beginning is to be understood UteraUy, so is the end also. The refer
ence is to the peace-offerings of the people, on which, after certain pre
scribed portions had been burned on the altar, the offerer feasted -with his
friends ; and a special provision is made for the multitude of these sacrifl
ces. "Every pot in Judah and Jerusalem," as weU as "the pots in the
Lord's house," " shaU be hoUness unto the Lord of hosts," that it may be
used for boiling the flesh of the peace-offerings, precisely as we flnd done
in the days of Fh' 1 Sam. 2 : 13-16. But aU sacrifices are done away for
ever in Christ. Heb. 10 : 10-18. This part of the prophecy must clearly
be understood figuratively, and therefore the whole. The future reception
of the true reUgion by aU nations is foretold tmder the symbols of the
Mosaic economy, -with its ritual, its yearly feasts, and its central place of
worship. For this principle of interpretation we have the warrant of the
New Testament. Did the law of Moses prescribe a Uteral priesthood -with
Uteral sacrifices ; beUevers, under the new dispensation, are a spiritual
priesthood, presenting their bodies as "Uving sacrifices." Rom. 12:1;
1 Pet 2 : 5. Did the Mosaic economy have a central metropolis, a Uteral
Zion, whither aU the tribes went up ; believers in Christ have come to the
spiritual "Mount Zion " which this shadowed forth, where the great Anti
type of Darid reigns, that aU nations may resort to him, and he may teach
them his laws.
Upon the same principle, as weU as for other very obrious reasons (see
chaps. 42 : 15-20 ; 45 : 1-8 ; 47 : 1-12, and the whole of chap. 48), Ezekiel's
minute description of a New Jerusalem, -with its territory, its temple, and
its Je-wish appointments (chaps. 40-48), is to be understood not UteraUy
but figuratively. This temple has also its Leritical priesthood, its altar,
and its sacrifices (chap. 43 : 13-27), aU which are done away in Christ.
There are other passages kindred to the above which it is not necessary to

628 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
consider separately, as they aU come under the same general principle of
interpretation. 14. In the classes of prophecies that have been considered,
the principle of figurative interpretation can be maintained
upon sohd grounds. But it would be -wrong to press it as of
universal and exclusive appUcation. Where no reasons to the
contrary exist, the literal interpretation, as the most natural
and obvious, deserves the preference. To draw the limits be
tween the Uteral and the figurative in prophecy is difficult, and
in some cases impossible. In this respect it has pleased the
wisdom of God that a vail shoidd rest on some unfulfiUed pre
dictions which his own hand alone has power to remove. There
are two questions, especiaUy, respecting which interpreters
have long been divided, and wiU probably continue to be divi
ded, till God himseU shall decide them. The first is that of
the literal restoration of the Jews to the promised land; the
second, that of our Lord's personal reign on earth during the
promised age of millennial glory. To enter upon the full dis
cussion of either would require a volume. We must dismiss
both with some brief hints.
15. The original promise to Abraham included the grant of
the land of Canaan to him and his seed "for an everlasting
possession." Gen. 12 : 7 ; 13 : 15 ; 15 : 18 ; 17 : 8 ; 26 : 3 ; 28 : 13.
It is expressed in the plainest terms, the boundaries of the
promised territory are defined, and the nations inhabiting it
enumerated (Gen. 15 : 18-21) ; in a word, every thing indicates
the literal as the true interpretation. The remarkable words
of the Sariour : "And they shaU faU by the edge of the sword,
and shaU be led away captive into aU nations : and Jerusalem
shaU be trodden down of the Gentiles, until the times of the
GentUes be fulfiUed " (Luke 21 : 24), have had a literal fulfil
ment in the awful judgments which they foreteU ; and it seems
reasonable to believe that the promise impUed in the last
clause, " until the times of the Gentiles be fulfilled," shaU have a
literal fulfilment also in their repossession of Jerusalem and
the Holy Land. The wonderful preservation of the Jewish

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 629
nation through so many centuries of dispersion points in the
same direction. AU these things, taken in connection with the
numerous and very explicit prophecies of thefr captirity and
dispersion for thefr- sins, and their subsequent restoration upon
repentance (Lev. chap. 26; Deut. chaps. 28-30; 1 Kings
8 : 46-50 ; Isa. chaps. 6, 11, 66 ; Jer. chaps. 30, 31 ; Ezek. chaps.
36-39 ; Hosea 1 : 10, 11 ; Joel chap. 3 ; Amos chap. 9 ; Micah
7 : 8-20 ; Zeph. 3 : 8-20), seem to warrant the expectation of a
Uteral fulfilment- hereafter of the promise made to Abraham
that his seed should inherit the land of Canaan for ever.
16. That Christ wUl come again in glory to raise the dead,
change the Uving, and judge aU nations, is a fundamental arti
cle of the Christian faith. But the doctrine "that the fleshly
and sublunary state is not to terminate with the coming of
Christ, but to be then set up in a new form; when, -with his
glorified saints, the Eedeemer will reign in person on the
throne of David at Jerusalem for a thousand years, over a
world of men yet in the flesh, eating and drinking, planting
and buUding, marrying and giving in marriage, under this
mysterious sway " (Brown on the Second Advent, who correctly
states the fnndamental principle of the system), cannot lay
claim to an frrefragable basis of scriptural teaching. The
arguments reUed on by its advocates are dra-wn in part from
the very passages that have been considered above (Micah
4 : 1-4 ; Zech. 14 : 16-21). How Uttle support the theory de
rives from- these passages, when fafrly interpreted, we have
seen. Nor is it favored by the references to our Lord's second
«oming in the gospels and epistles, for they clearly connect it
-with the final consummation of aU things.
Our Sariour says : "The hour is coming, in the which aU that are in
the graves shaU hear his voice, and shaU come forth ; they that have done
good unto the resurrection of Ufe ; and they that have done e-ril, unto the
resurrection of damnation." John 5 : 28, 29. He plainly represents these
two resurrections as simultaneous ; nor is there in the record of his words
any hint of a partial resurrection ages before the reign of death in this
world shall close. The resurrection "atthe last trump " to which the apos
tie Paul refers (1 Cor. chap. 15 ; 1 Thess. 4 : 13-18 ; 2 Thess. 1 : 7-10) is

630 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
universal. It expressly includes aU the dead in Christ and the change of aU
Chi-ist's Uring disciples. If nothing is said of the resurrection of the
¦wicked, it is because the apostle has in mind only the "resurrection of
life," and has no occasion to speak of the simultaneous "resurrection of
damnation " which the Sariour himself connects with it. This restui-ec-
tiou at the last trump is also the annihUation of the reign of death ; for
when it happens, "then shaU be brought to pass the saying that is written.
Death is swallowed up in rictory.'' 1 Cor. 15 : 54. But "the last enemy
that shall be destroyed is death," and "then cometh the end." 1 Cor.
15 : 24-26. The Saviour teaches, moreover, that his personal pres
ence on earth is inconsistent with the dispensation of the Holy
Spirit. " It is expedient for you that I go away ; for if I go
not away the Comforter will not come unto you; but if I
depart, I -will send him unto you." John 16 : 7. It is expedi
ent, doubtless, because the dispensation of the Spirit is better
adapted to our present state of flesh and blood than his per
sonal presence could be. This dispensation of the Spirit must,
fi-om the nature of the case, be continued in its full force
throughout the miUennial era, -svhen the generations of men
will succeed each other as at present. But the New Testament
knows nothing of the dispensation of the Holy Spirit eristing
contemporaneously with Christ's personal reign on earth. Its
constant doctrine is that the salvation of men is effected by
Christ's intercession in heaven conjointly with the gift of the Holy
Spirit on earth.
The passage mainly reUed upon by the advocates of this
theory is the twentieth chapter of the book of Eevelation, which
speaks of the first and second resurrection. But the first res-"
urrection there described cannot be identical with the resur
rection described by Paul at our Lord's advent. The resurrec
tion described by Paul includes in express terms all the right
eous, whereas this first resurrection of the Apocalypse is
restricted to a certain class, namely, the martyrs and confes
sors for Christ's sake (ver. 4), whUe the rest of the dead live
not tUl the thousand years are over (ver. 5). Then there is a
general resurrection (ver. 11-15), which, from its very terms,

BIBLICAL INTEEPEETATION. 631
includes the righteous and the ivicked; for among the books then
opened is " the book of Ufe." The risen dead are "judged every
man according to his works," and aU whose names are not
found in the b§ok of Ufe are cast into the lake of fire. At the
same time death and hell (Hades), personified as two enemies
of the human race, are cast into the lake of fire, and thus
" death, the last enemy, is destroyed," and " death is swaUowed
up in victory." 1 Cor. 15 : 26, 54. This is the resurrection
which takes place upon our Lord's advent at the last trump,
not a thousand years after his advent; the resurrection and
judgnient, when the wicked "shaU go away into everlasting
punishment, but the righteous into Ufe eternal." We venture
not to interpret the meaning of the first resurrection, beUe-ving
that it is one of the mysteries which God alone wUl reveal in
its fulfilment. But whether it should be taken UteraUy or fig^
uratively, after the analogy of the resurrection of the two wit
nesses (chap. 11 : 11), it does not seem reasonable to build upon
this obscure and difficult passage a doctrine respecting our
Lord's pre-miUennial advent and personal reign on earth which
is so decidedly at variance with the general tenor of Scripture.

632 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.

CHAPTEE XXXIX.
Quotations from the Old Testament in the
Ne-w.
1. As it respects inspiration, and consequent infalUble
authority, the quotations of the New Testament stand on a
level with the rest of the apostoUc writings. The Sariour's
promise was : " When he, the Spirit of tmth, is come, he wiU
guide you into aU truth;" literally, "into aU the truth," that
is, as immediately explained, aU the truth pertaining to the
Eedeemer's person and work. When, therefore, after the ful
filment of this promise, Peter and the other apostles expound
ed to thefr brethren the Scriptures of the Old Testament,
wherein the Spfr-it of Christ "testified beforehand the suffer
ings of Christ, and the glory that should foUow," the same
"Spirit of Christ" guided them to a true apprehension of thefr
meaning. If we cannot trust Peter and Paul, whom Christ
himself personaUy commissioned to preach his gospel, quaU
fied for this work by the gift of the Holy Spirit, and endowed
with miraculous powers as the seal of their commission — if we
cannot trust these men to interpret the words of the Old Tes
tament, then we cannot trust the guidance of the Divine Spirit
himself. But when we have admitted, as we must, the author
ity of the New Testament writers as interpreters of the Old
Testament, a very important question remains to be consid
ered ; and that is the manner of their quotations. This question
we propose briefiy to examine in respect to both out ward form
and inward contents.
2. As it respects outward form, we cannot but notice at
once the very free .spirit of these quotations. It is manifest
that these inspired penmen are not anxious about the verbal
accuracy of the words cited. The spirit and scope of a passage,
which constitute its true life and meaning, are what they have

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 633
in riew, not the exact number of words UteraUy translated from
Hebrew into Greek. It is weU known that a very large part of
thefr- quotations is made from the Greek version of the seventy,
caUed the Septuagint, which was in common use in their
day. No one pretends that the translators who made the Sep
tuagint -were inspired, or that they always succeeded in hitting
the exact meaning of the Hebrew original. Tet, under the
guidance of the Holy Spfrit, the robust good sense of the New
Testament -writers went straight forward without stopping to
notice or criticise deviations from the Hebrew, provided they
did not affect the use which they wished to make of the passa
ges quoted.
But the New Testament -writers do not always conform
thefr quotations to the Septuagint. They frequently foUow
the Hebrew whoUy or in part where the Greek version departs
from it. Matthew, in particular, foUows the Hebrew in the
Messianic quotations. Chap. 29, No. 19. Tet in these cases
also they cite in the same free manner, abridging sometimes
the Hebrew passage quoted, or giring only its general sense.
It may be that thus the wisdom of God intended to bear testi
mony against the undue exaltation of the letter of inspfration
above its spfrit.
From a Ust of some two hundred and fifty citations placed side by side
with the original Hebrew passages and the Septuagint version of the same
we select the foUo-wing as illustrations of the above remarks, each passage
being UteraUy transhited. The words iu brackets are regarded by some as
not belonging to the true text.
Hebrew. The Spirit of the Lord God is upon me ; because the Lord
hath anointed me to preach good tidings to the meek : he hath sent me
to bind up the broken-hearted, to proclaim Uberty to the captives, and the
opening of the prison to the bound ; to proclaim a year of acceptance to
the Lord. Isa. 61 : 1, 2.
Septuagint. The Spirit of the Lord is upon me ; because he hath
anointed me to preach good tidings to the poor ; he hath sent me to heal
the broken-hearted, to proclaun release to the captives, and recovery of
sight to the bUnd; to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord. Isa.
61 : 1, 2.
Ifew Testament. The Spirit of the Lord is upon me ; because he hath

634 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
anointed me to preach good tidings to the poor, he hath sent me [to heal
the broken-hearted,] to proclaim release to the captives, and recovery of
sight to the bUnd, to send away free the bruised (perhaps from the Greek of
Isa. 58 : 6) ; to proclaim the acceptable year of the Lord. Liike 4 : 18, 19.
Hebrew. Eejoice greatly, O daughter of Zion ; shout, O daughter of
Jerusalem : behold thy king shaU come to thee : he is just and endowed
¦with salvation ; lowly, and riding upon an ass, and upon a colt the foal of
an ass. Zech. 9 : 9.
Septuagint. Rejoice greatiy, O daughter of Zion ; proclaim, O daugh
ter of Jerusalem : behold the king cometh to thee, just and exercising sal
vation ; he is meek, and mounted on an ass and a young colt. Zech. 9 : 9.
New Testament. Say ye to the daughter of Zion (Isa. 62 : 11) : Behold
thy king cometh to thee, meek, and mounted upon an ass, and upon a colt
the foal of an ass. Matt. 21 : 5.
Fear not, O daughter of Zion ; behold thy king cometh sitting upon
an ass's colt. John 12 : 15.
Hebrew. In hearing hear ye, but understand not ; and in seeing see ye,
but perceive not. Make fat the heart of this people, and their ears make
heavy, and their eyes cover over : lest they see -with then- eyes, and -with
their ears hear, and -with their heart understand, and tum, and one heal
them. Isa. 6 : 9, 10.
Septuagint. In hearing ye shaU hear, but understand not ; and in see
ing ye shall see, but perceive not. For the heart of this people became
gross, and -with theu- ears they heard heavUy, and the eyes they closed ;
lest at any time they should see -with the eyes, and -with the ears should
hear, and with the heart should understand, and should turn, and I should
heal them. Isa. 6 : 9, 10.
New Testament. In hearing ye shaU hear, but understand not ; and in
seeing ye shaU see, but perceive not. For the heart of this people became
gross, and -with the ears they heard heavUy, and theu- eyes they closed ;
lest at any time they should see with the eyes, and -with the ears should
hear, and -with the heart should understand, aud should turn, and I should
heal them. Matt. 13 : 14, 15 ; also Acts 28 : 26, 27.
That in seeing they may see and not perceive, and in hearing they may
hear and not understand ; lest at any time they should tm-n, and [their
sins] should be forgiven them. Mark 4 : 12.
That iu seeing they may not see, and in hearing they may not under
stand. Luke 8 : 10.
He hath bUnded their eyes, and hardened theu- heart ; that they niight
not see with the eyes, and understand with the heart, and be turned, and
I should heal them. John 12 : 40.

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 635
These quotations of the same passage by different New Testament -wri-
ers furnish a -remarkable example of their free manner, whUe the spirit
and scope of the prophet are kept by aU.
In Heb. 10 : 5 we have a quotation from the Septuagint where it differs
¦widely from the Hebrew of Psa. 40 : 7. This reads : " Sacrifice and offer
ing thou didst not desire; mine ears hast thou opened" (Heb. bored or
digged). But the apostle quotes after the Septuagint: "Sacrifice and
offering thon wouldest not, but a body hast thou prepared for me." The
attempted explanations of this difference are not very satisfactory. It is
to be noticed, however, that the apostie builds no essential part of his argu
ment upon the clause in question.
In the long quotation from Jeremiah in Heb. 8 : 8-12, the clause, "and
I regarded them not" (ver. 9), is perhaps correct for substance; since
many prefer to render the corresponding Hebrew clause not as in our ver
sion — " though I was a husband unto them," — but, " and I rejected them."
When, on the contrary, the spirit aud scope of a passage are lost in the
version of the Seventy, the New Testament ¦writers quote directiy from the
Hebrew. Examples are the f oUo-wing :
""When Israel was a chUd, then I loved him,, and eaUed my son out of
Egypt. " Hosea 11 : 1, quoted in Matt. 2 : 15. Here the Seventy render :
"Out of Egypt I caUed my chUdren," a variation from the original which
makes the passage inappUcable ; since Israel, as God's first-born son
(Exod. 4 : 22, 23), was the type of Christ, and not the indiridual IsraeUtes.
Again, to the passage Isa. 42 : 1-4, quoted in Matt, 12 : 18-21, the Sep
tuagint gives a wrong tum by the introductory words : "Jacob my son, I
¦wUl help bim : Israel my chosen, my sotd hath accepted him : I have put
my Spirit upon bim ; he shaU bring forth judgment to the Gentiles," etc. ;
whereas the Hebrew speaks not of Jacob and Israel, but of God's servant :
" Behold my servant, whom I uphold ; my chosen, in whom my soul de
lighteth," etc. Matthew accordingly loUows the Hebrew, yet in a very
free manner : "Behold my servant, whom I have chosen ; my beloved, in
whom my soul deUghteth," etc.
For otiier examples see MaL 3 : 1, as quoted by Matt. 11 : 10 ; Mark
1:2; Luke 7: 27; Isa. 9:1, 2, as quoted by Matt. 4:15, 16.
3. Passing now to the consideration of the New Testament
citations on the side of thefr inward content.s, the first question
that arises has respect to the so-csJled principle qf accommodation.
There is a sense in which the -writers of the New Testament some
times employ the language 6f the Old in the way of accommo
dation ; that is, they use its phraseology, origmaUy applied in

636 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
a different connection, simply as expressing in an apt and for
cible manner the thoughts which they wish to convey. Of this
we have a beautiful example in Eom. 10 : 18, where the apostle
says, in reference to the proclamation of the gospel : " But I
say. Have they not heard ? Tes verily, thefr sound went into
aU the earth, and their words unto the ends of the world,"
meaning that what the psalmist says of the instruction given
by the heavens, Psa. 19:1-4, is true of the preaching of the
word; so that none are excusable for their unbeUef. Another
striking example is found in the same chapter (ver. 6-8), where
"phraseology originally used by Moses to express the way of
justification contained in the law (Deut. 30 : 11-14) is adapted to
the gospel as properly descriptive of the salvation propounded
in it." Davidson's Hermeneutics, p. 471.
But that the Saviour and his apostles used accommodation
in the commonly received sense of the term ; that is, that they
quoted, in accommodation to the ideas of their age, passages
fr-om the Old Testament as appUcable to the Messiah and his
kingdom, which they knew to have no such appUcation when
fairly and legitimately interpreted; that, for example, they
used the hundred and tenth psalm as a prophecy of the Mes
siah (Matt. 22:41^6; Mark 12:35-37; Luke 20 : 41-44 ; Acts
2 : 34, 35 ; Heb. 1 : 13), simply because this was the current
interpretation of their times — this is not to be admitted for a
moment. That the Sariour dealt prudently with the preju
dices of his age is admitted ; but he did not buUd upon them
his claim to be the Messiah, nor solemnly appeal to the author
ity of Moses and the prophets knowing this to be only a dream
of fanciful interpretation. If Christ and his apostles taught
any thing, it was that he had come in accordance with the
prophecies of the Old Testament, and in fulfilment of these
prophecies. Did they indeed, in aU this, only act upon the
maxim which Paul rejects with abhorrence as damnable? "If
the truth of God hath more abounded through my Ue unto his
glory ; why yet am I also judged as a sinner ? And not rather
(as we be slanderously reported, and as some affirm that we

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 637
say). Let us do eril that good may come? whose damnation
is just." 4. The writers of the New Testament often cite the Old by
way of argument. Thus the Sariour argues against divorce at
the husband's wiU " for every cause " by an appeal to the ori
ginal institution of marriage (Matt. 19 : 3-6) ; and Paul proves
that the man is the head of the woman, and that she owes sub
jection to him, from the order of creation and its accompany
ing circumstances. 1 Cor. 11 : 8, 9 ; 1 Tim. 2 : 11-14. Eespect
ing this class of quotations, it is only necessary to remark that
the vaUdity of the arguments depends on the historic truth and
divine authority of the passages adduced. The Sariour and
his apostles professedly buUd thefr arguments on the record of
the Old Testament. If this is sand— mythical quicksand —
thefr house falls, and thefr authority -with it. But if the foun
dation is rock— an inspfred record of facts — thefr house stands,
and -with it thefr character as truthful teachers.
5. Far more numerous are the passages which are cited as
prophecies of Christ and his kingdom. These are introduced by
various formulas : •' That it might be fnlfilled which was spo
ken of the Lord by the prophet;" "that it might be fulfilled
which was spoken by Esaias the prophet;" "in them is ful
fiUed the prophecy of Esaias ;" " this day is this Scripture fiil-
fiUed in your ears ;" " this Scripture must needs have been ful
fiUed;" "it is contained in Scripture;" "another Scripture
saith;" "this that is -written must yet be accompUshed in
me," etc.
The common formula, "that it might be fulflUed," means that the
event recorded took place in order itial the purpose of God announced in
the prophecy might be accomplished. The prophecy was not the main
thing, but the purpose of God contained in it. For the accomplishment
of this purpose, and thus of the prophecy which revealed it, God's truth
was pledged. In the same way are to be understood the words of John
(chap. 12 :39, 40) : "Therefore they conld not beUeve because that Esaias
saith again. He hath blinded their eyes," etc. The hinderance to their
beUef lay not in the prophecy, bnt in that which the prophecy annoimced.

638 COMPANION TO THE BIBLE.
6. Of the prophecies quoted, some refer immediately to
Christ. Such are the foUowing: "The Lord said unto my
Lord, Sit thou on my right hand, tUl I make thine enemies thy
footstool" (Matt. 22:44, from Psa. 110:1); "The Lord sware
and wiU not repent. Thou art a priest for ever after the order of
Melchizedek" (Heb. 7: 21, from Psa. 110:4); "He was led as
a sheep to the slaughter; and like a lamb dumb before his
shearer, so opened he not his mouth," etc. (Acts 8 : 32, 33, from
Isa. 53 : 7, 8) ; "A Prophet shaU the Lord your God raise up
unto you of your brethren, like unto me ; him shall ye hear,"
etc. (Acts 3 : 22, 23 ; 7 : 37, from Deut. 18 : 15, 18, 19).
7. Others refer ultimately to Christ, but under a type. An
undeniable example is the foUowing : " A bone of him shall not
be broken" (John 19:36, from Exod. 12:46; Numb. 9:12);
words originaUy spoken of the paschal lamb, which was the
type of Christ, and now fulfiUed in the great Antitype. Again,
we read in Hosea (chap. 11 : 1) : " When Israel was a chUd,
then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt;" words
which Matthew quotes as fulfilled in Christ (chap. 2 : 15). It
was the purpose of God, namely, that the history of Israel,
God's first-born son (Exod. 4 : 22, 23), in his national chUd
hood, should foreshadow that of Jesus, the only begotten Son
of God. To the same class belongs apparently the following citation :
" What is man, that thou art mindful of him ? or the son of
man, that thou visitest him? Thou madest him a Uttle lower
than the angels;. thou crownedst him -with glory and honor,
and didst set him over the works of thy hands : thou hast put
aU things in subjection under his feet." Heb. 2 : 6-8, from Psa.
8 : 4-6. It seems impossible to deny that the immediate refer
ence of the psalm is to man's exalted dignity and high prerog
atives as the lord of this lower world. But, as the writer to
the Hebrews argues, the words have no complete fulfilment in
man considered apart from Christ. It is in the person of
Christ alone that the high destiny of human nature finds its full
realization. He is made Lord of all, and " crowned with glory

BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION. 639
and honor " for himseU and for aU his disciples also, who shaU
reign with him in glory for ever. We add one more example
from Heb. 1 : 5, where the waiter quotes and applies to Christ
the words of Nathan to Darid : " I wUl be to him a Father, and
he shaU be to me a Son." 2 Sam. 7 : 14. The promise unde
niably had immediate respect to Solomon ; not to Solomon,
however, in his simple personaUty, but to Solomon as the first
after Darid of a line of kings that should end in Christ, in
whom alone it has its true ftilfilment. God took Solomon, and
in him the -n-hole line of kings on Darid's throne, into the rela
tion of sonship, and thus of heirship. Eom. 8 : 17 ; Gal. 4 : 7.
To Solomon, as God's son, the kingdom was confirmed for ever
through Christ ; and Solomon's lower sonship, moreover, adum
brated the higher sonship of the last and greatest of his sons,
to whom iiie promise was : " He shaU be great, and shaU be
called the Son of the Highest; and the Lord God shaU give
unto him the throne of his father David : and he shall reign
over the house of Jacob for ever; and of his kingdom there
shaU be no end." Luke 1 : 32, 33.
To draw the exact line of separation between the two above
named classes of citations is difficult, and in some cases per
haps impossible. Nor is it necessary, since the essential truth
is, that all these prophecies find their accompUshment in Christ ;
those of the former class directly, those of the latter through
types of divine appointment.
The exegesis of the New Testament quotations presents many difficult
questions, relating partiy to the ti-ue rendering of the original words, partiy
to the deria tions of the Septuagint from the Hebrew, and the citations from
both the Septuagint and the Hebrew ; partiy to the original appUcation of
the passages cited and the use made of them in the New Testament. For
the details the student must be referred to the commentators. AU that
has been here attempted is a statement of the general principles that must
govern us in interpreting the quotations from the Old Testament which
are found in the New.

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